A NEW HISTORY OF ETHIOPIA.  
BEING A Full and Accurate DESCRIPTION OF The Kingdom of Abessinia, Vulgarly, though Erroneously called the EMPIRE of PRESTER JOHN.  
IN FOUR BOOKS.  
Wherein are Contained 

I. An Account of the Nature, Quality and Condition of the Country, and Inhabitants; their Mountains, Metals and Minerals; their Rivers, (particularly of the source of the Nile and Niger;) their Birds, Beasts, amphibious Animals, (as the River Horse and Crocodile;) Serpents, etc.  
II. Their Political Government; the Genealogy and Succession of their Kings; a description of their Court, and Camp; their Power and Military Discipline; their Courts of Justice, etc.  
III. Their Ecclesiastical Affairs; their Conversion to the Christian Religion, and the Propagation thereof, their Sacred Writings, their Sacraments, Rites, Ceremonies, and Church Discipline; the decrease of the Romish Religion, their Contentions with the Jesuits, their Separation from the Greek Church, etc.  
iv Their private Oeconomy, their Books and Learning; their common Names, their Diet, Marriages, and Polygamies, their Mechanic Arts, and Trades, their Burials, their Merchandise and Commerce, etc.    
Illustrated with Copper Plates.  
By the Learned Job Ludolphus, Author of the Ethiopic Lexicon.  
Made English, by J. P. Gent.  
LONDON, Printed for Samuel Smith Bookseller, at the Prince's Arms in St. Paul's Churchyard, 1682.   

J. LUDOLPHUS TO THE Courteous Reader.  
AT length I present you with my Ethiopic History, long-promised, long expected by my friends. Nor will this delay be wondered at by those that consider how I am tied to public duty and employment, utterly dissonant from these sort of Studies. Beside which, there were many other Reasons. For I had collected indeed the Body of the matter from the Writings and Discourses of Gregory the Habessinian, but the Circumstances of time and place, and the names of persons were yet wanting. So that there was Timber and Bricks for the Building, but only Lime and Cement was wanting. Moreover after so many Fables had been Printed upon this subject, I thought it would not be so prudently done to utter more novelty upon the credit of one single person; lest a new truth might be looked upon as a new Tale. At length having got into my hands Balthazer Tellez, from whom as well to supply what I wanted, as also to confirm what might seem to be doubtful, yet then likewise I wanted Leisure. Which when the most Serene Saxo-Gotan Dukes had indulged me, I Translated my family to Frankfort upon the Main, to the end that I might have the benefit of several famous Libraries in that Noble City, and the opportunity of a Learned Conversation, and by that means accomplish my intended work, which by God's Assistance I did in six weeks.  
After this, when all was ready for the Press, there still wanted what was necessary to forward the Publishing of this work. A proper Amanuensis to transcribe the whole matter, and to attend upon the Correction of the Impression; which my occasions would not permit me to do; and then in the next place such Foreign Characters as this work required, which Impediments were also at last removed. For there was a certain Young Gentleman recommended to me, eminent for his Learning and integrity, by name John Henry, Majus, a Student in Theology, and the Oriental Tongues. Who being well skilled in the Hebrew Language, and the Dialect of the Rabbins, by my help easily made himself Master of the Ethiopic, and so fitted himself for the employment I designed Him. He therefore by my directions made the heads of the Chapters, the Sections, the Index, and Translated the Ethiopic into Latin, assisted the work and put it forward, taking upon him the whole Correction of it: For which reason I can recommend his deserts the more justly to all good and learned Men.  
The Printing part was undertaken by Balthasar Christopher Wustius, as well for that he was well known among Forainers, as because he had a Printing House furnished with all sorts of Letters for Foreign Languages. He also caused the Ethiopic and Amharic Characters to be engraved in Copper by the famous John Adolphus Schmide, and afterwards to be cast for farther use. But these could not be brought to perfection, so soon as the Compositers required, and therefore there was a necessity of mixing some old and less elegant, with the new and neater Characters.  
As to the Work itself, I have said enough in the Proem: No man understandeth the warts and defects better than myself. Therefore I resolved to defer the Publishing till newer and fuller relations returned out of Ethiopia; or that I might receive them from the bordering Regions, as being furnished for that purpose with very great and most generous Recommendations, till I had brought my design to a full and elaborate perfection. But many Illustrious men, and my most honoured friends, interceded with me, telling me, That never any thing came forth perfect at first in all its parts: And that therefore this History was no longer to be concealed from the Christian and Learned World, which it concerned to know these things: For that if any thing should fall out hereafter worthy of remark, it might be put into an Appendix, or added to a new Edition. Which makes me hope for pardon from the more Candid Reader, if his desire or expectation be not satisfied in all particulars. For I relate not altogether things beheld with my own eyes, but what I have either read myself or heard from others, yet congruous to Truth and well cohering between themselves. If I have not reached the sense of my Authors, I will amend upon admonition; or else return my thanks and satisfaction to the admonisher. That I should please all men, a thing which never mortal yet attained, none in prudence can exact from me; nor dare I hope to have done it. However I propose to myself to injure no man, but every where to study moderation. So they who take offence, aught to be offended with my Authors not with me. There are some perhaps who believe I might have spoken more in matter of Religion, others that I have said too much, certainly I had rather I could have omitted all; so ungrateful to me are the Altercations of Christians among themselves in matters of Religion, chief where the Decisions tend to Force and Arms. For they who think mutual Love and Charity is only due to men of their own sect, certainly wander much from the scope of Christian perfection, according to the precepts of Christ and his Apostles.  
I have not aimed at my own advantage, nor my own increase of Reputation, hard to be acquired, now the world is so fertile in soaring Genius's, I have only endeavoured to be in some measure profitable to the Commonwealth of Christianity and Learning, out of a peculiar kindness, to that, for aught we know, most ancient Nation of the Habessines: I confess I have frequently bewailed their misfortune for this, that the enmity ran so high between them and the Portuguesses, that for their sakes all the other Europeans are suspected to that Nation, and not permitted to have any commerce among them. But it has afforded me much more matter of grief, that there should be such and so great Animosity nmong the Western Christians, that as things stand, there is no Counsel or help to be afforded for the ease and restitution of the Eastern Church, or for the suppression of those Barbarous Idolaters.   

The HEADS of the several CHAPTERS in the following HISTORY.  

Book I. Of the Nature of the Country and Inhabitants.  
THe Proem contains the Chief Writers of the Habessine Affairs, which the Author follows or contradicts: where he takes an occasion to give an account of Gregory the Habessinian, whom Ernestus Duke of Saxony sent for to his Court at Gota together with the Argument and Method of the whole Treatise.  

Chap. I. Of the various Names of the Habessines, and the Original of the Nation from Arabia the Happy.  
Chap. II. Of the true Situation and Bounds of Habessinia, and the Kingdoms and Regions bordering on every side upon it.  
Chap. III. Of the Division of Habessinia into several Kingdoms and Regions, and what is at this day under the Dominions of the Negus.  
Chap. IU. Of the vulgar Chorographical Table of the Country, and the Author's new one; with the Author's advice, in reference to a Universal Geographical Alphabet.  
Chap. V Of the temper and nature of the Air and Soil: of the three not four Seasons of the Year; the stupendious Winds, and other Meteors.  
Chap. VI Of the high Mountains of Habessinia, and their Rocks of a most Miraculous Form; their advantages and conveniency: more especially, of the Rocks of Amhara, Geshen, and Ambasel.  
Chap. VII. Of their Metals and Minerals: more especially, their Salt and Stibium.  
Chap. VIII. Of the Rivers of Habessinia; more especially Nile, its Fountains and Course; that Niger is a Channel of Nile: whether the Course of the River may be altered or turned another way, to prevent its overflowing of Egypt; as also of the Lake Tzana.  
Chap. IX. Of the Fertility of the Soil in general, double, and threefold Harvest; Of the Vegetables and Plants: Of the Psylli, proving their Art of relieving the Poisoned to be artificial not natural.  
Chap. X. Of the Fourfooted Beasts; the Bull Elephants, the Unicorn, etc.  
Chap. XI. Of Amphibious Creatures; the River Horse, the Water-Lizard and the Torpedo.  
Chap. XII. Of Birds, the Casawaw and Pipi, their tame Geese, and Feeders.  
Chap. XIII. Of Serpents and Infects; the Boam, Salamander, Hydra, Chersydra, Locusts and Ants.  
Chap. XIV. Of the Nature and Disposition of the Inhabitants of the Jews and other Nations in Ethiopia.  
Chap. XV. Of the Languages used in Ethiopia; the Amharic, and Gallanic Dialects.  
Chap. XVI. Of the bordering Nations; more especially, of the Gallant, and the manners and customs of the Kingdom of Zender and their King who resembles an Ape.    

Book II. Of their Political Government.  

Chap. I. Of the Kings of the Habessines, and their various Titles, Names, and Achievements, both true and fictitious: Of the Name of Presbyter John, the Style of their Letters: The Queens, and the Titles of the Princes and Princesses of the Blood.  
Chap. II. Of the Catalogues of the ancient Kings of the Habessines, for the most part Fictitious. Of the Royal Families, their Antiquity, and first of the Ethnic Family.  
Chap. III. Of the Salomonean Family, descended from Menihelec, Son to Solomon by the Queen of Sheba; whose Parentage and Place of Nativity where she Ruled, is discoursed.  
Chap. IU. Of Menihelec, the Son of Makeda, and his Posterity. Of Candace. Of Abreha and Atsbeha brothers; and of Caleb, who Subverted the Kingdom of the Homerites.  
Chap. V Of the Zagean Family, and the Kings that sprung from that Line; more especially of Lalibala.  
Chap. VI Of the Restauration of the Salomonian Family, and the Succession from thence, David and Claudius, etc. in whose Reign the Jesuits first entered Habessinia.  
Chap. VII. Of the Kings of this Centurie, till the present time. Of the Counterfeit Jacob, and the Impostor Tzaga-Christos in France. A genealogical Table of the Habessinian Kings.  
Chap. VIII. Of the Royal Succession; and Imprisonment of all the King's Sons but the Eldest in the Rock Geshen.  
Chap. IX. Of the King's Prerogative in Civils and Spirituals.  
Chap. X. Of the Puissance of the Kings of Habessinia, and how the Power of the Gallant might be Eclipsed; as also, of the Royal Revenues.  
Chap. XI. Of the Royal City of Axuma: and the Inauguration of their Kings.  
Chap. XII. Of the King's Court, his Table, and manner of Feeding: the Custom of receiving Ambassadors; and of the Grand Court Employments.  
Chap. XIII. Of the Royal Camp, which may be compared to a Royal City.  
Chap. XIV. Of the Military Discipline of the Habessines.  
Chap. XV. Of the Wars of the former Century; more especially, the Fatal Adelan War, and how they were relieved by the Portugals.  
Chap. XVI. Of their Leagues and Embassies to the Portugheses and the Pope; and the King of Portugal's reciprocal Embassies to them.  
Chap. XVII. Of the Viceroys, Governors, and Rulers of Provinces, and their various Titles.  
Chap. XVIII. Of the Tributaries to the King of Ethiopia, and the manner of presenting Petitions and Compliments to the King.  
Chap. XIX. Of their Courts of Judicature, and Law Proceed, their Appeals and Punishments.    

Book III.  

Chap. I. Of the Ancient Religion of the Habessines, and Tzagazaab's idle Confession of Faith; their Judaic Rites; their Circumcision, abstinence from Swine's Flesh, and observing the Sabbath, etc.  
Chap. II. Of the Conversion of the Habessines to the Christian Faith. Cedrenus and Callistus Confuted.  
Chap. III. Of the advancement of Christianity by the assistance of Nine Holy Men. Of the Portentous Miracles of their Saints: Their rigid Monastical Life: of Tecla Haimanot and Eustathius, and the Orders and Institutions of their Monks.  
Chap. IU. Of the Holy Book among the Habessines, the Translation of the Scripture into their Language, their Division of the Bible. Their Councils, and Epitome of the Habessine Religion: the Book of Enoch, and their Magical Prayers.  
Chap. V Of the present Religion of the Habessines, and the Errors imputed to them by the Fathers: what they Believe concerning the Trinity, the Communion, Transubstantiation, Purgatory, the Immortality of the Soul, Angels, etc.  
Chap. VI Of the Modern Rites and Ceremonies of the Ethiopic Church.  
Chap. VII. Of their Ecclesiastical Government.  
Chap. VIII. Of the separation of the Habessines from the Greek Church.  
Chap. IX. Of their first Quarrels with the Jesuits.  
Chap. X. Of Susneus' Submission to the Pope, and the Tumults, and Rebellions that arose thereupon.  
Chap. XI. Of the Arrival of a Patriarch from Rome, and the Progress of the Roman Religion during the Reign of Susneus.  
Chap. XII. Of the decrease of the Jesuits Power, and their fall, the Restoration of the Alexandrian Religion, and the causes of so great an Alteration.  
Chap. XIII. Of the Expulsion of the Patriarch.  
Chap. XIV. What happened after the Expulsion.    

Book iv Of their private Affairs.  

Chap. I. Of the Ethiopian Letters, and manner of Reading.  
Chap. II. Of their Books and Learning; their Lawyers and Physicians: certain of their Opinions in Philosophy: their Poetry.  
Chap. III. Of the Appellative Names of Men used by the Habessines.  
Chap. IU. Of their Domestic Oeconomie, Matrimy, Polygamy, Diet, Habitations, and Burials.  
Chap. V Of their Mechanic Arts, and Trades.  
Chap. VI Of their manner of Travelling, and the several ways into Ethiopia.  
Chap. VII. Of their Merchandise, and the Commodities of the Country.     

THE HISTORY OF ETHIOPIA: OR THE KINGDOM of the ABESSINES.  
I Am now about to write the History of the Abessines; concerning whom, there have been many large, but few true Relations. For these People having translated themselves from the Maritime Regions of the Arabian Gulf, into the more upland Parts of Africa, by reason their Commerce with Foreigners has been very inconsiderable, have been known to very few of the Europeans. Besides that the Name of Ethiopians, which they assume to themselves, is common to so many Nations, that it has rendered their History very ambiguous; for that many things generally spoken of the Ethiopians, were more particularly attributed to the Abessines. Neither were they wanting to their own honour, while they appropriated to themselves whatever was said either in Scripture or elsewhere to their advantage.  
Others there are, who to waste their idle hours, and designing some fabulous Inventions, or to represent the Platform of some Imaginary Commonwealth, have chosen Ethiopia for the Subject of their Discourse. Believing they could not more pleasantly Romance, or more safely licence Age, and then an Exile, for that contrary to the King's Command, he had followed the Fathers of the Society into India, and consequently exercised in Misfortune, he had laid aside all Levity and Ostentation, the Vices of Fortunate Youth. So that although in truth, I was sufficiently able, by virtue of his Instructions, and the knowledge which I obtained from him of the Ethiopic Language, to have out done all those that have gone before me, yet I was unwilling to refel the Errors of others upon the Credit of one single Person, till I had more Authorities to support me.  
Nor did I therefore underake this difficult Task, only to consume my leisure hours in confuting the Errors, or mustering up the different Opinions of Authors, without any prospect of Publick-Benefit. The History itself of this Nation deserves the Labour of an Accurate Pen. For whether you consider the Temper of the Clime, or the Condition of the Soil, you shall hardly find in any other Part of the World more frequent Miracles of Nature.  
The Country is situated between the Tropic of Cancer, and the Equinoctial Line, and enjoys a wonderful variety of Air: The Champion Levels feel the Heat, the Hilly Parts are no less subject to Cold. For this reason, the Thunders are most dreadful, and frequent Tempests terrify both Man and Beasts. Their Prodigious Mountains overlook the Clouds themselves. Neither Olympus nor Athos, here accounted Wonders; nor Atlas itself, which the Ancients fancied to be the Support of Heaven, are to be compared with them. Their Rocks of various Shapes and Figures, so amazingly steep as not to be ascended, yet inhabited. Their surrounded Valleys rugged, and representing Abysses for profundity. Metals they also have; but chief Gold, did they know how to find and dig it forth. Their driest places in Winter are overflowed in Summer: For those Advantages which the Rains afford the Fields in other places, the Rivers supply in Ethiopia. Among those Rivers, Nilus for vastness and fame, far exceeds all the Rivers of the whole World: Whose Fountains so diligently sought by the Ancients are not only here found, but it also now appears, that the River Niger is no more than its left Channel. Nor do all the Rivers of Habassia, as in other Places, empty themselves into the Sea, but are some of them sucked up in the Sand; so that it is more difficult to find the Mouths of those, than the Sources of other Streams. Plants they have of admirable Virtue; and Beasts of all sorts, many of which are unknown to us. The largest also both of Foul and fourfooted Beasts are here to be found. The celebrated Unicorn, so curiously sought for in all other Corners of the World, was first seen here.  without number, much larger than ours, feed in the vast Woods, affording Pasture sufficient as well for the Wild as Tame. Nor is the variety of the Nations and People less to be admired; so strangely differing in Language, Customs, and Ceremonies, that it may be thought some distinct Part of the World, rather than a particular Kingdom.  
However all Abessinia Obeys one King, who by reason of certain Princes that are subject to him, calls himself Negusa nagast zait joperia, King of the Kings of Ethiopia. He derives his Descent from Solomon King of the Israelites, by an ambitious, though dubious Claim; defending the long series of his Family, whether true or false, with the force of Antiquity. However it be, this is certain, That the Monarchy of the Abessines, and the Royal Line, are no less Ancient than any among the Europeans. And for their Power, they were formerly more Potent than any other of the African Kings: But their Wars in the preceding Age with the Adelenses, has brought them very low. Afterwards they were so debilitated by the Fury of the Gallani, that Abessinia is scarce to be found in Habessinia itself, if you compare it with what it was in the times of Alvarezius.  
But that which deserves the greatest admiration is the antiquity of the Christian Religion, which first began under S. Athanasius, Patriarch of Alexandria, at what time Frumentius Preached among them; the Opinions and Ceremonies of which Church they still retain. So that many Primitive Rites in other Places obsolete, are here still in Use. But that deplorable Schism which arose in the Council of Chalcedon, for which they allege other Causes than our Writers do, withdrew the Abessines all together from the Catholic Church, at that time Flourishing; while they followed the Patriarch of the Jacobites, and rejected the Patriarch of the Melchites. Yet all this while for so many Ages they have suffered no considerable Change in their Divine Worship till the beginning of this last Century, at what time being split into Divisions by the Artifices of the Jesuits, they have been cruelly shaken with Civil Discord and Bloody Wars; some Adhering to the Romish, other the Alexandrian Religion.  
Of which and other things it is our Design to treat more fully in this our History; and so to handle the matter, as to discourse in the First Book, Of Natural Things; as the Situation and Names of the several Counties, the Temper of the Climate, the Condition of the Soil, the several Customs and Languages of the Nations and Inhabitants. In the Second Book, Of the Political Government, the Succession of their Kings, their Laws, their Acts of War, the Revenue of the Kingdom, and the like. In the Third, Of their Ecclesiastical Affairs, the beginning of the Christian Religion, and its Advance in those Countries, their Differences with the Greek and Latin Church. And Lastly, in the Fourth Book, Of their Domestic Concerns, and Private Oeconomy.  

An ETHIOPIC ALPHABET Divided into seven Orders according to the seven sounds of their vowels  Hoi ha' hu high ha' he hε ho  Lawi la lu li la le lε lo  Haut ha' hu high ha' he hε ho  May ma mu mi ma me mε more  Saut sa su si sa se sε so  Rεεs ra ru ri ra re rε ro  Sat sa su si sa se sε so  Kaf ka ku ki ka ke kε ko K. Eth. Bet ba but by ba be bε bo  Tawi ta tu ti ta te tε to  Harm ha' hu high ha' he hε ho  Nahas na nu ni na ne nε no  Alph a u i a e ε o  Qaf qa cue qi qa qe qε qo  Wawe wa wu widow wa we wε woe  Ain a u i a e ε o  Zai za zu zi za ze zε so Z. French Jaman ja ju ji ja je jε jo Y. French Dent da du di da de dε do & English. Geml ga gum ghi ga ghe ghε go  Tait ta tu ti ta te tε to T. Eth. Pait ꝑa ꝑu ꝑi ꝑa ꝑe ꝑε ꝑo P. Eth. Zadai tza tzu tzi tza tze tzε tzo Tz. Eth. Zappa tza tzu tzi tza tze tzε tzo tz. Eth. Of fa fu fi fa fe fε fo  Psa pa pu pis pa pe pε po   

A Specimen of such of their diphthongs that could be gotten.  kua kua cue kuε  hua hue huε qua qua  quε gua gua gue guε  

A Specimen of their numbers or numeral figures taken from the Greek  1 . 3 . 4 8. . 10 . 60 . 100 etc.   

A Specimen of the Amharie Letters  should Engl. sha' shu  sha' she shε  Tj Hung. tja     tjε  n Spanish.      njε  Changed Germ. hha   haa   hho s French. ja  ji ja   jo D Bohem dja     djε  Cia Ital tjha tjhu tjhi tjha tjhe tjhε   

OF THE Nature of the Country, AND THE INHABITANTS. BOOK I.  

CHAP. I. Of the Various Names of the Abessines, and Original of the Nation.  
The Original of the Name of the Abassines is Arabian: But they rather chose to be called Ethiopians; more particularly, Agazjan, (i. e.) Free, as the Germans called themselves Franks. They transported themselves out of Arabia-Felix into Africa, for they derive their Original from the Sabeans, or Homerites. Their Language agrees with the Arabian. The Grecians call them Axumitae, others Indians; hence confusion of Story: Erroneously called Chaldeans. The Name of Abassia or Ethiopia, to be retained.  
IT behoves us to begin with the Name of the Nation. They are now generally called, Habessines, by others Abessines, or Abassenes; the Name being given them by the Arabians, in whose Language, [Habesh] 
(a) For Habesha, speaking of a multitude of People, is no more than Convenit, or the multitude gathered together, in the Second Conjugation Habesha, congregavit, or Congregated together: From whence the words Habesh etc. signify a multitude of men gathered together from several Tribes of People. So that the Abessines may not be improperly called by one Latin word, Convenae, or such as come together.  signifies a 
(b) The Germans sound it Shabash or Hhabash, the Italians, Habascia; the French, Habech, the Portugueses, Abex, pronounced after the same manner with variety of Letters; in regard of the Arabic, Habesh, which is the Original of all these words. Ill written Chabatti for Chabassi, in the Prolegoniena of Walton's Polyglotton. Cap. 15. Pag. 98.  Confusion, or mixture of People; which Appellation, as being somewhat ignominious, they for a long time despised, neither do they yet acknowledge it in their Writings. For they rather choose to call their Kingdom, Manghesta Itjopia, the Kingdom of Ethiopia, and themselves Itjopiawjan, Ethiopians; assuming the Name from the Greeks, though it be too general, and were formerly common as well to all though swarthy Complexioned People in Asia, as to the Blacks of Ethiopia. 
(c) Hence Ethiopia was by the Ancients divided into Oriental and Occidental, into African and Asiatic: Of which those Places of Scripture that speak of the Cushites are to be understood. Now adays Ethiopia is only Attributed to Africa.  But if you require a special Name from them, than they call their Kingdom Geez: also the Country of Ag-azi; or the Land of the Agazjan, or 
(d) For which Gregory is my Author in a Letter to myself. , Freemen, either from the Liberty they enjoy; or their transporting themselves from one place to another, for that the radical Word Geeza admits of both significations. Perchance, 
(e) See my  Lexicon. Col. 405.  because that in ancient times, translating themselves out of Arabia and Africa, in search of other Habitations, they assumed that Name in sign of Liberty, as of old, the Germans, passing the Rhine, gave themselves the Name of Franks. 
(f) Which I believe, as Agreeing with those Authors cited by Pontanus concerning the Original of the Franks.  For they are not Natives of the Land; but came out of that Part of Arabia which is called The Happy, which adjoins to the Red Sea▪ and from whence there is an easy Passage into Africa. For the Abassenos formerly inhabited Arabia, and were reckoned 
(g) For the Sabeans and Homerites are the same from the Region of the Axumites, the Red Sea lying between, as saith Procop. Gazeus upon the Tenth Chapter of the Third Book of Kings, Ver. 1. upon the words, Queen of Sheba.  into the number of the Sabeans or Homerites, as the ancient Geographers testify, 
(h) Stephanus in his Book concerning Cities, upon the word Abasseni, writes, Abasseni, a Nation of Arabia, and relates out of the Arabicks of Uranius, that they bordered upon the Sabeans.  and many other Convincing Arguments sufficiently prove. For their Ancient Language, which we call the , is very near a kin to the Arabic. They have also many Customs, as Circumcision, which are common with the Arabians. Their Genius, and the shape of their Bodies, and the Lineaments of their Countenances resemble the Arabians much more than the African Ethiopians. Besides, that Severus the Emperor, among the Vanquished People of Arabia, caused the Name of the Abessines to be 
(i) Scaliger in Comput. Eccles. Ethiop. de Emendat. temp. Lib. 7.  Engraven on his Coyn. The Habessines themselves also, while they claim the Queen of Sheba for their Princess, betray their Original. For the Arabians unanimously confess, That she was descended from the Lineage of the Homerites. The Grecian Writers, ignorant of the proper Name, from the Royal City Axuma, called them Axumites. 
(k) Stephanus makes mention of these in the word Axumites. Cedrenus, An. 15. of Justinian, and Ptolemy. Scaliger mentions the Name of Axumite upon certain Pieces of Coin, in the forerecited place.  Others in reference to their Original, have confused them with the Homerites; others, by reason of their vicinity, with the Nubeans. Most of the Ancients called them Indians, as they did all those Nations under the Torrid Zone, whose particular Names they understood not. Yea the Red Sea itself is by some 
(l) So Procopius Gazeus, calls it in his Comment upon the forementioned Tenth of Kings; and others, as Scaliger observes in Comp. Eccles. Ethiop. etc.  of the Ancients called the Indian Sea; so that 'tis no wonder that the Nations bordering upon it should be called Indians. Neither did the Portugueezes know any other Name in the beginning of the former Century. For Damianus de Goez calls their King, the great Emperor of the Indians. 
(m) In his Relation of the Embassy of Mattheus to the King of Portugal.  Which diversity of Names has begat no small Confusion in our History. For some things are attributed to our Abessines, which are appropriated to the true Indians. 
(n) Which chief happens in the History of the Conversion of the Habessines, set forth by Adesius and Frumentius; which the Writers of Ecclesiastical History, have hitherto almost all of them understood, concerning the true or Asiatic Indians. Theodoret in Hist. Ecclesiast. Lib. 1. Cap. 22.  And some things written concerning another Nation of Ethiopia, are imposed as peculiar to the Habessines. At Rome, upon the first Printing of certain  Books, their Language was said to be Chaldean, and they themselves erroneously called, sometimes Chaldeans, at other times Indians. But the Name of Abessinia or Abassia, now known to all the World, shall be the Name which 
(o) Posken in Paersat. Psalt. Ethiopic. Edit. Rom. Ambrose Theseus Intred. in Ling. Orient. Pag. 1●.  we shall retain, with that of Ethiopia sometimes: More especially when we shall discourse concerning their Kings, their Ancient Language, or their Ecclesiastical Affairs; all which admit themselves to be distinguished by the Title of Ethiopick; which the Abessines themselves do also allow.   

CHAP. II. Of the Situation and Bounds of Abessinia.  
The Situation above Egypt, and degrees of Latitude. The Error of Jovius, and the vulgar Tables. The true Latitude. The conjectural Latitude. The Bounds toward the North, and toward the East. Toward the South. Toward the West.  
IN Africa, above Egypt, beyond 
(a) Sub Egypto most write, but erroneously.  Nubia, lies Habassia very near between the Eighteenth and Sixteenth Degree of Northern Latitude; being 
(b) So B. Tellez, Historia general. de Ethiopia alta.  called by some the Upper Ethiopia. It extends not altogether so far as the Equinoctial Line, much less can it be said to cross it. Which notwithstanding, almost all Geographers and Historians have hitherto asserted; whether it were that they did not rightly understand the Say and Writings of others; or whether deceived by the Credit of Paulus Jovius, who writes that the Kingdom of Sceva, (Sewa or Scheva) beholds the Anartick Pole elevated in two and twenty degrees; whereas it is in no place to be seen where Shewa lies. Which mistake as seems most probable, he too unwarily drew, not from the Abessines, utterly ignorant of those things, but from a certain Ancient Geographical Map of Africa; the Author of which has so far extended Habessinia, that he has joined it to another Region known only to himself; fearing to seem ignorant of what lay between by leaving a space. As if it were a shame to be ignorant of that which flies the piercing examination of human wit, and can be no otherwise discovered but by experiment.  
But the Jesuits, mores kilful in Spherical Discipline, by the Assistance of the Astrolabe, were the first who taught us that same true Latitude, from the North to the South, already mentioned. But they were not able to make it out: Yet so far as could be rendered most probable and certain, by conjecture, and the length of Journeys, the Portugals do reckon this Kingdom, where it is broadest, to contain a a Hundred and Forty of their Leagues. But the longest Journey directly Westward, is to be accounted from the Red Sea to the farthest Limits of Dembea. For most sure it is, that the Bounds of this Empire do from the East and West, as it were Conically lessen; besides that the Gallant have torn several of its Members from it.  
Toward the North it has adjoining to it, the Kingdom of Fund, otherwise Sennar, by the Portugals called Fungi; a part of Ancient Nubia. Toward the East it was formerly bounded by the Red Sea: But now the Port of Arkiko, with the adjacent Island of Matzua being taken, all that Coast obeys the Turk, who are Masters of that Sea. A Sea that affords but little convenience for Harbours, full of Shelves and Quicksands, and besides that, the Islands which belong to it are Untilled, ill Inhabited, and labouring under such a scarcity of Water in the midst of the Sea, that they neither afford Accommodation nor Security to Strangers, for which reason they are but little visited. The Mouth of the Straight is very narrow, and of so ill a fame for frequent Shipwrecks, that the Arabians call it Bab-elmendeb, the 
(c) In the Vulgar Maps, though of later Editions, mistakenly called Babelmandel. The Interpreters of the Nubian Geographie, pronounce it Bab-Almandab, and render it, The Dreadful Mouth, Pag. 20  Port of Affliction. To those that enter into it, the Kingdom of Dancale appears upon the left hand. The Prince of this Territory is a Friend to the Abessines, and Commands the Port of Baylur, where the Patriarch sent from Rome, first Landed, and traveled thence into Abessinia. More within the Straight lies the King of Adela, a Mahometan; a Professed Enemy, and in the last Century, the Scourge of the Habessines. Next follow in their Order the Kingdoms of Dawaro, Bali, Fatagar, Wed, Bizamo, Cambata, with several other Provinces, either possessed or wasted by the Barbarous Nation of the Gallant. From thence the Countries winding about the Eighth Degree toward the South, Alaba and Jendero, by the Portugals called Gingiro, Kingdoms of the Gentiles, terminate Habessinia; till you come to Enarea, the last Kingdom, seated between the Eighth and Ninth Degree of Latitude, toward the Northwest. Lastly the River Maleg, and Nilus itself, rolling along through several vast Deserts, close up the Western Limits. Nor are there any other Nations worthy to be mentioned thereabout, till you come to the North, and the Kingdom of Sennar, already named, unless the wand'ring Ethiopians, which the Ancients called Numades and Troglodytes; and the Abessines Shankala.   

CHAP. III. Of the Division of Habessinia, into divers Kingdoms and Regions.  
The Regions and Kingdoms of Habessinia are variously recounted, and numbered up. Nnumerical faults. Gregory's enumeration and pronunciation. The Limits of Ambara, and the Prvinces. Angota, Bagemra, with its Prefectures, Balia, Bizama, Brigna, Cambata, Conta, Damota, Dewaro, Dombeja, and its Provinces. Enaria, Fatagara, Gafata, Gajghe, Ganna, Ganz, Gidm, Gojam. Gombo. Gongha, Guraghe. Ifat, Samen, Se●. Sowa▪ Shat. Tigra and its Prefectures. Those which are under Bahrnagassus, Walaka, Wed. Tellez reckons more. Others he omits. More remarkable Provinces. What the King of Habessinia possesss at this day.  
THE Regions of which Ethiopia consists, are neither equally, nor with the same observance of number, but variously set down. Most of them enjoy the Name of the Kingdom, Menghest, or Ethiopia, in General; perhaps because in ancient times they had their proper Princes and peculiar Laws, as we know that formerly Spain was divided into several Kingdoms of the same nature. The rest, in the Amharic Dialect, are called Shumet, Prefectures, which are not however Governed by Vice-Roys, but are under peculiar Governors of their own; which being confounded with the Kingdoms so called, 
Hist. l. 18.  must needs render the number of the Kingdoms uncertain. Paulus Jovius distinguishes the Empire of the Habessines into more than forty Kingdoms; others add yet more, which are more easily set down in writing, than demonstrated. 
In Epist. Eu. Johan.  Matthew the Armenian, first Ambassador to the Portugals from the Abessines, will needs have 
(a) Dam. à Goez. de legate. Indorum ad Emanuel. 3. Lus Reg.  sixty. Tesfa Sionus, who set forth the New-Testament in Ethiopic, affirms sixty two Kingdoms in Subjection to his Emperor. Unless perhaps the Numerical Character for sixty, be mistaken for that denoting only twenty; of which sort, there are most frequent faults both in Profane and 
(b) Ludovic. Capell. in Critic. Sacr. Lib. 1. Cap. 10. brings an Example of Sam. Bochart. in Hieroz. suo. lib. 2. cap. 27. ad Maccab. 1.6.36. concerning thirty two Soldiers upon one Elephant.  Sacred Writers. P. Nicolaus Godignus, from the Relation of John Gabriel, a Portugueze Colonel, a Person of great Fame, and one that had long resided in Ethiopia, asserts, That the Abessine Empire, according to its ancient Right, comprehends no less than twenty six Kingdoms, and fourteen Provinces. But he mixes some Neighbouring Kingdoms, which are no way Subject to the King of the Abessines, and some he also omits. 
(c) Certainly Godignus' enumeration is most confused: for the most part ill pronounced, as Leca, for Waleka. And why does he reckon Adela, and Aucagurecè among the number of the Kingdoms, when the latter is only the Metropolis and no Kingdom; watered by the River Hawashi (for so it ought to be written:) and yet confesses that the Inhabitants are no way Subject to the Abessine Emperor.  However most certain it is, that we may safely reckon twenty, computing those which the Gallant have subdued. Gregory named thirty to me, adding perhaps some small ones, which others allow to be no more than Prefectures. These I shall reckon up from his own mouth, and as he wrote them down himself, that the 
(d) This was very necessary by reason of the great variation and corruption of Names, so frequent in all Authors.  Reader may be assured of their true and genuine Pronunciation. The first, and that the best and most fertile, is the Kingdom of Tigra; but for Nobleness Amhara exceeds it, which we shall put in the first place, the rest following according to the Order of the Latin Alphabet.  
Amhara is now the most noble Kingdom of all Ethiopia, by reason of those inaccessible Fortified Rocks, Ghesen and Amhacel, where formerly the King's Sons, excluded from the Kingdom, were secured; and is therefore accounted the Native Country of the late and present Kings, and of all the Nobility. It lies almost in the Centre of Habessinia, having on the North the Kingdom of Bagemder; upon the West, Nile; and beyond that, the Kingdom of Gojam. Upon the South it views Walake, and Eastward beholds Angota. The Provinces that belong to it are these that follow: 

1 Akamba  
2 Amhacel  
3 Anbacit  
4 Armon-em  
5 Atronca Marjam  
6 Bada-Bad  
7 Barara  
8 Batata  
9 Beda-gadal  
10 Dada  
11 Dad  
12 Demah  
13 Ephrata  
14 Ewarza  
15 Feres-Bahr  
16 Ganata-Ghiorghis  
17 Gesha-bar  
18 Grumghe  
19 Ghel  
29 Gheshe  
21 Gheshen  
22 Hagara Christos  
20 Karna-Marjam  
24 Kicarja  
25 Lai-Kueita.  
26 Macana-Celece, where Gregory was Born.  
27 Malza  
28 Shegla  
29 Tabor  
39 Tadbaba-Marjam.  
31 Tat-Kueja  
02 Walsa  
33 Waro  
34 Wagda  
35 Wanz-egr  
36 Zar-amba.    
The Second Kingdom is Angot, which is also called Hangot.  
The Third Kingdom is Bagembder, in the vulgar maps Bagamidri; a large and fertile Kingdom, watered with many Rivers. Gregory compared it with our Germany, saying, Here is much water, as in Bagemhder. The River Bashlo divides it from Amhara. It is distinguished into several Territories.  

1 Andabet, the Trumpeters Country.  
2 Atcana  
3 Dahr, more particularly like Germany, as Gregory said.  
5 Este  
3 Guna  
6 Koma  
7 Maket, bordering upon Angota.  
8 Mashalamja  
9 Nafasmauca  
10 Smada  
11 Tzama  
12 Wainalga, famous for the slaughter of Grainus in the former Century.  
13 Wudo.   
The fourth Kingdom is Bali, most easterly, which the Gallant first subdued; and thence afflicted the Abessines with so many Calamities.  
The fifth Kingdom is Bizamo, divided from Gojam by the River Nile.  
The sixth Kingdom is Bugna, in some Maps called Abugana, a mountainous and small Kingdom.  
The seventh Kingdom is Cambata, the Inhabitants whereof are called Hadja, or Hadiens. From whence it comes to pass, that Adea, or Hadea is in the Maps erroneously called a Kingdom. It is the last Kingdom toward the South, lying not far from Enarrea; for the most part Christians, but mixed with Pagans and Mahumetans.  
The eighth Kingdom is Cont; by the Portugals called Conch.  
The ninth Kingdom is Damot; a Southerly Kingdom, seated beyond Nile, and the Gafats.  
The tenth Kingdom is Dawaro; the Eastern limits of the Empire, adjoining to the Southern part of Bali.  
The eleventh Kingdom is Dembeja, or Dembea, a Kingdom now famous for the Royal Camp, continually pitched there. The Prefectures belonging to it are, 

1 Arebja  
2 Decal-ariva  
3 Dehhana  
4 Edn  
7 Gaba  
6 Guender  
7 Kuara  
8 Nara  
9 Sarako  
10 Sera-karn  
11 Takuesa  
12 Tenqel  
13 Tshelga as it were the Gates of Abuassia toward Sennar.  
14 Walwad.    
The twelfth Kingdom is Enarea, inhabited both by 
(d) By the Portugals called Narea, by Godignus Nerea. lib. 1. cap. 4.  Christians and Gentiles. This Kingdom was subdued by Melech-Saghed; who converted the Governor thereof to the Christian Faith. Gregory very much applauded the Inhabitants for their Probity and Integrity: he said it was a fertile Soil, and abounding in Gold, adding That he had heard from the Portuguezes, that this Kingdom was five and thirty days journey distant from the Indian Ocean; but would not assert it for Truth.  
The thirteenth Kingdom is Tatagar; formerly inhabited by Christians, Eastward adjoining to Bali.  
The fourteenth Kingdom is Gafat, bordering upon Damota.  
The fifteenth Kingdom is Gajghe; pronounce it as the French do, Gajegue.  
The sixteenth 'Gan, by the Portuguezes called Ganhe.  
The seventeenth, Ganz. Erroneously joined with Bali, and in the feigned Title of the King, contracted into Baleganz.  
The eighteenth Gedm, bordering upon Dawaro toward the East.  
The nineteenth Gojam; 
(e) Erroneously Goyame's in the Maps. Worse Goroma by Godignus. Lib. 1. cap. 4. pag. 15.  pronounce it with the French, Gojam. A Kingdom wonderful for its situation, and famous for the Fountains of Nile therein now discovered. For the River Nile almost surrounds it in manner of a Peninsula. But that it cannot possibly be the Island of Meroe, as Tellezius believes, we shall prove in our Commentary. Godignus affirms, that it contains twenty Provinces, but conceals their Names.  
The twentieth Kingdom is Gombo.  
The one and twentieth, Gonga.  
The two and twentieth, Guraghe.  
The three and twentieth, Ifat, adjoining to Shewa toward the East.  
The twenty fourth is Samen; by Tellezius called Cemen, and numbered among the Provinces.  
The twenty fifth Set, whose Inhabitants are Pagans.  
The twenty sixth Sewa, in the Amharec Dialect Shewa, as the Portugals call it Xoa, or Xaoa, a very large and most opulent Kingdom; formerly much frequented by the Abessine Kings, and then more famous than Amhara. It is distinguished into the Upper and the Lower, there are in it several Monasteries and some Towns, as may be seen in our Map. Dabra Libanos, the seat of Jeeghi, chief Overseer of all the Monks, was formerly in this Kingdom.  
The twenty seventh is Shalt, in Portugueze, Xat.  
The twenty eighth is Tegre or Tigra; one of the principal Kingdoms, and the first as you enter into Ethiopia. The Native Country of the former Kings, who kept their Courts at Axuma. The most noble part of it lies toward the Red Sea, and is called Bahr, the Sea, or Medra-Bahr, the Land of the Sea, or a Maritime Province, comprehending under it three Toparchies. The Governor, Bahrnagash resides in Dobarwa. 
(f) In the Maps of Dobarua, Erroneously Barva; worse Barna.  The Prefectures belonging to Tegre are, 

1 Abargale  
2 Acsum, or the Prefecture of Axuma, the ancient Residence of the Kings.  
3 Adet  
4 Afa-macuonen  
5 Agamja  
6 Amba-Sanet 
(g) By Tellez called Ambacanet. Pag. 119.   
7 Bora  
8 Upper-Bura  
9 Lower-Bura  
10 Beta-Abba Garima  
11 Doba, near Angora, inhabited by Pagans.  
12 Enderta  
13 Garalta  
14 Hagarai  
15 Memberta  
16 Nader  
17 Sahart  
18 Salawa  
19 Sanafe  
20 Sire  
21 Taderar  
22 Tamben  
23 Torat  
24 Tzama  
25 Tzerae  
26 Wag  
27 Wajrat.    
All which are inhabited by several Nations and People. But there are not so many Governors as Prefectures: For that sometimes two or three Prefectures are under one Governor. For Bora, Salawa, and Wag, are all under one Tetrarch.  
The Prefectures under Bahrnagas, are 

1 Bakla, whose Inhabitants are all Graziers, and change their habitations, abiding in the Summer in one place; all the Wintertime in another.  
2 Egala  
3 Hamacen, It consists of three Towns, which are subject to the King of the Habessines, however they choose their own Magistrates, and are Governed by their own Laws, like a Petty Commonwealth, and often give Protection to Exiles and Fugitives.  
4 Marjan  
5 Marata  
6 Sarawe  
7 Zangaren.    
The twenty ninth Kingdom is Walaka, in the Portugueeze Language Oleca, or Holeca.  
The thirtieth, Wed, by the Portugals called Ogge.  
These are the Kingdoms which Gregory numbered up to me, and left the Names of them written down in the Ethiopic Characters: to the end I might pronounce them genuinely, and express them as adaptly as could be done in conformity to the Latin Letters. Tellezius reckons more, which nevertheless, he does not distinguish in his Maps by great Letters, as he does the other Kingdoms; that is to say, 

1 Alamale  
2 Aura  
3 Bahargamo  
4 Betezamora  
5 Boxa, which nevertheless he says, is a Country of Enarea, l. 1. c. 8.  
Guniar  
Manz  
Marrabet  
Mota.    
On the other side some Kingdoms he omits, some of which however he has inserted in his Geographical Map, and of some he makes mention in his History; l. 1. c. 13. as 

Fatagar  
Gafat  
Gajghe  
Ganibo  
Ganga  
Set  
Shalt    
The most remarkable Provinces which have their peculiar Governors, are 

1 Emfras, between Bagemdra, and Dembea.  
2 Mazaga  
3 Mugar, near to Sewa  
4 Tzagade  
5 Wagara  
6 Walkajit    
The rest you shall meet with in our Geographick Tables. Now of all these Kingdoms and Provinces the King of the Abessines enjoys at present, 

1 Amhara  
2 Bajemdra  
3 Cambata  
4 Damota  
5 Dembea  
6 Enarea  
7 Gojam  
8 Samen  
9 Part of Sewa, with some other Kingdoms of lesser note.    
And for Provinces, those of 

1 Emfras  
2 Mazaga  
3 Tzagade  
4 Wagara  
5 Walkajit    
Which Kingdoms and Provinces comprehend the best part indeed; but not the half of the ancient Habessia. The rest the Galans have either subdued, or else utterly laid waist, as we shall relate in due place.   

CHAP. IU. Of the Vulgar Chorographic Table or Map of Habessinia, and the Author's new one.  
The New Map of the Habessines. The new one found fault with as Erroneous: Looked on as ridiculous by Gregory; by reason of the ill writing and because of the ill understood Names of Barnagassus, Tigremahon, Ambiancantiva, which are explained. The ambiguous powers of Letters. Advice to concert a certain Geographical Alphabet. The Authors contest about his own Maps.  
BUT to the End that all things may the more clearly appear, we shall produce a new Chorographical Map of Habessinia, the old one that goes begging about the World for an Author, being altogether uncertain. I was not a little ashamed to hear the sedulous Ethiopian, Gregory, upbraiding as he did, the vanity and carelessness of our People, to obtrude such absurdities upon the Commonweal of Learning, and to defile otherwise most 
(h) As those of Ortelius, Jansonius; the Atlas' of Gerand, Mercator, Bleau, and others.  beautiful Pieces of Geography, with such fabulous impertinencies. While they made public to the World maps of such consequence, without any sufficient Authority, or any light by what Pen, of what Nation, or in what Language they were first written, as if they designed on purpose to deceive the Reader, that so he might not be in a Capacity to judge of the Truth: which if it were their aim, they did not miss of their intentions, in regard they led several persons, otherwise eminent, and of great judgement, into foul mistakes, who cried up the Empire of the Habessines for the largest in the World, as being little less than all Europe, too unwarily trusting to their fictions.  
When I first shown the vulgar Maps to Gregory, sometimes I made him laugh, sometimes I made him angry. For before I called to mind that the Latin Letters were to be pronounced after the Portugal manner, I asked him concerning the Kingdoms of Xoa, Gojam, and other Regions, from whence the Portuguezes had either taken away, or to which they had added the Latin Letters, a, d, do, as being their Articles of declension, 
(i) As Abugno, for Bugna, Barua; worse Barua, for Dobarua; Amara for Amhara; Ambadora, for Ambadarho, etc.  without any regard to the Letter h. But when I expected an Answer, he knew not what I meant, till I pronounced for Ksoa, Shoa; for Goyam, Gojam, and so onward: But he laughed outright when I questioned him concerning the Kingdoms of Barnagassus, Tigremahon, 
(k) In the vulgar Tables also you shall find Tiger and Tigray, as if they were two distinct Kingdoms: Which error B. Tells severely reprehends. L. 1. Ch. 4.  and Ambiancantiva. For after a short hesitation he understood them to be compound words, in which the Titles of the Vice-Roys, were conjoined with the Names of the Regions over which they were made Governors; and besides that, very much corrupted by the Portugal pronunciation and spelling. For Barnagasso in the Amharic Language extends itself to Bahrnagash, a compound word of Bahr which signifies the Sea, and Nagash a Governor, as much as to say a Commander or Admiral at Sea. Tigremahon corruptly for Tigre-macuonen, that is to say, Judge or Precedent of Tiger: Ambiancantiva, for Dembea-cantiba, that is, Governor or Precedent of Dembea. The same inference happens to the most noble City and Court of Royal Residence, Axuma, which never appears in the Maps, by reason that the Portugals pronounce Axum, Acassum; for they cast away the A, as an Article of declension, and adding their own termination O, made it Cassumo. Upon which City we stood pausing a long time, before we could tell what to make of it. I pass by an innumerable company of other mistakes, which rendered the Map altogether useless to me. Nor is it to be doubted but the same thing often falls out in other Exotic Tables: So that unless a Man can divine the Language of the Author, or where he was born; it is impossible but he must read the Names of the plaes most extravagantly. For we find that because the Modern Europeans have no Letters of their own, but only have accommodated the Latin Letters to their own sounds, it comes to pass, that one and the same Letter is variously pronounced by various Nations; which frequently appears in Consonants conjoined. As for Example, Ch, among the Germans, Belgians and Polonians, is a rough Aspiration like the Hebrew ח, or the Greek Χ. Among the Italians Ch, is pronounced like a k, among the French like an Hebrew ש. But among the English, Spaniards and Portuguese, who alone genuinely pronounce the word China, there is a kind of hissing composed between the Letter Z. and sch. which the Italians express by a C before e or i; the Polonians by Ch, the Hebrews more lively in their ש, the Germans Sch, the English by Sh, the French Ch, the Italians Sc before e, and i; and which the Portugueses would do by their Letter X, but that they are unwilling to have it a superfluous Letter in their Alphabet.  
For which reason it would be very requisite, that the Publishers of Foreign Maps, should also Publish their Instructions, and tell the World according to what Pronounciation, the Names of Countries and Cities ought to be read: Or else that in the compiling of some universal Geographical Work, care might be taken to add such an Index as should be the standard of Pronunciation in every Country, to prevent the common mistakes.  
We must acknowledge that our Chorographick Table is not without its defects: For though Gregory were sufficiently skilled in the Names and Situation of places, yet he was ignorant of the Degrees of the Sphere and Elevation of the Pole. Therefore in the first Maps of Habessinia which I made, I followed the Longitude and Latitude of the vulgar Tables; but because I found them false in that too, we thought it more prudence not to Publish any at all. I must confess being in company with certain Persons of Learning and Quality, upon a 
(l) There not makes mention of that which I gave to the Elector of Ments, in his Remarks upon the History of Ethiopia. I presented one also to Frederick 3d. King of Danemark, another to Charles Lewis the Elector Palatine, and some others I could not refuse the same satisfaction of their curiosity.  discourse that happened concerning Ethiopia, after I had made my Apology, I produced a Manuscript exemplar of both sorts: But such they were, that should they ever come to light by any misfortune, I dare not be responsible for their Credit. But at length having happened upon the Chorographick Table of Tellezius, delineated by the Fathers of the Society, with the help of the Astrolabe, I made no scruple to retain the Degrees, as by them set down, and then to make them common, together with a new Map, for universal information. I have added the Midland Regions, though without any adventure of justification, in regard those Regions by reason of their vast distance, being so seldom visited by Travellers, afford little of certainty.   

CHAP. V Of the Nature of the Soil, Temper of the Air, Tempests, Winds, and such like Meteors.  
The Air uncertain. Wonderful effects of heat. The Torrid Zone is nevertheless habitable. The high places cold. No Snow. The temper and wholesomeness of the Air. Horrid Thunders. A dirty Winter described by Gregory. Diversity of Tempests in the same situation. The four seasons of the year different from the Europeans. The beginning of the Spring the 25th. of Septemb. They have only three seasons of the year; the days and nights almost always equal. Their dawnings and evenings very short. The most impetuous wind, called a Snake. The two sorts of Whirlwinds, Prestor and Typhon, most raging and pernicious.  
IN so many and such various Regions, the Constitution of the Air is as various. In low and open places which the Abessines call Kolla, the heat of the Sun is intolerable, such as Seneca describes in these words. The stones burn as if nealed in the fire, not only in the middle of the day, but also toward the evening, the Silver unsoders; the footsteps of men are impatient of the scorching sand. The fastening of the standard melts: No exterior covering of outward Ornament remains. In which respect both coasts of the Red Sea have but a bad report; as also the Islands, especially Suaquena, whose heat Gregory many times used to call Infernal. For said he, it excoriates the Skin, melts hard Indian wax in a Cabinet, and sears your shoes, like a red hot Iron.  
But these Persons considered not the nature of those People; that inhabit that Country; much less have they weighed with themselves, the strange Patience of those that covet rule and dominion, who can endure the parching beams of the Sun, and willingly too, though unused to those immoderate violences of raging heat. However the ancient Philosophers were in a very great error that believed the 
(m) Aristot. Meteorotog. L. 2. c. 11. and his followers.  Torrid Zone unhabitable; or that the middle parts of the Earth, where the Sun continually moves, should be parched up with flames, and toasted with the raging fire. 
(n) The Spaniards have a Proverb, he that is intent upon his own Interest, minds not in conveniences.  Assuredly there are some Philosophers who deliver things uncertain and unprov'd for real and assured truths, and discourse in such a manner of the nature of the Air, the Heavens and the Stars, as if their residence had long been there. For that the Air is colder upon the Mountains, all Nations in their own Countries find by experience; but that the Air is cold of itself, and not warmed but by the repercussion of the Sun's beams among the exhalations of the Earth, is the opinion of other sage Philosophers: which exhalations in the lower Region near the Earth rise more close and condensed, in the upper parts, more thin and rarified; so that though the lower parts fry with heat, high places freeze, the cool nature of the Air not suffering any alteration through the defect of heat.  
Therefore the higher you ascend the Mountains of Ethiopia from the coast of the Red Sea, the more temperate you shall feel the Air; insomuch that as Tellezius' witnesses in many Regions of Ethiopia, the Summer heats are more mild then in Portugal, so many degrees distant toward the North. Nay there are some Mountainous Countries, as in Samen where the cold is more dreaded than the heat. Nevertheless there falls none or very little Snow in those parts, only a certain small sort of Hail sometimes covers the ground, which at a distance looks like Snow. It was a thing not known to Gregory, for as I Traveled with him over the Mountains of Tirol, toward the end of September, seeing some Snow that had fallen a little before, crying out Haritz, Haritz, full of admiration, he called it Meal. From such a temper of the Air it follows that the Country must needs be healthy; and consequently the Inhabitants sane and vivacious, insomuch that some of them live to a hundred years of Age. Only in Tigra, toward the beginning of the Ethiopic Spring, that is to say, in the Months of September and October, Fevers are very rise.  
However this variety of the Air is the cause of most dreadful Thunders. Which when Gregory described, he astonished his hearers. For upon the rising of several Tempests altogether, the Sky is of a sudden covered over with black and thick as it were Globes of smoky Clouds; by and by the Thunder breaks forth on every side, rattling continually, with Lightning as incessantly flashing, enough to amaze the most resolute and most accustomed to the noise. Their Rains are very violent, powering from the Clouds not by drops, but as it were in streams. With those the torrents being swelled, roll along with that rapid fury, that they carry Trees and Stones and all things before 'em. All their Rivers overflow; and then the high ways being either covered with water, or else all miry and dirty, 'tis a most tedious thing to Travel: And this enduring three Months together renders their Winter's very unpleasant. Gregory described the Ethiopian Winter to me in these words.  
The Ethiopian Winters are not caused only by the Rain which falls from the Sky; for the Earth also opens her mouth, and vomits up water. There is a Fountain in every man's house, if it stands low. And therefore we never Build in low places, but in high grounds: So many and so great Rivers, and Springs of water out of the Earth; and such violent Rains are not where the like to be seen as in our Country.  
This tempestuous weather is so troublesome and tedious to Foreigners, that in a dispute which happened between an Abossine and an Egyptian, about the excellency of their Countries, when the first vaunted to the latter, the natural fertility of Abessinia, the temperateness of the Air, their double Harvests, and other benefits of the Country, adding withal, That the Egyptians cannot live without the assistance of Ethiopia, in regard that Nilus fattened Egypt with the Mud of Ethiopia, without which, both Man and Beast would perish for want of Sustenance; the Egyptian retorted upon the Abyssinian, upbraiding him with the prodigious Showers, the rapid Torrents, the steep and rugged Mountains, and the dreadful Thunders that rendered the Country so unpleasant; upon which the Victory was allowed on his side.  
Nor does the season of the Winter keep the same Months, nor the same Temperature in all places alike, though the situation may be the same; for it is not only milder in some places, sharper in others, but also in different Months from our Climate. Which was of old observed by 
(p) In the History of his Embassy, some Collections out of which are to be seen in Bibliothec. Photii. n. 3. p.m. 2.  Nonnosus, Ambassador from the Emperor Justinian to the King of the Axumites, who travelling those Parts himself.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. 
From the City of the Adulites as far as Aüe, the same Summer and Drought affects the Air as with us. From Aüe towards Axuma, the Winter is very rigorous, etc. Gregory told me, That the Coast of the Red Sea, and all that two days Journey, from the Shore to the Mountains of Ethiopia the Winter keeps its Station in November, December, and January, as in Europe; but they differ nothing in the Degrees of Latitude. So that it is not always true what some 
(q) See the Notes upon Cluverius' Introduction to Geography, l. 1. c. 5. and Aristot. l. 2. de Meteorologic. who without experience writes, That the Heat and Cold do not exceed in regard of the Longitude, but in regard of the Latitude.  Geographers have written, That the Perioeci, or those that dwell under the same Meridian, have the same Winter and Summer.  
Now what the Winter of that Coast is, you may easily guests, from the answer of Gregory, who being asked upon a very sultry day, whether it were not very hot in Germany, made answer,  
To day has been something hot: Such is the Winter in Suaqena, which is an Island upon that Coast.  
Being asked concerning the Seasons of the Year, he answered,  
The Season Matzau, the Season of Flowers or the Spring.  
The Season Tzadai, the Season of Harvest or Autumn.  
The Season Hagai, or the Summer.  
The Season Cramped, or Winter.  
Thus he reckoned the four Seasons: But there is not the same reason for them, nor the same benefits by them, as with us; nor could Gregory himself reconcile them with ours.  
Matzau indeed may deservedly be called the Spring, because it succeeds the Winter, and covers the Fields with Grass and Flowers. It gins upon a certain day of the Month, that is, upon the 25th of September.  
But the Tzadai of the Ethiopians cannot be called properly Autumn, as Gregory imagined; for it is the second part of the year that succeeds the Spring, and exhilarates the Husbandman with ripened Fruits, and therefore ought more truly to be called Summer. But how Hagai is to be interpreted, is a question; it is the third part of the year, yet cannot justly be called Autumn, in regard the Habessines are ignorant of any benefit they receive by it: They get no Vintage in, but are parched with extremity of Heat, and therefore they oppose this hottest time of the year to the sharpest Cold of Winter.  
For which reason we rather ought to conclude, that there are but three Seasons among the Abyssines, that is to say, the Spring which gins upon the 25th of September. Then the Summer, which may be divided into two parts; the first, and the best, called Tzadai, which gins upon the 25th of December; and the last, and worst part, called Hagai, which gins upon the 25th of June, and ends upon the 
(r) Gregory differs from our Poet one day, who puts it upon the 26th.  succeeding Winter, which is the third part of the Ethiopic year.  
The Days and Nights in that Climate, being in a right Sphere, are, for the most part, always equal. Their Dawnings and Evenings much shorter than ours. Gregory wondered, that it should be light when he could not see the Sun; and again, after Sunset, that the Twilight should last so long. For there immediately after Sunset it grows dark, and all the Stars, in the absence of the Moon, appear.  
The Winds, upon the Mountains frequent and pleasant, render the Air healthful and temperate; but in open and flat Levels, the Air, for want of motion, grows hot and unwholesome, especially in the Islands of the Red-Sea. This a certain Merchant attested, who carrying several rich Indian Commodities from the Port of Suaqena to the Court, and being asked by one of the King's Daughters, What there was that could not be purchased at the Port of Suaqena, answered, The Wind; that being only wanting in that place, otherwise a happy and pleasant Island.  
But all Winds are not equally grateful or beneficial in Ethiopia, for there are some which are most impetuously violent; among the rest, the Whirlwind, called Sendo, which in the Amharic Dialect signifies a Snake, a Wind so furious, that it throws down all before it, Houses, Oaks, and Stones, and hurries them along in the Air. The Belgioms call this Wind Hoof, and report it frequent upon the Coasts of Asia, as they sometimes experience to the loss of their Ships. The Whirlwind by the Greeks, called Typhon, is that of which Pliny thus writes: A principal Plague to the Mariners, which not only throws down the Masts, but rives the Ship in pieces. And again, The same Wind meeting opposition, carries all before it, and sweeps whate'er it meets into the Air. Gregory affirmed, it might be seen, and that it represented the form of a Snake, whose thicker part, like the Head, brushing upon the ground, the Body advanced itself in curls and wind to the Sky. Nor do I believe this Wind to differ much from that Wind which the Greeks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (Prester), there being the same Equivocal in both; for that Prester signifies a kind of Serpent, and perhaps may be the same which the Venetians call Bissaboba, Biscia signifying a Serpent in Italian. 
Anno 1679.  Such a Whirlwind last Autumn happening in Dalmatia, swept into the Air, Men, , Carts and Horses laden with Hay and great Bells, if there be any faith in Report; and after the ruin of many Houses, Churches, Towers, and Palaces, left behind it the deplorable Testimonies of the havoc it had made. P. Organtino of Brescia wrote from Goa, That a Whirlwind tossed up several empty Ships from the Water into the Air, and carried them beyond the Shore: Which if it be true, 
Plin. l. 2. c. 56.  those prodigious showers of Stones, Iron, and Bricks, are the less to be wondered at, if we may be allowed to say, That the time has been when it reigned Men, Ships, and great Bells.   

CHAP. VI Of the high Mountains of Habessinia, and Rocks of strange forms.  
High Mountains. Lamalmona most dangerous. Amhara and Samen the gibbose part of Abyssinia; higher than the Alps and Pyreneans. Steep Rocks of a wonderful shape, not to be ascended without Ropes and Ladders. Spacious at the top. The Rock where the King's Sons were formerly kept, described. A Rock in Gojam hollowed like a Looking-Glass. Deep Abysses. Plains very rare, one great one in Dembea. The benefits of the Mountains, temperate Air, security and pleasantness of the Fountains.  
ALL Habessinia is egregiously Mountainous: So soon as you have travelled two days Journey from the Red-Sea, you must presently climb the high Mountains of Tigra; amongst which Lamalmona lifts up her head more lofty than the rest, which they that travel to the Royal Camp in Dembea, are forced to clamber over: The Steps of which, if they may be so called, are so dangerous, and the Path or Track so narrow, that if Company meet, Men and Horses giving the way, fall headlong into a bottomless Abyss, never to be any more seen. But not only this Region is the Plain that seems as it were planted with Mountains, Bagemdra, Gojam, Waleka, Shewa, and all the rest, Dembea excepted, are but one continued Chain of Mountains. Among the rest, the vast and high Mountains of Amhara and Samen are as it were the Embossment of Habessinia.  
Here are many Aorni, or Rocks of an 
(u) A Rock in India called Aornos, as being above the slight of a Bird, Curt. 8. n. 2. There are also Lakes of this name, but from another cause, for that the pestilent Exhalations that they send up, kill the Birds that fly over them, Plin. 2.4. by the Latins call●d Averni.  incredible height and ruggedness, in so much, that, as Tellezius writes, they strike a terror into the Beholders; the Alps and Pyreneans, compared with the Abessine Mountains, are but low Hills. The Mountains of Portugal, though very high, are but trifles to them.  
Amongst those Mountains, and frequently in the Plain itself, and in the middle of the Fields, rise up Rocks every way steep, yet varying their shape; some looking a far off like Towers, some like Pyramids, some like foursquare Towers built by Art, and so even on the sides, as if the Workman's hand had done it so; so that there is no way to get to the top but by the help of Ladders and Ropes, by which means they Crane up their , and other necessaries: And yet so spacious at the top, that they contain Woods, Fields, Meadows, Fountains, and which is more wonderful, Fishponds, and all other conveniencies for humane Support. These sort of Rocks the Natives call Amba; as Amba-Dorbo, 
(x) That is the Rock of the Hen, in the Map erroneously called Ambadora.  etc.  
This puts us in mind to describe that famous Rock in the Kingdom of Amhara, called Geshen, of which, and of the Mountain Ambacel, we have already made mention, which we shall do in the words of Tellezius. In the Confines of Amhara, toward Shewa, stands Amba-Geshen: It is a Mountain almost impregnable, every way steep, prodigiously high, and in the form of a Castle made all of Freestone: At the top it is about half a Portugal League in breadth, at the bottom near half a days Journey about: At first easy to be ascended, then steep and rugged, in so much, that the Abyssine Oxen, that otherwise will clamber like Goats, must be craned up and let down with Ropes.  
Formerly those miserable Ethiopic Princes were here caged up in wild places, in low Cottages, among Shrubs and wild Cedars, starved from all things else but Air and Earth; as if they, who were descended from a high Parentage, were to be confined in a high and lofty Exile. In Gojam, as 
(y) In Mulurgia sua Univers. T. 3. l. 9 c. 6. where instead of Iches Fays, read Petrus Pays.  Kercher tells us, from the Relation of Peter Pays, there is a certain Rock so curiously hollowed by Nature, that afar off it resembles a Looking-Glass; and over against it another, on the top of which there is nothing that can be so softly whispered, but may be heard a great way off, and the reverberation of the sound is like the encouraging Ho up of Mariners.  
Between these Mountains are immense Gulfs, and dreadful Profundities; which because the Sight cannot fathom, Fancy takes them for Abysses; whose bottoms Tellezius will have to be the Centre of the Earth. Nor did Gregory describe them otherwise, than as places most dreadful and formidable to the Eye.  
Levels are very rare; the largest Plain is that in Dembea, near the Lake Tzanicus, about twenty Portugal Leagues in length, and four or five broad.  
A Region so Mountainous, and so like to Switzerland, may be looked upon justly by all people as a most rude and unhusbanded Country; but they that consider the benefits which the Habessines receive thereby, will from the same reasons be drawn to an admiring Contemplation of Divine Providence: For that stupendious height of their Mountains contemns the scorching heat; which renders their Country the more inhabitable in those high places, where the people breath a more serene Air. In the next place, Heaven has thereby provided for their security, so many inaccessible Mountains, being like so many Castles, which afford them not only Habitation, but a safe defence against their Enemies. For had it not been for those Fortresses of Nature, they had been ruined long  this, by the Adelenses and the Gallant. Moreover, through all those Mountains you shall find most pleasant Springs of Water, which are wanting in the Levels of the torrid Zone: The reason of which, we shall give you in another place.   

CHAP. VII. Of Metals and Minerals.  
Abassia abounds in Metals and Minerals, especially Gold, which is found in the Sand of the Rivers; and in Damota and Enarrea upon the Superficies of the Earth. Silver they have not, and yet not without Lead. They neither know, nor care to know, what belongs to Metals. Salt plentifully digged out of the Earth. Gems they want. They more esteem black Lead, with which they colour their Eyebrows.  
THat so many and so vast Mountains afford plenty of Metals and Minerals, the Fathers of the Society attest. And certainly, 'tis a thing easily credible, that that part of the Earth, lying under the fiercest and most maturing heat of the Sun, cannot be without Metals, and more especially Gold, which is found in the shallows of Rivers, polished and pure in great quantities, about the bigness of a Tare or Vetch. Whence it is conjectured, that the Gold is brought to perfection in the neighbouring Mountains, and carried away together with the Sand, by the forces of the Stream. Pliny affirms that sort of Gold to be the finest and most perfect. Damota, but more especially Enarrea, enjoy this advantage, it being the chiefest Tribute which they pay. They are destitute of Silver; whether it be that Nature denies them that benefit, or that they know not how to dig it out and refine it: For they have Lead, which is said to be the Mother of Silver.  
But they are altogether ignorant of the Minery Trade. For the digging of Wells, boaring of Mountains, supporting of Mines with massy Timber, hewing of Stones, or forcing Rocks with Gunpowder or Fire, to live in the dark, sometimes hours, sometimes days together, and to be half strangled with Smoke and Damps, to 
(z) Thus Pliny discourses concerning Minerals.  search the Veins of the Earth, and examine the Secrets of Rocks, are things altogether unsuitable to the Genius of the Habessines. Rather they count it a piece of folly to pine after Minerals, and heap up Riches, to encourage the Turk to make War upon them. They think themselves far more safe in Iron, as being that with which Gold may be won: And for Iron, they have no occasion to delve for it, in regard they find it in great plenty upon the Superficies of the Earth, as P. Antonio Fernandez testifies.  
Moreover, in the Confines of Tigra and Angora, from a place called the Land of Salt, there 
(a) Concerning such kind of Salt, see Pliny, l. 31. c. 7.  are natural Mountains of Salt, from whence they supply themselves with inexhaustible quantities, cutting it out of the sides of the Mountains in great pieces of a white and solid Substance. In the Mountain it is soft, and slivered off with little labour; but in the Air it hardens. From thence it is fetched by great numbers of Merchants, who convey it away in Caravans, which are called Cafila, and vended through all the neighbouring Nations and Countries where it is a scarce Commodity. Alphonsus Mendez the Patriarch, writes, That there is in another place a Mountain of Red Salt, very useful in Physic. So propitiously has Heaven compensated their want of Money with plenty of Salt; which by virtue whereof, as with ready Coin, in other places they purchase other necessaries. Thus they abound in Salt, which the Life of Man cannot want; but they are destitute of other things that less conduce to the happiness of Human Being. Nor do they desire those things, of whose dazzling Beauties and glittering Colours they are ignorant; I mean Gems and Jewels, rarely yet seen in Ethiopia, whatever that same Trifler, Valentinian Romances. The Royal Diadem itself glitters only with counterfeit Jewels, thinking it not worth their while to send their Salt or Gold to foreign and barbarous Nations to purchase true ones; and admiring at our imprudence, for expending our Money so idly. They much more esteem those Minerals, that conduce to the health and preservation of the Body; chief among the rest Stibium, or Black Lead, which they in their Language call 
(b) A word well known in all the Eastern Languages, from the Hebrew word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which signifies Stibium from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Fucavit, or besmeared with Fucus; and whence the Greek word Collyrium, as it were Cohollyrium, seems derived. The Arabic word Elcohol still remains in the Spanish Language, wherein there is a Proverb, Elpolve de las ovejas, Elcohol es para el Lobo; The Dust which the Sheep raise is a Collyrium to quicken the Wolf's sight.  Cuehel, or Cohol, and believe it to be a great preserver of the Sight; nor do they less esteem it for Ornament, and to beautify their Faces with it: For being powdered, they mix it with Soot moistened, and with a small Pencil which they call Blen, besmear their Eyebrows, according to the frequent and ancient custom of the Orientals.   

CHAP. VIII. Of the Rivers of Habessinia, more especially of Nile, its Fountains and Course; as also of the Lake Tzana.  
Many Rivers there more precious than Metals. The Fountains originally from Rain-water. An Encomium of Nilus: In Scripture it is called, The River 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and Schichor, or Niger: By some of the ancients Astapus, and Astaboras: In the Amharic Dialect called Abawi, or the Patent of Rivers; it flows not in Paradise, as some of the Father's thought. Admiration caused the desire of knowing its Original, that the Ancients placed in the Mountains of the Moon. The Portugals discovered the true Fountains; their description from Peter Pays, not different from Gregory's: It rises in Sicut; it has five Heads. It mixes with the Lake in Dembea. It passes by the principal Kingdoms of Habassia, encircles Gojam, runs through Egypt, and so into the Sea; Gregory's Ethiopic Description. He alleges, That all the Rivers of Africa fall into Nile. He limits that assertion. Some fall into the Sea. The true causes of the overflowing of Nile. Jovius blamed. A double Channel of Nile. Niger the other Channel. The old Relation in Herodotus, explained. Whether the King of Hebessynia can divert the Course of Nile. Rivers sucked up in the Sand. Zebeus falls into the Indian Sea. The Habessines unskilled in Navigation. The Tzanic Lake, with its Islands.  
BUT much more excelling, and far more precious Gifts of Nature than those of Metals, flow from the Mountains of Habessinia, that is to say, several remarkable Rivers more profitable to the Natives, and the neighbouring Nations, than Gold itself, so much the Subject of human Avarice. For the Rain-water soaking through the pores of the Earth, and the clefts of the Rocks, is received, and, as it were, cisterned up in the hidden Caverns of the Mountains, where, after it has passed through many secret conveyances of Nature, at length it meets with some hollow place, and breaks forth. Sometimes oppressed by its own weight, it reascends, and seeks for passage at the tops of the Mountains themselves; which is the reason, that in Countries where there is little or no Rain, there are few or no Fountains; but where there are frequent Rains, the Rivers are large and swelling: The Effect demonstrating the Cause. 
(c) No truer opinion concerning the Original of Rivers. Aristotle quotes it in his Meteorologies, l. 1. s. 4. c. 1. but without reason dissents. Most Neoterics defend it. See Isaac Vossius, De Origine Nili & Fluminum. c. v.  But Nilus, owing to Habassia for its source, for plenty of Water, for sweetness, wholsomness, and fertility of the same, excels all other Rivers of the World. In sacred Writ, by reason of its Excellency, it is sometimes called, 
Isa. 23.3.  The River absolutely, and particularly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from its black Colour, and by the Greeks, for the same reason, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because it runs with black a muddy Water. Some of the Ancients tell us, 
Plin. 5.9. & 7.3.  that it was then by the Ethiopians called Astapus, and that the left Channel of it about Meroe was named Astabora, which others have understood concerning other Rivers that flow into Nile. But this we let pass as obscure and doubtful, whether meant of Nilus and our Ethiopians or no; for the Habessines, in their vulgar Language, have no other name for Nile than that of Abawi: And that, as some think, from the word Ab, which signifies a Parent, as if Nilus were the Parent of all other Rivers. But this derivation neither suits with Grammar, neither does 
(d) It is in the form of an Adjective, Heavenly, Golden; So Abawi signifies Paternal.  Abawi simply signify a Parent, neither, if you rightly consider it, is it agreeable to Sense; for Nilus does not send forth from his own Bowels, but receives the Tribute of all other Rivers: So that he may be rather said to be their Captain and Prince, than the Father of them. And therefore the Egyptians, out of a vain Superstition, called him their Preserver, their Sun, and their God, and sometimes Poetically, Parent. In our Ethiopic, or the Language of the Books, this River is called Gejon, or Gewon, by an ancient mistake from the 
(e) For in the time of the 70 Interpreters it was so called, who rendered Shichor, Jer 2.18. where the Prophet speaks positively of Nile, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Gihen. The same you shall find in the Book of Syras.  Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Geon, and that from the Hebrew word Gihen, because it seemed to agree with the Description, Gen. 2.13. which encompasses the Land of Ethiopia, whereas it only encircles Gojam, but only glides and passes by all the other Kingdoms of Ethiopia.  
If you object, That Gihen had its source in the Terrestrial Paradise; 'tis twenty to one, but that they extol their own Country for Paradise: For you must understand, that many of the Fathers of the 
(f) Theodoret, in c. 2. Gen. 9.19. Austin, l. 8. de gen. c. 7. Abulens, in c. 2. Gen. 9.15. & 26.9.2.  Church were of the same opinion; which that they might defend, they brought the River Nile under Ground, and under the Sea, into Egypt, well knowing that no body would follow them thither, leaving their Readers to find out the way.  
Certainly the Ancients never enquired so curiously into the Nature or Source of any River, as they did in that of Nile, neither were they ever so deceived; for it was a thing altogether unusual for any other Rivers in the World to overflow in the most sultry Season of the year; an Inundation so wholesome and profitable to Egypt. So that the ignorance of the cause of it filled the minds of the Ancients with so much admiration, that both Princes and private Persons desired nothing more than to know the Head of that River, which was the Original of their Happiness; in so much, that there were some Emperors and Kings, who sent great Armies in quest of the satisfaction of their Curiosity, though with all success. 
(g) As Cambyses, Alexander, Ptol. Philadelph. J. Caesar, Nero, etc.  Most of the ancient Geographers, by mere conjecture, placed the Fountains of this River beyond the Equinoctial Line in I know not what Mountains of the Moon, to the end, they might deduce the cause of its swelling from the Winter Rains of those Regions: For they could not persuade themselves, that the Sun being in the Northern Signs, so much Winter or Rain could be so near to cause so great an increase of the Flood, though there were 
(h) So Pliny, l. 17. c. 18. wherever Summer Rains are not as in India and Ethiopia.  some who made it out plainly enough, but that Credit would not be given to them. 
(i) Photin. in Bibl. n. 249. in the Life of Pythag. Agatharchides, Strabo, and others. See Vossius, d. l. c. 20.  But by the Travels of the Portugals into Habessinia, and the sedulity of the Fathers, those Fountains and Spring-heads have been since discovered, so long and unsuccessfully sought for by the Ancients. Athanasius Kircher has described them from the Relation of Peter Pays, who viewed them himself. In the Kingdom of Gojam, saith he, and in the Western Parts thereof in the Province of Sabala, which the Agawi inhabit, are to be seen two round Spring-Heads, very deep, in a place somewhat raised, the ground about it being quaggy and marshy; nevertheless the Water does not spring forth there, but issues from the foot of the Mountain. About a Musket Shot from thence, toward the East, the River gins to flow; then winding to the North, about the fourth part of a League, it receives another River; a little farther, two more flowing from the East fall into it; and soon after, it enlarges itself with the addition of several other Streams. About a days journey farther, by the Relation of the same Peter, it swallows up the River Jema; then winding Westward some twenty Leagues, it turns again to the East, and plunges itself into a vast Lake. This Relation differs not from what Gregory has discoursed to me, only he particularised the names of the Countries, that perhaps were the more special Denominations of those places, of which Sabala was the more general Name. For as he related to me, the Springhead of Nile is in a certain Land called Secut, upon the top of Dengla, which perhaps is the name of a Mountain. He also affirmed, that it had five Spring-heads, reckoning in the Heads of other Rivers, which have no particular name, and are therefore taken for the Nile. But it passes through the Lake Tzanicum, preserving the colour of its own Waters, like the Rhosne running through the Lake Lemann, and the Rhine through Acronius, or the Lake De Zell. Then winding to the South, it washes on the left hand the principal Kingdoms of Habessinia, Bagemdra, Amhara, Waleka, Shewa, Damota, and takes along the Rivers of those Country's Bashlo, Tzohha, Kecem, Jema, Roma, and Wancit. Then on the right hand embracing Gojam, its Native Country, almost like a Circle, and swelled with the Rivers of that Region, Maga, Abaja, Aswari, Temci, Gult, and Tzul, it turns again to the West, as it were bidding farewell to its Fountains, and with a prodigious mass of ramassed Rivers, leaving Habessinia upon the right hand, rolls to the North through several thirsty Nations, and sandy Deserts, to enfertile Egypt with its Inundations, and there makes its way through several mouths into the Sea. For the more certain Demonstration of the Truth, it will be of particular moment to insert the Relation of Gregory himself, perhaps the first that was ever made public by an Ethiopian. 
Epist. d. 20. Octob. 1657.   
The Course of Nile is like a Circle; it encompasses Gojam, but so, that it never returns back to its Head, making directly to Sennar. And therefore Gojam lies always upon the right hand of Nile; but all the other Kingdoms of Ethiopia, as well those that lie near, as those at a distance, remain still upon the left. As it flows along, it takes in all the Rivers great and small with several Torrents, as well Foreign as Habessinian, which by that general Tribute, acknowledge him their King; who having thus mustered together all the Waters of Ethiopia, jocundly takes his leave, and proceeds on his Journey, like a Hero, according to the Command of his Creator, to drench the Fields of thirsty Egypt, and quench the drought of Thousands.  
The Springhead of this famous River first shows itself in a certain Land, which is called Secut, upon the top of Dengla, near Gojam, West of Bagemdra, Dara, the Lake Tzana, and Bada: Rising thus, it hastens with a direct course Eastward, and so enters the Lake of Dara and Bed, as it were swimming over it. Passing from thence, it flows between Gojam and Bagemdra; but leaving them upon the right and left, speeds directly toward Amhara. Having touched the Confines of Amhara, he turns his Face toward the West, and girdles Gojam like a Circle, but so, that Gojam lies always upon the right hand of it. Having past the Limits of Amhara, it washes the Confines of Walaka, and so on to the extreme bounds of Mugara and Shewa. Then it slides between Bizama and Gonga, and descends into the Country of the Shankelites. Whence he winds to the right hand, and leaves by degrees the Western Clime upon the left hand, to visit the Kingdom of Sennar. But before he get thither, he meets with two great Rivers that plunge themselves into his Streams, coming from the East; of which one is called Tacazè, that falls out of Tigra, and the other Guangue, that descends from Dembea. After he has taken a view of the Kingdom of Sennar, away he travels to the Country of Dengula, and so comes to the Kingdom of Nubia, and thence turns to the right hand, in order to his intended Voyage for Alexandria, and comes to a certain Country which is called Abrim, where the Stream is unnavigable by reason of the Cliffs and Rocks; after which, he enters Egypt. Sennar and Nubia are seated upon the shore of Nile, toward the West, so that they may drink of his Waters; besides, that he guards their Eastern Limits, as far as he approaches near them. But our People and Travellers from Sennar, after they have crossed Nubia, quit the River Nile, leaving it upon the right hand toward the East, and ride through a Desert of 15 days journey upon Camels, where neither Tree nor Water, but only Sand is to be seen; but then they meet with it again in the Country of Riffe, which is the Upper Egypt, where they either take Boat, or travel a foot in Company with the Stream.  
But as to what he wrote concerning the flowing of great and small Rivers into Nile, he explains himself in these words.  
All great Rivers and smaller Torrents flow into Nile, excepting only two: The one is called Hanazo, which rises in Hangota; and the other Hawash, which runs near Dawara and Fatagara.  
But as if this had not been enough, he goes on with a farther Explanation in another Epistle, as follows.  
But whereas I told you in a Description of Nile, that all the Rivers of Ethiopia flowed into it except two, I am not to be understood, as if I spoke of all Ethiopia. For those Rivers that are upon the Borders of the Circuit of Ethiopia, which are near the Ocean, they fall into the Sea, every one in their distinct Regions. Now the Countries adjoining to the Ocean, are these; Canbat, Guraghè, Enaria, Zandera, Wed, Waci, Gaci, and some others.  
The Native Country of Nile being thus discovered, the cause of his Inundation is manifest: For most of the Countries under the Torrid Zone, when the Sun returns into the Winter Signs, are washed, as we have said, with immoderate Showers. So that the prodigious mass of Waters that randevouzes from all parts, cannot be contained within his Channel, and therefore when it comes into the Levels of Egypt, it presently disburthens itself. Those Northern Winds, from their Anniversary Breezes, called Etesiae, add little to the Increase. Tho some have written, That their forcing the Sea against the Mouths of the River, drives back the Waters of Nile, and augments the cause of the Deluge. A thing not likely, in regard they are the most temperate of all the Winds, and blow only in the daytime. Thus far indeed they may prevail, as they blow slacker or stronger, to render the Increase somewhat the more unequal, and that is all. Vainly therefore did many believe, that the Snow that melted from the Ethiopian Mountains, deluged into the River Nilus; for them, that profound Tracer of Nature, Seneca, 
Quest. natural, l. 4. c. 2.  has solidly refuted. Which makes it a wonder that Paulus Jovius should report the same, as what he had gathered from the certain Conjectures of the Habessines; who at another time speaks of the very same thing, as a great Secret of Nature, which no Man had ever dived into; nay, he reproves it for weakness, with an ostentatious Wit to be over diligently curious in the search of such matters.  
Yet though the Fountains of Nile are known, the course of it is not so well discovered to the Habessines themselves after it has left them. But the ancient and constant report is, that it does not fall 
(p) Jul. Solin in Polyhist. c. 43. The Ethiopians and Atlantic Nations are divided by the River Niger, which is believed to be a part of Nilus.  entire into Egypt, but that it is divided into two Channels, and that the right Channel runs to the North, as is well known; but that the left runs Westward, and keeping a long course, divides the Country of the Nigrites, till it fall into the Ocean. This the ancient Egyptian Priests were not ignorant of; for Herodotus, the foremost in History, after he has discoursed concerning the Springs of Nile, learnedly reports, That he had heard from an Auditor of the Money sacred to Minerva, That half of the Water of Nile flowed Northward into Egypt, the other half Southward toward Ethiopia: Which none of our Geographers either observed or mended. 
Clim. 1. Part. 4.  But the Nubian Geographer puts me quite out of doubt, when he writes,  
And in this part of Ethiopia are the two Niles parted; that is, Nilus which waters out Country of Nubia, directs his Course from South to North, and most of the Cities of Egypt are seated on each side of his Banks, and in his Islands. The other part of Nile flows from the East toward the West, and upon this part of Nile lies the whole Country of the Nigrites, or at least the greater part of it.  
A little after he adds concerning a certain Mountain; And near to that, one of the Arms of Nile turns off, and flows to the West: And this is the Nile that belongs to the Country of the Nigrites, many of their Provinces lying upon it. But near the Eastern side of the Mountain, the other Arm turns off, waters the Country of Nubia, and the Land of Egypt, and is divided in the Lower Egypt into four parts, of which three fall into the Syrian Sea, and the other empties itself in a Salt Lake which is near to Alexandria The words are every way most clear; and very probable it is, That the separation of the two Niles might be caused by the resistance of some rocky Mountain that constrained the two Streams to part, since they could not undermine it. To which, the words of Leo Africanus relate; The Region of the Nigrites, 
In Descript. Afric. l. 1. c. 7.  through which Nilus is said to flow: Which seem to intimate, that he had heard something by report concerning this same left Channel. Nor am I a little confirmed by the judgement of Gregory, which he expressed to me by writing, in these words.  
But as to what is reported, that Nile does not flow altogether and entirely into the Land of Egypt, but that it is divided another way. This all those persons of whom I have enquired, aver to me to be truth. This I also incline to believe, for should it descend entirely thither in the Winter time, the Egyptians could never be safe in their Houses. But as to what concerns its separation, they say, That Parting happens after the River has passed by Sennar in the Country of Dengula, before it arrives in Nubia: However, they say, That the greatest mass of Water flows into Egypt, and that the separated part runs directly to the western Ocean; yet so, that it comes not into Barbary, but descends toward the Country of Elwah, and so throws itself into the western Ocean.  
Now that the River Niger should be the left Channel of Nile, is most probable from hence, for that as Pliny writes, and Experience confirms, 
l. 5. c. 8.  it partakes of the same Conditions with it, agrees in colour and taste of the Water, it produces the same sort of Reed, the same sort of Papyr, and the same sort of Animals; and lastly, increases and overflows at the same Seasons. Neither does the Name itself contradict the Conjecture, in regard that, as we have said, Nilus itself is by the Hebrews and Greeks called Niger. But as to what the Egyptian related to Herodotus, That the left Channel flowed toward the South, that perhaps might be for such a certain distance of Land, not but that afterwards it might vary its Course, and wind toward the West. Which opinion, after I had communicated to the most famous Bochart, so highly skilled both in the ancient and modern Geography, and the best Judge of these matters, he wrote me in answer, Il est tres uray, que le Niger est une partie du Nile; Most certain it is, that Niger is a part of Nile.  
Now follows a Question, no less admirable than it is of moment; Whether it be in the power of the Abyssine Kings so to divert the Court of Nile, that it should not overflow Egypt? Many Writers assert the Affirmative, trusting partly to Fame, and partly to a Relation, which we shall produce out of George Elmacine; adding, That the Turks therefore pay a Tribute to the Abessines. Others also upon the sight of the Geographical Map, believe it a thing easy to be accomplished, to turn the Stream of Nilus into the Red-Sea; which Albuquerquez, that magnanimous Portugueze, Viceroy in India, was contriving to do. However 
(r) Alf. d'Albuquerque, in Comment. ejusd. part. 4. c. 7. as Tellez alleges, p. 20.  Tellezius denies it feasable, to turn the Course of such an immense mass of Waters, for so vast a space of Earth, through so many steep and rugged Rocks; and that the Course ordained by the Prince of Nature, is no way to be altered. Of the same opinion are 
(s) In Orb imperante. tit. Africa. Period 2. Sect. 2.  Hornius, and others; but they make no mention of Elmacinus: Perhaps they never read, or never considered his words, which we shall here expose to the Readers view, taken from the Saracenic History.  
In those days, that is, in the days of Michael the Patriarch, Nilus failed extremely; Mustansir therefore, a Mahometan, Prince of Egypt, sent him to the Country of the Habessines, with costly Gifts, and other things of high value. Whereupon the King of the Country came forth to meet him, whom the Patriarch reverenced publicly. After that, the King demanded of him the cause of his coming. Then the Patriarch made known to the King, how that the Waters of Nile failed in Egypt, to the unspeakable detriment of the Land and Inhabitants. Thereupon, in favour of the Patriarch, the King commanded the Channel to be opened, through which the Water ran into Egypt, which was then stopped up. Which being done, Nilus increased three yards in one night, and the River was so filled, that the Fields of Egypt were watered and sown. So that the Patriarch returned with great Honour into Egypt.  
I could wish to hear the opinions of those that deny this place. The words are clear of themselves, that the King commanded the Channel that was stopped to be opened. The Historian himself is accounted a credible Author, bred and born in Egypt, as also Secretary to the Mahometan Princes of that Country. So that he could not possibly be ignorant of such an accident; and besides, he wrote his History above a hundred and twenty years after the thing happened: And therefore had it been an untruth, he durst not have mentioned it for fear of being contradicted, which he might easily have been. But it may be objected, That the Historian does not mention by whom the Channel was obstructed, or whether it happened, as many times it does, naturally, when the course of a Stream is damned up by trunks of Trees, Mud and Stones driven by force, and heaped together in the narrow passages of the Water. But this Objection does not resolve the doubt; for such remarkable stops rarely or never happen in such large or violent Rivers. Or if Nature could effect so much, what might not be accomplished by Art? Athanasius Kircher, a person not only generally versed in the Affair of Egypt, but more particularly in what related to the River Nile, in his Catalogue of the Patriarches of Egypt, relates, That one 
(t) In Supplement. Prod. and Lexic. Capt. p. 524. c. 2. This Michael was the 68th Patriarch of the Jacobites, and died about the year 1110.  Michael was sent into Ethiopia, for the restoring of Nile to its Channel, from whence the Ethiopians had directed the Course of its Waters; though it be the fault of that learned Man to write much, rather than accurately; nor does he always commend his Authors. The Question being put to Gregory, he did not remember the Story of Michael, but that he had heard from persons of great Credit, That not far from the Cataracts of Nile, all the Land toward the East lies level; and unless it were for one Mountain that stands in the way, Nile would rather flow that way, than into Egypt or the Northern Sea. So that if that Mountain were digged through, a thing to be done with pains and difficulty, the Course of the River might be turned and carried into the Red-Sea; which is well known to the Turks, and many of the Portugals: And for this reason have the Emperors of Ethiopia obtained those advantageous Conditions from the Saracens. Nay, it is said, That once one of the Ethiopian Emperors had an intention to have done it, and had commanded his Subjects to undertake the Work, but that he was prevailed upon to desist at the entreaty of the Egyptian Christians.  
I must confess, this thing has very much perplexed my thoughts; nor are the Reasons that are brought against it to be contemned: For either to raise a Mole or Dam of Stones, and then to remove it again, are things requiring so much toil and labour, that the Task does no way agree with the nature of the Abessines. And it seems somewhat unlikely, that so vast a River, so long accustomed to a declining and headlong Course, should be diverted and compelled to change its Channel. I considered also with myself, that if the King of Habessinia had the River Nile so much in his Power, he might have all Egypt easily at his Devotion, and that the Turk could deny him nothing whatever he demanded. Nor would he ever suffer the Christians of his own Religion, and the Patriarch, who is the Head of his Church, to groan under such a miserable Bondage. Lastly, I did not a little wonder, that the Jesuits did not insinuate it into the heads of the Abessines to make use of that Power which Nature had put into their hands, and that they did not use Threats, rather than Entreaties and Bribes to obtain those conveniencies which they enjoy by the favour of the Turkish Bassa, who commands the Ports of the Red-Sea. But all things considered, and rejecting the History of Elmacine, we may answer Tellez from the Relation of Gregory, which is, That a new Channel may be carried on, not from those parts of Abessinia, which lie upon the Nile, and are so many Leagues distant from the Sea; but from that part which is near the Cataracts, and formerly perhaps belonged to Nubia. My first Opinion was, That the Channel of Nile could no where be so easily altered as in that place where it divides itself into two Channels, for that there, by the direction of Nature herself, it seemed, that the whole might be more easily turned another way, where a part turns naturally without compulsion. For though other Rivers empty themselves into Nile beyond this separation, and flow into Egypt, yet are they not enough to make the Inundation so great as necessity requires; which would not only be the ruin of Egypt, but a great diminution of the Turkish Power. But however it be, this I believe to be certain, That the King of Habessinia is now no more Lord of those places where the River Nile ever was, or ever can be diverted from Nile; nor are the Princes of those places now at his Devotion; neither are they indeed Christians, but unhappily revolted to Paganism. So that whatever formerly might have been done, cannot now be brought to pass; not that the nature of the place obstructs the design, but that the Prince of the Country wants Power, or else has no inclination to the Project. Otherwise I should not think it either absurd or improbable, that some Rivers that make their way through the high Fields of Habessinia, might be conveyed another way by the descents of the Hill, through the sandy Levels that lie below to a vast diminution of the Egyptian Stream, provided that skilful Artists were employed to survey the declivities of the places, and the places most proper to carry off the Water. For though it be a difficult thing to alter the Course and Limits of Rivers, which Nature has settled, yet Examples are not wanting. We read in Herodotus, 
L. 1. called Clio.  That Nitocres King of the Babylonians turned the Course of Euphratis several ways, by sinking several new Cuts and Dikes. And Cyrus King of the Persians, being in wroth with the River Gyndes, by reason of one of the Sacred white Horses drowned therein, divided it into a hundred and sixty small Streams, the Summer's labour of his whole Army.  
But there are other remarkable Rivers that own for their Springs to Habessinia besides Nilus. Of these the most famous is Tacazè, which rising in Angota, not far from Bagemdra, out of the Mountain Ahguaga, divides Tigra and Walkajit, and so passing through the Ethiopian Nomads, and the Kingdom of Dequin, at length falls into Nile. Melegi, according to Tellez, takes its rise in Damota, and falls into Nile westward of Habessinia. As for the other Rivers, sufficiently large, which Nilus receives from all the Kingdoms of Habassia, we have set them down in our Chorographical Table, and therefore forbear to name them here.  
All these Rivers, as well as Nile, in the Winter time swell to that height, as not to be contained within their own Banks.  
Nor must we omit the admirable nature of two more Rivers, of which the one called Hawash, rising in the Confines of Shewa and Wed, hastens into the Kingdom of Adel, to quench the drought of those thirsty soils. Nor are the Inhabitants wanting to themselves; they gladly go to meet their welcome Guest, and bring it in several large Cuts to water their Grounds. And thus being frequently intercepted, and wasted by degrees, as if ashamed to carry a small portion of Water to the Sea, it plunges itself into the Sand. In imitation of this, the other River Mareb, rising in Tigra, not far from Fremonia, encompasses a great part of that Kingdom; then falling into the Kingdom of the Cafers, as if the Stream disdained that Nation, it hides itself for a long space under ground; yet not so, but that it affords both Water and Fish to them that dig eight or ten spans deep, and at length disperses and leaves its divided Waters in the miry Fields of Dequin.  
As for those Rivers that fall into the neighbouring Ocean, Gregory remembered no more than those already recited. Zeb rising in Enarea, and embracing the adjoining Kingdom of Zenderò, from whence it turns to the South, and near to Mambasa is thought to fall into the Indian Ocean. For as for the Abyssines themselves, they are utterly ignorant of Navigation, in regard that the Rivers being full of Rocks and Cataracts, will not admit of it; nor have they any Ports upon the Red-Sea. Only upon the Lake Tzana, which they call the Sea of Dembea, they make use of little Cock-boats made of thick Water-torch, or Catstail, though with great hazard and jeopardy to themselves. It is situated on this side the Equinoctial Line, in the thirteenth Degree and a half of Latitude. The length of it is thirty, the breadth twelve Portugal Leagues, or somewhat 
(x) R. T. says, where longest, 35 Leagues. Pet. Pays allows it 14 in breadth. It is more largely described by Kircher, in his Oedipus. Synt. 1. c. 7. p. 57  less. It contains many Islands, of which the biggest is 

1. Tzana, from whence the Lake derives its name, for from thence it is called Bahr-Tzana, or the Sea of Tzana. 
(y) In some Maps Barcena, but ill placed.   
2. Berghida.  
3. Dabra-Antons: The Monastery of Antony.  
4. Dabra-Marjam.  
5. Daga.  
6. Dek, famous for the Exilement of great Men.  
7. Galila.  
8. Mecrahha.  
9 Metzlè.  
10. Qebran.  
11. Rima.    
All which Islands, Dek excepted, are possessed by the Monks. There are also other Lakes in Habessinia, but it is not of any importance to name them. But since we have given an account of the true Rivers, let us not omit that Fabulous Stream, which they will have to run between Prester John, and their own Countrymen, found out among the Figments of the Jews. They call it Sabbation, or the Sabbath River, because it never runs upon that 
(z) Consult, Buxtorf's Lexicon concerning this word.  day; but upon the other days of the Week so rapid, that it carries all before it. And therefore their Religion, they say, forbids them to visit their Brethren on the other side; as if they could not send some person of another Religion to bring them News from that Region, or were unwilling to put their Pigeons upon that Employment. With so frivolous a fiction do they endeavour to comfort themselves for the loss of their Kingdom: Ignorant where this River rises, or where it ends, whether in Asia, in Africa, or in Utopia; nor do they trouble themselves to inquire how those miserable Souls got thither, or how they shall get out, should that unfortunate River deny them passage upon a Calm day. Yet the Story is ancient, though not of any River in the extreme parts of Asia or Ethiopia, but of a River in Judea. For Pliny writes of a River in Judea which used to be dried up every Sabbath day. Josephus 
(a) Of the Wars of the Jews, l. 7. Nic. Fuller, Miscel Sacr. l. 1. c. 9  also makes mention of it, and unless it be corrected, in a plain contrary sense. He reports, it was observed by Titus the Roman Emperor, as he marched along. But the later Jews, more cunning at Invention, lest it should be found no where, have placed it in a corner of the World where no body shall find it.  

An Addition to part of this Chapter.  
What Gregory tells us briefly concerning the Fountains of Nile, Tellez more at large recites out of the Relations of the Jesuits, agreeable to those things which we have produced out of Peter Pays: In the twelfth Degree of Northern Latitude, to the West of Gojam, in the Kingdom of 
(m) So writ for Sabala.  Sacabala, there is a certain Field, and in that Field a certain Lake filled from two Fountains, about a Stone's cast distant one from another. From them, through a Subterraneal Channel (which yet the verdure of the Grass betrays) the Water flows eastward for about a Musket shot; but by and by bends to the North, and about half a Portugal League farther, bursts forth into a River; and being soon after that enlarged with the addition of other Streams, after a Course of 15 Leagues, the River Gema, bigger than Nilus, loses its Name, and gives Nilus the honour of her Torrent. Then insensibly winding to the East, and receiving two Rivers more, Kelti and Branty, it hastens 
(n) A Lake by others called the Tzanic Lake.  directly for Dembea, which it glides through preserving its own Waters entire, as if disdaining to mix more noble Waves with a viler Puddle. These things are all delivered by consent, that there may be no farther reason to doubt of the Fountains and Original of Nilus for the future.    

CHAP. IX. Of the Fertility of the Soil in general, and of the Vegetables and Plants in particular.  
In Habessinia, sometimes two, sometimes three Harvests. Tef, a sort of Corn unknown to us. They want Rice; despise Oats; feed their Horses with Barley; Grass always; no Hay; sundry sorts of Herbs. Amadmagda cures broken Bones. Assazoi intoxicate Serpents. The ancient Psylli safe by the virtue of this Herb. Oil of Saffron: They want Hops. Grapes they have, but no Wine. They abound in Sugar; want Spices. The Indian Fig, Manz; perhaps the Dudaim of the Hebrews. No Pears nor Apples. Citrons, etc. they have. Their Trees. Ensete, a Pot-herb. Another Tree that kills Worms in Children.  
The Herb and Fruit Called in Hebrew Dudaim. Gen. 30.14. and Cant. 7.13. In the Arabic language Mauz, or Muza The Indian Fig.  
Book 1. Chap. 9 P. 48. 

1. The Herb itself growing like a tree.  
2. The ripe fruit; 40 or 50 upon one stalk.  
3. One Fig to the full proportion.  
4. The young shoots that spring from the root of the tree every year.     depiction of the cultivated banana (tree and fruit) 
Herbs of all sorts grow in this Country, not only the fragrant and medicinal Plants of Europe, but some more peculiar, and of admirable virtue. The Amadmagda cures broken and disjointed Bones, contrary to the Ossifraga of Norway, which snaps the Bones of  that tread upon it. The Herb Assazoe is of that rare virtue against the biting of Asps, that the most hurtful Serpents touched with this Herb, are straight intoxicated, and lie for dead. He that eats of the Root of this Herb, may walk without danger in the midst of Adders and Water-Snakes, and for many years shall be free from the fear of them: In so much, that some of the Habessines have been seen, after they have eaten of this Root, to handle the most venomous Snakes like Eels, twist 'em about their Necks; and then to kill 'em, when they had done showing tricks with 'em. So Providence ordering the most efficacious Remedies where the Poisons are mos pernicious. Which makes me believe that it was not a thing peculiar, or a particular faculty in the Psylli, an ancient People of Africa, that they could cure the biting of Serpents, but got by the use of this Herb; only they kept the thing secret to render themselves the more admired. For they made a Trade of it, by carrying Venomous Animals about the World without danger, for the sight whereof, the more curious gave them Money. Garden Saffron, which the Ethiopians call Denguelet, is frequent in Habesinia; the Seed of it Gregory shown me for a great Rarity: and cried up the Oil which was to be pressed out of it, against the Hypocondriacal Evil, and Obstructions of the Spleen. They want Hopps, and boil their Drink without it. And therefore Gregory finding, that it was the virtue of the Hopps, which kept our Drink so long, took great care to carry some of the Seed along with him into his own Country. Their Vine and Grapes are most Transcendent, but they never make any Wines, whether out of ignorance, or because the Grapes being ripened in Summer, the excessive heat hastens the fermentation and sowers the Liquor before the Lee be settled. They abound in Sugar, but as for Pepper, Ginger, and other such like Spices they have none; rather out of carelessness to Plant, as I believe, than through the fault of the Soil; which considering the variety of the Air, and the continual heat of some Places, seems most proper for such a sort of Husbandry. The Indian Fig also, which the Arabians call Muz or Mauz, grows plentifully here, a most Excellent Fruit it is; and you shall have fifty Figgs, about the bigness and shape of a Cucumber hanging upon one stalk, of a most delicious odour and taste. They are ripe in June, as I learned from the Itinerary of Prince Radzevile, who had seen some of them near Damascus, where they are rare; for they require a hotter Climate. Which Circumstances make me believe, that this same Fruit may be the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dudaim mentioned in Genesis, which occasioned so much discontent between the two Wives of Jacob. Soon after I observed that many others, Learned Men, lighted upon the same Conjecture, though they do not give their Reasons. For in my Opinion, it should be some rare and pleasant Fruit, that should move the Boy to gather it; yet not so much a Boy neither, as to think it worth his while to carry home a stinking Mandrake, which could be a fruit little worth contending for. Besides, Rachel might have sent her Servant as well to have gathered Amiable Flowers, (as some render the Word) that is to say, Lilies, Violets, or the like. And besides the Hebrew word seems to confirm this Opinion: as being in the dual Number, and seeming to infer a relation of more than one Fruit to one and the same Stalk.  
Apples and Pears, such as grow in our Climates, they have none. For at what time they Ripen with us, Storms and Tempests rage in Habessinia. For the Trees, as I have heard the Habessines acknowledge, observe our Seasons, sprout forth and shed their Leaves in the same Month with ours; but with the Plants it is otherwise, which Flower there in our Winter. However, they have Pomecitrons, Apricots, Peaches, and Pomegranates, ripened to their full and due Perfection. Gregory admired to behold our Woods of tall Sirs, some seventy, some eighty Foot high; and often called them Arbores benedictas, blessed Trees: especially, when he heard how useful they were towards the building of Ships and Houses. However we do not find but that Ethiopia has its share of tall Trees, as well as other Countries. But the Tree which goes by the Name of Ensete, is not to be passed over without Admiration; being like that which bears the Indian Fig, two fathoms in thickness. For being half cut down, it renews again by means of innumerable shouts that spring again from the remaining Trunk, all which is fit to be eaten; so that there is no need that the Tree should bear any other Fruit, it being all Pot-herb of itself. For being sliced and boiled it assuages the Thirst of the common sort of People, who bruise the Leaves and boil them with Meal, and then eat the Composition instead of a Hastie-pudding. There is another Tree which Godignus praises, most excellent against the Worms in the Belly: a Distemper frequent among the Abessines, by reason of their feeding upon Raw Flesh. For remedy whereof the Habessines Purge themselves once a Month with the Fruit of this Tree, which causes them to Void all their Worms.   

CHAP. X. Of Fourfooted Beasts.  
Oxen of a stupendious bigness; the Cause. Bull-Elephants; their Horns. The Herds of Africa. The Graziers of Bek. Generous Horses, of various Colours; Horses for War. Mules for other occasions; taught to amble by Art. Camels only useful in level Grounds. The ponderous tails of their Sheep: in Sacred Writ, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Alia. Flocks of Elephants: They lay the Country waste, make Highways, they fodder upon Trees; Docible: they observe the Laws of Hospitality. The Habessines more properly call those things Horns which we call Teeth: they never make any attempt upon Man: they are careful of their Probosces: none tame in Ethiopia. The Camelopardalis, why so called? the name in Arabic in the Amharic Dialect. Zecora, the most lovely of Fourfooted Beasts; described, high prized. The Lion Magnanimous, a Terror to other Beasts. Tigers and Leopards more truculent: how they differ. Wolves Slothful. The Hyaena Cruel. Flocks of Apes; they greedily devour Emmets, they devour Fruit but warily; they are a Prey to the wild Beasts, they Defend themselves wonderfully. The Cercopitheculus concerning which, a Rythme in three Languages. Whether the Callitrix of the Ancients. Arwè Harìs the Unicorn, seen by John, Gabriel, and other Portugals: the Ancient Descriptions of the Unicorn various. Many Unicorns, no Bears, but Hearts, Boars, and wild Goats.  
Book 1. Chap. 10. P. 53.  
An Eastern Sheep drawing his fat Tail in a Cart weighing 40 pound weight or More.   depiction of a large-tailed, curly-horned sheep, pulling its tail behind it in a cart. 
Another sort of Sheep whose fat Tails are very heavy by which the Sheep mentiond. Exodus. 20.22. Levit. 7.3. and 9.19. are said to be meant.   depiction of a twisted-horned sheep with cropped tail. 
Africa was formerly Famous for the Herds and Droves of Cattle fed therein; and at this time there are some Nations that support themselves merely by Grazing: of this sort are the Bektences, not far from Suaquena, who in the Summer Inhabit the Mountains; in the Winter spread themselves upon the Plains, changing their Seats as the Tempestuous Seasons , and settling where they find most Fodder for their .  
Their Horses are courageous and strong; but they never make use of them, unless it be in Battle, or when they run Races; so that they never take care to shoe them: for if at any time they cannot avoid passing through Stony and Rocky passages, they lead their Horses, riding themselves upon Mules. They are of various Colours, as our Horses are; bright Bay, Sorrel, coal Black, Rouen, etc. but most commonly Black. Elmacin reports, That Cyrtacus King of Nubia brought into Egypt an Army of a Hundred thousand Blacks, all mounted upon Black Horses. Gregory pitied our Horses, when he saw them drawing great Carts; admiring at the Patience of the Beasts: and our Cruelty, in putting so Noble and Warlike a Creature to such base and servile Exercises. And therefore the Abyssines make more frequent use of Mules, as well to carry their burdens, as when they travel long Journeys; for no sort of Beast treads more safely in their rugged ways: and for the greater ease of the Rider, they teach them sometimes to Amble. It was very troublesome to Gregory when he travelled, to ride a Horseback; especially, if the Horse either Trotted or Galloped: a vexation which he frequently complained of.  
Camels are never used but in the plain Country, for they tread upon the Sand though scalding hot, without any harm to their Feet; but in Mountainous and Rocky ways, they are altogether useless.  
That same sort of Sheep also, so much admired and so well known, both in the East, and in Africa, is here very common; the Tails of which are so fat and ponderous, that the least of them weigh Ten and Twelve, the biggest of them sometimes above forty Pound, so that the Owners are forced to tie a little Cart behind them, wherein they put the Tail of the Sheep, as well for the convenience of Carriage and to ease the poor Creature, as to preserve the Wool from dirt and nastiness, and being torn among bushes and stones. And it is a probable conjecture that Exodus speaks of this sort of Ram, 
Exod. 29.22  where Moses commands, among the rest of the fat parts of the Ram of Impletions that were to be cut off and burnt, the Tail of the Ram 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Aljah to be cut off for the same purpose; For that the Word Aljah seems to import as much, which signifies only the Tail of a fat Ram, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Nahab being the general word for the Tail of all other Beasts; among which, the leaner sort of Sheep like ours are included. 
(b) Bochart in Hierozoico. L. 2, c. 45. p. 494.  As for other tame Beasts, they have the very same as are to be seen common in these parts of the World.  
But as for Wild Beasts, Abissinia breeds more, and more bulky than any other Region: of which, we shall give a short account, beginning from those which appear most Monstrous in their Creation. In the first place Elephants, conspicuous for bulk of Body and Docility, heard together in the Plain and Woody places in great Numbers. H. Lodowic Azevedez saw in Tigra a hundred of them together differing in Bigness; and he attests, that as great a Number went but a little before them. 
(c) This number may easily be believed by them who shall read Nennosies in Bibliothec. Photii. n. 3. Where he writes of Elephants, no small Number near five thousand.  But it is almost incredible to be told, what a havoc they make in the Fields and Woods: they will shake Trees bigger than themselves in Bulk, so long, till either their Trunks break, or the whole Tree be torn up by the Roots, as with an Earthquake. Smaller Trees they snap off about a hands breadth from the Ground. As for shrubs and underwoods', and all sorts of fruit Trees, they either eat 'em up, or trample 'em under their feet. Gregory was wont to say, That they opened High ways, and where they had gone before, Travellers would rather choose to follow, as being less cumbersome. But least Food should be wanting to such Massy Creatures, Providence has provided: For in those Places there grow certain Trees about the bigness of Cherry-Trees, full of Pith, like Elder; upon which they banquet, as upon Grass. Of all the dumb Beasts, this Creature certainly shares the most of Human Understanding: kind usage excites their Ambition, contumely fires their Revenge. Of which many Examples are extant among the Writers of Natural History. Gregory told us, that where they like their Entertainment, they are very punctual in observing the Laws of Hospitality; though one of the Females would have served her Host but an ugly trick after her departure from her Lodging. This Elephant had brought forth a Young one, in a certain Field which her Landlord had sowed with Corn; who willing to dislodge such an unwelcome Guest, had resolved to kill the said Elephant: his Neighbours dissuaded him, assureing him, that the slaughter would not be unrevenged; but on the other side, that she would defend his ripe Harvest against all others, and therefore advised him to let her alone, till she had brought up her Cubb; but withal, so soon as she had done that, forthwith to reap his Harvest. The Husbandman following this Counsel, preserved his Harvest untouched, suffering no other Injury than what the Beast spoiled in her passage to and fro. After the Female had carried away her young ones from that Place, the Husbandman by the help of his Neighbours got in his Harvest with all speed. The next Night the Elephants came in Troops, with an intention to have Supped with their Landlord before their departure, but found the Table taken away, and the Buttery Empty. The People of the Country aver, that they are not their Teeth, but their Horns of which the Ivory is made; and indeed, their substance and situation demonstrate the same thing: for they grow out of the Head and not out of the Jaws: and besides that, they only adorn the brows of the Males; the Females like our Does have none at all. The Elephant never offers to attempt upon any person, unless provoked; if he be threatened with sticks or cudgels, he hides his Probosces under his Belly, and goes away braying; for he is sensible it may be easily chopped off: the extreme parts of it being very nervous and tender, which cause him to be afraid of hard blows. At the end of it three little sharp pointed Langets come forth, by the help of which, he can take up the smallest thing that is, as men do with their fingers. They never take care to tame them here, where there is no use of them, either in Peace or War, among so many high Mountains.  
The next is, the Camelopardalis, or Panther-Camel, which is and bulky as the Elephant, but far exceeds him in tallness. For this Beast is so very high, that a man of a just Statue, reaches but up to his knees, so that it seems very credible what is reported, That a Man on horseback sitting upright on his saddle, may ride under his Belly. He derives his Name from hence, that he has a long Head, and a long Neck like a Camel, but a Skin spotted all over like a Panther. The Romans, when they first beheld this Beast, called it a Wild-Sheep, though being more remarkable for its Aspect, than its Wildness, or Fierceness; as we read in Pliny. By the Abyssines, by reason of the smallness of his Tail, he is called Jeratakaein; that is, slender : by the Italians Giraffa: from the Arabian word Zucaffa.  
But there is a Beast which is called Zecora, which for beauty exceeds all the  Creatures in the World. They of Congo give it the Name of Zebra. This Creature is about the bigness of a Mule, and is brought out of the Woods of Habessinia, and the Countries possessed by the Galans, and easily tamed. A present of great esteem and frequently given to the Kings of Habessinia. Tellez briefly describes him thus, A Circle of a black Colour encompasses his Loins like a girdle; adjoining to which, Nature has penciled out several others, some broader some narrower, some black, and some of a bright shining Ash-Colour; with so much Elegancy and Order, as no Painter's Art can equalise. His Ears are the only thing that disfigures him; being of a disproportionable length: for which reason he is called by the Portugals Burro do Matto, (though improperly) the wild Ass. But you may guests at his beauty, by his price. For King Susneus having given one of these Beasts to the Turkish Bassa of Suaqena, he sold the same for Two thousand Venetian Pieces, to a certain Indian, that bought him for a Present to the great Mogul.  
Book. 1. Chap. 10. Page. 57  
A Description of the APES. 

1. Scrambling about the Mountains  
2. Removeing great huge Stones to come at the worms.  
3. Sitting upon Antony's Hills and devouring the little Creatures  
4. Throwing sand or dust in the eyes of wild beast that came to set upon them.     Primates (possibly macaques) playing, digging for food and counter-attacking lions. 
Tigers and Panthers are much more Cruel and Fierce than Lions, for they never spare Mankind: yet they covet the Ethiopians before White-men, as more accustomed to that sort of Diet. These two Beasts differ only in 
(e) Panthers and Tigers are the only Beasts remarkable for the variety of their Spots, saith Pliny, L. 8. c. 17. In which place, the Panther is taken for the Leopard; but when the Panther is opposed to the Leopard, than it is to be taken for the Tiger. For the Ancients have not accurately enough distinguished these Beasts, as being very much like to one another, and very rarely or never seen together. They knew there were two sorts of Beasts, but to which to give the true name, they either knew not, or very much doubted.  Colour; for the Panthers are brown spotted with black: the Tiger's gold-Coloured, with fine black Spots, like Five leaved Grass: they are Beasts of a dreadful celerity and boldness; by Night they break into Villages, and make doleful Massacres among the poor innocent Cattle: yet Alvarez affirms, That these Burcheries never happen in Midra-Bahrà.  
As for their Wolves, they are small and lazy, such as Africa and Egypt bred in former times, as Pliny testifies: 
L. 8. c. 22.  But the Hyaena, or the Crocuta near akin to the Wolf, is the most Voracious of all the wild Beasts; 
(f) Begot between a Hyena and a Lioness: familiar to Ethiopia. See Solinus c. 65. and Salmatius upon him.  for she not only by Night and by stealth, but openly and in the day time Preys upon all she meets with, Men or Cattle, and rather than fail, digs down the walls of Houses and Stables. Gregory described her to be speckled, with black and white spots.  
Of Apes there are infinite Flocks up and down in the Mountains themselves, a thousand and more together: there they leave no stone unturned. If they meet with one that two or three cannot lift, they call for more Aid, and all for the sake of the Worms that lie under; a sort of Diet which they relish exceedingly. They are very greedy after Emmets. So that having found an Emmet-hill, they presently surround it, and laying their fore Paws with the hollow downward upon the Ant-heap, as fast as the Emmets creep into their treacherous Palms, they lick 'em off with great comfort to their Stomaches: and there they will lie till there is not an Emmet left. They are also pernicious to fruit and Apples, and will destroy whole Fields and Gardens, unless they be carefully looked after. For they are very cunning, and will never venture in till the return of their Spies, which they send always before; who giving Information, that all things are safe, in they rush with their whole Body, and make a quick dispatch. Therefore they go very quiet and silent to their Prey; and if their young ones chance to make a noise, they chastise them with their fists, but if they find the Coast clear, than every one hath a different noise to express his joy. Nor could there be any way to hinder them from further Multiplying, but that they fall sometimes into the ruder hands of the wild Beasts, which they have no way to avoid, but by a timely flight, or creeping into the clefts of the Rocks. If they find no safety in flight, they make a virtue of necessity, stand their ground, and filling their Paws full of Dust or Sand, fling it full in the Eyes of their Assailant, and then to their Heels again.  
But there is another sort of Creature very harmless, and exceeding sportive, called in the Ethiopic Language Fonkes, in the Amharc Dialect Guereza, (which is a kind of Marmoset) and in Latin Cercopitheculus. Of which the following Rhyme is common in several parts of Ethiopia.  
I put no Man to pain,  
I eat not his Grain,  
They hate me in vain.  
They are varie-coloured, and sky-coloured mixed with grey: India breeds them white, and beautiful; but so tender, that unless they be wrapped very warm, and carried in your bosom, they cannot be brought into these Parts. Whether it be the Callitriches, or Fairhair of the Ancients, I leave to others to judge. Of them, after a Discourse of Apes, thus Pliny, The Calli-tricks differ in the shape of the whole Countenance. The Beard is in the midst of the face, the Tail is broad in the forepart; This Creature they say, lives not where but in the Ethiopian Climate where it was bred. Solinus hath the same words, only adding; To catch these is easy, to bring away very difficult.  
Book. 1. Chap. 10. Page. 52.  
The Ethiopian Fonkes, in the Amharic dialect called Guereza.  
A sort of little Animal of the Kind of those which the Hollanders call Danguinen.  
It seems to be the Callithrix or fair-haire of the Ancients.  
We thought fit to call it Cerlopitheculus or Galeopitheculus, The marmoset with a tail or a Capp   depiction of Marmosets, one on the ground and one in a tree. 
Flocks of Elephants that lay waste whole Forests. A cornfeild defended by a She Elephant.  
Book. 2. Chap: 10. page 38   depiction of a herd of elephants destroying trees.  

CHAP. XI. Of Creatures Amphibious, and those that live only in the Water.  
The River-Horse, whence his Name: the Behemoth of Job: pernicious to Corn. Boars, and Men; frighted with fire; why taken. The Crocodile. Job's Leviathan. The Angueg described. Many Fish. The wonderful Nature of the Torpedo. A cure for Fevers, and the Gout: touched with a wand it waxes numb itself.  
Book. 1. Chap. 11. Page. 60.  
The Behemoth Job the 40. 10.  
Hippopotamos The sea Cow or the River Horse By the Italians  
The sea Horse putting up his head a 'bove the water; thence called the river Horse by the Greeks'.   depiction of Hippopotamuses, one on land and one in water. 
His Companion the Crocodile is much more mischievous, which however does not frequent the said Lake, so much as the River Tacazè, that flows as we have said into the River Nile. This is that which Job calls the Leviathan, 
c. 41.  as many Learned Men have 
(s) Beza, and Diodati, as Bochart alleadges. c. 15.  observed; to whom Bochart also gives his consent.  
Water-Lizards are very frequent every where, and those very large. Among which, there is one sort called an Angueg, deformed to look upon, with a sharp Tail, and that so strong, as to be able almost to cut a man's Thigh in sunder; and therefore by the Italians called, Caudiverbera. To me it seems to be the Waril of the Arabians, and the Coahh of the Hebrews, and to have derived its name from Coahh, 
Levit. 11.30. L. 4. c. 3.  which signifies strength. Bochart has a more copious Description of it: but that which follows Gregory gave me.  
The Angueg lives in the Rivers; but when he comes forth, he feeds upon the Grass; he is , very deformed: shaped like a Dragon, without any hair. His Tail is sharp like a Sword, strong enough to cut a Man's thigh in two; as big as a Cat, but slenderer.  
But setting these strange Creatures aside, the Lakes and Rivers abound with Fish; even those that run under Ground: as we have already related concerning the Mareb.  
Among the rest, the Torpedo is very remarkable, frequent in Africa. The Hollanders 
(t) O. Dapper in his Description of Africa.  call it Fitterfish, or the trembling Fish. For it is of that Prodigious Nature, that if it be touched with the hand, it strikes a most intolerable Trembling into the Members. This 
(u) They shown him says Tellez, meaning Almeyda the Fish, called in Latin Torpedo, which he had no sooner taken in his hand, but immediately he felt such a cruel pain in his hand and Arm, that he threw it presently away again, not able to endure such a tormenting Experiment. More see in Godignus. L. 1. c. 11. See the Author himself. L. 9 c. 42.  Peter Almeyda the Jesuit experimenting, paid for his knowledge. The Habessines cure Quartan and Tertian Agues with it. The manner thus, the Patient is first to be bound hard to a Table, after which the Fish being applied to his joints, causeth a most cruel pain over all his Members; which being done, the fit never returns again. A severe Medicine, which perhaps would not be unprofitable to those that are troubled with the Gout, in regard some say that Disease is to be Cured by Torment. Those Ethiopians would certainly believe it, who affirm, That the Virtue of this Fish will dispossess a man of the Devil himself. And yet if you touch this Fish with a Spear or Wand, the sinews of it, though very strong, presently grow numb; and the Feet of it, though otherwise a swift runner, lie as if they were bound, as Pliny reports. Which Modern Writers also Testify to be no untruth.   

CHAP. XII. Of Birds.  
The Struthiocamel, and the Casawaw, swifter than Horses; frequent in Africa: a great enemy to Dogs: the flesh of it good against Poison. The Ibis and Ophiomachus kill Serpents. The Pipi betrays the wild Beasts to the Fowlers: the same Bird in Guiny. No tame Geese. Gregory wondered at his lying in Feather Beds. No Cuccows nor Eagles. The Ruch and Birds of Condora Fabulous.  
AS the largest  Beasts are found in the Regions and Seas of Habessinia; so do also the largest Fowl breed in the same Places. Though indeed, they may not properly be called Birds, for that they never rise upon the Wing, as the Struthiocamel or Ostrich, and the Casawaw or Casuarius next to him in Bulk. However, the swiftness of their Feet compensates the slowness of their Wings; they being able to outrun a Horse upon his full speed. As for the Ostrich, he is so well known, that he needs no further description. The Casuarius, or Casawaw is a Bird frequent in Africa: by the Inhabitants of Guiney called Eme, but the Habessines, and particularly those of Tygra give it the name of Casawaw, denoting thereby the Bulkiness of the Body. But for the Tinshemeth or Mergus, or as others Interpret it the Swan, mentioned Deut. 14.16. The Abessines are in an Error to mistake it for this Bird. For that is no more than the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Cygnus in Latin, which perhaps they had heard by report was bigger than all other Birds: this Fowl has a great antipathy against Dogs, which she eagerly pursues though with hazard of her Life. I had a young one sent me out of India which was killed by a Mastive; but the Skin I still preserve. The Flesh of the Fowl whether new or smoked is made use of in Remedies against the biting of Serpents, which was found out by observing how eagerly they devour them without harm. But Providence has not provided one single Enemy to their Serpents only. For the Egyptian Ibis, and the Ophiomachus, from his continual Enmity to those Vermin, called in the Amharic Dialect, the Serpent devourer, make great havoc of those Venomous Creatures. So that Africa, though it breed most pernicious Animals, yet it affords most excellent Remedies against those Mischiefs. And indeed, some of those Birds seem to be granted to Man for the Extirpating the Enemies of their well being, which because they cannot vanquish themselves, they betray to them that they think more able. For there is a little Bird, by those of Tygra called from the Noise which it makes Pipi, which, strange to tell will, lead the Hunters to the Places where the Wild Beasts lie hid: never leaving their Note of Pipi, till the Hunters follow them, and kill the discovered Prey. Gregory related to me, That as he was walking with one of his acquaintance, an Inhabitant of Tygra; this Bird cried Pipi over their heads; thereupon, understanding the meaning of it from his Friend, he resolved to try the Truth of the Story. The Bird conducted them to a shady Tree, about the boughs of which, a Monstrous huge Snake had Curled herself; at the sight whereof, he and his friend made more haste back again, than they did coming to satisfy their Curiosity. And indeed, it is not safe to follow this Bird, unless a man be provided with all his Hunting Instruments: nevertheless, the Bird has her own ends in her double diligence too: for she is sure to have her share of the Slaughtered Carcase whate'er it be. Nor is this Bird to be found only in Habessinia, but also in Guiny in the Kingdom of Quoja, where they give it the Name of Fonton, being about the bigness of a Lark, where it is reported to betray not only wild Beasts, but also Serpents and Bees.  
They have no tame Geese: and therefore Gregory observing a Flock of Geese once driven along by their Keeper; pleasantly demanded of me, Whether those Birds were obedient to their Keeper? to whom, when I replied yes; he asked me a second, Whether if they flew, the Keeper flew too, and Whether before or behind? but when I told him what profitable Birds they were, he extolled them for blessed Feather-bearing birds; especially, when he had lain upon their soft Down at the Castle of Gota: for he had never lain upon a Featherbed before he came into Germany: So that he thought that the Germane beds swelling with light Down, had been blown up with the Wind. But he Admired that the Germans were Arrived at that height of delicacy, that Men should stoop to so much Effeminacy as to lay themselves, where it was only fit for Children, and Women in Childbed to lie. For he did not believe they would easily take the Field, unless their soft beds followed them. As for other European birds, they have most of them: and for their Water Fowl I have nothing to relate worth Remark. By the way, I have this further to add, That there are neither Eagles nor Cuckoos in all these Parts; and therefore they tell Stories and Fables of their bigness and strength: such as the Arabs recount of their 
(y) Of which Bochartus in Hieroz. L. 6. c. 14.  Ruch; which as they say, lays an Egg, as big as a Mountain. Not to mention the winged 
(z) P. Bolivar the Jesuit says, that he saw one of the smaller Feathers of that Bird, twenty Spans long, and three broad: and the Quill itself being three Spans long, and as thick as an ordinary Man's Arm: He is cited by the Most Noble Thevenot in his Remarks upon the relations of Ethiopia.  Horses of Monomotopa, and of other Monsters, half-birds, half-beasts, by the Ancients and Moderns either believed or heard to have been in Africa.   

CHAP. XIII. Of Serpents and Infects.  
Dragons only mischievous by biting; the biggest in India: their Scales and Colour. The Boam. Salamander. Snakes, and water-Snakes most Venomous. Gregory's description. Cure from Human Excrement; which perhaps the Panther taught: they are killed with a stick bend like a Bow. Torrid places impassable by reason of Serpents. The Oxen put to trample upon and break their Eggs. Locusts most pernicious, but good to eat. The Food of St. John Baptist. Bees, some unknown to us, they have no Sting. Emmets, of several kinds.  
FRom hence we pass to another sort of Creatures, mischievous to Men and Beasts, of which there are divers kinds. In the first place, Dragons of the largest size are in Habessinia to be found; mischievous, only in their voracity, but not at all Venomous; Nature providing that they should not be doubly hurtful to men. However they grow to such a bigness, that Gregory allowed there were some in India so large, as to swallow whole Infants, Pigs, Lambs and Kids: he further said, that they were covered with Scales, which in Colour very much resembled the bark of an old Tree, and hard to be distinguished from the bigger boughs. Of the Boam, that devoured Oxen, he had never heard; neither did he believe that ever any other person would. Of the Salamander, Gregory could tell me nothing; which of all Venomous Creatures, as Pliny reports, is accounted the most Tightly Mischievous. In Java the Greater, it is called 
(b) See the itinerary of Volcard Iversen, L. 1. c. 7. It is somewhat like an Est or Newt. Consult Bochart Likewise Hieroz. P. 1. l. 4. c. 4.  Jeko, as some think from the sound that it makes; or as others believe, from the most pernicious Effects of its Poison. However there are in Habessinia other Serpents, whose Venom is of a most searching Nature. Such are those sort of Snakes called Hydri, inferior to none for their Poison; they breed in Ponds and Marshy Puddles which are dried up in the Summer: and then the Serpents appearing in the same places, are by the Greeks called 
(c) As much as to say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Aetius L. 13. c. 35. or Water-Snake upon the Land.  Chersydri: at which time, they are also far more Mischievous, as being exasperated by Thirst and Heat; and of these, unless I deceive myself, is the Description of Gregory to be understood. There is, said he, a Serpent among us, about as long and as big as a Man's Arm, of a dark red or brownish Colour, which lurks under Bushes and Weeds: thither if any Person or Beast happen to come, the Serpent breathes forth a Poisonous Breath 
(d) This circumstance induced me to believe, that Gregory meant the Serpents called Hydrus and Chersydrus, or Land-water-Snake, by reason that Authors allow them a venomous noisome breath. Virg. L. 3. Georg. Aelian. Hist. L. 8. c. 13.  so Pestilent, and of so noisome a smell, that in a short time proves Mortal, unless speedy Antidotes be applied. Which Nature has afforded ready at hand, where the mischief requires so speedy a prevention. For, as he said, it was to be cured by drinking Human Excrement in Water. Which Remedy perhaps the Panther taught: which Beast, if at any time he hath devoured Flesh laid for him by the Hunters rubbed over with Henbane, cures himself by eating Human ordures: for many things which are beneficial to Beasts, are in like manner advantageous to Mankind. Other sorts of Serpents commonly and generally known I forbear to mention. The vulgar sort of People contemn 'em, walk among 'em, and kill 'em at their pleasure. Therefore as often as they go into the Country, they carry with them a crooked stick; for being straight, it hits only with the Point; but being bend like a Bow, it strikes with greater force and certainty. Gregory hearing there were a great many Serpents about Helburgh in Franconia, belonging to the Duke of Saxony, provided himself with such a sort of Weapon, and when he met a Snake, never struck it upon the head, but upon the middle of the back; by which means, having disabled the Serpent from creeping any further, he easily killed it.  
Those parts of Africa which are most subject to heat, are most Infested with Serpents; which being for the same reason uncultivated, are therefore impassable. And therefore Gregory seeing our Boots, said they were excellent defences against the Biting of Serpents. Sometimes they drive their Cattle, as I am apt to believe, fortified beforehand, by feeding upon the Plant Assazoe, into the Fields and places that are strewed with Serpent's Eggs, on purpose that they should trample 'em to pieces with their Hoofs: otherwise, they are so Fruitful that they would increase beyond Imagination.  
But much more pernicious than these are the Locusts, which do not frequent the Desert and Sandy places like the Serpents; but places best Manured, and Orchards most laden with Fruit. They appear in Prodigious Multitudes, like a thick Cloud that obscures the Sun: nor Plants, nor Shrubs, nor Trees remain untouched: and wheresoever they feed, their leave seem as it were parched with the Fire. Sometimes they enter the very Bark of the Trees, and then the Spring itself cannot repair the Damage. A general Mortality ensues, and Regions lie waste for many years; in regard the Habessines never take care 
(e) Dapper in his Description of Guiny, or the Golden-shoar, p. 459. but in this he is deceived; because he says, they came out of Arabia the Happy, so far off.  for Stores of Provision, or to stack their Hay. Indeed, for some time they may support themselves by feeding upon the Locusts themselves, which they greedily eat, as well to satisfy their hunger as in Revenge; for it is a very sweet and wholesome sort of Diet: by means of which, a certain Portuguez Garrison in India, that was ready to yield for want of Provision, held out till it was Relieved another way. And therefore it is not to be doubted, but that St. John the Baptist fed upon these Locusts in the Wilderness.  
Concerning other Infects, of which that Climate is sufficiently fruitful, it will be needless to say much more; only as to their Bees, we have this to observe; That they swarm in Habessinia, and produce Prodigious quantities of Honey: They are a small sort of black Earthing- Bee, which make the whitest and the sweetest Honey that is used in Medicaments. From their Labours the Habessines gather their wild Honey, of the same nature with that which fed John the Baptist; but in regard they want Stings, they seek for security in concealment; for they build their Architecture under Ground, into which the entrance is so narrow, that upon the sight of a man, five or six of them will fill it, and place their little heads equal with the ground so like Artists, as to delude the quickest sight.  
Next to these their Aunts or Emmets are very remarkable; of which, there are likewise several sorts, not so big as a small Dog, 
(f) This I rather believe, than the story of Pliny, L. 11. 9 30. concerning Emmets among the Northern Indians, that dig up great pieces of Gold; themselves as big as Egyptian Foxes. Soline also makes them as big as great Dogs. Polyhist. c. 40. al. 27.  such as Thuanus relates, was sent among other Presents, by Thamus the Persian King, to Solyman Emperor of the Turks, but bigger than those in our Climates; as the African and Indian Infects generally are. Among the rest, the most observable are those which they call Gundan, for they always march in a kind of Military Array, observing Order and Discipline, leaving a kind of Highway behind them. They do not gather with industry, but presently devour; and the pricks of their Stings are not a little painful. The next to these, are those which by the Inhabitants are called, the Gundan's Servants, being as it were Slaves to the Greater sort; they march in Order, but carry their Provision in the nippers of their little Snouts, and lay it up; when it is moist they bring it forth again and dry it in the Sun: of these, by reason of their great Industry, it is thought, that Solomon spoke. There are some that have Wings at certain seasons, with which they can Fly; which happens sometimes in Germany: once I saw such in my own Country; and these flying Aunts, I remember, were easily devoured by the Poultry.   

CHAP. XIV. Of the Nature and Genius of the Inhabitants.  
The Habessines of a towardly disposition. The commendations which Tellezius gives them. The best of all the Africans. Servants of this Nation prized all over the World. Prester-Chan, why so called. The Habessines desirous of Arts and Sciences; especially, the Latin Tongue. The causes of gregory's going into Germany. They want the Opportunities of attaining to Learning, and why? They of Tygra are blamed. For shape and features the Habessines excel. White Ethiopians in Guiny. They prefer Blackness. They paint the Devil White. The Men very strong. So are the Women, and bring forth with little pain. Nor are they unfruitful, and therefore the Country Populous. The Jews Inhabiting among them, formerly enjoyed their own Privileges, now Dispersed and Exiles. They use a corrupt Talmudic Dialect. Mahometans mixed with Christians, Pagans innumerable, wand'ring; Naked Creatures, by the Portugals called Cafres', or Infidels.  
HAving thus given an account of the Beasts, Infects, and Fish, peculiar to these Regions, we are now to speak of the Inhabitants; Man being the most perfect of all the Creation, and for whose benefit the rest were designed. And first, we must confess, That there is not the same harshness and roughness in the Dispositions of the People, as in the nature of the Soil: for the Habessines, as Tellezius' Witnesses, in other things not so just to them, are well inclined, and of an excellent good Nature.  
All the Habessines, (saith he) are endued with a pregnant Wit, and goodness of Disposition; not Cruel, nor Bloody: they easily forgive Injuries; there are few Quarrels among them, or if any do arise, they are seldom determined by the Sword; only Boxing and Cuffing decides the difference: They are Naturally given to Justice and Equity; so that having Cufft a while, they presently choose Arbitrators, or repair to the Lord of the Place, and there set forth their Complaint in Words, without any of our Parchment Ambiguities, and hearing the Sentence which he gives, submit without any delay or tergiversation: So that they have no need of Answers and Replies, and Rejoinders, and Exceptions; but avoid the noise of the Bar, and the expenses of Pleading.  
And when he inveighs against Adamas— Saghed, the Prince of the Habessines, he adds, That he had forgot the Lenity, Truth, and Christian Piety, which wont to be almost natural to the Abessines.  
But before all the rest he prefers those of Enarea by the Confession of the Habessines themselves. For 
(g) For those are his words, L. 4. c. 30. pag. 177. a.  those he commends above all others, both for their Endowments as well of Body as Mind; and for their Courage and Fidelity. A Testimony which certainly contains a very high Applause of a Nation, otherwise rude and impolished; so that if they had but the advantages of Education, most certain it is, that the Abessines, would prove the most ingenious and understanding people of all Africa; which is well known all over the East: And therefore Servants out of this Nation, are sold for more, and more esteemed than Slaves out of any other of the Black Nations whatever. For which cause some Learned Men are of Opinion, that the King of the Abyssines was therefore called Prester-Chan, for that in the Persian Language Prester-Chan signifies 
(h) Jacob Golius, at Blancard alleadges in his Notes upon Curtius.  A Prince of the best Servants, being taken in War, or otherwise by Pirates, and sold to the Mahometans. If they were not well grounded before in the Christian Religion, they are easily seduced to renounce their Christianity, for that there is no Circumcision exacted from them, as being already Circumcised: and then again, though they be Foreigners and bought with Money, yet are they often advanced to Dukedoms and Governments, and rise to great Preferments above the Natives and Freemen. They are most Covetous after Learning, and desirous of the knowledge of Arts and Sciences. Nor was there any other greater reason of that kindness which was showed to the Fathers of the Society towards the beginning of this Century, in Habessinia, but that they were skilled in all sorts of Arts and Sciences, and therefore admired by the King and Princes of the Nation. For they love and reverence all sorts of Foreign Christians that are adorned with the Ornaments of Art and Learning. Gregory related to me, That when the Portuguess Patriarch carried thither a great number of very fair Books, sundry of the Nobility, and among the rest, Tine, one of the King's Councillors, expressed himself with a Sigh in these words. Oh happy he that can understand all these Books! And many persons of full years, hearing of the excellency and large use of the Latin Language, have most Ardently desired to learn it. And that indeed seemed to me to be the most prevailing reason, why our Gregory though stricken in years, undertook so long a journey after me into Germany; and why Acalex a young Habessine followed him soon after; though not being understood in Germany where he pronounced Ehrfaher instead of Erfurt he had the ill fortune to lose his labour. Therefore they neither want ingenuity nor industry, but only Opportunity and Assistance, for they never travel long Journeys: our Europeans are hindered by the difficulties of getting into their Country, and the tediousness of the Journey, whether by Land or Sea: and besides all this the Envy of the Turks joined to their implacable Avarice will not permit them to suffer us to Import our Arts of Peace and War, to their own and the disadvantage of the rest of the Mahometans. Lastly, their continual Civil Broils, and Foreign Wars with the Gallant are such as will not allow the Nobility leisure to mind the Studies of Tranquillity.  
But among such a variety of people, it is impossible, that the same manners and dispositions should be in all; for Nature has brought forth nothing so good in the Universe, which has not something of Evil mixed with it. Thus Tellez sets a very bad Character upon the Inhabitants of Tigra; who, as he says, are a People irresolute and faithless; inconstant, and false-swearer, bloody and Vindictive; so that Enmities in Families among them remain from Posterity to Posterity. Godignus gives the same report: saying, That in all Ethiopia there is no Nation like them for their vile manner of living and ill Customs.  
But as the Habessines generally excel in generosity of Mind and smartness of Understanding, so do they far exceed all other Ethiopians in shape of Body, and symmetry of Lineaments; the rest of the Africans being generally marked with a Blubber Lipped and Flat Nosed deformity.  
The Habessines, saith Tellez, are remarkable for the complete shape of their Bodies; of a due procerity, free and cheerful Countenance, and thin Nosed, that is not flat Nosed, nor blubber Lipped; so that our Europeans exceed them only in Colour: in other Perfections of Proportion they differ little or nothing. They are generally Black, which they most admire: Some are Ruddie Complexioned; some few White, or rather Pale and Wan, without any grace or welfavouredness.  
True it is, there are some Whites among the Ethiopians in other places, but they look like the countenances of Dead Men, or as if they had the Leprosy: which other Authors also Testify, but writ withal, that it proceeds for some Disease in the Body, and therefore other Ethiopians avoid being 
(i) The Famous Isaac Vossius in his Book of the Original of Nile and other Rivers, believes that those Ethiopians are truly Leprous, and that the difference of Colour proceeds from the Disease: but with submission to so great a person, I should think that a Nation so Infected could not long endure: nor that the King of Lovangi would admit Lepers into his Guard.  breathed upon, or touched by them, as believing them Contagious. Also in the Midland parts of Guiney there is a Nation consisting all of White People, which are therefore called Leuc-Ethiopes, 
Plin. l. 5. c. 8.  or White Ethiopians, and of these the ancient Authors make mention. However, the Ethiopians are pleased with their own Blackness, and prefer it before the White Colour. Neither would Gregory permit himself to be overcome with this Argument, That our Children were frighted at the sight of an Ethiopian; averring, that their Children were as much terrified at the sight of our White Europeans: they are not born Black, but very Red; and in a short time turn Black: Some Authors write, that the Ethiopians paint the Devil white in disdain of our Complexions.  
Their strength of Body is extraordinary. And by reason of the admirable temper of the Air, they are extremely vivacious and patiented of Labour; nor are they easily wearied with clambering their own Rocks. They live till merely dissolved by pure decrepit Age, unless they fall by the Sword, or are devoured by the Wild Beasts, as Sallust writes of the Africans in his time. I am apt to think, that the Macrobii, or Long-livers, formerly Inhabited some part of Habessinia, for that the Ancient Writers report them settled beyond Meroe. 
(k) Solin in Polyhist. c. 43. al. 30. out of Pomponius Mela. The Long-livers, or Macrobii, saith he, Honour Justice, Love Equity; they are very strong, and particularly well-favoured. But presently after he brings in the old Fable, the Fable of the Sun; which Herodotus sets forth at large, L. 3. where he Treats of the Embassy of Cambyses to the King of the Macrobii.  Their Women are also strong and lusty, and bring forth with little pain, as most Women do in hot Countries. When they are in Labour they kneel down upon their knees, and so are 
(l) Thus did the Hebrew Women; as it is said of Elis Daughter in Law, She fell upon her knees and brought forth.  delivered, without the help of a Midwife, unless very rarely. And that they are Fruitful you may well imagine from the Multitude of People; for though Habessinia be not so numerously Inhabited; yet the Latin Patriarch Alphonsus Mendez, going his Visitation, in one little Province, reckoned Forty thousand; in other places, a Hundred thousand: and in other places, others of the Father's Baptised a Thousand two hundred and five. Nor is it to be questioned but that if the Kingdom were at Peace; if their Cities and Towns were Fortified, and that they took care of their Granaries, that the number of Inhabitants in so healthy a Country would soon be multiplied.  
Besides the Abyssines, several other Nations Inhabit this Kingdom, Jews, Mahometans, with several Pagans mixed amongst the rest. The Jews formerly held several fair and large Provinces, almost all Denbea, as also Wegara and Samen, stoutly and long Defending themselves by means of the Rocks, till they were driven thence by Susneus; at that time they also lived according to their own Customs; whence perhaps arose the report, already hinted at by us, That they lived either within the Dominions of Prester John, or near them; under a Prince of their own. Now they are dispersed, though many still remain in Dembea, getting their live by Weaving, and exercising the Trade of Carpenters. Others have retired themselves without the bounds of the Kingdom, to the Westward near the River Nile, adjoining to the Cafers, whom the Ethiopians call Falusjan, or Exiles. Most of them still keep up their own Synagogues, have their own Hebrew Bibles, and speak in a corrupt Talmudic Dialect. The Fathers of the Society never took care to inquire, when, or upon what occasion the Jews came first into Ethiopia? whether they are addicted to the Sect of the Karri, or the Jews? what Sacred Books they use, whether with Points, or without Points? whether they have any other Books, especially Histories, or whether they have any Traditions concerning their own, or Nation of the Habessines? which to know, would certainly be most grateful to many Learned Men; in regard it seems very probable, that there may be found some Ancient Books among them, since they have lived so long and so securely in such inaccessible holds.  
Next to these the Mahometans are frequently admitted into this Kingdom intermixed up and down the Country with the Christians; employing themselves altogether in Tillage or Merchandizing; Trade being all in their hands, by reason of their freedom of Traffic which the Turks and Arabians grant them, and the liberty of Commerce which they have by their means in all the parts of the Red Sea, where they exchange the Habessinian Gold for Indian Wares.  
There are yet many other Barbarous Nations, that wander about in the sandy Deserts, having no knowledge of God, and living without any Government of King or Laws; varying in Customs and Language, having no certain Habitations, but where Night compels them to rest: Savage, Naked, flat Nosed, and blubber Lipped. Agriophagi, devourers of wild Beasts, or rather Pamphagis, All-eaters, for they feed upon 
(m) For many of the Barbarians have been named from the particular Diet they fed upon, as the Man-Eaters, Fish-Eaters, Ostrich-Eaters, etc. Solin in Polyhist. c. 30, al. 43. Plin. L. 6. c. 30.  Dragons, Elephants, and whatever they meet in their way. The most sordid and vilest of Human Creatures. 
L. 5. c. 8.  Gregory described them to me, as Pliny described the Troglodytes, for they dig themselves Dens in the Earth, which are instead of Houses; they feed upon Serpent's Flesh; their Language being only an inarticulate Noise: the Portuguezes called these sort of people Cafers, borrowing the Word from the Arabians, who call all People that deny one God Cafir, in the plural Number Cafruna, Infidels or Incredulous. There are also other Pagans that have their peculiar Names, and Regions, as the Agawi, that Inhabit the Mountainous part of Gojam: the Gongae, Gafates; and the Gallant themselves, otherwise the most professed Enemies of the Abessines; but being expelled by Factions of their own; the King Assigned them certain Lands in Gojam and Dembea; and makes use of them against their own Countrymen from whence they Revolted.   

CHAP. XV. Of the various Languages used in Ethiopia, particularly of our Ethiopic, Erroneously called Chaldaic, in the last Century.  
The Antiquity of the Ethiopic Language; its various Appellations: formerly the natural Language of those of Tigra: in that all their Books written. The Tegian Language what. Joh. Potken, first divulged the Ethiopic in Europe, and called it Chaldee by mistake: more like the Arabic: the use of it in the Hebraics. An Example in the words Adama, and Adam; not so called from the Redness of the Earth. What now the natural Habassian, It differs from the Ethiopic, which is much more noble: to be learned by reading and use: for that they have neither Grammar nor Lexicon. Few understand it: difficult to pronounce. Multitude of Dialects. Eight Principal Languages. They understand not the Greek. The number of Languages in vain prefixed: not so numbered in Africa.  
AMong so many and such variety of Nations, it is no wonder there should be such diversity of Languages. The most Noble and most Ancient Language of this Kingdom is our Ethiopic, commonly so called by the Learned: for the Attaining of which, we set forth a Lexicon and Grammar some while since in England; 
1661.  the Abyssines call it Lesana Itjopia, the Language of Ethiopia, or Lesana Gheez and sometimes singly Gheez; or the Language of the Kingdom: or if you please, the Language of the Study; for that the Word signifies both: also the Language of Books; either because it is only used in Writing, or else because it is not to be attained without Study and Reading of Books: It was formerly the Natural Language of those of Tigra, when the Kings kept their Court at Aexuma, the Metropolis of Tigra; in this Language all their Books, as well Sacred, as Profane, were written, and still are written: and into this Language the Bible was formerly Translated. For whereas others Writ, that the Abessines read the Scripture in the Tegian Language, 
(n) Walton in his Prolegomena before the Bible, c. 15. out of Alvarez, for the r. and the i. written without a Point after the Italian manner, deceived the Readers.  that's a mistake; for the Tegran, or the Language of Tigra, is to be understood of our Ethiopic. Though it be true, that since their Kings left Axuma, the Dialect of this Country is very much altered; yet still it approaches nearest to the Ancient Language, which is as we but lately said, now called the Ethiopic: so that the Abyssines themselves if they meet any doubtful word in this Language, presently consult those of Tygra, concerning the signification.  
John Potken, a Germane of Cologne, now Ancient and Grace, was the first that divulged this Language in Europe; and then setting up a neat Ethiopic Printing-House in Rome, there Imprinted the first Ethiopic Books, that is to say, the Psalter, with the Hymns of the Old Testament, and the Canticles. In this deceived that he gave too much Credit to certain Idle Habessines, who Affirmed, That as well their Language, as their Ethiopic Characters were 
(o) Ambrose Theseus, his Contemporary, mildly reproves him for it, in his Introduction to the Oriental Languages; for saith he, with tenderness to his age and friendship, Thy Learning very much fails thee in this matter. Now Theseus stiffly affirms, The Habessines to be Indians, and their Language Indian: perhaps the more tolerable Error of the two.  Chaldaic. I could not find out the Cause of so Gross an Error; neither had Gregory ever heard it in his own Country: perhaps it fell out by reason of the likeness of the Language, though indeed it agree with the Chaldaic no more than with the Hebrew or Syriac; for it approaches nearest to the Arabic, of which it seems to be a kind of Production; as being comprehended almost within the same Grammatical Rules; the same forms of Conjugations; the same forms of Plurals, both entire and anomalous; so that whoever understands either that, or the rest of the Oriental Languages, may with little labour understand this our Ethiopic. Neither is it useful alone for the understanding of the Habessine Books and Affairs, but for Illustrating and Expounding the rest of the Eastern Languages, and first the Hebrew; of which there is yet a small remainder in the Bible; insomuch that the genuine significations of many words are to be fetched from the neighbouring Dialects: and many texts of Sacred Writ borrow that Light from hence; as shall be more amply demonstrated by Examples in our Commentary. One more than ordinarily remarkable we shall here produce. The Latins called the most Elegant and Delightful piece of Workmanship of the Most Omnipotent God, Mundum, or the World: in imitation of the Greeks, who named the same thing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Ornament; 
(p) For the Greeks borrowed their Letters, and many other things from the Phoenicians, as Bochart and many others declare at large.  assuming the same Word not from Native Invention, but from the Phoenicians, by whom the World, but more especially the Earth, is called Adamah, or Beautiful. I know it is vulgarly derived from the signification of 
(q) So most Lexicon-Writers; Buxtorf tells us, that Adamah, Earth, is so called as being of a Red, or Clay Colour. Schindler affirms, The true Earth, before it is digged is Red; and that Adam was Formed out of Red Earth. Which are said vainly and gratis; neither does Kimchi in his Book of Roots mention any such Derivation.  Redness, because the Hebrew Root Adam signifies to be Red. But how much of the Earth can we aver to be Red; certainly a very small quantity; so that it is most insipid to derive the Etymology of so vast a Mass from Redness. Therefore first Created Human Being himself, the common Parent of us all, derived his Name Adam, not from the redness of the Earth, but from the Absolute Perfection of his Frame and Shape, as being the Masterpiece, to speak more Humano, of his 
(r) But after his Fall, having lost his Primitive Beauty, he was admonished of his Mortality, by an Allusion to the Word Earth, out of which he was Created.  Creator. For this signification, which has hitherto been unknown to the Lexicon-writers of most of the Oriental Languages, is most apparent from the Ethiopic; in which Language Adamah signifies Beautiful, Elegant, and Pleasant. Nor do the Ethiopians understand the Word Adam, otherwise than of a thing that is Beautiful. And there is no doubt, but that the City Adamah, before it was destroyed with Sodom and Gomorrah, seated upon the Banks of Jordan, which are often compared to the 
(s) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gaz-Jehovah, the Paradise of God, according to the Vulgar Latin Version.  Garden of the Lord, was so called, from the Pleasantness of its Situation.  
But Axuma being relinquished, and the Empire being translated into the Heart of the Kingdom, the Vulgar use of this our Language ceased. For the Zagean Line failing, when they set up a Sewan Prince, where the Amharic Dialect is vulgarly spoken, and that some others who were Exiles in the Rock of Amhara, were called to the Government, the Amharic Dialect came into request. For the new King not well understanding the Language of Tygra, and having advanced about his Person his own Friends that spoke the same Language with him, brought his own Dialect into the Court and Camp; which being long fixed there, and in the Parts adjoining, was seldom removed into Tygra. In imitation of whom, the rest of the Nobility and great Personages used the same Speech. Thus the Amharic Dialect, otherwise called the King's Language, being carried along with the Camp and Court over all the Kingdom, (t) got the upper hand of all the other Dialects, and the Ancient and more Noble Ethiopic Language itself: and at length became so Familiar to all the Chief of the Abyssines, that you may easily by the use of that one Dialect Travel the whole Empire, though in several Parts so extremely differing in Dialect from one another. It differs from the Ethiopic, both in Construction and Grammar; so that he who understands the one, cannot comprehend the other; yet he who understands the one, may easily learn the other, because that for above half the Language, as far as I can judge, the words are common to both. Gregory could hardly be persuaded to Translate me the Lords Prayer, and some few Texts of Scripture into the Amharic Dialect, by reason of the difficulty to write it. For it has seven peculiar Characters not usual in the Ethiopic: however the Ethiopic retains its pristine Dignity, not only in their Books, but in their Divine Worship; as also in the King's Letters Patents, and Commissions, which are dispatched in his Council.  
Therefore they are accounted Learned in Ethiopia, that can but Read and Writ it: for it is to be learned out of Books, and by long use, as also by the Assistance of Schoolmasters too, though they are very rare there; for they have neither Grammar nor Dictionary, which Gregory beheld here, not without Admiration. At first he extremely wondered what I meant, when I requested of him the Root of any Ethiopic Word, at what time I was compiling my Lexicon; and seeming to be much offended, asked whether I thought the Ethiopic Words grew upon Roots. But when he understood the scope and use of the Question, he cried out, O the Learning of Europe! They are contented only with a vocabulary, wherein according to several Classes, the Ethiopic Words are Explained in the Amharic Dialect. They call it a Ladder, in imitation of the Arabians, who call such a kind of Book, a 
(u) Such is the Great Kopto-Arabic Scale, which Kircher published at Rome.  Great Scale, or Ladder. The more unskilful seek for such words therein which they do not understand in the Ethiopic; but there are very few that speak Ethiopic in Ethiopia itself. Gregory was persuaded to speak it for my sake, using at first many Amharic Words, which I observed also to happen in the Writings of their more unlearned Authors, before he could accustom himself to the true Ethiopic. Both, but especially the Amharic are very difficult to pronounce, for there are Seven Letters in both k. t. d. t. e. p. tz. whose true Power unless it be that of d. is altogether unknown to the Europeans, so that it is almost impossible for them to shape their Tongues to speak several words, which makes me very ready to believe Pliny, when he Writes, 
L. 5.  That the Names of the People and Towns in Africa, are not to be uttered but in their own Languages. Besides, the sound of their Vowels is so harsh and unpleasant, that they almost scare the hearer; the obscurity of their Language and Pronunciation corresponding with the Darkness of their Complexions.  
But this variety of Speech is much more conspicuous in other Kingdoms and Provinces of this Empire. Tellezius' Elegantly Writes, That there are as many Languages as Kingdoms; nay; that there are different Dialects and Inhabitants in one and the same Kingdom. In Gojam, saith he, there are some Towns not far distant one from another, the Damotans, Gafatans', Shewans, Setans, Shatans', besides the Agawi, the Gonge, and the Natives, whose Dialects differ as much as Portugueze from Italian or French: But the Nobility and Learneder sort, as we make use of Latin, so they speak generally Amharic. That which follows, I had from gregory's Lips; by which the difference of their Language may be the better understood.  
The Language of Tigra comes the nearest to our Ethiopic; as being least corrupted of all the rest.  
To the Amharic Language, those of the Neighbouring Kingdoms come the nearest; though their Dialects are different one from another; for that of Bagemdra is peculiar: Angota, Hata, Gojam, and Shewa, use a Dialect common to one another.  
Gafata makes use of many Amharic words, but in so difficult a Dialect as requires a long time to understand it.  
Dembea speaks a Language, altogether different as well from the Ethiopic as Amharic.  
The Language of Gonga, is the same with that of Enarea, but different from all the other Speeches of Ethiopia.  
The Inhabitants of Cambat the Gallant, Agawi, and Shankali, have each of them their distinct Languages, so that there are Eight or more Principal Languages in this Kingdom, and many more Dialects. For an Example of some of these differences, the following Words signify all one thing; that is to say, Lord, or Dominus.  
Ethiopic. Amharic. Tigran. Dembean. Enarean. Egzie. Abet. Hadari jegja. Donza.  
Gregory left me some words of the Gallan Language, which I here insert, to show the difference between the Amharic and Ethiopic Dialects.  
Ethiopic. Amharic. Gallan. English. Semaj. Idem. Kake. Heaven. Mabereke. Idem. Dagae. Thunder. Asat. Idem. Jbije. Fire. Amatzea Asat. Anetza Asat. Hije fuje. bring Fire. Maj. Wahha. Bisan. Water. Firese. Idem. Tarej. A Horse. Qalebe. Wesha. Sareti. A Dog. Hobaje. Janedjero. Tledesha. A Baboon. Halibe. Watote. Anne. Milk. Negus. Idem. Nekus. A King. Quesate. Setotje. Foot. A Woman. Ahuja. Wanedama. Abletsha. My Brother. Ahuteja. Hate. Ablete. My Sister. Hubalte. Jaba Budeno. Bread.  
We shall say nothing of the Foreigners scattered over all the Kingdom, who being naturally Arabians, use their own Native Language, which at Court and among the Merchants is well enough understood; and therefore they who can speak that Language, negotiate their own Affairs with ease in any public Place. The Jews make use of their own corrupt Talmudic, which by Converse with the Natives is daily more and more corrupted. As for the Greek Language, the Habessines are utterly Ignorant of it; though several Greek Words were transferred into their Country, together with their Sacred Writings, upon the Change of their Religion.  
When I consider this great Variety of Languages, I cannot sufficiently wonder at the vanity of those People, who have presumed to confine the Languages of the World to a certain Number. 
(y) Clemens Alexandrinus believed, there were Seventy sorts of Languages. Euphorus reckons up Seventy five upon an idle computation. Pliny tells a strange thing, 
Lib. 6. c. 5.  That when the City of Dioscurias a City of the Colchi flourished, by the relation of Timosthenes it held three hundred Nations of different Languages; and that afterwards the Romans were forced to make use of a Hundred and thirty Interpreters to manage their Affairs in the same place: but mistakes in Figures are easily committed.  Whereas all the Nations of the World are not yet known; for if it be true, what I have been told by several Mariners, that upon the Coast of Africa, the Languages vary at every Fifteen or twenty Germane Miles Distance, it follows, that that one Quarter of the World contains more Languages than all the rest, by reason of the innumerable number of Nations which are cherished within the Bowels of so large a Continent.   

CHAP. XVI. Of the Neighbouring Nations; and particularly of the 
(z) They are called Galla, briefly by the Habessines: we give them the name of Gallant; lest while we discourse the Barbarism of the Galli, we should injure one of the Politest and Civilest Nation in the World.  Nation of the Gallant.  
The Adelans have almost ruined Habessinia; the Turks possess the Sea Ports; The Gallant more formidable: The Relation of Gregory concerning their Original: Another of Tellez: both reconciled. Their Laws. Polygamy lawful among them. Incitements to Courage. Their Arms. Graziers. Their Diet. A formidable, unquiet Nation. Their Prince at present. Their Deity. Circumcised: capable of the Christian Religion. Their acquisitions: divided into Two Nations: The Kingdom of Zendero described. Enchanters allowed. The cruel Election of their King; the Kingdom of Alabat, etc.  
HItherto of the People at this time or formerly subject to the Kings of the Habessines. Now it remains, that we speak of their Neighbours, that we may the better judge of the State and present Condition of the Kingdom.  
The most cruel and bloody War which the Inhabitants of Adela waged in the foregoing Century under the Conduct of their Captain 
(a) The French read the word Gragne, the Portuguezes Granhe.  Grainus, against the Habessines, so ruined their Affairs, that they could never since recover their losses. From whence, as well the Turks as the Gallant have taken an occasion continually to vex them with Wars and wasteful Inroads. And first, the Turks, after they had possessed themselves of Egypt, and slain the King of the Mamalukes, sent a Fleet into the Red Sea, to secure the Indian Navigation, which is vastly profitable to Egypt: for that the Portuguesses, to the intent they might enjoy the sole Trade of India, took all the Ships of the Saracens they could meet with, pretending a hatred of their Religion. The Turks therefore to shut up all the Ports of that Sea, made themselves Masters of Suaqena, and Matzua, Islands that formerly belonged to the Habessines, which they might the more easily do, in regard the Habessines having their handsful by Land, took no care of their Sea Affairs. But soon after they became sensible, how vast an Inconvenience it was to have so Powerful a Neighbour; finding what Potent Succours of Men and Fire-arms the Turks sent to assist their Enemies and those that revolted from them. Nor are they less frequently sensible of it to this day; in regard that neither Men nor Merchandise can be admitted into the Gulf, unless they request it from the Bassa or his Deputies, with vast Expenses of rich Presents.  
But the Fierceness and Cruelty of the Gallant is much more Formidable. For they having Subdued many Kingdoms & Provinces thirst after all the rest; whence 'tis very probable what Tellezius writes, That unless they had fallen into Factions among themselves; or that the Habessines were not so Invincibly secured within their own Rocks, they had been  this utterly destroyed. Therefore it seems but requisite, that I should here give an Account of the Original and Customs of these People: which I shall do as well from Tellezius, as from the Lips of our Gregory himself.  
What time Etana-Denghel, surnamed David was entangled in that fatal War with the Adelenses; that other Plague broke forth about the Year One thousand five hundred thirty seven, from the Kingdom of Bali. A certain number of Servants being cruelly handled by one Matthew a Nobleman, Revolted; and despairing of Pardon, associated to themselves all the Fugitives and Criminals that fled from the Punishment of their Mis-deeds, and lived upon Public Spoil and Plunder, which they did with more success, in regard the Inhabitants of Bali were not able to oppose 'em: And for the Habessines, they being involved in Wars with the Adelans, contemned those inconsiderable Robbers. Tellez affirms them a particular Nation, and the same that Inhabited the Eastern Coast of Africa, and the Places adjoining to the Indian Sea: perhaps those Servants, of whom Gregory makes mention, belonged to that Neighbouring Nation, and flying to their own Countrymen for Aid, discovered Habessinia, and those Countries which were by their Servitude well known to them.  
And now the Gallant, puffed up with their success and rich Plunder, and increased in their number, having Subdued Bali, over-ran the neighbouring Kingdoms; But when they saw that what was won by Force must be defended by Force, they began to make Laws among themselves, very advantageous for the Enlargement of their detestable Dominion, and the preservation of their untamed and barbarous fierceness. They are not so unlimited, as to despise Matrimony, like the Garamants, nor do they live commonly with their Women; but they have as many Wives as they please. The young Men are not permitted to cut their Hair, before they have killed an Enemy in the Field, or some wild Beast, an encouragement of boldness and hardiness to adventure; that by such a conspicuous Mark, the sluggish and cow-hearted should be distinguished, from the bold and daring .. In their Banquets and Feasts the best Bit is always set in the middle, and he that takes it, must be the first in any Perilous undertaking: nor is there any long consideration: every one prepares to win that Honour to himself, Ambition stimulating their Fortitude: but then there is a necessity of bringing some proof of an Enemy Slain, first they bring the Head, as the most modest part of the Body; but if there be any doubt of the Sex for want of a Beard, they cut off the most Obscene Parts of the Slain; a thing foul to relate: these they number, and heap up before the Army, as if their barbarous Fortitude could not be made appear without such kind of Testimony. However by those parts it is not manifest, whether he be a Friend or an Enemy that is Slain, and therefore the Head decides that Question. But their most prevailing encouragement in Battle is, that because no man should be thought to Fight for base hire, or out of servile Obedience for another man's honour, but only for his own Reputation, the Plunder is equally divided among them all. They go to War, as if they had devoted themselves for Victory, with a certain Resolution, either to Overcome or Die: from whence proceeds great obstinacy in Combat. They use but few Weapons, at a distance they fight with Lances or Darts; hand to hand with Clubs or Stakes burnt at the end; relying more upon their Courage, than their Hands: They make their Shield of the skins of Oxen, or wild Bufalo's; formerly they fought for the most part afoot, now more frequently a Horseback. And though the Abessines are generally more in Number, and better Armed, as also more skilful Horsemen, yet are they not able to withstand the violence of their furious Onsets. But how they may be Subdued we shall then declare, when we come to the Chapter concerning the Power of the Kings of Habessinia.  
Being thus bred up to War, they abhor all peaceful Callings, believing it much better to ravish wealth, then get it by honest Labour; they willingly eat the Bread which they find among the Abessines, but do not love to grind the Corn; for they neither till nor sow their Lands, never minding Agriculture, but only grazing of Cattle: their Herds they drive before 'em, as well in War as in Peace, through the most fertile Pastures; upon the raw Flesh of which they generally feed without Bread, and then drink their Milk; using the same sort of Food and Drink, both at home and in the field.  
They never cumber themselves with any Baggage, not so much as Kitchen Utensils, only wooden Cups to drink their Milk in. Such wild Nations are generally a Terror to civilised People, whom Abundance renders slothful, and Riches effeminate. Thus the Cimbrians, Goths, Vandals, and Normans over-ran the more civilised Kingdoms of Europe. Thus the Oriental Tartars formerly Invaded China. The Gallant, if at any time overcome by the Habessines, retire with their Herds into remote Corners; Opposing only wild Deserts, and Solitudes for their Enemies to Encounter. Every Eight Years they choose one amongst them for their Leader, as it were a kind of Master of the Horse, whom they call Luva; and him all the rest of the Captains obey; but that is only in time of War: his first Enterprise is, to Muster the People together, and Invade Habessinia, for the sake of Honour and Booty.  
They have a Language peculiar to themselves, and different from all the rest of the Habessinian Dialects; which argues their Original both foreign and common to all their Tribes; they admit of Circumcision among themselves, whether it be by any ancient Custom, observed by many of the Neighbouring Ethnics, or for that they find the Arabians and Abessines to do the same.  
They have no Idols, and but very little Divine Worship. If you ask them concerning God, or any Supreme Numen, or who it is that Governs the Earth with so much Order and Constancy? they answer, Heaven, which embraces in their view, all the rest; however they adore that Heaven with no Solemn Worship, more barbarous than the Barbarians themselves: nor yet are they altogether void of Humanity, for they aspire to a large share of Ingenuity, and in aptness to learn equalise the smartest of the Habessines. From whence we may observe, that there is no sort of Humankind so fierce and savage which may not be civilised by Education and Learning. Many have submitted to the Instructions of Christianity, and persisted constant in the Faith. Tellezius testifies, and Gregory farther witnessed, That several Thousands of the Gallant were Converted to the Christian Religion, and submitted to Baptism under King Basilides. Now let me tell you, this is that formidable Nation which has ruined the Power and Dominion of the Abessines; insomuch, that they have torn from the Abessine King above the half of those Territories which his Ancestors enjoyed; for after their Irruption out of Bali, they made themselves Masters of the Provinces of Gedmam, Angota, Dawara, Wed, Fatagar, Ifat, Guragea, Ganza, Conta, Damota, Waleka, Bizama, part of Shewa, and many intermixed Kingdoms. Nor had they stopped there, had they not, being rend into Divisions among themselves, turned their Arms one against another, and given the Habessines a little breathing time: for Concord among Equals rarely long attends Prosperity. At this time they are divided into certain Tribes, (Seventy or more,) and as it were into Two Nations; of which the more Westerly are by the Habessines called Bertuma Galla, those that lie to the East, Boren Galla: those Easterly and Southerly, in a manner encircle Habassia, and harrase it with frequent Incursions. They have also separated Cambata and Enarea from the rest of the Body, as having subdued the Kingdoms that lie between; which makes it very difficult for the Abessine Prince to convoy home the Tribute of those Kingdoms. Thus there is a necessity for the Habessines to be always in War with these People; nor is there any hopes of regaining their ancient and pristine Glory, unless that Nation be first reduced into order. The King has prudently made use of their Intestine Discords; for he has placed the Revolters in Dembea and Gojam, and successfully makes use of their Arms against their Countrymen: for as they are the most excellent Antidotes, which are composed of the most Venomous Animals themselves; so the Barbarians themselves are the most prevalent Force against the Barbarians.  
Now let us take a view of the Kingdom of Zandero, till lately undiscovered, although contiguous to Habessinia, as being not above four or five days from it. The Inhabitants are but little more civil than the Gallant, only that they acknowledge a King, and have an awful respect for something, whether it be God or Devil. The King being dead, the next of Kin retire into the Wood, and there modestly wait the Election of the Nobility, who in quest of their King newly Elected among themselves, enter the Wood, guided by a certain Bird, of the Eagle-kind, which by the Noise it makes discovers the Concealed Person: presently they find him surrounded with a Guard of Lions, Dragons, and Panthers, (d) assembled together by a sort of Incantation to the Ancients unknown: At first he makes a resistance against the Electors, and wounds those that he can, that he may seem to be Constrained to take the Government upon him: soon after, as they are going along, another Gang, to whom it belongs of ancient Custom, endeavour to Rescue their King from the other Party, claiming to themselves the Honour of being the Persons that set the Crown upon the King's Head, and purchasing the hopes of Royal Favour, by means of a seeming Sport, which ofttimes proves very Bloody. Thus instead of Inauguration, the African Gentiles think it Lawful to atone the Devil with human Blood. The King proud in the height of Poverty, not contented with the few steps to his Throne, gets upon the Beam of his House, from whence he looks down, as from a Gallery, and gives Answers to Ambassadors. Antony Fernandez, Travelling with the Habessinian Ambassador into that Kingdom, having viewed this same Lybian Sovereign, compares him for colour and gesture to a Rampant Monkey. Nor does the word Zendero, which is the Name of the Kingdom intimate much less, in regard that Zendero signifies an Ape. Tellezius adds, That it is the Custom of those Barbarians, if their King be wounded to kill him, which is conformable to the Nature of Monkeys, who having received a wound, tear and scratch it so long, till their Entrails drop out, or that they lose all their Blood.  
The next Kingdom is Alaba, conterminous Easterly to Cambat; the Governor of which, in the Sixteenth Year of this Century was called Alico. To the East, Habessinia is bounded by vast Deserts, and open Solitary level Wildernesses, and therefore altogether unknown. Southward, it joins to the Kingdom of Sennar or Fund, Governed by its peculiar King, formerly a Tributary to the Abessines, but now Absolute. He Possessed a part of the ancient Nubia, near to which adjoined the Kingdom of Balou, whose Inhabitants are by the Portugueses called Balous: their King was formerly Lord of Suaqena, and in friendship with the Abessines; now he only receives the half of the Maritine Tribute from the Turks. From what we have said, it may be easily gathered, with how many Adversaries and Enemies Ethiopia is surrounded; so that the Abersines may not improperly compare their Country to the Flower of Saffron Denguelat, set about with Thorns. For being perpetually struggling with their Foes, they rather apply themselves to the Arts of War, than Peace; which seldom thrive amidst the Noise of War and public Contention.  

An Addition.  
It remains to speak of the Portugals in Habessinia, who are neither Africans nor Foreigners; for that some time since they have submitted themselves to the Habessine Jurisdiction. For of the Four hundred, which Christopher Gamez brought to the succour of the Abyssines in the Adelan War, about One hundred and seventy superviving, in the space of one Age multiplied so fast, that when the Fathers of the Society came thither, they were able to Muster Fourteen hundred Fight men: a small handful, but very considerable to the Party to which they adhere, as retaining their ancient Courage and dexterity in handling their Arms; for the use of Fire-arms superior to the Habessines or any of the Barbarians.  
When the War with the Adelenses was ended and Grainus slain; having certain Lands and Possessions granted them by Claudius, they chose themselves Wives, got Children, and being furnished after the manner of the Country with Mules and Servants and other necessaries, began to live comfortably; for while the success of their assistance was fresh in memory they were courted, and every where kindly entertained, and had the free liberty of their Religion: but these Privileges were abridged by Menas successor to Claudius. They impatiently brooked to see their kindness so ungratefully retalliated; it being the nature of Soldiers rather to do, than receive injuries. However, their Lands were taken away, (for jealousy began to Rule) or else exchanged for worse, and those bordering upon the Enemy; so that at length the Kings of Portugal were forced to allow them Twelve hundred Patacks a year to maintain them. In this last Century while the Fathers of the Society flourished they wanted for nothing, but lived in great Prosperity: but the Father's losing their Credit, they were again reduced to the extremity of Misery. So that it was the fear of Mendez, lest in that miserable Poverty, forgetful of their Native Language and their Ancestors, they should revolt to the Religion and Customs of the Habessines.    
The End of the First Book.   

CONCERNING Their Political Government. BOOK II.  

CHAP. I. Of the Kings of the Abessines, their Various Titles, their Names and Arms.  
The King of the Abessines why called Prester John? The King of Portugal sends to discover the Indian Trade, and to find out Prester John; One of them not finding him in India, causes a false Report in Europe. The true Presbyter John in Asia. Why so called? Ridiculous Expositions of his Name. The true Title of the Kings of Abessinia. They have a double Name relating to their Baptism, and the Government; sometimes triple, which renders the Story uncertain. Their Arms. Their Titles. The Queen's Title, retained during Life. The Title of the Noble Women.  
THE King of the Habessines has been hitherto known to the Europeans by no other Title than that of Presbyter John, which was first given him by the Portuguese. The Occasion thus: Peter the Son of Peter, Prince of Portugal, returning home from Venice, carried along with him a Treatise of Paulus Venetus, being a Discourse of the Affairs of India; 
Itiner. c. 52.  wherein many things were more especially and magnificently written concerning Presbyter John: which as the Portuguese Chronicles witness, was the chief Motive to prosecute the Design of the Indian Navigation, that Henry the Son of John the First had begun. He being induced into a certain belief that there might a Compass be fetched about Africa, by which means the Passage would be open into India, as having read in the Relations of the Ancients, that Hanno the Carthaginian, sailing out of the straits of Gibraltar, came at length through the Ocean into the Red Sea, and sent a Navy into the unknown Atlantic Sea, to discover the Shore of Africa. Whose Design John the Second pursuing, to bring the Discovery to Perfection, sent two Portugueses, Skilful in the Arabic Language, Peter Covillian, and Alphonsus Payva, to try what they could do; among other things, giving them more especially in charge, to find out that so much celebrated Presbyter John, that most wealthy King as he was reputed, either in Asia or India, hoping easily to obtain a League and Friendship with him, as a Christian Prince. They Travelled through Egypt several ways into India, and after a long and vain Search for Prester John, Payva came home; but Peter more inquisitive, at length in some of the Ports of the Red Sea, heard much talk of a most Potent Christian King of the Abessines, that used to carry a Cross in his Hands; as also of his Subjects, who were great Favourers if not Followers of the Christian Religion. Believing it therefore to be of little moment whether this famous Monarch lived in Asia or in Africa, he certainly persuaded himself, as being Ignorant both in History and Geography that this was the Prince so much sought after; and thereupon gave Intelligence thereof to his own King, while he himself continued his Journey into Ethiopia, with a resolution to take a view of this Celebrated Presbyter Emperor, who was looked upon as another Pope. These glad Tidings the Portugals sooner believed, than considered; and so spread the News all over Europe for real Truth; Credulity gaining easily upon those that are ignorant of Foreign Affairs and Kingdoms. And now the Learned Men began to inquire into the Cause and Original of this same Appellation. As it is the Custom generally to search for true Originals of feigned Names, and wrest them after a strange manner to make good their own Opinions.  
We find among the most Eminent Historians, that formerly there was a certain Christian Prince, that reigned in the utmost Parts of Asia, not far from the Kingdom of Tenduc toward 
(a) The most Skilful Geographers teach us, That Cataya is no peculiar Kingdom, but a Part of North China. See Newhostus' China Embassy.  Cataya; who being of great Power and Fame, was by the Neighbouring Persians, to signify his remarkable Sanctity, called Prester-Chan, or Prince of the Adorers; that is to say, Christians; or as Scaliger will have it, Fristegiani, the Apostolic Prince. However the Name is to be pronounced, we shall not contend; but this is certain, that the unskilful Vulgar having learned the Name from the Italians, who at that time were great Traders into the East, called him by the Italian Name of Pressed, or Pretegianni or Giovanni: after which, the same Name prevailed with all the People of Europe.  
Thus his Name and his Fame continued for some Ages, though under much obscurity. For few understood, that that same Asiatic Prester Chan was 
(b) Scal. in his Notes ad Comp. Ethiop. but by what Authority he writes that the Ethiopians were beaten out of Asia by the Tartars, I cannot apprehend.  driven out of his Kingdom by Cenchi or Cynges, King of the Tartars. Therefore for this reason, because the Portuguese were greatly mistaken, first in the Name, and secondly, in the thing itself; that Name was given to this African King, which belonged to a King reigning some Ages since in Asia, some Thousands of Miles distance.  
Now after this Surname prevailed among the Habessinians, and yet there could be found no Cause or Signification of the same, they began to find out 
(c) In the Itineracie of Hierome Wolsus.  words Foreign, and altogether from the purpose to uphold their own Vanity, as Gian-Belul, Beldigian, Tarasta Gian: one among the rest super-exquisitely Critical, persuading himself that Prete-Janni was faulty, would have it to be Pretious-John, as a Title more becoming the Person of a King. This Epithet the Pope once assumed, and that he might not be thought to be in an Error, many there were that obstinately maintained it; 
l. 2. c. 2.  so that Tellezius had much ado to instruct them better. It would be too tedious to rehearse the Originals of these Chimeras: only we must take notice of this by the way, that Beldigian, and Taras-ta-gian were the figments of Men of no Credit; but Gian-Belul derives its Original from the Cries of Petitioners, with which they address themselves to the King. But setting aside all these idle Derivations, and Surmises, which are ridiculous even to the more ingenious sort of Habessines themselves, most certain it is, that the Name of the King of the Habessines is no more in the Ethiopic Language than Negus, King; But in the Titles which both he himself, and all the Habessines use, he is called Negusa Nagast 
(e) Erroneously Nuguca Nagasta in Tellezius, l. 1. c. 2. p. 5.  Zaitjopia; King of the Kings of Ethiopia, 
(d) As Urreta, and Tzagaxi.  in Reference to some Rulers of Provinces, and Viceroys that are under him, who are also dignified with the Title of Negus, or Nagash. In the Amharic Dialect he is saluted Hatzeghe, which they render Supreme Prince; and given to none but to the Prince, as the French in their Address use the word Sir. Hence the Arabian word Aticlabassi, or as Ortelius pronounces it, Asiclabassi; compounded from the forementioned word, Hatzeghe, the Arabic Article El, and the National name Habesh, Hatzeg-el-Habesh; or Supreme Prince of the Habessines. When they add the Proper Name, they cut the word short, Hatzè, as Hatzè-Susneus, Hatze-Jacob; Hatze-Basilides. The Persians and Indians honour him with the Title of Padeshah, which is given to none but the greatest Kings in the Empire; as to our Germane Empire; the Kings of India, Persia, Turkey, and China, who have several Governors and Princes under their Subjection, which the common People call Emperors; and as this King by Tellez is called in the Portugal Language, O Emperador Abexim, Emperor of the Abessines: which his Title seems to Intimate, in regard a King of Kings may not unproperly be called an Emperor. Neither shall we derogate in the least from his Title, as being so highly Eminent above all the Barbarous Kings of Africa, both for his Power, and the Honour of being a Christian. Among the Ancient Arabians, the Kings were always called Najashi, as the Kings of 
(f) Pharaoh in the Egyptian Language signifies a King, Joseph. L. 8. c. 5. al. c. 2. Bochart in Hieroz, P. II. L. V  Egypt were called Pharo's; and the Roman Emperors Caesars. But as to the Proper Name of the King; it was the ancient Custom, that at his first coming to the Crown, he was saluted by the Soldiery with a new Name, for luck's sake; and generally the change was made of the Christian Name. However they do not cast it quite off, as the Popes do, but assume both together. Thus Zar-a-Jacob in an Epistle to the Tome of Councils, writes himself Zar-a-Jacob, and our Imperial, or Inauguration Name Constantine. This Name designed for a good Omen, generally signifies Reverence and Veneration, as Atznaf-Saghed; Venerable to the Ends of the Earth; Melec-Saghed, a venerable Ruler. Sometimes they take the Names of Gems; as Adamas-Saghed, the venerable Diamond. Encua-Saghed, or Wanag-Saghed, a Precious Gemm. This was the Name of David, the Son of Naod, the Father of Claudius. Whence I believe it came to pass, that his Ambassador Tzagazaabus, being sent into Portugal, called him Precious John, instead of Prete-Gianni, as judging that the Person could not but be precious, that bore the Name of a Precious Gem. Sometimes several Names, and those variously pronounced are clapped together. For that same David, besides the two Names already mentioned, was Baptised Etana Denghel, The Virgin's Incense; or as others will have it, Lebna Denghel, The Virgin's Storax. But this multitude and variety of Names often renders the History imperfect, while many times that is spoken of many Persons, which should be only said of one. Thus that famous King Caleb, that ruin'd the Kingdom of the Homerites, was by the Greeks called Elesbaas.  
The King's Seal which they use in Sealing their Letters, is a Lion holding a Cross, with this Motto: The Lion of the Tribe of Juda has won.  
Ridiculous therefore are those Arms which are set forth by a certain French Author in the Fabulous History of Tzagaxi, and which the Impostor himself assumed in his Epistles to John Wisling, a Physician of Milan.  
King David's Titles which are vulgarly published, are very tedious and corrupted; but here by us amended.  
I Etana Denghel, The Virgin's Incense, by my Name in Baptism; by my Inauguration Name called David, beloved of God, the Pillar of Faith, descended from the Tribe of Judah, the Son of David, the Son of Solomon, the Son of the Pillar of Zion, (Amda Tzeonis) The Son of the seed of Jacob, Zar-a-Jacob. The Son of the hand of Mary (Baeda-Mariami) the Son of Nahu, or Naod, according to the Flesh. Here some have interlarded (The Son of St. Peter and Paul, according to Grace) that there might be something to oppose the Flesh. Emperor of the Upper and Lower Ethiopia, and of many other Kingdoms and Provinces; King of Shoa, Gafata, Fategara, Angota, Bara, Dawara, Hadea, Bali, Ganza, Vanga, Gojam, where are the Fountains of Nile, Amhara, Bagemdra, Dembea, Vagna, Tigra, Sabaim, whence the Queen of Sheba, Midre Bahr, etc. Methinks I am now writing out not the Abessine, but the long Scroll of Russian Ostentation. But the Portugals taking the Advantage of the Abessine Simplicie, swelled up this Title for them, or else over-persuaded the Habessines to do it themselves, that after the European manner, their Epistles, which Alvarez was to (g) carry to the Pope and the King of Portugal, might render his Negotiation more formidable and magnificent. For neither before nor after did the Letters which the Habessinian Kings sent to the Princes of Europe, appear with any such tumid Style or ostentatious Loftiness.  
The first Letter from Helena brought by Matthew into Portugal, began with only a bare Salutation without any Title; to omit the false and forgotten names of Kingdoms in those other forged Titles. Again, how nonsensical it is for a Prince to mention such an uncertainty as the Queen of Sheba's Country, or the Fountains of Nile among the Titles of his Empire? as if the Fountains of Nile were such a Miracle to the Abessines, as they were to the Greeks and Latins. What a pleasant thing it would be if any one should add to our Emperor's Titles, the Fountains of the Danaw in the Dukedom of Schawben, which were also unknown to the ancient Philosophers? How idly are those proper names of Son of the Pillar of Zion; Son of the Seed of Jacob; Son of the hand of Mary, turned into Appellatives? Then for Naod, Alvarez reads Nabu; which makes me believe him to be the Author of that surreptitious Title; because he mistakes the word all along in his itinerary. But to insist no longer upon these figments, the Genuine stile of the Ethiopic Letters, which was made known and attested to me by Gregory is also to be found in Tellezius, where the King writing to the Pope, uses only this Introduction;  
Let the little book of the Letter from Malec-Saghed, King of the Kings of Ethiopia come to the hands of the Holy Roman Patriarch.  
In the same manner, writing to the King of Spain.  
Let the little book of the Epistle or Letter from Atznasf-Sagned, King of the Kings of Ethiopia, come to the hands of our Brother, the Lord Philip, King of the Kings of Spain.  
Thus he also writes to his Subjects.  
Let the Codicile of the Letter sent from Sultan-Saghed King of the Kings of Ethiopia come to the hands of our Servant N. N. Hear what we say to thee, and what we writ to thee.  
But Tellezius, a Person of a more excellent Wit, condemns and laughs at this Catalogue, of which, he accounts Damianus-Goez to be the Author. He himself produceth another, as appears by the Order of the Kings, and the years of their Reigns, wherein he has traced the Succession as far back as from King Solomon, trusting to the Credit and Tradition of the Habessines. So that he numbers ninety and nine Kings, but does not name them all.  
He also omits all the Kings of the Zagean Family, as unlawful Successors, though it be the part of a Historian, to recount as well the evil as the good, the unjust, as well as the just Princes, in honour, of their Virtues, and in detestation of their Vices. Moreover he says, it is not the least part of that Glory which belongs to the Abbessines, that they have such a long and ancient Series of Kings. Nor is it to be questioned, that though they cannot fetch their pedigree from Solomon, yet they are able to deduce it from Atzbeha and Abreha, two Brothers, under whom the Christian Religion was first received among the Axumites; and may contend for antiquity of descent, with the most ancient Royal Families of Europe: not to speak of the diuturnity of the Monarchy, which is much more ancient. Formerly the 
(i) See the learned Egyptian Cronical Canon of Sr. John Marsham, and the Authors by him cited.  Egyptians boasted the antiquity of their Kingdom, before that of all other Nations. The 
(k) See John Newhoff's description of China, c. 8.  Chineses extend the Pedigree of their Kings beyond the Flood. Johannes Magnus reckons up Kings of Swedland from the Deluge. Others in other places take the same liberty, whether out of love to flatter or fiction I cannot tell: as if there were more pleasure in deceiving the Credulous, than shame in being deceived by the Wise. For no wise men will contaminate their works with such Fables; or if indeed such Kings had ever been, what does it signify to them, or their posterity, if nothing more be known of them but only a monstrous kind of a name? Our Gregory had never 
(l) See the Catalogue annexed to Tzagaxi's fabulous History, and Jerome Veechietti, c. 39  heard of that same Cusus not his Nephew's, whom these Genealogy Writers put in the Front. But being asked concerning King Arwe, he made answer, that there was an ancient Tradition among them that the most ancient Ethiopians worshipped for their God a huge Serpent, in that language called Arwe-midre. Whence it came to pass that some would have Arwe for the first King: but however that he was slain by one Angab; who for that bold attempt was created King, and had for his Successors Sabanut, and Gedut; Tellez, omitting all these Ethnic Kings as fictitious, gins from the Queen of Sheba; whom we shall follow, rejecting that fabulous and corrupt Catalogue which numbers up a hundred seventy and two.   

CHAP. III. Of the Salomonean Family, which is said to have its Original from Menile-heck the Queen of Sheba's Son, who came to visit Solomon.  
The Ethiopians derive their Kings from the Queen of Sheba. The relations of Tellez and Josephus: Both reconciled. The Tradition of the Arabians: Their Contention with the Abessines. Mendez his Argumuets for the Abessines. The Opinions of Tellez and Gregory. The Author suspends his judgement for several reasons.  
WE find in Sacred Writ (that we may begin at the Fountain of Antiquity) that the Queen of Sheba came to Jerusalem to hear and behold the Wisdom of Solomon, and that she brought along with her, precious Gifts, as Gems, Gold, and Spices. Our Saviour tells us, A Queen of the South, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that came from the ends of the Earth to hear the Wisdom of Solomon. The Ethiopic version renders the Queen of the South Nagasta-Azeb, 
(m) Tellez erroneously takes Azeb for a proper name, p. 63.  which signifies the same thing.  
Her therefore the Ethiopians assert to be their Queen; and have her History written at large, but mixed with sundry Fables. We shall transcribe the Sum of it out of Tellez, who saith, That the Queen of Ethiopia Maqueda, understanding from her Merchant Tamerin the certainty of the Report which had been spread abroad concerning the great Power and Wisdom of Solomon, with a great train of her Nobility, and Royal presents gave him an Interview at his own Court; where she learned from him the true Worship of God: And at her return, after a certain space of time she brought forth her Son Menilehec begot by Solomon, and whom he had named David. This young Prince was afterwards sent to Jerusalem, to his Father, where by his order and care he was Exactly instructed in the Law of God. Being grown up, he was anointed King of Ethiopia, and sent back into his own Kingdom, accompanied with several noble Israelites and Doctors of the Law, who were joined with him, as Friends and Companions, and Ministers of State; among the rest went also Azaria, the Son of Zadoc the High Priest. And this is that Prince from whom all the Habessine Kings and the chiefest of the Nobility derive their Pedigrees to this day.  
But than follows a Tale no less insipid, then misbecoming the new King. That these noble Jews, nefariously and Sacrilegiously took away with them the Ark of the Covenant, together with the Tables of the Ten Commandments, the Temple being carelessly looked after, and the Gates being left open as it were by the Providence of God. Presently the Mother, upon his return, resigned her Kingdom to her Son David, obliging him and all the Nobility of the Nation, That they should never for the future admit a Woman to rule over them; but only males of the Line of David.  
But it has been the Long and Serious Enquiry of the Ancients, of what Country and of what Progeny this same Queen of Sheba was. Josephus, while he writes the Antiquities of the Jews, an Author not to be contemned; though in Foreign matters not so well versed, affirms her to be one Nicaule, mentioned by Herodotus. And yet in the Modern Editions of Herodotus, there is no such Name to be found, unless she should be the same whom he calls Nitocris. That Nicaule, according to Josephus, was not only Queen of Ethiopia, but of Egypt; in which 'tis to be feared he is foully mistaken. However, that she came out of Ethiopia, many of the Ancients agree, as Origen, Austin, and Anselm, whom Cardinal Toletus Cites. Others on the contrary, declare her to have come out of Arabia, as Justin, Cyprian, Epiphanius, Cyril, Alexandrinus, Cardinal Baronius, Suarez, Lorinus, and at large Pineda in his Treatise of the Acts of Solomon; where he labours by ten Reasons to confirm his Opinion. Of which, those that seem to carry most weight are these: That Saba is seated in Arabia to the South of Judea. That Camels, Spice, Gems and Gold are more consistent with Arabia than with Ethiopia. But these different Opinions are easily reconciled; if as many of the Old Writers held, the ancient Ethiopia extended itself into Arabia. For they assert the Sabeans and Homerites to have been Nations of Ethiopia, which without question were formerly seated in Arabia the Happy. That Region which the Hebrews call by the Name, of Cush, by the 70 Interpreters is rendered Ethiopia. From hence Moses chose his Wife, who is called the Ethiopess; and yet that County is a part of Arabia, according to the Common acceptation now a days, whence the Arabians are called Cushites. Therefore was the Ethiopia of the Ancients twofold, Asiatic and African, or Oriental and Western. For the Ancients did not limit the principal Parts of the World as we do now; while they extended India into Africa, and brought Ethiopia into Asia, and believed that the Indians inhabited beyond the Ethiopians. Nor did they think that Asia and Africa were distinct parts of the Orb of the Earth, but only particular Regions. Egypt seemed to belong sometimes to Asia, sometimes to Africa; and others made Nilus, to be the bounds between those two Continents. And, which is most remarkable, the Ancient Arabia was not of so large an Extent, as now the Modern is. For the Sabeans and Homerites were placed beyond the Limits of Arabia. The Arabian Gulf was also taken only for a part or Bay of the Red Sea. All which things the Geographers of later Times have much more distinctly reformed. So that although by Us, the Sabeans are accounted to be a Region of the Southern Arabia that lies upon the Indian Ocean, and consequently toward the utmost Limits of Land there, yet may the Queen of Sheba, according to the Opinion of the Ancients, be said to come out of Ethiopia. Nor does it argue any thing of absurdity to conjecture that she might at the same time command that part of Ethiopia which lay upon the Opposite Shore, and at so near a distance.  
The Arabians made not question, but that she was descended from the Line of the Sons of Homer, or the Homerites, and that she was the daughter 
(n) He was the twenty first, as is to be seen in the Catalogue of the Homerite King, which the learned Pocock set forth in his Specimen of an Arabian History p. 59  of King Hod-hadi, They call her Belkis, and affirm her to have been, not the Concubine, but the 
(o) Anubian Geographer, speaking of the City Mareb, There, saith he, was Belkis born, the Wife of Solomon the Son of David.  wife of Solomon: from whence we gather, that they themselves believed that Tradition to be true, that she had a Son begotten by Solomon. The Arabs and Ethiopians contend about this, to this very day, as if the Modern Franks should contend with the Germans about Charles the Great. Alphonsus Mendez the Patriarch adheres to the Tradition of the Abessines, 
(p) In his Epistle to Tellez us.  moved thereto by these Arguments: because the continuation of Officers both Civil and Military, and other customs and Ceremonies made use of in the Hebrew Commonwealth so long since, are still observed there to this day. So that Ethiopia seemed to him to be a certain lively representation of the Ancient Hebrew Government. And his other reason was, for that he understood many places of Scripture much better since he came into Ethiopia. Tellezius, none of the mildest Censurers of the Ethiopic Traditions, in this thing, agrees throughout with the Patriarch, adding, That it ought to seem strange to no Person, that Solomon, who took to wife the Daughter of Pharaoh, and also loved the Moabitish, Idumean, Sidonian and Hethic Women, should desire to taste the Ethiopic Variety. The Habessines also called the Posterity of their Kings Israelites: neither do they think any other persons worthy of the Sceptre but the Male Issue of Menilehec; who for that reason bear the Lion in their Royal Coats, with this Impreze, The Lion of the Tribe of Judah has overcome: to demonstrate that they are descended from the Tribe of Judah, and the Line of David: nor that Candaces' Eunuch learned the Orthodox Religion from any other then from the Israelites. Gregory also averred to me the same things, and that the Book wherein those things were recorded, was called the Glory of the Kings, and was of great authority among them; and that no person in Ethiopia doubted of the Truth thereof. He added, That all the Offices, both Civil and Military, of which the Patriarch discourses in his Letter, (q) are still continued in the same Families, and that they who Enjoy them, can make it appear how long those Employments have been officiated by their Ancestors, from Generation to Generation. However, I do not think it convenient, to augment or lessen the Credit of these things, until those Ethiopic Institutions, Offices, Customs and Manners, of which the Patriarch speaks in general, shall be more particularly made known to me; that I see the Genealogies of those public Ministers, whom Gregory mentions; and that I hear the answers to such doubts as I shall propose. I find indeed the Consent of the Nation, and the affirmation of their Kings; for Claudius calls his Ancestors Israelitish Kings: and at the time of Inauguration, they proclaim the Creation of the Israelitish King: and they who are kept in the Rock Geshen, bear the Name of Israelites: And lastly, I find some Rites and Customs agreeing with those of the Jews. Nor is it any wonder to me more than to Tellezius, or disagreeable from Salomon's practice, that after so many profound and knotty Riddles unloosed, he should untie the Queen of Sheba's Marriage Girdle. Again, if the Habessines are Colonies of the Sabeans and Homerites, it may as well be granted that the Queen of the South derived her Pedigree from them. Yet there are many things that seem to persuade the contrary. For as to the Israelitish Rites, we shall hereafter show, that they might have been introduced long after Salomon's time upon other grounds; and that they were common as well to the Gentiles as to the Christians. For if the true Worship of God began from that time, how came it to be preserved without Synagogues, and the Sacred Volumes? But they have them not, either in the Hebrew Language, nor translated into their own. Nor does the Appellation of Israelitish Kings, argue the Verity of their Descent, no more than if any one should assert our Emperors descended from the Ancient Romans. But if, as the Posterity of the Israelites they continue in their Offices, or are so solicitous to preserve their Posterity; why not as well in preserving the Histories of their Ancestors? and in perpetuating Kindnesses between their Relations and those of the same Tribe or Family? why not more choice in their Marriages? more earnest in Visiting the Temple of Jerusalem? and in giving mutual assistance to their Brethren? Especially when Rehoboam the Brother of Menehelec, suffered that great Loss of the revolt of the Ten Tribes? and when he was invaded by Sisack King of Egypt, whom no man better than the King of Ethiopia could have diverted? when the Jews were oppressed by so many Enemies; when they were carried away Captive to Babylon? when ruined by the Kings of Assyria? and when subdued by the Romans? For then the Passages were free through Arabia or Egypt; and the Red Sea was open. Lastly, which is of most moment, if the Ethiopians received their divine Ceremonies and Religion from Solomon, why not his human Learning? For Learning and Religion generally go together, as may be proved by the Examples of many Nations. But as to this, their manner of writing and reading differs very much, though some of their letters seem to be borrowed from the Samaritans. Lastly, the Jews inhabiting up and down all over Ethiopia, it would be of great Concern to put these Questions to them, When? and how they came thither? What they think of these Traditions of the Habissines? and what they find in their Books concerning them? it not being probable that all their Books should be lost in a Country so well defended by nature? But we have made too long a Digression: now let us return to Menilehec.   

CHAP. IU. of Menilehec, the Son of Makeda, and of his Posterity, to the interrupted Succession of the Salomonians.  
Menilehec first King; the interpretation of his name: nothing certain of his Son or Posterity. Christ born in the Reign of Bazen. No mention here of Queen Candaces. She reigned in Meroe, not in Habessinia. Abreha and Atzbeha, Brothers and Kings: first Christian Kings: A Triumvirate of Kings. Their Successors. The Subversion of the Kingdom of the Homerites by Caleb. He restores Nagra to the Christians. His Successors: Saif-ibn-de-Jazan advanced by the Persians; Slain. Bazen the last, submits to the Mahometans. The Greek Histories Confused: Caleb's Encomium. The Martyrdom of the Nagranites. Caleb's Successors: The Salomonean Line interrupted.  
NOW than they acknowledge Menilehec-El-Haqim to be the first King. Which name some interpret, As Herald Others, As God created him like me. Neither of which interpretations can be picked from the Ethiopic Language. However, Ebn-El-Haqim, is apparently in Arabic the Son of Wisdom, or of Solomon. Tellezius gives to his Son the name of Zadgur; whereas Gedur, in Marianus Victor's Catalogue precedes Queen Makeda. Then, saith he, four and twenty Kings succeeded, till Bazen reigned; and yet in the next Chapter, writes him to be the Twentieth from Menihelec the Son of Solomon: but neither does he name them, neither will we detain the Reader amidst these uncertainties.  
There is less doubt, that Christ our Saviour was born in the time of Bazen, more particularly in the Eighteenth Year of his Reign. Here is no mention made of Candaces, whom some of the Ethiopians acknowledge for their Queen: in this contradictory to themselves, while they will not admit a Female to the Throne. And therefore it is more proper, that we should in expounding that place in the Acts, c. 8. v. 27. which speaks of the Queen of Ethiopia's Eunuch, find out some other more probable part of Ethiopia bordering upon Egypt: which with some probability we may conjecture to be the Island of Meroe; in regard that Pliny testifies, That in that Island reigned a Certain Woman called Candace, and that the succeeding Queens assumed that name afterwards for many Years. After Bazen, for the space of 327 Years Ethiopia was governed by Thirteen Kings, as Tellezius records it. But he mentions not one of their names, perhaps because he found there was nothing of certainty. From the time that 
(t) Abreha is an Arabic word, contractedly spoken. Abra: Erroneously taken for Abraham, which they pronounce Ibrahim.  Abreha, and Atzbeha held the Sceptre, the Ethiopic History has afforded much more clearness and light, and the names of the Kings are more certainly recited. Of these and several other Successive Kings, there is mention made in the Ethiopic Liturgy, and otherwhere. For in their Commemoration of the Dead, there is this Ejaculation, Remember, Lord, Abreha, and Atzbeha, Kings of Ethiopia. My Ethiopic Poet also gives them this Encomium.  
Peace be to Abreha. and Atzbeha,  
They in one Kingdom did the Sceptre sway;  
And yet in Love, and yet in Concord still,  
They lived as Princes with one Heart and Will;  
Like those good Men, that with Religious awe  
Walked in the Precepts of Mosaic Law,  
Their Lips the words of Christ's own Gospel taught;  
To build him Temples with their hands they wrought.  
They are applauded for their Concord; rare among Brothers, who are partners in Royalty; yet that it may so happen, is clear by that great Sentence, A Kingdom may endure Colleagues in Kingship, so They can but endure themselves. But much more were they to be Extolled, for embracing the Christian Religion, at what time Frumentius Preached; of which more in due place. But more than this, the Habessines give us another Example of a Concording and Unanimous Triumvirate. These Royal Triumvers were Atzfa, Atzfed, and Amey, who governed the Empire long and prosperously by turns, as they agreed. A thing which the Habessines will hardly persuade most people to believe; unless it were in reference to the hearing such businesses as afterwards required common Consultation, or the executing such Decrees as were made by Common Consent; though in such Transactions likewise there must be harmony and agreement. To them succeeded Arado; Aladoba and Alamid, at what time several Monks went out of Egypt into Ethiopia, to propagate the Gospel. To Alamid succeeded his Son Tacena, and after him Caleb his Nephew, who flourished in the time of the Emperor Justin, about the Year 522. The Greek and Latin Authors call him Eels baan: Perhaps from the Ethiopic name of Baptism, Atzbeha, with the Arabic article El. El-Atzbeha, from whence Eels baas. He was famous for the Subversion of the Kingdom of the Homerites, and revenging the blood of the Christians slain by that Impious Dunawas: for which he was placed in the Calendar of the Saints. It is a Story most worthy remembrance; wherein the Arabic and Ethiopic Historians very punctually agree with the Greeks and Latins. This 
(u) You have the History at large in Baronius Anuals, who, says he, had the Story from an Author of an unspotted Credit, and the Writings of that time.  Dunawas was the Last King of the Sabeans, who were afterwards called Homerites, in opinion a Jew; and therefore one that afflicted the Christians with a most dire Persecution. For he caused large Pitts to be digged, and then commanded the Christians to be burnt therein in heaps, as it were for quicker dispatch. Three hundred and forty perished in this manner in the City of 
(x) Negra by Niceph. Cullisto. l. 18. c. 6. by others Najram  Nagra, together with St. Areta, entombed in Fire. Caleb, being admonished by the Patriarch, would not endure so much barbarous Cruelty; but with an Army of a Hundred and twenty thousand Men, and a Navy of 423 Vessels, he crossed over into Arabia, and having vanquished Dunawas, he he utterly destroyed the Kingdom of the Homerites, restored Nagra to the Christians, and made St. Areta's Son Governor of the place. To Dunawas succeeded Abreha Elasbram, Jacsum F. Masruk F. but their Kingdom remained Seventy two years under the Yoke of the Habessines. After these, Saif-ibn-Di-Jazan, of the race of the Homerites, by the assistance of Anusherwan, King of the Persians, recovered the Throne of his Ancestors, but was soon after slain by the Abessines. However, the Persians at that time prevalent, set up over the Sabeans other Kings, whom the Abessines opposed, and some they slew. And thus this Kingdom harassed with continual Wars between the Persians and the Habessines, at length, when the Saracens began to grow powerful, under Bazen, the last King, became tributary to Mahomet. And by this perhaps we are to understand what Abdelbachides writes concerning a Nagash of the Abessines, whom he calls Atzhama, as if he had revolted to Islamisin at the invitation of Mahomet. But these things are confused and imperfectly delivered by the Arabes, Greehes and Latins; and besides that, the diversity of names adds obscurity to the History. For as to those Acts which Procopius attributes to Hellesthiaeus, King of Ethiopia, as if he, having slain the King of the Homerites, (of which many were Jew's) set up another in his place, Emsiphaeus by name, and a Christian, those things are proper to none but Caleb: in regard that Kingdom being destroyed by Caleb, could not be again subverted by Ellesthiaeus. But as for those things which are reported by Cedrenus and Nicephorus of Adad or David, a certain Ethnic King of the Indian Axumites, who demolished the Kingdom of the Homerites, and by occasion of a former vow, became a Christian, they are altogether false. For that there is no other History than that which we have related of Caleb to this purpose, we shall hereafter declare, when we came to discourse of the Original Christianity in Ethiopia. For that the corrupt names of Damian, of Damnus, from Dunaam, or Dunawas, and other Circumstances demonstrate. But 'tis no wonder the History of the Homerites should be so confused among Strangers, when the Arabians themselves complain, that among all other Histories that of the Homerites is the most imperfect.  
Our Poet before cited thus praises Caleb in the following Lines.  
Peace be to Caleb, who with the Laurel wreathed;  
Behind him left such Monuments of his Power.  
To Salem he his Royal Crown bequeathed  
An Offering to his dreaded Saviour.  
For he, great Hero, from his mighty deeds,  
Vain glory scorned, that proud ambition feeds.  
The dismal Slaughter of Sabean Host,  
So dismal that not one alive remained,  
Swelled not his thoughts of Victory to boast;  
Yet glad to see his Sword so nobly stained.  
Glad that by him the Homerites enslaved,  
Martyrs were now revenged, and Christians saved,  
Concerning the Martyrs of Nagra, the same Poet goes on thus.  
Your beauteous Stars of Nagra I salute;  
Such Themes would force loud Language from the Mute.  
You brightly shine before the Mercy-Seat,  
And like rich Gems the world illuminate.  
Oh may your Lustre reconcile my Sin  
Before the Judge of what my Crimes have been.  
Show him your blood which you for him have spilt,  
And beg Pacification for my Gild.  
To Caleb succeeded Gebra-Meskel, or the Servant of the Cross, so named at his Baptism, whom the Poet thus honours.  
Peace to thee also, King of high renown,  
That in the Strength of God so much hast won.  
Yet with thanksgiving, to thy heavenly Lord  
Didst still ascribe the Trophies of thy Sword.  
Concord and Peace adorned thy happy days  
Thy reign resounded only Hymns of praise.  
Glory to God thy Pious Cares obliged;  
And Peace on Earth from fear of thee proceeded.  
The next to him in the Ethiopian Liturgy are Constantine, and Fresenna, or the good Fruit.  
Then followed an Interruption or discontinuance of this Line, in the time of Delnoad, who reigned about the year of Christ 960. But then the Sceptre was usurped by another Race, of which we are next to discourse.   

CHAP. V Of the Zagaean Line, and the Kings that descended from that Race.  
The Zagaean Line originally from the wickedness of a woman: the Successors uncertain: yet some of them very Famous.  
UPon the Death of Delnoad, the Zagean Family invaded the Kingdom, and enjoyed it Three Hundred and Forty years. They first obtained it by the devices of a wicked Woman. 
(b) The word signifies Fire.  Essat by Name, Stigmatised for Unchastity, Sacrilege, and Avarice in the highest degree. Her Successors are uncertain, and the Names which Marianus Victor produces, together with the several years of their Reigns are very much to be suspected; to omit what Tellezius learnedly writes, That the Queens are never inserted in the Catalogues of those that Reign. Nevertheless, Victorius nominates one Tredda-Gadez, who Murdered all the Posterity of the Salomonean Family, that he might Establish the Kingdom to his Son. Yet in the midst of the Slaughter, there was one young Lad of the Royal Blood, who making his Escape to the Lords of the Kingdom of Shewa, most passionately zealous for the Salomonean Line, was there privately preserved. The Kings of this Line are very enviously traduced by Tellezius as unjust, and unworthy to be remembered; though it has honoured Ethiopia with many Renowned Monarches: of whom there is still a happy Memorial both in the Ethiopic Liturgy, and among the Encomiums of my Poet; as Degna Michael and Newaja-Christos, or the Wealth of Christ, who never appears in Victorius' Catalogue: However he is thus Praised by the Poet.  
Peace to Newaja, from whose Royal Loins  
Illustrious Princes born for high designs,  
Ennobling more their high Descent, his Praise  
Advanced, and thence their own Renown did raise.  
No wonder he died Poor; his Zeal was such  
He stripped himself, his Temple to enrich.  
Himself had built the House of God, and scorned  
To leave God's House behind him unadorned.  
But the most famous, and most renowned for his Magnificent Structures was, 
(c) Alvarez makes mention of him, c. 54. and 55. where he relates the same Story of the swarm of Bees.  Lalibala, whose future Greatness was portended by a Swarm of Bees, that while he was an Infant newly born, lighted upon his tender Body, without doing him the least prejudice. Of him the Poet thus sings: 

To mighty Lalibala Peace,  
Who stately Structures reared,  
And to adorn the Pompous piles  
For no Expenses spared.   

By vast Expense and hideous pains,  
The Rock a Church became:  
The Roof, the Floor, the squared Sides  
All one continued Frame.   

No stones in blended Mortar laid  
The solid parts divide;  
Nature has carved all without,  
Within the Workman's Pride.   

But newly born, and hardly swathed,  
The tender Infant lay;  
When straight a Wonder, that portends  
The Honour of that day.   

A Swarm of Bees, Prophetic swarm!  
His Princely Head surround,  
Thus Jove himself on Ida Mount  
The Martial Insect Crowned.   

It was their Errand thus to show  
The grandeur of the Child;  
That he should Conquer and Command,  
And yet be wondrous mild.   

That done, as if by sight the face  
Of Majesty they knew,  
With such a fear as awed their stings,  
Away again they flew.    
This great Monarch when he came to Rule, sent for Artists out of Egypt, and after a wonderful and unheard of manner of Building to that day, he did not cement Stones or Bricks together with Lime, or Lome, nor join the Roof together with Rafters, but hollowed whole solid Rocks, leaving Pillars for Ornament where Pillars were requisite, the Arches and Walls being all of the same Stone. Nor do the Rocks of Ethiopia withstand that kind of Structure, for that most of them advance equilaterally toward the Sky, as if they had been squared by Art; and besides, the Stone is so soft and tender, that the Tools of the Artists easily make their way. Alvarez gives an account of Ten Temples framed after this wonderful manner, which were Four and twenty years finishing. He saw them all, and gives you a draught of them in Picture, and lest any one should doubt of the Truth of what he says, he confirms his Relation with an Oath. This Magnificent King reigned Forty years; and after him his Son Imra ruled as many. The last of this Race was Naacueto-Laab. Of him the Poet thus, 
Hail Naacueto-Laab, thy Renown  
I sing, and all the Glories of thy Crown  
In Peace and Love, which thou didst love, thy Reign  
Concord and Peace did mutually sustain.  
And thnt no fear of Death might him dismay,  
God placed him where there is no end of Day.    

CHAP. VI Of the Salomonean Line, restored again by Icon-an-lac.  
The Salomonean Family restored. The Successors of Icon-Im lac. Etana-Denghel preferred before his Elder Brother. Helena a Woman of a great Spirit. David's various Fortune. Claudius succeeds him: who restores his ruin'd Kingdom by the Assistance of the Portugueses. His Encomium and miserable Death. The Succession decided by Arms. Menas succeeds; his Cruelty. Bahrnagassus' revolts. Malac-Seghed succeeds; better than his Father: Prosperous in War, not in Marriage. He designs his Brother his Successor; but reputes, and Prefers his Natural Son Jacob: He recommends his lawful Son to the Nobility upon his Deathbed; but they Imprison him. Susneus in the same Danger, but Escapes. They make Jacob a Child King: afterwards Depose him, and place Za-Dengel in his room; his Mildness and Fortitude: a bold act of his. His Kindness to Pays, and the Latins cause him to be hated. A Conspiracy against him: he Consults the Portugueses; despised the Counsel of Pays: He loses the Day, and dies in the Field.  
THE Zagean Family being thus Extinct, about the year of Christ 1300. The Nobility of Shewa restored Icon-Imlac, a Prince of the Salomonean Race to the Sceptre of his Ancestors; whose Posterity have continued in Habessinia to our time. Tellezius reckons up Sixteen Kings to Zar-a-Jacob, 
(d) In his Account of Sacred Times, L. VI Vlt. Success. c. 44.  which we shall insert out of Vecchietti, adding the Ethiopic Names of them which we have found mentioned in the Liturgy, or elsewhere. Icon-amlac, or as the Ethiopians writ him, 

1. Aycuna-amiac.  
2. Jagrea-Tzegon.  
3. Bahar Sarda.  
4. Esbraad.  
5. Cadem-Saghed.  
6. Zen-Saghed.  
7. Vdimrad.  
8. Amde Tzegon.  
9 Scifaarad.  
10. Udmaasfan.  
11. David.  
12. Theodorus.    
Of whom the Poet thus makes mention in his 29 Encomium, June 3.  
Hail Theodore, wide Ethiopia's King;  
thou, by thy Name Anbasa, must I sing.  
For thee thy Mother Tzejon-Mogusa  
T' adorn thy great Inauguration Day,  
Whole Herds of Sheep, and fatted Oxen stew:  
And not she only, for the Clouds to show  
Themselves contributory to thy Feast,  
Reigned Fish from Heaven, to supply the rest.  

13. Isaac.  
14. Andrea's.  
15. Hesbinaani, whose Son was,  
26. Amde-Jesus.   
To him succeeded Zar-a-Jacob, by the Name of his Inauguration, Constantine. An Emperor of great Renown, and inquisitive after Foreign Affairs: for he sent his Ambassadors to the Council of Florence; of which more in due place.  
Baeda-Marjam, as I Collect out of Alvarez, came to the Crown, about the year 1465. and died Ten years after, leaving his Widow Helena behind him, of whom more anon.  
Alexander ascended the Throne about the year 1475. and died in the year 1491. At what time Peter Covillian found the way into Ethiopia; the first Portuguese that did so.  
Amda-Tzejon 
(e) This Succession is taken out of Tellez, and agrees with the vulgar Order of the Ethiopic Kings, which Gregory himself did not contradict. Alvarez here erred very muth, or else forgot himself: for he apparently leaves out Ambda-Tzeon. c. 59 and makes Alexander the Father of Naod, c. 98. and 89. when he was really his Brother. He also calls Helena the Mother of David, when she was his Grandmother; but, only looked upon as his Mother in respect of her care. Neither is Tellezius without his Mistakes, for L. 2. c. 4. He omits Ambda-Tzion, and writes that Helena never had any Children.  his Son, reigned but a short time, and dying without Male Issue, made way for his Uncle.  
Naod, The Son of Baeda-Marjam, who while his Brother Alexander possessed the Government, was shut up in the Rock Gheshen; but the Male Issue failing, he was called forth by the Nobility, and reigned Thirteen years. He died about the year 1505.  
Etana Dengel, or Lebna-Denghel, called afterwards David, by his Inauguration Name. Some few years expired, he assumed a third Name, Wanag-Saghed, which Tzagazab interprets, Enkua-Saged, or the Precious Gem. He was the second Son of Naod by his Wife Mogesa, the Nephew of Baeda-Marjam. For the Eldest, whom Naod begat in the Rock of Amhanira, Helena and Marcus, the Metropolitan, who had then the Government in their hands, did not think worthy to Rule, by reason of his Pride and Cruelty; adding, That he was born when his Father was but in a private Capacity before he came to the Crown: unless it were, that they thought that they should carry a greater sway during the Minority of the young Prince. For than was David but Eleven years of Age; as he himself declares in his Letter to King Emanuel.  
Helena therefore his Grandmother, took upon her the Management of Affairs, as his Tut'ress, being preferred before the Mother; in regard the Junior Queens always give place to the Senior, and then too she is always looked upon as the King's Mother. A Woman of great Prudence and Courage, that has left a great Fame behind her still in Ethiopia; insomuch, that King Susneus would often praise her for her Virtue and Moderation. She is famous among the Europeans for her Letters sent to Emanuel the First, King of Portugal, of which we shall hereafter speak more at large. David at the beginning of his Reign very prosperous in his Undertake (for he had won several Victories from the Adelans) after his Grandmothers Decease, as if he had now the Curb in his teeth, giving himself up to Luxury, and the love of Women, was very Unfortunate toward the end of his days. For being driven out of all his Kingdoms and Territories, he was forced to betake himself with some few Soldiers to the Rock Damo, where he died in the Forty sixth year of his Age. In this the more unhappy, that during his Reign, the Nation of the Gallant, the Scourge of Habessinia made their first Incursions out of Bali. He had four Sons; of whom, the first Victor, died before the Father; of the other three we shall have occasion to speak in due place. He was very well versed in Holy Writ, and in the three first Councils, as may be understood by his Discourses with Alvarez.  
Claudius, by his other Name called Atznaff-Saghed, the Son of David, came to a Kingdom miserably shattered, and overburdened with Calamity; and lurking in the utmost Confines of his Dominions, there attended some miraculous assistance from Heaven; which soon after answered his Expectation; John the Second, King of Portugal sending him Succour, under the Conduct of that most Valiant and Noble Portuguese Christopher Gamas, who with a small Band of Four hundred Portuguese Foot Soldiers, overthrew vast Armies of the Barbarians, and laid the Foundations of regaining the Habessinian Empire. Claudius was a man of a most Princely Port. For besides the outward Grace of his Person, he was endued with many Virtues of the Mind, which made him judged by all worthy of the Royal Dignity. The Fathers of the Society applauded him for a most Prudent Prince, though otherwise not so well pleased with him, because he had not showed that Affection to the Roman See, as they required; though he did not prohibit the Divine Worship of the Latin Church; nor hindered the Roman Priests from the free Exercise of their Religion. He was also Learned, and well instructed in Ecclesiastical Antiquity. So that, as Tellezius' witnesses, his Teachers seemed illiterate in comparison of their Scholar. For in Disputes with the Fathers of the Society, he himself for the most part would argue, with so much vehemence, that sometimes he put them hard to it to make him an Answer. And when he observed that the Habessines were blamed for retaining certain Judaic Rights contrary to the Christian Laws, he put into Writing a succinct Confession of Faith, by which he cleared all Objections, and excused himself and his Subjects. That Confession we formerly 
(f) In England, Anno 1667. It is also added to our Ethiopic Lexicon and Grammar.  set forth, and shall publish again in our Commentary: So that the Fathers of the Society could object nothing but Schism against so great and famous a Monarch. He reigned Eighteen years and some Months, with great toil and trouble, by reason of his continual Wars with the Adelans, who mindful of the overthrows they had received, frequently attempted Revenge. The King stout of hand and indefatigable, never refused Battle, till at last in the Month of March, 1559. fight against Nurus, the Captain of the Adelans, his Army being vanquished, guarded only with Eighteen Portugueses, and Combating more furiously than warily, he fell by an Immature but not unrevenged Death. He left no Children behind him; whence it came to pass, that the Right of Succession being very ambiguous in Ethiopia, the Contention was long dubious between his Brother Menas, and Tascar, the Natural Son of Jacob, the second Brother deceased. For this claimed the Kingdom in right of his Father, while he lived, the Elder Brother, the other alleged himself to be the nearer in Blood, than he who was Illegitimate. The Controversy being decided by the Sword, Tascar was taken in the Battle, and thrown headlong down a Rock.  
Menas, otherwise 
(g) Erroneous here, some Historians ignorant that the word signifies a Gem, call him Adam.  Adamas-Saghed, having obtained the Kingdom by Arms, being of a Cruel Disposition, degenerated altogether from the Lenity, Sincerity, and Piety of the Habessines; as if he had learned the savageness of the Turks and Arabians, among whom he had been long a Captive. For he hated the Portugueses, as minding their own Affairs; and forbidden the use of the Roman Religion, not suffering any of the Habessines to go into the Latin Churches. He also revoked the Liberty which his Predecessor Claudius had granted to the Wives and Families of the Portugueses to frequent the Roman Chapels; which caused many to wish again for the Clemency of Claudius, with which they were not contented however before. He despised the Romish Bishop Andrew Oviedo, who in the Reign of Claudius, was sent to make way for the new Patriarch; and for some Months kept him in Prison. Nor was he much more kind to his own Subjects. For which reason, out of an aversion to his Proceed, they revolted from him in several Parts. Among the rest, Isaac Bahrnagassus, a man in great Power, and skilled in Military Discipline, calling the Turks to his Assistance upon the Twentieth of April, 1562. overcame the King in Battle, and slew him: to the great detriment of Habessinia. For ever since that time, the Turks have been Masters of the Coast of the Red Sea. He left three Sons, Sarza-Denghel, Lesanax, and Tazcar. Of which the last died without Children.  
Sarza-Denghel, taking the Government upon him, called himself Malac-Saghed, and was Inaugurated after the ancient manner at Axuma. His Fortune was equal to his Virtues; for he was stout of Hand, and wise in Counsel. And first he drove the Turks, who were Masters of Dobarva, the Metropolis of the Maritime Province, out of Tigra. He would also have driven them out of the Port of Arkiko, and the Isle of Matzua, had he not been recalled to defend his Upland Dominions from the Incursions of the Galans. These People by the Rapines and Plunder of five and twenty years, while the Habessines were busied in so many other Wars increased to that power, that now they over-ran Habessinia not with scattering Troops, but with complete Armies. So that all the time of his Reign, though otherwise prosperous in War, he was forced to struggle with them. However he subdued Enarea, and caused the Prince thereof to turn Christian. For he carefully observed the Christian Religion, according to the Constitutions of the Church of Alexandria. The Latin Rites he left indifferent. And for the Fathers of the Society; he often commended their Conversation of Life, and their Studies, but despised their Doctrine, saying, That their Manners, and not their Doctrine was to be imitated. Certainly Manners and Doctrine do not always accord. And therefore, sometimes the Doctrine is to be approved, where the Manners are not Correspondent; and sometimes the Manners are to be imitated, where the Doctrine is not to be followed. But though he were Prosperous in his Affairs of Government and War; yet in his Marriage he was unfortunate; for his Wife Mariamsena brought him many Daughters, but not one Son. He had two Natural Sons, of which one was called Za-Marjam, and the other Jacob; but they could not succeed by the Laws of the 
(h) Tellezius tells us, l. 3. c. 14. that the Ethiopian Laws will not allow Bastards to succeed. Which nevertheless is not agreeable with what he says in another place, l. 3. c. 29.  Kingdom. And therefore it fell out with him as with many others, who are more addicted to illicit Concubinage, than lawful Matrimony, that they want Successors from their own Loins; and frequently expose their Kingdoms to War and Bloodshed upon Disputes of Succession. First, therefore he showed to the Nobility Zadenghel, his Brother Lecanax's Son, as the Son of a Prince adorned in Royal Habit. Then again, some few Months before his Death, he began to change his mind, either envying a greater Adoration to the Rising than the Setting Sun; or whether it were that Zadenghel himself, certain of the Succession gave the less respect to his Uncle, or whether his Disposition were not grateful to the Nobility. However it were, Jacob, a Child of Seven years of Age, never seen before to the King, came to Court; which was no obscure intimation, that he would be preferred before Zadenghel, as being of the King's own Blood. The Grandees, whether they durst not admonish the King; or whether they had an intention to usurp the Government, under pretence of being Guardians to the Minor, consented to the King: But soon after they taught us to understand how uncertain the Tranquillity of Kingdoms is, where the Right of Succession is uncertain, or that there are no Rules; but that the grand Affairs of a Kingdom are at the disposal of Courtiers, intent upon their own Interest. Nevertheless, most wonderful to relate, when the King upon his return from the War with the Gallant, fell sick, and found himself near his end, Right and Justice more prevailed with him, than Hatred against his Brother's Son, or love to his own Illegitimate, and therefore calling before him the chief of his Nobility, he is reported to have spoken thus:  
Seeing that the end of my life Approaches, I thought that next the Care of my Soul, that of my Kingdom was the chiefest, the safety of which I have always held no less dear to me, than the Salvation of my own Soul. True it is, that having none Legitimate, I always loved Jacob as my own. And I have observed in him Endowments of Mind not unworthy so fair an Inheritance; so that I could not have had any reason to repent, had I Established him my Successor; nor you, had you yielded him Obedience. But now I prefer the Love of my Country, and the Laws of the Kingdom before my private Affection. Therefore it is, that I recommend to your Allegiance Zadenghel my Brother's Son, my nearest Kinsman, stout in War, Mature in years, conspicuous for his virtues, and one that by those virtues Merits the high Dignity which is due to him by Birth. Having thus said, in a short while after he expired. 
An. 1596:   
But as it was a thing absolutely unexpected by the Nobility, that the King would change his Mind; so the Management of Affairs among themselves during the Minority of the King, was that which they had already deeply fixed in their minds; nay more, they had underhand already divided the great Offices of the Kingdom. And therefore repining to find the Power thus as it were ravished out of their hands, they perfidiously enter into a Conspiracy. To which purpose they conceal the Death of the King, and sending away some few Bands of Soldiers drawn together in haste, they cause Zadenghel to be apprehended, and carried away into the Island of Udeka, lying in the Tzanic Lake; and then changing his Imprisonment from Rock to Rock, carried him up and down to prevent his Conspiring with the Neighbouring People. The same Trap was laid for Susneus; for that they feared lest he being youthful, and brave, seeing the Order of the Succession so disturbed, should put in for a share and assert his Claim; as afterwards he did. But he escaped in good time to the Gallant, where he fixed himself among them against the threatening Danger, resolving if need required to make use of their Assistance. The Chiefs of the Faction were Ras-Athanasius, a man of high Authority; and Keflawahed, Viceroy of Tigra, who having cajoled into the Conspiracy, the Queen Dowager his Mother-in-Law, covetous of preserving her Power, by means of her Son's nonage, as it were under colour of lawful Power, they presently set the Crown upon the head of Jacob, than a Child of Seven years of Age, and therefore called the Infant King; reserving the management of Affairs to themselves. A trium-virate unusual with a Woman, and therefore not like to endure long. For, seven years after Jacob coming to be of Age, impatient of so many Tutors, assumed the Reins of Government into his own hands; perhaps more imperiously than might become a Lad of 15 years of Age. The Guardians therefore taking it ill to be so soon deprived of their Power, seeing their Obedience would immediately follow, chose rather to obey their lawful King, and render themselves deserving of his new Favours. Therefore before Jacob could fix himself in his Throne, as it were induced out of Repentance, that they had preferred an Infant and Illegitimate before a lawful Successor and of ripe Age, they recall Zadenghel then lurking in the most remote Mountains of the Kingdom, and salute him King by the Name of Asnaff-Saghed; which they did the sooner, and that with the more speed, that they might have the less reason to give an Account of what was done, to the new King.  
Jacob with only Eight of his Guard, for the rest had deserted him with his Fortune, hastens to Samena to his Mother's Kindred; but being known in his flight and taken, he was brought back to Zadenghel, who showing the Effects of a strange Compassion, received his Rival with a singular Affection and Clemency, and trusting to his own Right, would never incur the censure of being Cruel in cutting off his Nose and Eyes, which was usually done to others in the same Condition, and to which he himself was advised. For he scorned to pollute himself with a Crime after the manner of Tyrants, who distrustful of their own Right, or the People's Affections, count it a piece of Policy to cut off their Rivals in Empire, how innocent soever, imputing to them beforehand the future Crimes that may happen to be committed not by them, but any Promoters of Sedition: However he sent the degraded King into Enarea, the most remote Kingdom of Habessinia, under a strict Guard, in a short time to be restored to the Kingdom to his own Ruin.  
Zadenghel, for Grace of Utterance and Majesty of Countenance was equally Venerable (as are most of the Princes of the Royal Blood of Habessinia) in the most flourishing years of pleasing Youth; and through his Experience of Adversity and Prosperity worthy of the high degree, to which he had arrived; and which was more than all, mild and ready to Forgive. For among all the crowed of so many Enemies, he never punished any, as by Law he might have done: but without any disgrace, suffered them to continue in their several Offices, and in the same degrees of Honour even the Queen herself: so mild and gentle even to a fault is the Disposition of those Kings, saith Tellezius. Moreover he behaved himself with an undaunted Courage in all sorts of Danger: For he had hardly grasped the Helm of Government in his hands, when the Gallant understanding the Divisions at Court fell into Habessinia with three Armies, and overthrew the Governor of Gojam, who presumed to fight against the King's Command, whereupon the King arriving soon after, leading an Army tired by a long March, with a greater Courage than Force, he assailed the Enemy; who puffed up with Victory, bore down the Habessines with so much Violence, that the Captains finding their Battalions recoil, persuaded the King to betake himself to an early flight. When he, disdaining the motion, as arguing Effeminacy, leapt from his Horse, and advancing with his Sword and Buckler, cried out, Here will I die; you if you please, may fly; perhaps you may escape the fury of the Gallant, but never the Infamy of deserting your King.  
The Habessines moved with such a Speech, and the Countenance of their Prince, cast themselves into a Globe, and with a Prodigious fury, like Men prepared to die, broke in among the Gallant, and constrained them to give back; which the Fugitives perceiving presently returned, and renewing the Fight, gained a glorious Victory with such a Slaughter of the Enemy, that a greater had not been made among them at any other time. The King believing that the Advantages of such a Victory were not to be let slip, did not indulge himself to be as soon overcome with Banquets and Luxury, under pretence of Refreshment, but with a swift March, led his Army over Mountains and Rocks, against the other Body of the Enemy, which with the same success he put to Flight; The third Army, not daring to withstand the force of the Habessine, retreated into the Fastnesses of their Country. Of these, Four hundred thought themselves secure with their Prey, in a steep, and almost inaccessible Mountain. But the Habessines now contemning their Enemies, already terrified with the Slaughter of their own People; courageously drove them from their Holds, and slew them every Mothers Son.  
About the same time Peter Pays a Jesuit, arriving in Habessinia, at the Request of the King went to Court, and so obliged him with several Discourses concerning Matters as well Ecclesiastical as Civil, that at first privately, then publicly he embraced the Latin Religion, which he testified by Letters as well to the Pope, as to the King of Spain, than Philip the Third; and preferred the Portugueses before his own Habessinians. But this same Kindness of his to Strangers, and a Foreign Religion, begat him the Hatred of his People, and caused his own Destruction. For the Nobility of the Kingdom took it in great disdain to see their Ancient Religion changed, and that the Patriarch of Alexandria should be deserted: And they were the more inflamed out of their Envy to the Portugals, and the Rancour which they bore to Laeca-Marjam, the King's principal Friend. Therefore they Conspire against him among themselves. The Head of the Faction was one Saslac, born of mean Parentage, but of great fame for his Experience in War, and for that reason proud. He was exiled by Jacob, but recalled by Zadenghel, and made Governor of Dembea; consequently ungrateful, and out of an inbred Stubborness, frowardly disdaining Obedience. Ras-Athanasius was drawn into this Society, a famous Captain, and a Man of great Conduct; and being first in Dignity, frowned to see that he was but Second in the King's Favour; and therefore he proves a Traitor to a most excellent King, as one that had forgot who set the Crown upon his Head. But the Cause of Religion was the main pretence; the most prevalent to put the Minds of People into disorder: for they were not ignorant what Preparations were making at Court for the introducing of the Latin Religion. Frequent Complaints were therefore divulged abroad, That the King was Revolted from the Church of Alexandria, the Common Mother Church: and that there was nothing intended by his frequent Discourses and familiarity with the Jesuits, but the Abrogation of the Institutions of their Ancestors, and the Introduction of new Ceremonies and Foreign Priests into the Kingdom. That the Portugals would come in and establish their Religion by force of Arms; and when they had done that, would endeavour also to take the Kingdom from them. That it behoved them to secure their Distressed Country, and that such a King was not to be endured, who had first deserted the True Worship of God. These things were easily inculcated into those that were of the same mind before. But there was nothing which alienated so much the minds of the People, as that the Portugueses had been heard to say, That the Reduction, so they called the Conversion of Ethiopia, was but vainly attempted, if it could not be upheld by force of Arms. The King, having detected the Conspiracy, calls the Portugueses together, confiding in them, as Foreigners and Men of the Latin Religion: then marching with all speed toward Gojam, he was deserted by the way, first by Ras-Athanasius, whom though he suspected, he durst not apprehend; then by Jonael, one of his Principal Captains. Their example many others following, forsake the King. The King seeing himself left with a slender Guard, applying himself to Peter Pays, spoke these words, This therefore befalls me, because I am desirous to show them the way of Truth, and to set free the Weak from the Oppression of the more Powerful. Thereupon Peter, and the Commander of the Portugueses, John Gabriel, advised him to Protract the War, till the heat of the Rebel's fury waxed cool; that his Friends with his Innocent Subjects would repair to his Assistance; that the rest would in time come to themselves, and repent their folly: That Sedition was like a Torrent, violent at first, but that it abated by degrees.  
But the King impatient of delay, looked upon Protraction as a Diminution of his Honour; and being too full of Courage, and in his boiling Youth, resolved to try the Fortune of War, that rarely accompanies rashness, before the Rebels should increase their Numbers. So he Marches with a small Army of scarce Twelve thousand Men, thinking to fall upon them e'er they were ware of his coming. This over-hastiness had but ill success. For most of his Adversaries were Men experienced in War, who did not follow their business negligently; and besides they were as eager to come to a Field decision, before the King should gather Strength.  
In the mean time the Enemies of the new Religion Rendezvous'd together from all Parts; and among the rest Abuna Peter, the Alexandrian Metropolitan, and chief Head of the Rebellion; who by an unheard of Precedent in Ethiopia, contrary to the Laws of God and Man, absolved the Rebels from the tye of their Oaths which they had Sworn to their lawful Prince, which they themselves had already broke, by virtue of a detestable Excommunication of his Prince. Thus more and more embold'nd, and contemning the Majesty of the King, they turned their Veneration into Hatred. And so with mutual Animosity they join Battle. The Portugueses, who fought in the right wing, maintained their ground a long time, believing the Kings and the Cause of Religion to be their own. But in the left Wing, of which the King himself took charge, all things went to rack; for many fled over to the Enemy, many looked on without striking a stroke, resolved to follow the Fortune of the Day. Thus the King forsaken by his own, fought bravely for a long time, till Laeca-Marjam, and the rest of his Guard being slain, he was himself struck down from his Horse with the sling of a Lance. After that getting up again to renew the Fight, he was stuck through the body, and slain with several Darts thrown at a distance; reverence of his person not permitting them to come near to hurt him. The third day after the Fight, he was taken up and buried without any Funeral Pomp in a little Chapel hard by the Field of the Battle. Such was the end of the short Life and Reign of this Famous and Lawful King of Ethiopia. A doleful Warning to admonish us, that the Cause of Religion ought to be moderately and prudently handled. And that it behoves a Prince not to thrust himself rashly into a Battle, especially when there is no certain Successor. For proof whereof, the fatal Example of Sebastian King of Portugal may serve among the rest.   

CHAP. VII. Of the Kings of this Centurie, To our Times.  
Susneus aspires to the Crown; acknowledged by Ras-Athanasius. He requests the same from Zaslac. Who refuses at first; then submits. But Jacob appearing, he takes his part: So does Ras-Athanasius. Jacob again made King. He desires an agreement with Susneus, but in vain. They take Arms. Zaslac beaten: he goes over to Susneus; A new War. Jacob and Abuna slain. The Victor's Clemency. Zaslac imprisoned; he escapes; invades Waleka, and Gojam. Killed by the Pagans. Ras-Athanasius dies. Susneus' kind to the Portugals and Jesuits. He submits to the Pope. A Counterfeit Jacob; but dares not stand the coming of Susneus. An Impostor of the same kind comes into France. His Conditions; his Epitaph. Alibi boasts himself the Son of Arzo. Susneus' Nativity, Conditions, Virtues, Vices, and Death. His Son Basilides drives the Jesuits out of Ethiopia. He kills his Brothers. A General Table of the last Kings of Habessinia.  
KIng Zadenghel being thus slain, the War indeed ceased, yet Peace did not presently ensue. For the Rebels not dreaming of such a speedy Victory, had not considered of a Successor. Wherefore, as it were stupid with Emulation, Ras-Athanasius departs for Gojam, and Zaslac for Dembea, without ever holding any common Consultation. Thereupon Susneus, hearing of the King's death, and believing that the Kingdom was now fallen to Him, as being the Son of Basilides, the Nephew of Jacob, and Grandchild of David; and then being also a Young man, trained up in the Gallan Wars, beloved and surrounded with the choicest of the Military Bands, he conceived no small hopes of his design. First therefore he sends before one of the Faithfullest of his Friends to Ras-Athanasius, with instructions to declare to him in short, That whereas the Kingdom belonged to him by right of Inheritance, he should come presently and join Forces with his. In the mean time, Susneus, not expecting an Answer, follows the Messenger with the nimblest of his Army, and writes to Athanasius as if already made King, That he was at hand, and that therefore he should come to meet him and pay him the accustomed honours due to him. Athanasius amazed at the unexpected approach of Susneus, void of Counsel, the Danger being Equal on both sides, either to refuse or admit him, at length, finding all assistance far distant, and no hopes of delay, to give him time to consult with Zaslac, he rather chose to be beforehand with the new King's Favours, than to hazard the uncertain Fortune of a Battle. So that Susneus, being honourably received into the Camp, was saluted King. Which done, he presently writes to Zaslac, That by the Providence of God he had recovered the Throne of his Ancestors; and was now marching for Dembea: therefore he should take Care that there might be Forces there ready to receive him, and those deserved Favours which he was ready to bestow upon them. But he, though astonished at the sudden News, was unwilling to acknowledge him for King, whom he had not made himself; and therefore consulting with his Friends, returned for answer, That he would then obey him, if Jacob, to whom he had already by Message offered the Kingdom, did not come before June; and therefore begged that short delay. Susneus, no way pleased with the Condition, wrote back to him again, That he was King already, and therefore would give place neither to Jacob, once before adjudged unworthy, nor to his Father Malec-Saghed, though he should return from the other World. Zaslac, having received this surly Answer, equally mettlesom and diligent, turns his Arms upon him, and comes on briskly to meet him. Susneus finding himself prevented with the speedy March of his Adversary, and perceiving himself overmatched, and, which was worse, not well in health, retired to the Craggy Mountains of Amhara. Ras-Athanasius also, whose precipitancy Zaslac had upbraided, retreated into other Fastnesses to avoid the Fury of his Associate. In the mean time there being no News of Jacob, the other Captains and Commanders of the Army began to scatterwords of discontent, That they would not be without a King, that if Jacob would not come, there was no Person fit than Susneus, neither would he be at rest, till he had obtained by force, what they would not give him by fair means. Zaslac, fearing the Inconstancy of his own People, and consequently a Revolt, orders Commissioners to be sent; and by them surrenders the Sceptre to Susneus, who presently sent a Person to whom Allegiance should be sworn in his Name. Which being done, Ten of the chiefest Peers ride forth to meet the new King, and to conduct him with a Pomp befitting into the Camp. And now Shouts and Acclamations are to be every where heard. Neither were Banquets wanting, with all other Solemnities usual at the Inaugurations of their Kings; when on a sudden new Commissioners from Jacob, quite disturbed their mirth, with such a sudden alteration, as with which Fortune never more oddly mocked before the hopes of those that thought themselves in the possession of a Throne. For Jacob twice Deposed, twice restored, between the Highest and the Lowest, (which is most rare) had twice Experience of the Mean betwixt both. While the Promoters of these Troubles exercised their Hatred and their Love without fear of punishment, that one might think it the sport of Scenes, rather than a serious possession of Royalty. For immediately Zaslac, without any hesitation, road forth to meet Jacoh, as if he had been Susneus himself, to whom he had but just before sworn Fidelity, and received him with the usual Honours due to Ethiopic Majesty, and with his whole Army saluted him King, the Commissioners, sent to Susneus, being privately recalled. Susneus, knowing Time was to be watched, once more gave way to Fortune, and retired to his former lurking holes, and hid himself again in the Natural Fortresses of Amhara. For he had learned from the Example of Zadenghel, to give way to Popular Heats and Tumults, till they cooled of themselves: for that the People after their first Passions are spent, resume their former Modesty, and return repenting to their duty. Ras-Athanasius also, though so great a Person, yet accustomed to follow Fortune, rather than his Faith, he, I say, with the same Easiness that he had acknowledged Susneus, fell at the feet of Jacob.  
And now Jacob, did not think it prudent to suffer a Rival in his Dignity, and therefore resolving to try what might be done by way of agreement, he commanded Susneus' Mother to go to her Son, and offer him the Kingdoms of Amhara, Waleka, and Shewa, as also all the Lands which his Father possessed, and he had hitherto claimed in vain. But Susneus bearing a lofty Soul, denied, That what he had received by the Gift of God, could be taken from him by Men. That the whole Kingdom was his due, which he would not relinquish but with his Life; That Jacob would deal with more Justice and Uprightness, to quit his Diadem, than to hasten Ruin to himself and his Country.  
This haughty answer being delivered, Jacob decreed to decide the business not with Messages, but by the Sword. However, Susneus Expert at delays, by the assistance of the Rocks and Mountains, avoided the pursuit of Jacob, watching for those Opportunities which soon after presented themselves. For Zaslac, whether out of a vainglory to behold the Event of the Battle, or out of any private Indignation, did not join his Forces with Jacob; but on the contrary, and as it were in despite of Military discipline, acted all things carelessly and remissly; believing his fame a Terror sufficient to the Enemy. This was not concealed from Susneus, who taking a shorter way came upon Zaslac so of a sudden, that his Soldiers had not time to handle their Arms, much less to put themselves into order: so that they were slain like sheep, and utterly routed, and Zaslac, having lost his Army, was forced to entrust his Safety to an ignominoous flight. Which Victory as it dejected Jacob's Friends, so it raised the spirits of Susneus' Party. Zaslac himself had lost the King's favour, and began to be suspected. Thus the business began to work; for Zaslac jealous of these disparagements, notwithstanding Jacob had heaped so many favours upon him, for he had created him Legate Royal, began to Enter into a Correspondence with Susneus, using Treachery as the hire of those that valued him most. Susneus standing in need of his Power, accepted his Propositions, and dissembling his Hatred, made him a Confederate in the War, to lessen the force of his Enemy. Jacob hearing of his Revolt, judging that it behoved him to make haste, before the rest should follow his Example, resolved to put it to the hazard of a Battle; well knowing that he far exceeded Susneus in number of men: nor did Susneus refuse him, though inferior: however, he cunningly kept the rough and hilly Grounds, watching like a Lion when to take his fatal jump.  
The Enemy judging his delay to proceed from his fear, and confiding in their multitude, began to act more daringly, and to provoke Susneus with upbraiding Language, until he had brought them into a narrow place where he could not be surrounded by his Enemies. Then Exhorting his Soldiers, Now, said he, the day is come, that You may make me King of Ethiopia: and for Yourselves, You are to be either Masters or Slaves, as You behave Yourselves. I will not be only the Companion of Your Victory, but your Dangers: Victory is in your own power, so that you do not turn your backs to your Enemies, before you see me begin to fly.  
Having thus Encouraged his Soldiers, he gave the Signal of Battle. Which seen, they gave so furious an Onsett, that the Enemy was every where beaten down, without resistance, amazed and astonished, to be so subdued by those whom they reckoned for fugitives. The slaughter was great, with little loss on Susneus' side. Jacob himself, together with Abuna-Peter, who had in vain thundered out his anathemas against the Enemy, were both slain. Which Susneus understanding, sounded a retreat, that by his clemency to the Common Soldiery and his own Countrymen, he might win to himself the Reputation of Gentleness, necessary for the Establishment of a New Prince.  
But such was the Terror that possessed the hearts of the Jacobeans, forced on by the crowd of Fugitives, ignorant of the Country, though there was no pursuit, that they threw themselves headlong in the night time from a Rock dismally steep and cragged. Among the rest, there was a certain Portuguese, by name Emanuel-Gonsalvo, who betimes perceiving his Horse as it were flying in the Air, quitting his Stirrups, left him, and taking hold by chance of the branch of a Tree, made a shift to recover a Seat in the bough, where he sat all night. Nor did he well understand his danger, till day appearing, he discovered, not without horror, at a prodigious distance underneath him, a vast heap of Men and Horses with their Limbs and Members broken all to flitters.  
Susneus having obtained so great a Victory, exercised no so sort of Severity or Revenge against any Person; only Maharhin he commanded to be beheaded, as being a follower of the sect of Islamism, and the Person that had first wounded Zadenghel.  
After that he departed for Coga, there to, settle the Affairs of his Kingdom, where Zaslac whom he could not endure to see, was still in his Eye, the grand promoter of all these troubles. He was the first that went over to Susneus' Party, and therefore was looked upon by Susneus as one that would be constantly casting in his Dish the kindnesses he had done, and pride himself to be the setter up of kings. And indeed in one of his vainglorious humours, of which deserving Soldiers are generally too much guilty, he had unwarily given out, That it was foretold him, That he should pull down three Kings, which was fulfilled in Two. So that the New King seemed only to be wanting for the third. It being therefore a Maxim, That jealousy and friendship cannot long remain in one and the same Breast, and that the fruit of Treason being reaped, there is no farther need of the Traitor, the King commanded him to be apprehended and carried away into the steep Mountain of Gueman, in the Kingdom of Gojam. He would not put him to death, as not believing it became a noble Prince to take away a man's life for fear of a future crime. But he making his Escape, about a year after, invaded Waleka, where having gathered together some Troops of Vagabonds and dissolute Persons, he supported himself by Robbery and Rapine; till at last, making his Incursions into Gojam, he was there slain by the Pagans. His head being brought to the King, was fixed upon a Lance, and set up before the Royal Pavilion, to be viewed by all the World; no man pitying his misfortune, in regard that all people knew his advancement had cost the loss of so many innocent lives.  
Not so inglorious was the end of Ras-Athanasius, and yet sufficiently miserable. For he every day losing more and more of the King's favour, was at length the contempt of all men; Insomuch that his wife, the daughter of Malec-Saghed, unaccustomed to brook indignities, forsook his bed. Thus once the next to Supreme authority, now the next to most dejected misery, not able to o'ercome the anguish of his mind, he fell into a Fever, of which he died.  
But Susneus, to establish himself in his Dominion, by all ways courted the friendship of the Portugueses, as being skilful in the art of Gunnery and Fire-arms, the chiefest terror of those Nations: hoping, & that not without reason, by their assistance, to defend himself as well against his own Subjects, too much addicted to Tumults and Seditions, as the Kindred and Friends of the slain Kings. And not only so, but to render himself formidable to the Gallant. To that purpose he kindly received the Fathers of the Society then living in Dembea. He sent for Peter-Pays, and most courteously gave ear to him; and treated him as his familiar Friend.  
And as he was favourable and bountiful to them; so did he daily afford many testimonies of his kindness to the rest of the Portugueses, and the more to oblige them he set up the Latin Religion; nothing terrified by the example of Zadenghel. And indeed the Fathers had such a power over him, that at length he surrendered himself to the Pope, and together with his Son, swore obedience to him as Universal Bishop, and Vicar of Christ, abrogating the Religion of Alexandria. Which was afterwards the occasion of horrid uproars, bloody wars, and the slaughter of many great Personages.  
But the possession of a Kingdom won by the Sword, seldom enjoys a perfect tranquillity, especially when the death of the Predecessor comes be in question. For presently, that is to say, the very next year, up starts a counterfeit Jacob, who alarmed all Habessinia with the fear of a new War. Some there were, that acknowledged they both knew and saw the dead body of King Jacob, after the blood was wiped away, but no man durst assert himself to be the Person that killed him. The Counterfeit therefore addresses himself to the Monks of the famous Monastery of Bizan, in the prefecture of Bahrnagassus; where he remained, and to hid the fraud, as if his face had been disfigured with his wounds, went always veiled. Nor was it long before his Story was believed. Not so much out of respect to his own Person, as out of malice to Susneus, whom they hated as a Person that was unknown to them, and by his exilement inur'd to the Savage Customs of the Gallant. Neither were they pleased with Raas-Seelech; his brother by the Mother's side, whom he had made Viceroy of Tigra, whom they looked upon also as a foreigner. So that he not being able himself to quell the Disturbances, the King was forced to advance himself. But the Rebels having intelligence of his coming, fled several ways, to avoid fight. Their Captain, with only four of his Associates, and some few Goats, which he carried with him for their milks sake, secured themselves by a painful Pilgrimage through the most wild and uncouth concealments of Nature, that the Rocks could afford him, where it was impossible to trace him. So that the King despairing, after a tedious search, to find him out, returned to Dembea, and having solemnised his Inauguration at Axuma, after the ancient Custom of the Country, he made Ansalax Governor of Tigra, in the room of his Brother, who afterwards by the help of two Noblemen that counterfeited themselves their friends, having apprehended the Rebels, put them to death.  
But what was more strange, our Europe itself could not, some time after, discern an Aethiopian Sergeant of the same name.  
For in the Year 1631. a certain Impudent Counterfeit, by the names of 
(i) For so the Ethiopic word Tzaga, Christos is pronounced. There is a Relation of this Person extant, Entitled, The Strange Accidents of the Travels of His Highness' Prince Zaga-Christ of Ethiopia, etc. very absurd, and full of Fables.  Tzagax, assuming to himself to be the Son of Jacob, came into France, and producing several Recommendatory Letters, and Certificates from the Credulous Monks of Palestine, was taken for a Great Prince, and expelled Heir to the Kingdom of Ethiopia, and Entertained with a large Pension from the King: after the Example of some of the Princes of Italy, which is, to consider what may be Correspondent with their Munificence toward an Exile of so great Dignity, rather than to inquire who he really is. Which was to be admired: For that both at Rome and in Portugal there were at that time extant several annual Relations, by which it was apparent that Jacob was slain in Battle, Young, and never married, above Twenty years before. But that which added to the Credit of the Impostor, was his graceful Presence, with a Countenance wherein Seriousness and Frankness were wonderfully intermixed, that while he kept company with other Princes, (as Bochart himself told me) he seemed to excel them all both for beauty of form, and sweetness of disposition; and particularly that his Majestic Aspect struck all his beholders with admiration. Whether that Beauty were really in his Person, or whether the Novelty of the thing, or the Opinion that he was of the Race of Solomon, biased their Judgements. Tho otherwise, no reason could be given why he acted the part of the Son of an Ethiopian King, unless it were to contend with 
(k) Relating to the Daughters of Thespius.  Hercules or 
(l) See Suetonius in Claud. Juvenal. Sat. 6. Tacit. Annal. l. XI. Plin. X. 23.  Messalina for the prize of most enormous Lust: And indeed it may be thought, that fearing his Imposture should be discovered, he rather chose to bring himself to his end by the pleasing debaushes of Luxury, than to fall under the Hangman.  
Being dead, he was branded with this Epitaph, 

Cy gist le Roy d'Ethiopie,  
L'Original, ou la Copy.   

Here lies the King of Ethiopie,  
Th'Original, or else the Copy.    
Gregory being questioned concerning him, made answer, That the Report of him reached Egypt, and the Country's next adjoining; and he had heard from the Governess of Ruma, being a Woman of noble descent, that Tzagax came to her, and told her he was the Son of Arzo, who was the Brother of Zadenghel, the Son of Lesana, and Grandchild to Menas. The same thing he affirmed to his Countrymen in Egypt, and to those that lived at Jerusalem. For to them he did not dare to counterfeit himself the Son of Jacob, in regard they well knew that Jacob was slain in the Eighteenth year of his Age, or thereabout, without any legitimate offspring. But for Arzo, he lived an obscure life, and whether he had any Children or no, there was no body knew. Let us now therefore return to Susneus.  
Susneus, descended from the Royal Line, big, tall, and strong Limbed; and in such a Body a large Soul. His Countenance affable and pleasing, with a high Nose and thin Lips; nothing different from the Europeans, but only in colour. He was Prudent, Courteous and Liberal, and well read in the Ethiopic Books; and which is most necessary to him that will ruffle for a Crown, he was Warlike, Patiented of Labour, and had among the Gallant learned to be Content with any sort of Diet. However he was unhappy during his Reign, by reason of his continual Wars, and the frequent Rebellions of his Subjects, whom he sent to compel by force to submit to what he thought convenient to enjoin them. He swore obedience to the Pope; before he had weighed what benefit he might get by it. And therefore toward his latter End, he was forced to indulge that Liberty, for the maintaining of which, many Thousands had already lost their Lives. He died in September, in the Year 1632. leaving several Sons and Daughters behind him.  
Basilides, by his Inauguration name Seltan Saghed, after the Death of Marc his Eldest Brother, succeeded the Father, Who to quiet the Minds of his Subjects, Exterminated the Jesuits, together with their Patriarch, out of all his Dominions; so that he would not permit the Portugals a Priest to say Mass, which the severity of Menas allowed them. All the rest of his Brothers, if the Fidelity of Tellezius do not here give way to his Passion, he put to death, upon bare allegation of Crimes committed. Neither do we know any thing more of certainty concerning him, he refusing any farther Commerce with the Europeans, for fear of the Forces, for which he heard the Fathers were soliciting both at Rome and in Portugal, to revenge the Indignities he had put upon them.  
After this I saw certain Letters, which the King of Abysinia Af-Saghed, the Son of Alum Saghed, sent to the Governor of Batavia, written in Arabic; of which we shall have occasion to say more in another place, for I am not certain whether or no Basilides did not make use of a double Surname, nor whether he were the Father of that same Af-Saghed. I have here inserted a Genealogic Table of the Last Kings of Habessinia, which I had from Gregory, but now more Corrected out of Tellezius.  

A GENEALOGIC TABLE of the Kings of Habessinia, from BAEDA-MARJAM Son of Zara-Jacob, Grandchild of Amda-Jesu, who lived about the year of Christ 1460. to the Reign of Basilides, 1632, etc.  
BAEDA-Marjam, Son of Zara-Jacob, otherwise Amda Jesus, Born about the year 1465. whose Second Wife was Helena. 

1. ALEXANDER came to the Crown about the year 1475, and died without Children, 1490.  
2. AMDA-SION died in the year 1491. after he had Reigned Six Months.  
3. Naod fetched from the Rock of Amhara to the Crown, died in the year 1504 leaving his Widow Moghesa behind. 

1. N.N. The Eldest born in the Rock Amhara, before his Father came to the Crown, therefore forced to yield to the Second Brother.  
2. David, Surnamed Etana-Denghel, Lebna-Denghel, and Wanag-Denghel, Born about the year 1492. made King 1504 died 1540 leaving his Widow Kabelo-Wanghel behind.  
3. Romana Warck wife 1. to N. N. 2. to Abucher.  
4. N. N. who Escaped from the Rock of Amhara. 

1. Victor in the Field, Slain before his Father's Death.  
2. Claudius, Surnamed Atnaf-Saghed, Born toward the end of 1522, made King 1540 Slain March 1559. in a Battle against the Adelans.  
3. Jacob, died before his Brother Claudius.  
4. Menas, Surnamed Adamaes-Saghed made King 1559. Slain in Battle, April 20. 1562.  
5. N.  
6. N.  
7. N. three Daughters of whom Alvarez, c. 61. 

Tascar's Natural Son, made King by the Rebels in Opposition to his Uncle, taken in Fight, July 1561. and thrown Headlong from a Rock.  
2. Basilides, Slain in a Battle against the Gallant. His Wife was Hamel-Mala, the Viceroy of Amhara's Widow, who had Three Sons, Rasselach, Afach, and Almanach.  
3. Zertza-Denghel, otherwise Malech-Saghed, made King 1562, and died 1579. His Wife was Marjam-Sena.  
AQUIETER, ABALE Lecanaxos. 

Susneus, Surnamed Malech Saghed then Seltan Saghed, Born 1571. made King, Jacob being slain March 10. 1607. died Sept. 1632. He had many Wives, but dismissed all except the First.  
N. N. The Wife of Ras-Athanasius.  
Jacob a Natural Son, Born 1589. Made King at 7 years of Age, called the Infant King, deposed 1603, Recalled 1604. Slain March 10. 1607.  
Za-Marjam, another Natural Son.  
Zadenghel alias Atznaf-Saghed, Born 1577, Slain in Battle by his own Son, Octob. 13. 1604.  
Arzo whose Son Tzaga-Christos called himself.             

Lecanaxos.  
Marcus— These two Deceased before their Father.  
Malacotawit, Wife of Elias, Viceroy of Tigra-Basilides, surnamed Seltan-Saghed, than Alam-Saghed, Born 1607. made King 1632.  
Claudius, Basilides Brother by the Father's side.  
Canafraxos.  
Jacobus.  
Justus.  
Zadenghel.  
Za-Marjam.  
Lebna-Denghel, and others. For as Tellez writes, he left 25 Sons, and many Daughters behind him, as Wanghelawit, the Wife of Tecla, George Viceroy of Tigra, N. Wife of Za-Marjam Viceroy of Bagemdra, N. Wife of Anda Michael Bahrnagash.   

1. Constantine died before his Father.  
2. Justus.  
3. David.  
4. John.  
5. Becuerta-Christos, Wife to the Viceroy of Tigra, with others whose Names are not known.   
Place this Table in the Second Book, between Folio 192, 193.   

CHAP. VIII. Of the Royal Succession, and the Imprisonment of the King's Children in the Rock Geshen, now quite out of use.  
Certain Succession the Safety of Kingdoms. Two Bonds of Government. How far Prudence, how far Nobility and Power prevail. Election not always to be preferred before Succession: more agreeable to Liberty. The Males only succeed in Abassia. Their Claim dubious: hence Wars. The Inconveniencies of Hereditary Kingdoms. The ill Events of uncertain Succession. The Imprisonment of the King's Children. Tellezius' Relation of it. The Custom for 300 Years, abrogated by Naod. Alvarez's Relation: it disagrees with Tellezius: reconciled: No precedent for half a Century. The pleasantness of those Rocks fabulous. The severe usage of those Princes there. The severity of the Governor displeasing to the Prince: pleased him when King.  
FRom what has been said, it appears that the Succession of the Kings of Habessinia is uncertain; and that there is no great difference made between the Legitimate and he Illegitimate. However, the most assured Safety of Kingdoms consists in a Constant and Established Settlement of Succession But if in Hereditary Kingdoms, it may be lawful either for the King to choose one of his Sons; or if it may be lawful for the Nobility, not so much to regard the order of birth, as the disposition and conditions of him that is to govern, or to respect the favour of the People, War and Sedition must of necessity follow.  
They that are set aside will never be quiet; nor shall they want Factious Abettors and Associates. The Grand Pretence, more Especially in Elective Kingdoms, is this, That Conditions cannot be distinguished by Nativities; but the best may be taken by Election and Judgement. A specious pretence in words, but vain in Reality; while the Imbecility of human Nature prevails, which is guided by the affections, and obeys rather Favour and Hatred, than Virtue; which usually happens in great Assemblies. But there are two Pillars which sustain the Safety of great Monarchies, Reverence and Authority, which they that Govern never can reconcile to themselves either by Wisdom or Probity alone. For there are many who will esteem themselves if not their Superiors, yet their Equals: and men very unwillingly obey their Equals, much less their Inferiors: so that it is altogether vain and pedantic, what Plato writes concerning the Felicity of Kingdoms, That they should be Governed by Philosophers, while other Aids are wanting. A Philosopher, how wise soever, would hardly find a Subject that would obey him three days together for his Philosophies sake. There aught to be something External and Visible, which as well the vulgar and ordinary sort, as the prudent, Equally acknowledge, which is not subjected to the fluctuating and inconstant determination of Men. For this reason in the Election of Kings and Princes, Nobility and Power are preferred before Wisdom and Sanctity of disposition. Yet the one requires the assistance of the other. The one is the cause that the Subject willingly and freely obeys; the other compels the refractory to submit. And therefore because Election does not bring much more advantage to a Kingdom, than the chance of birth, but is rather liable to Tumults and Seditions, many People have 
(m) The Swedes in the last Century. The Danes in our memory; The Chinese of old. Joh. Newhoft. Descript. Chin. c. 18.  abandoned it of their own accord. However, it approaches nearest to Liberty, because the Electors may prescribe Laws and Conditions of Government to the Person that is to be Elected; though that same wariness proves many times ineffectual: Because the Prince, upon refusal, either positively cannot, or else will be very unwilling to be brought to an account. So impossible it is, that there should be a complete happiness in this World. And therefore it is the part of a good and prudent Statesman to prefer that form of Government which he finds 
(n) That the Wise call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to preserve the present state of the Republic. Isoc. against Collimalh.  Established.  
But I return to the Habessines, among whom there is this most prudent Constitution, That only the Male Issue shall govern, or the Male kindred nearest in blood; But because the Determination of the Fathers and Mothers, and the chief Nobility happens frequently to be intermixed; and that the natural Issue is likewise, if male, allowed the same Privilege for want of Legitimate Offspring: hence it comes to pass, that their Successions are most unhappy and turbulent; the chief cause of all their Calamities.  
We have already declared, how Helena, with the consent of Marc the Metropolitan, preferred David the second Son before Naod the Elder Brother, as having nothing else to advance him but a mere brutish strength. The Civil Wars between Menas and Tazcar his Brother's Eldest Son; between the Illegitimate Son of Malec-Saghed, and Zadenghel his Legitimate Kinsman; and lastly, between Jacob and Susneus, and all about the doubtful right of Succession, are sufficient Arguments to prove what we assert. Tellezius indeed declares, That according to the Laws of Ethiopia, the natural Sons do not succeed. But in another place, he so discourses concerning their Law, alleging the Example of John the First, King of Portugal, that the Reader may perceive, that he varies in this, from his other Relation. But the chiefest Inconvenience which uses to arise in hereditary Kingdoms, where the Succession is tied to a certain Family, proceeds either from the sense of Rivalship and a jealousy which they that rule have of them that are nearly related in blood; or from their Ambition, which always animates the Factious. Dismal are the Examples among the Barbarians, where there are no Laws or Rules for Succession, but all things are at the Will of them that bear sway, or else of Fortune herself. What ruin'd the Family of the Caesars? What the Roman Empire? but only that the Creation of the Emperors was inconstant and unfixed, and at the Will of the Soldiery. Certainly it was a great Oversight in Augustus Caesar, after he had vanquished all his Rivals, and had all the Power in his own hands, that he ordained no certain Settlement of Succession. The Emperors of the Turks, to prevent the Crimes of their Brothers, more impiously put them to death, and punish that Disloyalty which perhaps was never intended. The Ancient Kings of Abessinia, to rid themselves of these Fears, were wont to shut up their Brothers under safe Custody, where they might abide unknown to turbulent Spirits; and so be uncapable of attempting any thing against the reigning Prince; and yet be ready to supply the want of Successors. The Rocks of Geshen and Ambasel were set apart to this end. The whole Story from the Relations of Antony d' Almeyda runs thus. The Emperor Icon Imlac had five Sons (others say nine) which he loved all alike. Out of which affection he most imprudently advised them to reign all with Equal Power; or which was worse, to govern by turns. The Youngest impatient of the delay of so many Years, designed with himself not to part with the Sceptre, when once he had got it into his hands, but to send away his Brothers to some distant Rock, and so continue the Kingdom to his own Posterity. But being betrayed by one of his peculiar Friends, who rather chose to accept of a reward from the reigning Prince, than to expect a guerdon from him that was to reign, he was taken in the same snare which he had laid for his Brothers, and sent to the Rock Geshen. But lest the King might seem to have consulted more for his own than the Security of the Kingdom, he also shut up all his own Sons, which he then had, in the same place. After which this Custom continued as a Fundamental Law in Ethiopia, for above Two hundred and thirty Years, by which means the reigning Kings were secured from danger of Civil Wars among Brethren; till in the Year 1590., at what time King Naod was sent for from the Rock to ascend the Throne. He had a Son, about Nine years of Age, whom he dearly loved; which Child, one of his chief Courtiers steadfastly beholding, Certainly, said he to the King, this Child grows apace. The Boy was of an acute Wit, and understood what the Courtier drove at, and therefore fixing his weeping Eyes upon his Father's Face, Oh Father, said he, Have I grown thus fast, to be hurried from your sight to the Rock Geshen? Which word struck his Father so deeply to the heart, that having assembled the Nobility of his Court and Kingdom, he told them, That such a wicked and inhuman Custom was to be renounced. Which was immediately done, neither he nor his Council considering that private affections are not to be preferred before the Safety of a Nation. And thus it came to pass, through the King's unseasonable tenderness, that this same Custom received and continued in Habessinia, so much to the Health of the Government, was abrogated to the unspeakable detriment of the Kingdom: And from that time never any Prince was Exiled to those Rocks.  
Alvarez writes, That David being advanced to the Throne, his Younger Brother, with the rest of the Sons of Naod, were sent away to the Rock; and afterwards, That one of the Younger Sons Escaped, but was taken and sent back; and that he saw him there. From whence it may be objected against Tellezius, That this Custom continued after Naod's time. But we have some reason to believe, That he foresaw this Objection, because he binds it with an Asseveration, saying, The thing is certainly true, and is easy to be confirmed as well by the Fathers of the Society, as by the Example of Susneus, who though he had several Sons, yet never went about to send any of them to the Rock. But then again when he says Alvarez is to be believed in all things that he saw, there is some need of Reconciliation: That is to say, That the Sons of Naod, the Brothers of David, were then carried to the Rock, and that one of them after an Escape was taken and sent back. So that the new Constitution might not help them, though it were a kindness to the Sons of the succeeding Kings. The Reports concerning the Pleasantness of those Rocks, and the splendid attendance upon those Royal Exiles, are all ridiculous Falsities. The Rocks we have described already. And as for the splendidness of Attendance, when the Custom was in force, most certain it is, that those Princes were kept close Prisoners, and they that either attempted to Escape, or were assisting to their Escape, lay under great Penalties. The Princes themselves were harshly used; Neither was any person permitted to come at them, so that their Education could never fit them for a Crown, but was rather to put them out of Hopes of having any thing to do with the Affairs of this World.  
It is reported of one of the Keepers, that one morning observing one of his Royal Prisoners putting on a Garment somewhat neater than ordinary, he not only chidd him, and tore the Vestment, but gave notice of it to his Father: all which the poor Prince was forced to take patiently. Afterwards the same Prince coming to be King himself, did not only forbear to revenge the Injury, but hearing that his Keeper was gone aside, as dreading some heavy punishment, caused him to be sought out, and being brought before him half dead for fear, both praised and rewarded him; Exhorting him to continue in his Office as Faithful to Him, as he had been to the King deceased. And thus we generally impose upon others, what we are very unwilling to endure ourselves.   

CHAP. IX. Of the Privilege and Power of the King in Ecclesiastical and Civil Affairs.  
The King's Power absolute: Experienced by the Jesuits. Alphonsus the Patriarch offends the King. He claims the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction. He abrogates the Latin Religion; calls Synods: He forbears the right of Nomination: not bound by the Secular Laws. He has no Estates. The benefit of them: He enjoys all Royal Privileges, but makes not use of all: Hunting Lawful for all. Private persons have nothing proper. The King takes and gives as he pleases: Certain Families excepted.  
THe Power of the Abessinian Kings is absolute, as well in Ecclesiastical as Civil Affairs. Of which the Fathers of the Society have had sufficient experience; in whose favour, and to whose disadvantage he has exercised his supreme Ecclesiastical Authority, without ever consulting the Patriarch of Alexandria: First when he put forth several Edicts, for receiving the Roman Religion, and abrogating the Alexandrian Ceremonies: which was done with the consent of the Fathers. Afterwards the state of Affairs changing, when he dispensed by public Edict with certain Ceremonies that were indifferent, Alfonsus the Patriarch reproved him. It is not lawful, said he, for a King to put forth any such Edict, as being purely Ecclesiastical, and belonging to the Priestly Office: and You ought to remember what the High Priest said to King Uzziah. It belongs not to thee, O King Uzziah, to offer incense to the Lord, but to the Priests, the Sons of Aaron, who are consecrated to that Ministry, get thee forth out of the Sanctuary, for it will not be imputed to thee as an honour by the Lord God; to which the Patriarch added the Punishment that followed. The King for that time gave way to the Patriarch, and published the Edict in another manner and form. But not brooking the Comparison made between him and Uzziah, among other things he gave the Patriarch this answer. Wherefore didst thou bid us be mindful of Uzziah, and wherefore didst thou compare us with him? He was therefore punished by God, for usurping the Office of the Priest which did not become him; and because he offered Incense and Sacrifice to God, which We never attempted to do: only We commanded an Edict to be published about those Indifferent things which were agreed on between Us both.  
Nothing more incensed the King, but that he saw his Prerogative called in question, which for so many Ages had been enjoyed by his Ancestors, and which was never denied by the Patriarch of Alexandria, even before the Schism. Nor was he ignorant what the ancient Emperors after Constantine had done in the same Cases. Nor was he so dull of apprehension, as not to be able to distinguish between Episcopal rules, and Kingly Jurisdiction, which he thought belonged to himself. Which Prerogative, though he had a great Reverence for the Patriarch, he would not part with, but rather chose to publish another Edict, which tended manifestly to the Diminution of the Patriarchal Power. For the Patriarch had ordered a certain Monk to give some part of his Ecclesiastical Revenues to a certain Parish. The Monk would not obey; but complained to his Superior, one Iceg, who obtained a Decree from the King, wherein the Patriarch was enjoined to keep to the Rules of the Metropolitans of Ancient Ethiopia; and that Iceg should enjoy his due Privileges.  
His Prerogative in Ecclesiastical Affairs was most apparently made manifest, by the making of that severe Decree for the abrogating the Latin Worship, and restoring that of Alexandria. Moreover, the King summons the Synods of the Clergy, as often as need requires; he sends for the Metropolitan out of Egypt; exercising plenary Jurisdiction over him and all the rest of his Clergy: and punishing them according to the nature of their Offences, which the Examples recited by Alvarez, sufficiently demonstrate. In one thing however he differs from our European Kings, that he never nominates to Ecclesiastical Benefices. For the Patriarch of Alexandria, sends a Metropolitan, at the request of the King indeed; but he knows not who or what he is. He also admitted the Patriarch, whom the Pope sent, though not he but the King of Portugal named him.  
Neither are there in Ethiopia any other Ecclesiastical Dignities; and therefore the Prerogative of nominating Bishops and Archbishops, signifies little or nothing. In Seculars he acknowledges no positive Laws. And well it were that he did not think himself also altogether free from the Fundamental Laws of his Realm, upon which the Safety of the Kingdom depends.  
For Naod dispensed with the wholesome Constitutions of his Ancestors, by virtue of which the King's Children were sent to the Rock of Amhara. And Malec-Saghed would have preferred his natural Son Jacob before his Brother's Legitimate Son Zadenghel; both which proved very disadvantageous precedents to the whole Nation.  
But such things frequently come to pass, where the Kingdom is without Estates. For they are the most Trusty Guardians of the Law, and the true Bulwarks of the People's Liberty against the Encroachments of the Ambitious. For they have a more vigilant eye and tender care over the Common-weal, of which they are themselves Members, than the Friends of Princes, whose Fortunes hardly descend to their Heirs; so that a man may admire at their Counsels, who taking away the Privileges of Estates, endeavour to assume the whole Power into their own hands, as deeming every slight bond of the Law, to themselves heavy and intolerable. So that they are forced to distribute those Favours and Kindnesses which are due to their fellow Citizens, among the Soldiery, whose fidelity is brittle and inconstant: not caring who are poor, so they be rich: and many times the Soldiers turn those Arms which were put into their hands for the defence of their Prince, against him; being put upon the ferment either by the Ambition or the Wealth of some particular person. Which in Habessinia, as in all other absolute Goverments, frequently happens to the destruction of those that bear the sway.  
He has also the sole disposal of Peace or Warr, and indeed all the Prerogatives that a King can claim (both the greater and the lesser Regalia) are solely at his devotion; though he makes no use of many of them, merely because he is ignorant of them; as the Prerogative in reference to Metals, Coining of Money, and the like. As for the liberty of Hunting, he grants it to all; in regard there are such multitudes of Wild Beasts that breed up and down in the overgrown Woods and high Mountains, that it is not only troublesome but dangerous to find out their haunts: by which means that which in other Countries is a Pleasure, to the Abessines becomes a Toil and Detriment.  
One thing is much to be admired, and rare even among the Turks, which is, that no private person, whether Peasant or Lord, except some few can call any thing his own. All the Lands and Farms in the Country belong to the King, and are held by the Subjects only at the King's pleasure, so that no man takes it amiss, if the King takes away their Lands and bestows them upon another as he pleases himself; and that not only after two or three years, but also the same year they were given: So that it often happens that one man ploughs, and another man sows. Whence it comes to pass, that they are more submissive to their Kings, than a Servant to his Master, or a Vassal to his Lord: they serve him in Peace and War; and bring him Presents according to their Ability, in hopes of obtaining new Farms, or for fear of losing those they have. For being commanded out of possession, they never grumble, but presently obey without the least distaste against the King, or envy to the person that succeeds in their Room. Custom and long use prevailing, while they see the same happening to others. However there are some ancient and Illustrious Families, especially in Tigra, who enjoy by right of Inheritance not only Lands and Possessions purchased by their Ancestors, but some certain Prefectures also, retaining their ancient Title; as Bahrnagash, Shum Serawè Sirè, Temben, and others; as also Cantiba in Dembea; over whom the King claims no other Authority, than to confer the public Employments every two year, or yearly, or as he pleases, upon others; yet so as that they be of the same Family.   

CHAP. X. Of the Power and Revenues of the Habessine Kings.  
The Power of the Habessine Kings formerly great; Formidable to their Neighbours; it failed after the Saracens came in Play. Yet strong at home till the Adelan War, and Incursions of the Gallant. Easy to be restored. The ways and means. Our Princes unkind to Foreign Christians. Demonstrated by Examples. They took no care of their Sea Ports. The King's Revenues the Natural Commodities of the Country; what they are. His Tribute, Farms; Herds; the Prices of things low. The King has enough to supply him both in Peace and War.  
SO great and so absolute a Power, and so  a Dominion over their Subjects, one would think should render the Kings of Ethiopia vastly Potent: and so no doubt it would, if other things were correspondent. Certainly of old it was vastly great, when they kept their Courts at 
(o) Nonnosus in Bibliothec. Phot. n. 3. calls the Ethiopians, the Homerites and Saracens 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the stoutest of the Nations at that time.  Axuma; for there was no considerable Empire near then to withstand their Fortune: and for that cause the adjoining petty-Princes were all at the devotion of the Habessinian Kings. But as to what several have written, through mistake or misapplication of the name, 
(p) Scal. in his notes ad Comp. Eccl. Ethiop, but I know not by what Authority.  of their Expeditions into the North parts of Asia, they are all mere fables and figments. Yet this cannot be denied, but that formerly they were very terrible to the neighbouring Nations: for they made several Expeditions into 
(q) The Arabians want to use this Computation. From the Invasions of the Abessines. For so Altcodajus. They computed their years from the Arabians invading Abessina.  Arabia.  
We have already mentioned the Famous and Successful War with Caleb made against the Homerites. With no less Renown, King Cyriacus hearing of the Christian Persecution in Egypt, led a very numerous Army against the 
(r) So the Mahometans call themselves.  Muslims'. Wherefore Merwan, Captain of the Saracens, upon promise of mitigating his severity, besought the Patriarch of Alexandria, to persuade the King to desist from his design; which he did, and stopped the Progress of the King, till he 
(s) Elmacinus Hist. of the Saracens l. c. 17.  heard that the Christians were better used. Which though it be reported of the King of Nubia, yet several Authors attribute the same to the King of the Abyssines; in regard that by the Nubian Geographer, Nubia 
(t) Bochapts Sacred Geography l. 2. c. 23. However most certainly Cyriacus had another name.  extended to the Fountains of Nile. Gregory also affirmed the same, and that the History was to be seen in his Country. But when the Saracens grew stronger, and had invaded the Neighbouring Kingdoms, the Abyssines, relinquishing Axuma, and turning the force of their Arms against the more upland parts of Africa, enlarged their Empire by the Overthrow of several weak and effeminate Nations, no more regarding foreign Countries, or the subduing of far distant Regions: which was the reason that after that, they performed nothing that was memorable abroad. However they were Potent at home, and had under them several petty-Princes that were their Tributaries. And in this Greatness they flourished, in the time of Helena and David, till it was not only shaken by that Dreadful War with the Adelans; but so overturned, that it never could recover itself afterwards. For about that time the Gallant also breaking out, and never after that subdued, laid waste and harrass'd the most Opulent and most Noble Provinces of the Empire: and still to this day every year gain upon the rest with their continual Incursions. However, that Power which yet remains is so considerable, that if they would but make use of the Arts and Arms of the Europeans, they might not only subdue those Barbarians, but also recover their Lost Dominions. For a Kingdom well ordered within, under such a Monarch, where the People are under so much subjection; so large a liberty to do well or ill; if Concord and Unity attended these Opportunities, together with a constant method of Counsels, it is impossible, but that they must soon prevail over a wand'ring Nation, divided among themselves into so many Tribes and Factions. All their truculent and savage fury would be in vain, if the straits of the Mountains were but well fortified and guarded with Field-Pieces. They should also send forth several Colonies, and give them a taste of the Blessings of Peace, by which the wildest of Nations ofttimes grow tame. But which is more than all, and which the Habessines most earnestly desire, Towns should be built, and replenished with people, and an increase of Wealth be permitted by the Encouragement of Arts and Arms. Lastly, if the Kng would remit something of his Prerogative which he has over the Estates of the Subject, and reserving those Lands which are already tilled, to himself, would distribute to his Soldiers and the rest of his People such Lands as should be won from the Enemy, every one his proportion, and grant them an irrevocable Inheritance of such Lands; settling also Dukedoms and Earldoms in fee-simple out of the Conquered Countries, upon his Nobility, and best deserving Captains, no doubt but in a short time, it would prove the most flourishing Kingdom in Asia, greatly to the propagation of the Christian Religion.  
And it seems but reason, that in the settling and ordering his Kingdom, the Habessinian Prince should be advised and assisted by the European Princes, not only out of Christian Charity and hopes of propagating Christianity over Africa, but also to lessen the Power of the Turk, which would follow, were the Dominion of the Red Sea but wrested out of his hands, and the Commerce of Egypt spoiled. Ah! what pity it is, that we should be so ill affected towards other Christian Nations, that unless they are of the same Opinion with us in all points of Divinity; or unless they promise us large Rewards, or an ample share of their Profits, we can patiently look on, and see them perish, while the most inveterate Enemies of the Christian Faith are enriched with the spoils of their Wealth; not considering that in the end the mischief will redound to ourselves: and that we shall one day, unless God in mercy prevent it, dearly pay for our Dissensions.  
Thus we forbore to assist the Grecian Emperors, and several of the Eastern Princes, till they became at last a prey to the Ottomans. Thus, while none of Us laid it to heart, Egypt was reduced under the Power of the Turk; a vast addition to their Empire: as if it were a Crime to breed up Dogs to hunt the Wolves. Now the reason why the Abyssines do not court with greater ardour the Alliances of the Europeans, is plain: for it is to be attributed either to their ignorance, or their difference in Opinion from the Latins. Moreover, they fail very much in this, that they permit the Turk to be Masters of the Ports and Lands of the Red Sea, whereby it is absolutely at their pleasure what Persons or Commodities shall pass in and out. But they understand not, that there is no Nation can be truly Powerful and Great, that does not Command some Sea-Towns.  
As for the Revenues of the King, they are not paid in ready money, but in the natural Productions of the Countries, the most equal sort of Tribute. For some Provinces afford Gold; others Horses, , Sheep, Corn and Ox Hides, and some few, where Weavers live, send him Garments. They bring their Gold rough and unrefined, as they gather it up among the Sands of the Rivers, or dig it out under the Roots of Trees, or else with less Labour find it lose upon the Earth. For they know not how to coin money, but after the ancient manner, weigh their Metal, wherein they are many times gulled by foreign Merchants, who frequently deny the Gold to be pure; and therefore change it for the meanest of their Commodities. How much better might the King provide for himself and his Subjects, should he with Money of his own Coin, buy up all the Gold in his Kingdom, to his own and the great advantage of his People. Enarea 
(u) 15000 Pataches of Portugal or Germane Dollars.  pays a Thousand and five hundred Ounces of Gold: formerly much more. To Susneus it paid but a Thousand, and sometimes but Five hundred, when the Enareans were either at Wars with the Gallant, or else embroiled one with another. Gojam pays every Year Eleven hundred Ounces, and some Garments, to the value of 3000 Germane Dollars, together with Two hundred Fustian Tapestries, very broad and close woven. Formerly they also paid a Tribute of Horses, but Malec-Saghed remitted that, to the end they might be the better able to withstand the Gallant. Out of Tigra he receives Five and twenty thousand Pataches. Out of Dembea Five thousand. As much out of other Kingdoms, or sometimes less. There are also several Tolls paid, but generally granted to the Nobility for their subsistence; except those of the high Mountain, Lamalmona, over which all the Merchants and Merchandise must pass from the Red Sea into Habessinia, which the King reserves to himself. He also has his Lands and Farms, from whence he is served with Provisions for his Table, ten or twelve Horse-Loads at a time. Lastly, Dembea, Gojam, and Bagemdra find him Corn and Flesh. That which he receives out of Dembea is distributed among the Soldiers which have no Land, or else among the Poor. But his chief Tribute is from the Graziers, who are bound to pay him every Tenth Ox or Cow every Three Years: which is as much as if they should pay the 30th every Year. And the whole Empire is so divided, that every Year he has his certain Tribute of Cows and Oxen. Besides, every Year every Christian Weaver pays him a Fustian Garment; Every Mahometan a Drim, or Patach, which amounts to a Thousand Imperials every Year.  
Most certainly the Revenues of this Empire seem to be very small, if we consider the Extent of so many Large Provinces. But on the other side we are to observe, That the Prices of all things are very low. A huge Ox may be bought for half a Dollar. The Soldiers live upon Flesh and Fish without bread; and Servants Wages are paid in necessary Commodities not in money.  
Again, if we consider the plenty of all things; the Abissine Emperor has enough and to spare: not that his Diadem glisters with Gems or Pearls, or that his Treasuries are full of Money; or that his Cupboards shine with Silver and Gold Plate; or that his Table is spread with Foreign Banquets while his Subjects are in want,- his Courtiers poor, and his Soldiers under penury. But he has that which suffices to afford him moderate Diet, and slender Clothing. Then for his Soldiers and his Warlike Subjects, that is to say, his poor People, they, detained at home by no delicacies, are ready still to gird on their Swords. Which they who dexterously and courageously know how to wield in a good Cause, need never want Gold nor Silver, nor what ever Mortals esteem precious and .   

CHAP. XI. Of the Royal City of Axuma, and the Inauguration of the King.  
Axuma the Metropolis of Habessinia formerly. Now more like a Village. Thus the West forsaken by the Greek Emperors. The Situation good. The King there formerly Crowned. The Ceremonies of Inauguration. Some other Towns of Habessinia: They live in Villages. No Forts nor Castles. They wonder great Cities can last.  
THe Royal City of the Abyssines, and formerly the Metropolis of the whole Empire, is by the 
(x) Of which Nonnosus in Bibliothec Phot. n 3. p. m. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Auxuma is a very great City, and as it were the Metropolis of all Ethiopia; erroneously Chaxumo in Alvarez, c. 17.  Habissines called Ascum: from whence, as we have already observed, they were formerly called Axumites. Of old this City was adorned with most beautiful Structures, a fair Palace, and a Cathedral proudly vaunting her Obelisks, Sculptures, and several sumptuous Edifices. Some of the Pillars are still to be seen, with Inscriptions of unknown Letters, remaining arguments of their Antiquity, now demolished by the Wars, or defaced with Age. The City itself, now totally ruined, looks more like a Village, than a Town of Note; so fading and inconstant are those things which men account most durable. How many Cities, how many Monuments now lie in ashes, whose Founders are well known? and how many are yet in being, whose Founders are unknown? As for this, it began to fall to decay by degrees, presently after that the Kings of Habessinia relinquished it, and removed their Court from thence, as being deprived of those advantages that attend the abodes of Princes. Thus the Seat of the Empire being Translated to Byzantium, the West was neglected. And the same Fate, no doubt, had certainly befallen Rome, had it not been sustained by the Care of the Bishops, now the Roman Pontiffs. In the time of the Adelan War, the Revolt of the Viceroy of Tigra in the Reign of King Menas; and lastly, when the Turks invaded that Country, it was totally laid waist; and now can scarcely shelter a hundred Inhabitants: only the Ruins still remain, to testify that once it was great and populous. It is Seated in the Fourteenth degree and a half of Northern Latitude, Encircled with pleasant and fertile Fields which afford a Prospect becoming a Royal Mansion. It lies distant from the Red-Sea Five and forty Portugal Leagues, or six or Seven tiresome days Journey by reason of the Mountains that lie between. The ancient things of Ethiopia were wont to be here inaugurated; nor would Susneus admit of his Coronation in any other place, though when he related the particulars of the Ceremonies to the Commander of the Portugueses, he could not but laugh at them, as ridiculous himself, For many things are to be done by Princes to please the Vulgar, which to others may seem superfluous, Such as were for the most part the Solemn Ceremonies of the Ancients invented by mean Capacities, but retained by the more prudent. Tellezius thus sets them down. When Susneus was to be Crowned, first the Masters of the Ceremonies, read to the King out of their Memorandums, how and in what order every thing was to be performed. The Army being drawn up, the Foot marched first: then followed the Horse with their Trappings: after them the Courtiers Combed, and neatly habited: presently appeared the Emperor himself upon a stately Prancer, clad with a close Purple Damascene Tunic, and over that a magnificent Attalic Vestment, with narrow Sleeves hanging down to the ground. When they came to a great Stone engraven with Foreign Characters, not far from the Church of Axuma, near to which the Solemnities of the Inauguration used to be performed, the Emperor with all the Courtiers alighting from their Horses, stood upon the Ground that was spread with rich Carpets. At what time the Virgins of Axuma, holding a Silken Cord cross the Street stopped the Way, and as the King pressed to go forwards, they hindered him, and asked him, Who he was? who answering, I am the King of the Israelites. They replied, Surely thou art not our King. Which said, he retired smiling. At length being asked a third time; he replied, I am the King of Zion: and drawing forth his Cimitar, cut the Cord: which done, the Virgin cried out, Of a certainty, thou art our King of Zion. Presently all the Guns they have are fired, and the neighbouring Mountains rang with loud Acclamations; the Drums beat to the noise of the Flutes, and the Trumpets filled the Air with harmonious Levets. Which done, the Metropolitan Simeon accompanied with all the Ecclesiastical Orders of Clerks, Monks, and Canons, singing several Songs and Hymns, conducted the King to the first Porch of the Church, and there set the Diadem upon his Head. The King being crowned, if it may be so called; proceeded forward into the Temple, and there received the Eucharist; which having done he road back to the Camp with his Diadem upon his head. For in Ethiopia they use no Sceptre. Nor is the Crown any other than a Hat twice doubled, with an Azure coloured Silken broad brim trimmed with Gold and Silver Plates, in the likeness Lilies; with a row of false stones glistering between every Plate.  
Besides Axuma, there are no Cities in Habessinia, and but few Towns. In the Kingdom of Tigra, Dobarva is the Seat of the Vice-Roys: Fremona, the first Residence of the Fathers of the Society, enlarged by the Portuguese. Gubay, a Town in Dembea, where the Queen resides. Nanina in Gojam, long inhabited by the Portuguese. Macana celace, in Amhara. To reckon up more is not worth the while: neither is it certain whether those already mentioned are standing or no. For in regard of the meanness of the Building, there is nothing of invitation to hinder their being deserted and laid waist by the Inhabitants themselves; in regard the Habessines choose rather to live after the manner of Villagers, not caring that their Houses should join one to another; which saves them many Suits in Law. For they never fear any Actions about Party-Walls, stopping up of Lights, or Nuisances of Watercourses. In places that are fertile and tilled, you shall see the Fields, as it were, planted with Houses, which affords no unpleasant Prospect. They have neither Castles nor Forts. The Celebrated Mountains of Amhara are their only Citadels, where the King's Children were formerly committed to Custody. The Habessines wonder to hear of so many great Cities among Us. For they do not believe the Country can afford Timber and Food sufficient for so many Houses, nor the  that must support such Numbers of People, remaining so long in one place. For they pitch their Tents up and down the Country, and cut down and make havoc of what ever they have need of, without any consideration of the damage, or regard to the future. For they neither Navigate their own Rivers, neither do they know what belongs to Carriage or Stores; living without any care of to Morrow.   

CHAP. XII. Of the King's Court, his Titles, and his Court-Officers.  
The Kings live in Tents: P. Pays built a Palace. The King's Table. Women attend: Plain diet. The King and the Nobility crammed. They drink after they have done: They read the whole Psalter before meals. The ancient manner of receiving Ambassadors: now changed. Formerly two Court Officers: discontinnued. The Ras now chief Minister in Peace and War. Officers beside.  
AFter the Kings of Habessinia left Axuma, they never had any constant Mansion, nor any Palaces, but contented themselves to live in Tents. But at length Peter Pays built the King a Palace after the European manner, which cost him an incredible deal of Labour and Industry; for that in regard of the want of Artists, he was forced to teach them every thing, and to look after the Work like a Master-Builder. He chose to build this House in a most commodious and delightful place called Gorgora, being a kind of Peninsula, almost surrounded by the Tzanic Lake, where the King was wont to take up his Winter-Quarters, and contrived it very spacious and beautiful, with Rooms of State, Bedchambers, Galleries, Battlements and Balconies, which yielded a most pleasant Prospect over the Lake, and the Neighbouring Fields. Insomuch, that it was not inferior to the Country Palaces of some of our Europeans Princes. The Abessines were amazed when they saw one story raised above another, which they thought could never have been done: and called it House upon House. Nor till that time did they believe the Fathers, when they told them of the numerous and splendid Palaces, Sumptuous Cathedrals, and Stately Monasteries in Europe. For those things they related to the Abessines, to make them in love with the Magnificence and Majesty of the Roman Church.  
The Garniture of the King's Table is much different from ours. For no person is admitted into the Room while the King is at Dinner; or if any of the Nobility be invited, they must stay till the King rises: then they take their places at the same Table, and eat the Kings Leave, which is looked upon as a very great Honour. Yet the Fathers of the Society were admitted to Dine by themselves, in the same Room next to Susneus' Bedchamber. To which purpose there were two low little round Tables, about Eighteen Spans in Compass, brought in to the Room and placed upon the Ground which was spread with Carpets; one lesser for the King, another bigger for the Fathers, but without Tableclothes or Napkins: instead of which they made use of thin Wafers made of Wheat or Rye past. So that their Tablecloths served them for Bread, which there was no need for the Servants to take away, fold up, or wash: no Trenchers, Knives, Forks, nor Spoons: no Salt-seller, no Pepper or Sugar-box; nothing of Extravagant was there to be seen: A great Ease to them in time of War; to us an impediment, while so many Carts, so many Wagons are required to carry Kitchen Utensils, and Kitchen Officers, to pleasure our Luxury. The Meat is served up by Women, not in Gold or Silver Dishes, but in broad Earthen Platters, which would never tempt an European Thief. They are made of black Clay, with covers of Straw neatly woven and painted. The meat is very ordinary, Flesh and Broths of several sorts boiled after their fashion. So soon as the Dishes are marshaled; the Hang are presently let down, lest any one should see the King while he is eating: and truly there is good Reason why. For, the King and the chief Nobility, a thing you would think almost incredible, account it a great trouble to lift their hands to their mouths. And therefore the Children belonging to Court, take the meat and put it in their mouths, and if the Gobbets be too big, they thrust 'em in, as they do that cramm Capons. The crumms that fall, sometimes they put again i' their chops after they are well soaked in the Broth. A way of eating that may well deserve a good thick covering: as being a sight, that would certainly cause our squeamish Stomaches, that will hardly eat off of one another's Trenchers, to rise a hungry. But this is common both to Lord and Peasant, that they never drink till they have done feeding.  
One thing we must not omit, which is, that they always read Prayers both before and after meals: a thing that some of our Courtiers are in a manner ashamed of, who will hardly tarry to hear a short Grace; while here you shall have the whole Psalter repeated at their great Feasts, without any inconvenience to the Guests: For he whose Office it is, distributes to every one a part. The King and they that are accustomed to it, know their proper time. The larger Psalms are divided among more, the shorter to one singly. And thus by several, the whole Psalter is read, as it were, in a moment. For the Psalter is made use of by all: neither have they any other Book for daily Prayer.  
Their manner of giving Audience to Ambassadors is different from what it was in former times. For Alvarez relates how that after long waiting, and a deal of haughty formality, the Portugal Ambassador, Lodowic Limaeus, was four times asked From whence he came? and that he received no other answer the first day, but that They were Welcome: nor were they admitted to the King; and yet Presents were to be left. Nor was the Ambassador to be Visited by any one, before he had kissed the King's hands. At length, after he had been several times called, he was first admitted to discourse the King, the Hang being let down between them; and at last, with much ado, to see and salute the King. Of which the chief Reason was thought to be, because he had brought no Present (for it is not lawful to appear before the Eastern or African Kings, without an acknowledgement) or else because he wanted the King's Credentials. Which superbness is now a days laid aside; for that being humbled by so many Losses and Calamities, they begin to reckon Urbanity and Civility among the rest of the Virtues.  
Among the Court Employments, the chiefest Dignity was that of the Person who was called Bahtudet, of whom one was of the Right hand, and the other of the Left. They were the chief Ministers of State, and managed all Affairs, and were entrusted with all the King's Secrets; with them alone the King consulted; few others being admitted into his Presence: as if Majesty were more Venerable when concealed. But afterwards so much Greatness in Subjects began to grow irksome to the Kings; and some there are also that abuse their Power: few men being able to contain themselves within those Bounds of moderation, to be able to do all things, and yet not to covet all things. For there are many Examples of those, who out of a desire of preserving their Greatness, have requited their Masters with ill Turns for Favours of the highest nature; making use of that authority which they received from their Princes, to their mischief. By which means Kings have been overwhelmed by the hatred of the People; or else have been forced to pull down that Greatness with extreme hazard, which they themselves advanced. Those Prince's act more prudent that keep the Power in their own hands, never trusting to the Management of one single Person. Neither are they less provident Ministers, who never affect it: For the Grand Affairs of a Kingdom are more safely and easily managed by Plurality.  
To these succeeded another Chief Officer whom the Ethiopians call Ras, from the Arabic word which signifies a Head. The reason of whose institution at first, was for the Command of the Army. But as Warlike Command, and Martial Fame excel all other accomplishments; it came to pass in a short time, that these chief Generals advanced themselves above all others, to govern the King's Counsels, and so by degrees to be the chief Ministers of State for the management of all Affairs, both Foreign and Domestic, such a one was Ras-Athanasius, who first deposed Zadenghel, and then Jacob, so that Susneus did not hold it convenient to confer so great a dignity upon any person, unless it were by his Brother by the Mother's side, by name Rasselach. Next to him, there are two Comptrollers of the Court. The upper controller, who is called Bellatenot-Gueta, as much as to say Master of the Officers, whose jurisdiction reaches all Inferior Vice-Roys, Prefects, Governors of Provinces, and Judges. The other is called Dakaka Bellatenot-Gueta who comtroles the Household Servants, the Grooms and such like, who are generally of mean Condition, and of several Nations. Slaves also set free are admitted to Dignities and Offices. For the Kings believe their Slaves, when freed, will be most faithful, as owing to their Fortunes to none alive besides.  
Next in Dignity to the Court Officers, are the Vice-Roys, and Princes, Camp-Masters, Senators, and Kings-Counsellors, who are called the lesser Judges and Magistrates without any distinction of Superior or Inferior Judges: for they have equal Jurisdiction and Cognizance of all Crimes. The Captain of the King's Guard they call the Guardian of the Fire, not without reason comparing the King to Fire. For that they who are Servants to Kings and Princes, receive heat and warmth from them as from the Fire; though if they act not prudently, they may chance to be cruelly burnt.   

CHAP. XIII. Of the King's Camp.  
The King's Tent described: The Camp pitched in great order. The same always. It consists of four parts: formerly in Shewa, now in Dembea. How large. As it were a Marching City; the great Power of the Camp-Masters.  
WHatever others have feigned concerning any other Royal City or Metropolis, besides Axumas, are mere Fables. For the Kings of Habessinia live continually in Tents, whether it be that they are not accustomed to Houses, or that their frequent Wars and tedious marches will not admit of long rest. The King's Pavilion is a very large one, of white colour placed in the middle of the Camp; there being a large space of Ground left void round about it; as well to prevent the Casualties of Fire, as also to receive the Horses of the Nobility and those that bring Provisions. Next to him, the Grandees, the Friends and kindred of the King and the rest of the Courtiers pitch up their Apartments. The whole Camp consists of four parts, every one of which has his Campmaster. The first part is called the Front; and the Campmaster is called Fit-aurari. The Hindmost part is called Chuala. The First Campmaster goes before to take up convenient Ground where there is store of Wood and Grass, chief near some River or Lake, to prevent want of Water. Having chosen out his Ground; he fixes a Pole in the Earth with the Royal Banner at the Top; upon the sight whereof, they that measure for the Nobility, set up their Master's Lodgings. After them the Common Soldiery, and others that follow the Camp either for Victuals, or else upon business. And thus in a few hours time the whole Camp appears in the same Order as it was before. For every one knows his place and his proportion, there being never any alteration of the Order, but the same Streets and Lanes, the same distance of Tents, so that were it not for the variation of the Prospect, other Mountains, other Rivers, and another Face of the Country, you would think yourself still in the same place. When the Crier has once proclaimed the day of Removal, they presently know how to pack up their Baggage, and in what order to march without any more ado; who are to march in the Front, who in the Rear; who on the Right, who on the Left hand: so that all things are done without Noise or Tumult.  
Neither is there any thing which more commends the Industry of the Abessines. For what they have acquired by long use and continual War, they still retain; never pestered with confusion either marching or sitting still. The constant disposal and largeness of the Camp may be understood from hence, that the same Dialect and the same words continue in the same Streets and Quarters: in other Quarters another sort of words, and a different Dialect: as for Dala, a word used in the Front of the Camp, which signifies to put in; the Vulgar in the Rear Quarter say, Tshammara. Of old, before the Gallant conquered it, the Camp was pitched in Shewa, a fertile and most plentiful Country. But for the most part in December, and that for three or four years together in one place. In the beginning of Susneus' Reign in the year 1607, they pitched at Coga. Thence they removed to Gorgora, in the year 1612, from thence to Dancaza; and lastly to Guendra which place, Bernier because he had heard perhaps that it was the Residence of the King, calls the Metropolis of Ethiopia; of which perhaps in a few years there will be nothing to be seen.  
These Camps take up a vast deal of room, as well in the Summer as in the Winter, for they do not only contain the Soldiers, but their Wives and their Children, whose work it is to bake their Bread, and make their Hydromel. So that the weak and helpless multitude far exceeds the number of the Soldiery. Nor are they without Merchants and Tradesmen of all sorts, besides Slaves and Lackeys, necessary for such a Multitude: So that the Camp looks more like an Ambulatory City, and moving Houses, than a Martial Camp. So many Tents and Pavilions seeming a far off to represent the Prospect of some great Town. But less wonderful is that which is reported out of India; That near the Island of Sumatra, there are certain Cities, if they may be so called, which are always swimming, and yet great Markets and Fairs are kept therein; and many People live there who have no other Country or Habitation.  
Now for the Camp masters whom the Ethiopians call Sebea Catine, they carry a great sway in managing the Succession of the Kings, and affairs of greatest moment. The Kings also themselves are guided by them in making and abrogating Laws; and generally they are the first springs of Faction and Sedition. And as formerly the Pretorean Bands gave Laws to Prince and People, so among the Habessines the effect of all Consultations good or bad derive themselves from the Camp.   

CHAP. XIV. Of the Military Affairs of the Habessines.  
Continual war. The Winter causes a Truce. The Habessines good Soldiers. Strong and active. They serve without pay. They plunder the Countries as they march. The Gallant secured by their Poverty. The Habessines ignorant in Fire-Arms. Few Muskets, and fewer Musketeteers. Their Armies consist most of Foot. Light Armour. Drums used by the Horse. Their Weapons. Bad Discipline: because they count it no shame to fly. Their Onsets furious. Their Rocks are their Fortresses. The King Commands in chief. Theives unpunished.  
THat the Habessines are a Warlike People and continually exercised in War, we have already declared: neither is there any respite but what is caused by the Winter, at what time by reason of the Inundations of the Rivers, they are forced to be quiet. For they have neither Ships nor Boats: neither do they know how to make Bridges to command a passage over their violent Streams. Concerning which, Gregory wrote to me in these words.  
There is no making War in Ethiopia in the Winter time; neither does the Enemy attack us, nor we them; by reason of the great falls of Rain and the Inundations of the Rivers.  
Tellezius also further testifies, That the Habessines are good Soldiers. They ride and manage a Horse well; and readily take Arms; as well in obedience to their Sovereign, as for other causes already mentioned. They are strong, They endure hunger and thirst beyond belief, and with little sustenance can brook any unseasonable sort of weather. They serve without pay: contented with honour and applause, and such Lands, as the King after the Roman Custom bestows upon the well deserving. Therefore they must certainly be thought to sight much more generously and faithfully in the defence of their Country then Hirelings. They expect no part of the Enemy's Booty, nor no redemption, and therefore never serve them in the Field. and because they know not the art of protracting a War, therefore they never are sparing of themselves to return home rich. However the Poverty of the Soldiers impoverishes the Countries through which they march. For in regard it is a difficult thing to carry Provisions over such steep and rugged Mountains, and long ways, they take by force what is not freely given them; and by that means lay waste their own Countries no less than their Enemies: whereby the poor Country people are constrained to turn Soldiers, and so taught to deal by others, as they were dealt with themselves. For which reason they neither can vanquish nor make any long pursuit after the Gallant; who being retired with their Droves, the Pursuers find nothing left behind but Lands untilled, and empty Cottages. So invincible a Fortress is Poverty to withstand the stoutest Enemy. But, as we have said already, Those Gallant might easily be vanquished, did but the Habessines know the use of Muskets. Tellezius writes, that they have among them about fifteen hundred Muskets, but not above four Musqueteers, and they but very bad Fire-men neither; neither do the Commanders know how to place and order them to the best advantage: and therefore after they have once discharged, the Enemy rushes on so furiously before they can charge again, that they they are forced to to throw their Muskets away: and then another thing is; they have but very little Powder.  
The biggest Army which the King brings now into the Field hardly amounts to Forty thousand Men, among which he has not above Four or Five thousand Horse, the rest are all Foot. Their horses are courageous and mettlesome, but they never get upon their backs till they are ready to charge the Enemy: at other times they ride their Mules, and lead their Horses. They are slightly armed after the manner of the ancient Velites; and though their Stirrups are no bigger than only to thrust in their great Toes, lest if the Horse should fall, their feet should be hung in the Stirup, yet they sit very fast. Their Weapons are Swords and Darts, as also Lances and short Javelins, with which they fight at a distance; after which they dispute it hand to hand with their Swords or Lances, and Bucklers. Their War like Music for the Horse are Drums much bigger than ours, and the King's, which are the biggest, go by the name of the Bear and the Lyon. Besides which, several Horns and Fifes march before Him. They for the most part, are armed with two Spears, of which they dart away the one at a distance, and maintain a close fight with the other, defending themselves with their Bucklers. The Horse never fight a foot, nor the Foot a horseback: a practice very necessary in such a Country, where many times there is no use of Horse. In brief, the Military Discipline of the Habessines is very irregular; rather the fault of the Captains that know not how to command them, than of the Soldiers. For they run away without any fear of Infamy or Punishment: neither do they know how to rally when they are once disordered; so that the first array being broken, the rest are carried away like a Torrent: neither do they strengthen their Wings with Reserves; neither do they separate the Veterans from the Raw Soldiers, disheartening the Courage of the one, by the unequal mixture of the other. The fury of the first Onset for the most part wins the Field: for which reason, the Gallant surpassing the Habessines in heat and violence, have so often vanquished them. They are not easily persuaded to avoid the Combat, believing it slothful and dastardly to tyre out an Enemy by delay, and wait for opportunities. Which has been the Ruin of many of their Kings, that have joined Battle with more Courage, than Prudent Advice. The Kings themselves, for the most part bred up in the field, command their own Armies themselves; or else they create a Ras, to command in their stead.  
One thing more remains behind, That this Country is very much infested with Robbers as well as Enemies; who many times rob in Troops like Soldiers, and very much infest the Roads; and this without any searching after, or care taken to punish them; by reason that the King and the Governors being wholly busied with continual Wars, have no time to rid the Nation of these Vermin, who being pursued, presently shelter themselves among the Rocks and Mountains.   

CHAP. XV. Of the Wars in the last Century, Especially of the Fatal War of the Adelans.  
Their ancient Wars incertain; the distance between Egypt, and our Ethiopia. Caleb's Expedition into Arabia. The Wars of the last Century: First the Adelan dreadful. The Lamentations of the Ethiopians at Rome. Caused by the sloth and voluptuousness of their Princes: The assistance of the Turk, and Fire-Arms: The Portugals assist the Habessines. The Enemy vanquished by Gomez. His Fame; His Fidelity tempted by Grainus: but in vain: They both act warily: Grainus fights, and his Horse shot under him. A second Battle. The Enemy's Camp taken. Gomeus forces the Jews Rock. Gomez wounded, killed, his death revenged by Claudius. Grainus overcome and slain. The Kingdom at quiet. The Adelans recover strength, vanquish and kill Claudius. To whom Menas succeeds, who is also slain in the Field. Serzadenghel vanquishes the Turk. Civil Wars after his death.  
WE shall forbear to set down over-ancient or incertain Relations, concerning the Expeditions of the Kings of Ethiopia into Egypt, in regard it does not appear to us, what part of Ethiopia those Writers mean; or how far the Empire of the Abessines of old extended. For those things which Historians have delivered to memory in reference to the Ethiopians adjoining upon Egypt, are not presently to be applied to the Ethiopians. For that the distance between Egypt and our Ethiopia, comprehends Eight or nine degrees, or a hundred Germane Miles and more. In which wide space, Nubia was seated, so that there might be Kings of other  Nations next to that. And therefore till we see the Histories themselves of the Abyssines, we are unwilling to publish Incertainties for Certainties. But that the Habessines did make several Famous Expeditions into Arabia, is a thing not to be questioned; insomuch, that some of them have made a Computation of their Years from thence: and that the Kingdom of the Homerites was totally subdued by Caleb, we have already declared. To omit then several other Wars waged with their Neighbours, the Stories of which are to us unknown: as for example, that with the Nubians in the 25th Year of the former Century, recorded by Alvarez; the most lamentable and most fatal was that War which they entered into with the Adelans their Ancient Enemies. True it is indeed, that in the beginning of his Reign, David vanquished them in several Battles. But after the Turks had vanquished Egypt, and some Ports of the Red Sea, the Adelans, strengthened by their assistance, turned the Scale of Fortune, and were always Victors. For King Adelis sent one Ahmed, a Mahometan, vulgarly called Grainus, or Grannus, that is to say, Lefthanded, with an Army to invade Habessinia, and revenge the Losses of the Adelans. He, about the Year 1526, subdued all Fatagara. For the first two Years the War was carried on with various Success; but the next Twelve Years to the Year 1540, at what time King David deceased, the Habessines had the worst of it. The King having lost the choicest of his Kingdoms, and his Second Son Menas, who was taken Prisoner, languished out the rest of his days in the Rock Damus. And indeed the Habessines were brought to that low and miserable Condition, that they began to despair of their Country. For such are the Lamentations which we find made by those that lived at Rome, in the Epilogue printed after the Gospel of St. John.  
Not without reason do we weep, when we call to mind the Captivity of our Brethren, our Country laid waste, Our Temples Burnt, our Books and our Sanctuaries consumed with Fire, and the Profanation of our Monasteries by that wicked and impious Grainus, a Companion for Goats, a Perscutor and Invader of the Sheep, from Waigaci, to the Red Sea.  
Among the Causes of such a Torrent of Calamities, these may be reckoned not to be the least: for that the King, vanquished by his own sluggish humour, had given himself wholly up to the Temptations of Pleasure; so dedicated to Women, that he permitted some of them to have their Idols in his Palace. Next, the Turks, out of their inbred hatred to Christianity, had supplied their Mahometan Friend with Fire-Arms, and such as knew well how to use them; whose Thunder, then by the Abessines first heard, they were not able to endure; nor did they know how to cure the Wounds which the Bullets made, as not being accustomed to them: besides, that on the other side, the Mahometans so numerously abounding throughout Abessinia, favourably every where entertained those of their own Sect. Many also of the Abessines themselves, following, as is usual, the Fortune of the Victor, forsook their Native Sovereign: So that now every thing threatened utter destruction and desolation, when the King, lurking among the Rocks, began to bethink himself of craving Succour from the Portugals. To that purpose in the Year 1535, one John Bermudes, a Portugese, was sent. Who first arrived at Rome in the Year 1538, where he was made Patriarch jointly of Ethiopia and Alexandria, and afterwards went into Portugal in the Year 1539, and there obtained a Commission from John the Third, to the Viceroy of India, to send Assistance to the Abessines. Their Commander was Christopher Gomez, a Person of great Valour, who in the Month of July, in the Year 1541, entered the Kingdom with Six small Field-Pieces, and Four hundred and fifty Musqueteers. At first they had a very severe March: for they wanted Horses and Teams: the Country being so wasted, that they were forced to carry their Luggage and Conveniencies upon their shoulders over most rugged and steep Mountains. Nevertheless, these Soldiers, few in number, but all choice men, and coveting the honour to restore the King of Habessinia to his Kingdom and his Liberty, patiently underwent all sorts of hardship. This caused a change of Fortune, so that now the late Victors were every where put to flight, astonished at the Execution of the Guns. In the first place, Gomez assailed the Rock Amba-Sanet, which was thought invincible, and forced the Enemy to quit it. Whereby he won to himself great Fame, and highly Encouraged the Habessines. First therefore the King's Mother, confiding in this small Force, left a certain Rock, which gave access to none, nor permitted any to ascend, but as they were drawn up or let down with Ropes, and cheered them with her presence. Claudius, who lay skulking in the Kingdom of Shewa, had writ word he would be suddenly with them, but durst not adventure through so many Numbers of the Enemies that lay in the way. So that Gomez with some few of the Habessinians, was constrained to bear the whole burden of the War with a most incredible Courage. The Barbarians were not ignorant of the Gallantry of the Portugals, nor did they believe their own People had hearts sufficient to withstand the Fury of the great Guns. And therefore thinking it convenient as well to try the Disposition of Gomez, as to spy what Force he had, they sent certain Commissioners to him, pretending to blame blame his rashness, and to offer him safe Conduct, as being deceived by the Abessines, if he thought fit to return. But Gomeus, as it were provoked with the indignity they had put upon him, gave them an answer that favoured both of fierceness and contempt, telling them, That he was sent by the most Potent King of the Portugals, to revenge the Injuries done to the Habessines; and that his coming was not to return again, but to fight Grainus. The Enemies Force in that place was 15000 Foot, and 1500 Horse, together with 200 Turkish Musqueteers, whom Gomeus had most reason to fear. But he confiding in the Courage of his own men, though but a small parcel, resolved upon a Battle. However, he keeps within his Camp. On the other side, Grainus would not stir, well knowing the Portugals had Provision but for a few days; which being spent, they would be forced to forsake the Hill where they lay Encamped, and so might be easily environed by his Numbers. Nor did that cunning in part fail the Barbarian; for the Portugals were forced to forsake their Camp, but could not be surrounded by the Enemy, in regard their Field-Pieces and Muskets struck such a Terror into the Mahometans, that they, contemning all Orders of their Captain, would not stir. And it so happened, that Grainus himself, riding about to force his men on, was wounded in the Hips with a Musket Bullet, and had his Horse shot under him. The fall of the Captain quite damped the Courage of the Soldiers; so that they presently retreated, and the Portugals keeping the Field, looked upon themselves as Victors. Twelve days after the Barbarians renewed the Fight, for which the Portugals were prepared. While both sides fought at first with equal Success, an Accident happened, lamentable in sight, but yet the cause of the Victory. For while the Soldiers went with their lighted Matches to fetch Powder, a Barrel took fire, the noise of which so terrified the Barbarians Horses, that their Riders not being able to rule them, they disordered the Body of the Army; which the Portugals observing, laid all their force upon the Turks, who being put to flight, the rest easily followed. However, they could not pursue them far, because they had but Eight Horses. Nevertheless the Enemy's Camp was taken and plundered. This was the work of that Summer: for the Winter coming on, put an end to farther Action. The Winter now declining, the Portugals, who thought nothing too difficult for them to undertake, attacked another steep Rock in Samen, called the Jews Rock, which was kept by the Adelans, with a Garrison of 1500 men. For it was large, and contained many Fields, Meadows, Fountains and Streams. The attempt was occasioned by a Jew, who had been formerly Governor of the Rock, who hearing of the Courage of the Portugals, advised the taking of it, in regard there were many Horses in it, which the Portugueses principally wanted: and the more to encourage them, he promised to show them such byways, that they might be able to surprise the Garrison; adding withal, That there would be no safe Passage for Claudius, so long as the Enemy held that Pass. Gomez understanding by the Queen that the Jew spoke truth, undertook the Enterprise with prosperous Success: for having slain all the Barbarians, he got a Booty there of Fourscore brave Horses, Three hundred Mules, several Slaves, and other good Plunder beside. After which he restored the Rock to the Jews, understanding they had always been faithful to the Habessines.  
In the mean while Grainus finding there was no good to be done against the Portugals without Guns and Fire-Arms, sent for immediate Assistance from the Neighbouring Turks, and petty Bassa's of Arabia. So that he obtained from the Bashaw of Zebid a fresh Supply of Seven hundred, some say, Nine hundred Musqueteers, and Ten Field-Pieces. Some noble Arabians also that were his Friends came to his assistance. Gomez, either knowing nothing of this, or else heightened by his two former Victories, never staying for Claudius, as he ought to have done; in regard he delayed somewhat longer than was expected, nor yet tarrying for some of the Portugals who brought Horses along with them: Or whether it were, that he was constrained to it, as having no place of Retreat, and did not believe that Grainus himself would appear before the Winter was over, gave the Enemy the opportunity of a Battle. But being overpowered by the Turks, he was wounded with a Musket Bullet in the Thigh. He himself, having lost many of his own Soldiers, and the stoutest of his Commanders, by the help of the Night escaped to a Rock. The wounded and weary were all slain, the rest dispersed themselves into the Woods, while the Camp became a Prey to the Enemy. Fourteen only accompanied Gamez, the most of them wounded; who void of all assistance, without food or medicaments, refreshed themselves by the Fountains which afforded but small relief. There they were apprehended by the Turks and Arabians, and carried to Grainus exulting for joy of his Success. He causing about a hundred of the heads of the Portuguezes to be brought and laid down before him, upbraided Gomez for his madness in undertaking a War against him: and then after he had received a stern answer from his Captive, caused him to be tormented to death.  
After that misfortune, the King came up, sad for the loss of Gomez, whom he desired most earnestly to have beheld with his Eyes. Nor were they less sad to whose assistance he came, as well for the loss they had received, as because he had brought so few Forces with him. Therefore they lay still three or four months, till they could raise more. They being come, the Portugals, who were now reduced to a hundred and twenty, and yet zealous to revenge the death of their Captain, were very urgent with the King to fight, giving him great hopes of Victory. For they had intelligence that the Turks were returned home, leaving only two hundred behind them: whether by Command of their basha, or taking it ill that Gomez was not delivered to them. The King, though he had not above Eight thousand Foot, and Five hundred Horse, resolved to follow the Inclinations of the Portugals. And first in a slight skirmish he routed some of the Barbarian Forces that marched before; Then sets upon Grainus himself, who led an Army of 13000 men, and vanquished him; Grainus himself, the Terror of Habessinia for so many years, was shot with a Musket Bullet by a Portugueze, who revenged the death of his Captain. All the Turks but fourteen were slain. The head of Grainus was exposed to the view of the People in several Provinces and Kingdoms of Habessinia, to the great comfort of the beholders. For upon the sight of it, the Abyssines recovered Vigour and Courage; They congratulated their King's Success; and they who had revolted, returned to their duty, pretending necessity for the fault committed. The King considering the condition of those times, thought it convenient to pardon all, to confirm the wavering, to win the hearts of his People by Clemency, to rally his scattered Forces, and to do all those things which were necessary for the re-establishment of his Kingdom. Only one of the principal Commanders, to whom the King had granted his pardon, the Portuguezes put to death as laying to his charge the Murder of Gomez. His perfidiousness was thought to have deserved death; and so justice prevailed, without any further notice being taken of it. In the mean time, the Gallant, till then an obscure Nation, were neglected, though they had invaded many Provinces already laid waist by the Adelans; not being looked upon as such as would have increased so much to the future damage of the Kingdom. There was still a greater fear of the Adelans, who having in time repaired their Losses, only waited an Opportunity to make a New Invasion. Soon after their Spies returning with intelligence that the Habessines were grown secure, and consequently careless, under Nurus their Captain, they again broke into Habessinia with a mighty Force; overthrew Claudius who advanced to oppose them, and slew him. After his Death, Menas obtained the Crown, hated by the People for his Cruelty. From thence Intestine Wars ensuing, the Turks being called into the Kingdom, overthrew the King in Battle and slew him; which gave them an easy advantage to make themselves Masters of the Port of Arkiko, and the Island of Matzua. His Son Zerza-Denghel, much more fortunate than his Father, performed many brave Achievements, and beat the Turks of Tigra, but could not regain Arkiko, nor the Island of Matzua. He reigned Thirty Years continually vexed with the Gallant, or harassed with Intestine Broils. After his Death, Civil Dissensions, and deadly Strifes between the Royal Offspring about the Crown, so weakened the Habessines, tormented at the same time with the Gallant, that from that time to this day, they could never Master that Potent Enemy. As to their Wars about Religion, that arose in the time of the Fathers of the Society, we shall speak more hereafter.   

CHAP. XVI. Of the Leagues and Embassies of the Habessinians.  
To the Portugueses. Helena sent Matthew an Armenian, and wherefore. After a long stay in India. he Arrives in Portugal, Suspected. From Portugal, Odoardus Galvan sent Ambassador. To whom Roderic Linaeus Succeeds. Alvarez his Priest. He after six years dismissed with Tzagazaabus to the Pope. Which Letters Alvarez carried to Rome. Read at Bononia, and with what effect. Upon receiving the Portugueze Succour, they do not refuse the Latin Religion. Whence hopes of their Embracing the Roman Faith. Letters sent to the Pope. An Embassy appointed: without Effect. Commerce with the Europeans interrupted: nor admitted unless tried by Matrimony. Embassies rare in Habessinia, unless to Constantinople: or to Batavia. Ambassadors Foreigners. A League with the Persians.  
AT what time the Portugueses, making several Voyages into India, made War upon several Nations, their fame reached the Abessinians also; who glad that the Power of the Saracens was brought low, and that Egypt and their Patriarch of Alexandria was restored to freedom, were in hopes that the Passage to Jerusalem would be open. At the same time also was Peter Covillian among the Habessines, who had given them more certain Relations concerning the Portugueses. Therefore Helena, the Grandmother of David, and Governess of the Kingdom, as we have said, sent an Ambassador into Portugal, one Matthew an Armenian, skilful in Foreign Affairs, and one that understood the Arabic Language, joining with him a Young Nobleman of Habessinia. She was willing to employ a Foreigner, either because she could find none among her own People that were fit for such an Employment; or that she believed none of that Nation could get safely into Portugal, that Kingdom being hated by the Neighbouring Nations, by reason of the Piracies of the Saracens. Mattheus was certainly in danger, and sometimes detained a Prisoner among the Arabians, out of whose hands he used many devices to escape; and at length got safe to God, to Albuquerquez, Viceroy of India, together with his Colleague. By whom, though he were nobly there entertained, yet he questioned the sending him into Portugal: Because such an Embassy seemed no way Correspondent to the Dignity and Grandeur of the famous Presbyter John. And therefore he resolved first to expect the King's Pleasure. Thereupon Matthew being detained Three Years in India, at length in the Year 1513. he arrived in Portugal. The 
(z) They are to be found after the Preface of Alvarez's Itinerary, as also in the Treatise of Damianus a Goez, concerning the Great Emperor of the Indians, to Emanuel, King of Portugal, first printed at Dordrecht. But Tellezius forgot himself, when he writes, That Matthew brought David's Epistle full of Titles: for that is to be attributed to Alvarez or Tragazaabus.  Letters which he brought from Helena, being written with the Ethiopic plainness, without any bombast of gaudy Titles, seemed to contain more than they that sent them were able to perform. For they freely offered safe Conduct, and a Thousand other necessary Conveniences for Ships, which was looked upon as a piece of boasting Vanity by the Portugals, who perhaps thought the Queen had spoken of the Indian Vessels of those Nations that lay upon the Red Sea. Matthew himself an ordinary Merchant, without any Magnificence of Train, was hardly thought worthy so high an Employment; and they were afraid of future shame for having acknowledged a false Ambassador. After many and long delays, at length they were satisfied; and in return, another Embassy was decreed to the Habessines, and Odoardus Galvan was sent upon that Employment. He dying by the way, Rodorick Limez was sent in his room, whose Priest was Francis Alvarez, who left behind him an Itinerary, written in the Portugueze Language in a plain and ordinary style, though afterwards, for Curiositie's sake, translated into several 
(a) By Michael de Selves, into Spanish; by others into Italian and Dutch: Jovius promised also to do it into Latin, but failed.  Languages.  
Six Years Rodoric Limez resided in Ethiopia, before he was dismissed by the King, that he might be in a Capacity to make the same return of Kindness to the Portugals. At length he sent him back, joining with him Tzagazaabus, with Letters to the Pope and the King of Portugal, flourished at the beginning, with those usual Titles, which we have already recited. But what is to be admired 〈◊〉 Tzagazaabus arrived not at Rome, till the Year 1539, being detained at Lisbon. Certain other 
(b) Extant in Alvarez. Damianus a Goez. of the Ethiopian Customs. and Tom. 11. Hispian. Illustrate. p. 1250.  Letters were also recommended to Alvarez, who carried them to Bononia, and made a long Discourse of the Respect and Reverence which the Kings of Habessinia had to the See of Rome. They were read before Clement the Seventh, and the Emperor Charles the First, with the general Applause of the Court of Rome; but with no Success. For that Claudius the King plainly denied to ratify either those things, or what John Bermudes afterwards related at Rome to the same effect; as if never given in Command, nor so understood, but that the business of the Embassy, and consequently the Letters themselves had been feigned and contrived by the Portugals. However, the Habessinians being reduced to very great straits, at the Intercession of Bermudes, had an assistance of Four hundred and fifty men granted, and sent into Habessinia by the Command of John the Third. But Peter Pays positively writes, That this was done at the request of the Queen of Ethiopia. And that Stephen Gomez who sailed into the Red Sea to burn the Turkish Ships, and by chance came to an Anchor before the Island of Matzua, after he had consulted his Council of War, resolved to send the said Supply, as seeming to be for the honour of God and the King. Of which Consultation there had certainly been no need, if the King had Commanded the Supply before. However it were, that Succour was not only very necessary, but very advantageous to the Habessines. From which time the Habessines were not only gratefully, but honourably received among the Habessines: nor did they then refuse the Latin Religion, but frequently went to the Portugueze Chapels, and admitted Them into Theirs. Moreover, they also gave Liberty to the Habessinian Women that were married to the Portugueses, to go to Mass with their Husbands, and to partake of the same Ceremonies with them. So that during the Reign of Claudius, there was great Hopes both at Rome and at Lisbon, that the Habessinians might be persuaded to embrace the Romish Religion. But that Hope proving vain, there was for some time a Cessation of Embassies, and the Abessinian Friendship with the Lusitanians was almost interrupted; until by the Artifices of the Fathers of the Society, the Minds of the later Kings were somewhat more inclinably disposed to give Obedience to the See of Rome.  
Upon that, Letters were written to the Pope and the King of Spain, who was then also King of Portugal, and answers upon them, which gave an Occasion to Susneus to decree an Embassy into Europe. To that purpose 
(c) Mistakenly Tecur-Egzy in Tellezius, l. 2. c. 3.  Fecur-Egzie was chosen, and with him Antony Fernandez was joined; who were commanded by unknown and byways to Travel Southward, till they reached Melinda, upon the Shore of the Indian Ocean, from whence the Passage was more Easy and Safe into India. Thereupon setting forth out of Gojam, they Travelled through Enarea, from thence into the Kingdom of Zendero, and so to Cambata, the Last Kingdom under the Habessine Dominions. Thence Travelling into Alaba, they were forbid to go any farther, by the Governor of the Province, who was a Mahometan. He apprehended the Ambassador with his Train; and had not the Law of Nations been of some force among the Barbarians (for they had about them to show both their Letters and Presents from the Emperor) they had been put to death, with the Law in their own hands. Being by that means set at Liberty, after a Years and seven months' time spent in hard Travel, after many sad Experiences of Savage Barbarity and a Thousand Jeopardies, they returned home without effecting any thing. Nor can any reason be certainly given, why those unknown and dangerous Ways were chosen, through so many Barbarous Nations, so many Wild and Desert Countries, when the Road lay so plain through the Kingdom of Denoale in Friendship with the Abyssines, to the Port of Baylur, which the Patriarch of Portugal afterwards securely made use of: as if so tedious a Journey had been imposed upon the Undertakers, not so much to go upon an Embassy, as for the Discovery of Foreign Countries, and By-Roads, for the Direction of Travellers.  
After that, there happening a difference between them and the See of Rome, all manner of Commerce and Communication with the Europeans ceased: Insomuch, that now they would with great reluctancy admit those whom before they so highly admired, and with great difficulty would dismiss, out of their affection to Arts and Sciences; especially, if they suspected them to be Clergymen, or under Religious Vows. For which reason they tried them first, by offering a Wife to every Stranger.  
Otherwise, they rarely send any Ambassadors abroad, unless it be into Egypt, when they have need of the Metropolitan. For they are not only ignorant of foreign Affairs and Languages, but of the Ways and Roads of other Countries. By reason of their Vicinity to the Turks, and thence their frequent Commerce one with another, sometimes they are forced to send Ambassadors to Constantinople, as in the Year 1660. So in the Year 1661., one Michael was sent thither with the wont Presents; a living Tecora; several Skins of dead ones; Pigmies and the like, as Thevenot writes. In the Year 1671, another Ambassador was sent, with some of those painted Beasts, and Letters to the Dutch Governor of Batavia. But they who are sent, are generally Foreigners, Maronites, Armenians, or else Arabians. But as for what Leonardus Rauchwolf writes in his Itinerary, it is altogether vain and false: That Presbyter John having made a League with the Persians, sent a Persian Bishop with so many Priests, that in Two years' time they converted Twenty Christian Cities to the Christian Religion. It seems to be an old and confused Relation, and to be understood of that same ancient Asiatic Prester Chan, Neighbouring at that time upon the Persians. But he ascribes this passage to the Emperor of the Abessines, and that it came to pass Twelve years before his coming. Philip Nicolai believed him, and inserted this Figment into his Book concerning the Reign of Christ, adding the Year 1562, at what time the Affairs of the Habessines were in their most afflicted Estate.   

CHAP. XVII. Of the Vice-Roys, Presidents and Governors of Provinces.  
The various Titles of Vice-Roys and Governors. Deed Azmat the Common Title of Precedents. The cause and Original of this Variety; And of the Imperial Title.  
THE Vice-Roys, Presidents and Governors of Countries which the King appoints and lays aside at his pleasure, are not called by any common sort of Title: but according to the several Kingdoms which they govern, derive to themselves particular Appellations. Some there are who are honoured with Royal Titles; as, 

Negus Gan. King of 'Gan,  
Enareja Negus, King of Enarea.    
Others are thought worthy the ancient appellation of Nagasi, in the Amharil Dialect, Nagash; which word signifies a Ruler, Commander or Lord. And was formerly more especially attributed to the Ethiopian Kings by the Arabians, as has been already said: as, 

Bahrnagash, Ruler or Regent of the Sea Coast.  
Gojam-Nagash, Regent of Gojam.  
Walaka Nagash, Regent of Walaka.    
The word Ras, put absolutely, or with the proper name of the person signifies the Chief Commander or General of an Army: but if the name of the Kingdom be added, it signifies the Governor thereof; the same with the Germans, Hauptman or Lands-Hauptman; as, 

Angot Ras, Captain of Angot.  
Bugna Ras, Captain of Bugna.    
This Title Tzagazaabus assumed, although he were but a Monk, while he subscribed to the Confession of Faith by him set forth, as follows.  

Bugna Ras, Arch-Presbyter, Tzagazaab, Ambassador from Jan Beluli Hatze Lebna Denghel.   
Some suffice themselves with the Title of Shum, which is otherwise common to all the Governors of Guraga and Cambata. 

Guraga-Shum, Governor of Guraga.  
Cambata-Shum, Governor of Cambata.   whom at other times they call the King of the Hadians.  
The Viceroy of Tigra, is called Macuenen, as Tiger Macuenen, Precedent or Judge of Tigra.  
The names of the rest are not to be expounded out of the Ethiopic Language; being perhaps words significative in the vulgar Dialects; as, 

Amhara, Tzabfaldam.  
Damota, Tzabfaldam.  
Shewa, Tzabfaldam.  
Dembea Cantiba.  
Bagender Azmat.  
Gedma-Katen.  
Ifata Walasma.  
Fatagar Asgua.  
Samen Aga-fari.    
The Governor of Diabai is called Ded-Asmat, which is properly the common Title of all Precedents, and signifies the Captain of a Provincial Militia, or a Colonel. This diversity of Titles seems to arise from hence, for that the ancient Possessors of these Kingdoms, before they came to be reduced under the Power of the Habessines, assumed those Titles of Dignity to themselves, which afterwards the Vulgar People gave to their several Governors in their distinct Idioms. Or else the Governors themselves retained the ancient names; the Kings of Ethiopia conniving at it, as esteeming it for their Honour to have so many Persons of several Dignities at their devotion. For because the Governors and Vice-Roys of Provinces assumed to themselves the Titles of Negus, and Nagasi, therefore the Ethiopic Kings took an occasion to give themselves the Title of Negusa Nagast, or King of Kings.   

CHAP. XVIII. Of the Princes that are Tributary to the Kings of Ethiopia, and of others subject to him, that claim absolute Dominion in their own Territories.  
Tributary Princes never Forty, much less Sixty; Gregory acknowledged but Four: appointed by the King for a time. That Dignity hereditatary to some few. The next equally Subject. The reason. All called Servants, even the Queen herself which seemed very severe to the Portugals. The same Custom among the Rasses. The King's Pavilion sacred. The strange behaviour of Suppliants: and various manners of supplicating. How the King carries himself toward Suppliants. The Ceremonies of Suppliants among the Turks and the Indians. The gentleness of the European Princes begets them love.  
THat the Kings of Ethiopia formerly had several Tributary Kings under them, we have already declared. 
(f) This Dam. de Goez. relates of him, in his Book, concerning the State and Kingdom of Presbyter John, 11.11.  Matthew the Armenian reckoned them up, though untruly, to the number of Fifty, though most erroneously. Nor did they write with more Truth, who tell us of Fifty or Forty; when as they have not so many Vice-Roys. Gregory knew but Four, that is so say, the Kings of Sennar, Dancala, Garaga, and Enarea. As for the King of Sennar, he has often revolted and made War upon the Abessines. The King of Dencala is a firm Ally, but obliged to no sort of Tribute. All the rest, whether Kings or Governors, are by the King himself appointed to govern such and such Kingdoms and Provinces, and are only pro tempore. Some few there are, that claim a supreme Dignity by right of Inheritance. But all of Royal descent; and all other of the Nobility, who are reputed to derive their Pedigrees from the Israelitish Race, are equally subject to the King; without any distinction of Dukes, Earls, Marquesses and Barons, as 
(g) Ibid. n. 13. There are, saith he, in Abassia, Lords, Dukes, Earls and Barons innumerable. I would be willing to know how they are called in the Ethiopic Language.  Matthew fabulously asserts. For the Kings of Ethiopia, as most of the Eastern Kings, deem it not a decent thing to command Illustrious Families. Not believing that Servitude can be expected from those that are accustomed to Command themselves. Moreover, they presume that Hereditary Dignity is an obstruction to Virtue; that Men are more certainly made, than born great; and that they will prove more faithful, whom they have raised from the Dust, than such as claim their Fortunes from their Ancestors. Therefore the Kings of Ethiopia account themselves only Lords; all others they look upon as Servants: in that particular not sparing their Brothers or their Kindred. So that when they bestow any Government upon them, they use this form, We have created our Servant such a one Governor of this, or that Province. Nor do they ever discourse them but in the singular number, Thou: whereas we generally make use in our Language of the second person plural. No other Epithet do they afford their own Queens, though of the highest Rank of Nobility. We have caused to Reign, that is, We have taken to Wife our Servant such a one. Nor do they disdain these Titles: but on the contrary call themselves reciprocally his Servants. This word Servant, was very ill digested by a generous Portuguese, as looking upon the title of Slave, to be a disgrace to him that was a Freeman. And therefore he offered a good Sum of Money to him, that, according to Custom, was to proclaim the Government conferred upon him, to leave out the word Servant, and only to proclaim his bare name; but could not obtain it. Nor is the Negus of Ethiopia to be taxed for this alone, seeing all the Princes of Africa and Asia use the same Custom. The same Sovereignty is claimed and maintained by the Russian Emperor; whose Grandees never call themselves any other than Golop, his Servants; nor in their Letters which they writ to him do they subscribe their names any otherwise than in the 
(h) As for Example; Hansellus, Stephanuel, Laurentioll, thy Servant. Olear. his Itinerary.  Diminutive. We are also to understand, That the word Gabre, or Servant, has a more diffusive signification among Them than among Us. For it extends not to real Slaves alone, but their Subjects and Domestics. And indeed, to say truth, they differ but little from Slaves, who are bound to observe their King at all times with Body, having nothing at all of Property, to which they can lay the least claim. Nor are the Ceremonies less servile by which they testify their Submission and Reverence to their King. The Bah-tu-ded himself the Chief of his Ministers, as Alvarez relates it, stood before the King's Pavilion, naked up to his Thighs, with his Head and his right hand almost touching the Earth, and a poor Linen swathband about his forehead, crying out thrice, Abeto, or most merciful Lord. Being asked according to Custom, Who he was? he answered, He was the meanest of the Court, that Saddled the King's Carriage Horses, ready prepared to obey all Commands. When the King's Messenger, whom they call Kol Hatzè, the King's Voice, declares the King's Commands afoot, it behoves all that hear to be afoot. Neither is it lawful to ride up to the King's Pavilion, no more than if it were to some Altar, but the person must always alight at a distance.  
Suppliants having occasion to make their Petitions to the King, stand in a certain place, and instead of Petitions which they know not how to write, betimes in the Morning with loud Voices and different Tones, whereby they may be severally distinguished by their Countries, they wake the sleeping King, beseeching him to hear their complaints. They of Amhara and Shewa, and those that use the same Dialect, redouble these following Exclamations as fast as they can speak, Shan Hoi, Shan Hoi, My King, My King. Some add Belul Hoi, Shan Hoi, Belul Hoi; My Apple of my Eye, My King, My Apple of my Eye.  
Hence Tzagazaabus composed his ridiculous Shan Belul, (by others more corruptly Beldigian) King Apple of my Eye, much more ridiculously rendered 
(i) In his Confession of Faith above mentioned. Tom. 2. Hispan. Illustrate. p. 1311.  High or Precious John.  
The Tigrenses, in their Supplications, cry out, Hadurije, My Lord.  
The Inhabitants of Dembea and Dara, Jegja, or Our Lord.  
Those of Gafata and Gojam, Abkawo, O Father of Orphans.  
The Mahometan implores his own Ja Siddi, or, O my Lord.  
Those of Gonga and Enarea, Donzo, Lord.  
The Lusitanians in their own Language make use of their own Senhor, Senhor, Senhor, till they are heard. The Barbarians, the more savage they are, so much the more harsh and obstreperous in their Tones. For the Gallant, like so many Wolves, howl out their Hu, Hu, Hu. Others bark like Dogs, or imitate the inarticulate noises of Wolves, Apes, and other Wild Beasts, to the end they may be thereby the better distinguished. But the more Civilised, and those that belong to the Camp use no other exclamation, but that of their Abeto, Abeto, Abeto, or Lord, Lord, Lord: which Appellation of Honour is attributed not only to the King, but to all those whom we call 
(k) See the Relation of Jerome Lupus, Printed in English, Entitled a short Relation of the River Nile. p. 40. see more in Sandovall de Restaur. Ethiop. Salut. 250.  mild and merciful Lords. Others addressing themselves for relief, make use of other expressions, by which they think the King may be most honoured; saluting him by the name of Sun, or Lord of their Hearts. But the Monks, unless access be permitted them, sing a certain Hymn.  
These particular Tones of Suppliants are taken norice of; and as soon as day appears, such and such are commanded to be admitted, and heard: or if it be a business of moment, the King himself gives them audience and returns them their answer. And surely it is the chief Office of Kings to hear the Complaints of their Suppliants, and to administer timely Justice to their Subjects. Of which the Barbarian Kings not being unmindful, gave opportunity to poor and miserable people, to whom their Court was shut up from access, to convey their Complaints to the King's Ears. Among the Turks, the Suppliants always carry a lighted fire upon their heads before the Window of the Sultan. In the Bedchamber of the Great Mogul, there always hangs a Bell, which it is lawful for the Suppliant to ring, standing at the farthermost end of the Palace, but he is taken into Custody by the Guards; and if afterwards he do not make good his Accusation, he loses his Life for his presumptuousness. Our Princes after a more noble manner receive Petitions from the hands of their Suppliants, and thereby greatly win the love of their Subjects. They who despise that sort of Clemency, or whip out at their back doors to avoid the sight or giving Ear to the miserable, do but only procure Sadness to their People, and Hatred and Contempt to themselves.   

CHAP. XIX. Of their Judiciary Proceed and Punishments.  
Their Judicial Proceed very plain. Witnesses slightly and cursorily examined. Appeals rare. Their Punishments, Stoning, Drubbing, and Banishment. Homicides how punished. A Discourse of Like for Like.  
THe manner of their Judicial Proceed is very plain and ordinary. For all Controversies are determined by word of Mouth, without any noise of Process, without any Writs, or Writings, of which the most part of the Nation is ignorant. The Plaintiff has liberty to produce his Witnesses, which the Defendant may refuse, if he have any reason to suspect them But in regard of their ignorance of the true Proceed by way of Interrogatory and proof, nor understand how to examine a Witness, it must of necessity follow, That Justice is but ill administered, where the Witnesses are so cursorily heard. It is lawful to appeal from Inferior Sentences either to the King or the Court-Tribunals: but that is seldom done; by reason of the Poverty of the People, and the tediousness of Travelling: and partly out of the Little hopes they have of redress. For the Governors and Judges of Provinces are offended with appeals, as seeming to them an accusation of Injustice; and therefore the wronged Parties fearing their displeasure, rather choose to lose their right, than the favour of the Judges. Neither does the resigning of Office afford any relief against an unjust Sentence. For either through Favour or for Money they obtain a Pardon for all things done amiss in their Magistracy.  
Among the sorts of Punishments inflicted upon Offenders, besides Beheading and Hanging, the most ready at hand is Stoning to death: the Soil affording sufficient materials for that sort of Execution. The next is Drubbing, if the Crime be not Capital.  
The punishment of the Nobility, is Exilement into the Zanic Lake, or into their high and steep Rocks, which are in a manner like Lands; from whence however they frequently escape by reason that the People are easily corrupted by Bribery.  
Homicides are delivered up to the next of 
(l) A Custom still used in Persia, as you may read in Tavernier and Olearius.  Kin to the Party murdered, at whose free will it is, to pardon the Malefactors, sell them to foreign Merchants, or put them to what death they please. If the Homicide escape unknown, the Inhabitants of the place and all the Neighbourhood are obliged to pay a Fine; by which means many Murders are either prevented or discovered.  
Most certainly the Law of Like for Like, was always and still is accounted the most just, and plainest among several Nations. Hence that of Moses, An Eye for an Eye, and a Tooth for a Tooth. But because there is not the same use of all members among men, some men according to their various Callings having more use of one Member than another; some being better able to lose their Hands than their Legs: others the●r Legs than their Hands: therefore among the Civilised Nations this Law grew out of custom. And it seems unjust to surrender the Offender to the Malice and Fury of the Offended Party, when they may have unbyass'd Judges, to give Sentence without Favour or Affection.   
The End of the Second Book.   

OF THE Ecclesiastical Affairs OF THE ABYSSINES. BOOK III.  

CHAP. I. Of the ancient Religion of the Abyssines, and their Judaic Rites.  
The Ecclesiastical History of the Abyssines corrupt: and why. The first Relation of Matthew the Armenian false; Tzagazaabus' Confession as little to be credited. Those of the Fathers, and Tellezius more certain. Ecclesiastical History commended. The Tradition of some concerning the Original of the Judaic Rites. Circumcision used by many. How it differs from the Judaic. No piece of holy Worship among the Habessines. Females circumcised. Why the Abyssines abstain from Swine's Flesh. The Various Customs of Nations concerning Meats. The Sabbath observed in the Primitive Church; Different from the Lords Day, and how. Whether lawful to marry a Brother's Wife. They abstain from the shrunk sinew What to be thought of Candaces' Eunuch. Menihelec's Posterity revolted from the true Religion. Claudius disclaims the Judaic Religion.  
NOw we proceed to the Ecclesiastical History of the Habessinians, than which there is not any other more corrupt. For whatever we find scattered in our Relations, were neither collected out of the Books which are publicly authentic in Habessinia, nor taken from the report of any persons there skilled in the Ecclesiastical Affairs of that Country, but partly ill related through the Rashness of the Writers themselves; partly by the same persons or others ill understood through their ignorance of the Ethiopic Language.  
The first Relation concerning the Religion of the Habessines, was set forth by Damianus a Goez, a noble Lusitanian, from the Report of Matthew the Armenian, First Ethiopic Ambassador to Emanuel King of Portugal; which Narrative of his 
(a) In a little Treatise often quoted, Of the Embassy of the Great Emperor of the Indians.  contains many things ambiguous, many other things altogether false. Insomuch that Tzagazaabus, the second Habessinian Ambassador, plainly taxed the Author of it, 
(b) For thus he says in his Confession of Faith, Matthew, in regard he was an Armenian, could not so perspicuously understand our affairs, especially those that related to our Faith. And therefore he reported many things to King Emanuel, which are not in use among Us. Which he did not out of desire to tell an untruth, because he was a good man, but because he knew little concerning our Religion. But in my opinion, that good man Matthew spoke many things, which he knew much better.  for his ignorance. Tho he himself in the Confession of his Faith, which the same 
(c) Extant in the 2. Tom. of Spain illustrated, p. 1302.  Goez set forth, did not much excel him either for truth or probability, for which reason Tellezius not undeservedly reprehends him. Certainly Gregory was very much offended with him; And when he heard his following Doctrines,  
1. That Jesus Christ was the Son of the Father, and the beginning of himself: in the same manner that the Holy Ghost, was the Spirit of himself, and proceeded from the Father and the Son.  
2. That he descended into Hell where was the Soul of Adam, and Christ himself, which Soul of Adam Christ received from the Virgin Mary: and toward the latter end of the Book, That Christ descended into Hell for the Soul of Adam and not for his own.  
3. That the Souls of men piously deceased are not crucified in Purgatory upon the Sabaoth and Lords Day.  
4. That by the Decree and Commandment of Queen Maqueda the Women were also to be Circumcised, as having a certain glandulous piece of Flesh, not unfit to receive the Impression and mark of Circumcision.  
I say, when Tellezius heard these things, and many other of the same mixture, in no small heat and Passion, he cried out, That they were Fictions, Dreams, nay mere Lies: frequently repeating these words; If he said this, he was a Beast of the Field.  
Yet out of these Books most of those Stories have flowed, which our Writers have made public, concerning the Religion of the Abessines. But the Fathers of the Society, having been conversant so long in Ethiopia. and viewed the Habessine Books, after several Disputations and Discourses with them, have been able to afford us more Truth, whose Acts and Writings being free for the perusal of Tellezius, we shall cull the choicest of his accurate Relations, and what he has reported more ambiguous or more partially, out of his dislike of the Alexandrian Religion, we shall correct out of their own Writings, or from the Discourses of Gregory himself.  
Certainly to Christians, no History can be more pleasant than that of Ecclesiastical affairs; especially if we look back to the Primitive Church. For whom would it not ravish into a high admiration of the wonderful Providence of God as well in founding as preserving his Church? when he shall consider that it grew up, and increased, not by the Propagation of Arms or human Arts, but by the Oppression of Heathenish persecution. To whom can it be unpleasing to consider with a Pious Contemplation, the undaunted Courage of the Martyrs, the Constancy of her Doctors, the Sincerity of the Christian People, the Purity of the Faith, the Strife of Good Works, the Patience of the Weak, the plainness of the Rites and Ceremonies? Which when they once began to be altered, with the reverence to the Church be it spoken, then also entered in Pride instead of Modesty, Ambition instead of Charity, together with Faction and Contention. As if our leisure and our Quiet were therefore granted us by Heaven to consume that time in making Scrutinies into all the mysteries of Faith, and moving such impertinent Questions, which ought to be spent in exercises of Charity and Piety.  
But I return to the Religion of the Habessines, concerning the Original of which, there are various Opinions of sundry Authors. They that admit the Tradition of the Habessines concerning Queen Maqueda, are of Opinion, that the Abessines had the true knowledge of God, ever since the Reign of King Solomon, and that their Judaic Rites, such as Circumcision, abstaining from meats forbidden, Observation of the Sabbath, Marriage of the Brother's Wife, and the like, had their Original from thence. But in regard these things were commonly practised as well in other Nations, as among the Primitive Nations, who conformed to the Jews in several things, It is not a thing to be easily affirmed, that these were the footsteps of those Ceremonies received so many Ages before from the Jews. For not only the Jews, but several other Nations made use of Circumcision, and still so do to this day, though not out of any knowledge of its Original, or any Consideration of Divine Worship. The most 
(d) Herodot. in Thalia.  ancient Historians tells us, That the Egyptians were the first that instituted that Ceremony, or else learned it from the Ethiopians. From thence it came to be in use among the Colchi, Phoenicians, and Syrians. They of Alnajah, an Ethiopian Nation, circumcise with sharp Stones. And Ephinanius expressly mentions the Homerites, from whence the Habessinians are descended, for the same Custom. We omit the Troglodytes, Nigrytes, and other innumerable Nations, which either do not understand the cause of it, use it for 
(e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for cleanliness sake. idem.  cleanliness; or else pretend it to be conducible 
(f) Philo Judaeus in his peculiar Chapter of Circumcision, brings these and many more reasons.  to generation; or that they have a longer Preputium, and therefore thought it convenient to have it cut away, as 
(g) In his Oriental Itinerary. c. 32. p. 1.  Thevenot writes: for fear those more pure Musulmen, should be polluted with their own Urine.  
Neither did Mahomet recommend it to his Arabians, as learned from the Jews; but left the Custom as he found it; nor does he make any mention of it in all his Alcoran. Besides, there is a great difference between the Circumcision of the Jews and that of other Nations. For other Nations only round the Skin with the Knife, but the Jews slit the Skin with their nails, till the Prepution falls down, and leaves the Nut altogether bare; for unless there be Perignah denudation, they do not think the Circumcision accomplished. For so their Doctors teach, Who circumcises and does not lay bare, is as one that never circumcised. So that if the Skin should happen to grow together again, it must be again dissected. Whence it is easier to understand what is meant by those Places in Scripture which mention the 
(h) If any one be Circumcised, let him not draw over, etc.  drawing over of his Preputium. For being cut off, it can never be restored by any Art, but being only slit or torn, it may be sowed together again. Whence it is easy to find that the Habessines do not use the same manner of Circumcising with the Jews. Neither is it performed with any signal Ceremony or Commmemoration. For it is done privately by some poor woman or other, without any Standards by, not so much as the Father himself. But the Confession of Claudius' King of Ethiopia, takes away all doubt, who to clear himself and his people from all Suspicion of Judaisme, says thus.  
But as to the Custom of Circumcision, we do not Circumcise like the Jews, For we understand the words of St. Paul, the Fountain of Wisdom, who saith, It profits not to be Circumcised, nor doth Circumcision avail: but rather the new Creation, which is Faith in our Lord Jesus Christ. And then to the Corinthians he says, again, who hath taken upon him Circumcision, 
(i) The Printed Copy varies from this, where the words are more obscure. If any one goes in uncircumcised, let him not go forth.  let him not keep his Preputium. All the Books of St. Paul's learning are among us, and tell us of Circumcision and the Preputium; but our Circumcision is done according to the custom of the Country, like incisions of the Face in Ethiopia and Nubia, and boaring the Ears among the Indians.  
This puts us in mind of the Circumcision of Females, of which Gregory was somewhat ashamed to discourse, and we should have more willingly omitted it, had not Tzagazaabus in his rude Confession of Faith, spoken of it as of a most remarkable Custom introduced by the command of Queen Maqueda; or had not Paulus Jovius himself, Bishop of Como, insisted in the same manner upon this unseemly Custom. This same Ceremony was not only used by the Habissines, but also familiar among other people of Africa the (k) Egyptians, and the Arabians themselves. For they cut away from the Female Infants something which they think to be an Indecency and Superfluity of Nature. The most impudent women that inhabit about the Cape of good Hope, still retain this Custom, and for a small matter, expose themselves to the Seamen. Jovius calls it, Carunniculam, or a little piece of Flesh. Golius, an oblong Excrescence. The Arabians by a particular word called it Bedhron or Bedhara, beside which they have many other words to the same purpose. Among their Women it is as great a piece of reproach, to revile a woman by saying to her, O Bandaron: that is, O uncircumcised, as to call a man Arel, or uncircumcised among the Jews. A strange thing, that only in Africa and some Parts of Asia, the Women should be noted for those extuberancies: for the Jewish women in Germany, being acquainted by their reading with this Custom, laugh at it, as admiring what it should be that should require such an amputation.  
Nevertheless this seems to have some reference to the forbidden use of Swine's Flesh, and other Meats not allowed by the Mosaic Law, as the same King Claudius manifestly gives us to understand in his Confession.  
But as to what relates to the Eating of Swine's Flesh, we are not forbid it, out of regard to the observance of the Mosaic Law, as the Jews were. For we do not abhor him that feeds upon it; nor do we force him that does not, to make it his diet, as our Father Paul writing to the Romans hath written. Who eats, let him not contemn him that eateth not, for the Lord accepts all. The Kingdom of Heaven consists not in meat or drink. But it is not good for a man to eat to the scandal of another: And Matthew the Evangelist says, Nothing can defile a man but that which goeth out of his mouth. For what ever goeth into the belly, and is retained in the stomach, that at length is cast into the Draught. And thus he pronounces all meat clean. Now while he spoke those words he destroyed the whole structure of the Jews Error, who were learned in the Books of the Mosaic Law.  
Most Nations have a particular Diet, some by custom, some through superstition.  
Not to speak of the Mahometans, who abstain not only from Swine's flesh, but from Wine, is not the custom of the Bannians, not much different from the ancient Pythagoreans, to be strangely admired? who only feed upon Herbs and Meats made of Milk, which we hardly believe sufficient to sustain Nature. Others there are that devour all sorts of Creatures which the flesh consuming Beasts themselves refuse, and otherwise nauseous to the most part of Men. The Oriental Tartars feed upon Camels, Foxes and all sorts of wild Beasts. Some of our Europeans indulging their appetites, please their palates with a sort of Diet abominated by all other People, as Frogs, Cockles, and I know not what sort of Infects. Gregory had an utter aversion to Lobsters, Crabs, Crayfish and Oysters, which we account our chiefest Delicacies: and it turned his stomach to see Turkeys, Hares, and several other Dishes to which he was unaccustomed, brought to our Tables. Being asked, why he abstained from Swine's flesh? he retorted still, and why we from Horseflesh? And most certainly were we to banquet with the Tartars, there are but very few of us that would easily be induced to eat Horseflesh with an Appetite, though it be one of their principal junkets. Nay their Ambassadors to our Princes desire fat Horses for their Kitchens.  
However they abstain from blood and things strangled, not out of any observance of the Mosaic Law, but an Apostolic Decree always in force in the Eastern Church: which was also for many Ages observed in the Western Church, and revived in some Councils. They also rebuke us, for that we suffered that Decree to be laid aside.  
Nor do they allow the Jews Sabbath out of a respect to Judaisme, or that they learned it from some certain Nations that kept the Seventh day holy. But because the ancient Custom of the Primitive Church, who observed that day perhaps out of complacency to the Jews, being long retained in the East, was at length carried into Ethiopia. For thus we find it written in some ancient Constitutions which they call the Constitutions of the Apostles.  
Let the Servants labour five days, but let them keep the Holydays, the Sabbath, and the Lords Day in the Church for the sake of Pious Instruction.  
The Council of Laodicea decreed that the Gospels with other parts of Scripture should be read upon the Sabbath; when before the Paragraphs of the Law of Moses were only read upon the Sabbath, and the Gospels upon the Sunday: the Texts of the old Law being thought most agreeable to the Old Sabbath, and the Texts of the New Testament, to the New Sabbath.  
Socrates also farther testifies that the People used to assemble at Church upon the Sabbath and Lords Day.  
And Gregory Nyssen, whose Writings the Ethiopians have among them, saith,  
With what Eyes dost thou behold the Lords Day, who hast defiled the Sabbath? knowst thou not that these two days are Twins, and that if thou injur'st the one, thou dost injury to the other?  
But Claudius makes so much difference between both days, that he prefers the Lord's day before the Sabaoth.  
But as to what pertains to our Celebration of the ancient Sabaoth, we do not celebrate it, as the Jews did, who Crucify'd Christ, saying, Let his blood be upon Us and our Children. For those Jews neither draw water, nor kindle fires, nor dress meat, nor bake bread; neither do they go from house to house. But we so celebrate it, that we administer the Sacrament, and relieve the Poor and the Widow, as our Fathers the Apostles commanded Us. We Celebrate it as the Sabaoth of the first Holiday, which is a new day of which David saith, This is the day which the Lord made, let us rejoice and exult therein. For upon that day our Lord Jesus Christ risen: and upon that day the Holy Ghost descended upon the Apostles in the Oratory of Zion. And in that day Christ was incarnated in the Womb of the Perpetual Virgin St. Marry: and upon that day he shall come again to reward the Just, and punish the Evil.  
Gregory also testified, That the Habessines abstain from no sort of Labour upon the Sabaoth, but from the most servile sorts of Labour. This Custom continued long in the Church, till it was abrogated by degrees; for by the 22d Canon of the said Council of Laodicea the Christians are forbid to work upon the Sabaoth. Nevertheless the Sacred Lectures were continued for a time, as appears by the Canon above mentioned, till at length those were also left off; perhaps because that the People having a licence to work, there were but few that repaired to Church.  
Moreover, according to the Custom of the Jews, it is lawful in Abessinia to marry the Widow of the Brother deceased, as Alvarez testifies. Adding, That the Habessinian defend their so doing by the Laws of the Old Testament. But Gregory positively denied that it was lawful, but only connived at by the Magistrate. However, that such Wives are also prohibited from coming to the Holy Communion, wherein Alvarez agrees with him. However it does not therefore follow, that this Custom was translated from the Jews to the Habessines, no more than if any one should assert that the Laws of Polygamy and Divorce were derived from the Jews. And yet this is somewhat strange, I must confess, that they abstain from that Muscle, which the Hebrews call Ghid Hannesheh, or the Sinew mutilated: the Ethiopians, Sereje Berum, the forbidden Nerve: the Amharies, Shalada. Which very probably they might learn from the Jews in their own Country, of which Nation there are several Colonies in Ethiopia.  
But as to what is reported concerning Queen Candaces Eunuch, we have already showed that she was not Queen of Habessinia, but of the Ethiopians that inhabited the Island of Meroe: and if the Eunuch were a Jew, it does not follow that his Lady the Queen shall be so too. Others there are who tell us. That Menilehec's Successors in a short time returned to the worship of Idols. Which if it be true, the assertion of the Continuation of the Jewish Religion till the time of the Apostles, will prove altogether vain: though in Europe most certainly the Habessines were long suspected of Judaisme, and so are many to this day. Which King Claudius observing by his Disputations with Gonsalo Rodriguez, and the Writings which he composed to refute the Errors of the Habessines, set forth a Confession, of which we have already cited several parcels, as they related to our business. The chief Scope of which was, to remove that Suspicion of Judaisme from himself, and his Subjects, which in my opinion he very effectually did.   

CHAP. II. Of the Conversion of the Habessines to the Christian Faith.  
The Conversion of the Habessines attributed to Queen Candace's Eunuch; but contrary to authentic Histories. Candace no Habessinian. Other Traditions nothing better. Demonstrated when, and by whom: To which the Book of Axuma agrees. The Reasons of doubting and deciding, Frumentius how called. His Encomium. Cedrenus and Nicephorus refuted.  
IT is the Common Fame among the Europeans, That the Conversion of the Habessines to the Christian Faith was begun by that Ethiopic Eunuch, Acts 8.27. And perhaps the Habessines themselves, believing it to be for their Honour, were the authors of the Story: confiding in the Credit of the Book of Axuma, where, the same history is set down as in the Acts of the Apostles, and without any other Circumstances: by which it may seem this story had not its first original among them, but was transcribed. Neither was Tzagazaabus' better informed, as appears by his Confession of Faith. Nevertheless it seems very strange, that King David should either assert or give his assent to Alvarez asserting the same thing: whereas the Credit as well of the Ethiopic as Greek History absolutely tells us the contrary. Some endeavour a Reconciliation of this difference, as if the first dawnings of Christianity, though but very dark and obscure, began at that time first to glimmer. But then this should have been demonstrated by solid Reasons relating not only to the Ethiopic Nation in general, but to the Habessinians in particular. Whereas the Testimonies which we shall cite by and by do not speak of the Conversion of those that were half Christians before, but either of the Jews, or Heathens. For we have already showed that Candaces was never Queen of the Habessines. Neither is her Proper Name Lacasa, which we find in the Vulgar Catalogues to be found in Tellezius. For Hhendaqe, or Hindaqe, is a quite different word from Candace, from whence others casting away the Aspirate, derive the name Judith: others, as if they would correct the Error, have strained it to Judith. Nor was the name of Candace ever known to the Habessines, though familiar to the Inhabitants of Meroe. Others refer the Conversion of the Habessines not to Candace's Eunuch, but to the times of the Apostles, and particularly ascribe it to St. Bartholomew: others to St. Matthew; or because there is no such thing to be found in his life, to St. Mathias. Of all which Fancies the Habessines knew nothing, who hearing such Whimsies from our Countrymen, not without reason answered, That perhaps those things were to be understood of the Lower Ethiopia, that lies between Abassia and Egypt. However we can never find out what the Success of those Apostles Preaching was: what Kings or People withstood that Conversion: what Pastors, what Ceremonies, what Books they made use of: what form of Discipline, or what was the Doctrine of that time. Concerning all which things, in regard there is so deep a silence, we cannot acknowledge any such beginnings of the Christian Religion in Habessinia.  
However this is certain, That both the Habessine, Grecian, and Latin Writers, Especially Ruffinus and his followers, agree with one consent, That the Conversion of the Ethiopian, happened in the time of St. Athanasius, Patriarch of Alexandria under Constantine the Great, about the Year of Christ 330. or not long after, and that in this manner. One Meropius, a Merchant of Tyre, (Ruffinus calls him a Philosopher) intending for India, put into Harbour upon the Coast of Ethiopia in the Red Sea, which at that time was also called the Indian Sea. There dying, or, as Ruffinus will have it, slain by the Barbarians, he left two Young men, Frumentius and Adesius, Fremonatum and Sydracum, the Habessines call them, who being taken and brought to the King, became highly favoured and caressed by reason of their Ingenuity and Industry; and at length being made free of the Country, were preferred by the King to keep his Books and Papers. The King dying, they remained in the same Employment under the Queen Regent, till the Young King came of age.  
All this while they entertained the Christian Merchants that Trafficked into those Parts, with all kindness, and did them all the good offices Imaginable, and made themselves so remarkable for their Virtue and their Integrity among those Nations, that the Christian Religion was highly esteemed by all. Which foundation being laid, Frumentius took a Journey to St. Athanasius, Patriarch of Alexandria, and was by Him, for his great parts, and Constancy in the Faith, created the first Bishop of Ethiopia. Thereupon returning into Ethiopia, he initiated the Inhabitants in the Christian Religion by Baptism, than he ordained Presbyters and Deacons, built Churches, and so introduced the Christian Religion into Ethiopia. Agreeable to this, are those Relations which the Ethiopians have in their Book of Axuma, only that there is this addition to the Story of the Conversion made by Candace, that these Tyrian Young men admired, that the Ethiopians should believe in Christ and adore the Holy Trinity, and that the Women wore Crosses upon their heads, seeing that the Gospel had been preached among them by none of the Apostles. We wonder much more, that Ethiopia should be converted in the time of the Apostles, and yet have no Bishop, no Baptism, no Priests nor Deacons, and that all these things should be first settled in the time of St. Athanasius. Besides, no man can be easily persuaded that such a beginning should remain so long time without a farther progress, and that the Ethiopians themselves, or the Bishops of the Neighbouring Christians should be so neglectful as not to lend their helping hands to the advancement of such fair Beginnings, Especially at such a time, when the Christians over the whole Roman Empire, chief in Egypt, suffered a most dreadful Persecution under Dioclesian. How came it to pass that they did not seek for refuge in this Kingdom out of the reach of their Enemies, where they were sure of Sanctuary and Protection from a Prince of their own Religion? Can all the Ecclesiastical Histories, and the Annals of the Patriarch of Alexandria have forgotten a Prince, the first in all the World that had received the light of the Gospel? Were there no Martyrs, whose memories the Habessines are so solicitous to preserve? No War, no Seditions upon the change of Religion, but so great an Alteration without any noise? To assert a thing of so much moment, and yet to bring no Circumstances, no particular Events and Casualties, seems very discrepant from the Truth of History.  
It is sufficient that the Ethiopians agree with us in the principal matters. For whether Meropius died or were slain, whether Frumentius and Edesius were called Fremonatus and Sydrac, signifies little. Yet in that Place Ruffinus was strangely deceived. For he seems with others to have meant India properly so called, when he neither knew the Bounds or Situation of it, where he says, That the Hithermost India adjoins to Ethiopia: Between which and Parthia he places the farthermost India. So that he makes the farthermost India nearest to Ethiopia, and Parthia more remote. This was the reason that Baronius believed there were two Frumentius'; and that one was a Preacher of the Gospel at Axuma: whereas it was but one and the same person, that was Apostle and Bishop of the Habessines, call them Indians or Axumites, which you please.  
This reconciliation of differing Writers was not known till this time, nor does he undeservedly give the honour of the discovery to the Jesuits: and that then and not before the Christian Religion was first introduced in Form, as he calls it; as being led by tradition also, that Christianity had some kind of bloomings before in Ethiopia. But what it was, or to what growth it arrived, there is no man that can unfold. Neither does Ruffinus make mention of any Jewish Religion, or any other deformed Sect that preceded. On the contrary, to use his own rough expression, he says, That this Land (meaning Abassia) was never broken up with the Ploughshare of personal Preaching. In short, Gregory affirmed to me, that there was not any other Preaching of the Gospel in Habessinia, than what was first begun by Abba Salma, in the time of St. Athanasius, and in the Reigns of Atzbeha, and Abreha, Brethren. And this Abba Salma was Frumentius. He is celebrated among the Metropolitans of Ethiopia, in the Ethiopic Liturgy, as also by our Ethiopic Poet, as being the first that displayed the light of the Gospel in those Parts; for which he gives him this Encomium.  
Peace to the Voice of Gladness I pronounce,  
The fair Renowned Salama, for he at once  
Did open wide the Gate of Mercy ' and Grace:  
And Ethiopia showed the splendid Face  
Of Truth and Zeal by which we Christ adore,  
Where only Mist and Darkness dwelled before.  
Where we are to take notice of the words Mist and Darkness, which the Poet would not have made use of, if, according to the Tradition aforesaid, there had been any knowledge of Christ in Habessinia, before that time.  
Moreover the same Poet makes this addition upon the same subject.  
Peace to thee Salama, who didst obey  
Divine Command, Hid Doctrine to display;  
That Doctrine which in Ethiopia shone,  
Like the bright Morning Star, and which alone  
To Ethiopia first by Thee conveyed,  
Still makes the Grateful Ethiopian Glad.  
Which Story of the first Conversion of Ethiopia being grounded upon a firm foundation, must of necessity overthrow what 
(z) In the 15 year of Justinian. N. 14.  Cedrenus, and after him 
(a) Many famous men were deceived by their Authority, as Joseph Scaliger. in emendat tem. Calvisius in Op. Arron. John Laet in Comput. Hist. Univers. & Cherer. in Hist. Univers. in Justinian.  Nicephorus Callistus, a Historian of little credit, have delivered concerning the Conversion of the Habissines, as happening a long time after this. For they writ, That Adad, King of the Axumites, (who are no other than our Abessinians) about the Year of Christ 542, and the 15th Year of Justinian 's Reign, made a Vow, That if he overcame the King of the Homerites, he would Embrace the Christian Faith. Whereupon succeeding in his Enterprise, he sent Ambassadors to Justinian, and desired him to send him certain of his Bishops, who were the first that divulged the Doctrine of Christianity in those places. But we have already showed, that the Kingdom of the Homerites was utterly subverted near Seventy Years before by Caleb, Emperor of the Ethiopians: afterwards it fell under the Dominion of the Persians, the Habessines who were then Masters of those Territories, and the defenders of Christianity, in vain contending with the Persian Power, which not long after was also constrained to yield to the Victorious Arms of the Saracens. How then could it happen, that the King of the Homerites should be overthrown by Adad? Neither is it likely that Adad, if there were any such King, would send for Bishops so far off, altogether ignorant of the Language and Customs of his Country, which he might have had at that time, much nearer at hand, either from Alexandria or Jerusalem. Besides that, if it had been so done, Justinian would not have sent Jacobites, but Melchites; and so the Habessines would have followed the Opinions of the Melchites, whereas they always were and still are known to be Jacobites. Not to mention the 
(b) So in the Edition of Turrian, but the 84. in the Version of Abrahamus. Ecchellensis. They are both in the Arabic and Ethiopic languages, and brought into Europe in the last Century.  36. Nicene Canon, in which the Seventh Seat of Dignity in the Council, is assigned next after the Prelate of Seleucia, to the Prelate of Ethiopia. Which may certainly teach us, That our Ethiopians, at the time of that Council, were most certainly Christians, and were under a Christian Superintendent or Metropolitan. And therefore it is apparent that those Historians were false in all their Circumstances.   

CHAP. III. Of the Increase of Christianity in Habessinia; the Original of their Monastical way of Living, and of their Saints.  
After Frumentius many Monks. Some out of the Roman Empire, and some out of Egypt. Nine, more remarkable, named. The first Aragawi Extolled by the Poet for destroying the Kingdom of Arwè. What that Kingdom was. Pantaleontes Cell, his Sepulchre and Encomium. The Encomium of Likanus, another of the Nine. Other Doctors and Martyrs. Portentous Miracles of their Saints. Their Austerity. Gabra Monfes-Kaddus, the restorer of Monastical Living, which began in Egypt by the Institution of Anthony. Imitated by several Anchorites. Their Spontaneous torments. antony's Successors. The Tradition of the Monastical Scheme. Icegue the Abbot— his Habitation. Abba Eustachius famous for Miracles: He left Successors, but no Institutions. Habessinia full of Monks. Their Institutions and Habits different from the Greek and Latin. They practice Husbandry, and bear Civil Offices.  
THe Conversion of Ethiopia being thus begun by Frumentius, many Pious men, partly called by him to his assistance, and partly of their own accord, repaired thither to Him. We find in the Chronicle of Axuma, that in the Reign of King Amiamid, the Son of Saladoba, many Monks came from Rome, and grew very Numerous in the Country. But by the name of Rome, the Ethiopians mean the Roman Empire. For in Imitation of the Arabians they call the 
(c) Frequent in the Saracen History of Elmacin, where by the Lantin Language, of Greek is still meant.  Greeks Errum, who at that time were most prevalent in the Eastern Parts. Nine of these Persons were more Famous than the rest, who seated themselves in Tygra, and there erected their Chapels. It is most probable that they came out of the Neighbouring Parts of Egypt, which at that time was under the Greek or Constantino Politan Emperors; but their names were all changed by the Habessinians, except that of Pantaleontes, by whom they are numbered in this Order.  

1. Abba Aragawi.  
2. Abba Pantaleon.  
3. Abba Garima.  
4. Abba Alef.  
5. Abba Saham.  
6. Abba Afe.  
7. Abba Likanos.  
8. Abba Adimata.  
9 Abba Oz, who is also called Abba Guba.   
I find the most of them mentioned by my Poet, who highly applauds them for their singular Piety, and their extraordinary Miracles.  
Of Aragawi, otherwise called Michael, he has this Encomium.  
Peace be to Michael, Aragawi named,  
Wisdom his Life, his Death true Prudence famed.  
With him was God, the Holy Three in One.  
To all those Saints an everlasting Crown,  
Who by their Prayers true Concord did enjoy,  
That they might Arwe's Kingdom quite destroy.  
By Arwè, which signifies a Serpent, he either means in general the Kingdom of Satan, which was destroyed by the propagation of Christianity; or in particular the Ethiopic Gentilism. For, as we have already said, the most ancient Ethiopians worshipped a Serpent, as their supreme Deity, to which the Poet seems to allude. There are to be seen to this day the Cells wherein those holy Men sequestered themselves, by the names of Beta Pantaleon, the Domicil of St. Pantaleon in Tigra: where his Sepulchre also remains. Of whom the Poet thus, 
Peace to Pantaleon's Bones, who studied here,  
In th'inner Cell, next to his Sepulchre.  
Who by the aid of Heavens most precious Word,  
Speech to the dead miraculously restored.  
Who by his Prayers, and his Soulsaving Voice,  
Made the afflicted Widow soon rejoice.  
Her Sins were dead, but he unlocked the grave,  
And freed those Souls which Death did late enslave.   
He also makes mention of the Nine Saints in his Hymn to Likanos.  
Peace be to Likanos, who of the Nine  
Makes one, who did their Lives to God resign;  
With lasting wreaths would they my Temple's crown,  
How should I then set forth their high renown!  
Like lighted Lamps his fingers burned in prayer,  
His Hand was pierced, when he the Staff did bear.  
Besides these, there are several other great Doctors among them, who have highly merited for propagating the Christian Religion; as also many Martyrs, frequently celebrated by the Ethiopians and Coptices in their Religious Panegyrics. But as to their Saints, they relate of them, several Miracles more than Extraordinary: as the removing Mountains, appeasing the rage of most Tempestuous Seas; raising the Dead; causing Water to spring from smitten Rocks, and walking over Rivers, which are reported for common Miracles among them: so that if the Truth of the Ethiopic Church were to be grounded upon such Wonders, there could be no purer Religion in the World. For though we have a St. Martin, that gave a piece of his Cloak to one in necessity, they have among 'em a Saint, that parted with his whole Garment to relieve the distressed. There are among them not only several Stories of persons that have walked upon the Asp and the Basilisk, and trampled upon the Dragon and the Lion, but also those who have road upon those Beasts, as upon Horses and Mules. Never were the Ascetae more austere. There are some who have lived for whole days together upon three little Dates, others upon no more than one poor little dry Biscuit.  
But there is not one more renowned for Sanctity among them, then Gabra-Menfes-Keddus, or the Servant of the Holy Ghost, in honour of whom they keep a Holiday every month.  
Next to him is Tecla-Haimanot, or the Plant of Faith, who restored the Monastical way of Living, in Ethiopia, about the Year of Christ 600. Whom the Ethiopic Poet extols in a most singular manner.  
All hail to thy Navity, great Saint,  
It was at first thy Mother's great Complaint,  
That she should barren die, till th' Angel's Voice  
Declared thy Birth, and made her Son rejoice.  
Then Tecla-Haimanot Thou didst appear  
Like to the Sun, that rules the Day and Year:  
Thy Glory filled the Earth from end to end,  
And to the Heavens thy Luster did ascend.  
This Austere way of Living was first practised in Thebais; a Desert of Egypt, whither many Pious men had retired themselves from the Persecution of the Heathen, that through abstinence and temperance they might be more intent upon the Duty of Prayer. Among the rest, St. Antony, as it were the Captain of the Hermit's, prescribed certain Laws to be observed by the Professors of this sort of severity: for which reason, next to Paul, he was looked upon as its first Institutor. The Affairs of the Church being settled, many Anchorites, in imitation of him, voluntarily chose a solitary way of Living: for that reason called Monachi, Monks, or People that lived alone by themselves. Some merely out of a Pious and godly end; some out of an opinion of merit; some out of vainglory and a desire of worldly fame; because they found that austerity of life, as being a thing hard to be undergone, was vulgarly much admired and highly applauded. Many also did not think it sufficient to abstain from lawful enjoyments, or to bridle and restrain the ordinary desires of Nature, but voluntarily tormented themselves with new invented Tortures, or macerated themselves with hunger and famine. This Custom spread itself also into Ethiopia, where some without any advantage to themselves or others, invented several ways of afflicting their own Carcases: as for example, To stand whole days together in cold water, to gird their Loins with a heavy Chain, to feed only upon Potherbs and Roots, and that very sparingly too. Nay, which is hardly to be credited, some there were, who would thrust themselves into the clefts of Trees, and so as those closed together again, suffered themselves to be buried alive.  
To Antony succeeded Macarius, after whom lived St. Pachom, to whom in Ethiopia succeeded Aragawi, the first Abbot or Ruler over Monks among the Abessinians.  
His Successors were 

Abba Christos Bezana.  
Abba Mesket Moa.  
Abba Johanni,   Who left bequeathed his Asqema, that is, the Badge of his Abbotship, or his Monastical Habit to Tecla-Haimanot. For the Tradition is among them, That the Archangel St. Michael brought that Habit to St. Antony, for which reason it was afterwards delivered from Successor to Successor, as it were from one hand to another. The Greek word itself is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Schema. Alphonsus the Patriarch compares it to a Scapulary. The Life of this Saint is extant in Ethiopia, written at large, and stuffed with several Miracles, and rendered famous for several Apparitions and Pilgrimages. Mention is also made of him in the Ethiopic Church Registers after this manner.  Remember Lord the Soul of thy Servant our Father, Tecla-Haimanot, and all his Companions. 
This Tecla-Haimanot gave new Rules and Precepts to his Monks, and ordered them to submit themselves to a Governor, who is called Icegue, and is always of highest authority and dignity next to the Abuna. He either Visits his fellow Monks himself, or sends some one in his stead to reform Errors and punish transgressions. Before the Kingdom of Shewa was won by the Gallant, he had his habitation in a place called Debra Libanos, or the Mountain of Libanus, which was afterwards translated into Bagemdra. And hence it is, that Tesfa-tzejon, who set forth the Ethiopic New Testament, in the Epilogue to St. Matthew, thus speaks of himself and his fellow Monks.  We are all the Sons of our Father Tecla Haimanot, of the Monastery of Mount Libanus. 
The other Abbot or Governor of the Monks called Eustathius, is no less famous than he, nor is his Memory less esteemed in their Sacred Registers, while they cry, Remember, Lord, our Father Eustathius, with all his Children.  
Of him the Ethiopic Poet thus sings: 
Hail to thy precious Mantle, once the Boat,  
Which with thy Burden on the Sea did float;  
Thy Pilgrimage a mighty Wonder showed,  
Th'Obedient Ocean smooth and smiling slowed  
And Rocks removed, abandoned ancient Rest,  
To give free Passage where thy footsteps pressed.   
He also prescribed Laws to his followers, but imposed no Governor upon them, neither are they very solicitous about that neglect; pretending, That Eustathius went into Armenia, having named no Successor; and that therefore it is not lawful for them to appoint any one. Every Abbot therefore is Supreme in his own Monastery; and if any one dye, another is chosen by the Suffrages of the rest of the Monks. Habessinia is full of these sort of people, to the great burden of the Commonwealth, to which they are no way profitable; as being useless in the Field, and free from Tribute. However their Rules and Orders are very much different both from the Greeks and Latins. For excepting their Sheemas and Crosses which they carry, you can hardly distinguish them from the Laity: in regard they neither wear any Coat or Monastical Habit. Nor do they live in Monasteries, but in some Village in scattered Cottages near to some Church or Temple. They have certain Prayers of which they say such a number, believing their Piety fully satisfied if they finish their Task; which that they may make the more hast to accomplish, they huddle over the Psalms of David with such a dextrous celerity, that I who have heard 'em at Rome, holding the same Copy in my hand, could never follow them with my voice, and hardly with my eyes. Every one manures his own Ground, and lives upon the product of his Labours, of which they are also very liberal. Otherwise they go and come, every one without control, as they please themselves. So that by no means their Farms can be called Cloisters, nor they be said to be really Monks, but only unmarried Husbandmen, and that only while they preserve their Continency entire. However they are branded with infamy, if they forsake their Monastical way of living to marry Wives. Nor are their Children capable of being admitted into the Clergy; and it is taken for an affront to call any man the Son of a Monk. Nevertheless they bear Civil Offices, and are sometimes made Governors of Provinces, as is apparent by the Example of Tzagazaabus; who was a Monk, as appears from Alvarez's Itinerary. Of such as these the Question may be asked with St. Jerome, If thou desirest to be accounted a Monk, what dost thou do in the Cities, what in the Camp, or why dost thou undertake Civil Employments? They could not choose but highly displease the Fathers of the Society; which is the reason, that they have always spoken of them with contempt: on the other side, the Monks have been the main Obstacles of the Father's Successes; for which Reason, Tellezius calls them Persecutors of the Catholic Faith. Their Monasteries (if we may so call their Villages) are very numerous and dispersed over all Parts of the Kingdom: and commonly go by the name of Daber, a Mountain; in the plural number Adebaruti, Mountains: as, Dabra Bizen, Dabra Hallelujah, Dabra Damo, Albamata, and the like, as being formerly built upon steep Hills: Beside which, they possess all the Lands in the Tzanic Lake, except Deka.  

An Addition to the Third Chapter, concerning their Nuns.  
THat there are also Nuns in Ethiopia, I gather from Tellezius. But they are very ignorant, and therefore the more obstinate in their devotion. For proof of which, the same Tellezius produces a very remarkable Story of one, who by chance becoming blind, was admonished by one of the Fathers, to make Confession, and embrace the Latin Religion, unless she intended to go headlong to Hell. To which the Nun made answer, That she was willing to go thither of her own accord, for that she found there was no Room for her in Heaven, as being a person with whom God was displeased, and had therefore deprived her of her sight, without any cause of offence by her committed. Upon which the Father pressed her the more urgently, in hopes to deliver her from that more dangerous blindness of her Mind. But finding her to continue obstinate after all his pains. Since then, said he, thou refusest Heaven, get thee to Hell with all the Devils, with Dathan and Abiram. But I would not have thee take thy Religious Habit along with thee, which is only proper for those that desire the Joys of Heaven. And so saying, he presently ordered her to put off her Nun's Vestments, and to put on a sordid Vulgar Habit; which wrought in her such a sadness and contrition, that she soon after made her confession, and reconciled herself to the Church of Rome.    

CHAP. IU. Of the Sacred Books of the Habessines.  
The Ethiopians, together with the Christian Religion, received the Holy Scripture, according to the Version of the 70 Interpreters— the New Testament from an Imperfect Copy and ill Printed. The Old Testament divided into four parts: The New Testament into as many- The Revelation added as an Appendix. To the New Testament are added the Constitutions and Canons of the Apostles, as they call them, divided into Eight parts: Therefore they reckon several Sacred Books. Three Ecumenical Councils. A fair Manuscript of the Councils at Rome. Books therein contained. A Counterfeit Book of Enoch. Magical Prayers. Wherein Monstrous words seeming to be taken from the Jews. The Form of the Jewish Anathematising.  
DIvine Worship is seldom found among any sort of Nations in the World to be without Books, by which we apprehend from whence every particular kind of worship derives itself, and by what means it got footing among the People: for the words and the worship generally go together. Which is the reason there are so many Hebrew and Greek words in all the Versions of the Bible, and that we have so many Latin words in our Theology.  
The Habessines together with the Christian Religion received the holy Scripture. And this Scripture was translated into that Idiom of the Ethiopic Language, which was at that time more peculiar to the Inhabitants of Tigra, from the Greek Version of the Seventy Interpreters, according to a certain Copy used in the Church of Alexandria; which the innumerable various Readins, that are inserted into the English Polyglòtton Bibles, from one of the same Copies, plainly demonstrate, with which the Ethiopic Translation perfectly agrees, Especially in the 35 & 39 Chapter of Exodus, which in other Copies are wonderfully mutilated. Nor is it without reason that a Colony, as it were, of the Alexandrian Church, should follow the Sacred Copies of their Metropolis. As for the Author and Time of the Translation, I find nothing certainly delivered concerning either: however it is most probable that it was begun at the time when the Habessines were 
(f) There is one who has written a certain Ethiopic martyrology, who asserts, That Frumentius, otherwise Abba-Salama, was the Author of the first Translation; but before I see it, I will not undertake to affirm it.  converted, or a very short time after, and not in the time of the Apostles, as some have reported; and brought to perfection by several; because the more rare and difficult words, such as are the names of Gems, are not all alike in all the Books. For example, the Topaz in the 118 Psalms, 127 Verse, is called Pazjon, in Job 28.19. Tankar, in Revelations the 21.20. Warauri: and so in many other words the same difference is observed.  
But for the New Testament, they have it Translated from the Authentic Greek Text, though as yet it has not been brought into Europe pure and entire. For the Roman Edition is printed from a lame imperfect Copy, so that I was forced to fill up the Gapps which Tesfa-Tzejon had left, from the Greek and Latin Exemplars. This was observed by some Learned Men, but not understanding the Cause, it made them think that the Ethiopic Version had been drawn from the Vulgar Latin. Perhaps they did not understand these following Ethiopic Lines.  
These Acts of the Apostles, for the most part, were translated at Rome out of the Latin, and Greek, for want of the Ethiopic Original. For what we have added or omitted, we beg your pardon, and request of You to mend what is amiss.  
More than this, the Publisher of the Book begs pardon, and excuses the defect of the Edition, in regard of the ignorant Assistants which he had to help him.  
Fathers and Brethren, be pleased not to interpret amiss the faults of this Edition; for they who Composed it could not read; and for ourselves we know not how to compose. So then we helped them, and they assisted us, as the blind leads the blind; and therefore we desire you to pardon us and them.  
This Excuse he also repeats in other places, as being conscious of its being defective in several other places. Nevertheless the same Edition was afterwards printed in England, as an addition to that famous Poly Glutton; of which there is no other reason to be given, but that there was no other to be procured.  
However they enjoy the holy Scripture entire, and reckon as many Books as we do, though they divide them after another manner. For they distinguish the Old Testament, which contains 46 Books into four Principal parts; to which they join certain other Books of a different Argument consulting more, perhaps, the Convenience of the Volumes, than the Dignity of the Matter. They also mix the Apocryphal with the Canonical, whether out of Carelessness or Ignorance is uncertain. And as for Gregory, he plainly confessed he had never heard of any such word as Apocrypha.  
The first Tome is called Oreth, or the Law, and the Octateuch; for it contains Eight Books, which are called 

1. Zasteret, or the Creation, called also by another name Kadami Art, or the First Book of the Law, or Zaledate, or the Generation or Genesis.  
2. Zatzat, Exodus.  
3 Zalewawejan, of the Levites.  
4. Zahuelekue, or Numbers.  
5. Zadabetra, of the Tabernacle.  
6. Ejashu. Joshua.  
7. Masafenet, of the Dukes.  
8. Rute. Ruth.    
The Other Tome is called Nagaste, or Kings, and is divided into Thirteen Books.  

9, 10. 1 Samuel, or Samuel 2. Which nevertheless they call after the manner of the Greeks, the 1.2.3.4. of Kings.  
11, 12. Ebrewejen, of the Hebrews. II. Which nevertheless they call after the manner of the Greeks, the 1.2.3.4. of Kings.  
13, 14. Hatzutzan. Of the Lesser, or Inferior. II. Thus they seem to understand the Greek word Paralipopomena.  
15, 16. Ezra, or Ezra II.  
17. Tobed, Tobia.  
18. Judic. Judith.  
19 Ester. Ester.  
20. Jjob. Job.  
21. Masmare. Of the Psalms.   
The Third Tome is called Solomon, and contains Five Books.  

22. Maste, the Proverbs.  
23. Maqebeb. The Sermon. Properly a Circle, or an Assembly of Men Assembled together in a Ring.  
24. Mahaleja, Mahuleje, the Song of Songs.  
25. Tobeb, the Book of Wisdom.  
26. Sirach. Sirach.   
The Fourth Tome is called Nabijat, or the Prophets, and contains Eighteen Books.  

27. Esjajas, Isaiah.  
28, 29. Eremjas. Tanbitu, Wakkakibu. The Prophecy of Jeremy and his Lamentations.  
30. Baruch.  
31. Ezechiel.  
32. Daniel.   
The next that follow, as among us, are Nesan Nabjat, or the Minor Prophets.  

33. Hoseas.  
34. Joel.  
35. Amos.  
36. Obadijah.  
37. Ionas.  
38. Michejas or Micah.  
39 Nahum.  
40. Habacuc.  
41. Sophonijas.  
42. Hag. or Hagjah.  
43. Zacharias.  
44. Malaqijas.   
To these they add, 

45. Maqabejan, the two Books of Maccabees.    
Of all which there are at Rome in Manuscript, the 

1. Pentateuch.  
2. Joshuah.  
3. Judges.  
4. Ruth.  
5. Four Books of Kings.  
6. Isaiah.    
In Print are Extant 

1. The four first Chapters of Genesis.  
2. The Book of Ruth.  
3. The Psalter.  
4. The Song of Songs.  
5. Joel.  
6. Ionas.  
7. Sophoniah.  
8. Malachi.    
With the Hymns of the Old Testament.  
The New Testament contains Four and twenty Books, and is also divided into Four parts, of which the first is called Wenghel, or the Evangel, comprehending the Four Evangelists.  

1. Matthew,  
2. Mark,  
3. Luke, and  
4. John.   
The second the Gober, or the Acts, viz. of the Apostles.  
The third called Paulus, comprehends the 14 Epistles of St. Paul.  

6. To the Romans.  
7. To the Corinthians, II.  
8. To the Galathians.  
10. To the Ephesians.  
11. To the Philippians.  
12. To the Colossians.  
13, 14. To the Thessalonians.  
15, 16. To Timothy. II.  
17. To Titus.  
18. To Philemon.  
19 To the Hebrews.   
The fourth Hakreja or the Apostle, containing the Seven Books of 

20. St. James.  
21, 22. St. Peter II.  
23, 24, 25. St. John, III.  
26. St. Judas.    
To which they add as a Supplement, the Vision of John, surnamed Abukalamsis': A word corrupted out of the Greek Apocalypsis, which they ignorantly took for the Surname of St. John, as compounded of the Arabic word Abu & Kalamsis'. Here we are to observe, that in the written Eastern Copies, the Epistles of St. Paul are found single by themselves; and this is the reason that in the Roman Copy of the Ethiopic New Testament, they were Printed apart, and not in the Order by us observed.  
To the New Testament they generally annex a Volume, which they call, according to the Greek word, Synodum, or the Book of Synods. It contains those most ancient Constitutions, which are called the Constitutions of the Apostles: in their Language Tazazate, Precepts, or Canons, being an Explanation of the Primitive Rites and Ceremonies, written by the Industry of St. Clement, but they are very much different from those that are dispersed among Us under the name of the Apostles. These the Habessines divide into eight parts, adding withal to the Canonical Writings of the Evangelists, and Apostles, as it were certain Novels, as if they were of the same Authority, and the most absolute Pandects of Christianity. Hence it was, that King David said to Alvaresius, That he had Fourscore and one Books of Sacred Scripture; that is to say, Six and forty of Old Testament (reckoning the Lamentations by themselves), and Thirty five of the New Testament, adding to the Twenty seven, those Eight Books of Constitutions and Canons, which the Ethiopians call Manda & Abtelis, the Signification of which were unknown to Gregory, as being words altogether Exotic. This was also the reason why Tefa-Tzejon has this Expression in the Title of the New Testament, I have caused a New Copy to be Printed, but without a Synod, because he did not Print together with the said Copy, those Canons and Institutions before specified. Next to this Book which is also called Hadas, or absolutely New, the chiefest Reverence is given to the three Oecumenic Councils, the Nicene, Constantinopolitan, and Ephesine, with some other Provincial Councils, which were received in the Church till the Schism of Chalcedon. But we are to understand, that beside the Twenty Nicene Canons, always received by the Greek and Latin Church, they also admit of Eighty four other Canons, which are extant among the Copies in the Arabic Language. And these in the foregoing Century, Baptista the Jesuit Transcribed and brought to Rome, where they were Translated into Latin. They were all formerly fairly written in Parchment, and by Zer-a-Jacob or Constantine, Emperor of the Habassines in the year 440. sent to Jerusalem, and thence brought to Rome in the year 1646. where I saw it in the Habessine House, in the year 1649. It contains the following Books: 

The Synod of the Holy Apostles for the Ordering of the Church of Christ, together with all the Precepts Decrees and Canons, which Clement the Disciple of Peter wrote.  
The First Synod is that of the Council of Ancyra.  
The Second Synod is that of the Council of Caesarea.  
The Third the Council of Nice.  
The Fourth of Gangra.  
The Fifth of Antiochia.  
The Sixth of Laodicea.  
The Seventh of Sardis.   Afterwards follow the Acts of 318 Orthodox Holy Fathers. Then a Treatise of the Sabbath Composed by Retud-Halmanor. Next a Declaration of the Doctrine of the Law, by Constitutions and Exhortations. Lastly, a Decree and Canon of Penitence. The Book was written at Axuma, with a Preface of the Kings written, dated from Shewa.  
Adjoining to this Book are the Liturgy, or the Public Prayers for the Use of the whole Ethiopic Church. They call it Kanono Kedasi, the Canon of the Eucharist, as being the Rule of Administration, and of all the other Liturgies; They are Printed in the Roman Copy of the New Testament, before the Epistles of St. Paul, but intermixed with Foreign Insertions. For there we find it written concerning the Holy Ghost, who proceeds from the Father and the Son; which latter proceeding neither the Greeks nor Ethiopians admit.  
Besides this General Liturgy, they have several other Liturgies, which are appropriated for several Holidays.  

Kedasi Za-gezen, the Liturgy of our Lord.  
Kedasi Za-Ghezeten, the Liturgy of our Lady.  
Kedasi Za-Warjat, the Liturgy of the Apostles.  
Kedasi Zawedus Martium, the Liturgy of St. Mark.   
Which Inscriptions have deceived some Learned Men, who have branded them with the Characters either of Apocryphal or false Titled, for that they were not called so by the Composers of them, both the Text itself, and the Name of the Author sometimes added to the Title, demonstratively evince; as for Example.  
The Liturgy of our Lady Mary, which Abba Cyriacus, Metropolitan of the Province of Behens composed.  
Of this Nature, they have also sundry other Manuscript Liturgies, which the Ethiopians call Equtet Korban, or the Thanksgiving of Oblation: It being their Custom to use Eucharistical Prayers and Homilies in the Administration of the Sacrament.  
But their Symbolic Book, or Compendium of the whole Habessine, Religion, is called Hajma Monoto-Abaw, The Faith or Religion of the Fathers; of which Tellez writes, That it is a Book among them, almost of great Authority and Credit, as being as it were a Library of the Fathers: it being Collected out of the Homilies of St. Athanasius, St. Basil, St. Cyril, St. John Chrysostom, and St. Cyril, as also Ephrem the Syrian, and the St. Gregory's, of which there are Four whom they acknowledge and highly esteem.  

Gregory of Neo-Cesarea, the Wonder-worker.  
Gregory Nazianzene.  
Gregory Nyssene, and  
Gregory the Armenian.   
Tellez adds St. Austin; but of that I very much doubt the Truth, the Writings and Names of the Latin Fathers, being utterly unknown to the Abessines. And indeed had that Book been Composed out of the Writings of the Father's abovementioned, it might have been easily admitted by the Jesuits as an equal Judge between both Parties in their Disputes concerning the two Natures in Christ. They have besides these several other Books that treat upon Sacred Subjects, as Books of Martyrs, and Lives of Saints, which are called Synaksar in the Ethiopic Idiom; Among the rest, 

The History of the Fathers.  
The Combats or Wrestle of Martyrs.  
The History of the Jews.  
The Constitutions of the Christian Church.  
A Book of Mysteries, which Treats of Heresies, written by St. George.  
A Book of Epiphanius upon the same Argument.  
The Spiritual Old Man.  
The Harp of Praise, in honour of the Trinity and the Virgin Mary.  
Padab Tzahje, The Splendour of the Sun, which Treats of the Law of God.  
Wedasi Ambatzi, The Praise of God.  
Matzehfe felsit bagzeten Marjam, The Book of the Death of our Lady Mary.    
In whose Praise and Honours there are several Hymns and Verses, among which, the most extolled is that which is called Organon Denghel, The Virgin's Musical Instrument, Composed by Abba George, an Abassine Doctor, a Book not very ancient, but in high esteem by reason of the great number of Similitudes and Allegories; as also for the Elegancy of the stile and words. But as to what Egidius the Capuchin writes to the famous Petreskius, concerning the Prophecy of Enoch, as if such a thing were extant in the Ethiopic Language, in a Book called Matzhe Henoch, the Book of Enoch, the Story is altogether fabulous. So soon as that noble Gentleman heard of this Book, he spared for no Cost to get it into his hands; till at length the Knavery of those he employed, imposed upon him another Book with a false Title. The Book was afterwards lodged in Cardinal Mazarine's Library, and the Preface, Middle and End being Transcribed by a Friend of mine, was presented to me, but there was nothing in it either of Enoch or his Predictions; only some few Notions there were, and some very clear discourses of the Mysteries of Heaven and Earth, and the Holy Trinity, under the Name of one Abba-Bahaila-Michael.  
There is another little idle and impertinent Pamphlet, hardly worth taking notice of, were it not so frequently currant in Europe, Gregory called it Tzalot Betzet, or a Magical Prayer, and averred, That it was not only not esteemed, but rejected in Ethiopia; though by us charily hoarded up in several Libraries. It is writ with so much stupidity, that you shall find therein many Prayers of the Virgin Mary to her Son, stuffed with monstrous words, to which are attributed Virtues and Efficacies more than Divine; as, 

Adnael,  
Adotavi,  
Adotael,  
Tilelmejus,  
Cuercuerjam,  
Flastaslaque,    
With many others more horrid to Pronunciation. But from hence it is apparent how much the Habassines resemble the Jews, as affecting words of uncouth and unheard of insignificancy, by which they thought to command both Heaven and Hell, which carrying a kind of a dreadful sound, the Habessines also use them in their forms of Anathematising, they cry,  
And let him be accursed by Addirion and Actariel, by Sandalphon, and Hadarmel, by Ansiciel, and Patchiel, by Seraphiel, and Zeganzael, by Michael and Gabriel, and by Raphael and Meschartiel, and let him be interdicted by Tzautzeviv, and Haveheviv, He is the great God; and by the Seventy Names of that great King; and on the behalf of Tzortak, the great Ensignbearer.   

CHAP. V Of the Religion of the Habassines at this Day.  
The Reports of Matthew the Armenian and Tzagazaab false or uncertain. The Fathers have omitted their soundest Opinions— And fixed their several Errors upon them. The Confession of Claudius' Genuine. The great Authority of the Synodal Writers. They admit the Nicene and other Councils till that of Chalcedon. They acknowledge the Trinity, one Person of Christ, and his sufficient Merit. The Proceeding of the Holy Ghost from the Son they deny. gregory's Dispute and Opinion. The Ethiopian interpretation of the word Proceed. The Sacraments, Baptism, Communion under both Kind's. The real Presence. The words they use in Reference to it. gregory's Opinion of Transubstantiation. Of the Soul after Death. They pray for the Dead. Deny Purgatory. gregory's Opinion concerning it. The Original of Prayer for the Dead. They pray to Saints and Angels. Their Catechism for Children and Neophytes.  
WEre the Symbolical Book of the Habessines, which they call Hajmanot-Abau to be found in Europe, we might easily Collect from thence, the true and genuine Sense and Doctrine of the Ethiopic Church concerning the Heads and Articles of the Christian Faith: for hitherto we find the most of them uncertainly delivered, and for the Confession of Faith set down by Matthew the Armenian, and Tzagazaab, we have already taken notice of the failings in it. The Fathers of the Society, that have been conversant among the Habessines both in this and the former Century, and frequently discoursed with their Learned Men, passing by their sound and serious Opinions, tax them of many Errors which they have received from the Greeks and Jews. As for Example,  
That the Spirit proceeds only from the Father.  
That the Human Nature of Christ is equal to his Divinity.  
They acknowledge but one Will and one Operation in Christ; for which reason they believe that we affirm Four Persons in the Godhead, seeing that we confess two Wills and two Natures in Christ.  
They repeat the Ceremony of Baptism every year upon the Feast of the Epiphany.  
They believe that the Souls of the Just shall not be received into Heaven before the end of the World; nor do they think them to be Created, but produced out of Matter.  
They neither confess the Number, nor the particular Species of their Sins, but cry in general, I have sinned, I have sinned.  
They use not the Sacrament of Chrism, nor Extreme Unction upon the approach of Death; nor do they mind the Consolation of the bread of life. Insomuch that many of them stick not to say, That they who follow the Roman Religion, are not only Heretics, but worse than the Mahometans.  
They reject the Council of Chalcedon, casting many reproaches upon Leo the Great; but highly applauding Dioscurus.  
They deny Purgatory.  
These things I chose to deliver almost in the very words of Godignus, who Collected them out of the Relations and Letters of Gonzalez Rodoric, Alphonsus de Franca, Emanuel Fernandez, and others of the Society. Neither do they seem to be improbable; but how they evade or excuse them, we shall shortly declare. As to what is said that some of them believe the Followers of the Romish Religion to be worse than Mahumetans, I could not hear any such thing from Gregory: neither did he think it was to be understood in reference to their Doctrine, but their Tyranny over their Subjects; it being the Custom of the Mahometans only to vex and oppress all those who are under their Power, professing a Religion contrary to theirs, but never to rage's against them with Fire and Sword.  
In the mean time we have a Confession set forth by King Claudius; but the scope of that Confession was only to clear himself and his Subjects from the Imputation of Judaisme, which he found to be the only reason that impeded the Amity between him and the Portugals. Therefore leaving this Confession, by what we can gather from their Public Liturgies, and the Writings and Say of Persons, both Public and Private, the sum of the Habessinian Doctrine seems to consist of the following Heads.  
First, They acknowledge the Holy Scripture to be the sole and only Rule of what they are to believe, and what they are to do: insomuch that King David said to Alvarez, That if the Pope should impose upon Him or His Subjects, any thing what the Apostles had not written or permitted, he would not obey him; nor his own Metropolitan if he should attempt to do the like. But with the Scripture they are so much in love, that there is nothing more delightful to their Ears, than the repetition of it. Therefore saith Tellez,  
Nothing more pleased the Habessines than to hear the Scripture often quoted in Sermons; and the more Citations a man brings out of Scripture, the more learned be is accounted.  
Nor do they give much less Credit to the Three Ecumenical Councils, as appears by the Confession of Claudius. They generally make use of the Nicene Creed, which they call Tzalot Hajmanot, the Prayer of the Faith. That which we use they have not, no more than all the rest of the Eastern Churches; a strong Argument, that it was not compiled by the Apostles, tho' in regard of the Doctrine which it contains, it may be truly called Apostolic. For certainly the Nicene Fathers would not have stifled such a Creed, or set forth another of their own, had the Apostles left such an Epitome of their Doctrine behind them. The Ancient Greek Councils than are the Councils which the Habessines have in reverence, together with the Eighty four ancient Canons added to those of the Nicene Council, till they come to that of Chalcedon, which they do not only utterly reject, but also Criminally reproach.  
Whatever therefore the Catholic Church admitted and believed before that Council, concerning God, Three in one; the Three distinct Persons in one Essence; the Eternity of the Son of God, the Existence of the Holy Ghost, and other Articles of Faith, all those things the Habessines willingly consent to and allow, condemning those that Dispute against them. By the way, we are here to observe, that the Ethiopic words, Sabsatu Gaz Gaz Egza Bahr, Three Persons and one God, are vulgarly ill Translated, being to have been rendered, Three Faces, One Lord; for the word Gaz, signifies as well the Face or Countenance, as it bears the force of the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Person.  
The Nestorian Heresy asserting two Persons in Christ, they so abhor, that for that very reason they will not admit of his two Natures, and two Wills, though they positively acknowledge his Divinity and Humanity. For they affirm Christ to be true and perfect God; and also true and perfect Man, and to consist in one Individual Person of Divinity and Humanity, without Confusion and Commixtion.  
Farthermore, They acknowledge the most Sacred Merits of Christ; to be most sufficient and efficacious for the Sins of the whole world, and consequently of all Mankind; and this Gregory himself affirmed to be true: nor have I found in any of their Books which I have happened to see, any thing that contradicts what he asserted. However, as the Greeks do, they deny the Proceeding of the Holy Ghost from the Son; yet all this while they acknowledge him to be equally the Spirit of the Father and the Son, and to be a Person subsisting of himself. For thus they declare in their Liturgy.  
We believe the Father sending, that the Father is in his own Person. And we believe the Son who is sent, that the Son is in his own Person, and we believe the Holy Ghost who descended upon Jordan, and upon the Apostles, that the Holy Ghost is in his own Person; Three Names, One God. Not as Abraham who is elder than Isaac, nor as Isaac who is Elder than Jacob. It is not so, The Father is not Elder than the Son, because he is the Father, nor the Son Elder than the Holy Ghost, nor the Holy Ghost lesser or Younger than the Father and the Son, nor is the Son Younger than the Father, because he is the Son. Not as Abraham who commanded over Isaac in respect of Generation, because he begat him, nor as Isaac who commanded Jacob. It is not so in Divinity; The Father does not command the Son, because he is the Father; neither is the Son greater than the Holy Ghost, because he is the Son. The Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost are Equal; One God, one Glory, one Kingdom, one Power, one Empire.  
But concerning the Hypostasis, or Person of the Holy Ghost really distinct from the Father and the Son, the Author of the Organon thus discourses.  
But least any one, from what has been already said, should infer, that the Holy Ghost is not a perfect and distinct Person; therefore said Christ to his Apostles, I will send you another Comforter. By which we know that the Holy Ghost doth exist together with the Father and the Son, and also together in his own proper Subsistance or Person. Not that the Holy Ghost is partly in the Son, partly in his own Person, but one and the same, existent in his proper Person, and existent with the Father and the Son.  
Gregory being asked, whether this were the unanimous and constant Opinion of all the Ethiopian Doctors? replied, It was. I thereupon urged, Why they denied that the Holy Ghost proceeded from the Father? seeing they asserted, that he was equally the Spirit of the Father and the Son? He desired, That I would first expound what was meant by Proceeding from the Father, and then he would give the reason of the Denial; and that for his part, he kept to the words of the Scripture, John 15.26. and 16.24. Who goeth out from the Father, and takes from the Son; and that he sought no farther. For that it was not lawful in Disputes concerning the most abstruse Mysteries of the Holy Trinity, to argue by Consequences; but to stick close to the very words and Expressions of Scripture themselves. That I should consider what would follow, if we should argue from the Unity and Equality of Essence to the Characteristical Proprieties of the Persons. As if any one should undertake to aver, That Christ is the Son of the Holy Ghost, because the Holy Ghost is one and Coeternal God with the Father. Some such kind of Argument his Countryman Tzagazaab may be thought to have had in his Brain, when he wrote, That Christ was the Son of himself, and the Beginning of himself, because he was coessential with the Father, whose Son he was. By the way we are to understand, That the Ethiopians, instead of the word Vazzea, went forth or proceeded, and in the Preterperfect tense, use the word Saraz, to bud or sprout forth. Thus Claudius in his Confession.  
I believe in the Holy Ghost, reviving Lord, Zasratz 'em Abbess, who proceeded or sprung from the Father.  
They never add from the Son, although the Liturgy Printed at Rome, and Tzagazaab's Confession runs thus, Zasraz 'em Abbess vavalde, who sprouted forth or proceeded from the Father and the Son. Where 'tis much to be doubted, that from the Son was inserted by another hand  
We proceed to the Sacraments, of which they neither have the common name nor number. For they are utterly ignorant of Confirmation and Extreme Unction. They make use of the word Mastar, for a Mystery, whenever they go about to intimate the Mystery of the Participation of the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ. Otherwise they do not think it necessary, to signify the Seals of Faith, by any other Vulgar name not used in Scripture, or to make much dispute about the Number. Only said Gregory, They make use of Baptism according to the Institution of Christ, and with the Ceremonies anciently made use of by the Church. But the Fathers of the Society reported, That the Ceremonies of Baptism were so depraved and corrupted among the Habessines, that they were constrained to Rebaptize great Numbers under a Condition.  
As for the Holy Communion, they Administer it indifferently to all, both Laity and Clergy, as it is the Custom in all the Churches of the East. Neither has any thing more alienated their minds from the Fathers, than their finding the Laity to be deprived of the Cup by the Latins. Gregory being demanded what he thought of the real Presence of the Body and Blood in the Lord's Supper? made answer, That he acknowledged it. Adding withal, according to his manner, when any Discourses arose of Matters more difficult and abstruse than ordinary, Retzitze nagare vet, 'tis a nice business; or, Mastar vet, It is a Mystery. When I produced him these words in the Liturgies.  
Lord now lay thy hand upon this Dish, Bless it, Sanctify it, and Purify it, that so thy Body may be made holy therein.  
Again,  
Lay thy hand upon this Cup, and now bless it, sanctify it, and purify it, that thy Blood may become holy therein.  
In another place.  
Lay thy hand upon this Spoon of the Cross, to prepare the Body and Blood of thy only Son our Lord and God.  
And in another place,  
Convert this Bread, that it may become thy pure Body, which is joined with this Cup of thy most precious Blood.  
And out of the Eucharistic Prayer, which bears the Title of the 318 Orthodox Divines, these following words:  
Let the Holy Ghost descend, and come and shine upon this Bread, that it may be made the Body of Christ our Lord, and that the taste and savour of this Cup may be changed, that so it may be made the Blood of Christ our Lord.  
And when I asked him withal the Exposition of the words Majete vat valto, to be changed or converted; and then demanded of him, Whether he did not think that the substance of the Bread and Wine was not changed and converted into the Substance of the Body and Blood of Christ? He made answer, That no such sort of Transubstantiation was known or understood by the Habessines. That his Countrymen were not so scrupulous, nor used to start such thorny Questions. Nevertheless it seemed to him probable and like, that the vulgar Bread and Wine was changed into the mysterious Representation of the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ; and so was altered from Profane to Sacred, to represent the true Body and Blood of Christ to the Communicants. Tellez confesses his dissatisfaction touching their Consecration, it being their Custom to say over the Body of Christ, This bread is my Body; and over the Wine, This cup is my Blood. Which words have not in them the true force of Consecration. For the Doctors of the Roman Church are of Opinion, That whoever speaks those words, does nothing; These words, This is my Body, being only of Efficacy to operate a true Transubstantiation. Which being true, no man can pretend that the Abessines acknowledge Transubstantiation, especially seeing they do not attribute those Divine Honours to the Sacraments, which the Consequences of real Transubstantiation require.  
Concerning the state of the Soul after Death, there are several Opinions among the Habessines, every one having free Liberty of Opinion in those things that do not directly concern Eternal Salvation. So that it is no wonder that so many various Sentiments of private persons are brought away by our Doctors, as the public Opinions of the Habessines.  
Some of them believe that the Souls of Men piously deceased, shall not behold the Beatifical Vision of God before the Resurrection of the Body; which is also the Opinion of many of the Ancient Latins: as if the Soul remained in Expectation of the Body in some certain third place. Others, convinced by the Authority of the Scripture, acknowledge only two Mansions of the Souls, Heaven and Hell; believing no Damnatinn to those that are in Christ, and die in his Faith. Which they gather from the Example of the Penitent Thief, and the words of Christ, thus Translated by the Ethiopians, Verily I say unto thee, firmly believe, that thou shalt be with me in Paradise.  
Therefore, as for those that Piously sleep in Christ, they believe them not to be in a worse Condition than this Thief, who at the point of Death was saved through Penitence actuated by Faith, without any satisfaction given for his Thieveries. Now to prove that the Soul of Man is not created, they produce this Argument, That God perfected the whole Work of his Creation upon the Sixth day. Nevertheless they believe it to be in its own Nature immortal, as being inspired into Man by God, at his first Creation. But on the other side, they think it very absurd that God should be tied to create new Souls every day for Adulterate and Incestuous Births.  
However the first Opinion seems to be the more vulgarly received among them; in regard of their Prayers for the Dead: As for example.  
Remember, Lord, the Souls of thy Servants, and our Father, Abba-Matthew, and the rest of our Fathers, Abba-Salama, and Abba-Jacob.  
And a little after,  
Remember, Lord, the Kings of Ethiopia, Abreha; and Atzbeha, Caleb, and Gebra-Meskah, etc.  
Then they add,  
Release, O Lord, our Father's Abba Antony and Abba Macarius.  
Remember, Lord, the Soul of thy Servant, our Father Tecla-Hajmanot, with all his Companions.  
From whence it may be fairly justified, that the Abessines admit of a Purgatory. And yet Gregory constantly denied it. And Godignus confesses, That there are no sacred Services said for the deceased among the Habessines. The same thing Tellez confirms. However he derides them, as not constant to themselves; for that, to pray for the Dead, and distribute Alms to the Poor, is no other than to assert Purgatory. Nor do I see how they can reconcile their Praying for the Rest of happy Souls; and at another time, their imploring the Intercession of the same Souls.  
But they nothing moved with these Arguments and Inferences, affirm them to be the Pious Conception of their good wishes, and only a Commemoration of the happy Estate of the deceased; and that it is none of their business to make any farther scrutiny into the Traditions of their Ancestors. Gregory added, That many Prayers of the Christians were so conceived, that many times those things were Petitioned for, which were already performed and answered. That the Lord's Prayer contained Petitions of that kind. For that it would be a thing but badly inferred, that the Name of God was not Hallowed, or that his Will was not done both in Heaven and Earth, because we daily put up those Prayers: besides we all beg every day for Daily Bread, when most of those that make that Prayer, do generally live in wealthy abundance. He had heard perhaps among us our general good Wishes for the departed, That God would vouchsafe to grant the Interred Body a Quiet Repose, and at length a joyful Resurrection. And thereupon, said he, Do not you yourselves wish the same good wishes for the Dead? Do not you believe that the Carcases of the Dead may be vexed with Spiritual Evils? or that a happy Resurrection may be obtained by your Prayers. And he took so heinously the suspicion of his belief of Purgatory, that he cried out, Would it not be an irreverent Injury to so many Kings and Fathers, should we interpret the Commemoration of their Souls to that height, as to think they should be tormented for so many Ages in Purgatory, and want the aid of our indefatigable Prayers to release them after so long an Imprisonment? For those Kings and Fathers were men among the Habessines most Innocent, and had been dead above a Thousand years since or more. So that whether they be in Paradise, or remain in any other place, expecting the Resurrection of their Bodies, in both cases Prayers of that Nature seem superfluous.  
Besides, were there any Question to be made of the happy Condition of Men Piously deceased, we should rather pray for those whose lives were more lose and vain, than for those whose Conversations were without blame. And therefore what has been delivered about the Opinions of the Habessines concerning Purgatory, leans rather upon Conjecture than any sufficient Authority, they being ignorant of the very Name. Insomuch that Jacob Wemmers the Carmelite, in his Ethiopic Lexicon, was constrained to forge a Word, by calling it Mantzehi Hatate, the Purger of Sin. But we are to understand, that it was the most Ancient Custom of the Church first of all to read the Names of the Holy Martyrs out of the Public Registers, as being a Duty owing to the memory of the invincible Testimonies for Christ. Which the following Ages strained another way, as if they had need of our Intercession; and others, as if we could not be without their Intercession, made it a presence to invoke the Holy Saints, as if they were present and heard them. To which we may add, That the Ancient Christian Orators, and Writers of Homilies, making use of their Rhetoric, by virtue of that Figure, commonly called Prosopopocia, bespoke the blessed Saints, and introduced them as it were returning Answers; from whence it is not improbable that Suspicion might introduce the Custom of giving the same Adoration to them as to God himself, and worshipping them with Temples, Altars, and other Divine Honours. Which nevertheless the Habessines do not do; for though they keep Holidays in memory of their Saints, they do not call them Bagnabat, Solemnities; but Tjabarat, Remembrances. They also invoke them, though they know not after what manner they may be able to hear them; and beg their Intercessions also, especially of the most Holy Virgin Mary, to whom they bear such an affectionate Reverence, that they think whatever the Church of Rome has invented to her Honour, all too little; and yet they erect no Statues to her memory for all that, being contented only with her Pictures. When they were in a rage against those of the Roman Religion, and pursued 'em in their fury with Sticks and Stones, they cried out, Kill, Kill; whoever is not an Enemy of Marie, let him take up a Stone to stone her Enemies to Death.  
But more than this, they many times invoke the Angels, as having for that perhaps a more specious pretence, because they have been frequently said to appear to good Men and Women, and hear their Prayers.  
Of these the Ethiopians reckon no less than Nine Orders, which they borrow from their Names and Epithets given them in Sacred Scripture.  
Malaeket, Angels particularly so called, or by another Name, Manofsat, Spirits; Bitean Malaeket; Arch-Angels.  

Agaezet,  
Saltanot,  
Manoberet,  
Hujebat,  
Maqinenet,  
Qirubil,  
Surafel,  
Lords, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
Magistracies, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
Thrones, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Powers, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Princes.  
Cherubims.  
Seraphims.   
Some there are who give them several other Surnames, as Bikanot, Primores or Cheiftains, and Arbabe, or Arbab Asat, as much as to say fiery Myriads.  
Others there are who affirm, That first of all there were Ten Orders, of which the first, whose Chieftain was Satanael, together with his Associates, revolted from God; and that the Blessed hereafter shall succeed into their places; which they assert to be the cause of the Devils inveterate hatred toward Man.  
As to their forms of Catechising Youth and Neophytes, the following Account may afford very great Satisfaction; as being written by Gregory with his own hand, and all that he could then call to mind.  
A Brief Account of the Heads of the Ethiopic Faith, in which they usually instruct their Youth and Neophytes. They are Extant more at large in Ethiopia, but more succinctly, as follows.  
What God dost thou Worship?  
The Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, three Persons, but one Deity.  
Of these Three Persons, which is the first, which the last? which the greatest, which the least?  
Their is no Person first or last, no Person Superior, or Inferior; but all equal in all things.  
How many Persons?  
Three.  
How many Gods?  
One.  
How many Deities?  
One.  
How many Kingdoms?  
One.  
How many Powers?  
One.  
How many Creators?  
One.  
How many Wills?  
One.  
Is God limited by time?  
No, For he is from all Eternity, and shall endure to all Eternity.  
Where is God?  
Every where, and in all things.  
Is not the Father God?  
Yes.  
Is not the Son God?  
Yes.  
Is not the Holy Ghost God?  
Yes.  
Dost thou not therefore say there are Three Gods?  
I do not say Three Gods, but Three Persons, and One only God.  
Who begat the Son?  
God the Father. But the Holy Ghost proceeds from Father, and takes from the Son.  
Pray show me some Similitude how Three Persons can be in one Deity?  
The Sun, though he be but one in Substance, yet in him are found three distinct Things, Rotundity, Light and Heat. Thus we also believe that in one God there are three Persons, the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, equal in all things.  
Of those Three Persons, which was born for our Redemption?  
The second Person, viz. The Son of God, our Lord Jesus Christ.  
How many Nativities had he?  
Two.  
Which were they?  
His first Nativity was from the Father, without Mother, without time; The second from the Virgin Mary our Lady, without Father, in time she always remaining a Virgin.  
Is Jesus Christ our Lord a Man, or is he truly God?  
God and Man both, in one Person, without Separation, and without Change; without Confusion or Commixture.  
In the same manner do the Habessines Believe and Teach all matters of Faith; viz. Concerning the Baptism of Christ, his Fasting, his Passion, his Death, his Resurrection, his Ascension into Heaven, and sending of the Holy Ghost. Moreover, That he shall return in Glory to Judge the Quick and the Dead. That he is present in the Holy Sacrament. That the Dead shall rise at the last Day. That the Just shall inherit the Kingdom of Heaven; but that Sinners shall be condemned to Hell. They also believe the Catholic Church, according to the Creed compiled by the 318 Orthodox Fathers, that met at the Council of Nice.  
We shall not add more at present, till more and those Publicly approved Books shall come to our hands, that we may not imprudently attribute, as some have done, the Opinions of private persons to the whole Church.   

CHAP. VI Of the Rites and Ceremonies of the Ethiopic Church, as also of the Habessine Temples.  
Sacred Rites often an Occasion of Disturbance in the Church. The Prudent Decree of the Apostles. Paul's Condescension necessary. Judaish Rites retained. Many new Ceremonies invented by the Pope, by the Alexandrian Metropolitan none. The most ancient Ceremonies retained by the Abessines. Their Churches dark, like the Synagogues. The Divisions of them, and Quires. The Nobility made Deacons. The Bishop's Lodgings. Much honoured. They admit of Pictures. They sign with the Cross. Baptism of grown People. Undertakers why so called. The Eucharist given to baptised Infants. Some frivolous forms of the Habessines constrained the Fathers to Rebaptize. The Custom of Annual Bathing not effectual for Baptism. The abuse of it. The State of Ecclesiastical Affairs miserable in Habessinia. The Reasons. General Confession. Absolution. Before 25 years of Age they believe themselves Innocent. Much Preaching. gregory's Opinion of their Sermons. They Read Homilies, etc. The Sacred Vessels for the Eucharist. Why the Stone Consecrated by the Romans is called a Chest by the Habessinians. A particular Discourse of the Author. Leavened Bread. The Wine distributed in a Spoon. The defect of it supplied, The time and place for the Holy Supper. Two Holidays in a Week. They want Bells. Their Music unpleasing, yet they Dance about. Fast, and fourth and sixth Holidays whence. None during Easter. Of the Fasts of the Protestants in Europe. The beginning of the year. Their manner of Computation, Nuptial Rites. Polygamy. Marriages of Cousin Germans, or first Cousins. Divorces. Burials.  
HItherto we have set forth what the Habessines believe concerning the Trinity, & the Principal Articles of the Christian Faith. The order of our Story now requires that we should say something of their Rites and Ceremonies. For though it nothing avail at what time or in what manner sound Doctrine be Preached, so that all things be done decently and in order; nevertheless these Rites and Ceremonies have begat great Disputes, and produced great Disturbances in the Church.  
For indeed from the very Infancy of the Gospel, various were the Contentions of Holy and Pious men about Ceremonies. Some believed that the Judaic Rites, not being expressly abrogated by Christ, were of necessity to be observed, together with the Doctrine and Sacraments of the New Testament, even as helps to Salvation. Others there were who judged that they might be profitably retained, though not of absolute necessity, as well in remembrance of the ancient Church of God, as to gain the Souls of the Jews. The first Opinion the Apostles themselves Condemned. In other things using Apostolic Prudence and Moderation, they made a distinction between Jews and Ethnics newly Converted. For they not only permitted the Jews to retain their ancient Rites, but persuaded Paul to comply with so many Millions of unbelieving Jews, who were Zealous Admirers of the Law, and accused Paul, for teaching a Defection from the Law, for forbidding Infants to be Circumcised, and for not living according to the Jewish Customs. Paul obeyed, and purified himself with his Companions, shaved his Head, and so entering the Temple together, offered up an Offering for every one of them. Nay, more than this, what would be now accounted a heinous Crime, he caused Timothy to be Circumcised, being induced thereto by the Necessity of those times. Yet at another time he condemned Circumcision, if it were done with a Judaic Intention.  
Thus an Action in itself indifferent, becomes bad or good, from the Reason and Intention of the Agent. But then, what what was to be done with the Gentiles that embraced the Faith of Christ, the Apostles took into their Deliberation. Nevertheless they would not oblige them to the Observation of the Mosaic Law, but only in answer to their Doubts, they commanded them only to abstain from those things, which might not only create in the Jews a dislike of the Gospel; but also very much scandalise those that were already Proselytes, and disturb mutual Charity and Friendship in daily Converse and Society. For the Jews would not Diet with those who eat things Sacrificed to Idols, or strangled, nor the blood itself. From that time some of the Judaic Rites prevailed as indifferent among most, who did not contend against Piety and Christian Doctrine. Till at length by degrees they were either abrogated by the Church, or worn out of Use. Nor had the most ancient Institutions of the Christians any other Originals, as the Building of Churches, Plunging the whole Body in Baptism, Two Fast Days in a Week, Festivals and the like. However there were but few Ceremonies in the troublesome times of the Church; but in the times of Peace, they increased to Infinity: and the worse the state of the Church was, the more Ceremonies; insomuch that St. Austin complained in his time, That the most wholesome Precepts of Divine Books were not so much regarded, as the fictitious Comments and Inventions of Men upon them. The Church of Rome, by how much more opulent and powerful than the rest; so much the more sedulously and industriously it composed all things to Splendour and Pomp. The Roman Pontiff being the sole Judge of all things, whether convenient, or not commodious, and what he thought fit to Abrogate or Establish. But the Patriarch of Alexandria, whom the Ethiopians obey as their High Pontiff, what with the unhappy Contentions between the Melchites, and Jacobites, and the Persecutions of the Saracens, has had enough to do to keep his own Station, not being at leisure in the midst of so many Storms, to think of divulging new Ceremonies. Nor would the Habessines out of their wont simplicity and plain heartedness, the best Preserver of ancient Custom, attempt to alter or abrogate any thing without his leave or Command. Whence it comes to pass, that many of the most ancient Customs of the Primitive times, in other places out of date or abrogated, are still retained to this day among them. Which makes us hope that our Labour will not be ungrateful to the Reader, curious of Ecclesiastic Antiquity, if we compare the Old with the New. First, only their Churches are briefly to be described, which formerly were sufficiently Magnificent, and by King Ladibela hewn out of the Bodies of the Rocks themselves. Some were also Built by the Succeeding Kings; but Grainus, out of his hatred to Christianity, ruin'd the greatest part of them. There are yet remaining some Footsteps of that famous Cathedral, which Helena, David's Grandmother Built: In which there is more want of Light than of Gold or Silver. The Structure of most resembles the Ancient Architecture. For the ancient Christians, when first they had obtained the Opportunities of building Churches for Public Use, choosing rather to imitate the Jews, than the Gentiles, Built them in imitation of the ancient Temple of Jerusalem, or of the Jewish Synagogues; nor did they give them the heathenish Names of Temples; but called them Ilyriacas, as it were dedicated to God, or else Oratories, or Martyria, Places of Public Testimony. Now as the Temple of Jerusalem being encompassed with a spacious Wall, consisted chief of three parts; that is to say, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the wide Porch, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the body of the Temple; and lastly, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the Holy of Holies, so the Cathedrals of the Ancients, had a Porch before the great Folding Doors surrounded with a Wall, where the Excommunicated, and Penitents, and Novices were obliged to tarry, till the latter more fully instructed in Christianity, were admitted to Baptism; or the former brought forth the real fruits of Amendment. Then there was the Body of the Church, in the middle of which was a secret Place, screened with a Curtain, which was called the Sacrificatory, as also the Suggestum, or place where the Pulpit stood, in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which represented the Holy of Holies. Such a Suggestum, or Place of Ascension is still to be seen in the Jewish Synagogues, and called in imitation of the Greek word Bimah. But this the Europeans afterward thought more convenient to remove to the farther end of the Church: we call it now the Choir, for the most part separated with Iron Lattices from the Body of the Structure. These Antique Forms of Building were accommodated to the ancient Ceremonies. For as the Jews were admitted no farther than the Doors, and the Priests only suffered to pass beyond the Threshold, so here none but the Baptised were admitted as it were into the Bosom of the Church, the rest, like the Gentiles among the Jews, prohibited from approaching nearer than the Doors. The Choir none but the Ecclesiastical Persons entered, which was so rigidly observed by the Ancients, that St. Ambrose commanded the Emperor himself Theodosius, to withdraw; whereas the Greek Church allowed that Privilege to their Emperors, and gave them Liberty to enter the Sanctuary when they offered to the Sacred Table. After the same manner, the more famous Churches of the Ethiopians were Built; and they have also the same sort of Sanctuaries, which they call by the Hebrew Name, Heichel, at the entry whereof the Laity stand and receive the Communion. Lest therefore their Nobility and their Children should be forced to stand among the Vulgar Crowd, or they be constrained to break their Law and Custom, Prohibiting the Laity to enter their Heichel, and participate of their Sacred Mysteries, they have found out a new Evasion, by Creating the Nobility and their Children, tho' ne'er so young, or under Age, Deacons or Subdeacons; in that only deviating from their ancient Simplicity. The King's Children assume that Dignity of course, carrying a Cross, as a badge of their Deaconship, which they ne'er leave off when they come to the Crown. Which the Portugueses looking upon as an Ornament of Priesthood, it gave them an occasion to give the Habessine Emperor the Title of Presbyter John. There is also a little Chapel adjoining to the Eastern part of the Church, in which the Bread and other Necessaries belonging to the Eucharist are prepared. Such little Chapels or Rooms were Built of old near to the great Church, where the Bishops were wont to put on their Vestments: now they are small Apartments made within the Walls of the Church, called by the Name of Vestries. They have no Seats in their Churches, for they neither sit nor kneel, but always stand during Divine Service; according to the ancient Canons, which the Greeks and Russes observe to this day, as believing it more becoming the Reverence due to the Place, and more proper for Attention than to sit. The next Age providing more kindly for Infirmity, permitted sitting, least Attention should be tired by weariness. But the Habessines have found out a way between both; that is to say, little Crutches to lean and rest their Bodies, which when they go away, they leave in the Church Porch. If there be any who out of weakness chance to sit upon the Ground, they are in the midst of Prayers commanded by the Deacons to rise, in these words, Ebb Tarber, Tanse, You that sit, Rise. Nay, such is their Reverence to their Churches, that though at this day they are only poor low dark Buildings, thatched with Straw or Reeds, yet when they approach near to any of them in their Travels, they alight from their Mules, and walk a foot till they are passed them: They also put off their Shoes at the Door, and never spit upon the Pavement. No Females are admitted during their Impurities, nor Wives that have known their Husbands, all the day following. In this none more Rigid than the Ancients, who only admonished such to Abstain from the Holy Communion.  
Pictures they admit into their Churches; but as for Statues or Sculptures Engraven or Cast, they abominate them, with the same antipathy as they do Idols. Perhaps because they never had any in the Primitive times of the Church. For it was the Saying of the Ancients, Why should Men go about to make any likeness of God, when Man himself was his Image, and no better could be made? And therefore it is a heinous Offence for any one to carry about them the Picture of Christ Crucify'd. However the Clergy carry bare Crosses in their hands, which they who meet them, reverence with a Kiss; thereby Professing themselves Christians. For they often sign both themselves, and the things that belong to them, with the Sign of the Cross, after the Custom of the most ancient Christians; who were wont so to do.  
We shall now proceed to the Sacred Ceremonies of the Habessines, beginning with the first initiation into Christianity, Baptism. The Priest being to Baptise a Person or Persons of full Age, which there many times happens, by reason of the frequent Conversion of the Heathen, gins with the 52 Psalms, then having Perfumed the Persons with a Censor of Frankincense, he inquires the Names of them that are to be Baptised. Then after the Recital of certain Prayers, the Deacon at the same time frequently Exhorting the Hearers to join with the Priest, he Anoints several parts of the Body with the Holy Oil, and lays his Hand upon the Neophyte's Head. Which done, the Neophytes, lifting up their right Hands, and looking toward the West, abjure Satan, as the Prince of Darkness. Then turning to the East, as to the Sun of Justice, and lifting up again their Right hands, they make as it were a kind of Vow to Christ; which done, they say over the Creed after the Priest, who putting the Question, They answer, They do Believe. Which ended, the Parties again are anointed, and some certain pieces of Chapters are read out of the Gospel of St. John, the Acts of the Apostles, and the Epistles of St. Paul. At length the Oil is so poured into the Water prepared for the Baptism, as to resemble in falling the Signature of the Cross, and after the Rehearsal of several other Prayers, the Priest descends into a certain Pool, made on purpose before the Doors of the Church, whither the Persons being conducted by the Deacon, the Priest takes them, and plunges them three times over Head and Ears, saying, I Baptise thee in the Name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost. At the same time the Men have Men, the womans Women to assist them, who lending their Hands and Arms to their Friends, support them in going out of the Pool, and were therefore called Susceptores or Upholders by the Ancients. Being thus washed, and once more anointed, they are first clad with a White Under-garment, to signify the Purity of the Mind; and over that, with a Red Vestment, in token of their Salvation purchased by the Blood of Christ; and so introduced into the Church, where, being intermixed with Christians, they are made Partakers of the Holy Communion. At their departure they are presented with Milk and Honey, and so the Priest laying his Hand upon their Heads, dismisses them with this Benediction, Sons of Baptism, go in Peace. For the Habessines frequently call the Christians Velda Temqet, Sons of Baptism. All which Circumstances are agreeable to the Rites of the Ancients. Let us thrice be plunged, saith Tertullian, and thence supported, let us taste the Society of Milk and Honey. These are the Ceremonies observed toward those of ripe years.  
The Ceremonies of Baptising Infants are much shorter. Males were formerly never Baptised before the Fortieth day, Females before the Eightieth day, unless upon imminent danger of Death. But now they hasten Baptism much sooner, especially if the Infant be weak and sickly. The Godfathers and Godmothers make answer to the Priest in their behalf. Nor are they plunged in the Water, but only Sprinkled and Dipped, and that at the Entrance only of the Church; there being no admittance for them into the Church before Baptism. Lastly, Because the Holy Communion is given to those of riper years presently after Baptism, therefore least Infants should be in a worse Condition, in former times they dropped two or three drops out of the Sacred Cup, having crumbled a little piece of the Holy Bread into it before: to show there was the same regard to be had to them, as to those of riper Age. Which being long observed in the Latin Church, the Ethiopians, together with the Armenians, observe the Custom to this day. Gregory told me, That they did no more than only dip the top of one of their Fingers in the Wine, and moisten the Child's tongue. Now that they use the same form of words with us, Alvarez is Positive, that is to say, I Baptise thee in the Name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. Nor could I apprehend any otherwise out of their own Liturgies.  
Which makes it more to be admired, what the Fathers of the Society, making no mention at all of this Form, have written into Europe, That several partly unwonted, partly frivolous Forms, and quite altering the Essence of Baptism, were made use of by the Habessine Clergy: For Example, I Baptise thee in the Name of the most Holy Trinity; I Baptise thee in the Name of Christ; I Baptise thee in the Name of the Holy Ghost only; I Baptise thee in the Water of Jordan; The Lord baptise thee; Let God wash thee; Let Baptism wash thee; Blessed be the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, with several others of the same Nature. For which reason they were constrained to Rebaptize many People, not permitted by the Catholic Church, but upon extraordinary occasions. So that at length they promiscuously Rebaptised all the Habessinians, though with this Condition, That the first Baptism was not rightly performed, which drew upon them the Hatred and Envy of the Habessinian Clergy.  
Many Writers have believed, and reported, That the Ethiopians were branded with a Mark after Baptism, in order to the fulfilling the words of St. John, He that cometh after me shall Baptise you with the Holy Ghost, and with fire. But Gregory himself denied any such Custom, nor do the Fathers of the Society make any mention of it in their Writings. But this is certain, that the People of Africa, as well Gentiles, as Mahumetans, do cauterize the Temple-Veins of Children newly Born, to preserve them from Catarrhs. Which being perhaps done by some of the Habessines to the same end, was by some ignorant Foreigners taken for a Religious Ceremony. As having heard that formerly there were a sort of silly Heretics, who misinterpreting the word Fire, properly so taken, and wresting it to the Improper signification of Baptism, preferred the Caustic Signature of Fire, before the Ceremony of washing in Water.  
But now for what concerns their Anniversary Baptism, with which the Abessines are so much reproached, we are to give this Light. Upon the XI. of January, which with us is upon the Sixth, in the midst of their Summer, and the Feast of the Epiphany, they keep a most joyful Festival in Commemoration of the Baptism of our Saviour, which with many of the Ancients, they certainly believe, was performed upon that day. By the first Dawn of the Morning Light, the Clergy begin the Solemnity with certain loud and cheerful Hymns. The King with all the Nobility of the Court, the Metropolitan with the Clergy, Nobles and Plebeians, Old and Young, before Sun-rise, throng into the Rivers and Ponds, and there delight themselves in the Water, plunging and diving over Head and Ears. As they meet any of the Priests, they crave a Blessing from them, who return them generally their desires in these words, God bless thee; or, God the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost bless thee. Hence it was that many believed that the Ethiopians renewed their Baptism every year. But as excess of Joy frequently begets wantonness; so is it frequent for the Young men upon this day to leap, and dance, and swim and duck one another; and by and by to fill the neighbouring Fields with Hooping and Hallowing, the usual Consequences of such kind of Sports. So that they make of it rather a day of Jollity, than a Pious Christian Festival. All this I relate from gregory's own Lips. The Relation of Alvarez is quite different, as if it were a real Baptism, and that the Men and Women were at that time promiscuously rebaptised. Whether they did so, or whether Alvarez rightly understood the words of the Baptizer, I very much question. And yet I cannot but very much wonder at what Tellez reports, That at other times, and for slight causes, both Men and Women cause themselves to be rebaptised, and that after a most indecent manner. For should such a thing have been customary, King Basilides would never have upbraided the Fathers with their reiteration of Baptism, so frequently as he did. For my part, I never read or heard of any such thing. However, if any such thing were ever practised, it is to be attributed rather to the stupid ignorance of the Priests, then to allowed Custom.  
For in the last Century such was the most miserable Condition of the Ecclesiastical Affairs in Habessinia, that nothing could be more deplorable: at what time, by reason of the continual Invasions and Eruptions of the Gallant and Adelans, the People were dispersed and scattered up and down the Mountains and Rocks, like a Flock without a Shepherd, without Law, and almost without either King or Metropolitan; all Sacred Worship ceased; their Clergy were dissipated, and their Temples and Monasteries every where ruin'd and burnt. What wonder then that Ignorance and Sloth should grow upon them? and that the illiterate Priests, for want of Books, not to be supplied by Printing, and through the scarcity of Learned Men, should rashly obtrude many things altogether Foreign from the Rites of their Ancestors. For such Accidents frequently happen in great Calamities, when Bishops and Princes cannot perform, or else grow careless of their Offices; when little regarding their own Eternal Salvation, they leave that to fate, or the pleasure of every private Person, which should be their chief and principal care. Such was the Sluggishness that overwhelmed all Greece, in the time of Maurice the Emperor; so that neither Gregory understood Greek, nor any one at Constantinople could understand Latin, such was the misery of that Age, in the Latin Church, as Baronius testifies, when nothing but mere Barbarism and Ignorance Triumphed, when all Arts and Virtuous Studies were Exiled, and only Vice prevailed in Church and State. At that time there was a certain Priest, who neither like a Latinist, nor a Christian, had Baptised several Infants in Nomine Patria, & Filia, & Spiritual Sancta, which Baptism was however confirmed by Zacharias the Pope, by reason of the good intention of the Baptizer.  
That Sinners after Baptism are reconciled to God and the Church, they make no Question: However they teach that there must be a Repentance for these Sins, and that Repentance to be made known by Confession. But to enumerate all and singular their particular Sins, with all their circumstances, they think it neither commanded of God, nor at all necessary. And therefore, they only say in general words to the Priest, Absan, Absan, we have Sinned, we have Sinned. So that when the Roman Priests pressed them to particular Confession, they never acknowledged any more than three, if they had been guilty, Homicide, Adultery, and Theft. To confess any more they could not be induced without great difficulty. The Offender is Absolved in very few words, together with some gentle stripes upon the Side with an Olive twig, which is thought sufficient to deliver him from the Power of Satan. But as for them that have committed any of those great Crimes beforenamed, they are not only chastised with severe Reprehension and bitter Language, but many times also severely Scourged, to the end they may not only hear, but be sensible of their Absolution. Tellez reports, That the Metropolitan sometimes hears Confessions himself; and that when he understands the heinousness of the Crime, he rises up, and after a sharp rebuke of the Penitent, he cries out, Hast thou done this? Dost thou not fear God? Go too, let him be Scourged thirty or forty times. Presently the Executioners are ready, who straight prepare their Scourges, and give the miserable Sinner six or seven cutting lashes; the rest being remitted at the Intercession of the Standards by. There was one who to avoid so sharp an Absolution of his Crime, requested of the Metropolitan sitting in his Seat of Judicature, that he might make his Confession in Private; to whom the Metropolitan, How! Shall not thy Sin be made manifest at the last day, before all the World? Tell therefore, what it is? The unfortunate Offender believing it his duty to obey, openly confessed, it was the stealing of Oxen. By chance the Owner of the Oxen was there; who being glad that he had apprehended the Thief, presently accused him, so that the poor Fellow being Convicted of the Fact by his own Confession before so many Witnesses, was constrained to restore the Oxen, and undergo a severe Punishment beside.  
But as the Habessines are generally of a soft and mild Disposition, for the most part, so soon as they have committed any notable Offence, they presently run to their Confessors, and confessing they have sinned, desire to receive the Communion for the quiet of their Consciences. But this they do not do, till they come to be at least Five and twenty years of Age. For till then they prolong their years of Indiscretion, pretending Childish Innocence. So that if a Young man die before he be Twenty years old, they bewail him in these words, Oh! let my Soul be like the Soul of this Innocent. So great a Confidence they have in the honest Inclinations of their Youth.  
The whole Divine Service of the Ethiopians is completed by the sole Administration of the Sacrament, and reading some few broken parcels of Chapters out of the New Testament: for they neither make use of Sacred Hymns nor of Preaching. Which when we seemed to wonder at, Gregory asked me, Whether we thought our Preachers could speak any thing better than what was written in the Sacred Scripture, or the Homilies of the Fathers of the Primitive Church? Whether we thought their Say more efficacious than the Word of God? Whether we did not fear, lest those Preachers should utter something which might be repugnant to our Faith and Salvation, which might prove of dangerous Consequence, especially among the Plebeian and rustic sort of People? We answered, That the Worship of God required it; and that the use and end of Preaching was at large set forth in Scripture; to the end we might understand the benefit of them. But the Ethiopians to supply this defect, have Composed several Liturgies and Homilies, of which mention has been already made. To these they add several Portions of Scripture usually appointed to be read, which are fourfold, out of the Evangelists, the Acts, the Epistles of St. Paul, and the rest of the Canonical Epistles; to which they give the Titles of Wengel, the Evangils, Gheber, the Acts, Paulus, and Hawarja the Apostle. But in the general Liturgy, which they call Canon Kedasi, the Canon of the Mass, there are all their Ceremonies to be found, with all their Prayers accustomed to be applied to the several Varieties of Duties to be performed; all their Instruments and Vessels being sanctified by certain Prayers and Ejaculations. For in the Sanctuary stands the Holy Table, which they call Kedesat Terphez, vulgarly Manbar. It differs from their Common Tables, for that you may go round about it, and place what you please upon it. Only it is covered with a Canopy, sustained with four Pillars at each Corner. Upon this they place the Sacred Vessels. First the Tabot, or Chest: A little Table so called; but the reason why, I never yet could find; for that it has no resemblance of a Chest; it being an Oblong Quadrangular Table, upon which the Dish and the Cup are set; and therefore I must repair to conjecture, which I shall willingly submit to the Judgement of the Learned.  
The most ancient Christians, when for almost three Ages together, they could not have the Opportunity of Administering or receiving the Communion in Public, were constrained to take their Opportunities in Dens and Caves; but for the most part in the Churchyards, in the silence of the Night. To which purpose, they either carried the Bread, Wine, Cup, and other Utensils wrapped up in Linen, or otherwise concealed to the place where the Congregation met. Whence it seems very probable to me, that they might make use of the Coffins themselves, or some Chest in the fashion of a Bier, to convey their Sacred Utensils, under the pretence of carrying forth their Dead. Which Chest being thus conveyed into the Churchyard or Cave where they met, served also instead of a Table, about which the Communicants sat, and received in their Order. If they found any Bones of the Holy Martyrs scattered about, they gathered them up, and put them up in this Chest, which Custom in after Ages became a Law. If they were driven from their Habitations, or constrained for fear of Tyrannical fury to seek new abodes, this Chest was still carried from place to place, where the Bishop or Presbyter resided, who was to perform the Sacred Duty. And thus they came to be called either Chests by their proper Names, or Tables in reference to their Use, the Name of Altar growing out of Mind. For so Minutius Felix; D'ye think, says he, that we conceal the Deity whom we serve, because we have not Temples and Altars, properly so called? Afterwards they began in respect of the Oblations to be called Altars. But in process of Time, when the Sacrament came to be Administered without control, there happened a great Change. For that some thought it not lawful to perform the Sacred Duty, otherwhere then at those wooden Chests, which long Custom had now made Religious. And therefore being brought forth of the Caves where they had been Consecrated, they were set apart for the Administration of the Eucharist; and it is not unlikely, that in regard they were to be placed upon low Tables, they were made the more plain, and the lesser, that they might be more fit for use; till at length they came to be made like the Tables themselves; so that now the form being changed, the name only appears among the Ethiopians. But after that, when Christians began to rear great and stately Fabrics, those Arks or Chests together with the Tables, were placed in the Sanctuary; and in most Churches the Name of Table remained; but in Latin Church the Name of Altar, as the more worthy and decent Appellation prevailed.  
But this was an established Custom among the Ancients, That the Basis upon which the Sacred Vessels were to be set, should be first consecrated. Whence it came to pass, that the Tables or Altars themselves were consecrated; and so the use of those Arks or Chests ceased. But where there were no Altars, or that the question was, whether they were consecrated or no, there the Greeks had their Antimensae, or little Crickets; the Latins, their Portalia or small Portative Tables, which they set upon those Altars that were not consecrated. But for the Ethiopians, they make use of their Chest and their Table both together; to the end the Service may be the more fully and absolutely performed, and nothing left undone. Now in regard these Chests were formerly made of Wood, it was not material what sort of Wood But after the Popes had commanded that the Altars should be made of Parget, the little Portative Altar was also made of the same matter, for that reason called Lapis Sacratus, or the Consecrated Stone. The little Chest which the Ethiopians use, is generally of Wood, though they do not Prohibit those that are made of Stone, or cast Metal. However the Fathers of the Society would not permit them to make use of any but of Stone; the rest they either burnt or melted down.  
A MARBLE COFFIN diggd up in a Church Yard near the high way, called Priscillas' Salter's Way Representing the Communion of the Ancients in a Cave. Book 3d Chap 6 P 296  
a The Ark or Arched Bier Covered with a Linen cloth in stead of a Table.  
b. The holy Loaves Signed with the Cross   depiction of a marble sarcophagus lid depicting men at table eating bread, and a male profile. 
Moreover 'tis well known, that in the Infancy of the Catholic Church, the Altars were of Wood, like little Chests, and there were no other Altars of Stone, till the time that Silvester began to Consecrate Altars of kind. However he left remaining in the Cathedral of St. Peter's, others say in St. John Laterano, a little wooden Chest, which for so many years had been the Altar which so many Pious Popes had made use of, and upon which it is not lawful at this day for any Person but the Pope himself to Celebrate.  
Thus the Studious Reader may perceive frequent mention to have been made of these Chests; and if the little Chest of which Tellez has given us a Relation, be still Extant at Rome, there can be no room left for any farther doubt concerning the Matter or the Form: and our Conjecture concerning their Original will stand good, till the Learned shall give us better Information. Now, that the Martyr's Bones were anciently put into these Chests, we gather from the Council of Carthage, which approves and confirms the Custom. For so runs the 14 Canon of the Fifth by Name, but Third in Order of Time. The Altars, In which (he doth not say above, nor under) there are no Relics of Martyrs, shall be removed. Neither could those Bones be disposed of in Tables, nor in the Altars, so called, of the Ancients. And in this we have been the more prolix, to the end the Original and Use of the Ethiopic Chest, appropriated to the Communion, might be the better understood.  
The other holy Vessels are Pahal, the Dish, Tzevae, the Cup, and Spoon for distribution of the Wine, called Eref Maskel, the Spoon of the Cross; by reason that the handle ends in a little Cross. Besides these, they have their consecrated Urns and Censors, in regard they frequently fume with Frankincense, which Necessity constrained them to do while they were forced to make use of Caves and Subterraneal Places.  
In the Administration of the Sacrament, they use a sort of leavened Bread (as was done in the Latin Church for many Ages) Marked with a Cross ✚, imprinted into the Mass of the Loaf. This Bread they call Korban, and Bake it new every day, admiring at the Latins for keeping their Holy Bread till the Morrow. But upon the Fifth Holiday of the great Week, in Memory of Christ's unleavened Loaves, they also use unleavened Bread; pieces of which the Priest distributes to the Communicants. For they all participate of one Loaf. The Wine is by the Deacon given out of the Cup in a Spoon indifferently to all, as well Laity, as Clergy. True it is, they want real Wine; the defect of which they supply by steeping the bruised Stones of Raisins in Water, and then squeezing and straining the Infusion, which makes a kind of Raisin Liquor. Yet not believing it thus made to be small enough, the Subdeacon pours a Spoonful or two of Water into the hollow of the Communicants hand, with which he first washes his mouth, and after that, sups it up. Tellez will not allow this Liquor to be other then mere Water; and for that reason laughs at the Habessines, for believing they Communicate in both kinds, when they Communicate in neither; though the Fathers of the Society, for want of Wine, were forced to use the same Liquor in the former Age. Which Sandovall calls a Holy and Provident Invention. Most certain it is that many Countries, especially inhabited by barbarous People, and remote from the Sea, are destitute of Wine; as the Copts in Egypt, and the Christians of the Order of St. Thomas in India. Nay, some there were, who were put to harder shifts than all this: having no other way but to dip a linen Cloth in Wine, when they could come at it, and dry it again. This Cloth they kept very charily, and when they had an occasion to Administer the Sacrament, they moistened a part of the Cloth in water, and wrung the moisture out again with their hands. Which water so relished and tinctured, they gave to the People.  
These Shifts Pope Julius condemns, however in a case of Necessity, he permits the cluster itself to be squeezed into the Cup, and the Liquor to be mixed with water.  
The time of receiving the Sacrament, is left to every man's liberty; some receive every Week, some every Month; but always within the Church. For they hold it a great Sin to carry the Holy Mysteries out of the Church into private Houses: Neither does the King, nor the Metropolitan assume to themselves that Privilege. They never spit, that day they have received. They also receive Fasting, and toward the Evening too, if it be a fasting day.  
But now to Administer the Sacrament in large and crowded Churches, and upon Solemn days, it requires four or five Men at least. Bahen, the Priest; or Kasis, the Presbyter. Nefek Kasis, the Sub-Presbyter; Dajkan, the Deacon; and Nefeh Dajkan, the Sub-Deacon. There are also present other Assistants, to hold the Candles, and to attend upon the Priests. These every one taking his particular part, perform the whole Duty, reading of several Prayers, as the variety of Action, and the use of distinct Vessels require. Lastly, they recommend both the Living and the Dead to God, which they call receiving the Dapdukon, the Diptych, or Church Register; which among the Ancient Greeks, consisted of two Tables, wherein the Name of those were written, who were to be Prayed for in the Register. There are some that bring their Offerings to the Holy Table, as Bread, Oil, Tithes, first Fruits, and the like; which at the Conclusion of the Sacrament, are distributed to the Poor. Which I take to be understood of that ancient Custom mentioned by Claudius, in his Confession of Faith. Vangaber Bat Mesah, that day, meaning the Sabbath, we make a Charitable Feast. These Holidays they keep two days every Week; that is to say, upon the Sabaoth and the Lord's-Day. That they call Sanbat Ejehude, which they say they celebrate in commemoration of the professed Creation, and therefore they do not keep it so solemnly as the Lord's-Day. But upon the Lord's-Day, which they call Sanbat Ehad, or the Sabbath of the first Holiday; or Ehude, the first Holiday, singly, or Sanbat Christejan, the Christians Sabbath, they keep after the custom of the Catholic Church, and read over all the Offices and Services required.  
They have no Bells of Brass, or mixed Metal like ours; instead of which, they only use a kind of hollow Vessels resembling Bells, made of Iron, Stone, or Wood, more for Noise, than delightful to the Ear. Neither is their Church Music any thing more pleasing. For besides that, the Voices of their Singing Priests, whom they call Dabetra, are very harsh and ungrateful, the Instruments they make use of after the Egyptian manner, such as Cymbals, Morris Bells, and Kettle Drums, which the Grandees themselves think no dishonour to rattle upon those Solemnities, are no way agreeable to the Harmony of Europe. With their Music they use Skipping and Dancing, in imitation of David Dancing before the Ark of the Covenant. At what time they make the Floor ring again after such a rude manner, that you would believe them rather at a Wedding, than at a Christian Solemnity. This they call exulting, rejoicing, and clapping hands to the God of Jacob, as they are commanded in the Psalms; and this they call Praising God upon the Harp and Organ, and with Cymbals, though it cannot be said they are so sweet sounding as those in David's Time may be imagined to be. Which things though they seem to us, not to correspond with the gravity of Christian Worship, yet will not they much admire, who well know, that in some places among the Latins, the Feast of the Body of God was solemnised with Dancing; which as it could not be done without Music, there were others that played in disguise before the Dancers upon Harps.  
Fasting days are no where more exactly observed. Not that they abstain from some Meats, and gluttonize upon others. For that they look upon as a mockery of Fasting. For they keep themselves whole days without either Food or Drink, even till Sunset of the third Evening. Others there are that abstain the two Holidays of the Passion Week. The Monks put themselves upon greater Extremities than all this; by which means they not only mortify but destroy. Besides all which they fast twice in seven days, upon the Fourth and Sixth Holiday, like the rest of the Eastern Churches. The reason of which was by Tzagazaab said to be, for that the Fourth day the Murder of Christ was concluded upon, and the Sixth it was executed; according to what many of the Ancients taught. But we believe that these two Fasting-days, as many other things, were admitted and observed in imitation of the Jews by the Primitive Christians, who were either Jews, or else had learned from the Jews, that this Custom was introduced and used as a Duty both Pious and Necessary for these times. For the Jews fasted twice in a Week; which is that which the Pharisee boasted, I fast twice upon the Sabbath, that is within the two days in seven, viz. upon the Second and Fifth Holiday; which the Christians, because they would not fast upon the same day with the Jews, altered for the Fourth and Sixth. Afterwards Innocent, and Gregory the Seventh, abrogating the Fast of the Fourth Holiday, imposed Abstinence from Flesh upon Sunday, not minding the ancient Canon, If any Clergyman shall be known to Fast upon any Sabbath or Lord's-Day, one excepted, let him be suspended from his Office.  
That one Sabbath is Easter Eve. Otherwise to fast upon the Lord's-Day, the Ethiopians account it Criminal, like the ancient Christians; as Tertullian witnesses. Besides these, and other Fasts of the Eastern Church, they observe in the first place, the Forty days Lent, which they make up Fifty. For it gins Ten days before the Roman Lent; That is, upon the second Holiday after Sexagesima Sunday. And this as a Command of God, they observe both healthy and sick People, most exactly and religiously; only as we said before, upon Sundays they eat Flesh. After Easter, they supply the pinching hardship and sobriety of the past Weeks with the Jollity and Mirth of those that succeed. For during all the time of Pentecost, so formerly was the interval of the Fifty days called, (from the Feast of the Resurrection till the Feast of tending the Holy Ghost) they spend their time in all manner of Feasting and Jocundry, suitable to the Country. All that time, as of old with the Latins, so among the Ethiopians, being still observed as one continued Festival. Gregory considering these things, and admiring that the Protestants in Germany observed no other Fasts, but what were commanded by their Princes in case of Public Calamity, was answered out of St. Ambrose; we do not Fast because the Lord abideth with us, not only those Fifty days, but all the year long, nay as long as we live. Thus Christ answered them, who objected to his Disciples.  
Can the Sons of the Bridegroom mourn while the Bridegroom is among them. But the time shall come, that the Bridegroom shall be taken from them, and then they shall fast.  
Therefore the ancient Christians, when those days came that Christ had foretold, that is to say, the days of Persecution and Affliction, did well and truly in that they frequently fasted. But we, in regard our Bridegroom is returned with his favour and his Grace, and has restored Peace and Tranquillity to his Church, have no need to observe set Fasts as necessary; but to say with St. Ambrose, That true Fasting is an alienation from Incontinency of Language, Suppression of wrath and ill Desires, and Abstinence from Slander and Reproach. And with St. Austin, The Great and General Fasting is to abstain from Iniquity, and the unlawful Pleasures of the Age, which is perfect Fasting.  
Besides the Sabbath and Lord's-Day, they observe all the chief and ancient Festivals of the Catholic Church; The Annunciation, Nativity, Circumcision, Baptism, Passion, Resurrection, Ascension, and the Descension of the Holy Ghost, called Bagnab Arbgna, or the Feast of Forty days; as also that most ancient Festival of the Primitive Church called Rakeb, in the Middle of the Pentecost, by the Latins called Cantate, at what time the Bishops are commanded to assemble a Synod, by the Canons commonly called Apostolical. As for the other Festivals, which were introduced by the Kopts, Greeks or Latins, after the Variances of the Council of Chalcedon, some they admit, some they receive, according as they think most agreeable to their Religion.  
They begin in the year from the Calends of September, with the Greeks, Armenians, Russians, and other Oriental Christians. For they believe that the World was created at the time of the Autumnal Equinoctial. They farther also compute Five thousand and five hundred years to the Nativity, Eight years less than the Greeks, and they who follow the Translation of the Seventy Interpreters, from whence that Computation was made. The Supputation of the Christians is the same, which Scaliger says was therefore done, because the Christians believe the World to be less ancient by Eight years then the Greeks do, but he does not apply his reason home. We are apt to believe it came to pass through some erroneous Substraction of the years of the World. For that finding perhaps that the Greeks, to perfect the Calculation of the Years of Christ, had substracted 5508 years of the World; they also did the same, forgetting that those Eight years were already wanting; or else having settled the years of Christ, according to the Greek Computation, and coming afterwards to reform the Age of the World, they found these Eight years to be over and above. However it fall out, let any one year of Christ be granted by them, Eight years must be added to their Computation, if you desire to know the agreeing time of any certain Transaction.  
Their year consists of Twelve Months, as among us; But each Month, as among the Egyptians having but Thirty days; therefore to supply the Solar Year, to every Three years they add Five days, to every Four years Six days; which by a word borrowed from the Greek they call Pagomen. Hence it happens, that their Feasts go according to the Julian Account, and fall upon the same days; yet are otherwise numbered. For the Feast of the Nativity of Christ is celebrated the same day with us, which happens among the Europeans using the Julian Account, to be upon the 25 of December, but with them falls upon the 28 of December. Neither did the Catholic Church in any part of the World ever observe it upon any other days; So that it is to be admired that Scaliger should go about to Translate it into Autumn. It is farther observable, that to the space of Four years they give the Denomination of one of the Evangelists; it being the Custom to finish the reading of one Evangelist quite through in that time. Which is the reason that in some of their Chronological Computations, you shall find added, in the days of Mark, in the days of John the Evangelist, etc.  
As to what concerns their Nuptial Rites, most certain it is, that Polygamy is not allowed by the Habessine Church, however it be tolerated by the Civil Magistrate. For they that Mary more than one are not punished by the Magistrates; yet they are prohibited from the Holy Sacrament: as being of those sort of People, that do no injury to the Commonwealth, but only contradict the Rules of Christian Sanctity; as if it were not the Office or Duty of Kings and Princes, but of the Bishops of the Church to make Men Godly and Christianly virtuous. This Alvarez asserts upon his own Knowledge: Whose Host at Dobarra had Three Wives which had brought him Seven and thirty Children; for which there was no other notice taken of him, but only that he was not admitted to the Church, or to the Communion, until he at last put Two of them away. Here it may not be improper to inquire how the Metropolitan behaves himself toward their Kings, who have more Wives than one. For the Habessinian Kings, by virtue of an old Ill custom, besides several Wives lawfully Married, are not ashamed to keep several Concubines; as if they did it in imitation of Solomon, from whom they boast their Descent. True it is, That the Fathers of the Society would not grant Absolution to Susneus, before he had dismissed all his Supernumerary Wives, retaining only the first. Indeed it is to me no small wonder, that the Laws of the Church, and the Kingdom should no better agree; that the one should be so lose in point of Marriages, the other so strict; especially where the dispute arises, not so much as to the Matter, as to the Name. Thus we find the Marriages of Kindred forbidden, even to distant degrees; for that the Ethiopians wanting terms of distinction, call one another all by the Names of Brothers and Sisters. Thus a Churchman may not Marry his Brother's Wife, but a Lay Person may. However no Marriages but those that are approved by Divine Authority, are honoured with Sacerdotal Benediction; nor those neither publicly in the Church, unless they be such Clergymen, to whom the Hallelujah is Sung. Other People are Married either at home, or before the Doors of the Church. However all Secular Persons have also this Privilege, that they can throw off the Yoke when they please. For upon any slight Difference between a Man and his Wife, if they cannot be reconciled, the King's Judges presently dissolve the Marriage. But as for the Clergy, if it be their desire to put away their Wives, or to Marry another, the first being Deceased, they are obliged to renounce their Function. Whereby it happens, that their Marriages are much more peaceful, and more durable.  
To conclude with their Burials, the Dead Bodies being well washed and summed with Incense, they wrap them up in proper Garments. If the Party deceased be of Noble Extraction, he is laid upon the Bier, covered with a Bulls Hid; which done, the Clergy carry him to the Grave, laden with Crosses, Censors, and Holywater; and that with a pace so swift, that it is a difficult matter to follow them. The Body is for some time set down by the Grave, during the reading of a certain Paragraph out of St. John's Gospel; after which, the Body, being found and sprinkled with Holy Water, is not let down, but thrown into the Sepulchre.  
King Claudius being desirous to Solemnize the Exequys of Christopher Gomez, upon the Anniversary Day, that he had lost his Life, for the Recovery of Abassia, summoned together all the Priests, Canons, Monks, and all the Neighbouring Poor People; and to the first, being about Six hundred, he gave a Royal Funeral Supper; to the last, being about Six thousand, he distributed a large and noble Alms. They on the other side recited the whole Psalter quite through, and made the Sky ring with innumerable Allelujahs, a Ceremony, that serves alike as well upon sad, as joyful Occasions. Thus when Marcus, the Eldest Son of Susneus, was Buried, they sounded forth, 
Marcus is Dead, Hallelujah,  
Marcus is Dead, Hallelujah.   
And this they repeated so often and so loud, that the Fathers, but newly then arrived in. Ethiopia, were astonished to hear such an unwonted cry; not being able to tell, whether the Ethiopians rejoiced, or lamented. So strangely are all Nations delighted with their own Customs.   

CHAP. VII. Of the Constitution and Form of Ecclesiastical Government in Ethiopia, as also of the Privileges of the Clergy.  
The Clergy enjoy no immunity. Their Head or Abuna created by the Metropolitan of Alexandria. His Place in Councils. The present State of the Alexandrian Church deplorable. The Clergy ignorant, the Patriarch Illiterate. The Habessine Metropolitans ordain the Clergy only. No Bishops, nor Arch-Bishops. The Icegue governs the Monks. They acknowledge but four Ecumenical Patriarches. The Catalogue of Metropolitans incertain. They do not reckon these sent by the Pope. After Mendez, one called the Cophtit. His Successors. The Orders of Deacon, Presbyter, and Sub-Presbyter. The Clergy Marry, but not twice.  
WE have already declared, That the Supreme Power in Ecclesiastical Affairs, is invested in the King. Therefore all Ecclesiastical Causes, except only in very slight Matters, are all determined by the King's Judges. Neither do the Clergy or Monks enjoy any sort of Ecclesiastical Immunity, or Privilege of Exemption. Nor does the Canon, Siquis suadente diabolo, hujus Sacrilegii reatum incurrerit, quod in Clericum vel Monachum violentas manus injecerit, etc. help them at all, but that upon offences committed they are punished, as Lay Persons, by the Secular Judges: And many times they are sensible of the rough and violent hands of wicked Men, without any fear of Excommunication. But as to what concerns the Law of Order, or the Diocesan Law, those things are left to the Clergy. Their Chief Head is called Papas, or Metropolitan. Tho the Title or Surname of Abuna, that is to say, Our Father, be more frequently given him. He by ancient Custom, at the King's desire, is Consecrated to that Dignity by the Patriarch of Alexandria, and sent out of Egypt into Ethiopia. For they do not think it fitting for the Patriarch to nominate any one out of their own Nation, though never so skilful in their Language, Laws and Customs. It being provided by those Nicene Canons, extant in the Arabic Language, That the Ethiopians shall not Elect or Create a Patriarch, but that their chief Chief Prelate shall be under the Jurisdiction of Him that resides at Alexandria. And a little after, That if the Council be held in Greece, and the Prelate of Ethiopia be present, he shall have the seventh place, next the Prelate of Seleucia. For they are very obstinate in maintaining their old Customs, though it happen to be one of their greatest Misfortunes. The State and Condition of the Alexandrian Church, being quite different now from what it was formerly; that is to say, altogether miserable and deplorable. For both the Patriarch and his Clergy, are a poor sort of contemptible and rustic People, and void of all common Endowments. They are as it were the Servants and Slaves of the Turks, whose continual vexations so terrify them from undertaking Ecclesiastical Employment, that many times they receive their Ordination by constraint, and with Tears in their Eyes; which requires nothing more from them than to read Arabic.  
For the Coptic, or ancient Egyptian Language, as it was spoken in the times of the Grecian Kings, and as Athanasius Kirker has given a view of it to the Europeans, is now almost buried in Oblivion. Their Churches are either all destroyed, or very near to Ruin; the Turks not suffering them either to Rebuild or Repair. The Patriarch, if he can but only read and write, and understand the Scripture after an ordinary manner, is thought sufficiently worthy of St. Mark's Chair. Hence it may be easily conjectured, what sort of Persons are sent into Ethiopia for the Government of so many Churches. In the time of the Fathers of the Society, there was sent such a sad Tool into Habessinia, to be the Abuna, that being rejected for his Simplicity, he was forced to Grind Corn for his living. To whom another Succeeding, not much better gifted, gave occasion to the Courtiers to jest, and cry, We have a Miller still. Now as these Patriarches know very little, so they do as little, only in set forms of Words, they ordain Under-Clercs, just as wise and learned as themselves.  
For this reason the Fathers of the Society, little regarded the Ordinations of the Abuna, but when any of the Abessine Priests came over to them, they ordained them again after the Roman manner, not without the great resentment and indignation of the rest.  
In none of their Kingdoms or Provinces have they any Bishops or Arch-Bishops. So that unless the Icegue, with the assistance of his Monks, had taken some care of the Church, all thought of Religion had fallen to the ground long  this.  
This Abuna is by some, though improperly called Patriarch, his truer Title being that of Bik Papas, or Bik Papaste, Prince or Master of the Metropolitans; of whom they acknowledge only Four to be of equal Power and Dignity among themselves. Among these they reckon the Roman Patriarch to be the First, and call him Bik Papaste Zaromeja, or the Roman Patriarch. For they have no higher Title to give to any one who may be thought Superior to a Patriarch.  
The first Metropolitan of Habessinia was Frumentius, the Ethiopic Apostle. From him to Simeon, who died with Elius in defence of the Alexandrian Religion, they reckon in order Ninety five Metropolitans. We have not yet seen the Catalogue, but in the Ethiopic Register, they are Numbered up in this Order.  

Abuna Abba Matthew.  
Abba Salama.  
Abba Jacob.  
Abba Bartholomew.  
Abba Michael.  
Abba Isaac.  
Abba John.  
Abba Mark, who was Metropolitan in the Time of David.  
Abba Joseph,   
In the Reign of Claudius was received into the Kingdom with great Pomp; without any regard had to John Bermudes, whom the Pope had sent into Abessinia, with the Titles of Patriarch of Alexandria and Ethiopia. As little respect did the Habessines give to John Nonius Barret, and Andrew Ovieda, Portugueses, dignifyed at Rome with the Titles of Patriarch, and sent into Ethiopia by the King of Portugal. About the beginning of this last Century, one Peter, upheld by the Factious Party, withstood Zadenghel, who favoured the Romanists. In the Time of Susneus, Simeon, already mentioned, came into the Kingdom, who being Slain, and the Miller deposed, Alphonsus Mendez was by the Pope at the Instance of the Fathers of the Society, preferred, and by the Abessinians admitted to be their Patriarch, though not acknowledged under any other Title then that of Abuna Zaromeja, or the Roman Abuna. But he, together with his Companions being soon after expelled, another called the Cophtit was sent, in whose Company Peter Heyling of Lubeck traveled to the Habessine Court. To him succeeded one John, and about the year 1651. another called Mark, who being deposed for his vicious life, Michael succeeded him. Lastly, about the year 1662. one Gabraxos was ordered to supply his Decease.  
As for the Cathedrals or Principal Churches, they have their chief Overseers, which they call Komasat. Such a Komos was Peter the Ethiopian, whose acquaintance was courted by Paulus Jovius. It is their Duty to take care of the Secular Matters of the Churches, and to compose the differences between the Clergymen, so far as their Jurisdiction extends. Over the Churches that belong to the Camp, the Debtera Gueta Presides, as much as to say, the Ruler of the Canons.  
The Debterat, or Canons, being those Persons who are particularly employed in those Offices that require the addition of Hymns and Sacred Melody. The Nebrat seems to be their Dean. Next to whom in Dignity are the Kasis or Presbyter, and the Nepheh Kasis, or Sub-Presbyter; the Dejakon or Deacon, and Nepheh Dejakon, or Sub-Deacon. As for those Under-Ministers, which in the Primitive Church were known by the Name of Readers, they are quite out of Use: as are also Deaconesses, of which however they have the greatest need, by reason of the frequent Baptizing of fullgrown Women, to whom their assistance, while the Ceremony of their Baptism requires them to be naked, is most necessary.  
All Ecclesiastical Persons, when they walk publicly abroad, carry a Cross in their hands, and offer it to all they meet to be Kissed, having hardly any other note of Distinction from the Laity. The same sort of Cross the Seculars also carry, who to the end they may be admitted into the Sanctuary, desire to be ordained Deacons; as also most young Children.  
All the Clergy, except the Monks, are permitted to Marry. Neither will any man deny, but that it was Lawful for the Catholic Bishops of the Primitive Church, the Presbyters and Deacons to do the same; which was also upon the Persuasion and Arguments of Paphnutius a most Holy Man; allowed of and approved by the Fathers of the Nicene Council, as both Socrates and Sozomenus testify: whose Credit justified by all Antiquity, was never yet called in question; especially being confirmed by the practice, and so many clear and undeniable Precedents of the Primitive Church, till Siricius and Innocent the First, took upon them to order it otherwise in the Latin Church.  
Among the Eastern Churches, honest and lawful Matrimony was in much more high esteem, than faithless Batchelorship, obnoxious to perpetual concupiscence. Wherefore the Grecians, Armenians, Russians, but more especially our Ethiopians not only permitted their Presbyters to Marry, but soon prefer the Husbands of Wives; insomuch that the nearest way to that Preferment is to Marry. For they take the words of the Apostle, Let him be the Husband of one Wife, for a Precept; yet understand it only so, as not to extend any farther, but to one single Marriage. And therefore their Clergy never offer to covet repeated Wedlocks, which even by the Seculars were not approved in the Eastern Churches. The Novatians detested a second Wedlock after Baptism, as equal to the Crime of Adultery. The Latin Fathers also gave it an Ignominious Character, reproaching it with the Scandalous Title of honest Adultery. But in after Ages, the Matter being more wisely considered, it was not thought material, whether the same Person Married one or more Wives, after Death had once made the Separation, so that the Matrimony were lawful; since there appeared no reason to the contrary. For which was alleged the famous example of one Woman at Rome, that had survived the Two and twentieth Wedlock. But the Habessines still observe their ancient Laws: in regard that by the ancient Canons, they that Mary twice, are accounted unworthy of Holy Orders.   

CHAP. VIII. Of the Separation of the Habessines from the Greek Church, in the Time of the Council of Chalcedon.  
The Council of Chalcedon. Dioscurus Condemned. From thence the Melchites, and Jacobites. The great Damage to the Church by that Schism. The Ethiopians defend Dioscurus. The Ethiopians Condemn the Council of Chalcedon; and call Timotheus and Eutyches Heretics. They acknowledge two Natures in Christ. The words Essence, Substance, Person and Nature, ambiguous to the Abessines. A doubt concerning the Disputations of the Fathers with the Abessines about the two Natures. How they are to be Disputed with. The Jacobites abstain from the Arabic word for Nature, which the Eutychians use. The Dissension deplored.  
THE Alexandrian Church remained in Unity with itself, and with the Greek Church, till the Council of Chalcedon, by us called the Fourth Universal Council, which Marcian the Emperor Summoned, to appease the Discords and Dissensions that were risen among the Bishops and Divines, by reason of the Doctrine of Eutyches. This Eutyches, a Constantinopolitan Abbot asserted, That both the Natures of Christ, the Divine and Human, upon his Incarnation, immediately became one and the same; and that therefore there was but one Nature, and one Will in Christ. For which reason, they that held this Opinion were called Monothelites. Thereupon it was Decreed in this Council, That Christ was of the same Substance with the Father, according to his Deity, but Sin excepted; of the same Substance, and like to us in all things, according to his Humanity. One and the same in two Natures united, yet without mixture, mutation, division or distance, both Nature's acting that which was proper to it, by Communion with each other Dioscurus also, the Patriarch of Alexandria, was condemned as a Heretic, & Defender of Eutyches; and not only so, but being publicly whipped, he was sent into Exile, and another put up in his room, who because he followed the Emperors or the Royal Religion, was therefore called a Melchite, or Royalists according to the Arabic word. The Contradicters of this Opinion were called Eutychians, afterwards Jacobites from one Jacob, a Syrian, who stoutly defended the Doctrine of Eutyches. Hence arose a most fierce and outrageous Schism in the Church of Alexandria, defiled with Blood and Slaughter, which was the reason that not only the greatest part of the Alexandrian Church was rend and torn from the rest of the Catholic Church; but that Egypt also, weakened with its own civil Dissensions, became a Prey to the Saracens, who taking advantage of the Discords of the Christians among themselves, overcame and subjugated the upholders of both Opinions: so that now there is little or nothing remaining of Christianity in Egypt. Thus our Ecclesiastical Writers.  
But the Ethiopians relate, that Dioscorus, his Successors, and their Followers, heavily complained of the Injury done them: for that he never followed Eutyches, nor ever denied nor confused the Divinity and Humanity really existing in Christ; only he would not acknowledge the word Nature to be common to the Divinity and Humanity of Christ: and that he only endeavoured to prevent the Asserting of two Persons in Christ, contrary to the Opinion of the Catholic Church, and the Decrees of the Council of Ephesus; believing that absurdity would follow, should we admit two Wills and Natures in Christ. Lastly, That the word Nature, signifying something Born or Created, did no way quadrate with Divinity, neither could two Wills in two Natures, united without Division, Separation, or Distance be conceived by the understanding of Man: That it was not to be thought that Human Nature exalted to a State of Glory, would desire, act, or suffer, what is suffered, acted, or desired in the State of Mortality; or that Humanity in a present State of Glory, should desire or be sensible of that which Divinity was not sensible of or desired. Which Opinion of his being heard and understood, it seemed an idle Question, a mere brangling Dispute, that little deserved to be the occasion of so much Enmity among the Christians; as being become rather a Quarrel to be decided by the Sword, and not by Argument. And therefore these things considered, it was evident that Dioscurus, was neither sufficiently heard nor rightly understood, but in his absence condemned as an obstinate Heretic, rather out of Hatred and Envy then by Law. These and such like things when I heard Gregory discoursing, I began to apply my mind more particularly to this Affair, as being willing to know whether he only expressed his own Thoughts, or according to the Opinions and Writings of his own Country Doctors.  
In the first place therefore I found it beyond all doubt, that the Habessines do reject the Council of Chalcedon, though they understand not what was done therein, as having never received or thought worthy of their Transcription the Canons there made. Nevertheless they inveigh most bitterly against the Council, and the Fathers there assembled, and load them with most injurious reproaches, calling them Mahebar Abdan, a Convention of Fools, & Qualqedanowe jau, reckoning the Chalcedonians among the worst of Heretics and Malefactors. In the second place, I observed them fixed in this Error, as believing the Fathers of the Council of Chalcedon went about to divide the Substance of Christ, and contrary to the preceding Council of Ephesus, to make two Persons of one, which they also attribute to the Latins. For this reason they condemn Pope Leo, and extol Dioscurus to the Skies, as the Champion of the Orthodox Faith, as being the Person, that out of a just and zealous Indignation, tore Leo's Diploma, as soon as it was delivered to him; and reckon him among the Number of Martyrs, for suffering himself to be scourged, his Teeth struck out, and his Beard pulled off, for standing to the Truth.  
Peace to Dioscurus, that still reproached  
The vain Opinions that the Melkites broached,  
United God dividing into Two:  
Then to confirm his Own in what was true,  
His broken Teeth and Beard torn from his Chin,  
Sends round the World t' evince Chalcedon's spleen.  
They also ascertain themselves of a great reward laid up for Him in Heaven, in recompense of his so rigid Sufferings.  
In the third place, I found that they expressly condemn Eutyches as a Heretic, but on the other side applaud Timotheus, the Patriarch of Alexandria, (whom our Writers affirm to have been condemned in the Sixth general Council) by whose Doctrine, the followers of Eutyches were convicted; for so the same Poet, though otherwise a cruel Enemy of the Chalcedonian Fathers writes of him.  
They that believed the Heretical Doctrine of Eutyches, were burnt by the Flames of his Expressions.  
Tho Gregory being demanded what he knew concerning him, made answer,  
That there were in Ethiopia, aswel they who believed that Eutyches had made a confusion of the two Natures of Christ, as they who believed he had not done it.  
Whence it appears that Eutyches, not his Errors, is defended by some of the Ethiopians.  
Fourthly, it is apparent, That they acknowledge both Mabqot and Tesbet the Divinity and Humanity to be both Abstractively and Conjunctively in Christ. Which is as much as to allow two Natures together in Christ.  
Fifthly, Tellez attests from the Relation of the Fathers of the Society, that both Natures are to be found in their Books, and imputes it to their Contumacy, that they will not acknowledge in words what they believe concerning the Catholic Truth, when they teach the same thing in their Writings, That the Catholic Habessines suffering Persecution from the Heretics, cried out, God and Man, whereby they both asserted the Catholic Faith, and the two Natures in Christ. But more than this, we have the Testimony of Susneus, in one of whose Orations to his Soldiers, we find that all the Habessines confess, That Christ is the true God, and true Man; and consequently, we must allow what the Fathers of the Society relate, that they acknowledge two Natures in Christ.  
Sixthly, we are to take notice, That the words which the Greeks use, and which the Latins have made use of in these difficult questions of Faith, as Essence, Substance or Subsistance, Person, Nature, among the Ethiopians are interpreted by words Equivocal, from whence it is no wonder there should be such a spring of Errors. For Helave, sometimes signifies Essence, sometimes Hypostasis or Substance. Gregory also affirmed, That there were some who assert Qalet Helwejet, two Essences, that is the Divinity and Humanity in Christ, and that each Nature retains its proper Essence. Others for fear of falling into the Nestorian Error, rather chose to make use of the word Bakreye, which properly signifies a Pearl, affirming there are in Christ Qalit Bah reyat, two precious Substances; in imitation of the Arabians, who use their own word, which signifies a Pearl, by which to express the Divine Subsistance. Which others again dislike, as being a word no less Equivocal, because it may be taken either for Subsistance or Person; as when they of the Son, Zatwalda embaha reju Baab, who was born of the Substance of the Father. Thus the Author of a certain Manuscript called, The Ecclesiastical Computation concludes, Who were witness of one Person of Christ, Synodius Patriarch of Alexandria, etc.  
From whence we gather, that when we from the Council of Chalcedon dispute of the Nature, they mean the Person. Now adays, when they speak of the Person, they make use for the most part of the word Agal, as being less Equivocal; though sometime we shall meet with the word Gaz to signify Person, ill rendered when taken for the Countenance or Face. Which Circumstances, when I read and consider, I find all things to be perplexed and obscure; no certain State of the Question; and the words themselves without limitation Equivocal. Perhaps Eutyches himself could not explain what sort of Nature was meant, how it was made out of the two? How it was called? or what the Qualities of it were? But that he was so egregiously stupid, as to think the two Natures so mixed in Christ, as Water with Wine, and that he had so many Wise and Learned Men to follow him in that Opinion, is almost incredible. As for the Ethiopians, they are most certainly not guilty of so sottish a Heresy. For which reason I confess, I cannot apprehend what these frequent Disputations were, which the Fathers of the Society had with the Habessines, wherein, they say, the Ethiopians were always forced to submit, as being convicted out of their own Books. Which is the more easy to believed, in regard they so willingly acknowledge the Divinity and Humanity of Christ. But that they should out of Contumacy and Heretical Pravity contradict the Fathers, and choose to suffer Exilements, and other Punishments, or run the hazard of Civil Dissensions, rather than forego their Opinion, is hardly to be credited. To me it seems therefore more probable, that they could not agree about the words. For if a man should first explain his meaning, and tell them, that by the two Natures in Christ, we understand as well his Divinity as his Humanity, and then upon this Explanation ask them, Which Nature was wanting in Christ, seeing they acknowledge but one? Certainly they would answer, That neither his Divinity nor his Humanity were wanting; but that both continue and endure for ever. And thus it will appear, that they understand the word Nature far otherwise than we do, and that the true state of the Question among the Habessines consists in this, Whether by any, or by what name both the Abstract Natures (which undoubtedly they admit) are to be called? Now therefore because Tellez does not say in what Language they Disputed (for the Habessines understand neither Latin nor Portuguese) how they expressed themselves when they mentioned the words Essence, Person, and Nature, how they explained Equivocal words, or how the Interpreters rendered them, whether they could not agree upon the common word, or whether the word Substance displeased, as fearing that to grant two Substances, would be to grant two Persons, I leave to farther enquiry. Nor can I find out in so much Variety and Ambiguity of words, what word is most proper to be used in our sense for the word Nature. For the Jacobites when they make use of the Arabic Tabia, or the Ethiopic Tabaje, which answers to the Greek word Physis, and by the Copts is called D Physis, apply it only to things created, more especially to the Elements, but never to the Godhead: which the Melkites and Greeks being destitute of any other, make no scruple to do. Hence the Contention. For thus saith Eutychius, Patriarch of Alexandria, a Melkite; In Christ there are, Two Substances, a Substance of Divinity, and a Substance of Humanity; but one Person. To every Substance there belongs a Nature; and so two Substances, two Natures, but one Person.  
For this reason, in Egypt, where this unhappy difference still remains, when the Copts cry out in Arabic Mashiah Wahid, Tabiah Wahid, One Will, one Nature; the Melkites answer, Mashiatan tabiahtan, Two Wills, two Natures.  
In the year 1634. an European of great Quality residing in Egypt, and having vievved and read the Books of the Copts, delivered his Opinion afterwards, That the difference and quarrel of the Parties proceeded more from a fear of the Consequence, than from the Thing itself. For the Greeks are for the Destruction of those Heretics that confuse and mix the Divinity and Humanity of Christ. The Cophtites oppugn those that assert two Persons in Christ.  
Which if it be so, that the Contention and Debate, either formerly, or now, is only about the sense of words, What Tears and Lamentations can suffice to bewail the sad Effects of such an Unfortunate Pedantic Brabble? What breast that lodges a heart so hard, that can refrain from bemoaning the sad and calamitous Contentions of those, to whom Christ has so earnestly recommended the most strict Bonds of Charity by his own Example? Humanity one would think, should not be so inhuman, for the sake of one word Nature misunderstood, to tear up the foundations of Concord between those, whose Nature the Eternal Word has assumed into his most Holy Subsistence. But as it is the Infirmity of our most corrupted Nature, where Ambition, from Ambition Emulation, from Emulation Envy, from Envy Hatred have taken root, that the Mind possessed with various Passions and Affections, seeks no farther after Truth, hence it is that Men with Ears obstructed, and blinded Eyes, pursue disputes to satisfy their private Ends; not considering the true end of Arguing and Dispute.   

CHAP. IX. Of the Differences which happened between the Habessines and the Church of Rome, more especially the Fathers of the Society to the beginning of this Century.  
The Patriarch of the Melkites and Jacobites, which the Habessines following, disunited themselves from the Greeks and Romans. They had Knowledge of the Pope. Alexander the Third writes to the King of Ethiopia. An Embassy to Eugenius the Fourth, and Clement the 7th. John Bermudes confirmed by Paul the Third. Whence Hopes of subjecting the Habessines to the See of Rome. Barret and Oviedo made Patriarches. They send before to sound the King. They Dispute with the King concerning Religion. The Portugueses suspected. Barret stays in India, Oviedo kindly received. Claudius' acts moderately. Grants Liberty to the Latins. Oviedo desires more. The King delays. Moved with Oviedo's Epistle. Oviedo Attempts Severity but in vain. To Claudius his Brother Succeeds. The Latins Liberty revoked. Oviedo threatened. Melech Saghed milder to the Portugueses. All their Priests Die.  
THE Horrid flames of Discord being thus broken forth, all those Nations that were Subject to the Alexandrian See, separated themselves into Parties almost equal in Strength. And every Faction chose its particular Faction. The Grecian Christians, who were in Subjection to the Constantinopolitan Emperor, adhered to the Patriarch of the Melkites; The rest who inhabited the innermost Parts of Africa, and among them the Axumites, followed the Patriarch of the Jacobites; and thus being rend not only from the Greek, but Roman Church, they had little or no knowledge of either. After this, the Power of the Saracens increasing, and all Egypt being by them subdued, all Correspondence and Communication of Arts and Knowledge ceased between Them, and the Christians of our part of the World. Nevertheless some glimpses they had of the Roman Pontiffs, from the Acts of the Ancient Councils, and reverenced them as Chief among the Oecunomical Patriarches. On the other side the Pope laying hold of the occasion, endeavoured to Re-establish the former Correspondence and Amity, not taking any notice of their being Monothelites, or Favourers of the condemned Dioscurus. To this purpose Baronius has set forth an Epistle taken out of Roger's English Annals, written by Alexander the Third, with this Superscription. To our most dear Son in Christ, the Illustrious and Magnificent King of the Indians, the most Holy of Priests. Which Epistle he erroneously believes to have been written to Prester John, whose Dominions were then very large in Ethiopia. For that when Baronius wrote, the King of the Habessines was reputed and commonly taken for Prester John. But when Alexander the Third lived, the real Prester John was then reigning in Asia. Neither is any thing to be gathered out of that whole Epistle, that has any Relation to Africa, or Ethiopia, or the King of the Habessines; nor are the Consequences of that Letter known to Baronius. Only upon that occasion, he conjectures that the Church of St. Stephen, with the Buildings behind St. Peter's Cathedral, were thereupon assigned to the Habessinians; though he is not certain by whom that Assignation was made, whether by Alexander or any other Succeeding Pope. Therefore, if the Epistle were real, we rather think it was written to the Asiatic Prester John, then to the King of the Ethiopians. Others there are, that believe there was an Abessinian Embassy to Clement the Fifth, residing at Avignon. Nor is there any doubt made of the Embassy which Zera-Jacob sent to Eugenius the Fourth, in the year 1439. toward the Conclusion of the Council of Florence. Gregory had known nothing of it, had he not seen the Ambassador and his Retinue painted at Rome, and known his own Countrymen by their Habit.  
In the former Century, Francis Alvarez, Priest to the Portugal Ambassadors sent into Ethiopia, brought Letters from David to Clement the Seventh, which he delivered to the Pope in a public Assembly of the Cardinals, Charles the Fifth being there also present, promising Reverence and Obedience withal to the Holy See, in the Name of the King of Ethiopia. It was a thing very grateful to the Pope, that at a time when so many Northern Nations had revolted from the Roman See, so many Kingdoms of the East and South, should voluntarily submit to his Jurisdiction. For which reason, neither Alvarez's Credentials, nor the words of the Epistle were over-nicely examined, nor any extraordinary Scrutiny made to what Church, or what sort of Religion the King himself was inclined, to the end that had it been needful, he might have been absolved from the guilt of Heresy, before his Admission into the Bosom of the Church. For as we shall afterwards declare, the Habessines made quite another Interpretation of their King's Intention. In the mean time a certain form of Friendship long remained. For when John Bermudes came to Rome to crave Assistance from the Europeans in the behalf of David, so often vanquished by the Adelans; Paul the Third, hearing that the said Bermudes was by Mark the Metropolitan, nominated his Successor, and invested with Holy Orders, made no scruple to confirm him, and to ratify the Ordination of a Schismatical Prelate. There were then residing certain Habessines, very good Men, who Printed the New Testament with their Liturgies in the Ethiopic Language, whom the Pope did not only tolerate, but assisted at his own Expenses. In recompense of which Kindnesses, they extolled and applauded the Benevolence of the Romans, the Munificence of the Chief Pontiff, and his Spiritual Daughter Hyeronyma Farnesia, and acknowledged the Pope as the Head and Supreme over all the Orthodox Christians. Pius the Fifth also in his Letters to Menas, though a professed Enemy to the Romans, called him his most dear Son; whether he were ignorant of his hatred to the Latins, which was a wonder; or whether he had hopes to reclaim him by flattering Titles, which Godignus rather conjectures to be the Pope's true Intention. For this reason, some there were who believed the Habessines to be Catholics in the highest perfection, and subject to the See of Rome; though Tellez deservedly taxes and derides their Credulity. Nevertheless a vain hope had possessed the Minds of many of the more Zealous sort, that that vast Kingdom, than looked upon to be four times as big as really it was, might in a short time, with little difficulty, be annexed to the Pontifical Jurisdiction. Among the rest, the Founder of the Society of Jesus, Ignatius Loyola, bend all his Study to bring it to pass, and to that end he showed a most Ardent desire to go himself, and win the honour of Converting Ethiopia. Which though Julius the Third would not grant him the liberty to do, nevertheless he so far prevailed with him, that by the connivance of John the Third King of Portugal, the Patriarchal Dignity was conferred upon John Nonius Barret, one of his Companions, contrary to the Institutions of his Society, though Bermudes were then in Ethiopia already dignifyed with the same Title. With him was joined Andrew Oviedo, a Bishop, that if Barret through Mortality should miscarry, he might not want an immediate Successor. They, Embarking in several Ships, sailed into India. In the mean time Claudius was become Successor to David his Father, whose affection they thought it first expedient to sound, before the Patriarch should expose himself to Casualties and Indignities. Jacobus Dias was therefore sent before, together with Gonsales Rodriguez, and Fulgentio Freyre, Jesuits; who toward the beginning of February setting Sail from Goâ, and a Month after arriving at the Port of Arkiko, were there courteously received by the Precedent of the Maritime Province, and within the space of two Months brought to the King. Who understanding that the King of Portugal was about to send Priests, and other Ecclesiastical Persons to teach him and his People a new Religion, was very much perplexed in his Mind, and long in Suspense what answer to return; for he neither thought it convenient to admit them, neither was he willing to offend the King of Portugal. However he ventured upon several Colloquies with the Envoys, the sum of which, managed for the most part by Gonsalez, tended to this, That the Pope of Rome was Christ's Vicar upon Earth, and the Supreme Head of all Christianity, and therefore if the Habessines were desirous of Eternal Happiness, they should once more return and join themselves to their Lawful Head; for that Christ himself had from his own lips asserted, that his Church was but one Fold, and over that but one Shepherd, etc. On the other side, the Habessines made answer, That an Affair of so great Consequence was to be considered and consulted upon with the other Patriarches; for to abandon their ancient Rites and Ceremonies upon private admonition, and receive new ones, was a thing full of danger and offence. At length the King told them, That if those Persons whom the King of Portugal should send, would take the pains to come to Matzua, he would order some Person to be there, both to give them a befiting Reception, and Conduct them to his Court. Besides all this, the King was no less fearful, lest the Portugals, as it had befallen several other Kings in India, should make him their Tributary, and under the pretence of Religion, power into his Country a great force of Soldiers, Armed and furnished with Fire-Arms; Especially remembering what great Exploits a small Number of Portugals had performed in his Kingdom but a few years before. A Jealousy that not long after increased to that height, that when King David had seriously negotiated with Roderigo Limez, the Portugal Ambassador, about the Recovery and Fortification of Matzua, and Suaqena, and had also offered assistance of Forces, Provision and Money, afterwards the Business was not only no farther mentioned, but also the Portuguese Aid, so necessary, and so much desired was utterly refused; so that he chose rather to leave the Port of Arkiko, with the Island adjoining, in the hands of the Turk, then to give Admission to the Portugals. So prevalent is the fear of Foreign Domination.  
But now Claudius' answer being returned into India, strangely surprised the Patriarch Barret, and his Associates, who imagined that all things would have been smooth and easy according to their wishes. Thereupon after long deliberation, they came to this result, Lest the Patriarchal Dignity should be hazarded with a Prince ill affected, which would be to the Detriment of the Pontifical Authority, and a contempt of the King of Portugal, by whose recommendation and favour they were sent, that the Patriarch should remain in India with Melchior Caymero Bishop of Nice, and that Oviedo should go alone, to the end he might take his measures by the Event of Oviedo 's Success. Oviedo being thus dispatched away with Five more Associates, was kindly received by Isaac at that time Bahrnagass, or Governor of the Seaports. The Common People ignorant of their Errand, nor altogether averse to the Romish Ceremonies, received the Bishop and his Associates with great testimonies of Kindness, even to the kissing their hands. The Romanists laying hold upon the occasion, resolved upon a Procession from their own to the Habessine Church, and were by them beheld with mutual Charity, without the least upbrading or reproach of the Novelty. The King also entertained them with great kindness; only he took it ill that they should talk to him of yielding obedience to the Roman Pontiff. Nevertheless as he was a most Prudent Person, and worthy the high Dignity he enjoyed, he always carried himself with so great Moderation toward the Bishop, that he still left him with some hopes of Success. In the mean time the Roman Religion was every where freely exercised, and no man forbidden who desired to embrace it. But the Bishop not content with so much favour, began to press the King more urgently, That at length without more delay, he would submit himself to the Roman Pontiff. He replied, That his Ancestors had in sacred things given their Obedience to none but the Successors of St. Mark; nor did he see any cause why he should desire Innovation, and disturb his People well contented with their Abuna? But the Bishop still continuing his Importunity, The King told him, That since he was come to him from a Region so far distant upon so honest a Negotiation, he would consult with his Friends and his Learned Men upon a Matter of so great Importance. Oviedo understanding that the King did nothing but spin out delays; and hearing withal, that the King's Mother, and all the Blood Royal, together with the Nobility and greatest Doctors of the Nation were utterly averse to any Alterations, wrote an Epistle to the King, wherein he put him in Mind, That his Father had acknowledged the Pope of Rome for the Vicar of Christ; that several of his Learned men had besought him; that Claudius had wrote to the King of Portugal; and that his Father had Commanded, that they should not desire an Abuna from any other place then from Rome: and that He himself had publicly promised Obedience to thee See of Rome. That if any doubt remained concerning any Articles of Faith, he should bring those things to a Public Dispute, and hear the Arguments on both sides: it being but just, that the Party that was foiled, should acknowledge and follow what the other had maintained for Truth: and that the King should well consider whose advice he took, or what Persons he consulted in so important an Affair. That the Ends and Interest of Parents or Kindred were not to be regarded: That the love of Christ was to be preferred before the love of Relations, who being busied in Teaching his own Doctrine in the Temple of Jerusalem, would not make use of his most Holy Mother's advice; by which he showed, that in the Cause of God no Man is bound to Communicate his Intentions to his nearest Friends. Whether the King made any Answer, or what it was, is not known. But Gregory told me, That the sense of the King's Commands and Letters, was quite different from the Expositions of Alvarez, Bermudes and others addicted to the Roman Religion made of them at Rome: and that it could not be otherwise, in regard that before the Reign of Susneus, the Habessines had never known what that Obedience meant. Hour the King, that he might not seem to distrust the strength of his own Cause, and the learning of his own Subjects, permitted frequent Disputes, not yet made Public by the Fathers of the Society. From this Tellez reports, That the Habessine Doctors appeared very ignorant and illiterate in all their Disputes; as never having Studied Logic, Syllogisms, nor Enthymemes, nor having any knowledge of the Subtleties of Scholastic Divinity. From whence the Reader may readily Judge of the Progress and Events of such Disputes. Tellez goes on, and says, That Claudius' ●●ary of the illiterateness of his own People, for the most part undertook the Discourse himself, and gave Oviedo not a little Trouble. Moreover he complains, That the Habessines, when they were worsted, would never acknowledge it, but always boasted of the Victory, and so all those Disputes came to nothing. It was therefore thought more convenient to betake themselves to writing. Nor did the King decline the Combat, but answered them with other Writings, though they have not as yet been permitted to visit the European Regions. Oviedo impatient of his ill Success, and finding he could not bring the Ethiopic Prince to do as he would have had him, resolved to a more severe but unseasonable course. And therefore, to testify his Indignation, he left the Court, and published a Writing, Where in he branded the Habessines with several Heresies, and exhorted his Portugueses to have a care of them. Which did not a little offend Claudius. For a mind free, and subject to none, when once it refuses the persuasion of Argument, is the more exasperated by affront and reviling. Nor can it be thought that any Prince will suffer himself and his Subjects to be traduced for Heretics within his own Dominions.  
Not long after Claudius was slain in a Battle against the Adelans; to whom, in regard he died without Issue, his Brother Adamas-Saghed Succeeded, a Person quite of another disposition, as one that retained nothing of his Moderation or Clemency. For whatever Indulgencies Claudius had granted to Oviedo, and the Embracers of his Doctrine, he recalled them all; nor would he so much as permit that the Habessine Women, who were Married to the Portugueses, should exercise the Religion of their Husbands; to which he added many other severe Edicts, declaring openly, That his Brother was therefore punished by God, because he did not persecute the Religion of the Franks; as it is frequent to attribute Adversity or Prosperity to neglected or protected Religion. Nay, he proceeded so far, that having sent for Oviedo, he threatened him with Death, if he continued divulging and sowing Roman Paradoxes in his Dominions. Which when the Bishop refused to consent to, saying, That God was to be obeyed, rather than Man, he drew his Scymiter in a rage, and unless the Queen, and some of the chief Nobility had prevented him, had undoubtedly dispatched the Bishop to the other World. The Bishop therefore, in this desperate Condition of Affairs retires to Fremona, where he lay concealed, thirty whole years together, and assuming to himself, after the Death of Barret, the Title of Patriarch, officiated among his own Portugueses, without any further molestation: in regard that Melec-Saghed after his Father's violent Death, showed himself more mild, and temperate to the Portugueses, who behaving themselves more modestly, gave him no cause of Provocation. But at length all the Avenues into Habessinia being shut-up by the Turk, and the Fathers that were sent thither being all taken and slain, the State of Religion among the Portuguese was reduced to that extremity, that all the Father's being deceased, there was none remained alive to officiate Divine Service. At length Melchior Silvanus an Indian, Vicar of the Church of St. Ann's in Goa, and for that reason disguised both by his Language and Colour, ventured into Ethiopia, and there officiated till the Arrival of Peter Pays; after which he returned into India, leaving the said Peter, as he had been before, all alone in his office of Priesthood.   

CHAP. X. Of the New Mission, and its Success, till the Coming of the Roman Patriarch.  
The Religion of the Portugueses very low in Habessinia. New Hopes upon the arrival of Peter Pays. Who Taught School at Fremona with the admiration of all. The King sends for him. Curiously receives him. And permits Obedience to the Pope. He abrogates the Observation of the Sabbath. He obtains the King's Friendship by the Pope's, and K. of Portugal's Letters. The King therefore hated, and slain. Susneus Succeeds. He perceives the Ignorance of his own Doctors, and applies to the Fathers. Several Disputes. The King's Brother Embraces the Roman Faith. Susneus promises Obedience to the Pope. He causes a public dispute concerning the two Natures in Christ. The Habessines confuted. The King's Edict. A disobedient Monk punished. The Metropolitan complains. The Event. The Edict renewed. The Alexandrinians provoked. They Excommunicate the Romans. The King resists. Simeon replies. Thence a Rebellion. The Metropolitan's Anathema. Elius the Head of the Conspirators slain. So is Simeon. The Sabbath abrogated. The Effects. Jonael the Viceroy Revolts. The King defends the Abrogation. Jonael hides himself. Slain by the Gallant. The People of Damota Rebel. Vanquished. The King publicly Embraces the Roman Faith. New Commotions by his Son Gabrael. He is slain.  
THE Archbishop of Goa, and the Fathers of the Society were not ignorant of the afflicted Condition of the Roman Worship in Habessinia. And therefore, whereas before they had conceived vast hope of Total Conversion of Ethiopia, now the case was so far altered, that they found themselves put to a Necessity of providing for their own few Countrymen, lest they should be utterly destitute of Provision for the Salvation of their own Souls, as not having any Priests to perform Religious Duties among them. Moved therefore by the Instigation of Conscience, they took it into serious Consideration, lest while they were busyed about Subjecting Abassia to the See of Rome, that nothing belonged to it, they should lose their own Countrymen, Professors of their own Religion, who had reason enough to forsake those that forsook them. And therefore they made it their whole study how to supply them with Priests, to govern their Ecclesiastical Affairs. And indeed many had attempted the Journey, but in vain. Till at length with the dawn of the new Century, new hopes began to shine forth. For Peter Pays, after his first unfortunate Attempt, which had exposed him to various Hazards, and a Captivity in Arabia, undertook a second Journey into Ethiopia, wherein he prosperously Succeeded; being well skilled both in the Countries, Customs and Foreign Languages, and able to endure the temperature of those Climates. John Gabriel a famous Portuguese Colonel, had given King Jacob then reigning, notice of his coming, and had so possessed the young Prince with the worth of the Person, by the high Commendations which he gave him, that so soon as the Winter was over, the King sent for him. But he being soon after deposed, Zadenghel was advanced in his Room. Thereupon Peter Pays kept himself still at Fremona; where, not believing his time could be better spent than in instructing the Portugese Children, he chose out some of the riper Ingenuities, and in a short time so manured them, that they were able to answer to any Question propounded to them concerning the Christian Faith. A thing both unwonted and wonderful to the Habessines, to hear from Children what they could hardly expect from Persons of years and Experience. But considering the Person, he was not so much wonderful neither; for he was a Man of a quick and ready Wit, that could fit himself to all Humours, of an affable and complaisant Temper, and well skilled not only in the Liberal Sciences, but Mechanic Arts. The fame of so acute and laborious a Person, and so happy in his Instruction, being spread over the Neighbouring Regions, in a short time reached the young King's Ears; who being covetous to see such a Master and such Scholars, by his Letters invited him to Court. Thereupon in the Month of April, 1604. accompanied with two Portuguese Youths arriving at Court, he was honourably received by the King, as if he had been one of the Nobles of his Kingdom, not without great distaste taken by the Monks, whose Sloth compared to Peter's Diligence and Industry, rendered them contemptible to most. The next day several Disputes began about Controversies in Religion, which the King was pleased both favourably and patiently to hear; Mass was also said after the Roman manner, and a Sermon Preached; with which Zadenghel was so taken, that having Communicated his Intentions to some of his intimate Friends, he resolved to submit himself to the Pope. But in regard he durst not adventure to do it publicly, he first conjured Peter not to reveal the Secret, and then told him, That he was Convinced by his Arguments, that there was no other Universal Pastor and Vicar of Christ upon Earth beside the Pope of Rome. That to deny it to him, was to deny it to Christ; that whoever did not follow his Example, was not of the true Church; and that therefore he had Decreed to request a Patriarch and Fathers from Rome to instruct his People.  
Although so sudden and so unexpected a Declaration of a King could not choose but infuse a joy unspeakable into the heart of Peter, yet he contained himself; only what his duty bound him to, he could not but highly extol the Pious Intentions of the King. Nor did the King delay: The Secret with which he had trusted Peter under Oath, he himself made Public, and presently set forth an Edict, That no Person should any longer observe the Sabbath as a Holy day. And indeed he was so forward, that Peter was fain to check his Celerity, and put a stop to his Career. However Letters were written to Clement the VIII. and Philip the Third, King of Spain and Portugal, and delivered to Peter's care, for their safe and honourable conveyance. In these Letters he offered his Friendship, his Soldiers, and his Workmen; and withal requested some of the Fathers of the Society of Jesus to instruct his Subjects. These things were not so privately carried, but that they were discovered by some of the chief Nobility of the Kingdom, who were no way satisfied at these undermine of their ancient Religion: wherefore they conspired against their Prince, and flew him in Battle. Zadenghel being slain, all Peter's great Hopes vanished of a sudden, not only through Zadenghel's fall, but by reason of the Civil Wars that ensued between Jacob and Susneus, contending for the Royal Diadem. And so all Promotion of the Roman Religion surceased, till Jacob being vanquished and killed in the Field, Susneus became Lord of Habessinia. Who again kindly received and entertained Peter together with his Companions, and to all his Requests lent a most gracious Ear.  
The Ecclesiastical Affairs of Habessinia, were then but in a Low Condition, there not having been any Peace in the Country for about Fourscore years: so that perpetual Wars had almost extinguished the Studies of peaceful Arts; nor were there enough to perform Religious Duties in their Churches, but less to obviate the Encroachment of insinuating Errors and Abuses in Religion. The Metropolitans, Persons for the most part the most ignorant that could be imagined, took no more Cognizance of the Churches which they were appointed to govern, then if they had been under Foreign Jurisdiction, only they took up their time in the Ordination of all sorts without any due Examination. Therefore the King and his Nobility observing the Diligence of the Fathers in instructing the Habessine Youth; their Zeal in the Conversion of the People; their Eloquence in Preaching unheard of before, their Sanctity of living, so necessary among Neophytes and Proselytes, were possessed with so much Admiration and Affection toward them, that they could promise to themselves no other way for restoring their decayed Ecclesiastical Worship, but by their means. Therefore Letters were sent to the Pope and the King of Spain, to request their Friendship, and the Assistance of the Portugueses. Peter Pays enlarged upon the same Subject, and added much more concerning the King's Affection to the Roman Religion. Frequent Disputations also were appointed, of which the chief Theme was concerning the two Natures in Christ, which, being easily demonstrable out of the Writings of the Habessines themselves, gave the Father's great Advantage over the Ethiopian Doctors.  
The Chiefest of all the Nobility, Ras-Seelaxus the King's Brother by the Mother's side, publicly professed the Roman Religion, and received the Eucharist openly, according to the Roman Manner, whose example many of the Great Commanders in the Army, both Colonels and Captains followed; especially seeing the King's favour so constant toward the Fathers of the Society. At length the King himself, having received the Answer of Paul the V in a Letter dated the 31 of January, 1623. Promised to yield him Obedience as Universal Pastor of the Church, and that he would admit a Patriarch sent from Rome, so that necessary Succours were sent him withal, without which, it was impossible to accomplish a business of so much Difficulty and Importance. He also signified his Intentions to send an Ambassador with Father Antonio Fernandez, after another manner, and in another Equipage, than had yet been usual. To say truth, the King publicly favoured the Roman Religion, without any opposition; in regard that the Sword had cut off the greatest part of the stiffest and most obstinate Defenders of the Alexandrian Worship. Only the Monks remained behind, who were baffled still in all their Attempts of Dispute. Therefore the King, to the end he might make it manifest to his whole Kingdom, that he had not rashly, but upon Mature Deliberation, and as it were overcome by the force of Truth, given way to a new Religion, appointed a Solemn Dispute, where he enjoined most of the Nobility of his Kingdom to be present. The Subject of the Disputation was again the repeated Question concerning the two Natures in Christ; as if that had been the utmost limit of all their Controversies. And no question it might be true what Tellez has written, that the Habessines were vanquished upon the first onset. For the reality of the thing supported by so many Authorities and Reasons afforded an easy Victory. Nevertheless there was another Dispute appointed some few days after, which proved no less successful than the former. Wherefore the King, as if the War had now been at an end, and that now Truth had merited her Triumph, put forth an Edict, that all Persons for the future should believe and hold, That there were two Natures in Christ, between themselves really distinct, but united in one Divine Person. This Edict was little regarded by one particular Monk, more wilful and stubborn than truly zealous, who being for his Contumacy brought before the King, and speaking in his presence more irreverently than became him, was severely Scourged for his sauciness. Of the Pain and Anguish of which Chastisement, though the Monk was only sensible, yet the fear of it kept others in awe, who not understanding that he was punished for his malapertness, thought he had been so severely dealt with for denying the two Natures.  
These things being spread abroad, Simeon the Metropolitan, at that time absent, hastens to the King with his Complaints, That unusual things had been done without his knowledge, and that Disputes about Religion had been appointed in his absence. The King well understanding how unable he was to grapple with the Fathers in Dispute, made him answer, That since he was come, he would appoint the same Disputations to be heard over again. To which Simeon had not a word to say. And thus a second Victory being won from the Primate of Ethiopia himself, a more severe Edict concerning the two Natures was published by the Crier, making it Death for any Person to deny the contrary.  
By this so sharp a Decree, as if it had been the loud signal to Battle, it is incredible to think how the minds of the People were incensed. As for the Controversy itself, they did not think it of so high a Concernment, as to engage divided Parties in Blood and Massacre about it. In regard that all acknowledged both Divinity and Humanity in Christ; so that the Question was only about a word. But let the Question be what it would, such a severe way of proceeding was never heard of before in Ethiopia, as being altogether contradictory to the mildness of Christ and his Apostles, and the Lenity of the Primitive times. So than if Men were to be scourged and whipped, because they could not apprehend two Natures in Christ, what must they expect if other Questions should be started about Innovations of greater difficulty in the Doctrine and Ceremonies of the Fathers?  
Exasperated with these fair pretences, Simeon the Metropolitan, together with several of the Nobility; and among the rest Jamanaxus, alias Emana Christos, another of the King's Brothers by the Mother's side; and lastly, almost all the Interested Clergy and Monks met, and held Consultations together to prevent the threatening Mischiefs; and lastly, combined to live and die for the Defence of their ancient and settled Religion. To this end Simeon, under pretence of incumbent Duty, which was to be watchful over the Preservation of the Constantinopolitan Religion, fixed an Excommunication Publicly upon the Doors of the great Church belonging to the Camp, against all that embraced the Religion of the Franks, or ventured to Dispute concerning it. The King, though highly offended with this unexpected boldness of the Metropolitan, durst not adventure to revenge himself; However he Published another Edict, whereby Liberty was granted to every Person that so pleased, to embrace and exercise the Father's Religion already established by fair Disputes and Arguments on their side. Which so little terrified the undaunted Metropolitan, that he thundered out his anathemas against all that maintained two Natures in Christ.  
The Moderate Party bewailed these Paper Skirmishes, which they foresaw would break forth, and end in Slaughter and Misery, and that the King's Decrees would never be established without the effusion of much Blood. Sensible of these Fears, several of the great Personages of the Kingdom, together with the King's Mother, Ite-Hamelmala, most earnestly besought the King, to desist from what he had begun, and not to raise up implacable Seditions to the Ruin of himself and his Kingdom. After which the Metropolitan, with many Monks and Nuns came to the Camp, and implored the King, not to innovate any thing in Religion, otherwise that they were prepared to lay down their lives for the Religion of their Ancestors. At last the King referred the whole Business to another Colloquy, which continued for Six days one after another, but without any Success: A clear Testimony that Controversies in Religion are not to be decided by Disputes. After that, all the Clergy throw themselves at the King's Feet, and with Sighs and Tears beseech him, Not to change a Religion so quietly Established in Ethiopia for so many Ages, by so many of their Emperors. But nothing would prevail; the King remained inexorable and ; so that the Petitioners departed full freighted with Exasperation and Rebellion. Immediately, all hopes of Concord and Agreement being laid aside, the Sword was next unsheathed, whence followed those terrible Commotions and Bloody Wars that have almost ruin'd the most flourishing part of Ethiopia.  
The Chief of the Conspirators were Jamanaxus, Aelius the King's Son in Law, Viceroy of Tigra, the Eunuch Caflo, and several others. But to give the better Colour to their Rebellion, and Design of Killing the King, the Metropolitan, caused a new and more severe Excommunication to be fixed upon the Chief Church in the Camp, by which all the partakers of the Latin Religion were Anathematised. In the mean time the Fathers of the Society relying upon the King's Favour, hastened to get all things ready that might be of advantage to Establish their Doctrine. To that end they translated Maldonatus upon the Four Evangelists; Toletus upon St. Paul's Epistle to the Romans, Ribera upon the Hebrews, and some others, into the Ethiopic Language, which some esteemed, others by reason of the intermixture of Amharic words, contemned, as full of Barbarisms and Soloecisms. But as for the Lord's Prayer, and the Salutation of Mary, being nothing but the Latin written in Ethiopic Characters, they abhorred 'em, as looking upon them to be nothing but Magic Spells. On the other side, the Alexandrians fell upon the Fathers with all the bitterest Invectives that might be; those Paper Skirmishes being generally the forerunners of more Bloody disputes. In pursuance of which, Aelius by an Edict, Commands all the Franks to departed out of Tigra, and the Alexandrians to follow him: by which means, having mustered up a complete Army, he openly Rebels. Simeon Curses the Franks, but loads Aelius with his Blessings; upon which he no doubt relying, resolved to fight his Father in Law, then upon his March against him with a strong Force, notwithstanding all the Persuasions of his Wife to the contrary. Fierce therefore, and in the heat of his young Blood, and over-confident of his own Faction, not staying so much as to take his Breakfast, but as it were Drunk with Fury and Rage, only with a small Troop about him, he leaps his Horse into his Father's Camp, ask, Where the King was? and so what between the astonishment of some, and the wonder of others what the Matter should be, he road up without any hurt to the King's Pavilion; where at length the Alarm being taken, he was soon surrounded, Stoned and Stabbed to Death, and so dearly paid for his rashness. The Captain thus Slain, the Soldiers betake themselves to their heels; Simeon, between the Fugitives and the Pursuers, stood alone by himself, like a man stupifyed, whether not at first observed, or neglected as a Clergyman, but at length being known, he was Slain among the Crowd. Both their Heads were sent about the Kingdom, and exposed as a Public Spectacle. The Eunuch Caflo had his Head struck off: Jamanaxus was pardoned. Thus the Kindred of Kings for the most part escape the Punishment of those Rebellions to which they themselves have given Life and Encouragement.  
The King who was never fearful, now more emboldened by his Victory, now questions other Heads of Religion: and soon after by Public Edict prohibits the Observation of the Sabbath, as Judaical, and Repugnant to Christianity. In answer to this Edict, some Person without a Name, had written contemptuously of the Roman Religion, reflecting severely upon the Fathers of the Society, whom he called the Kindred of Pilate, as being a Roman, and withal sharply menacing the King himself. Tellez reports, That it was stuffed with places of Scripture, but nothing to the purpose. The King more incensed by this Writing, renewed the Edict about the Sabbath, and commanded the Husbandmen to Plough and Sow upon that Day, adding as a Penalty upon the Offenders, for the first Fault the Forfeiture of a weaved Vestment to the value of a Portugal Patack; for the second, Confiscation of Goods, and that the said Offence should not be prescribed to Seven years; a certain form usually inserted in their more severe Decrees.  
Certainly it must of necessity be true what Tellez reports of the Natural Piety of the Habessines, since they were thus to be compelled to the Neglect of the Sabbath by such Severe Laws, when we can hardly be induced by stricter Penalties to observe the Lord's-Day. Among the rest, one Bucus a stout and famous Soldier, felt the utmost rigour of this Decree, for being accused to have observed the Sabbath, he was made a most severe Example, that others of less consequence might not think to expect any Mercy.  
From thence Jonael Viceroy of Bagemdra took an occasion to Revolt, alluring all to his Party who were displeased with the Edicts. Upon which News, many of the chiefest of the Court, both Men and Women, of which several were near allied to the King, with Tears in their Eyes besought him once more, not to expose himself and the Kingdom to Calamity, but to take Pity upon so many poor afflicted People, offending out of mere Simplicity and Ignorance, and not to disturb the Minds of his People with such unseasonable Changes.  
The King far from being moved with their Tears, but rather the more displeased to see so many all of one Mind, that at once he might answer all, confirm the wavering, and terrify the Headstrong, having summoned together the Chief Nobles and Commanders of his Army that attended the Court, in a short, but grave Oration, put them in mind of past Transactions, upbraiding them among the rest, For that they had deprived Zadenghel both of his Life and Kingdom, because he had forsaken the Alexandrian Religion to embrace the Roman Faith. That for his part, after his Victory obtained against Jacob, he had been severe to none; but rather had pardoned all; nevertheless he was disturbed with daily Seditions and Rebellions, under pretence of changing his Religion, when he only reformed it. For that he acknowledged as much and the same that others did, That Christ was true God, and true Man: but because he could not be Perfect God, unless he had the Perfect Divine Nature, nor perfect Man without perfect Humane Nature, it followed, that there were two Natures in Christ, united in one Substance of the Eternal Word. Which was not to abandon but explain his Religion. In the next place he had abrogated the Observation of the Sabbath Day, because it became not Christians to observe the Jews Sabbath. These things he did not believe in favour of the Portugueses; but because it was the Truth itself determined in the Council of Chalcedon, founded upon Scripture, and ever since the time of the Apostles delivered as it were from hand to hand; and if there were occasion, he would lay down his life in defence of this Doctrine; but they who denied it should first examine the Truth of it.  
Having finished his Oration, a Letter was brought him from Jonael, containing many haughty Demands, and among the rest the Expulsion of the Jesuits. The King believing there would be no better way than to answer him in the Field, Commanded the nimblest of his Armed Bands to March: of which the Rebel having Intelligence, and not willing to abide his Fury fled for shelter among those inaccessible Rocks, whither it was in vain to pursue him. Thereupon Susneus, well-knowing that the Revolters would not be able long to endure the Inconveniencies, and Famine that lodged among those inaccessible places, blocked him up at a Distance. So that Jonael at length, weakened by daily desertions, fled to the Gallant, who being at variance among themselves, kept their promised Faith but a short time; for being underhand tempted with Rewards by the King; they at length turned their Protection into Treachery, and slew the Unfortunate Implorer of their Security.  
This Bad Success however did not terrify the Inhabitants of Damota, inhabiting the Southern parts of Gojam, who upon the News of the Profanation of the Sabbath, as they called it, with their Hermit's that skulked in the Deserts of that Province, ran to their Arms. Ras-Seelax, otherwise their Lord and Patron in vain Exhorting them to continue their Obedience, whose kind Messages of Peace and Pardon they refused, unless he would burn the Books Translated out of Latin into the Habessine Language by the Fathers, and deliver up the Fathers themselves to be Hanged upon the highest Trees they could find. Thus despairing of Peace, Ras-Seelax set forward, though deserted by the greatest part of his Forces, who favoured the Cause of their Countrymen; so that he had hardly Seven Thousand Men that stook close to him, while the Enemy's Body daily increased. However he resolved to Fight them, knowing his Soldiers to be more Experienced, and better Armed, besides that he had about Forty Portugese Musquetiers in his Camp. When they came to blows, the Victory fell to the King's Party, though it cost dear; in regard that about Four hundred Monks, that had as it were devoted themselves to die for their Religion, fought most desperately: of which a Hundred and fourscore were Slain.  
Hitherto the King had not made Public Profession of the Roman Religion, partly out of fear of stirring up Popular Tumults against him; partly being loath to dismiss his Supernumerary Wives, and Concubines; but at length encouraged by so many Victories he laid all fear aside, and publicly renounced the Alexandrian Worship, and confessing his Sins after the Roman manner to Peter Pays, dismissed all his Wives and Concubines, only the first of those to which he had been lawfully Married. His Example convinced many others, who were not ashamed to keep many Mistresses, but Adultresses also. Not long after, the King signified his Conversion to the Roman Religion to his whole Empire, by a Public Instrument, not without the Severe reproof of the Alexandrian Patriarch. The sum of his Manifesto was, That having deserted the Alexandrinian, he now reverenced only the Roman See; and had yielded his Obedience to the Roman Pope, as the Successor of Peter, the Prince of the Apostles; for that that See could never err either in Faith or good Manners, and then he exhorted his Subjects to do as he had done. He also discoursed at large concerning the two Natures in Christ, and taxed the Ethiopian Primates as guilty of many Errors. But neither the King's Example, nor his Exhortation wrought upon many. For at the same time his Son Gabriel began to study new Contrivances, though with no better Success than they who had taught him the way. For when he had intelligence that Ras-Seelax was marching against him, finding himself Inferior in Force, he betook himself to the inaccessible Rocks of Shewa; from whence at last by the Craft of a certain well-bribed Gallan, he was allured to come forth; who feigning himself to be highly offended with Ras-Seelax, came to the unwary young Prince, and promised him the Assistance of all his Friends; which while he was inveagled out to expect, in a neighbouring Wood, he was there surrounded by a select Party of the Enemy, and paid for his rash belief with the loss of his Life.   

CHAP. XI. Of the Coming of the Roman Patriarch into Habessinia, and how he Managed his Affairs there.  
Alphonsus Mendez made Patriarch of Ethiopia. His Inauguration and Journey to Goa, etc. Their miserable Reception at first. His difficult Passage by Land. Met by the Jesuits. He comes to Fremona, thence to the King. The King swears Obedience to the Pope. So does the Court. Ras-Seelax's behaviour blamed. The Solemnity concluded with an Anathema. New Edicts in favour of the Romish Worship. The Women Commanded to swear. The Patriarchal See. New Disturbances occasioned by the new Computation. Baptism and Ordination reiterated: Sermons. Visitation and Confirmation. A Countryman's Joke. A Seminary. Tecla-George Revolts. Suppressed and Hanged. The Captain of the Guards excommunicated upon a slight Occasion by the Patriarch; but Pardoned at the King's intercession. Their Courtiers offended. Their Indignation increases, and why. A Witch imprisoned by Command of the Patriarch: Which alienates the King's Affection from him. His Authority decreases, through private Grudges, and an Act of Ras Seelax. The Agawi Revolt. The King's ill Success. Ras-Seelax more Prosperous against Luca-Marjam. Kebax killed and Teker-Egzi. These Mischiefs attributed to the Romans. Melcax takes upon him the Regal Power. Ras Seelax accused; His Goods confiscated. The Fathers rendered odious to the King. Their Indulgencies laughed at. Serthax's unhappy Revolt. A New Expedition against the Lasti, Prosperous at first, at last Unfortunate. The Fathers taxed. The King indulges the Old Ceremonies. The Patriarch offended. Another more mild Edict; but too late.  
OF These prosperous Successes, the Fathers wrote presently to Rome, and into Portugal. But very prudently, there was nothing rashly decreed at first, lest the Design of another Patriarch, like that of Nonius Barret should come to nothing. But when King Susneus himself, had by his own Letters requested a Patriarch, and had made public Profession of the Romish Religion, the Conclave than thought it not expedient to make any longer delays. And therefore, as if they had been to send into some Portuguese Province, upon the Nomination of Philip the Fourth, than King of Portugal, as well as Spain, Alphonsus Mendez, a Person of great Eminency, by Nativity a Portuguese, a Doctor in Theology, and of the Society of Jesus, which claimed Ethiopia peculiarly to itself, as a Province by them wholly converted to the Faith, was created Patriarch. Besides, that it might have occasioned great Emulation, had a Person been chosen out of any other Nation or Society. Being inaugurated with the usual Ceremonies, at Lisbon, in the Month of May 1624. he set Sail, and arrived at Goa, where understanding that all things succeeded to the wishes of the Fathers, he prepared for his farther Journey. In November of the same year he arrived at Dios, hoping there to find some of the Bannian Vessels, to carry him into the Red-Sea: But they being the year before overburdened by the covetous Exactions of the Turks, and fearing the Arabian Pirates had left off Trading into those Parts. While he stayed at Dio, he was seasonably forewarned by the King's Letters, by no means to come near Suaqena or Matzua, but to make to rights for Baylur a Port of Dancala. There he arrived the Third of April following with six Companions, four Fathers; and two Friars.  
The Fathers were, 

1. John Velasco Castellano.  
2. Hierome Lobo, or Wolph. Which Name, lest the Ethiopians should take an occasion to turn to an ill Omen, they made a shift to change for another.  
3. Bruno de Santa Cruse.  
4. Francisco Marquese.    
The Friars were, 

Emanuel Luis, Steward.  
John Martin.    
Attendants he had Thirteen: 

One Servant.  
Five Musicians.  
Three Habessines.  
Two Bricklayers, and their Apprentices; for the Building of Churches and Houses, which the Ethiopic Fathers had desired him to bring with him.    
The King had recommended him to the care of the Viceroy of Dancala, a Mahometan, but in Friendship with the Habessines. But the recommendation was so early, and he came so late, that the Viceroy had forgot it. So that his Reception there was very lamentable, there being little or no Provision, so much as of Necessaries made for him. And their Hosts where they Lodged, were so poor and covetous, that instead of receiving any Kindnesses from them, they were forced to purchase their sorry Convenience with the continual Supplies of their Avarice. They could not get Mules or Horses enough to carry themselves and their Luggage; so that most of them were forced to travel over the rugged and parched Earth in continual conflict with hunger, thirst, and intolerable heat.  
Neither were they much better entertained for Sixteen days in the Court of the Viceroy himself, all their Presents not sufficing to gratify the impatient Appetite of his Avarice. Parting from thence, at the Mercy of those wicked and covetous Varlets that were their Guides and Owners of their Carriage-Horses, they travelled as they were led, in daily fear of the Gallant, over places where Battles had been fought, as it were Paved with the Skulls and Bones of the Slain, till at last all these Difficulties and Dangers overcome, they were met by Emanuel Barradas, with some other Portugueses and Habessines upon the Confines of Tigra, who furnished them with Provisions, Carriages, and all other things necessary. Upon the strength of which Refreshments, they began to ascend the towering Mountains of Abassia, and the Fifth day after, through more gladsome and verdant Fields, and more grateful opportunities of resting themselves, they arrived at Fremona; where they stayed not only all the Winter, but all October and November, being both unhealthy Months. In December they arrived at Gorgora, where upon a day appointed, with a Noble Attendance, and great Applause, the Patriarch entered the Camp, and after Mass said, was conducted into the King's Pavilion, and there by the King Commanded to sit down by him in a little Chair equal to his own. In which great Pomp and State, at length the Patriarch came to the point, and agreed with the King, that upon the XI day of February, 1626. he should publicly swear Obedience to the Pope.  
Upon which day, together with the King and his Eldest Son Basilides, appeared the King's Brothers, the Viceroys and Governors of Provinces, and all others that were conspicuous for their Dignity and Quality. In the Room were two little Chairs, but very rich, set one by the other; upon which the King sat down on the right hand, and the Patriarch in his Pontifical habit upon the left. Being so sat, the Patriarch made a most lofty Panegyric in Praise of the Pope, not without some Reflections upon the Blindness of former Ages: then he fell to commemorate what had been done of later Times, How, That the Emperors of Habessinia had sent their Ambassadors formerly to Rome, and that lately one of them had requested thence a Pastor, and Evangelical Preachers: that therefore now the Time was come, wherein his Majesty was bound to satisfy the desire of his Ancestors, and to submit himself and his Subjects to the See of Rome. The King Commanded the Grand Chamberlain of his Household Melca Christos, Prince of Samena to return an Answer; who after he had extolled the Merits of the Portugueses, It is now the King's Intention, said he, to fulfil the Promises of his Ancestors, by yielding Obedience to the Roman Pope; But as he was going on, the King interrupted him, saying, That this was not the first day of his Intention to surrender his submission to the Roman Pope, as having long before promised it to the Superior Father of the Society of Jesus. Presently the Patriarch after a short answer, unfolded a Book containing the four Evangelists; and then the King falling upon his Knees, took his Oath after this manner:  
We Sultan-Saghed King of the Kings of Ethiopia, believe and confess, That St. Pe●er, Prince of the Apostles was by Christ our Lord, Constituted Head of the whole Christian Church, and that Principality and Power over the whole World was given to him when he said, Thou art Peter, and upon this Rock will I build my Church, and I will give to thee the Keys of Heaven; and at another Time when he said to Him, Feed my Sheep. In like manner we believe, That the Pope of Rome lawfully Elected, is the true Successor of St. Peter the Apostle, in his Government, and that he has the same Power, Dignity, and Primacy of the whole Church of Christ. Therefore we Promise, Offer, and Swear true Obedience, and humbly submit our Person and our Empire, at the feet of our Holy Father Urban the VIII. of that Name, by the Grace of God Pope, and our Lord, and to his Successors in the Administration of the Church. So God help us, and these Holy Evangils.  
After the King had done, his Son Basilides, the King's Brothers, all the Viceroys and Peers; as also all the Clergy and Monks then present took the same Oath.  
After this, Ras-Seelax, hastily Drawing forth his Scimitar, broke forth into these passionate Expressions: What is done, let it be done; that is to say, Let past things be forgotten; But whoever for the future shall not do it, since it becomes every one so to do, shall feel the weight of this. An Act, which to most that were present, seemed very severe, especially to those who had taken part with Gabriel, at whom those words were construed to be principally levelled. Moreover, he added an unusual Clause to his own Oath; That he also swore Allegiance to Basilides as Heir and Successor to his Father; and that he would also be his faithful Vassal, so that he would promise to Protect and Defend the Holy Catholic Faith; otherwise that he would be the first and most professed of his Enemies. As if it had been lawful for a Subject to impose new Conditions of his Subjection upon a most Absolute Prince and Monarch, not bound by any Laws of Man, such as is the King of Habessinia. However the King said nothing, nor durst Basilides, as being under the Tuition of his Father, take notice of it. Nor indeed was this Condition added to his Oath, any advantage to the Roman Church, but rather served to hasten the Ruin of Ras-Seelax. This Solemnity concluded with an Anathema, after the Ethiopian manner, upon all those that for the future should forget or break this Oath. Immediately after, several Edicts were Published, That none for the future should say Mass, or Exercise the Priestly Office, except such as were licenced by the Patriarch. Thereupon, the Ordinations of the Alexandrian Metropolitan not being accounted lawful, most of the Priests were constrained to receive new Ordinations from the new Patriarch, upon this Condition, That they should all observe the Roman Forms of Worship, and not give any succour or harbour to Rebels; who offended in that Nature was to be severely punished. It was also farther enjoined that in the Celebration of Easter, and Observation of Lent, the Canons of the Church of Rome should be faithfully followed. There was also one thing more than usual exacted by the Patriarch, who having a great mistrust of the Ladies of the Royal Blood, caused a 
It is still a Proverb among the Ethiopians, Zaqon Qawino, What is done, let it be done.  Decree to be made, that they also upon a prefixed day, as being more zealous for the Alexandrian Opinions than the Men, should take the Sacred Oath of Supremacy to the Pope, as if they had been a distinct Body Politic from the Men. But whether it were put in Execution, or how done I do not find.  
In the next place, great care was taken for Building a Patriarchal Seat, and for settling an Annual Revenue for support of the Dignity of the new Primate; to which purpose a place was chosen out in the Confines of Bagemdra, and Dembea, called Debsan; as also another in the Imperial Camp near Dancaz. Residencies also for the Fathers were built in several Provinces of the Empire to stock it with Jesuits.  

Maiguagua or Fremona in Tigra.  
Ganeta Jesus, with a fair Church.  
Gorgora in Dembea.  
Azazo.  
Enabeesse, vulgarly Nebesse.  
Hadash, by the Portugals Adaxa.  
Kolala.  
Leda-Negas.  
Serca.  
Temhhua.  
Atthana in Bagemdra.   
The same year also Lent was kept after the Roman manner, with all the Solemnities of the Passion Week, as also Easter according to the Roman Calendar. Which occasioned most violent Commotions over all the Empire, and more especially among the Clergy and Monks. Who being ignorant of the Computation and the Cause, thought it a high breach of the Canons of the Nicene Council, and the Paschal Cycle therein prescribed. Neither could the Edict be equally dispersed over so many far distant Regions for want of Printing.  
In the mean time they were very busy in Baptising the Converted, and ordaining of Ecclesiastical Persons, many of which had been already Baptised and Ordained. Sermons were also Preached in several places after the manner of Europe, wherein it was necessary for the Fathers to Cite many places of Scripture, if they desired to be accounted Learned. Thus the Fathers of the Society made a daily and very great Progress, insomuch that the Number of Baptised and Converted to the Roman Religion amounted to many Thousands.  
About two years after, the Patriarch made a Visitation assisted by some of the Sodality, in which vast Numbers of People were some of them Rebaptised, others Confirmed; to the great goodliking and applause of the King and his Peers, who had never seen such things performed by any of their Metropolitans before. Others looked asquint upon these prosperous beginnings, seeking all Occasions of new Disturbances. Some there were that openly resisted, and would not permit any Priest under Roman Ordination to officiate in their Churches, nay some of them they killed outright. As for the Country People, though they were passively Obedient to the King's Commands, yet they liked their own old way best. Among the rest there was one, who having received the Cuff of Confirmation, as their manner is, and being asked by his Neighbour how he did? Never worse, said He, than I have been since I received the Patriarch's Box o'th' ear.  
More than all this, there was a Seminary set up, for the Education as well of the Habessine as Portugese Children: for the Encouragement of whom, and to invite others, they caused some of the young Lads to Act a Comedy after the European manner. But when they brought in Devils upon the Stage, as the Scene required, some of the ignorant People, believing them real Hobgoblins, were so terrified, that they fling out of the School, crying out, Wajelan, Wajelan, Sajetanet ametzea: O Dear! O Dear! they have brought us Devils.  
But the ensuing Tragedies more terrified the wiser sort. For Tecla-George, another of the King's Sons in Law, for his Wife's sake, at difference with his Father, having drawn into the same Conspiracy with him two Noblemen, Gebra-Marjam, and John Acayo, revolted openly, and by a Crier solemnly proclaimed, That he renounced the Roman Worship, and would Protect the Alexandrian by force of Arms. And that the world might believe he was in Earnest, he caused all the Crucifixes, Rosaries, and other Ornaments of Popish Superstition to be burnt in a public fire; and to the end there might be no hopes of Reconciliation left for the Expectation of Confederates, he took his Chaplain Abba Jacob; who officiated after the Roman manner, and after he had despoiled him of his Stole and Hood, put him to Death.  
The King could not brook so great an Indignity, and therefore sent Kebax, Viceroy of Tigra, with an Army against him, who used such extraordinary Diligence, that he soon surprised the secure and unprovided Rebel, overthrew his Army, and took him and his Sister Adera Prisoners: who, because they had so furiously and contemptuously acted against the Roman Religion, were both hanged upon a high Tree. Nor could all the Intercessions of the Queen, nor of all the Noble Ladies could prevail, though they pleaded hard the disgrace done to their Sex, and that it was never before known in Ethiopia, that a Noblewoman was Hanged: especially being called by the King to behold so sad and infamous a Spectacle. For they did not pity her because they thought her Innocent, but for the Ignominy of her Punishment.  
After this followed several other Accidents, which as they brought a very great Odium upon the Patriarch and the Fathers, so were they reckoned to be the Causes of the general averseness of the People to the Roman Religion. The Patriarch, that he might exercise all his Authority in one single Act, and show the full extent of his Power, having taken a pet against the Captain of the King's Guards, for some frivolous Business that nothing belonged to his Jurisdiction, publicly in the Church, in the presence of the whole Court, thunder's out an Anathema against him, and sent him Post to the Devil. It seems he had taken Possession of certain Farms, which the Monks laid claim to, and refused to restore them, notwithstanding all the Admonitions of the Patriarch. The Nobleman, though a Soldier, hearing such a most Dreadful Excommunication, by virtue whereof he was sent packing to Hell, laden with all the Curses of Dathan and Abiram, like one Thunderstruckk, fell into a Sound, and lay for Dead. But the Storm did not continue long: For presently the King stepped in to his relief, by whose interposition, and the Mediation of several of the Nobility, he was readmitted into the state of Grace. However it was an Act which the Nobility took most heinously to heart; among whom there were some that frowned and chafed out of mere Indignation, to see that their Church should be brought to such a degree of Servitude, that a Foreign Priest should take upon him with so much Arrogance to Excommunicate and Bequeath to Eternal Damnation, one of the Chief Counsellors of their Kingdom, an Ancient and Famous Personage, for the sake of a Litigious Farm, which the King might take when he pleased from the Monks themselves, if they were the Owners.  
This Flame was fed by the addition of more fuel; For the Icegue or Chief Abbot of the Monks being at that time lately Deceased, who as we have already said, is the next in Dignity and Authority to the Abuna, he was Buried in a certain Church, consecrated after the Roman manner, though he had been an obstinate Zealot for the Alexandrian Religion. Thereupon the Patriarch, after he had sound reproved the Rector of the Church, Pronounced the Church profaned by the Burial of a Heretic; and therefore that Mass could not be said in it. The Rector dreading the fatal stroke of the same dismal Dathan and Abiram Thunderbolt, that laid the Great Commander sprawling, without expecting any new Command, causes the Carcase to be digged up again, and thrown by. This the Habessines heavily exclaimed against, crying out, That the Franks exercised more cruel Severities upon them, than their most exasperated Enemies ever practised among them, to deprive their Dead of decent Burial: now they might all see what the Living were to expect. Tellez adds, That a certain old Woman was cast into Prison, upon Suspicion of being a Witch, but was presently set at liberty, because it gave distaste. For that the most Learned of the Habessines are of Opinion, That there are now no more Magicians or Witches in the World; and therefore that the Woman was unjustly wronged, who was thrown into Prison by the Command of the Patriarch.  
Thus the Minds of the People being generally incensed, the King himself began to look upon these acts of separate Jurisdiction in the Patriarch, as Diminutions of his Prerogative (the ancient Metropolitans never daring to attempt such things), and consequently to alienate his Affections both from him and from the Fathers, so that at length he gave ear to their Adversaries. Who to bring down and curb the Excessive Power of the Patriarch, which seemed so intolerable to them, more especially because they found him still inexorable in Matrimonial Causes, prohibited by Divine and Canon-Law; but chief in cases of Polygamy and Divorce; they began their Addresses to him for those things, which they knew he could not deny without bringing great mischief upon himself. First, That they might have liberty to say Mass after the ancient Ethiopian manner; for that the Patriarch might mend the ancient forms, where Necessity required, without abrogating the whole. That the People hearing their ancient Services, would be the more quiet, in regard they would not so much mind the difference between the New and the Ancient form of Worship. The Patriarch gave way to their desires, only mending the Ethiopic Mass, but with apparent Detriment to his Authority. For now the ancient Liturgies were every day read again without Contradiction; the Report running abroad that the Emperor was returned to the Old Religion. The Patriarch's Power thus shaken, the Courtiers still whispered in the King's Ears, That the Roman Religion was become odious to all the People, and that his Person would be in great Danger, unless he also forsook it himself.  
These Insinuations were backed by an Accident, which though ridiculous in itself, gave a being to several Rumours and Reports. For one day an Enthusiast came into the Palace, and cried out, That he was sent from God and the most Holy Virgin, to declare in their own words to the King, that unless he forthwith returned to the ancient Religion, he should within a Fortnight undergo most severe Chastisements. The King made answer, That he would live and die in the Roman Religion: and that the Messenger might the more speedily return his answer, Commanded him to be Hanged. But at the Intercession of several who asserted the poor Fellow to be Frantic, he only received a severe drubbing, for the reward of his saucy Prophecy. Howevet though he were laughed at by the Courtiers, yet he so strangely stirred the minds of the Vulgar, that they publicly reported, That an Angel had been sent from Heaven, and that he had admonished the King to return to the ancient Alexandrian Faith. In the mean while the inbred hatred against the Father's daily increasing, was greatly augmented by the envy of the Courtiers. For they incensed the King and his Eldest Son against Ras-Seelax, the Father's chief Friend, and Patron of the Portugueses, under pretence of their great care, admonshing the two Princes, To take heed that he did not abuse the Renown he had won in War, and the favour of the Portugueses, to invade the Royal Dignity. That which more heightened these growing Jealousies, was a misinterpreted act of Ras-Seelax, who having ordered one Lecanax to be apprehended for Calumnies and Scandalous Reports thrown upon himself, caused him afterwards to be put to Death, though he had appealed to the King. This they said was done by Seelax, not that the Person was guilty of the Crimes which were laid to his Charge, but to remove out of the way one that was Privy to the Treasons and Conspiracies of Seelax. Whereupon the King deprived him instantly of great part of his Lands, removed him out of Gojam, and took from him his Military Commands.  
In the mean time, though Tecla-George had suffered, and that the Heads of the Rebellion were taken off, yet the Rebellion itself continued, and the strength of it daily increased in such manner, that it became the Original of Dismal and Diuturnal Commotions. For the Agawi, that inhabit the Mountains of Bagemdra, had not yet laid down their Arms; but being, as they pretended, more and more provoked bythe King, kept them in their hands to revenge their Injuries. And the better to defend themselves, they called to their Aid, one Melcax, a young Man of the Royal Blood, who had been bred among the Gallant, and created him their Leader. To him therefore, as to a Sanctuary, flocked all those that bore any disaffection to the King, all that hated the Roman Religion, especially the Monks; and lastly, several of the Villagers and Country People. All these thus embodied, were called Lasteners, from Lasta, a most invincible Rock, and the chief Seat of the Rebellion. And indeed it seemed a vast Torrent of War, ready to break forth to the utter Extirpation of the Fathers, and all those of the Roman Religion, if it proved so kind to spare the Royal Family itself. Against these therefore the King, having raised an Army of Seven and twenty Thousand Men, marches himself in Person, but with ill success at first. For the Country People, defended by the Security of the place, as the Royalists came on, still beat them off, by rolling down whole Quarries at a time of ponderous Stones upon their heads, which having put the Royalists into great disorder, they came down, and surrounded all the King's Left Wing, so that had not Kebax come to their relief with 300 fresh Men, they had been all cut to pieces. The Soldiers being discouraged by this overthrow, the King who for that reason durst not adventure any further for that time, left part of his Army to defend the Borders, and hastening home, was forced to recall Seelax, lurking like an Exile in Gojam. In the mean time the Tutelar Bands, whether for fear, or finding themselves too weak, forsook their Posts, so that the Lastaneers ravaged all the Country as they pleased, without Opposition, till Seelax being got within their reach, drove them back into their former Holes.  
While this Rebellion raged in Bagemdra, another broke out in Amhara; being headed by Luca-Marjam, near in Blood to the Royal Family; but he being prevented and surprised by the swift March of Ras-Seelax, ended his Days and his Design together, by falling from the Precipice of a Rock.  
But the same good Fortune did not attend Kebax, who impatient of delay, and observing the Avenues more negligently guarded than they used to be, the bait that betrayed him, conceived no less than that Opportunity itself had now proffered him the Victory. So in he marches, finding all clear before him for the present; but no sooner was he in, when those Mountaineer accustomed to clamber their own Rocks, and used to the Byways and concealed Passages of that Rock, were all on a sudden before and behind him; so that after a great Slaughter of his Men, deserted by the rest, he was himself after a matchless defence, oppressed by Multitudes, and Slain.  
His, and the Fall of Tegur-Egzi, which soon after followed, gave the Fathers no cause of Thanksgivings, but afforded their Enemies great Opportunities, and great Arguments to press the King to withdraw his Favours from them. For observing their time, when they perceived him sad, and perplexed at so much ill Success, and so many Revolts, Oh Sir, said they, What will be the Issue of all these Combats and pernicious Wars? Those illiterate Swains understand not the Mysteries of the Roman Worship, nor any other Service of God then what they have been bred and brought up to. They call us Turks and Mahometans, because we have abandoned our ancient Liturgies; for this reason they have taken Arms, and chosen to themselves a King.  
For Melcax, puffed up with the Success of his Affairs, was arrived at that height of boldness, that nothing now would serve him but the assumed Title of a King. He had distributed his Court-Employments after the manner of the Kings of Ethiopia among his Friends; and daily increased in Number. For all that abominated the Fathers, chief the Nobility of Tigra, privately gave him Encouragements, and exhorted him, not to desist from what he had so prosperously begun; and that then, neither the Affections of the People, nor the Assistance of his Friends would be wanting. Elated with these golden Promises, his Temerity carried him so far, as to send, as if he had now been the undoubted King of Ethiopia, a Viceroy into Tigra. To this Viceroy he allowed a Select Band of Soldiers for his Convoy; but they, neglectful and careless of their Military Duties, took their Pleasure so much, that at length surprised in the midst of their Jollity by the Royalists, they were forced to leave Four thousand of their Party behind them, Slain upon the Spot; while the shattered Remainders sped back, to lay the blame of their ill Success upon the unwary Conduct of their Leaders. But the Lastaneers, intent upon revenge, had at length the same advantage against the Royalists, who were straggling to destroy the approaching Harvest, and paid them home with equal Slaughter for Slaughter. Thus Fortune balancing both sides, the Author of these Miscarriages was enquired after, and as soon found by those that watched their Opportunities. For presently Ras-Seelax was accused, as if he had been negligent in Executing the King's Orders, and had not sent timely Succours to the overpowered Combatants. And his Enemies so far prevailed, that Articles were framed against him, to which he was compelled to answer: which he did, and justified himself so well, that in words indeed he was acquitted, but in Fact condemned. For he was again degraded, and all his feudary Possessions and Military Employments granted away to Basilides.  
Thus Ras-Seelax being once more laid by, it was no difficult matter to undermine the Patriarch and the Fathers. For against them the general Complaint was made, That they had no other Design, but as they had subjected the Empire in Ecclesiastical Affairs to the Roman Pope, so to bring it under the Dominion of the King of Portugal in Seculars. To this end under the pretence of Temples and Residencies they reared up Castles and Walls, from whence they could never be expelled with Spears and Arrows. Many other things of the same Nature, they suggested, which if the King now through Age more jealous, did not absolutely believe, yet he harkened to them with a more easy Attention. However outwardly and public he showed the same Kindness and Affability to the Fathers as before, and kindly received the Bishop sent from Rome to be a Coadjutor to the Patriarch. But when he brought the Diploma's of the Jubilee opened at Rome in the year 1625. and then granted to Ethiopia, he was derided by most Men, who could not comprehend those great Virtues of Indulgencies which the Bishop boasted of. For some began to Discourse among themselves like the Pharisees, Who is this who also forgives Sins? Who can forgive Sins but only God? To which the King made answer with a severe Countenance, That the Keys of the Kingdom of Heaven were given to Peter, and that the use of those Keys belonged to the Pope, for the Granting Indulgencies.  
However the Habessines, as if those Indulgencies had afforded Materials for Sin, bend themselves still more and more to Sedition and Tumult. For the Revolt of the Lastaneers so well succeeding, Sertzazax, newly made Viceroy of Gojam, so ill repaid the King for his new favours, that he not only revolted from him himself; but which was more detestable to think, he would have drawn in the young Basilides to have conspired with him against his own Father. And when he could not prevail upon the young Prince, he endeavoured to have advanced another young Noble Gentleman of the Blood Royal, to the end he might have reigned himself under his Name. But being overthrown and taken, he was drubbed to Death. Seven of his Accomplices lost their Heads. One of his chief Agents, because he had vented horrid Blasphemies against the See of Rome, and opprobrious words against the King, was hung up upon an Iron Hook driven into a high Stake; upon which, after he had hung a whole Day, because he repeated the same Provocations in the midst of his Torment, he was at length run through the Body with several Spears; and so ended his miserable Life. So many, and such lamentable Accidents as these pierced the very hearts of most People, and the Lastaneers, despairing of Pardon, hearing of such horrid Executions, were the more resolute in their Rebellion.  
Thereupon the King undertook a new Expedition with all his Forces against them, and had taken the very Head and Ringleader of all the Rebels, had he not with a small Retinue made a shift to Escape; yet he left behind him great store of rich Plunder. But he could not be utterly Subdued, in regard that so many Skulking Holes, so many wide and spacious Rocks, where those Savages lived and hid themselves, like so many wild Beasts, could neither be assailed nor taken. It happened therefore, that Fortune wheeling about, the Rebels overthrew a Select Party of the King's Forces: and by and by with all their force lay hover about the King's Army, which they foresaw would in a short time want Provision. The King therefore fearing to be closed up in those narrow straits, retired into Dembea, before the War was at an end. Which he did with so much haste more than it was thought he needed to have done, that as it diminished his own fame, so it gave Courage to the Rebels.  
And now the Father's great Enemies beholding the King's Melancholy, redoubled their Complaints. That there would never be peaceful Days in Ethiopia, so long as the Roman Religion bore so much sway. That it was a very good Religion, but above the Capacity of the People, who would still prefer the Worship of their Ancestors, to which they had been bred from their Infancy, before foreign Innovations, which they understood not. For who should persuade them, That Circumcision was evil, That the Holidays of the Sabbath are not pleasing to God; that the ancient Liturgy cannot be proved, That the Roman Calendar is better than the Ethiopic; That the Fasts of the Fourth Holiday are less acceptable to God, than the Fasts of the Seventh? How much more expedient and profitable were it, to retain the ancient Ceremonies in such things as do not contradict the Substance of Faith? But as for Ras-Seelax, and others that endeavour the Contrary, it was apparent they did it merely to advance their own Designs against the King and Kingdom.  
With these and such like Expostulations, the King being overcome, especially finding no other way of appeasing and quietting the Lasteneers, and that Bagemdra was almost all in the Hands of the Enemy, and at the same time all his Friends, especially the Ladies of Quality laying before him the Danger he would be in, should he be deserted by his Soldiers, he at length pressed the Patriarch, to remit whatever possibly might be remitted. He foreseeing a terrible Storm, though sore against his Will, thought 'twas high time to lower his Sails, for fear of Losing all, while he hazarded the Saving of all. Whereupon he submitted to the King's request; nevertheless upon Condition, That nothing Decreed should be remitted by Public Acts, but only by a Tacit Connivance, and that in the mean time there should be a Cessation of all Penalties, and Mulcts.  
Upon this the King intending a Third Expedition against the Lasteneers, to make his Soldiers the more steadfast and obedient, he put forth an Edict; by which, in general words an Indulgence was granted for the Exercise of all ancient Ceremonies, not repugnant to Faith. Thus every Person being left to his particular Liberty, the Alexandrian Worship was again, to the great Satisfaction of the People, freely exercised; but to the great grief of the Portugueses, especially the Patriarch, who presently wrote to the King, complaining, That contrary to his advice, a Lay Prince should publish an Edict of that Nature in reference to spiritual Affairs: for that it belonged to him to set forth such Decrees; putting him in mind of the words of Azariah the Highpriest to King Uzziah, and of the Punishment that followed, and admonishing him to amend that Fault, by publishing some other Edict, which should be proposed by the assistance of some one of the Fathers of the Society. The King obeyed and propounded an Edict, which contained Three Articles.  

1. That the Ancient Liturgy, but Corrected, should be read in the Mass.  
2. That the Festivals should be observed according to the ancient Computation of Time, except Easter, and those other Festivals that depended upon it.  
3. That whosoever pleased, instead of the Sabbath, might fast upon the fourth Holiday. And then as for answer to the Patriarches Complaints, he made this reply, That the Roman Religion was not introduced into his Dominions by the Preaching or Miracles of the Fathers, but merely by his Edicts and Commands, not by the assent of his People, but of his own free will, because he thought it better than the Alexandrian. Therefore the Patriarch had no reason to Complain. But these Concessions not being sufficient, and coming too late, proved altogether ineffectual; not serving in the least to pacify the Lasteneers, or any other of the Discontented Parties.    

CHAP. XII. Of the Decrease of the Roman Religion, and the Restoration of the Alexandrinian.  
The Father's ill Success. The King prepares to restore the Alexandrian Religion. over-persuaded by the Queen and his Son. The Decrees resolved on in Council. The Patriarch makes a grave Speech to the contrary. Upbraids him with his Victories and threatens him. At length he Supplicates, but in vain. The Edict passes. Signified to the Patriarch, who proposes a Medium. The Edict published to the great Satisfaction of the People. The Ancient Ceremonies used. An Invective satire against the Fathers. The sudden Change censured.  
WE have hitherto seen the great Progress of the Roman Religion in Ethiopia; the Authority of the Patriarch advanced to the utmost extent; the King and his Brothers, together with a great many of the Nobility, some sincerely, some feignedly favouring the Jesuits. For the Latin Worship was with great diligence imposed and exercised all over several Provinces of the Kingdom. Many of the Habessine Priests were Ordained by the Patriarch; and great diligence was used for the building of Churches and Colleges. Already besides the Patriarch they had increased their Number to One and twenty Companions, that is to say, Nineteen Fathers, and Two Brothers of the Society, distributed into Thirteen Residencies. Nor could the Fathers but be well pleased with so many Thousands of Baptised and Converted People; for certainly the gaining of so many lost Souls by Baptism was not to be despised. When on a sudden behold a sudden Change, upon which the Banishment of the Fathers, and the Subversion of the Roman Religion ensued.  
For the Father's believing that the opportunity of the time was not to be neglected, made it their Business to abrogate all the Alexandrian Rites, even those which were formerly tolerated under the Roman Bishops: on the other side, the Common People Wedded to their Old Customs; but more especially the Monks and Clergy, the chief Supporters of the old Religion, most stoutly opposed their Proceed. Besides them, several of the Nobility, either out of Hatred of the Romans, or out of Ambition, frequently revolted, and through the strength of their unaccessible Rocks easily eluded the King's more mighty Power. A most remarkable Lesson to teach us, That that sort of Worship to which the People are averse, is not easily to be introduced by the Prince; and that it is no piece of Prudence or Policy to attempt the Liberty of those who are well defended by the Situation of their Country.  
Therefore the King, though otherwise most addicted to the Fathers, wearied with so many Exclamations of his own People, growing in years, utterly disliking the present posture of Affairs, and fearful of what might ensue, tormented with the continual Importunities of his Friends; his Jealousy of his Brother, the Contumacy of the Lasteneers, the Diminution of his Prerogative, and the dread of losing his Kingdom, at length began to think of abrogating the Roman, and restoring the ancient Alexandrian Worship. And which was more to be admired, a prosperous Fight with the Lasteneers, was that which settled his wavering Thoughts. For making a fourth Expedition against them, he came upon them so unlooked for, that he gave them a Total tout, Killing eight Thousand upon the place, with several of the Leaders of the Faction, and chief Deserters of their King and Country. The Portuguese rejoiced at the News, believing the Rebellion quieted by this Victory; and that for the future nothing would presume so much as to hiss against the Roman Religion. But it fell out quite otherwise. For they who favoured the the Alexandrian Religion, the next day carried the King to view the Field of the Battle, and showing him the multitude of the Slain, thus bespoke him. Neither Ethnics nor Mahumetans were these, in whose Slaughter we might have some reason to rejoice. No, Sir, they were Christians, once your Subjects, and our dear Countrymen; and partly to yourself, partly to us related in Blood. How much more laudable would it have been for these courageous Breasts to have been opposed against the most deadly of your Enemies? This is no Victory, because obtained against your own Subjects. With the same Sword wherewith you Slaughter them, you Stab your own Bowels: Certainly they bore no hatred to us, whom we make War upon so cruelly. Only they are a verse to that Worship to which you would compel them. How many have we already killed upon this Change of Ceremonies? How many remain behind reserved for the same Slaughter? When will these Bloody Conflicts end? Forbear, we beseech your Majesty, to constrain them to Novelties, and Innovations, lest they renounce their Allegiance: otherwise we shall never behold the Face of Peace again. We are hated even by the Gallant and Ethnics for abandoning our ancient Ceremonies, and are therefore by them called Apostates. For it seems that the King of Adel, having apprehended and put to Death two of the Father's travelling into Habessinia thorough his Country, in the account which he gave to Susneus of what he had done, haughtily called him Apostate. Nor is it to be questioned but that the Mahometans and Neighbouring Nations were much Scandalised at the Alteration of the Habessinian into the Roman Religion; not out of any love to the one, or hatred to the other; but for fear the Portugueses, strengthened by the Habessines should become their Masters. The Turks also were mad that the Metropolitan of Ethiopia was no more to be sent for out of Egypt; for by that same Tie they held the Habessines fast, and liable to what Conditions they pleased.  
To these incessant Importunities, the Queen joined the powerful Charms of her own Supplication, conjuring him by all the Obligations of Sacred Wedlock, and common Pledges of their undoubted Offspring, To be well advised what he did; and not to ruin his Kingdom, Himself, his Fortune, and his whole Family. With the same importunity his Eldest Son Basilides, and his Brother by the Mother's side Jamanax, hourly solicited his disturbed mind: and the better to accomplish their ends, they underhand procured the Gallant that served the King, to desire a dismission, as being unwilling to fight any longer against the Habessines in a quarrel about a new Religion. Thus the King's rigour mollified at length, Basilides, after he had summoned the Nobility and chiefest of his Father's Counsellors together, held a Council, wherein it was concluded, That there was no other remedy to allay the Disorders of the Kingdom, but by restoring the Alexandrian Religion. And the better to persuade those that were of the Contrary Opinion, they gave it out that the Romanists and Alexandrians were of the same Opinion in points of Faith; That both affirmed that God was true Christ, and true Man. And as for the asserting One or Two Natures, they were only words of little Moment, and not worth the Ruin of a Mighty Empire. So that the King induced by these reasons, gave liberty to every one that pleased to return to the Alexandrian Forms.  
The Patriarch was not ignorant of these Transactions. Whereupon being accompanied with his Coadjutor, & the chief of the Fathers, he desired Audience of the King. Which being granted, after a short Pause, Sir, said He, I had thought that we had lately been the Victors, but now I see we are Vanquished: On the other side the Lasteneers, being overthrown and put to flight, have obtained their desires. Before the Battle was fought 'twas then a time to Vow and Promise, but now to fulfil. The Victory was gained by the Catholic and Portugese Soldiers, the God of Hosts favouring the Catholic Religion. These are therefore but ill returns to his Divinity; For I understand, here has been a Decree made, giving free toleration again of the Alexandrian Religion. But this is not a place I see to advise with Bishops and Religious Persons; the illiterate Vulgar, the Gallant and Mahumetans, Women here give their Judgements in Matters of Religion. Consider how many Victories you have gained from the Rebels, since you have embraced the Roman Religion: Remember, that you embraced it, not compelled by force or fear, but of your own free choice, as believing it the Truer. Neither did we come hither as Intruders; we were sent hither, by the Pope and the King of Portugal at your request. Neither did they ever design any other thing in their thoughts, but only to unite your Empire to the Church of Rome. And therefore beware of exciting their just Indignation. They are 'tis true far distant hence; but God is at hand, and will require the Satisfaction which is due to them. You will throw an indelible blemish upon the Lion of the Tribe of Juda, which you bear for your Achievement; You will blur your own renown, and the Glory of your Nation: Lastly, you will be the undoubted occasion of innumerable Sins by your Apostasy; which that I may not see, nor feel the threatening revenge of the Almighty, Command this Head of mine to be immediately stricken off. This said, with tears in their Eyes, the Patriarch and his Companions fell Prostrate at the King's feet, in expectation of his Answer. The King not any way concerned, replied in few words, That he had done as much as he could, but could do no more, neither was a total alteration of Religion intended, but only a Concession of some Ceremonies. To which the Patriarch answered, That he had already tolerated some, and was ready to indulge more, which did not concern the Substance of Faith: So that he would put forth another Edict, that all things might remain as they were. To which he received no other reply, but That the King would send certain Commissioners to Treat and Discourse with the Fathers. Nor had they a better answer from the Prince, who being an Artist at Dissimulation, sent them away unsatisfied, with ambiguous words.  
Upon the 24th of June, The favourers of the Alexandrian Religion, to the end they might get the Decree already mentioned put in Execution, Address themselves to the Emperor, and choosing Abba-Athanasius for their Prolocutor, beseech him, That he would by a Public Edict be pleased to give his Subject's Liberty to return to the Religion of their Ancestors; that otherwise the Kingdom would be utterly ruined. The King assented, and ordered certain Commissioners to signify his Pleasure to the Patriarch. They presently fell sharply to work with him, and upbraided him, with the frequent Rebellions of the People; Aelius, Cabrael, Tecla-George, and Sertzac, and with the Slaughter of so many Thousands as fell with them. That the Lasteneers were still in Arms for their ancient Religion; that all ran to them, and deserted the King, because all the Habessines pined after their ancient Religion. However, that for the future it should be free for every one to be at his own choice which to follow: for so from the Time of Claudius till lately, there had been Peace and Quietness between different Opinions, while the Portugueses exercised theirs, the Habessines their own Religion.  
After a short time of Deliberation, an Answer was carried back to the King by Father Emanuel D' Almeyda; That the Patriarch understood that the Exercise of both Religions would be free in his Kingdom. That for his part he had an equal love for Ethiopia, as for his own Native Country; and therefore for his part he was ready to grant whatsoever might be done, with safety to the Purity of sound Doctrine. But that there was still a difference to be made between those who had not yet embraced the Roman Religion, as the Lasteneers, for that they might be connived at; but they who had positively embraced the Roman Faith, and had been admitted to Confession and the Sacraments, no indulgence could be granted to them, without committing a great Sin, to return to the Alexandrian Schism.  
By this Temperament the Patriarch designed to have put a Bar upon the King and all the Court, which had already publicly made Profession of the Romish Ceremonies. But the King, almost spent with Vexation and Grief, made no other answer than this: How can this be done? I am now no more Lord of my own Kingdom. So they were forced to departed as they came. Presently the Drums beat, the Trumpets sounded, and Proclamation was made by the Voice of the Crier. O yez, O yez; In the first place we propounded to ye, the Roman Religion, esteeming it the best. But an innumerable multitude of Men, have perished through dislike of it with Aelius, Cabriel, Tecla-George, Sertzac, and lastly, with the Rustic Lastaneers. And therefore we grant you the free Exercise of the Religion of your Ancestors. It shall be lawful for you henceforward to frequent your own Churches, make use of your own Eucharistic Arks, and to read the Liturgies after the old Custom. So farewell and Rejoice.  
It is a thing almost impossible to be believed with what an Universal Joy this Edict was received among the People. The whole Camp, as if they had had some great Deliverance from the Enemy, rang with Shouts and Acclamations. The Monks and Clergy, who had felt the greatest weight of the Father's Hatred lifted up their Thankful voices to Heaven. The promiscuous Multitude of Men and Women danced and capered; The Soldiers wished all happiness to their Commanders: They broke to pieces their own and the Rosaries of all they met, and some they burned. Crying out, that it was sufficient for them to believe, That Christ was true God and true Man, without the unnecessary Disputes concerning the two Natures. From thenceforward the old Ceremonies were made use of in the Communion; Grapestone Liquor instead of Wine. And the Holy Name of Jesus forbidden to be so frequent in their Mouths, after the Roman manner; and some that did not observe this Caution, they ran through with their Lances. Some few days after, a general Circumcision was appointed, not minding the pain of such a piece of Vanity, so they might not be thought to have neglected any thing of their ancient Rites in favour of the Fathers. Some there were also that used the ancient manner of washing themselves upon the Festival of the Epiphany, believing themselves thereby purified from the guilt of having admitted the Roman Religion.  
Others ran about Singing for joy that Ethiopia was delivered from the Western Lions, Chanting forth the following Lines.  
At length the Sheep of Ethiopia freed  
From the Bold Lions of the West,  
Securely in their Pastures feed,  
St. Mark and Cyril's Doctrine have o'ercome  
The Folly's of the Church of Rome.  
Rejoice, rejoice, Sing Hallelujahs all,  
No more the Western Wolves  
Our Ethiopia shall enthrall.  
And thus fell the whole Fabric of the Roman Religion, that had been so long rearing with so much Labour and Expense, and which had cost the Effusion of so much Blood to pull it down. So vast and haughty towers that have been long time Built, if once you undermine the Foundation, tumble in a moment. Some there were who accused the Fathers of the Society, as if they had ruined the fair Progress they had made by double Diligence, and overhasty Zeal. For most of the Portugueses, and many of the Habessines themselves that were well affected to the Roman Religion took it ill, that things should be so suddenly changed, which might have been longer let alone, without the least injury done to fundamental Faith. For as tall Trees, that have taken deep root, are not easily Eradicated, so inveterated Opinions, which we have as it were sucked in with our Mother's Milk are not to be overcome but by length of time, great Lenity, and much Patience. For Humane understanding, if compelled, puts on Obstinacy as it were in revenge of injured Liberty. Nor did some that were the Father's great Friends make any Question, that had they left some things indifferent, which the Pope himself many times freely tolerates, so it be acknowledged as the Act of his Benignity and Dispensation, as the Computations of the holy Times, the Communion under both Kind's, and some other things which the Primitive Church without any Scandal tolerated and permitted, as the Marriage of Priests, the Fast of the fourth Holiday, the Observation of the Sabbath, and some other things which depended merely upon Custom, and not upon Divine Precept, and had only minded in the mean time the Business of Conversion and Preaching, they had gained not only the Habessines, but the Pagan's themselves, and working by degrees, had brought their design at length to perfection. But they relying wholly upon the Favour and Successes of the King were presently for compelling the Habessines to conform of a sudden in all things to a strange and uncouth Innovation. The Latin Tongue must be used in their Public Sacred Worship, and their daily Prayers, the Angelical Salutation, the Lord's Prayer and the Apostolic Creed must be said in Latin, written in the Ethiopic Characters, in which Eve Maria grazia Plena, etc. sounded strangely and oddly to the Habessinian Pronunciation. Which by degrees so alienated the Affections of the Habessinians from such a sort of awkward Devotion, so that at length all the Wars, Seditions, Pests of Locusts, Famine, and all the Calamities that followed, and the severe Penalties that were inflicted upon the Alexandrians were laid upon the Fathers; which begat them Hatred instead of Reverence, and Banishment in the room of Favour and Affection.  
From what has been said, Men of Prudence will easily find the causes of so great a Mutation. Nevertheless it will not be improper to add those other which Tellez. has assigned.  
First he says, That the strict Ties and Laws of Matrimony according to the Catholic Faith, were not so well brooked by the Habessinians, being allowed by the Alexandrian Religion, to Marry one or more, and to Divorce, as they saw good.  
Secondly, That besides Incontinency, Avarice, Ambition, Envy, Hatred had got a head among them, especially against Ras-Seelax, whose Power they could find no better way to pull down, than by Persecuting the Fathers; for whom he had so endeared a Kindness.  
Thirdly, That many were possessed of the Church Lands, of which they were unwilling to make restitution.  
Fourthly, That the Secular Judges complained that the Patriarch summoned all Matrimonial Causes to his Tribunal.  
Fifthly, That others were enraged to see Churches built with Lime and Stone; for they called them Castles, not Churches, built by Ras-Seelax, to the end he might make himself Master of Ethiopia.  
Sixthly, That the Monks were incensed, to see the Father's only in Esteem, and themselves formerly so highly reverenced, afterwards contemned and slighted; so that as the other grew great, they should become nothing at all.  
Seventhly, That the Habessines always appealed to the Manners and Rites of their Ancestors, not believing it to be just, to condemn them of Error, who had been accounted Holy Men for so many Ages; or to hear and follow Innovations, neglecting the Laws and Customs of their Forefathers. For through the viciousness of Humane Malignity, saith Quintilian, Old things are always applauded, Novelties held to be loathsome. So that although you overcome the reason by Argument, you can never subdue the Will.  
Eighthly, That the Devil had put it into the Heads of several Catholics to make a corresponding Agreement between the Catholic and the Alexandrinian Religion; asserting all to be Christians, as well Alexandrians as Romans. That all believe in Christ; That Christ saves all; That there is little Difference between both Religions; That both have Conveniencies and Inconveniencies, their Truths and their Errors, but that the Wheat was to be separated from the Cockle.  
Ninthly, That the Ecclesiastical Censures seemed very heavy to the Habessines; especially when they heard the Patriarch name Dathan and Abiram in the Excommunication.   

CHAP. XIII. Of the Expulsion of the Patriarch, and the Exilement of the Fathers of the Society.  
The Alexandrians quarrel with the Fathers; who are accursed. Their Churches taken from them. Susneus Dies. Ras-Seelax renouncing the Alexandrian Religion is Overthrown and Banished. Others put to Death. The Fathers Dispossessed of their Goods. Sent to Fremona. The Patriarch by Letters Demands of the King the Causes of his Banishment, and a New Dispute. The King's Answer. The Father's depart for Fremona; Afterwards quite thrown out of the Kingdom.  
AFter the Publication of the King's Edict, the Alexandrians being now absolute Victors, endeavoured with all their industry to be quit with the Fathers, and expel them quite out of Habessinia. To which purpose they omitted no occasion of daily quarrel and contention: First accusing the Patriarch for endeavouring by Seditious Sermons to stir up the People to Sedition, and to turn them from the Alexandrian Religion; for that he had openly exhorted his Hearers to Constancy. But understanding that Basilides was displeased, and gave out threatening words, they thought it requisite to act more moderately. Soon after the Father's Churches were taken from them, believing that would be a means to put a stop to the Roman Worship. And first they were constrained to quit their Cathedral at Gorgora, a stately Structure after the European manner. At their departure they carried with them all their Sacred Furniture, broke all the Sculpture, and spoiled the Pictures, that they might not leave them to be the sport of their Adversaries: doing that themselves, which they thought the Habessines would do. And this Example they followed in all other places from whence they were expelled. In the midst of these Transactions, Susnèus' Distemper increasing, and more and more augmented by his continual anguish of Mind, he ended this Life the 16th day of Decemb. 1632.  
The King being Dead, the Father's Adversaries set upon Ras-Seelax in the first place, as the Principal Favourer and Protector of the Roman Religion: and first of all they promise him all his former Dignities, all his Possessions and Goods, upon Condition he would return to the Alexandrian Religion. Upon his refusal, they bring him bound in Chains before the King, and pronounce him guilty of Death. But the King declaring that he would not pollute his hands with the Blood of his Uncle, commanded him to be carried to a certain remote Place, near to Samenar, and sequestered his Goods. And as he was great, so was he attended in his fall by several others, as Atzai-Tino, Secretary of State, and the King's Historiographer, Walata Georgissa, the Queen's Cousin. In short, whoever had favoured the Fathers, were all sent into Exile, and some put to Death, perhaps because they had been more bitter in their Expressions than others against the Alexandrian Religion. For some had called it, a Religion for Dogs. After all this the Enemies of the Fathers still insisted, That nothing was yet done, so long as the Patriarch and the Fathers were suffered to abide within the Confines of the Kingdom: Neither would the Lastaneers be quiet till they heard the Fathers were all thrown out of Ethiopia, but would look upon all things transacted for the re-establishment of the Alexandrian Religion as fictitious Stories.  
There needed not many words to press him that was already willing. First of all therefore, their Goods and Possessions were taken from them; then all their Arms, especially their Muskets and Fire-Arms. But before that, they were sent to Fremona, where, as we have already declared, Oviedo the Patriarch resided for some time. But before their Departure, the Patriarch wrote a certain Letter to the King, to this Effect:  
I did not adventure to come into Habessinia with my Companions, of my own accord, but by the Command of the Roman Pontiff, and the King of Portugal, at the request of your Father, where having taken the King's Oath of Obedience, I officiated the Office of Patriarch in the Name of the Roman Pontiff, and the King of Portugal. Now because you Command me to departed, my humble request is, that your Majesty would set down the Causes of my Exilement in Writing, subscribed with your own, and the hands of some of your Counsellors and Peers, that all the World may know whether I am compelled to suffer for my Life and Conversation, or for the sake of my Doctrine. I granted the Ceremonies desired by your Father, except the Communion under both Kind's, which only the Pope himself can dispute with. The same also I again offer, so that you and your Subjects will yield Obedience to the Church of Rome as the head of all other Churches. My last request is, That as the Matter was Debated at first, so it may be referred to another Dispute; by which means the Truth of the whole affair will more manifestly appear.  
To this Writing the King thus replied, Whatever was done by me before, was done by the Command of my Father, whom I was in Duty bound to Obey; so that I was forced to wage War under his Conduct, both with Kindred and Subjects. But after the last Battle of Wainadega the Learned and Unlearned Clergy and Laity, Civil and Military, young and old, all sorts of Persons made their Addresses to my Father, Crying out, How long shall we be perplexed and wearied with unprofitable things? How long shall we encounter Brethren and Kindred, cutting off the right hand with the left? How long shall we thrust our Swords into our own Bowels? Especially since we learn nothing from the Roman Religion but what we knew before. For what the Romans call the two Natures in Christ, his Divinity and his Humanity, that we knew from the beginning to this time. For we all believe that our Lord Christ is perfect God and perfect Man; perfect God in his Divinity, and perfect Man in his Humanity. But in regard those Natures are not separated nor divided; for neither of them subsist of its self, but both of them conjoined the one with the other; therefore we do not say that they are two things. For one is made two, yet so as the Natures are not mixed in their Subsistence. This Controversy therefore among us is of little moment; neither was it for this that there has been so much Bloodshed among us, but chief because the Blood was denied to the Laity, whereas Christ has said in his Gospel, Unless ye eat the flesh of the Son of Man, and drink his blood, ye shall not have life everlasting; and when he instituted the Holy Supper, he did not say, The Blood is in my Body, which I have given to you alone; but take and drink, and partake all. From that time the Disciples did as they were commanded. The Intermission of the Fast of the fourth Holiday, which is nevertheless enjoined by the Canons of the Holy Apostles: as also a various manner of Fasting in the Time of Lent. Besides by altering the Order of the whole Ecclesiastical Computation in reference to the Annual Festivals, and the Permission of all Persons to enter into the Church, without any distinction of clean or unclean; these are the things that gave offence to our People. But they detested nothing more, than the reiteration of Baptism, as if we had been Heathens, before we had been Baptised by the Fathers. They re-ordained our Priests and Deacons, they burned the wooden Chests of our Altars, and Consecrated some Altars of their own, as if ours had not been Consecrated before. The Monks also complained, that their Institutions were abrogated. These and others of the same Nature were the true Causes, that we abandoned the Roman Faith, though it was not we who gave it Protection but our Father. And therefore, because the Alexandrian Abuna is now upon his Journey hither, and hath sent us word, that he cannot live or jointly act in the same Kingdom with the Roman Patriarch, and the Fathers, we command you to hasten to Fremona. Those things are offered now too late, which might have been easily at first allowed: For now there is no returning to that, which all the whole Nation abhors and detests: for which reason, all farther Colloquies and Disputes will be in vain.  
The Patriarch relates in his Epistle to the King of Spain, That that same Metropolitan, of whom the King makes mention, came some years before into Ethiopia, but lay privately concealed in Enarea, where hearing of the disowning and casting off the Patriarch, he broke out into this farther Expression, to the King, That he could not officiate in his Office, unless the Patriarch and the Fathers were either put to Death, or Banished to perpetuity. So that the Patriarch and the Fathers were forced to obey the King's Command, not without a long Dispute about their Guns, which they would willingly have kept for their own Preservation; but they were forced to deliver them up, that they might be of no use to the Portugals, who were coming, as it was feared and reported, to their assistance. Thus the Patriarch with all the Fathers that were then in the Country, were constrained to leave their warm Seats after an Enjoyment of Eight years standing. In their return they met with various Misfortunes, and were frequently infested with Thiefs, before they could get to Fremona. But because they foresaw, that would be no abiding place for'em of any long continuance, they presently resolved to send away some of the Fathers before into India, to give the Viceroy an account of the state of their affairs, and to desire some remedy, that is to say, a good sufficient strength of Portuguesis. But before they could obtain that, they received fresh Commands from the King (who 'tis very probable smelled their Design) to remove from Fremona and be gone. But they sang loath to departed a great while, and to spin out time, privately retired to one John Akay, formerly an Enemy to the King, who not being able to defend them, they were pulled out thence by the Ears, and in May 1634. delivered to the Turks, and first carried to Arkiko and Matzua, after that to Suaqena, and brought beore the Turkish Bassa. And indeed there was nothing more that provoked the Habessines, as Gregory told me, then that they should require aid of the Military Power from India to establish their Religion: They might, said he, have shaken the dust from their shoes at their departure, as the Apostles were commanded; but they were for settling Religion with Swords and Guns. Which was not done so secretly but it came to the Ears of the Habessines; for it seems that some of their Train, vexed at some Misfortune or other, had imprudently threatened it. Which was one reason among others that their Churches built of Stone and Mortar, and their Guns were taken from them.   

CHAP. XIV. Of what happened after the Departure of the Patriarch and the Fathers out of Ethiopia.  
The Condition of the Bishop and his Associates privately left behind. The Patriarches misery among the Turks. Peter Heyling a Germane Disputes with him. Peter entertained by the King of Habessinia. Various reports concerning his Death. The Patriarch redeems himself. He sends Hierom Lobo for Assistance, who cannot speed. The favourers of the Fathers put to Death in Ethiopia. Now admitted into Habessinia. Six Capuchins sent again; their ill success. Three more sent after them; their sad Misfortune. Nogueira Hanged. Mendez dies in India. After that no News from Habessinia.  
NOtwithstanding the King's Commands to all in general, the Patriarch left behind privately in several places Apollinaris Almeyda, Hiacynthos Francisco, Ludovigo Cordeyra, Bruno Bruni and some others, who after they had lived miserably for some time, lurking up and down, at last were most of them Hanged. In the mean time he himself spent almost a whole year in great Vexation, and full of sorrow among the Barbarous Turks in Suaqena, almost melted by the Sun. But nothing more increased the anguish of his Mind, than the News of the New Metropolitan's arrival out of Egypt, and that it should be his misfortune to be constrained to behold him as he passed by. He had in his Train a certain Germane, whose Name was Peter Heyling, a Native of Lubeck, a young Gentleman eminent for Probity and Learning, a Professor of the Augustan, or Lutheran Religion, and generally called by the Title of Muallim, that is in Arabic, Doctor Peter. He being desirous to see the world, and learn the Arabic Language, was arrived about that time in Egypt, and was very much esteemed for his Piety and Modesty by the Coptites, and hearing that the Metropolitan was going for Ethiopia, he obtained leave to go in his Train, and by that means met the Patriarch Alphonsus at Suaqene. Presently he undertook to encounter him, opposing several Opinions and Tenants of the Roman Church, and expounding in Arabic to the standers by, whatever was said on both sides. The Patriarch in a heat desired him to forbear that Explanation, because he did not understand the Arabic. To which the other answered, That he Disputed, for others to hear as well as himself. The Disputation being ended, The Patriarch, turning to his Companions, sighing, told them, That if that Doctor went into Habessinia, he would precipitate the whole Country into Heresy. He was no sooner arrived there, but he became very acceptable to the King, who gave him a Tent, and all things necessary. Concerning his Death, various Reports were spread abroad. For some said, That being most graciously and kindly entertained by the King, he died in Habessinia: Others, that being honourably dismissed by the King, he was murdered by certain Arabian Thiefs.  
As for the Patriarch, after a long Captivity and very bad Usage from the Turks, he was at length set at Liberty, after he had paid for himself and his Companions a Ransom of 4000 Germane dollars, and so at length got safe to Goa. Where, though he were advised to go himself into Portugual, and give an account of the afflicted State of Ethiopia, he thought it the better way to send Jeronymo Lobo, with order to desire the Aid of a sufficient Military Power, to restore him to his lost See. Thereupon the diligent Jesuit, not only went into Portugal, but also to Mantua to Philip the Fourth, and from thence to Rome. But all his Negotiations proved ineffectual; whether it were that they did not think it at that instant so Apostolical a way to propagate the Gospel by force of Arms; or whether it were that they did not like the Charge of an Expedition, from whence they could hope for little good, there being no considerable Party in the Kingdom to give them footing, and the encouragement of Assistance. For the King watchful over all casualties, put all to Death that favoured the Roman Fathers. Which occasioned the Ruin of many of the Nobility; among the rest Tecla-Selax; and several Priests that had taken Roman Orders; and all the Fathers, except Bernard Nogueyra, whom the Patriarch had created his Vicar. For though the Patriarch attempted afterwards to send several other Fathers, yet all their Endeavours were in vain; so that for a long time he could learn no News concerning the State of Ecclesiastical Affairs in Habessinia. For the King fearing lest the Portugueses should invade his Dominions in revenge of the Fathers, had bribed the Turkish Bassa's of Suaqena and Matzua, willing enough to that of themselves, not to admit entrance to any of the Franks.  
The News of which coming to Rome, the Minds of men were variously affected. The greatest part were sorry that all their fair hopes of retaining Ethiopia in Pontifical Obedience were quite cut off. Others blamed the Fathers of the Society, that through their Arrogance and Imprudence in managing the Temper and Disposition of the Habessines; they had ruined both themselves and the Roman Religion; whereas they ought to have made it their Business to have acted chief and in the first place for the Majesty, and Authority of the Pope over the Universal Church, and willingly to have suffered all Miseries, and Martyrdoms, rather than have quitted their Station. Tellez involves these particulars in a general Relation, saying, That several Malevolent Reports were spread about in Rome; and some there were who gave out, That the Fathers, out of mere detestation of their Persons, and hatred of the whole Nation of Portugal were ejected out of Habessinia: and that if other Preachers were sent, the Habessines would willingly embrace both them and their Doctrine. Which was a thing to be done with much less Expense, and more probable to come to effect than Lobo's Project of sending an Army.  
Therefore the Congregation for propagating the Faith, took another Course, and sent Six Capuchin Friars, all Frenchmen, with Letters of Recommendation and safe Conduct from the Emperor of the Turks himself, with Orders to try what they could do in Habessinia. Two of these going by Sea, landed at Magadoso, seated upon the Eastern Coast of Africa; but before they could get many Leagues up into the Country, they were knocked o'the head by the Cafers. Two of them got as far as the Confines of Habessinia; but being discovered, they were presently Commanded either to return back, or make Profession of the Alexandrian Religion; and upon their refusal to do either, were presently stoned to Death. Of which, when the other two that stayed at Matzua had notice, they rather chose to return home again than suffer Martyrdom to no purpose.  
Book. 3. Chap. 14. P 369  
Three Capuchins beheaded in the year 1648 by the Command of Basilides King of the Habessines 

1 The City and Island of Suaqin.  
2. The red Sea.  
3. The Turkish Bassa Governor of the Island  
4. F. Felix de S. Severino  
5. F. Antonio de Patra Pagana  
6. F. Joseph Tortulano    
from the Italian Original.   depiction of the martyrdom of three Jesuit priests by beheading. 
At length also Bernard Nogueira was apprehended, the last of all the Fathers, and fairly Hanged. As for the Patriarch Mendez, he lived in India till the year 1656. Where in the 22d of his Exile, and the 77th of his Age he died upon the 29 day of January. He was endued with most accomplished gifts both of Body and Mind, very Tall, and of a firm Constitution of Body, well read both in the Greek and Latin, and every way fitted for his Employment. Neither had he wanted Prudence, had not the King's Favour and Success which oftentimes intoxicate the Wisest of Men, transported him out of the way to act with that violence and severity where gentleness and caution were so requisite. By which means, instead of gaining, he was forced to suffer the shameful detriment of that Authority, which he had too far extended. Others, as Gregory told me, excused him, for that upon his arrival he found things so far driven on by the Missionaries, that he could not with Honour recede from what they had done. Since the Death of the Patriarch we have had no certain Relations out of Habessinia. In the year 1652. a new Metropolitan was sent into Ethiopia, who had been seen by many Europeans in Egypt, and was succeeded afterwards by several others, as we have gathered from certain Relation. From whence we may infer, That the report of Tellez was a thing framed out of Envy; as if the King of the Habessines had sent his Ambassadors into Arabia, to desire thence Mahometan Doctors, with an intention to embrace Turcism, which no man can think probable, from what has been already related. For how is it likely that he who could not Protect the splendid Religion of the Romish Church, and the specious Doctrines of the Fathers, because they were thought by the Habessines to be repugnant to Scripture, and the Decrees of the Primitive Church, should be able to admit of the Vanity and Absurdity of Mahumetism: the Original and Progress of which is so well known to the Habessines already.  
A Religion that did not prevail by suffering and well-doing like the Christian Religion, but by force of Arms was obtruded upon Barbarous and Discording Nations. The Clergy and Monks so wedded to their Alexandrian Religion would no more endure it than they did the superstition of Susneus. So that should the King and his Peers be so vain as to attempt a thing so detestable to his People, he could not expect but to be more vigorously and generally opposed than ever his Father was. But lastly, the King's Letters of the last Date to the Governor of Batavia beginning with a Christian Preface sufficiently demonstrate, that he was a Christian, when Tellez raised that report. However if any thing of fresher intelligence shall come to our hands at any time, we shall freely and truly impart it to Public view.   
The End of the Third Book.   

OF THE Private Affairs OF THE HABESSINIANS: More particularly of their OECONOMIES. BOOK. iv  

CHAP. I. Of the Letters used by the Ethiopians.  
They obtained the use of Letters with their Divine Worship. The Original of the Greek and Latin Letters. The Ethiopic more agreeable with the Samaritan then Hebrew Characters. The Inventor of theirs, ignorant both of the Hebrew and Greek: The Letters ancient, but not all invented at the same time. The Amharic Characters. The story of the Chaldaic and Holy Character refuted.  
THat Learning and Divine Worship generally go together, we have hinted already. For we see it has so happened among most Nations of Europe; which when they gave the name to the Latin Church, entertained also its Letters, and most of its words. Sometimes also New Letters have abolished the use of Old ones, as we find by the Example of the 
(a) They are called Runer in the North, and are to be seen engraved upon Stones in several places. See Wormias' Runic Literature and the Runic Lexicon Printed at Copenhagen.  Runic Letters of the Ancient Goths, in the time of Christianity. Thus the Russians received their Letters, together with their Divine Worship from the Greek Church. Over all the East, and the greatest part of Africa, the Arabic Literature and Language crept in, together with Islamism, the Ancient Persian being thrown out, and all other Nations, if there were any that used the Arabic Letters before. And as for our own Native Characters, as we express them in Writing, though they seem to differ very much from the Latin and Greek, especially while the Letters are so varied and transformed with the strokes and dashes of various hands as fancy and swiftness of Writing guides the Pen, yet if we more accurately consider the old Characters, and those the same as they appear in Printing, we shall find it no great difficulty to derive them from the Ancient Latin.  
It is the Ancient Opinion of the Learned, That Cadmus recommended the Phenician Letters to the Greeks; and the Greeks to the Latins; and they to all the rest of Europe; first by means of their Conquests, then of their Religion, though there be every where a great difference in the shape of the Letters: among those Nations also that use the Arabic Letters, there is a vast variety of Writing. Not to speak of the Persians and Turks, but of the Moors, and Western People of Africa, whose Letters, though Originally Arabic, you shall hardly understand.  
But as to what concerns our Ethiopic Letters, some of them indeed may correspond in Name, but in shape there is not the least appearance of similitude: so that if an Argument were to be drawn from the Letters, we might say, that the Ethiopians received neither their Divine nor Civil Worship from the Israelites. Nevertheless they seem to have some correspondence with the Samaritan Characters, which many most Judicious Men acknowledge for the Original and Genuine Letters of the Ancient Hebrews: and yet neit her will these without a great deal of Labour, be brought to any Assimulation. We shall give you a view of the two Alphabets both together.  
Samar. Ethiop. Samar. Ethiop. Aleph Alf. Lamed Lawi. Beth Bet. Man Maj. Gimel Geml. Nun Nahas. Daleph Dent. Samech Saat. He Haut. Ain Ain. Wau Waw. Pe Af. Zajin Zaj. Trodden Tzadai. Cheth Hharm. Kuf. Kof. Teth Tait. Resh Rees. Jod Jaman. Shin Saur. Caf. Caf. Tau Tawl.  
In this Scheme, we have not followed any Samaritan Alphabet, but selected them out of the several Figures, which the most Famous Walton has produced in his preparation for the Polyglotton, which seemed more like our Ethiopians. For my part I am not apt to believe, that the Inventor of the Ethiopic Letters who is yet to me unknown, had any knowledge either of the Ancient Greek, or these Samaritan Letters; or that he received them from any other for the certain use of Religion, but that they were found and ordered by particular fancy, for the use of the Ethiopic Pronunciation, which is manifest from the different disposition of the Letters, the different Order of the Points, and manner of Reading, contrary to the Custom of all the Eastern People, who begin from the Left to the Right; and lastly from the Greek Numerical Characters. But that they are very old, is apparent from hence, for that several Characters carry the same Pronunciation, and are therefore by the Abessines promiscuously used in their Writing. Formerly I am of Opinion, they had a different sound; for it seems not probable that the first Inventor would accommodate two or three Letters various in shape, to one pronunciation. Then again they were not invented together, nor at the same time; for the Greek TWO or the P of the Latins was wanting of old among the Ethiopians, and the other Oriental Languages that were of the same Pedigree; 
(b) Many Learned men make use of Dagesh soft, instead of the invented Masoretic one; otherwise the Seventy Interpreters, who themselves were Jews, had expressed the Initial Letter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which we now pronounce Pe, by a α and not φ in the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which the Jews at this day utter Peleg, Paraoh.  instead of which, they used either their Foreign Pait, in pronouncing Peter and Paul; or else the Letter Bet B. after the manner of the Arabians, who say and write , Bawl, Ibraxis, or the Acts of the Apostles from the Greek Word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
The Ancient Germans also wanted the Letter P, and therefore in Foreign, they put forth the Letter F with a kind of straining.  

Pfaff Papa.  
Pfeben A Melon.  
Pfaal A Lake.  
Pfund A Pound.  
Pfan A Peacock.  
Pfrund A Prebendary.   
Or else they used B, for P, as Babenburgh, now Bamburgh for Papenburgh, Popes-Town. Bapst from the Greek Word Pappas. At length the Habessines also received the Letter Pa, and placed it last in their Alphabet. But after the Amharic Dialect took place of the Native Language, seven new Characters were to be added, that so the casual Words of this Dialect might be expressed: besides these, they have no other Letters either in Sacred or Profane Books. The Book of Councils written Two hundred and forty Years ago, extant at Rome, has no other Characters; so that I am constrained to admire, what those good honest Habessinian Priests, living then at Rome, otherwise very ignorant, meant, by talking to Athanasius Kircher, concerning a double Character; telling him, That the Priests and more Learned sort made use of the Ancient Surian and Holy Character; but that now all the Habessine promiscuously spoke the Vulgar and Common Habessine. For where are any such Ethiopic Books extant, written in the Surian or Chaldaic Characters? When, and where the Sacred Books began to be Written in the Vulgar Character? There never was any such thing either written or said by any Person of Credit.   

CHAP. II. Of the Books and Learning of the Ethiopians.  
Books not holy reckoned Ethiopic. Their Studies what? No written Laws. Lamentable Physicians. Nor better Philosophers. Of the mixture of the Elements in Humane Bodies. They hold two Souls. In Mathematics not absurd. They love Poetry, but only Divine; all in Rhyme, various sorts. Riddles and Proverbs. Desirous of the Latin: The Fathers would not teach them. Arabic frequent. Their Epistolary Style.  
BEsides Sacred Books, the Habessines have but very few others. For the Story of 
(f) Vrreta did not think worth while to tell so modest an untruth: The most celebrated Libraries, saith he, that ever had Renown, were nothing in respect of Presbyter John's; the Books are without Number, richly and artificially Bound: Many to which Solomon's, and the Patriarches Names are Affixed. Godignus explodes him, l. 1. c. 17. Yet Gallesius, in his late Discourse concerning Libraries averrs the same: and adds, That Chancellor Seguiers Library contains more Books than any Ethiopic Library.  Barratti, who chatters of a Library containing Ten Thousand Volumes, 'tis altogether vain and frivolous. Some few we had an Account of. One called the Glory of Kings already mentioned. I know not whether it be that of which Tellez Writes, because it is of high Authority among the Habessines; and as it were a Second Gospel, and preserved in the Palace of Axuma. In that is Recorded the History of the Queen of Sheba and others, to which the Habessines give great Credit. A Chronicle, cited by King Claudius in his Confession of Faith.  
The Book of Philosophy, much esteemed in Ethiopia.  
The Ladder, a Vocabulary; in that the most difficult words are Expounded in Amharic, and Arabic, but very unfortunately and perversely: As the following Example about Gems will Testify: It was sent me by Gregory.  
The Jasper in the Pentateuch, and Apocalypse, in the Arabic: the Colour of it is White and Red.  
The Saphyr in the Pentateuch and Apocalypse in Arabic.— The Colour of it, is like a burning Coal: he meant the Carbuncle, now called the Ruby.  
They meddle with no Studies, but those of their own Learned Language, and Sacred Matters. Most believe, they have enough, if they can but Read and Write: and that either the Parents teach their Children to do, or else certain of their Monks for a small stipend. They have no written Laws, Justice and Right is determined by Custom, and the Examples of their Ancestors: and most differences are ended by the Will of the Judge.  
Their manner of Administering Physic is most Deplorable, They Cure Men by cutting and burning, as they do Horses. They cure the Yellow Jaundice, by applying a hot burning Iron in manner of a Semicircle, toward the upper end of the Arm, laying a little Cotton upon the Wound, that the Humour may issue forth, so long as the Disease remains. In most Distempers, every Person is his own Physician, and uses such Herbs as he learned were useful from his Parents. Some are of Opinion, that it is not a Pin matter, whether they make use of Physicians or Apothecaries or no, not believing it worth their while to be recovered at so great Expenses. If the King be sick, they come to him, ask him, as if it were out of pity, What he ails, and what is his Distemper? And if any one have been ill of the same Distemper, he tells, what did him good, deeming the same Remedies applicable to all Constitutions. If a Pestilence chance to break out, they leave their Houses and Villages, and retire with their Herds into the Mountains, putting all their Security in flying from the Contagion. Tertian Agues they Cure, by applying the Cramp-fish to the Patient, which is an unspeakable Torture. Wounds they Cure by the help of Myrrh, which is very plentiful among them.  
I have not as yet ever seen the Treatise of Philosophy, which I mentioned at the beginning of the Chapter; but it appears by the Theological Disputations of their Divines, that they are none of the Acutest Logicians; nor have they any knowledge of Natural Philosophy, as is apparent to any one that reads their Books, concerning the mixture of the Four Elements in the Creation of Man; as also, concerning the Soul, the Author of the Organum gives this account.  
God made a Miracle when he Created our Father Adam, and Form him of the Four Elements: he mixed the Elements, yet so that they should not disagree among themselves; the First with the Second, and the Third with the Fourth: he mixed the dry with the Moist, and the Hot with the Cold; the Visible with the Invisible, the Palpable with the Impalpable: He made Two out of the Palpable and Two out of the Impalpable: He made Three of the Dry, and One of the Moist: He made Three out of the Visible, and One out of the Invisible. The great Architect knew where the Inner Chamber was to be Seated, and placed the Corners of the House in the Four Elements; and understanding that a vessel of Clay could not move nor speak, without the mixture of a Spirit that must come from Himself, therefore he Breathed upon his Face and made him Rational and Self-moving; as saith the most Holy Law. He Breathed into the Face of Adam, the breathing place of Life; and he became Man by the Breath of Life. Therefore the Soul dies not with the Body; for that proceeding out of the Mouth of the Lord, it was mixed with the Body: as saith our Lord in the Gospel, Fear not those who kill the Body, but cannot kill the Soul. Now as to what he said, Thou shalt not kill the Soul; be spoke concerning the sensitive Soul: because there are two Souls in Man; one the Spirit of Life, which proceeded out of the Mouth of God, not reckoned among the Elements, and which never dies. The other is, the Blood of the Body; that is to say, the Sensitive Soul, which has its Original from the Elements, and that is Moral. Wherefore God said, Thou shalt not eat the Flesh with the Blood; because the Blood is the Sensitive Soul. But the Pillar of the House of God, is the Spirit of Life. Now after the Spirit of Life is departed, the Body becomes a Carcase; therefore the Law pronounced the Carcase Unclean, because the Spirit of Life is departed from it. But among us, we reckon the Dead Body of a Christian to be clean, because the Human Body was mixed with the Blood of Divinity: besides that the Grace of Baptism departs not from it: and concerning the Carcase of the Son of the Virgin, David said, They cast away their Brother as an unclean Carcase. That is, they did not understand it to be holy; because the Jews were his Brethren in respect of his Mother: and by their Law the Carcase was reputed unclean.  
It is to be wondered, that the Habessines, who cannot understand two Natures in Christ united in one Existence, should find out two Souls in the body of Man. And yet it is no wonder when we consider, that there are some, who imagine Three Souls in Man; whereas they might feign a great many more, should they but take every Animal Faculty for a Soul.  
But these, and such like Conceptions admit of Excuse and Interpretation, though what the vulgar believe concerning the Fabric of the World, are altogether absurd, and not worth relating, viz. That the Earth is a round Globe and pendent in the middle of the Air; this they look upon as a mere Fable. What think ye, they would say, should any one teach them, that the Planets are Animals, and instead of the Sun, that stands still, always walking the rounds of the Heavens? Or assert the Antipodes to them, with their Feet upwards, and their Heads downwards, and yet keeping a steady Motion? certainly they would think, that such people would necessarily drop into Heaven; though as to this we are not to deride their Ignorance, in regard several Holy and Grave Men have denied the Antipodes: nevertheless, they most idly dream that when the Sun rises and sets, he goes and comes again through a certain kind of Window; but which way he gets under the Earth, they are not very solicitous about: and yet in this, they seem much wiser than Mahomet the great Prophet of the Musselmen, who fancied, That the Sun went to sleep in a Well; Gregory was taken for a very great Philosopher in his Country, for that he had made a certain Convex Model of Pasteboard, like the Arch of Heaven, to the inside of which, he fastened several grains of Wheat, to represent the Stars of the First Magnitude, and then turned the Concavity uppermost, to show how the Heavens moved about the Earth, encompassed about by the Air.  
As to the Liberal Arts they love Poesy above all the rest, but only that which is Divine: for Profane Verses they hate, which made Gregory extremely wonder, that after the Worship of the Heathen Gods was quite taken away, and the Temples of their Gods were wholly destroyed, that the Books and Verses which Treated or were Dedicated to them, were not as utterly Abolished. For that it was not fitting for Christians to read the Rude and Obscene Fables of their feigned Divinities, much less to imitate them, and fetch from thence the chief Ornaments of their Poems; seeing that the very Footsteps of Idolatry ought to be an abomination to Christianity. These Verses of the Ethiopians consist in mere Rhythms; if we may Assert Consonants of the same Order differing in the Vowels, to be Rhythms. For beside those, there is no other Matter to be observed: Of these they have several sorts, as we shall teach in another Place. They are also very much delighted with abstruse Say and Proverbs; as for Example, The Mountains of Kobol as with a burning-Glass and so the prefixed time of Man, is consumed by the passing of his days.  
They are extremely Covetous of Learning, and were extremely importunate with the Jesuits to teach their Children the Latin Language. But they were more eager in promoting the Latin Religion, than the Language; pretending the difficulty of the Undertaking, and the vast difference between the Latin and Amharic Pronounciation. Indeed, it cannot be denied, but that it is a most difficult thing to teach a Person who never heard of Grammar, as I found by the trial of Gregory. For the Habessines learn Languages only by Converse, more especially the Arabic, which is frequently spoken by the neighbouring Merchants, the Mahometans who are subject to the King, and the Courtiers themselves; and in this Language the King Writes his Letters to Foreign Princes. On the otherside the Arabians themselves, as they are very much inclined to propagate their Fables among the Christians, writ them in the Arabic Language, but make use of the Ethiopic Letters, that thereby they may the more easily impose upon the simple people. Private persons seldom write Letters, nor do they know the method of sending them. But if any one has a desire to write, he goes to the Scribe of the Province, who is called, Pahafe Hagare, and for a small Sum of Money causes him to Compose them an Epistle: and you must know that the Exordiums of their Epistles are various in their Forms, for that in the Elegancy of their first Addresses, they place the chiefest ornament of their Compliments.   

CHAP. III. Of the Names of Men among the Habessinians.  
Their proper Names are significative not to be expounded Appellatively, taken most commonly from the Sacred names of the Trinity, Christ, Mary, etc. The Heathenish Names detested. The Names of their Women, common with the Arabian Appellations; some peculiar.  
THe Native Names of the Habessinians, as well Men, as Women, which were not first introduced with their Divine Worship from the Hebrew or Greek Languages, or were not derived to them from the Copts or Arabians, as David, Jacob, Andrew, Theodore, Gregory, are all Significative. And therefore they that take them for Appellatives may thereby strangely disturb and confound the sense and meaning of them: and therefore we thought it worth our while to expound some of them, to the end that by that means the rest may be the more easily understood. Those which have the Article Za affixed before them as a mark of the Genitive Case, denote either some Devotion or Subjection: as for Example, 

Zaslasse, That is, a Subject or Votary to the Holy Trinity.  
Zachristos: that is, devoted to Christ.  
Zawalda Marjam, Of the Son of Marie. Servant or Subject.  
Za Marjam, Of Mary. Servant or Subject.  
Zadenghel, Of the Virgin. Servant or Subject.  
Za Michael, Of Michael. Servant or Subject.  
Tecla Slasse, The Plant of the Trinity.    
Many are compounded with the Name of Christ; as, 

Gabra Christos The Servant of Christ.  
Sula Christos, The Image of Christ.  
Tzaga Christos, The Grace of Christ.  
Acala Christos, The Substance of Christ.  
Tenssa Christos, Christ arose.    
Which in speech are Contractedly pronounced thus, Gabraxos, Seelaxos, Tzagaxos, Acalaxos, Tanseaxos.  
Otherwise they are Compounded with the name of Mary or the Virgin; as, 

Habta Marjam, The Gift Of Mary or the Virgin.  
Tecla Marjam, The Plant Of Mary or the Virgin.  
Mahtzentza Marjam, The Gage Of Mary or the Virgin.  
Laica Marjam, The Servant Of Mary or the Virgin.  
Atzfa Marjam, The Mantle Of Mary or the Virgin.  
Serza Denghel, The Blossom Of Mary or the Virgin.    
Other Names are framed out of other Divine and Sacred Words; as, 

Tzagazaab, The Grace of the Father.  
Fekur-Egzi-e The Beloved of God.  
Jesus Moa, Christ hath overcome.  
Kesta-Wahed, The Portion of the only Son of God.  
Amda-Tzehon, The Pillar of Zion.  
Tesfa Tzejon, The hope of Zion.  
Ber-a-Jacob The Seed of Jacob.  
Zer-a-Johans The Seed of John.  
Bahaila Selus, By the Virtue of the Trinity.  
Bahaila Michael By the Virtue of Michael.    
For they think it not becoming Christians to give their Children Heathenish Names; believing that their Children, by those Names which they bear, which were formerly those of Famous and Pious Men, are to be put in mind of their duties in matters of Religion and ordinary Converse: However the name of Homodei, so well known in Italy is found among these People, by the Name of Seb-Waamla which signifies Man and God.  
The usual Names among the Women are, 

Malacotavit, Or Divine.  
Wangelawit, Or Evangelical.  
Amataxos, The Handmaid of Christ.  
Romana Wark, The Golden Pomegranate.    
The Men have also several Names which are common with the Arabians and Copts: as, 

Bazen.  
Abreha.  
Atzbeha.    
They have also some other Names which are peculiar among themselves, as Susnejos, or Susneus which are wonderfully corrupted and mistaken by our European Authors: as when they writ Sacinos, and Socignos, instead of Susneus.   

CHAP. IU. Of the Domestic Oeconomie of the Habessines: Their Marriages, Diet, Clothing, Habitations and Burials.  
Their Marriages Christian. Polygamy lawful by the Civil Laws, not by the Ecclesiastical. Divorces. Nuptial Ceremonies. Benediction Sacerdotal. Their Diet raw Beef, or half boiled; and Herbs half concocted by the Cattle. What Bread. Their way of making Butter. Their washing their . Their Drink. Hydromel Ale. Their Clothing thin. Very Parsimonious, accustomed to go Naked. They Curl and anoint their Hair with Butter. Mean Habitations. The King's Palaces. Their manner of bewailing the Dead. The Funeral Pomp of their Kings.  
THe Habessines Mary with every one of their Wives after the Christian manner: neither are they hindered by any Law of the Land from Marrying several, though they are Prohibited by their Ecclesiastical Penalties, as being contrary to the Sacred Canons and Institutions of the Christians: and therefore they that Exercise Polygamy are not admitted to the Communion, as we have already said: For they are of that Opinion, That whatever is not prejudicial to the Public, or to the security and Tranquillity of private Persons is not to be Prosecuted with secular Punishment; Neither are they scrupulous in suing out Divorces; assuming the same liberty to put away as to marry their Wives.  
As for the particulars of their Nuptial Ceremonies, they are not of that importance as to Merit a Relation; nor are they the same in all Countries. Those which Alvares recounts, of the Nuptial Bed being brought forth and placed before the Doors of the House by Three of the Presbyters, and then walking round it singing Hallelujas; or the cutting off the Locks of the Couple to be Wedded, for each to make an exchange, they were altogether unknown to Gregory; and that if it were the Custom any where so to do, it was only as he said, in some parts of Tygra: but that the Sacerdotal Benediction was necessary to all Weddings he absolutely granted.  
Their Diet is not only very homely, but also far different from ours; for they feed either upon raw Flesh, or half boiled. Alvares gives you an Example of the Governor of Hangot, (Angot-Ras) who entertained Rodoric Limez at his Table with no other sort of Junkets than such mean Fare, very loathsome to the Portuguess Ambassador; for instead of Sauce they bring the Gall, which pleases their vitiated Palates far better than Honey: but what is worse than all this, they covet as a dainty, the half Concocted Grass and green Herbs which they find in the Maws of the Beasts which they kill, and greedily devour those morsels, having first seasoned them with Pepper and Salt, as if the Beasts better understood what Herbs were most wholesome than themselves: a sort of Diet which none of our Europeans will envy them. Their Bread they bake upon the Embers, made in the fashion of thin Pancakes, which they call Apas.  
We have already declared, That in some of the Ethiopian Territories, the People live all upon Grazing; their Flocks and Herds are their only Riches, they eat their Flesh, and drink their Milk. Thus that King and no King Jacob, lurking in the recesses of the Rocks and Mountains, always carried his living Kitchen and Cellar with him, which were only three or four Goats at a time. Where the Air is temperate, they make excellent Butter and Cheese; but in the violent hot Countries they want that Food, by reason that the Excessive Heats hinder the Milk as well from thickening as turning. Also their manner of Grinding is both very difficult and very laborious, for they put the Grain into a dish, and rub it round about with a wooden  till it be all bruised; afterwards they sift it, and make Bread of the Flower: this is properly the Maids and the women's work, so that you cannot compel the Servants to this sort of Labour: but the Men wash their leathern, or woollen Clothes if they have any themselves, for Linen is very scarce; and indeed the general Cover of their Nakedness, are the Skins of their own Beasts.  
Their Drink is somewhat more dainty, and is the Glory and Consummation of all their Feasts; for so far they still retain the Custom of many of the Ancients, that as soon as the Table is cleared, they fall to drinking; having always this Proverb in their mouths, That it is the usual way to Plant first, and then to Water: they drink themselves up to a merry Pitch, and till their Tongues run before their Wit, and never give off till the Drink be all out. They make excellent Hydromel by reason of their plenty of Honey, which inebriates like Wine, they call it Tzed; they make it smaller for their Families, mixing six parts of Wine, with one of Water. Another sort of Liquor they have of their Fruits; whether an Invention of their own, or that they learned it from the Egyptians, they call it Tzal; and it may be said to be a kind of Ale rather than Beer; as being boiled without Hopps, and therefore it will not keep: it is white, and sweet, insomuch that our Ale was much more bitter to Gregory's taste.  
Their Apparel is no less mean and poor, only the Princes wear Silk; the Clergy and richer sort make use of Cotton: the poorer sort half-naked, cover themselves with Skins, that hardly hid their privy Parts; which is also common among some of the Nobility and Priesthood: which by the Europeans would be looked upon as a great Scandal, to appear in the Church or the Chancel without Breeches. However the more noble sort wear a kind of Breeches, or rather Trousers down to their heels, yet with such a frugality, that the King is not ashamed of; for from the Waste to the Knees, so far as the cloak covers them, they are only Linen or else of some courser stuff, and only that which appears below is of Silk: nor are they concerned though the other be seen as they sit, or Mount their Horses. The Boys and Girls go stark Naked, which the heat of the Country may excuse, yet Poverty is the main occasion; till riper Years calls upon them to hid their Shame; yet then having been so accustomed to go Naked, they the less regard it. But what they want in decent Habit, they endeavour to supply in the Ornament of their Hair, for you may safely say, it is a full year before they Trim and Comb themselves. They not only curl their Hair which makes it grow the straighter, but also anoint it, not with fragrant Balsams, or Oils of Amber or Musk, but with Butter; not considering that they who are forced to turn their Noses from the stench of their Locks, have not the opportunity to admire the lustre of their Matted Tresses: yet lest an Ornament so slick and glittering should be rumpled or squeezed in the Night, they by means of a most exquisite Invention preserve it, resting their Necks in a forked stick, that so their Heads may hang at liberty, preferring their Pride before Pain and Torture.  
Nor does their Poverty less appear in their Houses, for they that belong to the Camp, live all either in Tents, or in Hurts made up of Reeds and Rubbish, daubed over with Clay or Lome, and covered with Straw or Sedge, which they leave behind them when they remove their Camp with no damage, or condoling for the loss of their Tenement, when they can as easily build another at the same rate. Not much better are their Villages, scarce secure against the Incursions of the Beasts of Prey. The Cafers like Wild Beasts lie without any other Curtains or Canopy than that of Heaven, in the open Field, where Night constrains them to rest. The King's Houses are of two Fashions, the Longer which are called Sakala; and the Rounder, which if they be bigger than ordinary, are called Beta Negus, though King's Houses.  
They bewail their Dead after a most doleful manner; for no sooner do they hear of the Death of any great Personage, or any near Friend, but they prostrate themselves upon the Ground, where they lie knocking and bruising their Heads against it, with a cruelty very injurious to their Sculls. The Funeral of Susneus as being most Remarkable, I shall here set down, to show their solemnities in burying their Kings. The Body, being wrapped up and covered with a most rich and costly Garment, was carried from Dancaza, where the Camp then lay, to the Church called Ganeta— Jesus. Before the Hearse the Banners and Ensigns were born, not Reversed, as among us, but upright and displayed, without any Imprese or Mottoes, but only adorned with various Colours: the Drums beat slow and mournfully: after them followed Three of the best Horses which the King used to Ride, Magnificently caparisoned, as if it had been for some Triumphal Pomp: next to them followed several of the Nobleman's Sons, carrying the King's Royal Robes, and Ensigns of Regality, as his Diadem, his Sword, his Belt, his Spear, his Buckler, etc. taking their turns, and by their gestures and postures using all means to excite the People to Tears and Lamentation. To the same End the Queen herself, following at a good distance wore upon her Head her Husband's particular Diadem; accompanied with her Daughters and all the Ladies and Virgins of Noble Extraction, all riding upon Mules, and having their Tresses cut off: after them followed the King's Son and Successor, with his Brothers and all the Nobility, some on Horseback, and some on Foot, in old tattered Habits, instead of Mourning: no Torches or Flambeaus lighted them along in their Procession: no Tapers burning in the Church, nor was any thing to be heard from one end to the other of it, but Groans and Lamentations, till the Body was laid in the Tomb: only some few Monks standing before the Doors of the Church, read some few of the Psalms of David. Next day they returned to Dancaza; and then so soon as they came in sight of the place, another sort of Pomp was ordered. For the Hearse being brought back again empty, was carried first, by which road a certain Horseman, adorned with the Emperor's Habit and Robes; and before him road another upon a Horse richly caparisoned, and armed with Helmet and Spear: in which manner after they had proceeded a little way, some certain Bands of Armed Soldiers Marched forth of the Camp to meet them, testifying their Sorrow, by their bitter Lamentations and Howl. Then the Princes of the Kingdom and chiefest Lords of the Court entering the new King's Pavilion, renewed their Moans with all expressions of Sorrow, and concluded the Solemnity at length, with congratulations and well-wishes for his happy Government, and prosperous success in all his undertake.   

CHAP. V Of their Mechanic Arts and Trades.  
Very few Handicrafts. The Jews Weavers and Smiths. No Societies of Tradesmen. Certain Families of Trumpeters. Architecture formerly known, now forgotten; compared with the Ancient Germans. Churches and Colleges built by the Fathers of the Society. The King's Palace Built after the European manner, admired. They are covetous of Learning and Sciences. What the King of Ethiopia chief wants.  
ALL this while, there is nothing of which they stand more in need then of Handicraft Trades: for thereby they are destitute of so many conveniencies of Human Life, as we abound in by the help of our Arts and Sciences. The Jews are almost the only persons that employ themselves among them in weaving of Cotton: they also make the Heads of their Spears and several other pieces of Workmanship in Iron, for they are excellent Smiths; a sort of Trade otherwise abhorred by the Habessines; which Gregory confirmed with a smile; saying, That the silly vulgar people could not endure Smiths, as being a sort of Mortals that spit fire, and were bred up in Hell. As for other things, every one takes Care to supply his own wants either by his own or the pains of his Servants, which it is no hard matter to do; considering how little they have to use. And for the great Men, they have particular men for all their particular Employments: therefore there are no Guilds, or Fraternities of Tradesmen among them, which are so frequent in all our Cities, who have their By-laws contrived by themselves, more for the good of themselves, than for the benefit of the Commonweal: for amongst us, the skilful and unskilful, the just dealer and unjust, are all alike; as being all under the same By-laws; and they exercise a kind of Monopoly of their Trade, so that their fellow Citizens are as it were Foreigners among them, and compelled to obey their Injunctions. But in Habessinia, what ever Art any one Professes, that he teaches his Children. The Trumpeters and Horn-winders are all of the same Families, and have their particular Country and Mansions by themselves. Formerly Architecture, as it was in request, so it was an Art well known among them, as is evident by the Ruins of the City of Axuma, and the Structures of Magnificent Temples cut out of the Live Stone Rocks: but the Imperial Seat being removed into Amhara, it grew out of date. For the Kings having deserted Axuma, by reason of their long and frequent Marches being accustomed to their Camps, rather chose to abide in Tents and Pavilions. Besides that, after the havocks of the Adelan Wars, and the Invasions of the Gallant, found that the Caverns and Recesses of their Inaccessible Mountains were far more safe and convenient and better shelter then sumptuous Palaces. Therefore what Tacitus hath written concerning our Ancient Germans, may be rightly applied to the Habessines. It is sufficiently known, that Cities are not inhabited by any of the Habessine People, neither do they permit contiguous Buildings among them. They place their Villages not as we do, building our Houses close one to another; but every one encompasses to himself a space of ground peculiar to his Habitation, whether to prevent the accidents of Fire, or whether it be their ignorance in the Art of Building. They neither use Cement or Tiles, the whole composure of their Fabrics, being all of rude and Course Materials, without the least appearance of Elegancy or Ornament.  
But the Fathers of the Societies, having designed their European Structures before, carried an Architect with them out of India, and having found out Lime, unknown to the Habessines for so many Ages, built their Churches and their Colleges of Stone and Mortar, and encompassed them with High-walls, to the amazement and dread of the Habessines, lest they should in time be made so many Impregnable Forts and Castles. But there was nothing which they so much admired as the Palace which they built for the King; of which the chief Architect was Peter Pays, both Labourer and Workmaster, both Surveyer, Carpenter, and Mason himself, and Instructor of others. A Work which afterwards the People from all parts of Ethiopia, far and near flocked to see. However that the Habessines have a great desire to learn all those Arts and Sciences which are necessary both in Peace and War, is apparent by King David's Letter to John the Third King of Portugal, 
Alvar. Tom. 2. Hispan. illustrat. p. 1297.  wherein he desires of the King to send him Printers, Armourers, Cutlers, Physicians, Chirurgeons, Architects, Carpenters, Goldsmiths, Miners, Bricklayers, and Jewellers. Ernestus also, Duke of Saxony, demanding of Gregory, What the King of Habessinia most desired out of Europe? made answer, Tebebat, Arts and Handicraft Trades; well understanding, that neither Merchandise nor any other Calling could well be followed without the help of the Workman's Tool.   

CHAP. VI Of their Journeys, and Travelling, as also an Account of the ways to Habessinia.  
Pilgrimages now rare. They Travel upon Mules. No Inns or Wagons. Their Hospitality. The way into Ethiopia dangerous. An account of the several ways to it.  
HOwever in the midst of all this penury of Exotic Arts and Conveniencies, the Habessines of their own accord never care to stir out of their Native Country, as being ignorant of Foreign Languages and Regions; nor can they distinguish between the European Nations, which they believe to be all Franks, and their Religion the Latin Worship; only they can tell the English from the Dutch Merchants. Neither do they understand the way of Exchange, or keeping Correspondence: Besides, they are deterred by their own Poverty from undertaking such dangerous Journeys through so many uncouth Deserts.  
Formerly indeed they frequently made their holy Pilgrimages to Jerusalem, and so back again to Rome, when the Mamalucks were Lords of Egypt; their Government being more gentle, and the ways then far less dangerous than afterwards: but the Covetousness of the Turks has quite altered the Case, for the Bassa's and Governors' of the Islands of the Red Sea, and the upper Egypt, Men for the most part of base and sordid Condition, having bought their Employments at Court with Money, without any sense of Law or Equity, so torment and vex all sorts of Travellers, and suck the Merchant's Purses in such manner, though to the utter impoverishing the Subject and utter decay of Trade, have ruined all Commerce and Society with those Places: so that the Habessines now very rarely visit Jerusalem; and more rarely go to abide there, as they were wont. For though there, they are somewhat more free from the exactions of the Church, yet are they more oppressed by want; in regard that the Revenues settled by the Habessines Kings upon Pilgrims in those Parts, are in the hands of the Turks; so that unless the Alms of the Place which are very sparing, God knows, support them, hunger presently destroys them.  
In their Travelling, they only make use of Mules; neither can any other Creature perform that kindness to Man as they do, over so many craggy Rocks and Mountains, where it is impossible for Wagons, Carts, or Coaches to pass. Their Horses they preserve very charily for War, and Racing. Gregory wondered when he saw our covered Wains: He called that wherein He and I travelled together Bet, a House, and wished he had such a one to carry him into Ethiopia. The Great Men and richer sort, carry all their Domestic Householdstuff along with them upon their Mules; and where Night over-takes 'em, there they pitch their Tents, and kindle Fires about them to scare the Wild Beasts. The poorer sort; when they have occasion to Travel beg upon the Road; for there is not an Inn to be seen among them; and for Cooks Shops and Ordinaries, they know as little what belongs to them. Upon which happened a pleasant accident at Rome. Where the simple Habessines newly arrived out of the East, being walking in the Suburbs, were invited by a Cook into his Shop. They believing all Invitations to be made gratis, at first admired the Hospitality of the Man; but then considering, that it might be done out of Curiosity, to see and discourse with strangers, went into the Shop, and very cheerfully accepted of what was set before them: but at length, when they were going away, they consulted together for Phrase and Language to return their thanks to so kind an Host for his liberal Entertainment, which one among the rest, who best understood the Language was to deliver to the Cook in the behalf of his Companions. The Cook having listened a while to their Learned Speech, and not hearing a word of any Money, without any respect to the smoothness of their Language, Gentlemen, said he, who pays? The Habessines like Men Astonished made answer, That they came not into his Shop of their own accord, but by his Invitation, without any mention made of Expectance of Payment; and that he, when he set his Wine and his Meat before them, never bargained for any Money, for that was the very thing they wanted. But all this would not satisfy the Cook, who forced them to leave their Cloaks in Pawn, which were afterwards redeemed at the Pope's Charity, which made the Courtiers not a little Merry.  
However the Habessines themselves are not ignorant of Hospitality, for that in their Villages they appoint the Chiefest of the Inhabitants for the Relief of the Poor: and indeed the Exercise of Hospitality is highly recommended by the Apostolical Doctrine, for the Relief of poor People driven from their abodes by the misfortunes of War, or other Calamities. Nor were our Ancestors defective in their Christian Charity, as having founded several Magnificent Palaces, and endowed them with ample Revenues, were they but employed according to the Founder's Design.  
And here it may be very proper to set down the several ways that lead into Ethiopia by Land, and where they that go by Sea are to put in for a Landing Place.  
The way from Egypt into Habessinia is most troublesome, difficult, and subject to many dangers, as well by reason of the Extortions of the Turks, the Robberies committed by several vagabond Nations, through which they are to pass, and the unwholesomeness of the Climates; though formerly when those Kingdoms and Satrapies were under a stricter Government, the Passage was safe enough, and more frequented. Nevertheless there are at this day several Troops of Merchants, who setting out from Gran Cairo, are carried up the Nile against the Stream as far as Monfallot, and thence Travelling in Caravans, first come to Sijut, and so in order to the following Towns.  
Places. Days Journeys. Wach 3. Meks 2. Scheb 3. Sellim 3. Moschu 5. Dungala 5.  
Which is accounted the Metropolis of Nubia: Then they come into the Kingdom of Sennar under a Mahometan Prince, now neighbour to the Habessines, and sometimes also their Enemy, and therefore suspected by the Christians. From Dungala therefore they Travel to Places Days Journeys. Kshabi 3. Korti 3. Trere 3. Gerri 1. Helfage 1. Arbatg 3. Sennar. 4.  
In Travelling from Wacha to Sennaar, the Merchants staying in many places about the affairs of their Traffic, are wont to spend Three whole Months, though it might be done in a far shorter time, without stop or let. From Sennaar in Fourteen days time they arrive at the Confines of Habessinia. The Entrance is called Tshelga; but the safest and shortest Cut is through the Red Sea, so you can agree with the Turks; this Passage is Twofold, for either the Merchants set out from Cairo for Suesso a Port upon the Red Sea, from whence they set Sail for Gidda another Port upon the same Sea; from thence they set Sail again for Suaqena and Matzua; or if they cannot so long brook the Sea, they mount against the Stream from Cairo to Girgea, then by Land they travel to Gidda in Two days, thence to Alcossir in Four days, where they take Shipping for Gidda, and so to Suaqena, etc. This way the Metropolitans use to take, as did Abdelmesih in the Year 1662. with whom it is the safest Travelling, if any of the Europeans are desirous to visit Abassia. Michael, the Habessinian Ambassador to the Emperor of the Turks, told Thevenot, That a Man may reach from Guendra to the Island of Suaqena in a Fortnight; and from hence, in forty or fifty days to Grand Cairo by Land. So that to Travel from the Royal Camp to Grand Cairo, will take up three Months. There is another way by Sea, round about Africa; but than you put in to some Port of Africa, that so you may take your opportunity to get into the Persian Gulf: Many would prefer this way as most facile, though tedious and troublesome had the Habessines any Sea Port at their Command. They that have business at Moccha in Arabia, have the advantage of crossing over to Matzua that lies over against it; and so from Arkiko the Passage lies easy: nor do they amiss that make for Baylur a Sea Port belonging to the King of Denkala, in Amity with the Habessines; only the Journey by Land from thence is tedious and very much infested by the Robberies of the Gallant; though they that can Travel with a good Band of Musqueteers need little fear them.  
Zeyla a Port belonging to the Adelans is more Remote, and altogether unsafe, because of the deadly hatred between them and the Habessines; as two of the Fathers of the Society found true. For mistaking this Port, for that of Baylur, they paid for their mistake with the loss of their Heads. The other more Southern Ports as Melinda, Magodosh, etc. are too far distant from the Habessines; besides the whole Region is Inhabited with none but wild and savage People, whose petty Princes are in continual Wars one with another, and exercise their Fury against all Strangers as Spies, nor are there any Guides to be found.   

CHAP. VII. Of the Merchandise, and Exchange of Merchandise in Habessinia.  
The Arabians chief, next the Armenians the chief Merchants; all bargains by Exchange, of Gold, Iron, Salt. What Goods Exported, what Imported.  
FRom what hath been said, it appears that the Ethiopians are no way addicted or expert in the Art and Intrigues of Merchandizing; for they that will not Travel into Foreign Parts must yield their gains to others; for gain is to be sought, not coming of itself. Therefore the Arabians who Inhabit the Ports of the Red Sea; especially, the Mahometans scattered over the Kingdom, are the Chief Merchants in Habessinia, for being of the same Religion they have the free liberty of all the Ports of the Red Sea: next to these the Armenians, not much differing in their Form of Worship, from the Abessines, carry the greatest Trade, as being great Dealers in all parts of the World. They Import sundry sorts of Commodities, but carry out all the Gold; that 'tis no wonder the Ethiopians should be so poor: for neither Gold nor Silver is imported into their Country, but only an Exchange is made for Indian Wares. And then because there is no Money coined in Ethiopia, the more silly and ignorant sort of People, because they come easily by their Gold, as finding it among the Sand, or at the Roots of Trees, let it go again at low Rates. For if the Merchant deny it to be good, they exchange it for as much as they can get, never questioning the Merchant's exception. But the Nobility and more cunning sort, carry a Touchstone always about 'em, with which they try their Gold, then weigh it out, and pay it by the Ounce. The Ethiopic Vaket, or Ounce amounts, as Gregory told me, to the value of the Spanish Patacoon, or our Imperial Dollar: Therefore it is, that Exchange is far more frequent in Habessinia, then buying and selling; which Exchange is made with Iron sometimes, but chief for Salt hewn out of the Mountains; which in most Countries supplies the Place of Money, with which you may purchase all things. In the more remote Parts of Ethiopia you may buy a good Mule with two or three Bricks of that Salt. Formerly Pepper had the same pre-eminence.  
The Commodities Imported, are Babylonian Garments of all sorts, Velvet, Silken; but chief Woollen and Fustian, which the great Men wear instead of Purple, which at this day they have lost the skill of Dying. Spices, and especially Pepper they covet to season their insipid Diet. Wares for Exportation they have few, besides Gold, Skins, Hides, Wax, Honey, and Ivory: scarce any thing else remarkable. Many more they certainly might have, did the Habessinian Kings encourage Traffic and Merchandizing, and if the Country were more commodious for Carriage. The best Merchandise in Habessinia, and most important for the Prince, were a more cultivated Ingenuity of the People; together with a perfect knowledge of the Latin Language, together with addition of our Arts, and Handicraft Trades, which would advance the Affairs of those poor Christians to a more flourishing Estate, and weaken the strength of the Barbarians.  
The Almighty God stir up the Hearts of our Princes, to lend their Assistance to this Ancient Christian Nation, which might prove so useful to Propagate Christianity in those Remote Parts of the World; and so glorious to themselves and their Posterity.    
THE END.