CERTAIN ANNOTATIONS UPON CLEMENT: Intended as well for the asserting of this Epistle, against some Exceptions, in respect of the Author of it, and his manner of writing; as for the preventing of others:  
But especially for vindicating it from Mis●allegations, and wrong citations, urged out of it, in regard of some points concerning Church-government, in controversy at this day.  
Containing also some other Observations, whereby the Author is illustrated.  C. Lucilius apud Cic lib. 2. de Orat. PERSIUM non curo legere: Laelium Decimum volo. 
LONDON, Printed by J. Y. for J. P. and O. P. in Paul's Churchyard, in the Year of our Lord, M.DC.XLVII.   

A SUMMARY of chief Matters contained in these Annotations, observed out of this EPISTLE.  
1. THe Equality as well of Churches themselves, as of their Governors, in the first Age. Clement and Linus, what kind of Bishops. The cause of the disagreement among Writers concerning the Order and Succession of the first Bishops of Rome. Bishop and Presbyter, common names at that time. The humility of them in those times.  
2. At what time, as is most probable, this Epistle might be written. Baronius commended for collecting the Fragments thereof.  
3. Of the Schisms and Factions among the Corinthians, when Paul wrote his first Epistle to them.  
4. A place in Clement cited by Clemens Alexandrinus.  
5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Clement to be understood of the Civil Magistrate, though meant of the Ecclesiastical Governors, in the Epistle to the Hebrews, notwithstanding the likeness of stile, which is said to be in both these Epistles.  
6. The Epistle of Polycarpus the Martyr hath several passages out of Clement. Whether it may not be thought genuine.  
7. The manner of citing places out of the Old Testament into the New: Which also is to be observed in Clement.  
8. The LXX. Interpreters generally followed by the Apostles. Then less corrupt than in after ages. Now not so much to be respected. The old Latin version of the LXX. in ancient use here in Britain.  
9 Clement excused, in his instance of Aaron's and Miriam's being shut out of the Camp.  
10. Clement, speaking of Peter's Martyrdom, says nothing of his being at Rome, much less of his Bishopric there, and Prerogative. Whether he were ever there, or no, is discussed. His was the Apostleship of the Circumcision. A deplorable breach in Church-History from the Acts to Trajan's time. Whether Paul, as well as Peter, might not from Clement's words be thought to suffer under some Provincial Magistrate, rather than at Rome.  
11. Whether Paul ever performed his journey into Spain: Or were ever in Britain. Peter's being there, and ordaining Bishops, confirmed by our English Romanists, either from very slight, or forged Authorities.  
12. Clement's manner of urging Scriptures.  
13. A place in him out of Clemens Alexandrinus.  
14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The several acceptions of it.  
15. The Pillar of Salt, into which Lot's wife was turned, remaining in Clement's time.  
16. Clement's citing a place in Luke.  
17. A sentence of Clement's restored out of Jerome.  
18. A place in Matthew not so well rendered by our English Translators.  
19 Moses cited for David. Clement excused therein by many places in the New Testament. Josephus, Scriptor Christianus, Graecè, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Christ's division of the Books of the Old Testament.  
20. Mr. Young's conjecture confirmed. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. e. The unpassable Ocean, meant by Clement of the British.  
21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. e. The Worlds beyond it, thought to be the Islands called the Britannies. A discourse endeavouring to make it good.  
22. The Phoenix, an Emblem of the Resurrection among the ancient Christians. The Resurrection taken for a new Deity by the Philosophers at Athens. How far a belief of the truth thereof possessed the better sort of Heathens.  
23. Of what is possible, or impossible with God. His Power always accompanies his Will. We ought to speak reverently of his Power.  
24. Clement is defended about a place, which he is said to cite out of the Wisdom of Solomon. Of the Author of that Book, and the credit thereof. Paul himself urgeth Heathen Writers: Menander the Comedian, etc.  
25. Clement absolutely condemns the Doctrine of Merits, and Justification by Works.  
26. The happiness of a Christian Church in Clement's judgement.  
27. Clement is falsely urged to prove set-times for public Prayers in the Primitive Church, which they call Canonical Hours.  
28. Clement is not truly and faithfully alleged, to prove, that in the first Age there was a distinction between the Clergy and Laity. Neither doth it appear by any genuine authority of Ignatius, who is defended from contradicting of Scripture, whereof he stands accused. Laicus and Catholicus, of what use in the first Age. Christian Presbytery from the Jewish; and what that was.  
29. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, what they were. Henr. Stephani Glossarium Latino-Graecum emendatur. Victimarum probatio. Aruspex.  
30. Bishop & Presbyter; whence the Apostles borrowed these names. No distinction in matter of office, to be found of them in Clement. Nor any single Bishop of the Corinthians in his time: Both which notwithstanding are pretended out of him.  
31. The Name of Episcopacy in Clement. Vocabulum honoris, quod Ecclesiae usus obtinuit, in Austin. Bishops excepted against before these times. Chrysostome's riding on an Ass envied at. Not lawful in his opinion for Bishops to ride on horseback. The small maintenance and poverty of the ancient British, Irish, and other Country-Bishops. The ambition, excess and cruelty of the Roman taken notice of by an Heathen Historian. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, how taken in ancient Authors.  
32. The Apostles power in constituting Bishops & Deacons conveyed unto others. Yet such choice of Ministers, according to Clement, is ineffectual without the general consent of the people. A difficult thing to know who, and what kind of Bishops were first instituted by the Apostles. Eusebius his confession to that purpose. Most Records of the first times utterly lost.  
33. A sentence of Clement's severally interpreted by six very learned men. Some of their various readings of it upon conjecture.  
34. Clement not faithfully dealt withal. A transitive note added on purpose in the translation of a passage of his into English, the better to make it appear, that Bishop and Presbyter are distinguished by him: Which notwithstanding appears not out of him.  
35. PAUL's Gospel. What in Clement is to be understood thereby. S. John's first Epistle cited also under the Title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. No alteration of Church-government caused upon the Factions and Schisms of the Corinthians, as is urged. Jerome is therein defended.  
36. Whether there were another Cephas besides Peter. The place of Paul, 1 Cor. 1.12. understood of Peter by Clement, against some Interpreters.  
37. A place of Clement's urged by Clement of Alexandria.  
38. Another place of his also to be found in his writings.  
39 A place of Clement's translated by Jerom.  
40. Epiphanius misapplies a passage in Clement. Chrysostom's imitation of the same place; and his golden Resolution.  
41. Clement excused, for urging the story of Judith, by the example of the Apostles: who in their Epistles cite several Apocrypha of the Jews, beside Heathens.  
42. A place of some ancient Gr. Tragedian perhaps alluded to by Clement.  
43. The practice of Presbyterian government only asserted by this Epistle. The weightiness of the charge: and what care the people ought to have in the choice of such as are to sustain the burden thereof.  
44. A sentence of Clement's, perhaps restored to this Epistle where the lacuna is, out of Basil the Great. Clement's Epistle to the Corinthians cited by the Author of the Questions ad Orthodoxos. It is not Justin Martyrs. The antiquity and authority of the Sibyllin Verses.  
45. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. This word borrowed by Polycarpus out of Clement.  
46. Clement, speaking of Christ, is defended against the censure of Photius, the Patriarch of CP.  
47. Their names who carried this Epistle from Rome to the Church of Corinth. Fortunatus. Biton. The holy forgery of the Primitive times. Apocryphal Gospels and Epistles under the Apostles, and other holy men's names.   

ANNOTATIONS.  
THe Church of God which so journeth at Rome, to the etc.] 
I.  Two things may be observed from the very Inscription of this Epistle. First, The equality that was as well between these two Churches themselves, as the Governors thereof, called Elders of the Church, and Bishops; there being at this time no Superiority or precedency, which notwithstanding the Bishops of Rome have since then affected. Secondly, That the Elders of both by themselves, without any extraordinary Bishop placed over them, did govern as well the Church of Rome, as that of Corinth; it being very unlikely, that the names of them should have been concealed in this Inscription, had either of the Churches had any one at that time in such eminency of place, or power, above the other Rulers. For Clement was not now any singular, or 
* As he was not formerly at Philippi See H. Grotius upon the following Scripture. Phil. 4.3. 2 Tim. 4.21.  only Bishop of Rome, nor placed above the Presbytery thereof. But one of those Ministers, whose help the Apostles used in founding of Churches, Paul calling him his fellow-laborer; as was Linus also without question, whom he mentions too; and both whom the Ecclesiastical History makes Bishops of Rome, some placing them both before Anacletus, and of the two, Linus first; some making Clement last of the three; but others again put him before either of the other two. 
Cl. Salmas. dissert. de Episcop. & Presbyt. cap. 4.  Which confusion the learned S●lmasius conceives to proceed from no other cause, then that they were not particular and only Bishops, as the most would have them to be, but some of those many Presbyters, who were appointed to govern the Church of Rome with equal and joint power. And truly the Reverend B P Usher 
* Dissert. de Ignatii, etc. scriptis, cap. 18. in addend. p. 137. q●um ista scripsit Clemens, Epis. & Pres. communia adh●c videantur fuisse nomina. Nicol. Vedel. Exercit. 8. in epist Ignat ad Maria. 11. ca 3.  acknowledgeth, that when this Epistle was written by Clement the names of Bishop and Presbyter seemed to be common; as indeed thereby it appears: though Vedelius, the Professor of Geneva grant that this distinction was already 
* jam invaluisse.  grown for some good while to be in use in Clement's time: which how it can be, Clement's banishment, nay, Martyrdom, happening very presently upon the writing thereof, as is most probably 
† v. Dn. Ju●ium in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Notas ad Clementem.  conjectured, I leave to others to consider of. However it is a very good observation which the learned Mr Young maketh, that Clement being to exhort the disagreeing and factious part of the Church of Corinth to compliance and brotherly condescension in love and humility, he makes no use of any power from his own, but gently entreats them through the whole Epistle in the general Name of the Church of Rome, never mentioning himself, or his own authority any way: So unfitting a thing did those holy men of the Primitive times conceive it to be, [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,] that I may use Clement's own words, imperiously and arrogantly to advance themselves over the flock and people of Christ, allowing such no part or portion at all in him: contrary to what we have seen, and have been very sensible of in our days.  

II.  The calamities and sad accidents which have happened unto us.] All antiquity being wholly silent about the time when this Epistle was written, learned Mr Young from these words, as also from a main circumstance in Clement's relation of Paul's suffering, doth make a probable conjecture that it was sent by him in the time of his banishment to the Church of Corinth, which was about the beginning of Trajan, or not long after, some two years before his martyrdom. 
Baron. ad An. XCV. § 1.  The great Annalist refers the writing of it to the twelfth year of Domitian, some six, or seven years' sooner: But his Eminency pleases not to vouchsafe any ground or reason for his so doing. Yet his industry is very highly to be honoured, for that despairing ever to find an entire Copy, he first attempted to collect out of the Father's writings, and set together, the unvaluable relics of this 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Euseb. l. 3. c. 12. Eccl. Hist. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Niceph. Call. lib. 3. cap. 18.  admirable and 
† 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Iren. li. 3. c. 3. apud Euseb.  absolute, (for so it was esteemed of old,) and withal, 
* Valdè utilis. Hieron. in Catalogue. Script. Ecclesiast.  most useful Epistle; as it were the fragments and shattered parcels of some inestimable, but almost decayed statue; being not the less to be respected, for that it had undergon the same fate, which, by the means of bad times and worse hands, many an excellent and choice piece hath met with, to the unspeakable loss and damage of posterity.  
Abominable and ungodly sedition.] 
III.  Baronius makes the first Epistle of Paul to the Corinthians, wherein he taxes them for their 
a 1 Cor. 1.10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  schisms and 
b 1 Cor. 3.3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  factions, 
Ad annum LVII. § 2.  to be written near forty years before this of Clement. It should seem very strange, that notwithstanding the earnest endeavours of the Apostles, and their ministers in the Gospel, for settling of peace and unity in this Church, their divisions should revive and again get head, with more strength and obstinacy, and grow more inveterate, as appears by this present abominable and ungodly sedition and breach among them; 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Clem.  so soon did the enemy that evil one, begin to sow his tares even in the purest times and Congregations, and so unhappily they thrived. 
Eccl. hist. li. 3. cap. 12.  To work them to an agreement was this Epistle purposely written, as Eusebius tells us out of Hegesippus, a very ancient writer, (not the supposititious that is extant,) and Irenaeus lib. III. cap. III.  
For who hath ever sojourned among you, that etc.] 
iv  This whole passage, and others following, are cited from hence by the other Clement of Alexandria, who lived after this Clement, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  I mean flourished, somewhat above CXX. years.  

V  Them that are Governors over you.] The word in Greek is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Eccl. hist. l III. cap. 32. Catal. Scrip. Eccl.  Eusebius, and out of him Hierom observes that not only the character of the phrase in this Epistle is like that in the Epistle to the Ebrews, but that many even entire senses, and very same words are here borrowed from thence. So that Eusebius dare hereupon almost undertake, that Clement was the Translator of that Epistle out of the Hebrew (in which language it is vulgarly thought Paul wrote it to his countrymen,) into Greek, as we now have it, rather than Luke. Yet however, this word hath a differing sense here from the use and signification of it in the last to the Ebrews, where it is taken for the Presbyters, or Elders of the Church, as most plainly appears by the inspection, 
Ebr. 13.7.17.  and comparing of the 7. and 17. verses. For in this place, and through the whole Epistle, where it is to be found, I am sure seven times at least, we must understand it of the Civil Magistrates, and their power, called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Paul's language, to whom he bids every soul to be subject: 
Rom. 13.1. Tit. 3.1. Imperatoribus. Jun. Praefectis. Salmas.  and of whose suffering, and death, Clement making mention, he doth tell us in this following discourse, that it was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, under the Emperors, or their Governors. Neither signifies it otherwise in the other places. And so in like manner neither is the Presbytery of the Church intended by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the words next following, but the elderly sort only, as opposed to the youth: which whole sentence of Clement is well illustrated by what we read in the Proëm to the Laws of Charondas of Catana: 
Intemr Fragm. Pythagoreorum.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. himself elsewhere also joining together 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i e. The Rulers, or Magistrates; the aged sort; and the young men: And yet the Order itself is abundantly asserted by him, as in opposition to solitary Episcopacy, in this Epistle, as you will hear in what follows.  

VI  unblameable and pure conscience, loving their own husbands.] These very expressions, as also many others besides, as may be seen in what follows, are borrowed out of Clement by Polycarpus, that ancient and faithful witness of Christ, and the Scholar of John his beloved Disciple, in his Epistle to the Philippians. This note is added, to this end and purpose, not only to prove this Epistle to be genuine, and of that antiquity which we believe it to be of, (which notwithstanding is sufficiently already made to appear;) but also that a certain authority, and respect, given to it in time of most remote antiquity, (for in after ages it was publicly read in 
a Euseb. lib. 3. cap. 12. Epiphan. contra Ebionitas. Hieronym. in Catal.  Congregations, and Churches,) may be observed, and taken notice of. For to question the Epistle of Polycarpus for spurious, and a supposititious birth, none, that I know of, have undertaken to do it. What passages 
* Hist. lib. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Photius Patr. CP. in Biblioth. num. 126.  Eusebius, and that diligent Greek Patriarch in his Bibliotheque long-ago cited out of it, are yet to be found in it. And the Church Historians of Madenburg, refer us to the diligent antiquitatis scrutatores, themselves having little, or nothing to any purpose, to say against it: especially if we do consider the simplicity and plainness 
b 1 Cor. 2.1.4. Andr. Rivetus Crit. Sacri li. 2. ca 3. edit. ultima.  of the Apostolical times, and style. They had better hearts; we indeed better tongues, and pens. But neither doth the judicious Dr Rivet, that singular ornament sometime of Leyden, take upon him to censure it. As for that Greek copy of it, only mentioned by him, 
† Edit. Ignatianae, p. 243. & Not add Polycarp. num. 1.  what the Incomparable Dr Usher observed concerning it, and the credit it might have, all that perished in the late great schath-fire at Oxford, accompanied with other rare parcels of Church antiquity, to the no small grief of all them, that make search and enquiry after matters of this nature.  
The beloved hath eaten, and drunken, etc.] 
VII.  This short passage is the sum of three whole verses out of the XXXII. Chapter of Deuteronomy. It is the manner of Clement, and indeed of the Fathers after him generally, to cite places of Holy Scripture, not always in their own words and sentences, as they are conceived there; thinking the authority of it sufficiently enforced upon their hearers, or readers, if, keeping still close to the true meaning and intention thereof, they did not constantly render the very language of the Text, but sometimes make use of expressions, though not disagreeing, yet not the same 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or, as we say, word for word. 
D. de legib. l. Scire leges. & l. 2. C. de Comm. legate.  For the great Lawyer tells us, Leges non ex verbis, sed ex ment intelligendas. And if this will not be enough to render them excusable, the very Apostles themselves, (example's fittest to follow, and ablest, if any, to justify,) in unquestioned writ have done the like, as both Mr Young hath well observed upon this Apostolical Writer, and every one knows who hath been but diligent to compare with the Old Testament places quoted thence into the New. They did likewise, not without the same warrant, to make up one perfect sense, or period, collect, and heap together pieces or portions taken from several places and passages of Scripture, as if they had been there joined together, and followed one another. And this our Lord Christ himself doth, Matth. 21.5. Tell ye the daughter of Zion, Behold thy King cometh unto thee, meek, and sitting upon an ass, and a colt, the foal of an ass. For the former words, Tell ye the daughter of Zion, are taken out of Isai. 62.11. what follows is to be found in Zech. 9.9. To have noted thus much, will serve, as a sufficient 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to prepare the ordinary and less knowing Reader, and withal prevent his being troubled, if he find not all quotations, alleged here in what follows, just agreeing with those Bibles, which we have commonly in our hands. And they that do not observe this, 
a Exerc. Sacr. lib. 3. cap. 4.  Fieri non potest quin impingant, saith the excellent Heinsius.  

VIII.  If thou offer aright, and dost not divide aright, etc.] They, that only turn over the English Bibles, will the less wonder at this reading, when they shall understand, that not only Paul himself, the Evangelists and Apostles, with all the ancientest Fathers of either language; but even the learned Jew's themselves, which lived presently after Christ, and at the time of the last Captivity, used for the most part that Greek Translation, which is commonly called, The Septuagint, from whence this Text is taken. To instance in one or two places of an hundred: In the Gospel, where it is said, that Christ came to Nazareth, and according to his custom went into the Synagogue on the Sabbath day, and stood up to read; and that there being delivered to him the book of the Prophet Esaias, he opened it, and found the place where it was written. 
Luk. 4.18. Isai. 61.1.  The spirit of the Lord is upon me, etc. These words, and what follow, Luke delivers to us according to the Septuagint, though it be most manifest Christ read them in the Hebrew; now that version, for what we read out of Hebrew [and the opening of the prison to them that are bound] hath, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and recovering of sight to the blind: to which Luke adds (as if it followed) out of Chap. 58.6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to let the oppressed, or broken, go free. But you will say Luke was no Jew; and therefore could not well interpret out of a language he understood not. And we dare not peremptorily determine that every one that had the Spirit, had likewise the gift of languages. For Paul then, who was one, he in the Epistle to the Galatians proving, against the Jews, that were the Children of the Freewoman, and not of the Bondwoman, 
Gal. 4.27.  citys a place out of the same Prophet, after his usual manner, according to the Seventies Gr. edition; as Hierom hath observed it. Nay, 
Phil. 3.5.  being an Hebrew of the Ebrews, and writing to his own countrymen (for he is verily thought the 
* Baron. ad An. LX. § 42. 43. etc. vide Lamp. Alard. Epiphyl. lib. 1.  Author) he doth exactly (whether he writ it in the Hebrew, or no,) follow 
† Hieron. ●n Isai. cap. 6.  the sense and words of the very same Translation; except any one can surmise, that his scribe, or Interpreter (be it whether it will be) durst be so bold, as to deliver that again according to the LXX. which himself had first conceived, and dictated, after the Hebrew verity. Secutus est author hujus epistolae LXX. Interpretum editionem, saith the all-knowing Joseph Scaliger; The Author not Translator: and there are other reasons would make a man conjecture that it was originally Greek. Though not in this perhaps, yet in many other things of this kind antiquity hath foully imposed upon our belief. However, certain it is, that two of Paul's own countrymen, and the learnedest of the Nation after him, the one Philo, esteemed by antiquity the Plato of the Jews; the other Josephus, a Pharisee by his own report; whom though I will not compare with Paul for exactness of observance in his sect, (which himself sticks not to make boast of, even after his conversion, 
Act. 22.3.26.5. ) yet undoubtedly was he most exact, as well in the Language, as laws of his own people: Notwithstanding that, both these are observed to make use of this version of the 70. Elders, rather than themselves to interpret out of their own Books, and Language, (which they were most absolutely able to do, it being native to them; and their Gr. only acquired by study,) as often as occasion offered itself. 
Praefat. ad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. & contra Appion. lib 1.  And indeed it is to be wondered at in Josephus, that he should so do; especially in a matter of that moment, as the computation of the years from the Creation, in which he makes choice to follow the Seventies' account, which indeed as far disagrees with the Hebrew 
* Videses Mich. Glycam Annal. part 2. , as the Samaritan comes not near either of them. And whether Nennius, the old Britain, follow him, 
Hist. Britonum. cap. 1.  in his Translation by Ruffinus, in reckoning the same years, or else the old Latin Translation out of the Seventy, is a question needs not here much to trouble us. Now all this is said, not with any intent to prefer the broken cisterns of Translations, before the fountain of living waters contained in the Original Hebrew: but to show in what esteem, and how generally received the Seventies' Edition was in the Apostles age, and those next following: and we must needs say with Jerom; 
a Ep. add Damas'. in 4. Evang. Illa vera interpretatio, quam Apostoli probaverunt. v. ejus praef. in J●rem.  that that is a true Translation which the Apostles approved of: Only it were to be wished, we had it now in that purity, 
* Si 70. Interp. pura, & ut ab eye in Gr. versa est editio permaneret, super slew, mi Chromati, impelleres, ut Ebraea tibi v●lum. Lat. sermone transferrem. Hieron. prolog. in Paralip.  according as the Primitive Church enjoyed it: Of the restoring of which, in some good sort, Mr Young (a man born for public good, and advancement of better literature,) hath given the Christian learned world, not only good hopes, but also some assurance. In the mean while, having it no better than we have, who can patiently bear with that too magisterious censure 
* Rich. Montacut. Ep. Norwic. Orig. Ecclesiast. tom. 1. part. poster. § 54. p. 36. , of one, who otherwise indeed had learning enough for two honest Bishops: Magnam habere 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, saith he, debet interpretatio 70. & in iis quae ad Christi condescensionem (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & in carne susceptâ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) spectant, majorem apud me habebit, quàm Hebraica, quam tantopere quidam ampullantur, veritas, ut appellant. And yet he had told us not long before, that it was but a miscellany version, non pura puta 70. ex Aquilae, Symmachi, aliorum versionibus constata. He was a man 
† J. S. de Does Syr. Synt. 2. cap. 16.  Graecè sanè & Latinè doctus; and of the two Languages, which it pleased the Holy Ghost to make use of, becoming an exquisite Master in the one, contempsit alteram. As for this very Text, 
b De Gestis Aelfredi R.  Asserius Menevensis (he was B P of Sherborn about the year DCCCLXXX.) hath the reading of it after the Gr. of the 70. out of the same Latin version thereof before mentioned, and generally in use of old time in these Kingdoms, before the vulgar Latin came either to be admitted, or enforced: Si rectè offeras, rectè autem non dividas, peccas. And what follows here in the next words; And Caïn said unto Abel his brother, Let us go along into the field, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, according to the same LXX. although it be wanting in the Hebrew, yet it is to be found in the Samaritan Pentateuch. Of which also 
a Quaest. Ebr. in Genesim.  Jerom took notice: Superfluum ergo est, saith he, quoth in Samaritanorum & nostro volumine reperitur, Transeamus in Campum. See incomparable Mr Selden praefat. ad Marmora Arundelliana.  
Aäron and Miriam had their habitation out of the Camp.] 
IX.  We must here read Clement warily, and favourably. Aäron is not said in the Text to be shut forth; but Miriam only. Neither was their murmuring against Moses the immediate cause thereof; for than had Aäron also been put out: But Miriam's leprosy, 
Levit. 13.46.  (according to the Law;) it being the particular and single punishment inflicted upon her by God, and that for particular reasons not here to be discussed, for her speaking against Moses. See Deut. XXIV. 9 But Clement may be excused by great examples. Paul tells us in his I to the Corinth. that Christ, 
1 Cor. 15.5.  after he risen again, was seen of Cephas, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, then of the twelve. A perfect number for an imperfect. For indeed there were not at most above eight, if so many: Judas having hanged himself; Peter, with the beloved Disciple, being absent; as appears by passages in John, and Luke; Neither indeed was Thomas there. 
Joh. 20.10. Luk. 24.34. Joh. 20.24.  And from Paul's following words we may gather James was away too. Now these words are meant of his first appearance to his Disciples. So that they, (and some of them are of the ancients,) do nothing, who have mended the place, [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, eleven,] when as neither so the account will stand good. Many such instances may be brought also out of the most ancient and best Heathen writers; but this is not a fit place for them. This shall be enough.  
He passed unto the due appointed place of Glory.] 
X.  Gr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Polycarpus in his Epistle to the Philippians makes use of this expression, (which he borrows from Clement) concerning Paul and other holy men; only the Verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is from this place to be restored thither 
* Patr. Junius Not. Critic. in Polycar. Ep. Oxon. edit. à Dn. Usserio. 1644. : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. And the whole passage of that part thereof is transcribed by Eusebius. But in this mentioning of Peter here, there is nothing of his Prerogative and Primacy; 
Eccles. hist. lib. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  nothing of his universal Episcopacy, and unlimited Jurisdiction bequeathed to his Successors; no not any thing of his own being Bishop of Rome; or appointing Clement after him to succeed in a single prelatical power above the other Presbyters. Not a word of all this in him, from whom, had there been ever any such thing, we might best expect it. Nay his very being at Rome, whether ever at all, or no, is questioned, I and denied too, by men of unquestionable learning, 
† Tract. super eâ re apud Melch. Goldast. Tom. 3. Monarch. Rom. Imperii.  Vlricus Velenus, Math. Fl. Illyricus, Dau. Pareus, Jos. Scaliger, Sibrandus, Salmasius, and divers others. And indeed that he never saw Rome, for about some XX. year next after the Ascension of Christ, may be demonstrated by very evident places of Holy Scripture: where notwithstanding they will have him to be crucified about some XXXVII. years after that time; having sate Bishop there above XXV. of them, and VII. more before that at Antioch. This, I say, if we prove, that Peter was so far from being at Rome for the first XX. year, (and we will see what may be done afterward for the other XVII.) that indeed he was at Jerusalem, or in places a great deal more remote than it, in the East for all that while, we shall wondrously trouble their account, and indeed shake the whole foundation and fabric of their ill-contrived Roman Ecclesiastical Monarchy, which they pretend to derive, (but upon most uncertain proofs,) from Peter's residence, and jurisdiction, there. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And thus we do it.  
For the I. year after the Ascension, Peter preached daily at Jerusalem, either in the Temple, or in private houses, notwithstanding his former imprisonment, and the Order of the Council to the contrary. Act. 5.42. After the Martyrdom of Stephan, which happened in the II. 
a Baron. ad An. XXIV. § 301.  year after the Ascension, he was sent with John to them of Samaria, whence he returned to Jerusalem, Act. 8.14.25. The iv or perhaps the V year, and the third after his own conversion, St Paul sees him at Jerusalem, and stays with him 15. days. Gal. 1.18. The sixth year after he cures Aeneas of the palsy at Lydda, and from thence goes to Joppa, where he tarried many days. Act. 9.34.43. The VII. year he baptises Cornelius the Centurion at Caesarea. Act. 10.48. where he tarried certain days; and returning to Jerusalem, he is found fault with for going out to men uncircumcised, that is, the Gentiles. Act. 11.3. And upon this check received, it appears by Gal. 2.8. that he meddled not any more with the Gentiles, but effectually labouring in his Ministry to the Circumcision, as is most likely, he stayed thereabout till the XI. year, in which he was imprisoned by Herod, and miraculously freed, Act. 12.4. And this is the time say some he went to Rome. But they say it only. Besides, how can this agree with his sitting at Antioch VII. years before his coming to Rome, which they tell us of? Now he hath not been at Antioch yet, nor will not be till anon. And we find him again at Jerusalem. For the XIVth year after S. Paul had seen him at Jerusalem, (before mentioned,) which makes the 
b v. Hieron. in II. ad Gal.  XVIIIth after Christ's Ascension, and in the IX. year of Claudius he meets with him again in the same place, and leaves him to the Circumcision, himself and Barnabas departing to the Gentiles, according to an agreement made among them. Gal. 2.9. Which agreement being put into their hearts, without all doubt, immediately by the Holy Spirit, as being Precedent of their Council, we cannot piously, or with Charity, imagine, that Peter would break the Order thereof, or so much as a compact agreed upon among themselves; especially if we consider how wary he must needs be in dealing with the Gentiles, by reason of the fear he stood in of them, who were of the Circumcision, Gal. 2.12. and to the ministry of whom he was deputed by the Spirit, not only at this Assembly; but formerly also: for his was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The Apostleship of the Circumcision, Gal. 2.8. Well; after this Council, held, as is said, about eighteen years after Christ's Ascension, Paul meets him yet again, (it is not very likely it should be presently after,) and that at Antioch, far enough out of the way from Jerusalem to Rome, where he withstands him to his face, and frights him from meddling any more with the Gentiles, as being wholly contrary to their compact and agreement. Gal. 2.11. From hence he withdraws and separates himself. Gal. 2.12. But whither goes he? To the Jews, or Christians, in Rome? At this time there were none to be found there. Orosius 
c Oros. lib. 7. c. 6.  out of Josephus: Claudii anno nono expulsos Vrbe Judaeos, refert Josephus. Suetonius: 
d In Claudio, cap. 25.  Judaeos impulsore 
* Christ. So called by the Heathen.  Chresto assiduè tumultuantes Româ expulit. Claudius had banished thence all the Jews, before Peter could get thither; that is the Christians aswel: 
† Adi Arrian. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. lib. 2. cap. 9 parùm heic intellectum ab Interpret. 1 Pet. 1.1.  for as yet they were not so quite discriminated by the Romans; so that Orosius needed not so much to have troubled himself about this place of Suetonius. Most certainly he went then to the strangers scattered in Asia. etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. whose Metropolis was Babylon, and from whence he wrote his First Epistle. 1 Pet. 5.13. The Church which is at Babylon elected together with you saluteth you. That Babylon here is meant of Rome, it is not Eusebius out of fanciful Papias, or Jerom out of him, that can persuade us without better reasons. 
Ad An. XLV. § 17. Nec me imprudenter dicturum existimo. etc.  For the conceit indeed of Baronius, that Peter should give a false name to the place, because he would not be found out where he was, truly it is not altogether irridiculous; though himself thinks he speaks somewhat prudently therein. We know the difference between epistolical, and Prophetical, expressions; and confess we deserve to be laughed at, if we should believe him, that it was usual with the Apostles, to change men's names, aswell as the names of places, for particular ends and advantages; as we have seen the Jesuits do with us, the Cardinal's very friends, and greatest Champions for Peter's Primacy at Rome. By this time it appears to every ingenuous understanding, that will not suffer itself 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to be led by the nose by whatever authority it is, which can but plead antiquity, that Peter for some XX. years after Christ's Ascension never so much as saw Rome. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quod erat demonstrandum.  
Let us now speak to the other XVII. years.  
We have seen, that during the Reign of Tiberius, Caligula, and even unto the end of Claudius, Peter hath never been at Rome. Nero is next. Let us hear what the great 
e Jos. Scalig. ad Joan XVIII. come. 31.  Amender of times will say: A Christi in coelum receptu ad IV. annum Neronis certo certius est Petrum Romam non venisse. You hear how peremptory he is. He tells us certainty itself is not more certain, then that Peter never came to Rome before the FOUR year of Nero. Whether he did after that, or no, remains to be examined. About the end of Claudius, or at least the beginning of Nero, as is generally believed, some two or three years before his own coming thither, Paul writes his Epistle to the Romans, though Pareus would have it later. In the last Chapter thereof he salutes, besides others, by name near upon thirty 
f Rom. 16.2.  Saints, men and women, of that Church. Now res ipsa clamat, saith Calvin, 
g Institut. cap. 8. § 101.  non debuisse Petrum praeteriri si Romae fuisset. Not Christian charity, but common ingenuity may wonder, that Peter should be omitted, had he been at Rome. Tantaene animis coelestibus irae? So fervent sure was S. Paul's love to all the Saints, that he could by no means neglect, much less hate, him whom he had once thought worthy of his chiding, and reproof, at Antioch. Or had he left Rome by reason or the Edict of Claudius, as Baronius 
h Ad An. LVIII. § 51.  pretends, but having no Testimony in the world for it, (and yet this is all the reasons he allegeth for Paul's not naming him, though he makes show of more,) so great a light of the Church being missing from his own Orb, might have seemed worthy of S. Paul's enquiring after; especially writing to the place where he is conceived to have had such power and preëminence. But some few years after Paul himself comes to Rome. There was store then of Jews, and Christians, in the City. Doth he then find Peter returned? No such matter set down by him that tells us the story; and it is not probable that Peter's name at least, in case he were come back to Rome, should have wanted setting down by him, that was otherwise very studious of his actions; and who tells us that many others resorted unto Paul, while he dwelled in his own hired house, 
Act. 28.30.  for the space of two whole years together. None, no not any the least mention neither of his being at Rome, is to be found in those many Epistles written there by Paul, to the Galatians, Ephesians, Philippians, Colossians, Timothy, Philemon, after his long continuance in that place. He acquaints the 
* Gal. 1.18.2.11.  Galatians with his seeing him at Jerusalem and Antioch: and could no accident happen at Rome, that might minister him occasion to mention his seeing him there, (if perchance he did so) in his Letters to none of the Churches? He gives testimony to the Philippians concerning this Clement, then with him in Rome when he wrote his 
† Phil. 4.3.  Epistle to them; and would he say nothing of Peter, by whom they will needs have Clement constituted to be his successor in the Bishopric of Rome? He tells the same Philippians, he had none with him so equally affected like himself as was Timothy for their good, all others seeking their own, not the things which are Jesus Christ's. Can this aspersion light upon Peter? Can Timothy, but a son of Paul's nurtering, and a mere novice in comparison of Peter, have a greater care of the people of Christ, than he that forsooth must be Universal Bishop of all the Churches? S. Paul tells the same Timothy, that at his first answer at Rome none stood with him, 
2 Tim. 4.16.  but all men forsook him. High shame for Peter, if so be he were then at Rome! Nay, in the same Epistle (which they tell us was written in the last 
i Henr. Bunting. Chron. Eccles. etc. 2 Tim. 4.6.7.8.10.12.11.  year of Nero, and is that of both their Martyrdoms,) S. Paul signifying unto him, with a prophetic spirit no doubt, his departure being at hand, the finishing of his course, and the obtaining of a Crown; he acquaints him withal what way Demas, and Crescens, and Titus, and Tychicus had taken: And out of a consideration of his own solitude, he lets him know moreover that of all the Ministers of the Gospel Luke only was with him. And was not Peter's errand whithersoever worthy the giving Timothy notice of? Or if they, whom he names, were all, who had departed from him, what becomes of Peter then, when Luke alone is found remaining? Where now shall we find Peter in the time of Nero? or where hath he bestowed himself? 
k Menander in Hypobolimaeo.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. I like not these straggling gods, said the Comedian of old. A Bishop never resident; never at home in his own Diocese; but always 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
* 1 Pet. 4.15.  quite contrary to his own rule and precept? An i'll precedent sure, and example, to the Bishops of after ages; and too much (the whole world is witness) imitated, and observed. But though we cannot find him alive, and exercising his Jurisdiction, in this great City, the public 
l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Marcian. Heracleot. Junior. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Star of the whole Earth, shall we find him dead there? Neither doth that sufficiently appear. Certainly a most strange fate, that the manner of his suffering (Joh. 21.18.) should have clearer testimony given of it, than the place where! The understanding Reader by this time cannot be ignorant, why we have so vehement a suspicion of the truth of that common relation concerning Peter and his martyrdom at Rome. What is to be done then? To forsake slight, and, as is manifest, forged authorities, and in stead of them to fly to conjectures, will afford us but small help for the finding out of the truth. And yet me thinks Peter's writing of his Epistle from Babylon seems to me to confirm that most probable one of Scaliger, 
m Scal. d. l.  who thinks he rather suffered under some Provincial Magistrate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Asiae, where he preached to the Jews scattered far and wide in Pontus, 
1 Pet. 1.1.  Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia, and Bythinia. However his argument out of Tacitus is not good to prove that he was not crucified at Rome under Nero, because, says he, in that only Persecution under him, the Christians were burnt in public, wrapped up in cerecloth with pitch and other combustible stuff, being tied upright by the necks to a stake, and all this to give light to his night pastimes and sports; when as Tacitus indeed as well confesseth that some were crucified, and also worried to death in beasts skins by dogs. 
n Tacit. Annal. lib. XV.  Pereuntibus, saith he, addita ludibria, ut ferarum tergis contecti laniatu canum interirent, aut crucibus affixi; aut flammandi, atque ubi defecisset dies in usum nocturni luminis urerentur. To say no more; the resolution of Calvin, speaking of this same business, is very grave, and moderate: 
o Instit. c. VIII. § 102.  Res illius temporis ita sunt opinionum varietate implicitae, ut non temere adhibenda sit fides, ubi aliquid scriptum legimus. Et tamen propter hunc scriptorum consensum, non pugno quin illic mortuus fuerit: sed Episcopum fuisse, praesertim longo tempore, persuaderi nequeo. And the truth is, that the Christians of the more ancient Ages, perceiving a great flaw or defect in the History of Church affairs from the end of the Acts of the Apostles to Trajan's time, took upon them, perhaps with no bad intent, to make up, with supplement of their own pure invention, that Chasm, or breach in the Story: Herein, as none of the worst parcels, I mean, (as it happened out,) not of the least advantage to after times, was Peter's coming to Rome, his Episcopacy there, with his Martyrdom, and Successors. They had read perhaps in 
p d. l.  Tacitus or Suetonius of the persecution of Christians under Nero, which was indeed the first, 
q In Ner. c. 16. Id. in Claud. c. 25.  Claudius only banishing them the City as is aforesaid: Hence they straight made a conjecture that Peter, and Paul, might then suffer; though truly they kept no exact observation of the time.  
But that this indeed could not be so, if it hath not already been sufficiently proved, let us hear what Eutychius the Patriarch of the Orthodox Christians at Alexandria telleth us, a writer, who for his Age and Authority may very well be heard, and in whose late published 
b Arabicè edit. à Clariss. Seldeno.  Antiquities of his own Church you may read; Occisus est Petrus sub annum XXII. post Dominum nostrum Christum, which falling in with the beginning of Nero, how could Peter suffer in the Persecution begun by Nero so long after, as he is said in the common account? Notwithstanding, he retains the commonly received tradition of Peter's being at Rome, and that there forsooth he writ Evangelium Marci, cum Marco, lingua 
⸫ i. Graecâ, ita Arabib. dicta. v. Selden.  Romana. Yet he acknowledgeth him not to have been ever Bishop of Rome; but says plainly that Linus erat primus Patriarcha Romanus.  
That Paul also suffered under some Provincial Magistrate, and not at Rome by the command of Nero, I could suffer myself easily to be brought to believe, by reason of these words of Clement 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, under the Governors, whether presidial, or Proconsular, I know no more, than I am determined to strive against the violent current of all antiquity. For I know how impatiently the ulcers of inveterate errors suffer themselves to be handled, and searched into.  

XI.  And made his way to the utmost bounds of the West.] Doth he here mean his going into Spain, his resolution for which journey himself hath set down in the Epistle to the Romans in these words? Whensoever I take my journey into Spain, I will come to you: 
Rom. XV. 24.28.  for I trust to see you in my journey, and to be brought on my way thitherward by you and a little after. When therefore I have performed this and have sealed to them this fruit, I will come by you into Spain. Which whether he ever performed hath hitherto been disputed: This place of Clement seems much to confirm that he did. Some very learned Papists would utterly deny it, as 
a Ep. ad Decentium dist. 11. cap. Quis nesciat.  Innocent III. P. 
b In Rom. c. 15. (ex Gelasio apud Grat. dist. 22. q. 2. cap. Beatus.)  Thomas Aquinas, 
c In Rom. c. 15. ad l.  Dominicus Soto, etc. But Baronius 
d Ad An. LXI. § 2.3. etc.  inclines to believe it; in whom you may find the testimonies for it collected out of the Gr. and Lat. Fathers, among whom Theodoret tells us, (though this place be omitted by the Cardinal) 
e In Ep. ad Rom. cap. 15. ad l.  spiritu prophetico eam profectionem praedictam, & idcirco necessariò implendam fuisse. Nay, he goes farther, and says; 
f In Psal. 116.  In Hispanias pervenit, & insulis quae in mari jacent utilitatem attulit; in which place by his [Insulae in mari] he understands undoubtedly the Britannies; as he seems to interpret himself 
g De Car. Graec. affect. lib. IX.  elsewhere, telling us that among others, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, he means Paul, did persuade 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Britain's and Gauls, as well as other Nations, to receive the Laws of Christ crucified. And for farther witness, the very same is affirmed by Sophronius 
h Serm. de Natal. Apost. , the Patriarch of Jerusalem, (not he whose spurious, and counterfeit book we have inscribed Fragment. Peregrin. Petri & Pauli,) and by Venantius 
i De vitâ Martini. lib. 3.  Fortunatus, a very ancient Christian Poet, whose is this: 
Transiit Oceanum, vel quà facit insula portum;  
Quasque Britannus habet terras, quasque ultima Thule.   
But you will say his testimony is in verse; I say little to that: But dare be confident that that is but Poëtry, or making, which the 
k Rob. Person. de 3b. Convers. Angliae part. 1. cap. § 21. Rich. Vitus Basi●s●●ch. hist. Brit. lib 4. Jo. P●th●us Relat. de reb. Anglicis. Praefat. de Antiq. Eccles. Brytannicae. etc.  Papists, our countrymen, would delude us with about Peter's being here, his constituting Churches, and ordaining Bishops, Presbyters, and Deacons among us; (for they would have little good done any where but by him;) and all this upon very unsound, or to speak better, upon false and forged authorities. For as for 
l L●b. 2. ca 40.  Nicephorus Callistus, their best Author, neither he, Niceph. Gregoras or any other of the name, are of any antiquity almost to speak of beyond yesterday; therefore not to be credited in a business of this kind: and Baronius himself confesseth, that this is delivered 
m Ad An. XLIV. § 38.  absque aliquo antiquorum testimonio. For Dorotheus 
n In Synopsi. , the writing, which bears his name, 
* Salm. de Ep. & Presbyt. Rivet. Crit. Sacri lib 3. ca 13. Rob. Cocus Censur. p. 115.  is most certainly supposititious. And their third man is the very Jacobus de Voragine, or if I could say worse, of the Greek Church: I mean 
o Sym. Metaph. ad diem XXIX. Junii.  simeon Metaphrastes, who whereas he citys Eusebius for what he says, I am afraid he doth but put a false die upon us. No such thing appears in his History of the Church, where it should be found, as in its most convenient place: if it were in some part of him, which is not come to our hands, we can say nothing to that, but, Quod perîsse videmus, perditum ducimus. These are all. Yet we could help them to a fourth man, my Lord of Arundel's Gr. Anon. MS. 
p Apud Dn. Junium in Not. ad Clement.  of the Travels of Peter and Paul: I might have thought him the forged Sophronius before mentioned, but that I see him to be but a gleaner at best out of simeon the Translater: and in this business of Peter's being in Britain he is transcribed by him verbatim. Let who so will see for better satisfaction Fran. Goodwin, de Convers. Britan. cap. 1. p. 7. D. Vsser. de Britan. Ecclesiar. Primordiis, cap. 1. p. 8. Jerom 
q Catal. Scriptor. Eccl. in PAULO.  (who translated this Epistle into Latin above CC. years ago) seems to have had this place of Clement in his mind, when he wrote these words of Paul: Evangelium Christi in Occidentis quoque partibus praedicavit; which, says he, he did after his first dismission obtained at Rome from Nero; whereof himself makes mention TWO Tim. IV. 16.  
Repent ye house of Israel, etc.] See Mr Yong's Notes ad pag. 11. 
XII.  edit. Graecolat. and what is observed here Num. VII. and JIX. of the joining of many places of Scripture into one sense, or period; and of the differing readings from our ordinary Bibles.  

XIII.  Let us fasten our contemplation, etc.] This passage, and those that follow, are transcribed hence by Clemens Alexandrinus in his 4. Stromat.  

XIV.  Preached the instauration of all things to the World.] He means the restitution of what perished in the Flood, by the increase of those creatures, which in the following words he tells us God saved in the Ark. Gr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The word is used in Matthew for the second coming of Christ in his Kingdom and power to judge the world, 
Matth. 19.28.  
Apoc. 21.5.  when he shall make all things new. For Matthew's language 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is expressed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by Luke, 
Luk. 22.30.  speaking of the same promise of Christ to his Disciples, that they should then sit upon XII. Thrones judging the XII. Tribes of Israel. But later Christian Writers of the Gr. Church take it, some for the general Resurrection at the last day; others for Regeneration, or the New birth which is by Baptism. It is needless to heap hither their autorities.  

XV.  Pillar of salt, remaining even unto this day.] Gr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Josephus witnesseth as much, who moreover tells us, that he saw it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. lib. 1. cap. 12. But Lot 's wife, as they retired thence, looking back towards the City, and more curiously beholding the destruction thereof, contrary to the Commandment of God, was transformed into a pillar of salt, which I have seen; for it remaineth even until this day. Now Clement and Josephus were Synchroni. Tertullian witnesseth it was to be seen in his time; that is, not an hundred and fifty years after them. Which we may the less wonder at, when as besides Burchardus, and divers others, our late English Travellers into those parts affirm that it is still undissolved, and standing. Sulpicius Severus 300. years after Clement, calls this Pillar only molem 
a Hist. sacr. l. 1. , omitting to set down both the form, and substance or matter it consisted of. But his, not omissions only, but manifest departing from the exact verity of the Holy Text, may frequently be observed. Otherwise he tells the story handsomely, and like himself: Sed mulier parùm dicto audience, (humano malo quo agriùs vetitis abstinetur,) reflexit oculos, statimque in molem conversa traditur.  
Be ye merciful, that ye may obtain mercy.] CLEMENT'S Gr. 
XVI.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Luke's Gr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But see once for all N. VII.  
Although he could do all things.] Gr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Hierom, 
XVII.  as is before observed, turned this Epistle into Latin, which we may fear is now quite lost. His copy seems to have had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, missing here; reading it thus: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For so accordingly he translates this period, yet to be found in his writings upon the LII. Chapter of the Prophet Esay. Sceptrum Dei Dominus Jesus Christus, non venit in jactantiâ superbiae, cum possit omnia, sed in humilitate. I have followed him. It is far the more clear reading; yet Jerom doth not render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 after 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Christ the sceptre of the majesty of God: I know not whether it were wanting in his book.  
Because he hath a mind to him.] Or, Because he delighteth in him. 
XVIII.  Gr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. With this very passage, taken out of Psal. XXII. the Chief Priests and Elders mocked Christ upon the Cross. Matth. XXVII. 43. where also it would be better rendered, if he take delight in him, [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,] then as it is in our Bibles, (seeming rather transcribed from our English Reading Psalms, as they call them, out of the Vulgar Latin, [quoniam vult eum,] then translated out of the Gr.) if he will have him. The same Interpreter in this place of Matthew seems to have read, or at least, to have understood the Gr. thus: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. for he translates it: liberet nunc eum, si vult. omitting the former 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and then mispointing the words. And so quite altars the meaning. The Hebrew word signifieth indeed the same that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth, as well as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which occasioned the LXX. to turn this place, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And it is formerly observed, how generally they were followed. Otherwise Matthew, expressing the very same thing and sense elsewhere in his own words, useth the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Matth. 3.17.  in whom I am well pleased, or, delighted. And though the Vulgar here in this Psal. agree with the 70. yet in other places he leaves them, and comes nearer the signification of this later verb in rendering the Original word. For whereas they have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
1 Sam. 18.22. 2 Sam. 15.26.  and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. that Interpreter hath places Regi, and non places. But it may be gathered from the preface to this version of the Psalms, that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or former edition, was translated but out of the 70. only here and there amended by comparing it with the Hebrew Text afterward.  

XIX.  I am as the reaking of a pot.] The learned Publisher of this Epistle, finding this place no where in the Pentateuch, or five books of Moses, under whose name notwithstanding it is here cited, refers us to a very ancient Gr. 
* Josephus, sive Josippus, Scriptor Christianus, in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. v. James in Eclog. Bibl. Publ. Cantabrig. n. 243. & Cl. Selden. de Anno Civili Judaeor. cap. 8. p. 43.  Author, not yet set forth; (whom, with many 
† Aliosque eximios Graecos nondum editos; quos parum vexari ab iis puto qui in illis Collegiis degunt: A me certè non rarò reviserentur, si ibi adessem. Jos. Scalig. Ep. 234. ad Ri. Thomps. de Biblioth. Angliae.  others, that have not seen the public since the admired benefit of Printing, he, with some few better souls, suffers not to sleep, and gather dust, in our Libraries, or rather Bibliotaphs, either through egregious laziness, or want of convenience, and encouragement, I know not whether: but I am sure to our no small shame; they beyond the seas taking notice of it, and envying us such treasuries as we make no use of:) This Author in one 
* Quaest. seu cap. 120.  part of his work hath collected together those places in the New Testament, which seem to be taken or quoted out of the Old, but appear not any where extant in those books thereof, which it hath pleased God to continue to his Church. As for these words here, Clement seems to have them out of the 119. Psal. v. 83. naming Moses for David, perhaps with the same liberty, that he sees Christ use Joh. X. 34. where he urging a place out of the Psalms calls them the Law, in these words: Is it not written in your Law, 
a Psal. 82.6.  I said, Ye are Gods? And the people seem to imitate him to his face doing the same in the Ch. next save one following, Joh. XII. 34. The people answered him; We have heard out of the Law, That Christ abideth ever. Which words it is apparent are taken out of Psal. CX. 4. See also Joh. XV. 25. and Psal. 35.19. So Paul likewise terms the Prophecy of Esay the Law too: 1 Cor. XIV. 21. In the Law it is written: now the place he intends is Esay 28.11. It is worth looking upon the learned Heinsius his Sacred Meditat. on this place of Paul's. And from this unquestionable example and authority it is, that the Fathers many times by this word, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The Law, do understand the whole Old Testament. And yet Christ seems plainly to divide it into the Law, Prophets, and Psalms, as appears by many places, but especially Luke XXIV. 44. All things must be fulfilled which were written in the Law of Moses, and in the Prophets, and in the Psalms, concerning me. The Apostles, and Fathers most an end, followed also this distinction. And the Jews divided it not much otherwise, as we may find in Jerom; After the Law, saith he, secundum Prophetarum ordinem faciunt. 
In prol. Galeato.  Tertius ordo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 possidet: Et primus liber incipit ab Job: secundus autem David, quem etc.  
That unpassable Ocean.] 
XX.  The learned Editioner by these words understands the British Ocean. Sure very rightly. For the very same, or like, expressions did the writers not only about this age, but in the following also, use concerning it. To confirm this more than probable conjecture, take the pains to read these verses, 
a Jos. Scaliger primus edidit in Catalect. etc.  penned most certainly about Clement's time; and they are of Claudius th' Emperor's Expedition into the Island: 
Ocëanus nunc terga dedit, nec pervius ulli  
Caesareos fasces, Imperiumque tulit.  

* Al. Semoto.  Semota, & vasto disjuncta Britannia ponto,  
Cinctaque inaccessis horrida littoribus.  
Quam pater invictis Nereus vallaverat undis,  
Quam fallax aestu circuit Ocëanus.  
Aspice confundit populos impervia tellus:  
Conjunctum est, quod adhuc Orbis, & Orbis, erat.  For two reasons Antiquity conceited this Sea most dangerous, and unpassable. First, for the great abundance of huge Sea-monsters believed to be bred therein; which not only 
b Lib. 4. odd. 14.  Horace intimates in these words: 
— Belluosus, qui remotis  
Obstrepit Ocëanus Britannis;  But Juvenal also in his X. satire, Quantò Delphinis Balaena Britannica major. Festus Avienus 
c In Oris Maritimis. , who lived under Theodosius, and is mentioned with good credit by S. Hierom, borrows the former expression, speaking likewise of the Ocëan Sea; 
Non usque navibus turbidum late fretum,  
Et belluosi gurgitem Ocëani secant.  And I may well think both places were in his mind, 
d Jac. Syncer. Sannazar. Ecl. Piscator. V  who wrote that gallant verse, (and such are all his,) Sensit Arar, sensere maris fera monstra Britanni. A singular ornament indeed he was to the last Age, and ancient poëtry itself; 
e— Hic ille Maroni Synce●us, Musâ proximus, ut tumulo. Petr. Bembus Cardinal.  who as he enjoyed, not only the Dwelling, but the Muse also, of the Prince of Poets while he lived, so had he the happiness after he was dead to lie nearest to his Relics. The second reason was, not only unexpected Tempests and storms suddenly arising thereon, but the unusual violence also of the Tides, which if we hear Pytheas of Marseils in Pliny 
f Natur. Hist. lib 2. ca 97. , (for Strabo 
g Geogr. li. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  hath utterly exploded his credit in what he relates of the Britannies) make it swell fourscore cubits higher than the land. Mare, attolli horrendis aestibus adsuetum. saith 
* Histor. lib. 27.  Amm. Marcellinus speaking of it. Caesar 
h Com. de bell. Gallico, lib. 5.  himself had dear experience of the roughness of it, when he near lost his whole navy upon our coast. 
h Com. de bell. Gallico, lib. 5.  Maximâ coörta tempestate, propè omnes naves afflictae, atque in littus ejectae, quòd neque anchorae, funesque subsisterent, neque nautae, gubernatoresque vim tempestatis pati possent. and he found to his charges, to use his own words a little further, 
i Ibid. lib. 4.  Long aliam esse navigationem in concluso mari, atque in vastissimo ac apertissimo Ocëano. And yet certainly the danger which he conceived, and feared might happen, either in or after his passage, made him very wary, and provident in making choice of a fit season for it; which indeed 
k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. lib. 5.  Appian tells us he did. Neither did time, or improvement of skill in Navigation, lessen this fearful apprehension with after ages concerning the certain peril and hazard which they underwent, that sailed this Sea. Basil the Great calls it 
l Homil. 4. in Hexaëmeron.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which S. Ambrose renders, 
m Lib. Hexam. cap. 3.  magnum & inausum navigantibus, atque intentatum naut is mare, quod Britannias 
n Ocëanus barbaris fluctibus fremens. Paulin. de eodem. vide Geograph. Nubiensem.  frementi includit aequore, atque in ulterior a & ipsis fabulis inaccessa secreta se porrigit. Libanius also the famous Sophist, and Master unto Julian called by some th' Apostate, living in the same Age with S. Basil, and describing with what jeopardy Constantius th' Emperor crossed this Sea into Britain, he calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Panegyr. Constantio. , (the very word that Clement useth here,) unpassable; esteeming more danger to be in this passage, then in a Sea-fight elsewhere; and the performance thereof with safety to deserve no less than a Tropee. Plus est transisse ad Britannos, saith Hegesippus 
* De Excid. Hierosolym. , (not he whom Eusebius formerly citys,) quàm triumphasse de Britannis. And well might he think so, when as that stupid Caligula, affecting some great design against Britain, with an army, as appears out of Dio, of 250000. fight men, being come to the shore, durst hardly look the British Neptune in the face, much less trust him. Yet that he might not be said to come so far to no purpose, himself, with some few more, 
Dio, & Aur. Victor. ex edit. A. Schotti.  lanches out in his Galley, but fear makes him instantly put in again. However to make something of it, upon the sounding of a charge, he commands his army, which stood in Battalia all the while upon the shore, to gather shellfish, (for it was upon an Ebb,) and therewith to fill galeas & sinus, 
p Sueton. in Caligula, ca 46.  Spolia Ocëani vocans, Capitolio, Palatioque debita: calling them Spoils of the Ocean due to the Capitol and Palace. The Bravado of Claudius, next after him, was not much more tolerable: For counting it not enough to triumph for reducing a small part of the Island, (which indeed he entered with some success; but I remember not whether with any danger in the passage,) after his return, he caused to be placed upon the top of his Palace a Naval Crown, as if he had tamed and subjugated the Ocean, like another Xerxes, in despite of the power of God appearing in that fierce Element; for which he is deservedly scoffed at by Seneca, 
o In 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  in that mock-Deification, which he wrote for him, in these words,— & ipsum 
Nova Romanae  
Jura securis  
Tremere Ocëanum.  But what shall we say to Jul. Firmicus, a Christian Writer, (shame on such flattery,) who would seem to persuade Constans the Emperor, and Constantius his Brother, that they might expect little less than a Triumph, only for their bare venturing over into the Island: Hyeme 
p Lib. De Errore profanar. Religionum, sub fin. , he tells them, (quod nec factum est aliquando, nec fiet,) tumentes & saevientes undas calcâstis Ocëani Britannici, sub remis vestris incogniti jam nobis penè maris unda contremuit, & insperatam Imperatoris faciem Britannus expavit. Quid ampliùs vultis? Virtutibus vestris victa Elementa cesserunt. Thus much of the British Sea. And because Mr Young thinks the Irish may as well be here meant by Clement, you shall have what Solinus says of that sea too, and there also the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not unfitly expressed. 
q Polyistor. ca 35. vulg. 22. Salmas.  Mare quod Iberniam & Britanniam interluit, undosum, & inquietum, toto in anno non nisi [
* Dost Salmasio.  aestivis] pauculis diebus est navigabile. Clement's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is non navigabile.  
That unpassable Ocëan, and those Worlds which are beyond it.] This pericope, or passage, is much taken notice of by the Ancients; Clement of Alexandria, Origen, Hierom, and Photius, who reckons it among those things in this Epistle which might be quarrelled at: 
r Phot. Patriar. CP. Biblioth. num. 126.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. One would find fault with him, says he, for making a supposition of worlds to have their being without the Ocëan. 
s Comm. in 2. cap. ad Ephes.  Hierom doth but play with it, and makes use of it only to show his wit in descanting upon this Text, Eph. 2.2. Ye walked according to the course of this world. But Origen 
t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. lib. 2.  is more learned. He forsooth interpreting 2 Pet. 3.13. where there is mention of new Heavens, and a new Earth, takes them to be those Heavens, and that Earth, which our Antipodes, (he calls them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,) generally they of the other Hemisphere, do inhabit; and to back this his conceit, (every one knows his wild fancies,) he citys this place of Clement. I am not ignorant that the opinion, that there were Antipodes, got footing and credit among the learned Romans both before 
u Cic. Acad. qu. l. 4. Virgil. G. lib. 1. , (yet Lucretius 
x De Nat. Rer. lib. 1.  explodes it,) and in the 
y Mela de situ Orb. lib. 1. cap. 1. Senec. epist. 122. Plin. l. 2. cap. 65.  age of Clement. But whether the Christians then living had given it any entertainment, is a great doubt; nay it may well be denied, if we consider with what earnestness in after Ages it was opposed by 
z Divin. Instit. lib. 3. cap. 24.  Lactantius, 
a De C. D. lib. 16. c. 9  Augustin, and others. And shall we think that what Clement had once maintained this way, should be by one of his successors, namely P P. Zachary, about the year 745. condemned for an Heresy, in Vigilius, upon the accusation of Boniface, (if my Author deceive me not,) our otherwise learned Contryman, the Apostle of the Germans, and first Bishop of Mentz. It seems not then very probable, that by these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (mundi) he intends; or aims at the Antipodes. Doth he then by this word at random mean any parts whatever of the then habitable world, (perhaps of difficult access,) as Propertius doth in this verse: 
c Lib. IU. eleg. 3.  Cogor & è tabulâ pictos ediscere mundos? It doth not appear so neither, by reason they were Trans Oceanum: And I dare say when he wrote this Epistle, he had no thought 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of any new discoveries, though Seneca his contemporary would make us believe by his 
d Medea. Act. 2. sc. Audax. fin.  Venient annis secula seris, etc. that he foresaw what posterity should detect of the yet unknown world in future ages. What shall we say then? Si praecedens nostra conjectura vera est, saith the Editioner, Britanniae intelligendae veniunt. If we were right before, that Oceanus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is the British Ocean; (for Libanius where he describes it, as you heard before, gives the very same Epithet to it,) then by undeniable consequence the Lands anciently called Britanniae, (this that we live upon, being one, and by far the greatest, distinguished from the rest by the name of Albion 
e Plin. Hist. lib. 4. cap. 16. ,) must be understood by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. The Worlds beyond it. Neither let any man wonder at the insolency of the expression, when he shall (vice versâ) read in holy Writ, all Europe, a third part of what was then discovered of the World, and whatever was on this side the Mediterranean, called 
f Gen. X. 5.  Insulae Gentium, i. The Isles of the Gentiles. For we may as well almost call our Land's Worlds, as a third part of the World, (of so great a continent,) is called Lands. But to confirm this more than probable conjecture, I will first bring a place out of the Tragedy of Octavia, written by one of her own domestics, and while Clement was yet alive, and flourishing. The Author makes her speak these words of her father Claudius th' Emperor 
g Act. 1. Sc. 1. : 
Modò cui totus paruit Orbis  
Ultra Ocëanum; cuique Britanni  
Terga dedere;  
Ducibus nostris ante ignoti  
Jurisque sui.  What I pray you is Orbis ultra Ocëanum (by which you see she means Britain,) but Clement's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; The World beyond Sea? The number need not trouble any one; that may easily be answered for. And the languishing stile of this Tragedy, or whatever else it stands accused of 
h By Lipsius, and Jan. Rutgers. Var. lib. 1. cap. 15. , takes nothing either from its antiquity, or authority. Besides I could tell you, a better Scholar than any that except against it, giveth very good words of it: 
i Jos. Scalig. epist. 247. & 414.  nec inepta est, neque futilis auctoris. Optimum poëma est. And he craves pardon for that he cannot herein, without doing wrong to his own, yield to any others contrary judgement whosoever he be. Another place for confirmation hereof shall be out of Manilius: (he lived under Augustus, somewhat before Clement:) 
k Astronomic. lib. I.  
Tuncque in desertis habitabat montibus aurum;  
Ignotúsque novos pontus subduxerat Orbs.  Jos. Scaliger, out of the written book 
l Ex Biblioth. Monast. Gemblacens.  which he used, reads it Immotusque n. p. adding, Non frustrà dixit novos orbes propter Britanniam paulò ante sua tempora à C. Julio Caesare detectam, quam Novum Orbem vocabant. But ignotus would have stood well enough. Firmicus before calls it Mare incognitum; and in the Tragedy but now cited the Britain's are said to be antè ignoti, and their Seas 
m Act. 1. sc. Fulgore.  Ignota freta. Scaliger indeed was one, who (spite of the obloquy of the Jesuit Scheinerus 
n Christoph. Schein. in Rosâ ursinâ, seu de Macul. Solis, lib. 4. part. 2. cap. 29. p. 761. , and his fellows, the sometime fatui nova numina sêcli,) deserved admirably well of Manilius: Yet where he had it, that Britain was usually called Novus Orbis, I am at this time to seek. In my poor Adversaria I find no such thing; but that it was called Altar Orbis, many testimonies. The curious Reader will not think it a trouble to take a view of some of them. Servius, the ancient and learned'st Grammarian, upon that of Virgil 
o Eclog. 1.  Et penitùs toto divisos orbe Britannos: Britannia, saith he, est Insula sita in Ocëano Septentrionali, & à Poëtis Alter Orbis Terrarum dicitur. What Poets? You had this vers erewhile upon Claudius' conquest of it, and annexing it to the Empire: Conjunctum est quod adhuc Orbis, & Orbis, erat. But Claudian, that excellent courtly and neat Poet, some deal more plainly, and to our purpose; 
p In Stilicon. Pan●g. III.  
Nec stetit Ocëano, remisque ingressa profundum,  
Vincendos alio quaesivit in Orb Britannos.  And that Britain was Mundus alter he intimates in this: 
q Paneg. 8. in Cons. Manlii Theodori.  
— Germanáque Tethys  
Paruit, & nostro diducta Britannia mundo.  But better writers than Poets say as much; and therefore, that Britain was termed another World, proceeded from no lenocinium of their Art; for it was verily thought to be so. And this conceit was it that made the Roman soldiers so unwilling to follow A. Plautius 
* Dio, lib. 39  in his expedition hither, taking it to be some service out of the World: so did they imagine concerning Britain. There is a passage in K. Agrippa's speech in 
r De bello Jud. lib. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Lat. 16.  Josephus absolutely for our turn, and which much illustrates this place of Clements. He tells the Jews there, that the Romans [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.] sought for Another World [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] beyond the Ocëan, and carried their arms as far as the Britain's, who before that time were unknown, or, had hardly been made mention of in History. The Author of the Panegyrique to Constantius Chlorus th' Emperor, who died at 
* Eutrop. lib. 10.  York, (it is falsely inscribed in the ordinary books to Maximian) doth thus accost him: Gloriare Tu verò, Caesar invicte, Alium Te Orbem Terrarum peperisse; & Romanae potentiae gloriam restituendo navalem addidisti Imperio terris omnibus majus elementum. And a little before he had said: Britanniam Caesar, ille auctor vestri nominis, quum Romanorum primus intrâsset, Alium se Orbem Terrarum scripsit reperisse: tantae magnitudinis arbitratus, ut non circumfusa Ocëano, sed complexa ipsum Ocëanum videretur. I do not you see presently heerupon (which yet some have done with little thanks for their pains) make question whether Caesar was the Writer of those immortal Commentaries, which we have under his name, because no such passage appears there extant: 
Vide Clariss. Vossium de Historicis Latinis.  much less do I fear there hath been here any spongia deletilis from the hand of Julius Celsus, whom, by reason of his Recensui in the MS. Copies, (no sufficient 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to pass such a judgement by) other Philologers without calling for the suffrages of the Critical Senate, have resolved to be if not the Author, yet at least the Interpolator of those excellent writings. I could far better, considering Caesar's manner of relating in those books, imagine that the Panegyrist took his scripsit rather out of some other piece, as perhaps his Epistles, which were in many books, his Orations, or Anticatones, or especially out of his Ephemerideses, which were extant, as appears by Servius 
s In li. 11. Aen. , after this Panegyrist's age, but are now with the rest, to the irreparable damage of humane literature in this respect, perished by the same fate, which many other good writers have sustained, through the malice, shall I say, or laziness rather, of bad men, and times? But though there appear no such expression any where at this day in Caesar's own words, yet I can help you with as much as that comes to, concerning the same Action and exploit of Caesar's, in a most polite Historian of the next Age, who composed an elegant Breviary of the Roman affairs under Hadrian 
t Vid. Cl. Salmas. in Spartian. p. 44. ubi Flori editionem promittit. , at whose expedition into Britain he hath a fling, and is as well answered by the Emperor in Spartianus. It is L. Florus 
u De Gest. Rom. li. 3. c. 10. . Caesar, saith he, omnibus terrâ marique captis, respexit Ocëanum, & quasi hic 
* Pomp. Sabin. legit Orbis Romanus, & alium.  Romanis Orbis non sufficeret, 
* Pomp. Sabin. legit, Orbis Romanus, & alium.  alterum cogitavit. Class igitur comparatâ, Britanniam petit. When first I met with this place cited under the name of L. Annaeus, by Pompon. Sabinus 
x In Virgil. Ecl. 1. Et penitus toto, etc. , Professor at Rome in our Great-Grandfathers memory, I supposed it might have been out of Seneca; but upon recall of my memory, and more diligent enquiry, you have the right Author, who was also of the Annaean Family, and called L. Annaeus Florus, though Stadius that writes a prolix Commentary upon him, observes it not, as I remember. And yet Lactantius 
y Divin. Instit. lib. 7. cap. 15.  may seem to have mistaken Seneca for Florus, reckoning up the several Ages of the State of Rome, if at least Florus had not that observation from him, which 
z Not. in Frag. Senecae.  Lipsius rather thinks to be true. And I suppose also he had this expression here from Velleius Paterculus, in whom concerning Caesar you read, 
* Histor. li. 2.  alterum paenè Imperio nostro, ac suo, quaerens Orbem.  
What need I now after these witnesses to allege the forenamed Hegesippus 
a De Excid. Hierosol. lib.  the expilator 
* v. Scal. Elench. Trihaer. c. 4.  of Josephus, in whom we read: Britannia Altar Orbis, remota à confinio Terrarum? Or Solinus, whose words are: 
b Polyhist. c. 35. Salm. 22.  Finis erat Orbis ora Gallici littoris, nisi Britannia insula 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  non qualibet magnitudine, nomen penè Orbis alterius mereretur. But for all this could you think this stile and language concerning Britain should be retained so many Ages after Clement, (near about XI.) and that by one of his Successors in the Sea of Rome; Anselmus, saith the Author 
c Gervas'. Dorobern. Imagine. contra Rob. Abb. S. Aug. MS. in Cottoniana. , ab Urbano PP. Pallium suscepit, & tantum ejus gratiae habuit, ut eum Alterius Orbis Papam vocaret. It is well it was so long ago that this special Grace was granted to the Archbishops of Canterbury. In these our days we need not now stand affrighted at the dire influence, of what some feared might happen from thence, except we will cum Larvis luctari, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.—  
Now that which gave Britain the credit to be thought so, was not only the Ocëan's separating it from the other parts of the World, but the greatness also, and large extent thereof: For some Writers, saith Dio 
e Hist. Rom. lib. 39 , (before the Roman fleet under Agricola 
f Tacit. in vitâ, & Dio, ubi suprà.  doubled the Cape of 
g Ptolem. Geogr. lib. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Virvedrum, or Dunes-bay, that enorm spatium procurrentium terrarum 
f Tacit. in vitâ, & Dio, ubi suprà. ; in Tacitus Language) brought it into controversy whether it might not rather be called a Continent, as resembling that more, in the expression of Stephanus 
h Steph. Byzant. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,] then an Island. That indeed in Josephus is spoken very high: Penè non minor quàm noster Orbis: Yet may it be excused by the general mistake of those times; for when he wrote, it was not certainly discovered to be an Island, and therefore they might say what they would of it. 
a L. De Reb. Geticis.  Cujus magnitudinem olim nemo, ut refert Livius, circumvectus est, multis tamen data est varia opinio, de ea loquendi, saith Jernandos'. Agricola, as is said, under Domitian, was the first Roman that by trial found it to be so. However, either the reputed greatness before, or the known vast circuit of it, after it was discovered, made it generally to be called THE GREAT ISLAND. You have in Aristides Orations, speaking of it, 
b In Aegyptiacâ.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 
c Panegyr. in Romam.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which in Catullus is, 
d Epigr. 26. ubi Scaligerum adisis. — ultima Occidentis Insula. And Salmasius, the most flourishing Philologer of these times, and generally a very learned man, for qui ad Romanam Insulam Proconsulem mittat, in Vopiscus, doth read, 
e Casaub. & Salm. in Fl. Vopisci Florianum.  Magnam Insulam; though Casaubon rather Britanniam Ins. There indeed Britain is undoubtedly meant. For Procopius 
f De b●llo Vandal. lib. 1.  terms it, (and every body knows it,) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. by far the greatest of all Lands without Hercules Pillars. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, saith Dionysius 
g— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Dionys. Alexandr. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  of the Lands of Britain, the greatness is extraordinary, or very famous, as Eustath. interprets it, which he doth not restrain neither, or confine, in comparison of any other whatsoever, within the same bounds that Procopius doth; which may be perchance, because he was more ancient. Read him as Priscian, or else Rhemnius Palaemon, have rendered him.  
But the Reader will say, More than enough of this subject; it becomes tedious, and troublesome. Yet nothing ought to be thought so by us, which may any way tend to the honour and glory of this our Island, the Empress of the Ocean, the Admired, and chief to be esteemed Fortunata 
h— Qua meta Britannis, Littera sunt aliis.— Non altera eredam Arva Beatorum potiùs dignata fu●sse Nomine, jam longo quanquam decus iflud ab avo Intervertit Iber, & seris addidit undis. Hugo Grotius Inaugur. JACOB. R. , whose Command is only limited with the shores of the Continent, being, (to speak of Her, after so many foreign ancient Testimonies, in the words of one of Her own 
* Sam. Daniel.  Poets,) A WORLD within Herself with wonders blessed. I will refer therefore a more exact discourse hereof to another time, and a more fitting place; and the Reader likewise, if he think not well of this Interpretation of Clement's words, to Plutarch 
i L. De fancy in Orb Lunae. , where he discourses upon Homer's 
k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. & δ.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and to Kepler, that Atlas of the Astronomical Heavens, in his learned Notes upon him.  

XXII.  A Bird called a Phoenix.] St Paul being to prove and make good the Resurrection to the Corinthians, instanceth in grain 
l 1 Cor. 15.36. , which being sown, first dieth, and afterwards is quickened. But his Scholar Clement, further to clear and illustrate the same doctrine unto them, maketh use here of the then late renewed, and much admired Story of the Phoenix, with the discourse thereupon, certainly believed by the many. The flight thereof into Egypt is reported by Tacitus 
m Annali VI A. à conditu LI. DCCXXCVII. Paullo Fab. L. Vitellio. Coss. A. Christi. 34. , and others, (yet with some difference,) to happen under Tiberius; about the time I presume, or not long before, Clement was born; And Solinus 
n Polyhist. cap. 46.  tells us, that, being taken some thirteen years after, it was by the command of Claudius shown in public at Rome, and the whole matter registered forsooth among the public Acts of the City. Can I see those Acta he speaks of; or could he tell us that himself saw it, or Pliny rather, (who well might, had it b●en at Rome; and whom he doth for the most part but transcribe,) I would say something: Till then only this; The people of Rome, or else he himself, had a more coming belief, and easilier to be worked upon, than I have; except I were better satisfied in respect of some doubts; one of which arises from a passage in Pliny himself, where he tells us, that 
o Hist. l. 8. c. 21. Adeò naturae nihil placuit esse sine pari. v. Tho. Brouni r. Cl. Pseudodox. Epidem. lib. 3. ca 12.  Nature would have nothing to have a being without a Fere. However I could easily give way to be persuaded, that Clement had a conceit of the truth of this pretended wonder. The simplicity indeed of the primitive Christians suffered their belief with ease to be abused, and themselves, as may be shown by almost infinite instances, to be deluded with any thing that savored of Miracles, the memory of those yet remaining fresh, which were really performed, and truly such. And they thought well of this their credulity, as ushering in an acknowledgement of a divine and unlimited power in the handiworks of God. If he believed it not, then reckon it, if you will, among those piae frauds they talk of; and conceive that he knew well enough, how much new fangles, and teratologies, could work upon the Corinthians, as well as upon their fellow Grecians 
p Praebuit materiem doctissimis Graecorum multa super eo miraculo disserendi. Tac. ib. , for Christianity had not as yet wholly cast out their old leaven.  
And yet the Fathers in the following Ages, longo agmine, have either borrowed it out of Clement himself, or else received it from hand to hand, without the least questioning of it. This we may see by Tertullian, Origen. Lactantius. Eusebius, Cyril of Jerusalem, Ambros, Nazianzen, Jerom, Epiphanius, Synesius, 
q Vide Joan. Gazaei 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, apud Jan. Rurgers. Var. l. 2. c. 7. p. 114. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. etc.  and others; who all have followed him, or certainly the more ancient of them. So that 
r Anno●. in Tertull. lib. de Resurrect. c. 13.  Pamelius, and 
s Prooem. in Diatax.  Bovius, and 
s Prooem. in Diatax.  Turrian the Jesuit are very much mistaken in affirming so peremptorily that 
t Cateches. 18. Vide D●. Armachan. Dissert. de Clem. & Ignat. scriptis, cap. 10. pag. 66.  Cyril and Tertullian took this instance from the Apostolical Constitutions; as will appear by comparing them two with Clement; out of whom Tertullian hath al●o some of his other arguments and evidences for the Resurrection. Nay, the very Author himself of those Diatax●s (for Clement's they are not,) is beholding to him for it: Only he hath enlarged the narration, and by some circumstances, which he hath added, made it come nearer a fable than it was before, and so the less to be believed. Now the Fathers indeed, having to deal with infidels and heathen-men, who granted the story of the Phoenix, induced from thence a persuasion of the Resurrection; that b●ing as it were a principle and position, received among themselves. For to say truth, the Resurrection was a strange and uncouth discourse among them, and no way reconcileable with their reason, and intellectuals. And therefore S. Paul, having preached, and, no doubt, sufficiently declared the doctrine thereof at Athens, yet those Philosophical people, the 
u Act. 17.18.  Epicureans and Stoïcs, and the rest of that learned rabble there took 
* Resurrection.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be such a piece of curvum Graecum, that they were presently almost about to enshrine it, and rear an Altar unto it, with an Inscription, among those foreign Numina, which they knew not what to make of them. Neither ought it to be any wonder, if they had very little sentiment of the Resurrection, or indeed none at all, unto whom the Great God of Heaven and Earth, he 
a Rom. 8.11.  who raised up Jesus from the dead, the 
b 1 Cor. 15.20.  first fruits of them that sleep, was no better than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The unknown God, as appears by that Epigraphe 
c Act. 17.23. Adisis Scriptores in hunc locum. I sid. insuper. Pelus. epist. 69. lib. 4. & vitam S. Martialis Lemovicens. , which Paul took notice of in the same City: and who by the Romans themselves, having the eyes of their mind veiled with the same thick mist of ignorance and unbelief, was termed but 
d Pompeius' apud Lucanum: Cappodoces mea signa timent, & dedita sacris Incerti Judaea Dei, mollisque Sophone. lib. 2.  Incertus Deus, and 
e Treble. Pollio in M. Val. Claud. Imp. ubi de MOSE ei sermo.  Numen incertum.  
And yet for all this I may very well observe in this place, that there were even among the Heathen themselves, some of better Souls, who, by the mere light of Nature, (for I do not believe that God did reveal unto them the riches of his bounty herein any otherwise then in an ordinary way,) had a shrewd guess, or rather some good ken, though at a distance, of the Resurrection. Not to urge that verse of Phocylides, 
* And straight we hope to come out of the earth unto the li●ht. But he is thought a Christian by some.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Nor those of Virgil; (for you'll say they were both Poets:) 

f Aeneïd. lib. 6.  O Pater, arm aliquas ad coelum hinc ire putandum est  
Sublimes animas? iterumque ad tarda reverti  
Corpora? Quae lucis miseris tam dira cupido?  And a little after: Rursus & incipiant in corpora velle reverti: I will name two others of better credit: First Democritus, a Grecian, who though he were born Vervecum in patriâ, crassoque sub a●re 
y Juvenal. sat. 10. ;— yet through the glimmering, and foggy light thereof, he could make a shift both to discern, and promise to himself and others also, a time reviviscendi, when as this life should be iterated, or renewed, by death. Thus much 
a Natur. Hist. l. 7. c. 55. iterari vitam morte, etc.  Pliny of him: who indeed seems to have had a more redundant and petulant spleen than Democritus himself, in that he laughs at him for maintaining of that, which he cannot confute, I am sure doth not, any otherwise then those scoffing Philosophers before mentioned in the Acts, Some mocked, etc. a thing unbeseeming the gravity of a Roman, and the wisdom and authority of so great a man. The other is a Roman, the very Sireno-phenix of better Philosophy, Marcus the Emperor, whose words are these: 
b M. Antonin. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. lib. XII. § 6.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. How comes it to pass, saith he, that the Gods having ordered all things in a fair and loving respect to mankind, they have overseen this one thing; that, whereas many very good men, and such as have given evidence of their service of God, and have become very familiar with him by their religious exercises and performances, after they are once dead, return no more, but are extinguished for ever? Now, (if indeed it be so,) know for a certain, that they would have ordered it otherwise, if it had been fitting to have been otherwise, etc. This he speaks in a kind of condescension to the common received error among the Heathen in opposition to the Resurrection: But by this clause, or Parenthesis, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, if indeed it be so, that they restore not good men to life again; and by another that follows in the same discourse, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, if it be not so indeed, that good men return again to life; it seems to me most apparent, that this most divine man for his own part had a deep conceit, and a strong apprehension of the Resurrection of the body after death. Such excellent illuminations had these gallant spirited men beyond what the Stoa, or Peripatus, ever dreamt of.  
As for this passage of the Phoenix, the Emblem of the Resurrection, here in Clement, we find no bodies exception against it, either before or after Photius the Patriarch of CP. he indeed expresses his dislike, [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
c Biblioth. Num. 126. ] that the Author should use this instance as an example of absolute truth. But if he had, as he was a true learned Critic, so also considered when it is that the Ancient writers of the Church do speak 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is doctrinally and seriously, and when 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (as their own expression is,) that is, as subservient to their purpose, and by way of Rhetorical ornament, perhaps he would have spared his censure. Yet he doth not therefore abdicate this Ep. from Clement, as some do, who think he would never in so serious a discourse make use of the flying talk of his own Age, and a questionable report that had no eye-witness for the Author of it, a mere Pageant brought but the other day upon the stage; not remembering perhaps that the tale of the Phoenix is of far longer standing, mentioned by 
d In Euterpe.  Herodotus, and others, many ages before either paulus Fabius and L. Vitellius were Consuls, or Clement himself born; So that I needed not so much as to have named Ovid 
e Metamorph. 15. Geo. Sandys Interpret. , had not his description so nearly agreed with Clement's, or been indeed the very same. I will add it here therefore to close up this discourse, and the rather, because the whole business being accounted Poëtry, which is but plain fiction, it will show a great deal more handsome in verse; especially being translated almost aswell to the envy, as admiration of the Reader. This is it: 
One only fowl there is in all the Earth,  
Called by th' Assyrians Phoenix, who in th' wain  
Of age repairs, and sows herself again.  
Nor feeds on grain nor herbs, but on the gum  
Of Frankincense, and juicy Amomum.  
Now, when her life five ages hath fulfilled,  
A nest her horned beak and talons build  
Upon the crownet of a trembling Palm:  
This strewed with Cassia, spikenard, precious Balm,  
Bruised Cinnamon, and Myrrh; thereon she bends  
Her body, and her age in odours ends.  
This breed Corpse a little Phoenix bears,  
Which is itself to live as many years.  
Grown strong, that load now able to transfer,  
Her Cradle, and her Parent's Sepulchre  
Devoutly carries to Hyperion's town:  
And on his flamy Altar lays it down.   

XXIII.  For nothing is impossible for God to do, except it be to lie.] Clement doth here, no doubt, allude to two several places of Scripture, Tit. 1.2. where it is said, God cannot lie: and Ebr. 6.18. where we likewise read, that it was impossible for God to lie, [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,] which the learned 
a De Jure Bel. & Pacis, lib. 2. cap. 13. § 3.  Grotius rather renders fallere, then mentiri; as Beza, We, and generally all Interpreters do. But some of the Fathers, 
b Tho. Aquin. part. 1. qu. 25. art. 3. & 4.  and the Schoolmen specially, affecting such manner of expressions as these, whereby the Power of God may in some sort seem to be restrained to bounds and limits in respect of certain particular actions, not only forgot the reverend awe and esteem they ought to have had concerning the extent, and Almightiness thereof; (for how little a portion 
b Job 26.14. , saith Job, have we heard of it? the thunder of his power who can understand?) But even the heathen man's rule; 
c Cicero.  Homini de potestate Deorum pauca, & timidè, sunt dicenda. And but good reason; whenas to Kings, (but mortal Gods,) and concerning their power, (which is indeed, in respect had to the Divine, not so much as a poor punctum to the immense Vnivers,) one of the wisest of nature's 
d Solon, Plutarcho. X●nophanes, Hesychio Illustrio. Aristot. aliis.  Sons advised to speak, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or short, or sweet. For how much more is the Lawyer's language to be approved of, than Jerom's, that great Divine, yet both expressing the same thing? His words are, in one of his hot fits of his immoderate dotage upon Virginity: 
e Epist. 22. ad Eustoch. de custod. virgin.  Audenter loquar: Cùm omnia possit Deus, suscitare virginem non potest post ruinam. The others far more moderate, and mannerly, though saying as much: 
f C. de rap. virg. l. Unic.  Virginitas corrupta restitui non potest. I will not so much as name the heathen Poets, who enslaved their Gods to the observance of conditions from a fatal necessity of the Destinies, which to alter they would have not more unlawful for them, then impossible. And the Philosopher's (the most I mean) were little better, if not worse: So that Jupiter in 
g In Timone. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. etc.  Lucian, hearing the blasphemies, and the unreverent Speeches of Timon concerning the divine Providence, and Power of God, made no question of ground enough from thence to conclude him a Philosopher; though truly he was no such man. Yet some more general expressions of theirs that way may be excused, if withal we understand God's Will by his Power: as that of Plutarch; 
h Alluding I think to A●atho's verses: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. It is impossible for God to render that undone, which hath been done. Because neither doth he will it should be so. For 
i Psal. 135.6. Psal. 115.3.  he hath done whatsoever he will both in heaven and earth. And indeed Plato tells us, that [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.] God cannot will to alter himself. By which perhaps Attic Moses, (for so Antiquity called him) meant nothing else but [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
k Ebr. 6.17.  in Paul's Language,] the immutability of the Counsel of God. For having in his Commonwealth 
l De Rep. l. III.  given leave not only to Physicians, but unto Magistrates also upon occasion, to tell a lie; yet will he by no means permit it unto God, as being a note or sign of infirmity and weakness; he by so much the more thereby asserting and vindicating the divine and unlimited power of God. And here, before we have done, let us observe, that Clement, making it a thing not possible in God to lie, doth in the foregoing words assign the reason thereof to be his own Will: God, saith he, that hath commanded others not to lie, much less will he himself lie: following therein St Paul, who lays as one of the grounds of the same impossibility, the immutability of God's Counsel, or Will; as appears by the forenamed places. And so the Stoics also (the very best of Philosophers) do set the Will of God as it were a limit or bound to his power, and always join them together. Hence are those expressions out of their School: 
m Sen. de Irâ, lib. 2. c. 27.  Dii immortales, nec volunt abesse, nec possunt. And; Erras, si quis putat eos nocere velle; non possunt, nec accipere injuriam queunt, nec facere. And 
n Id. ep. 92.  again: Sua illis in legem aeterna voluntas est. statuerunt, quae non mutarent. 
o Id. de Benef. l. 6. ca 23.  Itaque non possunt videri facturi aliquid, quasi ut nolint; quia quicquid detinere non possunt, perseverare voluerunt: nec unquam primi consilii deos poenitet; and what follows in that divine and high discourse. Read Pliny, l. II. cap. 7. ad finem.  

XXIV.  Who shall say unto him, What hast thou done? etc. A very learned Gentleman, 
Dr HA.  and my good friend, among some other doubts concerning the antiquity, and Author of this Epistle, maketh his quoting this place out of the 
p Wisd. 12.12. and 11.21.  Wisdom of Solomon to be one: (for thither is the Reader referred in the Margin of Mr Yong's Graeco-latin. edition, p. 37.) and thus he reasons, if we mistake him not:  
Philo the Jew, by the learned in Antiquities in former ages, is generally thought to have written that book; now he being cotemporary with Clement, or not much ancienter, it is not very probable that Clement should make use of his authority; as not needing to prove so undeniable a Truth, to descend to so inferior and late a testimony as his; that Book being not urged by the ancient Christians add auctoritatem Ecclesiasticorum dogmatum confirmandam, as Jerom tells us: For indeed 
Non tali auxilio, nec defensoribus istis,  
Caussa eget.—   
Therefore this Epistle may seem not to be of such antiquity, as to have Clement for the Author thereof.  
For answer whereunto, not to be troublesome in telling you, that the Jews had another Book under this Title, Secretiori linguâ compositum, etc. (for it is nothing to our purpose; and we should therein but rely upon the credit of 
q Jo. Picus in Comment. super Genesin.  one, who doth not say himself ever saw it;) We may in the first place question it very well, whether Philo were the Author of this we have; for there is neither vola, nor vestigium in his own works to prove it to be so, or indeed in any one's else ancienter than Jerom, that I can now tell of. And we know full well how his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 failed him in this point, to instance in no more than 
r So that he puts Seneca among his Eccles. Scriptores.  Seneca's Epistles to Paul, and his back again to Seneca, so much approved of by him to be genuine. Now whereas he citys others authority for it, he should have named them: but therein too he varies from himself; for one while he tells us the Jews 
s Prologue. in li. Sap.  affirm it; another while that some of the ancient Writers. And for that piece of Criticism of his [Graecam eloquentiam redolet, 
t Praefat. in Libros Salomonis. ] it doth not so absolutely (for I take not upon me now to examine it; or how near the stile is to Philo's,) conclude that this Book was never extant in the Hebrew, though lost it seems before Jerom's time; which might perhaps have been occasioned by this Greece version thereof by some of the Hellenists, or Jews of Alexandria; it may be Philo himself. For Philo's Legation to Rome was under Caius Caligula th' Emperor, and unto him, in behalf of his Countrymen; before which many years he might have published that Book in Gr. (if ever he did it) yea by far the greater part of an Age before this Epistle was written. But neither do learned men of later times incline to believe that it is of Philo's writing. To name only the most learned 
u Hugo Grot. de Satisfact. Christ. c. 1. p. 20.  Grotius for all. He indeed acknowledgeth him, whoever it was that wrote it, Praestantissimum Scriptorem; and although not in the Hebrew Canon, Venerandam tamen habet antiquitatem, & apud Christianos SEMPER in pretio est habitus. To say freely what I think: Why may not Clement in this place allude to the 9 ver. of Esay XLV? as it is probable enough the Author of the Wisdom of Solomon might. For before these words we see no 
* It is written.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, nor 
† The holy Word saith.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or yet 
x He saith somewhere.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or such like; usual terms most an end with Clement, when he citys, and doth not only allude to, certain Scripture. Or why might he not have in his mind his Master's words, Rom. IX. 19.20? the very 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  verbs are aswell there used by St Paul, as the Author of that book, and Clement in his expression hath no more out of either of them. Now we have told you before his manner of quoting Scripture. But by the same reason that Clement is said to cite this out of the Wisdom of Solomon, I may say also that St Paul doth as well borrow that instance of the Potter and clay from the same book; because there we read: 
x Wisd. 15.7.  The potter of the same clay maketh both vessels that serve for clean uses, and likewise such as serve to the contrary. And so might Clement be justified (in case he had this place thence) by an example beyond all exception: yet we conceive Paul rather had his eye upon the forequoted place of Esay, or that of Jeremy XVIII. 6. Now what if Clement did clothe his sense and meaning in that Author's words? yet he citys them not for Scripture, no more then S. Paul doth an jambick verse 
y 1 Cor. 15.33. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Evil communications, etc.  out of one of Menander's Comedies, without naming the Author of it. And I hope also that Clement's elsewhere referring us to heathen Histories 
* Pag. 69. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. , and mentioning likewise the Story of Judith for an example, may not prove more offensive than the same Paul's alleging the testimonies of 
z Act. 17.28.  Aratus the Astronomical, or 
a Tit. 1.12.  Epimenides the Epic, Poets. Though there are I know a sort of men even at this day in the world that start at all that is not Canon, and call for the firing of all books, but 
b Propheta mandabat nequis lib 'em haberet praeter sacra Biblia, reliqui flammâ absumpti. Sleidan. Com. lib. 10.  Bibles, and Almanacs. For all the mad men met not at Munster.  

XXV.  Are not justified by ourselves, or by our own wisdom, etc.] Those Papists sure, who shall light upon this place, will not (except they run to their usual 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or starting-hole, The Heretics have corrupted it;) any longer cry Antiquity for their Doctrine of Merits, and Justification by wo●kes: as they do in all other points controverted between us, and them. Clement, the ancientest Writer of the Church, next the Apostles, you see knew no such Doctrine: And Id sanc notandum, 
c Crit. sacri lib. 1. cap. 8. p. 143. ult. edit.  as Rivet says very well.  

XXVI.  Let not the strong despise the weak; let the weak reverence them that are strong.] What Clement here desires in the Primitive Christians of Corinth is said to be the rare felicity (but that we cannot believe that courtly Historian's flatteries) of Tiberius' age somewhile before: 
d Vell. Pater. cull. Hist. l. 2.  Antecedit, non contemnit, humiliorem potens: suspicit potentem hum●lis, non timet. Let these words bear a Christian sense, and Clement cannot be better glossed upon; though I must confess the Gloss is somewhat ancienter than the Text itself.  
But at set times and hours.] A late 
e The use of daily public prayers. printed 1641. p. 5.  Writer of our own, 
XXVII.  to maintain set times for Public Prayers, which they of the Church of Rome call Canonical Hours, allegeth this place of Clement: It seems, saith he, by Clemens, that no small part of that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or good order required by St Paul (whose mind he might best know, as one of his Disciples,) 1 Cor. 14.40. doth consist in the due observing of those times and hours limited and prescribed by authority for our prayers and devotions. But I desire his own words may be looked upon, pag. 52. 53. Well: we have looked upon them, and at first sight perceive that the Author of that Treatise would have us to find, what indeed is not to be found there. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. So that certainly himself either read this whole passage with a great deal of oscitancy and heedlessness; and so understood not Clement's drift therein; or else, which is far a worse shame, he hath dealt malâ fide, and stands guilty by the Cornelian Law as a falsary, in urging a testimony (which is as bad as forging one,) that witnesseth no such thing, as he takes upon him to prove; namely, that the ancient Christians had any set hours or times appointed for Public Prayers. In a word, this is the manner of Clement's reasoning: As under the Law God ordered that Oblations, and other duties of his Worship should be performed at determined seasons, set times, and hours, as also in the due place appointed, and by such as were ordained thereunto, according as God had commanded; So likewise should every one of them who were now under the Gospel, give thanks unto God with a good conscience, and 
f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  not exceeding the prescribed rule of their ministry do those things [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] that the Lord ordered them to do; and that with the same cheerfulness, and diligence, as the Jews performed their Observances, and services, under the Law. For it is plain to any attentive Reader that by [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] he means only the observation of times and seasons according to Jewish Ordinances: The 
g John 4.23.  true worshippers of God in Spirit and Truth, being now no more confined 
h Gal. 4.10, 9  to observe days, and months, and times, and years, (being part of those 
h Gal. 4.10, 9  weak and beggarly rudiments of the Law,) than we are, God be thanked, in respect of place, bound to go on Pilgrimage to Jerusalem; 
i John 4.20.  sometime notwithstanding the only seat of his public Worship.  

XXVIII.  But the Layman is bound to the observation of Lay-ordinances.] CLEMENT, in the words next going before, doth set down the degrees of the Jewish Hierarchy, consisting of the Highpriest, the Priests, and the Levits; calling all the rest Laics, or Laymen, as we now term them: that is, more obscure, and less noble. That here he only means and mentions the Orders of the Jewish Church, is most plain and evident: for those of the Christian he names not till anon in what follows, where you shall hear of them. By how much the more I wonder, that a man of that great learning and gravity, should with such assurance and confidence urge this place to confute the 
k Episcopacy by Divine Right, part. 2. § 11. p. 75. 76.  weak suggestions, ignorance, and Cavils of Vedelius, and others, (as he pleases to speak) denying, that in Ignatius' time (somewhat after Clement) any distinction in the Church, as of the Clergy and Laity, to be on foot: as he doth likewise understand the sentence, save one, next afore this, [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. So the Priests have their own place, or office, assigned them:] of Christian Priests, or Presbyters. For Priest and Presbyter are the same with him. And to back this Authority alleged out of Clement, (none at all in effect to his purpose,) he brings as bad a one, or worse, out of Ignatius his Epistle to the Church of Smyrna: Let the Laymen be subject to the Deacons; and so forth: (and so forsooth they shall have a fine time of it.) 'Tis true indeed, that, in those six more genuine Epistles of his, there is 
l Ad Smyrn. & Magnesianos.  twice mention of Laymen. [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.] But there are infinite interpolations, and additions, which have by bad hands been intermixed there, and interlaced in the current of time; and this mentioning of Laics is one of those patches which have been sowed to the old garment, as appears by comparing the later Greece copies with the ancient Latin Translation out of the yet not corrupted Copies in Greece, or at least not with that boldness and liberty, as they have been since, to the unspeakable wrong, as well of antiquity, as posterity.  
And this being observed, will, with the Readers good leave and patience, give me occasion to do Ignatius a piece of right, for which indeed he is especially beholding to that true Bishop Dr Usher, whose learning it were an offence to praise or admire, his piety being such, and the holiness of his conversation. There is a passage in one of his Epistles, at which 
* Guil. Perkins in Probl. Jo. Milton, etc.  very learned men have taken great offence, and very deservedly. It is that to the Church of Smyrna, where we find in the Greece edition: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
m Prov. 24.21.  My son, saith he, honour God and the King: But, I say; Honour God indeed as the Author and Lord of all: and the Bishop, as the Highpriest: and after him we ought to honour the King. This they say, and truly, doth in plain terms contradict the Spirit of God in Solomon: From which presumptuous gainsaying to excuse Ignatius, we may take notice that this is but an adulterate piece, and foisted in of late, which for very shame the greatest friends of Episcopacy forbear to urge in their behalf, and it is utterly wanting in that ancient Latin Interpreter of these Epistles, never published, till within these two years by that most reverend and godly Primate.  
But to return to these Laics. Of the two witnesses we see urged, to prove a distinction between them and the Clergy, in the first age of the Church; one of them says nothing to it; the other is spurious, and supposititious. That the word (Laic) might indeed be in some use in the most primitive times, we may grant, because we find it here; Yet then was it but as one of those words, which the Grammarians call 
n Quae semel tantùm ab aliquo auctore usurpatae sunt, v. Eustath. ad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. and to this day it hath not gotten any room in our common Lexicons. Neither hear we any more of it after this, (except in Acula the Jews Gr. who translates the 
* 1 Sam. 21.6.  Shewbread 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as Theodoret witnesseth,) till Tertullian's time, and the Compiler of those Canons and Constitutions, which they call Apostolical: both who undoubtedly had it from hence, (but applied it otherwise,) as they had the business of the Phoenix likewise, before mentioned, and other things also. So in like manner was 
o Dionys. Halicarn. Plin. hist. li. 2. c. 17.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a known word to the world in the Apostles time; yet not so applied by the Primitive, that we can any where read of, as it was by the Church in after Ages, when she called, not only herself, but the Epistles also of James, Peter, John, and Judas, Catholic. But the word itself being no more rife at that time than it was, the thing then assuredly could not be in any very common use, or practice. Now in Clement himself, where it is only to be found in that age, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies no more Christian Lay-people, then in Quintilian, (who lived when Clement) 
p Instit. li. 2. cap. 13.  praecepta 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies the Catholic commands of the Church. For indeed how could it? that difference in persons (as we may well conjecture, and not be laughed at for our weakness,) being not yet observed: And we know that names are not altogether of as ancient birth as things themselves are. I said but conjecture: But Salmasius 
q Olim omnes Presbyteri erant Laici. De Pres. & Ep. ca 5. p. 396. 398. etc. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, will tell you aloud and peremptorily, that there was no distinction at all; that the Presbyters, or Clergy, as we call them, and Laymen, were all one. For the Christian Presbyter 
* Vid. Clariss. Selden. Com. in Eutych. n. 9  being derived from the Jewish, they were no more separated from the people by any priestly holiness, than the Presbyters among the Jews were; who indeed had nothing of the Priest about them, save by accident, which might distinguish them from the Laity. ***********  
It appears then, by what hath been said, that, although after ages did admit of this distinction of Laity and Clergy in the Church, yet no such difference is to be proved out of Clement, or Ignatius, as hath been pretended and urged, but indeed too peremptorily, not to say any more.  

XXIX.  After an exact view taken thereof.] Gr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Verb signifies to examine what blemishes there were, or what was perished, in the sacrifice, as Mr Young hath taught us out of Philo, the other Clement, and chrysostom. In Polycarpus, who had it from this Clement, it was corrupted, till my L. of Armagh restored it. This I find in Lucian's language, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. First to search and examine the sacrifice whether it were perfect and entire, or no. It is ill rendered therefore in the Lexicon's, reprehensoris animo confiderare, vel observare. And let me by the way mend a place in the learned Latin-Greec Glossary printed by Harry stephan's. Aruspex, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The ancient β was very like μ, only it wanted the tail, fashioned thus μ, and that in some printed books, as in Callimachus by Frobenius for example, and divers others. So the mistake was easy: Or if not so, 
u Altar.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seemed to the Calligraphi, or Transcribers, to have nearest relation in their judgement to the Priest, and so took it for the former part of the composition of this word, rather than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The emendation is justified by Donat. 
x In Ter. Phorm. Act. 4. sc. Geta.  the Grammarian: Haruspex ab harugâ nominatur: nam haruga dicitur hostia, ab harâ in quâ concluditur & servatur. And Velius Longus almost in the same manner, but that I think the one may be mended by the other. Arispex ab ariugâ, quae esset hostia. Which is confirmed by Dionys. of Halicarnassus 
y Antiq. Rom. lib. 2.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. because he did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, take a view of the sacrifice, that it were not defective. Gloss. Haruspex, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. This was called by the Romans, 
z Plin. l. 8. c. 45.  Victimarum probatio. Hence we read 
* Cic. 2. in Rull.  hostiae probatae, and exta probata. Tertull. Apologetico: 
† Tibul. lib. 3.   mirer cum hostiae probentur penes vos à vitiosissimis sacerdotibus.  
To be Bishops and Deacons.] 
XXX.  As to express the gravity of those Governors, which they had constituted over the Christian Churches, the Apostles called them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Elders, borrowing the name from the 70. in the Old Testament. So likewise to signify their office, Clement here intimates in the following words, that they styled them, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Bishops, taking also the denomination from the same LXX. Interpreters, Esai. 60.17. where we read out of the Hebrew, I will also make thy Officers 
a Praefectos. Tremel.  peace, and thine exactors righteousness. But the Vulgar: Ponam visitationem tuam pacem, etc. Now visitatio is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Clement in this very Ep. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In the visitation of the Kingdom of Christ. That in Clement, Bishop and Presbyter signify the same Order, is most manifest to any attentive Reader: and it may be gathered from this very place: to spare others more evident for it till anon. For if by Bishops here Clement did not mean Presbyters, it may be inferred very well, that Presbyters were not instituted by the Apostles in their preaching up and down, and constituting Churches and officers, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in several Cities and Countries, as he tells us: For why else are they omitted by him, whose business it is here to set them down, and that as exactly, as he had done a little before the Jewish Hierarchy? But it is more manifest by what follows. For Clement reasons thus: To turn out them, who have unblamably and in holiness performed the office of their Episcopacy [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] is no small sin; But ye, Corinthians, have turned out your Presbyters, (so he calls them they had turned out,) Ergo. For to say that 
b Episc. by divine Right. part. 2. § 10. p. 60.  belike they ejected their Bishop, and Presbyters too, were to say that which were not, and Clement never intended.  

XXXI.  That strife and contention would arise about the name of Episcopacy.] I think the time is now, saith 
c Collect. of Speeches. p. 76.  Sr Edward Deering, urging this place. And yet he will not allow Bp Hall, though Clement tells us that Bishops were constituted by the Apostles, both in the foregoing, and following words, to prove from thence his Episcopacy by Divine Right. Now whether by the name of Episcopacy in this place we mean the bare Title only, or else the power residing in the person and office of a Bishop; as we understand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and Romanum nomen; the learned Knight I think did not amiss in taking these words by way of a prophecy: For Episcopacy, as we take it at this day, some will tell you hath had shrewd girding at it many ages 
* Perantiqua, & celeberrima quaestio de Ordine Hieratico. Selden.  ago, (and that not by Aërius only,) before either Martin-mar-Prelate was born, or this present Parliament was summoned. 
d In Epist. ubi se cum Hieron. confert.  Austin himself tells us that it was but vocabulum honoris, quod Ecclesiae usus obtinuit. And in ancient times, which is most to be wondered at, it was not the silly state, and train, such as it was, of some Bishops, which was so much excepted against, and exposed to censure, as their very want and poverty. chrysostom got envy by it, when, but to ease his aged and impotent limbs, he road up and down the streets upon a poor Ass, as often as his occasions called him abroad in that great 
* Constantinople.  City: Himself will tell you what the people said of him; Whoh! say they, he hath servants to attend him 
e Homil. 1. in Titum. , and rides about upon an Ass: why is he placed above us? Now that you may understand his retinue was not great, no more then for his necessary uses, himself again in 
f Homil. 9 add Philip.  another place, makes going into public assemblies with a multitude of followers, and to ride on Horseback, two pieces of State by no means to be tolerated in a Bishop. And such was the poverty of the British Bishops in the fourth Age, that being called by Constantius to the Council of 
* Rimini, hodiè, ut Leander, & alii.  Ariminum, they had not wherewithal to carry themselves over sea, much less to keep them; but were fain to be maintained out of the Emperor's Exchequer; Which though Sulpitius Severus 
g Hist. sacrae, lib. 2.  highly commend in them, yet he that gave him the relation, did it quasi obtrectans, to their disgrace, and upbraiding them with their need and exigency. How they were provided for at the Council upon the Emperor's cost, I cannot tell: But it seems at home their allowance was not much better than those Irish Bishops, which was no more than three milch Cows, and in case any of them became dry, the Parishioners supplied them again; as their own relation was to Adam of Breme in Germany; whom they took in their way from Italy homeward. I may fit both with that excellent character of those poor countrey-bishops of Italy in Ammianus Marcellinus 
h Lib. 27. , an heathen Historian: Quos tenuitas edendi potandique parcissimè, vilitas etiam indumentorum, & superc: lia humum spectantia, perpetuo Numini verisque ejus cultoribus ut puros commendabant & verecundos. Not but that than there were swaggering Bishops, and far unlike these; for in the same place he tells us, that the competition and contention about the Papacy between Damasus and Vrsicinus was so violent, that the carcases of 137. men slain in the quarrel were drawn out of one 
i Basilicâ Sicinini.  Church, and Viventius the Lieutenant to the Emperor was forced to make his retreat into the suburbs, till the rage of the people, and their strife was ended. And the impartial Historian makes the reason and grounds of these contentions to be their immoderate wealth, ease, and honour, after they were thus settled; being then enriched with the gifts and presents of great Ladies, they road in Coaches through the streets, they were choicely suited in their apparel, their diet dainty, in so much that their feasts outwent the ordinary provision at King's Tables. And that Marcellinus doth them not wrong heerin, the studious Reader may see by the Constitution 
k L. 20. C. Theod. de Episc. Eccl. & Clericis.  of Valent. Valens, and Gratian, directed to the same Damasus, forbidding all Ecclesiastical persons, or such as belonged to them, to visit widows houses, etc. to receive any thing from such kind of weemen either by donation, or Legacy. If they did, that it should be forfeited to the Exchequer, etc. And Damasus was fain, though full sore against his will, to give order for publishing of it in all the Churches of Rome. But 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. enough of this.  
Now the contention about the name, or power, of Episcopacy, was never so great, but the acceptions of the word before the Apostles time were as various. 
l In 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Eustathius tells us that it was sometimes taken for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  a spy, or scout. Elsewhere in Homer I find it for a protector, or defender; and in this sense Hector is called by his wife 
n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Episcopus Trojae; The defender of the Trojans, their wives, and children. It was an office, or Magistracy rather, among the Athenians, of which Suidas, and 
o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Aristophanes' Scholiast, besides 
p De Rep. Athen. ca 35. v. Guid. Pancirol. de Magistr. Municipal. c. 13.  Postel, or rather Possardus; but especially see Meursius in his Attic Antiquities. Cicero tells us that Pompey would have him to be, 
q Ad Attic. l. 7. Epist. 10.  quem tota Campana, & maritima ora habeat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ad quem delectus, & summa negotii referatur; by which words you see what power he had. And in the Pandects Arcadius calls them Episcopos 
r F. de muner. & honour. l. fin. § item.  qui praesunt pani, & caeteris venalibus rebus quae Civitatum populis ad quotidianum victum usui sunt; which is just as much as Clarks of the Market.  

XXXII.  The forenamed officers.] Gr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. That is, Bishops, and Deacons. The Apostles appointed Overseërs and Ministers unto them that should believe, as well in the Churches of Rome and Corinth, as elsewhere. Where, by the way, take notice, that Peter's parts, and authority, in that business, were no more than any one's else beside: for Clement speaks generally 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The Apostles, and Our Apostles. Secondly, we may gather from Clement, that not only the Apostles themselves, but 
s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  others also taken notice of for their prudence, did constitute Bishops, and Deacons; but it was with the general consent and agreement of the whole Church; [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,] otherwise, they were not thought lawfully called, or chosen to their office; and so might not challenge any subjection, or respect, from the people.  
Now in defining what kind of Bishops these were, which the Apostles constituted; and in assigning every first Bishop his particular place, or seat, I conceive Antiquity did not a little mistake; not to say they dealt too peremptorily and presumptuously therein. That I may not be thought to take too much upon me in so high, and seemingly arrogant a censure; I shall, aswell for the Readers satisfaction, as for mine own excuse and defence, allege a very notable place out of Eusebius, esteemed generally the Father and fountain of Church History, who directly acknowledgeth it a thing of great difficulty, to set down who were left by the Apostles the Bishops of several Churches, confessing all the light he had heerin to come from the Acts of the Apostles, and Paul's Epistles. The place is Eccl. Hist. lib. III. cap. iv whither the Reader may have his recourse at pleasure. Now for us to make our boasts of Antiquity, and to ground our discourse, in the point we have in hand, upon the testimony and traditions of the ancients, when as Eusebius himself, one so ancient, and that made such diligent search and enquiry into this business, freely confesseth, that all the certainty of his knowledge thereabout was from mere Scripture, is a thing in my conceit of extreme lightness and vanity. Not to add here, what I formerly took notice of, how great a flaw and breach there is in the history of the first times of the Church next the Acts, which indeed did set the invention of after ages on work to write a Supplement in place of those true Records, which most likely perished, at what time the flame of persecution devoured the Christians themselves not more, than their particular Acta, and Memorials.  
For the future gave them moreover in command.] The Gr. 
XXXIII.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. I translated it as you see, having then in my mind what Plato's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signified; and being now in haste, I let it pass so. Perhaps upon advice with some to advertise me better, I shall alter it. Mr Young had turned it; ac descriptas deinceps ministrorum officiorumque vices reliquerunt, reading by conjecture 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Copy. Dr Usher: Eumque ordinem deinceps praescripserunt. Salmasius: Et interim etiam praeceptum dederunt. Dr Hall: and gave thereupon a designed order or list of Offices; coming nearest Mr Yong. Dr Turner of Merton College would have it read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
t Vide Dn. Armachan. de Ignat. script. ca 18. p. 137.  ut continuatio Episcopatus ab Apostolis stabilita significetur; and this reading is confirmed for him by a place in Nazianzen: 
† What the Lord hath, ordained by his Apostles, those things remain good and firm.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 speaking of the Apostles constituting of Bishops. It is in his Epistle to Dracontius, who had forsaken his Episcopal function: So that Graham, late B. of Orkney, was not the first that voluntarily took upon him such a Penance, as is averred. Mr Bois of Ely had a thought it might be read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by which choice, or Election is understood. We see with what disagreement this short sentence is interpreted. It remains therefore only that we cry out with the Poet,—— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉! And yet let me further observe for the more curious Readers sake, that this very word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hath occasioned little less trouble in one of Constantinus Porphyrogenneta the Emperor's Constitutions, where it is read scarce with any good sense: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. as Leunclavius set it forth, and translates it, Quum restitutio fit in possessionem, si quidem in caussâ pauperum, etc. But the learned French Lawyer Carolus Labbaeus in a later edition thereof, which I now use, mends it thus out of his written book: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. rendering it Possessione autem in solutum datâ, or, In possessione facta solutione.  

XXXIV. — their Episcopacy. Blessed are those Elders.—] The Gr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. etc. Which the Author of Episcopacy by Divine Right translates:— these offices of Episcopacy. And withal, blessed are those Presbyters. You see what he drives at by adding the suo this Nota 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, [And withal,] wanting in the Original.  

XXXV.  In the very beginning of his Gospel.] He means Pawles I to the Corinthians. Paul himself Rom. 2.16. according to my Gospel, that is, my 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or the doctrine which I preached, as chrysostom interprets him: Not that Paul is to be thought ever to have written the history of Christ's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or conversation in the flesh. Ex his, 
u Exercit. sac. lib. 6. add dict. ad Rom. I.  saith the accurate Heinsius, similibusque locis profluxisse videtur, ut antiqui 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nomine scripta Apostoli citarent; alleging this place of Clement: And he adds moreover, from the word going before, [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in the beginning,] Ex hoc suspicari fortè quis possit, primam ordine, quae prior nunc est ad Corinthios, tunc habitam. Mr Young likewise brings a place out of 
x Contra Apollinar.  Gregory Nyssen, where he citing this sentence out of the Epistles of John; 
y 1 Joh. 5.19.  The whole world lieth in wickedness; bestows likewise upon them the Title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The Gospel. Clement refers you to 1 Cor. 1.12. Every one of you saith, I am of Paul, and I of Apollo's, and I of Cephas. By occasion of which words I might here take upon me to make a defence for Jerom, whose words, urging this place of St Paul, some do force to such an interpretation, as if by it he would prove, that ever since the time that these words were cast out by the Corinthians, the equality among Presbyters ceased, and that thereupon one was placed as a Bishop, or Overseër, above the rest. But this matter is 
z v. Salm. contra Petar. de Episc. cap. 4.  already ab aliis occupata. And although Jerom had written so; (which he doth not, as will appear to any one that shall diligently examine his words,) yet this Epistle written by Clement to the Corinthians, near about XL. years after that of Paul's unto them, evidently shows that the same Idea and form of government remained still among them. Not to tell you, which I have done before, that Jerom was very well acquainted with this Epistle, as who took the pains to translate it into Latin: and so the less likely to think or publish any such thing, finding so great proof and instance to the contrary, as in the reading hereof he needs must have done.  
For your siding was with Apostles.] Observabis hîc, 
XXXVI.  it is the learned Salmasius his observation, Cepham in Epistola ad Corinthios de Petro Apostolo Clementem intellexisse, cùm quidam interpretum de quodam alio Cepha acceperint. Sure those Interpreters he means were such, as did not like to see Peter ranked after Apollo's, or Paul himself, so much it stood against his pretended Primacy. And yet the Ancients talk of another Cephas, that should be one of the Seventy Disciples, of whom Clem Alex. in 
a Eccl. hist. lib. 1. ca 123.  Euseb. and the counterfeit Dorotheus. But for satisfaction hear Jerom 
b In Epist. ad Gal. cap. 2. , who tells us, Alterius nescio cujus Cephae nescire nos nomen, nisi ejus qui & in Evangelio, & in aliis Pauli Epistolis, & in hac quoque ipsa modò Cephas, modò Petrus inscribitur. Now that which Clement tells the Corinthians here, is this; That, whereas in the former schisms and factions they followed and adhered to such as were either Apostles themselves, or else one that had extraordinary testimony from them, they now had for the ringleaders of their sedition a few persons of far inferior quality; and therefore their offence was the greater, and themselves left the more inexcusable.  
Seeing then there are many Gates.] This pericope, or passage, 
XXXVII.  is transcribed, as you find it here, by Clemens Alexandrinus, Stromat. lib. 4.  

XXXVIII.  Say one be faithful, etc.] So likewise is this cited by the same Clement, in the same book, and also in the VI but with somewhat more difference in the reading.  

XXXIX.  Who is able to express the bond and tye of God's love?] This sentence we find translated in Jerom, who makes use of it in his Comment. on the iv Chap. to the Ephes. Cujus res, saith he, & Clemens ad Corinthios testis est, scribens; Vinculum charitatis Dei quis poterit enarrare?  

XL.  I will departed, I'll go my ways, whithersoever, etc.] Epiphanius 
c Lib. 1. Haeres. 27. , writing against the Carpocratians heresy, mentions these words of Clement's, but with some difference: and besides, he applies them to another occasion and purpose, then to what Clement uses them here. For telling you that Clement received imposition of hands from Peter, yet refused the Bishopric of Rome, until such time as Linus and Cletus were dead, he adds this reason; for he says, saith he, in one of his Epistles, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. I depart, I go my ways; only let the people of God have rest and quietness. Which words Clement here prescribes to be used by the Corinthians, in case troubles or contention did arise in that Church through any of their means: Is any one bravely spirited among you? etc. let him say, If through my means this sedition, or contention, or these schisms proceed, I will departed. etc. chrysostom hath a passage, (for which, if for any, he richly deserved the title of Golden-mouth bestowed on him by antiquity,) which while he penned; Mr Young conceives he had his eye upon this of Clement: His words are; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
d Homil. 11. add Ephes.  etc. If you conceive or suspect these things of us, we are ready to departed, and to deliver up our power to whomsoever ye please: only let the Church be at unity within itself. A rare temper! and not to be found among the men of this Age. Now because Clement, in what immediately follows, doth commend the earnest endeavours and undertake of heathen men for the conservation of the peace and quiet of those States they lived in, I will parallel this place of Chrysostoms' with one ascribed to the most eloquent of the race of Romulus; as he was esteemed of all the Christians: Vtilius duxi, 
e Declam. in Sallust. Ciceroni tributa.  quamvis fortunam unus experiri, quàm universo populo Romano civilis essem dissensionis caussa.  

XLI.  Many Kings and Governors. etc.] He means such as Codrus, and Lycurgus, among the Grecians; Genucius Cippus, and M. Curtius, among the Romans; with others, in both Histories, endowed with the like brave and gallant spirits for the Public, not so generally taken notice of. Next after he bringeth in Judith, who hazarded her own life to save the City wherein she dwelled; an Apocryphal story among the Jews. That Clement thought it so, his placing it after mention of Hethen examples, though he instance in no particular, may serve for an argument. For there is scarce any Greece or Latin Historian of better note, that is not to be preferred, in matter of truth, before it, the Macchabees, or any other historical piece in that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or collection of writers. Now if enough hath not been already said, in what goes before, for defence of Clement in this behalf, 
Num. XXIV.  let the studious Reader take notice, that not only Peter and Judas cite the Apocryphal writings of Enoch, and the latter the book also De dimissione Mosis, or of his Death; (though indeed, as the admired Jos. Sealiger hath well observed, those Fragments we now have of Enoch are more corrupt by later additions and interpolations of the Jews, than they were formerly in the Apostles times;) But Paul himself likewise hath made use of divers places in his Epistles, taken out of other Apocrypha of the Jews, as hath been observed by the Fathers of the Gr. Church. In the I. to the Corinthians out of the Apocrypha of Elias; in that to the Galatians, out of the Apocrypha of Moses; in that to the Ephesians, out of the Apocrypha of Jeremy. Not that it follows from hence, that the Apostle approved of all he found written in these books, any more than he approved the several love-toys, and amorous passages, in Menander's Comedies; an jambic sentence out of whom notwithstanding he borroweth, as you heard before. See the incomparable 
f Exercit. sacrar. lib. 18. cap. 2.  Heinsius upon 1 Pet. 3.19.  
In time of a raging pestilence, 
XLII.  upon answer received from the Oracle.] I do not more readily remember any example of this kind, which I could think CLEMENT might intent to, then that of Oedipus. I conceived at first our Author might have had this out of some Gr. Tragedy of him. Examining Sophocles his Oedipus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as most likely, I received not so much satisfaction in my search, as in the excellent Latin Oedipus, which my learned good friend Mr Farnaby adjudges to L. An. Seneca, the very Siren of better Philosophy, against the judgement of Heinsius, from whom yet in other things it is not his custom to descent. In that Tragedy conceive the Thebans afflicted, and only not consumed, with a grievous pestilence. The Oracle consulted, returns Answer: 
Mitia Cadmeis remeabunt sidera Thebis,  
Si profugus Dircen Ismenida liqueris hospes, etc.  meaning Oedipus; who being acquainted therewith, to stop the current of this destructive evil, whereof his incest had been the cause, he straight sets forward to a voluntary exile, and is brought in bespeaking his languishing Citizens with this sad farewell, yet such as did bid good cheer and health to them after his departure: 

g Act. 5. sc. Bene.  Quicunque fessi corpore, & morbo graves,  
Semianima trahitis corpora; en, fugio, exeo:  
Relevate colla; mitior coeli status  
Post terga sequitur. quisquis exilem jacens  
Animam retentat, vividos haustus levis  
Concipiat. Ite, ferte depositis opem.  
Mortifera mecum vitia terris extraho.  This example suits just with Clement's purpose, but that you'll say the story is merely poëticall. Let it be so: yet those words of Oedipus— fugio, exeo: remember me again of Clement's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i. I will departed, I'll go my ways.  

XLIII.  Become subject to your Elders.] Besides what hath been observed before; Clement tells the Corinthians, that for one or two factious persons sake, their Church had raised a sedition against their Presbyters: He tells them in another place, that it should be the only and earnest resolution of every noble, merciful, and charitable Christian among them, forgetting and forsaking their own private aims and interests whatsoever, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  to endeavour the Peace and quiet of Christ's flock and people, and of the Presbyters placed over them. And in this place he adviseth those that had begun these troubles, and whose the groundwork was of this sedition, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  to repent, and by changing the pride of their tongue into the humility of heart, to become subject and obedient to their Presbyters. And read I say the whole Epistle over, and tell me then, whether solitary Episcopacy hath any ground therein, or any practice thereof can be proved from thence; or that the Church, either of Rome, or Corinth, were governed any otherwise, at that time when it was written, (at least so far as may be made to appear from any plain passage thereof,) then by Presbyters: which notwithstanding hath been pretended more than once; and among others, as our Brethren of the Church of Scotland can bear witness, by one, who was sometime 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 among us, with a great deal more confidence, than success.  
Now what remains there, but that the people of God, taking serious notice unto whom they own obedience and subjection under Christ, in those things that belong to God, should with all readiness and cheerfulness undergo and perform the same. And withal, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Clem.  having the Charter of their liberties and privileges restored unto them again, as it were postliminiò, and so evidently asserted in respect of their particular prerogatives in the election (as it is in all reason and equity a thing indeed most fitting) of those Ministers and Officers, to whom they are to become subject; it becomes them to be very wary and prudent, and exceeding circumspect, that they neither admit any, or submit themselves unto such, who have yet remaining upon their souls that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that servile capillitium, as Socrates' expression is in Plato of some Magistrates made choice of at Athens. That they do not I say place such in eminence above them, and as it were at the Helm, who, if a right examination were taken of their life and qualities, would scarce be thought fitting to have a place assigned them at the very sink, or pump. They should providently bethink themselves what parts, what endowments, what conversation, what knowledge, what singleness of soul, what command of affections is required to such an employment, to so weighty an undertaking; it being indeed, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a business, which, if any other under Heaven, challengeth exact managing and steerage.  
But if, through want of care and foresight herein, they chance to prove remiss, or, which is worse, shall be ready to receive (without questioning them,) any whatever they be, that shall affect dominion over them and their consciences, they will therein but sin against their own souls, in betraying and giving up that Christian 
* 1 Cor. 7.23.  liberty of theirs, which cost so dear, to the insolency and merciless tyranny of no better than mere idiots; who as they are themselves altogether 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, so would they debar others of those means, which lead to the knowledge of heavenly mysteries; and not so only, but like the Pharisees in the Gospel, 
Matth. 23.13.  shut up the Kingdom of Heaven against men; neither going in themselves, nor suffering them that are entering to go in.  

XLIIII.  *******.] Concerning this lacuna, or hiatus, see Mr Young in the end of his Notes. I could think a small parcel of that which is swallowed up, and lost therein by the injury of time, might be recovered out of Basil the Great 
h De Sp. S. ad Amph loch. cap. 29. : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— But also the more ancient Clemens saith; (to distinguish him from Clem. of Alexandria:) The words he citys out of him are these: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i. God liveth, and the Lord Jesus Christ, and that Holy Spirit. It is not to be thought that Basil would cite this out of any suspected writing of Clement's; and we know that none, which now go under his name, were accounted genuine by the ancients, except only this Epistle we have in our hands. So likewise once I thought, that Clement's urging the authority of Sibylla for the judgement of the wicked by fire in the end of the world, might have been a portion of this breach, or of what we here see lost; for which he is alleged by the Author 
i Resp. ad Quaest. 74.  (commonly Justin Martyr,) of the Questions ad Orthodoxes, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in his Epist. to the Corinthians. But the learned Dr Usher 
k Dissert. de Clem. & Ignat. script. cap. 10. p. 65.  would have this passage taken out of Clem. II. Epist. unto them, which antiquity generally abjudicated from him; and the rather, because those 
l Extant apud Lactan. l. de Ira Dei, c. 23. vide Casaub. Exerc. contra Baron. de Sibyllinis.  Sibyllin verses to this purpose are since Clement's time, and written by the Christians; and so could not be made use of by him; though indeed heathen men, Ovid, Seneca, and others before him believed the world's final conflagration. Neither is it likely that Justin Martyr, being of that standing, and extraordinary learning, should suffer his belief to be abused with forgeries. Such impostures cozened and deluded after times; and in his, only began to breed. So that I may use the citing of this passage out of Clement, as an additional argument to those many others, to prove this writing to be none of Justins; notwithstanding that Dr Homes 
m Animadver. against M. Tombs Instant-Bapt. cap. 13. p. 110. 111.  religious and learned Gentleman, troubles himself so much to assert and vindicate it to be his genuine work; which yet he will never persuade the learned world of men to believe. Hierom's Latin Translation, could it be but found, would clear all.  
God the Beholder and Descryer of all things.] Gr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
XLV.  A word only to be found here, and in Polycarpus his Epistle; who had it hence. The Holy Spirit is called by Nazianz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Our Highpriest, and Ruler.] 
XLVI.  The learned and industrious Critic Photius, Patriarch of CP. me thinks is too Critical in his censure of Clement for these expressions. The third thing that he takes exceptions against in this Epistle, is, that Clement calling our Lord Jesus Christ Our Highpriest and Ruler, he doth not withal bestow loftier titles upon him, and more beseeming his Majesty, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Certainly his mentioning of Christ in several places is in very honourable terms; such as these; Christ Jesus our saving health; the Highpriest of our Oblations; The Guardian and Succourer of our weakness; By him we look up to the Highest Heavens, etc. By him it pleased the Lord to give us a taste of immortal knowledge, who being the brightness of his 
n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which Ebr. 1. is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. see ver. 3.4. whence Clement hath this, and what follows next.  Majesty, is by so far greater than the Angels, etc. Our Lord Christ Jesus the Sceptre of the Majesty of God, etc. But indeed in the following sentence Photius bites in his words again; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. and yet he doth not, saith he, any way openly therein defame the name of Christ. Which I pray who could ever imagine that Clement would do?  
Claudius, and Ephebus, and Valerius, Biton, and Fortunatus.] 
XLVII.  By the hands of these five persons the Church of Rome conveyed this Pareneticall Epistle, or Hortatory to peace and mutual condescension, to their Brethren of the Church of Corinth. I find nothing recorded of them by the Ancients; so that had it not been for this mention of them, they, together with their memories, might have perished in utter oblivion. It hath fared better with several Saints of the New Testament, for whom ingenious Antiquity hath coined Bishoprics, beside other fortunes. The memory of them however deserves respect, though but for this only employment in God's Church. Three of their names here are merely Roman. Whether one of them, Fortunatus, might be he, whom 
o 1 Cor. 16.17.  Paul mentions, and by whom, with Stephanas, Achaïcus, and Timothy, his first to the Corinthians is said to be sent unto them, I dare not say: much less, that it was that Fortunatus, whom, in 
p Antiq. l. 18. cap. 9  Josephus, Agrippa sends to Rome to make complaint to Caligula of Herod the Tetrarch; The time in neither respect will well bear it. Ephebus, is a Grecian name; as is also Biton; For we find one Biton, a long while before Clement's time, who was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to Alexander the Great, or the Measurer of his journeys in all his foreign Expeditions, whom 
q Lib. 6. cap. 17.  Pliny mis-names Beton. I have 
r MS. Gr. in Biblioth. Colleg. Magdal. Oxon.  seen also some pieces of one Biton among the Greece writers of Mechanics, or about Military Engines, usually joined with 
s Malè Athanasius dictus Th. Jamesio in Eclogâ MSS.  Athenaeus, an Author of the same subject, still extant in the armaries of some Libraries, but as yet unpublished.  
CLEMENT'S II. Ep. is yet remaining in some good part of it; but being rejected by the ancients, as Eusebius, and Jerom out of him; and accounted supposititious, as Photius tells us, I have neglected therefore the Translation of it. Those other writings also, which go under his name at this day, are no better thought of by such as are most able to judge of things of this kind. No body will wonder that the holy forgery of former times made so bold with Clement, who doth either already know, or shall hear of, not only so many Apocryphal Gospels under several Saints names; of Paul's Epistle to the Laodiceans; of the 
t Extant linguâ Armen. v. D. Armach. in Ignat. Ep. ad Trall. not. 84. & Joan. Gregor. in Observat. etc.  Corinthians Epistle to St Paul, and of his III. 
t Extant linguâ Armen. v. D. Armach. in Ignat. Ep. ad Trall. not. 84. & Joan. Gregor. in Observat. etc.  Epistle to the Corinthians in answer to theirs; of Seneca's and Paul's Epistles one to another; (wherewith good S. Jerom himself was deceived;) But of Aristotle de Pomo, Plato de Vacca, Ovid de Vetula, and others; in which writings, there is not only honourable mention of Christ, but of the Virgin Mary likewise. The well meaning Christians of ancient times had a pretty conceit in them, that by this fine cozenage they should with more ease win the heathen to embrace their Religion, when they should see the Author, and chief professors of it, well spoken of by such great names as those before mentioned. But good men (as some error is still incident to all forgery) they usually offended therein against the true account of Times, and as foully, as at this day the Turks do in their wild Chronology, making S. 
u Qui est ipsorum Chederles. vid. Busbeq. epist. 1.  George one of Alexander the Great's Commanders, and Alexander himself Salomon's General; as they do likewise (which to hear, and bear with it, we had need to have aswell pity, as patience,) make Job the Controller of his HOUSE.  
The End of the Annotations.   

To be amended, or altered.  
PAge 21. lin. 7. for, in them, read, they. p. 26. l. 14. for, of his beauty. r. of the beauty thereof. p. 44. l. penult. lege 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 45. l. 5. f. that were. r. that they being called were. p. 49. l. 7. f. in, r. is. p. 50. l. 19 lege 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 51. l. 27. r. † Clement, taking the mark from before the word (Epistle) in the next line. l. 28. for, then with him, r. himself then being. p. 55. l. 32. f. CC. r. M. and CC. p. 58. l. 20. f. seems to have th●m out of the. r. seems to have had in his mind the. p. 67. l. 14. r. Jornandes. p. 72. l. 19 r. breeding. p. 73. l. 29. lege 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ibid. for Attic. r. this Attic. p. 80. l. 31. lege 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 81. l. 10. after hostia, add, And not from Ara, as some would have it. p. 84. l. 11. r. Campania. There may chance to be some other mistakes either from the Transcribers pen, or the Works themselves.  
In the Margin.  
Preface, pag. 1. read editas. p. 17. lege 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 48. r. Monarch. p. 52. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 54. r De Car. r. Cur. p. 55. for Pitheus, r. Pitseus. p. 67. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 68 place XXII. after 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & δ. ibid. f. r. Cl. r. V Cl. p. 69. r. Gazaei 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 70. r. Sophene. p. 86. for, I. r. l. p. 87. for Petar. r. Petau.