To His EXCELLENCY, GENERAL MONCK. A Letter from the Gentlemen of Devon: in Answer to his Lordships of January 23. to them directed from Leicester.  
My Lord,  
THere is a Letter which hath passed the Press under your Name, dated at Leicester 23. Jan. and directed unto Mr. roll, to be communicated to the rest of the Gentry of Devon: &c.— Whether this be your Excellency's Act or not, is the question. If so it be, we receive it as a noble Respect from General Monk to his Friends and Countrymen; if otherwise; we look upon it as the Artifice of an Anti-Parliamentary Faction, under the pretence of your Concurrence and Aid, to delude and enslave the Nation.  
‛ It is one thing for a Person of Honour freely to communicate his Thoughts and Reasonings, (although in favour of a possible mistake) still referring the Issue to the determinations of Divinity, and Reason: and it is another thing, for a Confederate Party to charge such a Person with failings properly their own.  
To hasten the dispatch of that little we have to say, the Authors of this are of that number to whom your Letter directs. We shall proceed according to our Duties, and Instructions, and briefly acquaint your Excellency with the sense of those that have entrusted us.  
We shall begin (my Lord) with the Concession of what we much suspect; and take for granted, that the Letter so inscribed, is really Yours. We are next, to return you the thanks of your Countrymen, for the expressions of your Piety and Care, therein contained; and particularly, that in the head of your Army, you have rather chosen Arguments of Reason, then of Force.— That you propose the word of God, for your Rule; and the Settlement of the Nation, for your end.— That you take notice of many Factions, and Interests introduced, and yet profess a servicc to none of them.— That you so earnestly desire to compose old Differences at home, and to prevent new mischiefs from abroad.— And finally; That you submit the Result of all, to a fair, and rational examination.  
To profess, and to pursue all this, is but like yourself; and to these purposes, we shall not stick to live and die at your Feet. If upon Discussion of the Reasons you allege, we assume the Liberty which your Candour allows us, of declaring wherein we differ; we beg to be understood with all tenderness toward your Excellency; to whom, as a stranger to our late Oppressions and Calamities, the state of our Affairs, and Affections, may probably be misrepresented. To observe your own Method; our Letter to the Speaker, importing the recalling of the Secluded Members was the occasion of yours to Us; which says, that; Before these Wars, our Government was Monarchical, both in Church, and State; but (as the case stands now) Monarchy cannot possibly be admitted for the future, in these Nations; because it is incompatible with the several Interests which have ensued upon the Quarrel: viz. the Presbyterian, Independent, Anabaptists, etc. (as to ecclesiastics) and the Purchasers of Crown, and Bishops Lands, Forfeited Estates, etc. (as to Civils) by which means, the support itself is taken away; so that the Constitution, qualified to fix all Interests, must be that of a Republic: To which, the Secluded Members of 1648. will never agree, many of them being Assertors of Monarchy, and Disclaimers to all Laws made since their Seclusion: over and above, that the Army also will never endure it. The Conclusion this; that it were better for us to desist from that Paper, and rely upon the Promises of this Parliament, for a due Representative:— a Provision for succeeding Parliaments, and a Peaceable Settlement, then by an unseasonable Impatience to embroil the Nation in a fresh Engagement.  
From hence it appears, that we might be allowed a Free Parliament, but for four Reasons. First, The Major Part Inclines to Monarchy and they that have swallowed the Revenues of the Crown, declare against it. Secondly, The Entangled Interests of this Nation can never be United, but under a Republic. Thirdly, The Army will never endure it. And lastly, It would beget a new War, whereas this Parliament promises to settle us in a lasting Peace.  
To all which, in Order, and first, concerning Monarchy, (not as the thing which we contend for) we (only) wonder why it is prejudged, and particularly, by those Persons who have sworn to defend it. But, my Lord, you have hit the Reason; they have gained by Dissolving it, and they are afraid to lose by Restoring it. Having put the Father to Death, whom they Covenanted to Preserve; they Abjure the Son, whom they fear to Trust. By Force they would maintain, what by Force they have Gotten. In effect; the Question, is not so much, what Government, as what Governors: A Single Person will down well enough, with the fiercest of them, when it lies fair for any of themselves. Witness the late Protector, and the later Lambert. Briefly, since the Death of the late King, we have been Governed by Tumult; Bandied from One Faction to the Other: This Party up to day, That to Morrow; but still the Nation under, and a Prey to the Strongest. It is a feeble Argument against Monarchy, that we never have been happy since we lost it: and yet nothing hath appeared to obstruct our Quiet, but the Division of the Booty. What Hath been, Shall be, so long as this Violence continues over us: nor can any other Government Settle the Nation, then that which pleases the Universality of it. And in that, we pretend not to direct our Representatives: but which way soever they incline, we shall with our Lives and Fortunes Justify, and Obey their Appointments.  
Whether we have Reason, or not, in this Particular, let your Excellency Judge.  
The second Objection against a Free Parliament, is drawn from the Necessity of a Republic, to reconcile all Interests. To this, we offer, first, that is not necessary; next, that it is not so much as effectual, to that purpose; and lastly, that a Free Parliament ought to Introduce it, if it were both the one and the other.  
The first we prove, thus, It is not the Form of Government, but the consent of the People, that must Settle the Nation. The Public Debt, must be secured out of the Public Stock; and that disposed of by an Engagement of the Public Faith, to such Ends, and Purposes, as the Representative of the Nation shall deem expedient for the Good of it. In like manner may all other Interests be secured; whether of Opinion, or Property, under what Form of Government soever a Free Parliament shall think fit to unite us. That it is not Necessary, enough is said. We are now to deduce from your Lordship's Text, that a Free State would be as little effectual also, as to our concerns. You are pleased to intimate the Dangerous Inclination of the People to Monarchy: and to Balance the Satisfaction, the Right, and the Universal Vote of the Nation, with the Interests of some few persons, that would Rule us Themselves, (for that's the English of the Settlement they propose.) By this Argument, a Republic, excludes the Negative, and more considerable Interest, in favour of a Small, and a Partial one: and if it be granted, that a Free Parliament will never agree upon a Free State, it follows necessarily, that that Form will never do our Business. Lastly, what Government soever is forced upon us, must certainly expire with the Force that imposed it; and the Voice of the People (in this case) is the Declaratory Voice of Providence.  
The third Difficulty is. The Army will never endure it. This is to say, You are to be Governed by the Sword.  
To Conclude; The Fear of a New War, and the promise of a speedy Composure, are the last Suggestions of Dissuasion to us. Alas, my Lord, do we not see that Parties are uniting against us, Abroad, and we against our selves at Home? How certainly shall we be Attempted, and how easily overcome; without such a Medium to Reconcile us All, as may Please us All! but we are promised fair. We beseech your Lordship to consider the Promisers. Are not these the People that vowed to make our Last, a Glorious King? Just such a Glorious Nation will they make of us. Did they not next Abjure a Single Person; and yet after that, set up ANOTHER, with Another Oath? Not to pursue this Subject further: These Men we dare not Trust, nor any other of that Leaven, we have no thoughts but of Justice to all Interests; and in order to that Settlement and Good we wish the Nation, we shall empower our Representatives with the Command of all we are worth, and most remarkably evidence ourselves, My Lord,  
Your Excellency's Servants. Jan. 28. 1659.   

London, Printed for Y. E. 1660.