His Majesty's ANSWER TO THE XIX. PROPOSITIONS OF BOTH HOUSES OF Parliament.   royal blazon or coat of arms 
C R  HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE DIEV ET MON DROIT 
LONDON: Printed by ROBERT BARKER, Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majesty: and by the Assigns of JOHN BILL. 1642.   

His Majesty's Answer To the nineteen PROPOSITIONS of both Houses of PARLIAMENT.  
BEfore We shall give you Our Answer to your Petition and Propositions, We shall tell you, that We are now clearly satisfied, why the Method, which We traced out to you by Our Message of the 20th of January, and have since so often pressed upon you, as the proper way to compose the distractions of this Kingdom, and render it truly happy, hath been hitherto declined, and is at length thought fit to be looked upon; We now see plainly (and desire that you, and all other Our good Subjects should do so too) that the Cabalists of this business have with great Prudence reserved themselves, until due preparations should be made for their Design.  
If they had unseasonably vented such Propositions, as the Wisdom and Modesty of your Predecessors never thought fit to offer to any of Our progenitors, nor We in honour or regard to Our Regal authority (which God hath entrusted Us with for the good of Our People) could receive without just indignation (and such many of your present Propositions are) their hopes would soon have been blasted, and those Persons, to whom Offices, Honours, Power and Commands were designed, by such ill timing of their business, would have failed of their expectation, not without a Brand upon the attempt. Therefore, before any of this nature should appear, they have (certainly with great wisdom in the Conduct of it) thought fit to remove a troublesome Rub in their way, The Law; To this end, (that they might undermine the very foundations of it) a new Power hath been assumed to interpret and declare Laws without Us by extemporary Votes, without any Case judicially before either House (which is in effect the same thing as to make Laws without Us) Order and Ordinances made only by both Houses (tending to a pure arbitrary power) were pressed upon the people as Laws, and their obedience required to them.  
Their next step was, To erect an upstart Authority without Us, (in whom, and only in whom the Laws of this Realm have placed that Power) To command the Militia (very considerable to this their Design;) In further order to it they have wrested from Us Our Magazine and Town of Hull, and bestrid Sir john Hotham in his boldfaced Treason; They have prepared and directed to the People unpresidented Invectives against Our Government, thereby (as much as lay in their power) to weaken Our just Authority and due esteem among them; They have as injuriously as presumptuously (though We conceive by this time Impudence itself is ashamed of it) attempted to cast upon Us aspersions of an unheard of nature, as if We had favoured a Rebellion in Our own bowels; They have likewise broached new Doctrine, That we are obliged to pass all Laws that shall be offered to Us by both Houses (howsoever Our own Judgement and Conscience shall be unsatisfied with them) a Point of Policy, as proper for their present business, as destructive to all Our Rights of Parliament; And so with strange shamelessness will forget a Clause in a Law still in force, made in the second year of King H. 5. wherein both Houses of Parliament do acknowledge, That it is of the King's Regality to grant or deny such of their Petitions as pleaseth Himself; They have interpreted Our necessary Guard, legally assembled for the defence of Us and Our children's Persons against a Traitor in open Rebellion against Us, to be with intent to leavy War against Our Parliament, (the thought whereof Our very soul abhorreth) thereby to render Us odious to Our people.  
They have so awed Our good Subjects with Pursivants, long chargeable Attendance, Heavy Censures and illegal Imprisonments, that few of them durst offer to present their tenderness of Our sufferings, their own just Grievances, and their sense of those violations of the Law, (the Birthright of every Subject of this Kingdom) though in an humble Petition directed to both Houses; and if any did, it was stisled in the Birth, called Sedition, and burnt by the common Hangman.  
They have restrained the Attendance of Our ordinary and necessary Houshold-servants, and seized upon those small sums of Money which Our Credit had provided to buy Us Bread, With Injunctions, That none shall be suffered to be conveyed or returned to Us to York, or any of Our Peers or Servants with Us, so that (in effect) they have blocked Us up in that County.  
They have filled the ears of the People with the noise of Fears and Jealousies, (though taken up upon trust) tales of Skippers, Salt-Fleets, and such like, by which Alarms they might prepare them to receive such impressions, as might best advance this Design when it should be ripe. And now it seems they think We are sufficiently prepared for these bitter Pills, We are in a handsome Posture to receive these humble Desires, (which probably are intended to make way for a Superfetation of a (yet) higher nature, (if We had not made this discovery to you) for they do not tell us this is all. In them We must observe that these Contrivers (the better to advance their true ends) disgulsed as much as they could their intents with a mixture of some things really to be approved by every honest man; Others, specious and popular; And some which are already granted by Us, All which are cunningly twisted and mixed with those other things of their main Design of Ambition and private interest; in hope, that at the first view, every eye may not so clearly discern them in their proper colours.  
We would not be understood, That We intent to fix this Design upon both, or either House of Parliament; We utterly profess against it, being most confident of the Loyalty, good affections and integrity of the intentions of that great Body, and knowing well that very many of both Houses were absent, and many dissented from all those particulars We complain of: But We do believe, and accordingly profess to all the world, that the Malignity of this Design (as dangerous to the Laws of this Kingdom, the Peace of the same, and the Liberties of all Our good Subjects, as to Ourselves, and Our just Prerogative) hath proceeded from the subtle Informations, mischievous Practices, and evil Counsels of ambitious turbulent Spirits, disaffected to God's true Religion, and the Unity of the Professors thereof, Our Honour and Safety, and the public Peace and prosperity of Our people, not without a strong influence upon the very actions of both Houses. But how faulty soever others are, We shall (with God's assistance) endeavour to discharge Our duty with uprightness of heart; And therefore since these Propositions come to Us in the name of both Houses of Parliament, We shall take a more particular notice of every of them.  
If the 1.2.3.4.5.9.10.15.16.19. Demands had been writ & printed in a tongue unknown to Us and Our people, it might have been possible We & they might have charitably believed the Propositions to be such as might have been in Order to the ends pretended in the Petition (to wi●) the establishing of Our Honour and safety, the welfare & security of Our Subjects & Dominions, & the removing those jealousies & Differences, which are said to have unhappily fallen betwixt Us & Our people, and procuring both Us and them a constant course of Honour, Peace & happiness. But being read and understood by all, We cannot but assure Ourselves that this Profession, joined to these Propositions, will rather appear a Mockery and a Scorn; The Demands being such, as We were unworthy of the trust reposed in Us by the Law, and of Our descent from many so great and famous Ancestors, if We could be brought to abandon that power which only can enable Us to perform what We are sworn to, in protecting Our people and the Laws, and so assume others into it, as to divest Ourselves of it; Although not only Our present Condition (which it can hardly be) were more necessitous than it is, and We were both vanquished, and a Prisoner, and in a worse condition than ever the most unfortunate of Our Predecessors have been reduced to, by the most criminal of their Subjects; And though the Bait laid to draw Us to it, and to Keep Our Subjects from indignation at the mention of it, the promises of a plentiful and unparaleld Revenue, were reduced from generals (which signify nothing) to deer and certain particulars, since such a Bargain would have but too great a resemblance of that of Esau's, if We should part with such Flowers of Our Crown, as are worth all the rest of the Garland, and have been transmitted to Us from so many Ancestors, and have been found so useful and necessary for the welfare and Security of Our Subjects, for any present necessity, or for any low and fordid Considerations of Wealth and gain. And therefore all men knowing that those Accommodations are most easily made, and most exactly observed, that are grounded upon reasonable and equal Conditions, We have great Cause to believe, that the Contrivers of these had no intention of settling any firm Accommodation, but to increase those jealousies, and widen that division, which (not by Our fault) is now unhappily fallen between Us and both Houses.  
It is asked, That all the Lords and others of Our Privy Council, and such (We know now what you mean by such, but We have cause to think you mean all) great Officers and Ministers of State, either at home or beyond the Seas (For care is taken to leave out no Person or place, that Our dishonour may be sare not to be bounded within this Kingdom, though no subtle Insinuations at such a distance can probably be believed to have been the cause of Our distractions and dangers) should be put from Our Privy Council, and from those Offices and employments, unless they be approved by both Houses of Parliament, how faithful soever We have found them to Us and the Public, and how far soever they have been from offending against any law, the only rule they had or any others ought to have to walk by. We therefore to this part of this Demand return you this Answer, That We are willing to grant that they shall take a larger Oath than you yourselves desire in your 11th Demand, for maintaining not of any part, but of the whole Law; And we have and do assure you, That We will be careful to make election of such persons in those places of trust, as shall have given good testimonies of their abilities and integrities, and against whom there can be no just cause of exception, whereon reasonably to ground a diffidence; That if We have or shall be mistaken in Our election, We have and do assure you, that there is no man so near to Us in place or affection, whom we will not l●ave to the Justice of the Law, if you shall bring a particular charge and sufficient proofs against him; And that We have given you (the best pledge of the effects of such a promise on Our part, & the best security for the performance of their duty on theirs) a Triennial Parliament, the apprehension of whose Justice will in all probability make them wary how they provoke it, and Us wary how We choose such, as by the discovery of their faults may in any degree seem to discredit Our election. But that without any shadow of a fault objected, only perhaps because they follow their conscience, and preserve the established Laws, and agree not in such Votes, or assent not to such Bills, as some persons, who have now too great an Influence even upon both Houses, judge or seem to judge to be for the public good, and as are agreeable to that new Utopia of Religion and Government into which they endeavour to transform this Kingdom; (for we remember what names, and for what Reasons, you left out in the Bill offered Us concerning the Militia, which you had yourselves recommended in the Ordinance) We will never consent to the displacing of any, whom for their former merits from, and affection to Us and the public, We have entrusted, since We conceive, That to do so, would take away both from the affection of Our servants, the care of Our service, & the Honour of Our Justice And We the more wonder, That it should be asked by you of Us, since it appears by the 12th Demand, That yourselves count it reasonable, after the present turn is served, that the judges and Officers who are then placed may hold their places, quam diu se bene gesserint. And We are resolved to be as careful of those We have chosen, as you are of those you would choose, and to remove none, till they appear to Us to have otherwise behaved themselves, or shall be evicted by legal proceed to have done so.  
But this Demand (as unreasonable as it is) is but one link of a great Chain, and but the first round of that Ladder, by which Our Justice, Ancient, Regal Power is endeavoured to be fetched down to the ground. For it appears plainly, that it is not with the persons now chosen, but with Our choosing that you are displeased; For you demand, That the persons put into the places and employments of those who shall be removed, may be approved by both Houses; which is so far (as to some it may at first sight appear) from being l●sse than the power of nomination, that of two things (of which We will never grant either) We would sooner be content that you should nominate and We approve, than you approve and We nominate; The mere nomination being so far from being any thing, that if We could do no more, We would never take the pains to do that, when We should only hazard those, whom We esteemed, to the scorn of a refusal, if they happened not to be agreeable not only to the Judgement, but to the passion, interest or humour of the present major part of either House. Not to speak now of the great factions, animosities and divisions which this power would introduce in both Houses, between both Houses, and in the several Countries, for the choice of persons to be sent to that place where that power was, and between the persons that were so chosen. Neither is this strange Potion prescribed to Us only for once, for the cure of a present, pressing, desperate disease, but for a diet to Us and Our Posterity; It is demanded, That Our Councillors, all Chief Officers both of Law & State, Commanders of Forts & castles, and all Peers hereafter made (as to voting, without which how little is the rest?) be approved of (that is, chosen) by them from time to time; and rather than it should ever be left to the Crown (to whom it only doth and shall belong) if any place fall void in the intermission of Parliament, the major part of the approved Council is to approve them. Neither is it only demanded, that We should quit the Power and Right Our Predecessors have had of appointing Persons in these places, but for Councillors We are to be restrained, as well in the number, as in the persons, and a power must be annexed to these places, which their Predecessors had not; And indeed if this power were passed to them, it were not fit We should be trusted to choose those, who were to be trusted as much as We.  
It is demanded, That such matters as concern the public, and are proper for the high Court of Parliament (which is Our great and Supreme Council) may be debated, resolved and transacted only in Parliament, and not elsewhere, and such as presume to do any thing to the contrary, shall be reserved to the Censure and judgement of the Parliament, and such other matters of State, as are proper for Our Privy Council, shall be debated and concluded by such of Our Nobility (though indeed, if being made by Us they may not Vote without the Consent of both Houses, We are rather to call them your Nobility) and others, as shall be from time to time chosen for that place, by approbation of both Houses of Parliament; and that no public Act concerning the affairs of the Kingdom, which are proper for Our Privy Council, may be esteemed of any validity, as proceeding from the Royal Authority, unless it be done by the Advice and Consent of the major part of Our Council, attested under their hands: Which Demands are of that Nature, that to grant them were in effect at once to depose both Ourselves and Our Posterity.  
These being past, We may be waited on bareheaded; We may have Our hand kissed; The Style of Majesty continued to Us; And the King's Authority, declared by both Houses of Parliament, may be still the Style of your Commands; We may have Swords and Maces carried before Us, and please Ourselves with the sight of a Crown and Sceptre, (and yet even these Twigs would not long flourish, when the Stock upon which they grew were dead) but as to true and real Power We should remain but the outside, but the Picture, but the sign of a King. W● were ever willing that Our Parliament should debate, resolve, & transact such matters as are proper for them, as far as they are proper for them: And We hearty wish, that they would be as careful not to extend their Debates and Resolutions beyond what is proper to them, that multitudes of things punishable, and causes determinable by the Ordinary Judicatures, may not be entertained in Parliament, and so cause a long, chargeable, fruitless attendance of Our People, and (by Degrees) draw to you as well all the causes, as all the faults of Westminster-Hall, and divert your proper business; That the course of Law be no ways diverted, much less disturbed, as was actually done by the stop of the Proceed against a Riot in Southwark, by Order of the House of Commons, in a time so riotous and tumultuous, as much increased the danger of Popular insolences, by such a countenance of Riots, and discountenance of Law; That you descend not to the leisure of recommending Lecturers to Churches, nor ascend to the Legislative power, by commanding (the Law not having yet commanded it) that they whom you recommend, be received, although neither the Parson nor Bishop do approve of them; And that the Refusers (according to the course so much formerly complained of to have been used at the Council Table) be not sent for to attend to show cause; At least, that you would consider conveniency, if not Law, and recommend none, but who are well known to you to be Orthodox, Learned, and Moderate, or at least such as have taken Orders, and are not notorious depravers of the Book of Common Prayer; A care which appeareth by the Discourses, Sermons, and persons of some recommended by you, not to have been hitherto taken, and it highly concerns both you in duty, and the Commonwealth in the consequences, that it should have been taken; That neither one estate transact what is proper for two, nor two what is proper for three, and consequently, that (contrary to Our declared will) Our Forts may not be seized; Our Arms may not be removed; Our Moneys may not be stopped; Our legal Directions may not be countermanded by you, nor We desired to countermand them Ourselves, nor such entrances made upon a real War against Us, upon pretence of an imaginary War against you, and a Chimaera of necessity. So far do you pass beyond your limits, whilst you seem by your Demand to be strangely straitened within them. At least We could have wished you would have expressed what matters you meant as fit to be transacted only in Parliament, and what you meant by only in Parliament. You have (of late) been persuaded by the new doctrines of some few, to think that proper for your debates, which hath not used to be at all debated within those Walls, but been trusted wholly with Our Predecessors and Us, and to transact those things which without the Regal Authority, since there were Kings of this Kingdom were never transacted: It therefore concerns Us the more that you speak out, and that both We and Our People may either know the bottom of your Demands, or know them to be bottomless. What concerns more the Public, and is more (indeed) proper for the high Court of Parliament, than the making of Laws? which not only aught there to be transacted, but can be transacted no where else; but than you must admit Us to be a part of the Parliament, you must not (as the sense is of this part of this Demand, if it have any) deny the freedom of Our Answer, when We have as much right to reject what We think unreasonable, as you have to propose what you think convenient or necessary; nor is it possible Our Answers either to Bills, or any other Propositions should be wholly free, if We may not use the Liberty of every one of you, and of every Subject, and receive advice (without their danger who shall give it) from any person known or unknown, swom or unswom, in these matters in which the Manage of Our Vote is trusted by the Law to Our own Judgement and Conscience, which how best to inform, is (and ever shall be) left likewise to Us; and most unreasonable it were that two Estates, proposing something to the Third, that Third should be bound to take no advice, whether it were fit to pass, but from those two that did propose it. We shall ever in these things which are trusted wholly to Us by the Law, not decline to hearken to the Advice of Our great Council, and shall use to hear willingly the free debates of Our Privy Council (whensoever We may be suffered to have them for sending for, and they shall not be terrified from that freedom, by Votes (and brands of Malignants and Enemies to the State, for advising what no Law forbids to advise) but We will retain Our Power of admitting no more to any Council than the Nature of the Business requires, and of discoursing with whom We please, of what We please, and informing Our Understanding by debate with any Persons, who may be well able to Inform and Advise Us in some particular, though their Qualities, Education or other Abilities may not make them so fit to be of Our sworn Council, and not tie Ourselves up not to hear any more than twenty five (and those not chosen absolutely by Us) out of a Kingdom so replenished with Judicious and Experienced Persons in several kinds. And though We shall (with the proportionable Consideration due to them) always weigh the Advices both of Our Great and Privy Council, yet We shall also look upon their Advices, as Advices, not as Commands, or Impositions; upon them as Our Counsellors, not as Our Tutors and Guardians, and upon Ourselves as their King, not as their Pupil, or Ward; for whatsoever of Regality were by the Modesty of Interpretation left in Us in the first part of the second Demand, as to the Parliament, is taken from Us in the second part of the same, and placed in this new fangled kind of Counsellors, whose power is such and so expressed by it, that in all Public Acts concerning the Affairs of this Kingdom, which are proper for Our Privy Council (for whose Advice all public Acts are sometimes proper, though never necessary) they are desired to be admitted joint Patentees with Us in the Regality, and it is not plainly expressed whother they mean Us so much as a single Vote in these Affairs: But it is plain they mean Us no more at most than a single Vote in them, and no more power than every one of the rest of Our Fellow-Councellours; only leave to Us, out of their respect and duty, (and that only is left of all Our ancient Power) a Choice, whether these that are thus to be joined with (or rather set over) Us, shall be fifteen, or twenty five, and great care is taken that the Oath which these Men shall take, shall be such, in the framing the form of which (though sure We are not wholly unconcerned in it) We may be wholly excluded, and that wholly reserved to be agreed upon by both Houses of Parliament.  
And to show that no more Care is taken of Our safety, then of Our Power, after so great indignities offered to Us, and countenanced by those who were most obliged to resent them: After Our Town and Fort kept from Us (from which, if it were not otherwise Ours then the whole Kingdom is, We can no more legally be kept out then out of Our whole Kingdom, which sure yourselves will not deny to be Treason) Our Arms, Our Goods sent away, and Our Money stopped from Us, Our Guards (in which We have no other Intention then to hinder the end of these things from being proportionable to their beginnings) are not only desired to be dismissed before satisfaction for the injury, punishments of the injurers, and care taken for Our future Security from the like: But it is likewise desired, (and for this Law is pretended, and might as well have been for the rest, which yet with some ingenuity are it seems acknowledged to be but Desires of Grace) that We shall not for the future raise any Guards or extraordinary Forces, but in case of actual Rebellion or Invasion, which if it had been Law, and so observed in the time of Our Famous Predecessors, few of those Victories which have made this Nation famous in other parts, could have been legally achieved, nor could Our blessed Predecessor Queen Elizabeth have so defended Herself in 88 And if no Forces must be levied till Rebellions and Invasions (which will not stay for the calling of Parliaments, and their consent for raising Forces) be actual, they must undoubtedly (at least most probably) be effectual and prevalent.  
And as neither care is taken for Our Rights, Honour, nor safety as a Prince, so Our Rights as a private Person are endeavoured to be had from Us, it being asked, that it may be unlawful and punishable, not only to conclude, but even to treat of any Marriage with any Person for Our own Children, or to place Governors about them, without consent of Parliament, and in the intermission of those, without the consent of Our good Lords of the Council, that We may not only be in a more despicable state than any of Our Predecessors, but in a meaner and viler condition than the lowest of Our Subjects, who value no liberty they have more, then that of the free Education and Marriage of their Children, from which We are asked to debar Ourselves, and have the more reason to take it ill that We are so, because for Our choice of a Governor for Our Son, and of a Husband for Our Daughter, (in which the Protestant Religion was Our principal Consideration) We conceived We had reason to expect your present thanks, and the increase of your future trusts.  
We suppose these Demands by this time to appear such as the Demanders cannot be supposed to have any such real fear of Us as hath been long pretended, they are too much in the style, not only of equals, but of Conquerors, and as little to be intended for removing of jealousies (for which end they are said to be asked, and that is not as Merchants ask at first much more than they will take, but as most necessary to effect it, which (if they be) God help this poor Kingdom, and those who are in the hands of such Persons, (whose Jealousies nothing else will remove) which indeed is such a way, as if there being differences and suits between two persons, whereof one would have from the other several parcels of his ancient Land, he should propose to him by way of Accommodation, that he would quit to him all those in question, with the rest of his Estate, as the most necessary and effectual means to remove all those suits and differences. But we call God to witness, that as for Our Subject's sake these Rights are vested in Us, so for their sakes, as well as for Our own, We are resolved not to quit them, nor to subvert (though in a Parliamentary way) the ancient, equal, happy, well-poised and never-enough commended Constitution of the Government of this Kingdom, nor to make Ourselves of a King of England a Duke of Venice, and this of a Kingdom a Republic.  
There being three kinds of Government amongst men, Absolute Monarchy, Aristocracy and Democracy, and all these having their particular conveniencies and inconveniencies. The experience and wisdom of your Ancestors hath so moulded this out of a mixture of these, as to give to this Kingdom (as far as humane Prudence can provide) the conveniencies of all three, without the inconveniencies of any one, as long as the Balance hangs even between the three Estates, and they run jointly on in their proper Channel (begetting Verdure and Fertility in the Meadows on both sides) and the overflowing of either on either side raise no Deluge or Inundation. The ill of absolute Monarchy is Tyranny, The ill of Aristocracy is Faction and Division, The ills of Democracy are Tumults, Violence and Licentiousness. The good of Monarchy is the uniting a Nation under one Head, to resist Invasion from abroad, and Insurrection at home: The good of Aristocracy is the Conjunction of Counsel in the ablest Persons of a State for the Public benefit: The good of Democracy is Liberty, and the Courage and Industry which Liberty begets.  
In this Kingdom the Laws are jointly made by a King, by a House of Peers, and by a House of Commons chosen by the People, all having free Votes and particular Privileges: The Government according to these Laws is trusted to the King, Power of Treaties of War and Peace, of making Peers, of choosing Officers and Counsellors for State, Judges for Law, Commanders for Forts and Castles, giving Commissions for raising men to make War abroad, or to prevent or provide against Invasions or Insurrections at home, benefit of Confiscations, power of pardoning, and some more of the like kind are placed in the King. And this kind of regulated Monarchy having this power to preserve that Authority, without which it would be disabled to preserve the Laws in their Force, and the Subjects in their Liberties and Proprieties, is intended to draw to him such a Respect and Relation from the great Ones, as may hinder the ills of Division and Faction, and such a Fear and Reverence from the People, as may hinder Tumults, Violence and Licentiousness. Again, that the Prince may not make use of this high and perpetual Power to the hurt of those for whose good He hath it, and make use of the name of Public Necessity for the gain of his private Favourites and Followers to the detriment of His People, the House of Commons (an excellent Conserver of Liberty, but never intended for any share in Government, or the choosing of them that should Govern) is solely entrusted with the first Propositions concerning the Levies of Moneys (which is the sinews as well of Peace as War) and the impeaching of those, who for their own ends, though countenanced by any Surreptitiously gotten command of the King, have violated that Law, which he is bound (when he knows it) to protect, and to the protection of which they were bound to advise Him, at least not to serve Him in the contrary. And the Lords being trusted with a judicatory power, are an excellent Screen and Bank between the Prince and people, to assist each against any Encroachments of the other, and by just judgements to preserve that Law which ought to be the Rule of every one of the three. For the better enabling them in this, beyond the examples of any of Our Ancestors, We were willingly contented to oblige Ourselves, both to call a Parliament every three years, and not to dissolve it in fifty days, and for the present Exigent, the better to raise Money, and avoid the pressure (no less grievous to Us then them) Our People must have suffered by a longer continuance of so vast a Charge as two great Armies, and for their greater certainty of having sufficient time to remedy the inconveniencies arisen during so long an absence of Parliaments, and for the punishment of the Causers and Ministers of them, We yielded up Our Right of dissolving this Parliament, expecting an extraordinary moderation from it in gratitude for so unexampled a Grace, and little looking that any Malignant Party should have been encouraged or enabled to have persuaded them, first to countenance the Injusticies and Indignities We have endured, and then by a new way of Satisfaction for what was taken from Us, to demand of Us at once to confirm what was so taken, and to give up almost all the rest.  
Since therefore the Power Legally placed in both Houses is more than sufficient to prevent and restrain the power of Tyranny, and without the power which is now asked from Us We shall not be able to discharge that Trust, which is the end of Monarchy, since this would be a total Subversion of the Fundamental Laws, and that excellent Constitution of this Kingdom, which hath made this Nation so many years both Famous and happy to a great degree of Envy; since to the power of Punishing (which is already in your hands according to Law) if the power of Preferring be added, We shall have nothing left for Us, but to look on; since the encroaching of one of these Estates upon the power of the other is unhappy in the effects both to them and all the rest; since this power of at most a joint Government in Us with Our Councillors, (or rather Our Guardians) will return Us to the worst kind of Minority, and make Us despicable both at home and abroad, and beget eternal Factions and Dissensions (as destructive to public Happiness as War) both in the chosen, and the Houses that choose them, and the people who choose the Choosers; since so new a power will undoubtedly intoxicate persons who were not born to it, and beget not only Divisions among them as equals, but in them contempt of Us as become an equal to them, and Insolence and Injustice towards Our people, as now so much their inferiors, which will be the more grievous unto them, as suffering from those who were so lately of a nearer degree to themselves, and being to have redress only from those that placed them, and fearing they may be inclined to preserve what they have made, both out of kindness and policy; since all great changes are extremely inconvenient, and almost infallibly beget yet greater Changes, which beget yet greater Inconveniencies.  
Since as great an one in the Church must follow this of the Kingdom; Since the second Estate would in all probability follow the Fate of the first, and by some of the same turbulent spirits Jealousies would be soon raised against them, and the like Propositions for reconciliation of Differences would be then sent to them, as they now have joined to send to Us, till (all Power being vested in the House of Commons, and their number making them incapable of transacting Affairs of State with the necessary Secrecy and Expedition; those being retrusted to some close Committee) at last the Common people (who in the mean time must be flattered, and to whom Licence must be given in all their wild humours, how contrary soever to established Law, or their own real Good) discover this Arcanum Imperii, That all this was done by them, but not for them, grow weary of Journeywork, and set up for themselves, call Parity and Independence, Liberty; Devour that Estate which had devoured the rest; Destroy all Rights and Proprieties, all distinctions of Families and Merit; And by this means this splendid and excellently distinguished Form of Government end in a dark equal Chaos of Confusion; and the long Line of Our many noble Ancestors in a jack Cade or a Wat Tyler.  
For all these Reasons to all these Demands, Our Answer is, Nolumus Leges Angliae mutari: But this We promise, that We will be as careful of preserving the Laws in what is supposed to concern wholly Our Subjects, as in what most concerns Ourselves: For indeed We profess to believe, That the preservation of every Law concerns Us, those of obedience being not secure, when those of protection are violated; And We being most of any injured in the least viclation of that, by which We enjoy the highest Right and greatest Benefits, and are therefore obliged to defend no less by Our interest then by Our duty, and hope that no Jealousies to the contrary shall be any longer nourished in any of Our good People, by the subtle insinuations, and secret practices of men, who for private ends are disaffected to Our Honour and Safety, and the Peace and Prosperity of Our People. And to show you, that no just indignation at so reproachful offers shall make Us refuse to grant what is probable to conduce to the good of Our good People, because of the ill company it comes in, We will search carefully in this heap of unreasonable Demands, for so much as We may (complying with Our Conscience, and the duty of Our Trust) assent unto, and shall accordingly agree to it.  
In pursuance of which Search, in the 4th Proposition, under a Demand which would take from Us that trust which God, Nature, and the Laws of the Land have placed in Us, and of which none of you could endure to be deprived, We find something to which We give this Answer, That We have committed the principal places about Our Children to persons of Quality, Integrity and Piety, with special regard that their tener years might be so seasoned with the Principles of the true Protestant Religion, as (by the blessing of God upon this Our care) this whole Kingdom may in due time reap the fruit thereof: And as We have been likewise very careful in the choice of Servants about them, that none of them may be such, as by ill Principles, or by ill Examples to cross Our endeavours for their Pious and Virtuous Education, so if there shall be found (for all Our care to prevent it) any person about Our Children (or about Us, which is more than you ask) against whom both Houses shall make appear to Us any just exception, We shall not only remove them, but thank you for the Information; Only We shall expect, that you shall be likewise careful that there be not underhand dealing by any to seek faults to make room for others to succeed in their places.  
For the 5th Demand, as We will not suffer any to share with Us in Our power of Treaties, which are most improper for Parliaments, and lest in those Treaties in which We are neerliest concerned, not only as a King, but as a Father, yet We do (such is Our desire to give all reasonable satisfaction) assure you by the word of a King, that We shall never propose or entertain any Treaty whatsoever for the marriage of any of Our Children, without due regard to the true Protestant Profession, the good of Our Kingdoms, and the Honour of Our Family.  
For the 6th Demand, concerning the Laws in force against jesuites, Priests, and Popish Recusants, We have by many of Our Messages to you, by Our voluntary promise to you, so solemnly made never to pardon any Popist Priest, by Our strict Proclamations lately published in this point, and by the public Examples which We have made in that case since Our Residence at York, and before at London sufficiently expressed Our zeal herein. Why do you then ask that in which Our own Inclination hath prevented you? And if you can yet find any more effectual Course to disable them from Disturbing the State or eluding the Law by trusts or otherwise, We shall willingly give Our Consent to it.  
For the 7th concerning the Votes of Popish Lords, We understand that they in discretion have withdrawn themselves from the service of the House of Peers, (and had done so when use was publicly made of their names to asperse the Votes of that house, which was then counted as Malignant as those (who are called Our unknown and unsworn Counselors) are now) neither do We conceive that such a positive Law against the Votes of any whose blood gives them that right, is so proper in regard of the Privilege of Parliament, but are content, that so long as they shall not be conformable to the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England, they shall not be admitted to sit in the House of Peers, but only to give their Proxies to such Protestant Lords as they shall choose, who are to dispose of them as they themselves shall think fit, without any Reference at all to the Giver.  
As to the desires for a Bill for the Education of the Children of Papists by Protestants in the Protestant Profession, many about Us can witness with Us, That We have often delivered Our Opinion, that such a Course (with God's blessing upon it) would be the most effectual for the rooting out of Popery out of this Kingdom; We shall therefore thank you for it, and encourage you in it, and, when it comes unto Us, do Our Duty; And we hearty wish, for the public good, that the time you have spent in making Ordinances without Us, had been employed in preparing this and other good Bills for Vs.  
For the 8th, touching The Reformation to be made of the Church Government and Liturgy, We had hoped, that what We had formerly declared concerning the same, had been so sufficiently understood by you and all good Subjects, that We should not need to have expressed Ourselves further in it. We told you in Our Answers to your Petition presented to Us at Hampton-Court the first of December, That for any illegal Innovations which may have crept in, We should willingly concur in the removal of them; That if Our Parliament should advise Us to call a Nationall Synod, which may duly examine such Ceremonies as give just cause of Offence to any, We should take it into Consideration, and apply Ourselves to give due satisfaction therein; That We were persuaded in Our Conscience, that no church could be found upon the Earth, that professeth the true Religion with more purity of Doctrine, than the church of England doth, nor where the Government and Discipline are jointly more beautified, and free from Superstition, then as they are here established by Law; which (by the grace of God We will with Constancy maintain (while We live) in their Purity and Glory, not only against all Invasions of Popery, but also from the Irreverence of those many Schismatics and Separatists, wherewith of late this Kingdom and Our City of London abounds, to the great dishonour and hazard both of Church and State, For the suppression of whom We required your timely and active assistance. We told you in Our first declaration, printed by the advice of Our Privy Council, That for differences amongst ourselves for matters indifferent in their own nature concerning Religion, We should in tenderness to any number of Our loving Subjects very willingly comply with the advice of Our Parliament, that some Law might be made for the exemption of tender consciences from punishment or prosecution for such Ceremonies, and in such cases, which by the judgement of most men are held to be matters indifferent, and of some to be absolutely unlawful; Provided, that this ease should be attempted and pursued with that modesty, temper and submission, that in the mean time the Peace & quiet of the Kingdom be not disturbed, the Decency & comeliness of God's Service discountenanced, nor the Pious, Sober, Devout actions of those reverend Persons, who were the first labourers in the blessed Reformation, or of that time, be scandaled and defamed. And We hearty wish, that others whom it concerned, had been as ready (as their duty bound them, though they had not received it from Us) to have pursued this caution, as We were and still are willing & ready to make good every particular of that Promise. Nor did We only appear willing to join in so good a Work, when it should be brought Us, but pressed & urged you to it by Our Message of the 14. of Feb. in these words, And because His Majesty observes great and different troubles to arise in the hearts of His People, concerning the Government and Liturgy of the Church, His Majesty is willing to declare, That He will refer the whole consideration to the wisdom of His Parliament, which He desires them to enter into speedily, that the present distractions about the same may be composed: but desires not to be pressed to any single Act on His part, till the whole be so digested and settled by both Houses, that His Majesty may clearly see what is fit to be left, as well as what is fit to be taken away: Of which We the more hoped of a good success to the general satisfaction of Our People, because you seem in this Proposition to desire but a Reformation, and not (as is daily preached for, as necessary, in those many Conventicles which have within these nineteen months begun to swarm, and which, though their Leaders differ from you in this opinion, yet appear to many as countenanced by you, by not being punished by you (few else, by reason of the Order of the House of Commons of the 9 th'. of September, daring to do it) a destruction of the present Discipline and Liturgy. And We shall most cheerfully give Our best assistance for raising a sufficient maintenance for preaching Ministers, in such course as shall be most for the encouragement and advancement of Piety and Learning.  
For the Bills you mention, and the Consultation you intimate, knowing nothing of the particular matters of the one (though We like the Titles well) nor of the manner of the other, but from an Informer (to whom We give little credit, and We wish no man did more) Commonfame, We can say nothing till We see them.  
For the 11 th'. We would not have the Oath of all Privy Councillors and judges straitened to particular Statutes of one or two particular Parliaments, but extend to all Statutes of all Parliaments, and the whole Law of the Land, and shall willingly consent that an enquiry of all the breaches and violations of the Law may be given in charge by the justices of the King's Bench every Term, and by the judges of Assize in their Circuits, and justices of Peace at the Sessions, to be presented and punished according to Law.  
For the 17 th'. We shall ever be most ready, (and We are sorry it should be thought needful to move Us to it) not only to join with any (particularly with the States of the united Provinces, of Which We have given a late proof in the Match of Our Daughter) for the defence and maintenance of Protestant Religion, against all designs and attempts of the Pope and his adherents, but singly (if need were) to oppose with Our life and fortune all such Designs in all other Nations, were they joined: And that for Considerations of Conscience, far more than any temporal end of obtaining access of strength and reputation, or any natural end of restoring Our Royal Sister and her Princely Issue to their Dignities and Dominions, though these be likewise much considered by Us.  
For the 18 th'. It was not Our fault, that an Act was not passed to clear the Lord Kymbolton, and the five Members of the House of Commons, but yours, who inserted such Clauses into both the Preamble and Act (perhaps persuaded to it by some who wish not that you should in any thing receive satisfaction from Us) as by passing the Preamble We must have wounded Our Honour against Our Conscience, and by another Clause have admitted a Consequence, from which We could never have been secured, by declaring, That no Member of either House, upon any Accusation of Treason, could have his Person seized without the Consent of that House, of which he is a Member, though the known Law be, That Privilege of Parliament extends not to Treason, and if it did, any Member (the House being for a short time adjourned, and so their Consent not being so had) how treasonable soever his Intentions were, how clearly soever known, and how suddenly soever to be executed, must have fair leave given him to go on and pursue them, no way, how Legal soever, after the passing such a Clause, being left to prevent it.  
To conclude, We Conjure you and all men to rest satisfied with the Truth of Our Professions, and the Reality of Our Intentions; not to ask such things as deny themselves; That you Declare against Tumults, and punish the Authors; That you allow Us Our Propriety in Our Towns, Arms and Goods, and Our Share in the Legislative Power, which would be counted in Us, not only breach of Privilege, but Tyranny and Subversion of Parliaments to deny to you: And when you shall have given Us satisfaction upon those Persons who have taken away the One, and recalled those Declarations (particularly that of the 26 th'. of May) and those in the point of the Militia (Our just Rights, wherein We will no more part with then with Our Crown, lest we enable others by them to take that from Us) which would take away the other; and declined the beginnings of a War against Us, under pretence of Our Intention of making One against you: as We have never opposed the first part of the 13 th'. Demand, so We shall be ready to concur with you in the latter.  
And being then confident that the Credit of those Men, who desire a general Combustion, will be so weakened with you, that they will not be able to do this Kingdom any more harm, We shall be willing to grant our general Pardon, with such Exceptions as shall be thought fit, and shall receive much more joy in the hope of a full and constant happiness of Our People in the true Religion, and under the Protection of the Law, by a blessed union between Us and Our Parliament (so much desired by Us) then in any such increase of Our Own Revenue (how much soever beyond former Grants) as (when Our Subjects were wealthiest) Our Parliament could have settled upon Us.  
FINIS.