AN IMPEACHMENT OF HIGH TREASON AGAINST Oliver Cromwell, and his Son in Law Henry Ireton Esquires, late Members of the late forcibly dissolved House of Commons, presented to public view; by Lieutenant Colonel john Lilburn close Prisoner in the Tower of London, for his real, true and zealous affections to the Liberties of his native Country.  
In which following Discourse or Impeachment, he engageth upon his life, either upon the principles of Law (by way of indictment, the only and alone legal way of all trials in England) or upon the principles of Parliaments ancient proceed, or upon the principles of reason (by pretence of which alone, they lately took away the King's life) before a legal Magistracy, when there shall be one again in England (which now in the least there is not) to prove the said Oliver Cromwell guilty of the highest Treason that ever was acted in England, and more deserving punishment and death  
Then the 44 Judges hanged for injustice by King Alfred before the Conquest; or then the Lord chief Justice Wayland and his associates tormented by Edw. 1. Or, than Judge Thorpe, condemned to die for Bribery in Edw. 3. time; Or, than the two disthrone Kings. Edw 2. and Rich. 2. Or, than the Lord chief Justice tresilian, (who had His throat cut at Tyburn as a Traitor in Rich. 2. time, for subverting the Law) and all his associates; Or, than those two grand Traytorly subverters of the Laws and Liberties of England, Empson and Dudley, who therefore as Traitors lost their heads upon Tower-hill, in the beginning of Henr. 8. reign; Or, then traitorous Cardinal Wolsey, who after he was arrested of Treason, poisoned himself; Or, than the late traitorous Ship-Money Judges, who with one Verdict or Judgement destroyed all our property; Or, than the late traitorous Bishop of Canterbury, Earl of Strafford, Lord-Keeper Finch, Secretary Windebanck, or then Sir George Ratcliff, or all his Associates; Or, than the two hotham's, who lost their heads for corresponding with the Queen, etc. Or, than the late King Charles whom themselves have beheaded for a Tyrant and traitor▪  
In which are also some Hints of Cautions to the Lord FAIRFAX, for absolutely breaking his solemn Engagement with his soldiers, etc. to take head and to regain his lost Credit in acting honestly in time to come; in helping to settle the Peace and Liberties of the Nation, which truly, really, and lastingly can never be done, but by establishing the principles of the Agreement of the F●●●▪ People; that being really the people's interest, and all the rest that went before, but particular and selvish.  
In which is also the Author's late Proposition sent to Mr Holland, June 26. 1649. to justify and make good at his utmost hazard (upon the principles of Scripture, Law, Reason, and the Parliaments and Armies ancient Declarations) his late actions or writings in any or all his Books.  jer. 5.26, 27, ●8, 29. For among my peoyle are found wicked ●en: they lie in wait as he that setteth snares, they set a trap, they catch men. As a cage is full of Birds, so are their houses full of deceit; therefore they are become great, and waxed rich. They are waxen fat, they shine; yea, they overpass the deeds of the wicked; they judge not the cause, the cause of the Fatherless, yet they prosper; and the right of the needy do they not judge. Shall I not visit for those things, saith the Lord? Shall not my soul be avenged of such a Nation as this? 
Imprinted at LONDON, Anno Dom. 1649.   

The Author to the Courteous Reader.  
COurteous Reader, There wanting room at the conclusion of this Discourse to make a Postscript, I am necessitated to make it upon the back of the Title page, that being the last printed; and to acquaint thee, that divers weeks ago, this discouse was all in a manner printed, which I have been necessitated to keep in ever since, by reason of a little liberty I obtained of the day time to visit my sick and distressed family, which by sickness have been sorely afflicted by the wise hand of him that dispenseth all his deal to those that truly know him in mercy and loving kindness, with the bowels of a loving father; yea, in afflictions (his seeming frowns) hath that end in them to draw the souls of his nigher and closer to himself, and that thereby they may truly and substantially see that in the naked enjoyment of himself, that is not to be found in all earthly or creature objects or delights; and his wise hand having thought it fit to exercise my faith and patience by taking away both my Sons from me, who were the greatest part of my earthly delight in this world, and brought my wife and daughter even to death's door; which affliction I must truly acknowledge made me unfit to think almost of any earthly thing, and became unto me a greater trial of my dependence upon God, then ever I had in my life; especially, being not alone by myself, but a company like Jobs, with many other bitter ones: but my sweet father letting me see his hand in it, and being merciful to me in sparing and recovering my wife and daughter, and hath as it were brought my spirit to its self, which hath made me wait for a righteous and hoped for composure betwixt my unrighteous adversaries and myself, and (which if it had come I had burnt this discourse) in whose promises I constantly find nothing but mere delusions: and therefore am compelled in my own spirit to let this fly; and the rather, because Sir Arthur Ha●●erig, and Colonel Fenwick treacherously and theevishly have not only without any pretence of Law and Justice but their mere wills seized upon above 1000ls. of my estate in the North, but also most maliciously detain it in their hands, and are so resolved to do; which action tends to the apparent ruin and destruction of me and the rest of my Family remaining alive, whose wickedness in this particular, etc. I have hinted at in the following discourse, pag 6. 8. as also in the 12 page of the late second edition of my Book. Entitled, The legal Fundamental Liberty of the People of England revived (the 2 last pages of which I also entreat the Reader carefully to peruse) which with other grand oppressions both general and particular remaining upon me in several particulars; and also seeing no rational hopes of any just composure; I am resolved (being I am in manner a weary of any thing I can see abroad) through the assistance of God to be as prodigal of my pen and life for the future as my bloody and tyrannical adversaries are of their oppression, cruelty, tyranny and blood-thirstines, and so I rest this present August 1649. as much as ever  
JOHN LILBURN.   

To all the Affectors and Approvers in England, of the London Petition of the eleventh of September, 1648. but especially to the owners of it, by their subscriptions, either to it, or any other Petition in the behalf of it; and particularly to the first promoters of it, my true Friends, the Citizens of London, etc. (continuing ●●sh●k it in their principles, by Offices, Places, or other base bribes or rewards) usually meeting at the Whalbone in Lothbury; behind the Royal Exchange commonly (but most unjustly) find Levellers.  
Gentlemen, and worthy Friends,  
IT is the saying of the Spirit of God, Prov. 17.17. That a friend loveth at all times, and a brother is born for adversity. And Prov 18.24. There is a friend that ●●●keth closer than a brother; the last of which sayings, I am able by experience to seal to the truth of; and even amongst you, I have found some, that in the burning heat of the day of my Adversity, have stuck closer to me, than my brother; which was not only largely manifested by your Petitioning for me, when I was prisoner in Newgate, about four years ago, and by your effectual Petitioning for me last year, which was the instrumental means of my deliverance out of an almost three years' captivity; But also your late unwearied pains taken for me, etc. in divers Petitions of a hazardous nature, at the beginning of my present captivity; which though fruitless in themselves, as to my liberty; yet are strong demonstrations of the continuance of your zealous affections to me in particular, and to the Liberties of the Land of your nativity; for which I suffer, and am in bonds.  
But hearing that you had some thoughts of new motions for me, and my fellow-prisoners, I judge it a fit opportunity for me, to visit you with a few lines, and to acquaint you how things at present stand with me. I believe the most of you have seen, if not read my late Book of the eight of June, 1649. Entitled, The legal fundamental Liberties of the people of England, revived, affected, and vindicated▪ in which, from the 43 page to the 59 page. I have fully, both by Law and Reason, undeniably and unanswerably proved, That the present Juncto sitting at Westminster, are no Parliament at all, in any sense, either upon the principles of Law, or Reason, but are a company of usurping Tyrants, and destroyers of your Laws, Liberties, Freedoms, and Properties, sitting by virtue of the power, and conquest of the Sword; from whom, if we will believe their Oracle Mr. John Cook, we may, and aught, if we can, to deliver ourselves. His words in the King's Case stated page 10. are, That all people that live at the beck, and nod of Tyrannical men, may and aught to free themselves from that Tyranny if and when they can; for such Tyrants, that so domineer with a rod of Iron, do not govern by God's permissive hand of approbation or benediction, but by the permissive hand of his providence, suffering them to scourge the people, for ends best known unto himself, until he open a way for the people to work out their own infranchisements.  
And in page 22. (saith he) Conquest only makes title amongst Wolves, and Bears, but not amongst men: And in page 8. That a man ruling by Lust, and not by Law, is a Creature that was never of Gods making, nor of God's approbation, but his permission; and though such men are said to be gods on Earth, it's in no other sense, than the Devil is called, the god of this world.  
The same Note also the great men of the Army sing, in their late Remonstrance from Saint Alban, Novemb. 16. 1648. p. 48. 67. and in page 22. they say. That when a Magistrate entrusted with a power to protect and preserve the people's Rights and Liberties, shall rise to the assuming hurtful powers, which he never had committed to him, and indeed, to take away all those foundations of Right and Liberty, and of redress, or remedy too, which the people have reserved from him, and to swallow up all into his own absolute will and power, to impose or take away, yea, to destroy at pleasure; and declaring all appeal herein, to the established equal Judgement, or to any other Judgement of men at all, shall fly to the way of Fame, upon the trusting people (which both Cromwell and Ireton, etc. have already, as really done, as ever the King did,) and by it attempt to uphold and establish himself in that absolute tyrannical power, so assumed over them; and in the exercise thereof at pleasure, such a person in so doing, does forf●●●●● that trust and power he had, and absolve the people thereby, from the Bonds and Covenant of Peace betwixt him and them; does set them free to take their best advantage, and (if he fall within their power) to proceed in judgement against him, even for that alone, if there were no more; of all which, in the evil part of it, in the highest, the chief Authors of that Remonstrance are guilty: Therefore out of thy own mouth will I judge thee, thou wicked servant, saith Christ, Luke 19.22. And saith Paul to his, One of themselves, even a Prophet of their own said, The Cretians are always ●●ers, evil Beasts, slow Bellies: this witness is true; therefore— etc.  
Now I say, considering that which is before declared, I cannot upon any terms in the world, either with safety, justice or conscience, as things stand with me at present, give my consent, but hinder as much as I am able, all addresses from you, or any others for me, that shall own those usurping Tyrants as a Parliament, especially by Petition. Which was a course (saith the pretended Parliament Solicitor against the King, in his Case stated, page 24.) which Gods people did not take with Rehoboam, for they never Petitioned him (although he was their lawful and supreme Magistrate) but advised him; he refusing their counsel, and harkened to young and wicked Counsellors, and they cry out, To thy Tents O Israel, and made quick and short work of it.  
But I shall rather desire and advise you; by Letter like yourselves, address yourselves to the Lord Fairfax; by the sword of whom and his Soldiers, I am now in prison for my honesty and innocency, and nothing else, and demand my liberty of him; if he refuse, print it, and do as God, and Reason shall direct you; for it was his and his Soldier's force that fetched me out of my Bed, the 28 of March, 1649. without all shadow of Law or Justice, and against the tenor of all their own Declarations; the particular pages of which, you may read in my following Letter to Mr. Holland, page 5. And by force of Arms, carried me to Whitchal, and then to Derby house, before a company of men, that in Law had no more power to commit my body to prison, than so many thiefs and robbers upon Suitors Hill have; who by the Rules of their own wills (as in the second Edition of the Picture of them, I have fully declared) sent me by force of Arms to the Tower; for all my short eternity in this world.  
But I entreat you seriously to consider that I cannot advise you to make address to him, as the General of the Nations forces, for he is no such thing; but is merely a great Tyrant, standing by the power of his own will, and a strong sword, born by his vassals, slaves and creatures, having no commission to be General, either from Law, the Parliament, or from the prime Laws of Nature and Reason.  
For First, where he was first made General by both Houses of Parliament, it was expressly against the letter of the Law, which action cannot be justified, either before God or man, but in case of extreme necessity; and for the accomplishment of a universal righteous end, viz. The redeeming, settling, and securing the people's rational and just Rights and Freedoms, and not in the least, for setting up any particular selvish or factious interest.  
But secondly, in refusing to disband, etc. he hath rebelled against his Parliament commission, and thereby destroyed and annihilated it; And at Newmarket Heath, the fifth of June 1647. betook himself to the prime Laws of Nature, and by common consent of his Officers and Soldiers became their General, and entered into a solemn and mutual engagement before God, and one another, for the accomplishment of those righteous ends therein contained, for the good of the Kingdom and themselves, by subscribing his name, or at least expressly assenting thereunto, and approving thereof with solemn engagement, as is at large Printed in the Army's Book of Declarations, p. 23, 24, 25, 26. by the very letter of which, he, nor his Officers could not govern the Army jointly or severally, by the former Rules or Articles of Martial Law. no nor so much as make an Officer of the meanest quality, nor put forth any public Declaration, nor treat with, nor conclude with any in reference to the Army, but by the joint advice and approbation of their new erected and established council of Adjurators, which for order and methods sake, the General was betrusted to convene and call together, as the King formerly was Parliaments, or the Lord Mayor of London Common Counsels; and yet notwithstanding he and his Officers, like a generation of most perfidious, false, and faithless men, broke all this engagement to pieces, within less than twenty days after it was made, and so annihilated and destroyed his power, authority, or commission, flowing from the consent of the Soldiers, before he had really accomplished any one thing, he, or they engaged for, and hath since two several times, put a nullity, or force, upon his original Creators, Lords and Masters, the Parliament.  
And that he and his Officers broke their forementioned solemn engagements in so short a time I prove fully out of their own book of Declarations, in which page 36. to 46 I find a Declaration, dated the 14. of June, 1647. made and published by his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, with the Officers and Soldiers of his Army; (mark it well) for in the very words of it, it is, in Excellency worth all the Declarations that ever the Army made since: and in page 47. to 50. I find a general charge against the eleven Members, with a paper delivered with it to the Parliaments Commissioners at St. Alban, the 17. June 1647 by the appointment of his Excellency Sir T. Fairfax, and the Soldiers of the Army under his command; but in the following pages, viz. pag. 51, 52, 53, 54. I find that the 21, 22, 25. of June, 1647. his Excellency, and his Council of War alone, without the Council of Adjutators, representing the Soldiers, according to their engagement, writ letters to, and entered into a Treaty with the Lord Mayor and Common-Councel of London, which was a base, perfidious, treacherous act, and an absolute breach of their solemn engagement; yea in page 57 June 23. 1647. The General, and twenty eight Grandee, and creature Officers, publish a Remonstrance to the Kingdom, and that in the name of the Army; in which base and abominable apostasy they continued, without ever wiping their mouths, or recanting what they had so unjustly done, as the whole tenor of their Book of Declarations doth declare; yea when the particular charge against the eleven Members comes from them, it comes only in the name of the General, and his Council of War, page 94. yea, and all this, with ten times more (as I believe the world will shortly and fully see) was done in despite of the Adjutators, or consent of the Regiments, Troops, or Companies; for all those two grand and lying Apostates (Cornet Den, and Parson John Can, a late cheat at Amsterdam) confident affirmations to the contrary in their late Printed lying books, entitled the Levellers Design, page 4, 5. and the second part of the Discoverer, page 5. 6. where they aver, That the council of Adjutators, established by the Armies solemn engagement, was dissolved and made null by the same power by which they had their constitution; and that it was done by a Petition to the General from most of the Regiments, etc. But although I judge the two forementioned lying base Apostates, to be so abominably vile, that I judge not my excrements mean enough upon equal terms to balance against them; yet knowing the affairs of the Army then so extraordinarily well as I do, I will balance life against life, that neither they, nor any man breathing can produce a Petition so much as from one single Troop or Company, much less from a Regiment, and therefore much less from the greatest part of the Regiments, both of Horse and Foot, for calling home the Adjutators, before the Gen. and his Officers had, as is before mentioned, broke in pieces the solemn engagement again and again (and invasion of Rights and Privileges was the true declared ground and cause of all the late wars with the late beheaded King, and is really the original ground of most (if not all) the cruel wars in the world) But if the Soldiers had made such, a Petition (which they never did) it were not much material I think, for they engaged something to and for the Kingdom, in reference to the setlement of their Liberties and Freedoms, which I am sure they in no one title ever accomplished or performed, and therefore till that be done, they can not rationally or justly absolve themselves from the true intent or meaning of that engagement.  
But I wish those Champions for lies and Apostasy, would instance the place where, the time when, and the Regiments that subscribed and delivered such a Petition, and deal ingeniously with the world, whether it were a free act, or a compulsive one, wrought underhand, by all the snares, policies, tricks, gins, and slights, that possible the Officers could invent, without or below a visible and compulsive force, which can never of right untie that knot; Sure I am, divers of the Adiutators, etc. sent several complaints to me, etc. to the lower from St. Alban; immediately after the solemn engagement was made, complaining that Cromwell, Ireton, etc. (one of which two penned this engagement) would needs then by force and frowns totally break and dissolve it; of which baseness (though then we were not visibly fallen out) I told Cromwell very freely and plainly of, as appears by my Letters to him of the 22 of June, 1647 and the 1 of July 1647. and in my Advise to the Adiutators of the 16 of July, 1647. All which I caused immediately after to be Printed in my Book, called Jonahs' cries out of the Whale's belly, and the like in my little Book, called the Jugglers Discovered; and I am sure it was August following, when the Army's Head quarters were at Kingston, where Cromwell begun to be afraid of the Adiutators apprehending his underhand and night Juggle with the King, to ma●● himself able, like Cardinal Woolsey, to say, I and my King, which he was afraid the Adiutators should take too much notice of, although long before their power and authority was destroyed; and therefore was not willing they should at all remain or lodge at the Head quarters, although Crumwel had weeks, and some months before designedly, and of set purpose, with all his power and interest, walked in a continual breaking and trampling the engagement under his feet, and therefore about that time he and his agents set that Petition a foot, to rid the Head quarters of the Adiutators, that they might not so much as see his baseness, but alas, that Petition could not null and destroy that that was broken, nuld in efficacy and power, annihilated long before, but yet I could not for all this ever hear, that Petition was one tenth part so formal as they report it to be.  
But from what hath been already said, (and in time will speedily be declared) it is evident that the General and the Officers at St. Alban broke their solemn engagement with their Soldiers and the Kingdom, immediately after it was made, and tyrannically and treacherously invaded their Rights and Freedoms, which bred heart-burnings, and those divisions which the public enemy (so called) took the advantage of, and so came on the wars; God ever after their abominable and villainous appostacy, filling their hands with troubles and confusions, besides loss of reputation and good name, upon whose score alone lies the true guilt of all the bloodshed in the last years war, and of all the miseries that since have befallen Ireland 
* Which they might easily have relieved, if they had pleased, with those forces they disbanded in several places of the Nation, immediately after the making the foresaid Engagement; or with those twenty they the last Spring disbanded, out of every Troop and Company: Part of which, in discontent at their base using of them, run to Laughorn and Poyer, and others; to Goring, Capel, and others; to Sir Marmaduke Langdale, and the Scots: but Cromwell it seems was resolved then. That no forces should go to relieve Ireland, till he went with them, with an absolute Commission to be King of Ireland: Which Commission, though he hath got, yet he may fail of his expected Town, both there and elsewhere.  and this year again is likely, by foreign invasions of strange Nations, and by intestine broils to befall England; and therefore if you love the Lord Fairfax, tell him, that though people at the present deal by him and Cromwell, &c, as the Parliament used to do with the King, laying all the evil of his actions upon his evil Councillors, yet he and his Officers in their Remonstrance from St Albon, 16. of November 1648. say, That the King himself is the real Fountain, and true original, from whom principally all that mischief hath issued, that of late in his Reign hath befallen the Kingdom, being himself the principal Author, and causer of the first and second War, and thereby guilty of all the innocent blood spill therein, and of all the evils happening thereby, pag. 17. 19 23. 24. 61. 62, 64. whose one example, in doing Justice upon, to future Generations, would be of more terror and avail, than the execution of his whole party,; pag. 47. 48. It being (as they say) a most unjust and unconscionable thing to punish inferior Ministers, the accessories, and let the King, the principal, go free, pag. 50.  
Even so, though most men now lay the blame of all the Army's apostasy, baseness, perfidiousness and treachery upon Cromwell and Ireton, as the General's evil Councillors; yet they (his Screen betwixt him and the people's wrath) being gone from him toward. Ireland, he will now appear nakedly and singly, to be as he is in himself, and let him take heed, lest from his bypast constant, signing, assenting to, approving of, and acting in all their perfidiousness, treachery and baseness, with his present carriage, now he stands, as it were a Noun Substantive, upon his own legs, and may now most gloriously act honestly and justly if he please, without their control or any others (and so regain his lost credit and reputation) if wickedness and baseness be not as largely inherent in his heart, as it is in either Cromwel's, or Iretons: I say, let him take heed from all his actings, the knowing and seeing people do not justly conclude him to be the principal Author and causer of all their miseries, distresses and woes; and so in time serve him, as he hath served the King. and only put Cromwell, Ireton, Haslerig, Bradshaw, Harrison, etc. in Hambletons, Hollands, Capulets, goring, and Owen's places, as but accessories or dependants upon Fairfax the principal.  
But my true friends, I shall hear take upon me the boldness (in regard of the great distractions of the present times) to give a little further advice to you, from whole company or society (or from some of them) hath begun, and issued out the most transcendent, clear, rational and just things for the people's Liberties and Freedoms, that I have seen or read in this Nation as your notable and excellent Petition of May 20. 1647. burnt by the hands of the common Hangman, Recorded in my Book, called Rash Oaths unwarrantable, pag. 29 30, 31, 32, 33, 34 35. with divers others Petitions of that nature; and the Petition of the 19 of Jan. 1647. Recorded in the following discourse, pag. 45, 46, 47, 48, etc. and the masculine Petition of the 11. of Sept: 1648. so much owned by Petitions out of several Counties, yea, and by the Officers of the Armies large Remonstrance from St. Alban of the 16. Novemb. 1648. pag 67 68, 69. The substance of all which, I conceive is contained in the Printed sheet of paper signed by my fellow prisoners, Mr. Will. Walwin, Mr. Tho, Prince, Mr. Rich. Overton, and myself, dated the 1. of May, 1649. and entitled An Agreement of the free people of England, etc. The principles of which I hope and desire you will make the final Centre, & unwavering Standard of all your desires, hazards, and endeavours, as to the future settlement of the peace and government of this distracted, wasted, and divided Nation; the firm establishing of the principles therein contained, being that only, which will really and in good earnest marry and knit that interest, what ever it be, that dwells upon them, unto the distressed, and oppressed Commons, or people of this Nation; yea, the settling of which principles, is that, that will thereby make it evident and apparent unto all rational and understanding people in the world, that the real and hearty good and welfare, of the people of this Nation, hath cordially, and in good earnest been that, that their souls have hunted for, and thirsted after in all the late bloody civil wars, and contests: All the Contests of the King's party for his Will and Prerogative, being merely Selvish, and so none of the people's interest; and the contest of the Presbyterians for their makebate, dividing, and hypocritical Covenant, no better in the least; and the present contest of the present dissembling interest of Independents for the people's Liberties in general, (read the following Discourse, pag. 27, 28, 29) merely no more but Self in the highest and to set up the false saint, and most desperate Apostate murderer and traitor, Oliver Cromwell, by a pretended election of his mercenary soldiers, under the self name of the godly Interest, to be King of England, etc. (that being now too too apparently, all the intended Liberties of the people that ever he fought for in his life,) that so he might rule and govern them by his Will and Pleasure, and so destroy and envassalize their lives and properties to his lusts, which is the highest treason that ever was committed or acted in this Nation, in any sense or kind; either first, in the eye of the Law, or secondly, in the eye of the ancient (but yet too much arbitrary) proceed of Parliament, or thirdly in the eye of their own late declared principles of reason; by pretence of which (and by no rules of Law in the least) they took away the late King's head, and life, which it there were any Law or Justice in England to be had, or any Magistrates left to execute it, (as in the least there is not) I durst undertake upon my life, plainly, evidently, and undeniably, to make good the foresaid unparallelled treasons against the foresaid Ol. Cromwell, upon, & against all the three forementioned principles, viz Law, Parliament, and Reason; yea, and to frame against him such an Impeachment, or Indictment (which way of Indictments is the true, legal, and only just way of England to be tried at the Common Law, higher and greater than all the charges, against the forty four Judges) hanged for false and illegal Judgements, by King Alfred before the conquest; which with their crimes, are recorded in the Law Book, called The mirror of Justice, Printed in English, for Matthew Walbank at Gray's Inn gate, 1646. page 239. 240. 241. 242. 243. 244. 245. See also page 196. 197. 207. ibid.  
Or then the impeachment or accusation Of the Lord chief Justice Wayland, and the rest of his brother Judges and Lawyers, tormented in Edward the first his time, and mentioned in Speeds Chronicle, fol. 635.  
Or then the impeachment in Parliament, against Judge Thorp, who for taking small bribes against his oath, was condemned to die in Edward the third his time; of whom, you may read in the 3. part. Cooks Institut. fol. 155, 156. and in Mr. Pyms Speech against the Earl of Strafford, in the Book called Speeches and Passages of Parliament, pag. 9  
Or then the impeachment 〈◊〉 a charge of the dethroned King Edward the second, in full Parliament, the manner of whose dethroning you may notably read in Speeds Chronicle, fol. 665.  
Or then the many Articles of impeachment, of the dethroned King Richard the second, in full Parliament, recorded at large in the Chronicles, or History of Will. Martin, fol 156. 157. 158. 159. the 8. 10. 12. 15. 21. Articles of which, I conceive must remarkable, as to the people, which are extraordinary well worth the reading; for in them the King himself, in those dark days of Popery, is charged To have perverted the due course of the Law, or Justice, and Right; and that he destroyed men by information, without legal examination, or trial; and that he had declared the Laws of the Kingdom, were in his own Erest, (just the same thing do Mr. Peter and other mercenary Agents of the Grandees of the Army, now constantly declare of them) and that by himself, and his own authority (just Cromwell and Ireton like, only much short of them) he had displaced divers Burgesses of the Parliament, and had placed such other in their rooms, as would better fit and serve his own turn.  
Or then the impeachment of the Lord chief Justice Tris●lian (who had the worship or honour in Richard the second his time, in full Parliament, to be apprehended in the forenoon, and hanged at Tyburn in the afternoon) with his brother Judges, viz. Fulthorp, Belknay, Care, Hot, Burge, and Lockton; or their associates, Sir Nicholas Bramble, Lord Mayor of London, Sir Simon Burley, Sir William Elinham, Sir John Salisbury, Sir Thomas Trevit, Sir James Bernis, and Sir Nicholas Dodgworth; some of whom were destroyed and hanged, for setting their hands to Judgements, in subversion of the Law, in advancing the Kings will above Law; yea, and one of them banished therefore, although a dagger was held to his breast to compel him thereunto.  
Or then the indictment, of those two grand and notorious, traitorly subvertors of the Laws and Liberties of England, Empson, and Dudley, Privy Counsellors to Henry the seventh recorded in Cooks 4. part. Institut. fol. 198. 199 read also fol 41. ibid. and 2. part. Instit. fol. 51.  
Or then the impeachment of that notorious, wicked, and traitorous man, Cardinal Woolsey, by King Henry the eight his Privy Council, recorded in the 4. part. Cooks Instit. fol. 89. 90. 91. 92. 93. 94. 95. Read especially Artic. 17. 20. 21. 23 25 26. 30. 31. 33. 35. 38. 42. in all which, he is charged with Arbitrariness, and subversion of the Law.  
Or then the impeachment of the Shipmoney Judges, who in one judgement did as much as in them lay, destroy all the Properties of all the men in England; read the notable Speeches against them, in Speeches, and Passages.  
Or then the impeachment of the Bishop of Canterbury, in the late Parliament.  
Or then the impeachment, of the Lord Keeper Finch, Earl of Strafford, Secretary Windebank, Sir Richard Bolton, Lord Chancellor of Ireland, John Lord Bishop of Derry, Sir Gerrard Lowther, Knight, Lord chief Justice of the Common Pleas in Ireland, and Sir George Ratcliff, all whose impeachments are recorded in a Book, entitled, Speeches and Passages of Parliament, from November, 1640. to June, 1641. Pag. 76. 77. to 83. and 117. 118. to 143. and 174. and 256. 257. 258.  
Or then the Articles or charge against the two Sir John hotham's; the elder of which, kept the King out of Hull, the beginning of these Wars, when the House of Commons durst not command him positively to do it, although they were effectually put upon it, by a motion from the younger, then sitting in the House; and yet they were both beheaded as Traitors, for but endevoring to betray Hull to the King.  
Or then the late impeachment of Sir Philip Stapleton, Master Denzil Hollis, and the rest of the eleven Members, whose impeachment of high Treason, is recorded in the Army's Book of Declarations pag. 47. to 50. and pag. 94 95. 96. etc. And yet the same things, that some of them, in a capital manner, were impeached for as Traitors, their impeachers acted, and did at the very selfsame time, as is clearly declared in the following discourse, pag 31. 32. to 39 and page 53. to 62.  
Yea, or then the impeachment of King Charles, whom Cromwell and Ireton principally (Bradshaw being but their hired mercenary slave) have beheaded for a Tyrant and Traitor; whose impeachment is recorded in the following discourse, page 65 66. 67.  
But the principles of the foresaid Agreement, being so detestable and abominable to the present ruling men, as that which they know will put a full end to their tyranny and usurpation, and really ease and free the people from oppression and bondage; that it is something dangerous to those that go about the promotion of it; yet I shall advise and exhort you vigorously, to lay all fear aside, and to set on foot the promotion of it, in the same method we took for the promotion of the foresaid Petition of the 19 of January, 1647. laid down in the following discourse, page 23. 24. 25 And writ to your friends in every Country of England to choose out from amongst themselves, and send up some Agents to you (two at least, from each County, with money in their pockets to bear their charges) to consider with your could and chosen Agents, of some effectual course speedily to be taken, for the settling the principles thereof (as that only within an earthly Government, can make you happy) or at least, to know one another's minds, in owning and approving the principles thereof; that so it may become to you, and all your friends, your Centre, Standard, and Banner, to flock together to, in the time of those foreign invasions, and domestic insurrections, that are like speedily to bring miseries enough upon this poor and distressed Nation, and unanimously resolve & engage one to another, neither to side with, or fight for the Cameroes', fooleries, and pride of the present men in power, nor for the Prince his will, or any other base interest whatsoever (the which, if you should fight for, it would be but an absolute murdering of your Brethren and Countrymen, you know not wherefore) unless he, or they will come up to those just, righteous, and equitable principles therein contained, and give rational, and good security, for the constant adhering thereunto; and upon such terms, I do not see, but you may justifiably, before God or man, Join with the Prince himself (yea, I am sure a thousand times more justly, than the present ruling men (upon a large and serious debate) joined with Owen Ro● Oneal, the grand bloody rebel in Ireland) who if we must have a King, I for my part had rather have the Prince, than any man in the world because of his large pretence of Right, which if he come not in by Conquest, by the hands of Foreigners (the bare attempting of which may apparently hazard him the loss of all at once, by gluing together the now divided people to join as one man against him) but by the hands of Englishmen, by contract, upon the principles aforesaid (which is easy to be done) the people will easily see that presently thereupon, they will enjoy this transcendent benefit (he being at peace with all foreign Nations, and having no regal pretended Competitor) viz. the immediate disbanding of all Armies, and Garrisons, saving the old Cinque-ports, and so those three grand plagues of the people will cease, viz. Freequarter, Taxations, and Excise, by means of which, the people may once again really say, they enjoy something they can in good earnest call their own; whereas, for the present Army to set up the pretended false Saint Oliver (or any other) as their elected King, there will be nothing thereby from the beginning of the Chapter to the end thereof. but Wars, and the cutting of throats year after year; yea, and the absolute keeping up of a perpetual and everlasting Army under which the people are absolute and perfect slaves, and vassals, as by woeful and lamentable experience they now see, they perfectly are which slavery and absolute bondage is like daily to increase, under the present tyrannical and arbitrary new erected robbing Government; And therefore rouse up your spirits before it be too late, to a vigorous promotion, and settling of the principles of the foresaid Agreement, as the only absolute and perfect means to cure you of all your maladies and distempers: So with my hearty and true love presented to all that remain upright amongst you (without being perverted to Apostasy by the pretended Council of States places or bribes) I commit you to the safe tuition and protection of the most high, the Lord Jehovah, and Almighty, and rest,  
gentlemans, Yours and the Nations faithful, hearty, resolved friend and servant in the midst of all adversity, affections, trials, and sorrows (that never more in all my life encompassed me round about then now) till death, JOHN LILBURN. From my unjust and illegal (though contented) captivity, for my honesty and innocence, and nothing else (as to man) in close imprisonment, in the Tower of London, without any legal and just allowance of maintenance, this present 17. of July, 1649.   

TO His honoured Friend, Mr. CORNELIUS HOLLAND, These.  
Honoured Sir,  
WIthout preamble, give me leave to visit you with a few lines; and in the first place really to acquaint you with the true cause of my present writing, which is as followeth: I am in Prison, I know not wherefore, and I am confident those that sent me do not, for if they had, they would since the 28. day of March last (being the first day of my Imprisonment) have laid some crime unto my charge (which yet to this day they have not) or if they had been able to do it, they would let me have seen, either my Prosecutor or my Accuser, or at least my Accusation; none of all which to this present day I ever saw, but was condemned by Vote in the nature of a Traitor, uncharged, and unheard, which If I may believe the ancient Declarations of the Army, made upon the like dealing as I have lately found, is very hard and unjust measure, as they punctually declare in their Book of Declarations, P. 10. 17. 33. 34 35 60. 61. 62. 65. and all this at most but for the suspicion of my being active in, or accessary to an intended address to your House, which act is justifiable in a superlative manner, by the very words of your own primitive Declarations, as abundantly appears in your first part Book of Declarations, p. 123. 201. 202. 548. but especially page 720. and which was not yet never repealed by subsequent Declarations: And for hindering and obstructing public Petitions; it is not long since the Army, or the leaders thereof charged divers of your principal members as traitors therefore, as appears in their Book of Declarations, page 83. 85. the liberty of which they reckon amongst the prime Liberties of this Nation, (for the pretended preservation, of which there hath been almost eight 〈◊〉 bloody wars) as appears largely in their forementioned pages, but especially page 44. 118. yea, and waged war with the Parliament, their Lords, Masters, and Impowrers for abridging them thereof, as clearly appears in their own Declarations, which makes it plain and evident, that such a Declaration made by the House of Commons against their Petition, as the House made, 27. March last, against one they supposed me to have a hand in, was the original and first declared cause of all the Armies contest with, and rebellion against the Parliament. But that I should not only be imprisoned for nothing, but close imprisoned, sometimes from the very society of my wife and children, and ever since the ninth of May, 1649. to be debarred the society and visits of my friends and acquaintance, which the very Pagan Romans would not do to Paul, that pestilent fellow, and a turner of the world upside down, as Tertullus accused him to be; yea, to be mewed up close in my lodging, with a Padlock upon my door, and Sentinels set thereat night and day, that I shall not so much as speak at a distance with any of my fellow prisoners, and worse dealt with besides, than the Cannibals do with their poor imprisoned Captives, who feed them fat with good cheer against the day of slaughter, or then the States of Holland do their intended to be executed thiefs, traitors, or murderers, whom they largely and plentifully provide for in their imprisonment; yea, or worse than King Charles (whom you have beheaded for a Tyrant) did by his prisoners in this very place, unto the meanest of whom, out of the Exchequer he allowed three pound a week for their maintenance during their imprisonment in this place, yea, and to divers of your very members that were men of great estates, and possessed them peaceably in the third, four, fifth, etc. years of his reign, he allowed them four pound and more at week apiece for their diet, when things were cheap to what they are now; and ye for much of my time you proffered me never a penny, and when you do, you do in a mock and scorn proffer me at most but twenty shillings a week, which will do little more than pay for the necessary attendance in the close and extraordinary condition you have put me in, which I confess I refused with as much scorn as it was sent me; which close and extraordinary tormenting condition in the heat of Summer, without permitting me to step out of my lodging to take a little Air; admit you were as unquestionable a power as ever was in England, and that I had really committed treason, cannot in the least by the Law of England he justifiable; the equity and justice of which Law abhors any torture or torment whatsoever to any prisoners, though never so criminous, lest that his pain, or torture, or torment should take away his reason, and constrain him to answer otherwise then of his free will, torture forcing many times the innocent person to tell lies, which Law and Justice otherwise abhor; and therefore that never enough to be magnified Lawyer, Sir Edward Cook, saith, That there is no one opinion in all our Law Books, or Judicial Records (that he hath seen and remembers) for the maintenance of torture or torments, etc. persons being merely instituted by Law for safe keeping, in order to a speedy trial, but not in the least for punishment or torment, as is most excellently declared by him, in the 1. Part Instit. fol. 260. 2. and 2. Part, fol. 42. 43. 186. 315. 316. 589. and 3. Part, fol. 3435. and 4. Part, fol. 168.  
And all this present, unjust usage of me, to come not only from the hands of my large pretended friends, whose just interest, according to their own published Declarations, I have with all faithfulness, in the midst of many deaths, for many years together faithfully served, and advanced with all my might: But also of those, that would seem to abhor and abominate, the Ruling and Governing by will, and Arbitrary power, as the wickedest and detestablest thing in the world, and so declare it to be, 1. Part. Book Declarations, pag. 172. 195. 214. 264. 281. 342. 464. 492. 494. 496. 498. 663. 666. 690. 699 728. 750. And that have raised and maintained a bloody war, for seven years together, principally for the pretended preservation of the Laws and Liberties of England; that have pulled down the Star Chamber, High Commission, Council Table, and House of Peers, for oppression, and arbitrary injustice; nay, and beheaded the King (the quondam glory of some of your great ones eyes, 
* As is undeniably demonstrated in my following impeachment of Lieutenant General Cromwell, and his son Ireton, at the Bar of the House of Commons, the 19 Janu. 1647. And offered again and again there, upon my life, to make it good.  as clearly appears by Putney projects, Mr. John Wildemans, Truth's Triumph, pag. 7, 8. and Major Huntington's charge, delivered to the Parliament, August 2. 1648. against Lieutenant General Cromwell, etc.) pretendedly for Tyranny, and Oppression, as yourselves state his Case in your notable Declaration, about Non-Addresses, dated the 11. of Febr. 1647. and your remarkable Declaration of the 17. of March, 1648. Yea, and have suffered your Solicitor General, Mr. John Cook, notably in Print to state his Oppressions; yea, and to draw most notable pregnant, and cutting inferences from them, as he doth in the 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 11 14. 15. 17. 20. 22. 26. 31. 36. 39 42. pages thereof; two of which only I shall now make use of: The first is in pag. 22. where he arguing of the right execution of Trusts, saith, That when any is entrusted with the sword for the protection, and preservation of the people; if this man shall employ it to their destruction, which was put into his hands for their safety, by the Law of that Land, he becomes an enemy to that people, and deserves the most exemplary and severe punishment that can be invented; and this is the first necessary and fundamental Law of every Kingdom: Which if it be true, as you cannot contradict it, it being your own doctrine, than it is easy to make Application, a majore, ad minus. The second is in pag. 42. where he declares, That in pronouncing Sentence against the King, and executing Justice upon him, you have not only pronounced Sentence against one Tyrant alone, but against Tyranny itself; therefore (saith he there) if any of them (meaning the High Court of Justice, and the Parliament) shall turn Tyrants, or consent to set up any kind of Tyranny by a Law, or suffer any unmerciful domineering over the Consciences, Persons, and Estates of the Free-people of this Land; they have pronounced Sentence against 
* Which I am sure they deserve, only I wish, they may not fail of the same punishment; and that Master Cook would be as zealous in endevoring it, as he was in endevoring the Kings; for Justice ought to be impartial, and no great places ought to stop the mouths of those that are truly prosecutors of it: And let Master John Cook take heed that the Fat Mastership of St. Crosses Hospital, lately conferred upon him, do not stop his.  themselves. But good Trees (saith he) cannot bring forth bad fruits. But say I, bad fruits, and bad actions, are evident and undeniable demonstrations, That the Trees or Actors of them, are bad and wicked.  
Yea, and from those that have declared, All their power and authority, is but a be-trusted power, which they ought, and are bound in duty, to exercise and manage, only for the ends, and uses they are be-trusted for, and cannot justly employ it for their own, or another use, then that, for which they are entrusted, (and which is to be discharged, according to the condition, and true intent thereof) which they acknowledge to be only for the people's good, safety, and better being; and not in the least, for their hurt, or mischief. 1. Part Book, Declar. pag. 150. 266. 382. 700. 750. Imprecating Wrath, Vengeance, Woes, and Miseries to fall upon them, when they do not faithfully discharge their trust, according to the true intent and meaning of it; and who think nothing worth enjoyment in this world, without the Liberty, Peace, and Safety of the Kingdom, and nothing too good to be hazarded therefore, Pag. 214. An Arbitrary, Tyrannical Government, being that which they say, Every honest Moral man abhors, especially the Wisdom, Justice, and Piety of the Parliament, Pag. 494. And which every honest man ought (say they) to oppose, with the hazard of all they have, and are; accounting those men most abominably profane; who to satisfy the Lusts of their own Ambition, are content like Esau, to sell their birthright, and render themselves, and their posterity, to perpetual slavery, and care not to submit themselves to any Arbitrary and unlimited Government; so they may for their own time, partake of that power, to trample and insult over others, contrary to the Laws and Liberties of England, The Standards for which, with the utmost hazards of their lives, and fortunes, are those they will join to, live and die with, Pag 660, &c  
Yea, and the same Note do the Ruling men of the Army (in the day of their distress and calamity) sing, in their Declarations; whose words are so glorious, transcendent, and selfdenying, that they are enough to ravish the heart of an ingenious, single hearted man, and to make an honest soul to hazard all he hath in this world to stand by such men, as believing it to be impossible for the hearts of any men to be so wicked, and vile, as ever to go about to think of setting up Tyranny, Oppression, and a mere self-interest, after such expressions; and to make use of all these expressions, for no other end, but the more easily to deceive, and grow strong, to subdue all those that stand in their secret ambitious ways: And that the Armies Expressions in the day of their straits, were most glorious, and ravishing, plentifully appears in their Book of Declarations, Pages 37. 39 40. 41. 45. 46. 52. 58. 61. 62. 76. 101. 105. 110. 118. 119. 126. 128. 132. 137. 142. 144. 150. See also the Officers large Remonstrance, against the late King, dated at Saint Alban, November 26. 1648. Pag. 7. 8. 9 12. 14. 15. 22. 23. 29. 43. 45 47. 48. 57 62. 65. 66. 67. 68 69.  
I say, Sir, considering all the forementioned things, in abhorrency, and detestation of that faithless and tyrannical dealing with me, I was resolved, though it had been possible for you and me to live Methusalems' days, never to make any more addresses to you; nor suffer my wife, so far as in me lay, to do it in my behalf, or so much as to come at your door, to speak to any Member of your House, for the least mitigation of your indignation against me. Yet seeing contrary to my many earnest desires, and without my privity, she hath lately been with yourself at the House door, about my liberty, who as she relates unto me, was very high with her; as though I had committed against you, little less than the sin against the Holy Ghost, that can never be pardoned; therefore in vindication of my own innocency, and integrity, I cannot choose, but take this opportunity, to make a fair and ingenuous proposition unto you, that you cannot refuse, if you have but a grain of Ingenuity left in you, which is this.  
That if your House please to choose two men, I will choose two more, and they shall have power by majority of voices, in case they cannot agree to choose an umpire, finally to decide the business betwixt us; and I will be content they shall appoint Cromwell, Ireton, Bradshaw, and all the Orators, or Pleaders; they had against the King, and the beheaded Lords, or as many of them as they please, to plead against me; and I will have none but myself singly, to plead my own cause against them all; and I will venture so far as my 24 or 25 hundred pounds, yet in your hands, will amount unto, five hundred pounds to one hundred, yea, and my head, to the head of him, that in your House principally caused my imprisonment, or any reasonable considerable balance; Provided, the debate may be public, and that I may have free liberty to speak for myself; and provided, the Scripture, the Book of Statutes, Cooks Institutes, (published by yourselves for good Law,) the Parliaments and Armies, Primitive, Printed Declarations, may be the Witnesses and Jury men on both sides; for the aforesaid Arbitrators, or Umpire, to guide their Judgements by. And if I cannot maintain mine own Innocency, and Integrity, against all that can, upon the Rules aforesaid, be said against me, and it be not so determinated, and judged by the major part of the Arbitrators, or Umpire, chosen as before is expressed, I will lose and for fit all I have, yea, and my life to boot: And I think this is so fair, That no rational man under Heaven, can condemn it, or me, if it be refused. But yet to make it more fair, I will give you the advantage of all you can pick out of the first and second part of England's new Chains discovered; which I will own (although the last be Voted and declared Treasonable) my second Edition of my Picture of the Council of State; my second Edition of my Printed Discourse with Master Peter, dated 25. of May, 1649. And my late Book of the eight of this present June, entitled, The Legal Liberties of the people of England, revived, asserted, and vindicated; or any thing acted, said, or done, by me, in the managing of them, or any of them.  
Sir, I shall give you time seriously to consider of what I have here writ, and to return me your answer to it, by the first of July next; in which time, if you return me not an effectual answer, to my present Proposition, or procure my present Liberty, and my full enjoyment of my long expected, and dear purchased Star-Chamber Reparations, from bloody old 
* Who although he be the man that was one of the principal Judges in the Star-Chamber, that past the bloody Sentence against me, by virtue of which, I received five hundred stripes, with knotted Cords, etc. And although he ought to pay me Reparations therefore; and although he by his power in the House, kept me above eight years together, that I could not get six pence Reparations; yet when something is allotted me, he by his will seizeth upon about fifteen hundred pounds of it, and none of my just Complaints can be heard against him: And Sir Arthur Haslerig, since my close imprisonment, hath by his will and power, seized upon well-nigh one thousand pounds more. Against both whom in due time, I may live to raise such an hue and cry all over England, for robbing of me, that it may be may cost the stoutest of them a knocking on the head. See the third Part in Folio 56. 221. For although I be in prison, I have no crime laid to my charge, the which if I had, yet upon their own principle (having not been in Arms against them) I cannot forfeit any part of my estate, before a Legal Conviction, according to the Form of the Law in Being, as expressly appears by the Statute of 1 Rich. 3. cap. 3. which is yet in force, and by 2. Part. Cooks institutes, fol. 48. and 3. Part. fol. 228, 229. Nay, nor my Goods so much as inventored, although I had really committed Felony or Treason: And therefore, their seizing upon my estate as they have done, I can judge in Law, to be no better than Robbery and Felony; and seeing they are by force and power protected from the lash of the Law, if there were any Legal Judges to execute it, I have in reason no other remedy left me, but to do the best I can to raise the Posse Comitatus of England upon them, by way of Replevy, to seize upon their estates for my satisfaction, wherever I find it; which in due time, I may endeavour from the force of the Statutes of 52. H. 3. cap. 1, 2, 3, 4, 15, 21. See Cooks Commentary thereupon, in second Part Instit. fol. 103. 104. 105. 106. 107. 131. 139. 140. & 3. Edw. 1 cap. 9 17. See the Commentary upon them in 2. Part. Instit. fol. 172. 173. 193. 194 195. & 28. Edw. 3. cap. 11. & 27. Eliz. cap. 13. & 39 Eliz. cap. 25.  Sir Henry Vane, etc. I hereby leave you, before God, and all the world, without excuse; and am absolutely set at liberty, from all ties of former friendship, to do the best I can, by any ways or means, that to me shall appear just, for my own preservation, by Anatomising, etc. what I know, either privately, or publicly of you, or the rest of your associates; that for nothing, but because I will not be your slave, would take away my life from me, and thereby destroy my Wife, and young helpless Babes.  
Sir, I almost know how your affairs stand beyond Seas, and also in Scotland, Ireland, and this Nation, as well as yourself, though you be one of the Council of State, and I a close prisoner; and I know, that you yourself know of it. You stand (for all your present greatness) upon very slippery places (and I cannot but mind you, that at the beginning of your contest with the King, I am confident, he was in number five hundred for your one; but he is laid low, and that by his oppressions.) Yet I must tell you I am now as much an English man, as ever I was in my life, and love the true Liberties of my Native Country, as well as ever I did in my days; and you yourself very well know, last year I hazarded something for them, and was not revengeful; though you may remember, what clear grounds were laid down to you, and several other Parliament men, at a private Table, at the George in Channel-Row, by Master John Wildeman, and Master Edward Saxby, that I had little reason to trust any more. I have sent a true friend, with my wife, on purpose to deliver this unto, and to wait upon you for your answer, let it be what it will; and shall take leave to subscribe myself,  
Sir, A true and real-hearted Englishman, as long as I am John Lilburn. From my close, illegal, and causeless Captivity in the Tower of London, this 26. day of June. 1649.  
HAving the same day this Letter was dated, ordered my wife, with another Friend, to carry it to Master Holland, and deliver it to his own hands; at her coming home at night, she tells me, That Master Hunt (one that is very great with Cromwell and Master Holland, and one that formerly I have been very great and familiar with) had been to seek her at Winchester House, the day before; and meeting with her at Westminster, the 26 day of June, he told her, as she told me, to this effect, That he had been to seek her, to know how much money of my three thousand pounds was remaining, that so he might speedily certify some Parliament men, who were resolved to help me speedily to all my money down, and my liberty also; which did so rejoice her, and overcome her facile credulity, That she judged it not convenient to deliver my Letter, according to my earnest desire to her, lest it might provoke, and came in all haste home to me for my Ordinance and Accounts; which to please her, accordingly I sent, with a Letter to Master Hunt, and a Printed sheet of Paper, which lively states my Star-Chamber sufferings; some hundreds of which, I delivered to the Members at their door, the fourth of September, 1648. In which Letter I acquaint Master Hunt, with my Diffidence, in any of their promises, which I have most constantly found mere delusions; and therefore enclosed my Letter to Master Holland in his, and entreated him to deliver it to him, which I understand from himself, he did, and read it to him: But yet for all my wives extraordinary conceits of her speedy enjoyment of good, and honest things from them, in reference to myself. I writ Master Hunt another Letter, (having fresh in my memory, what I said to Master Peter, in my late Discourse with him, upon the 25 day of May, 1649. which you may read in the second and seventh pages of the second Edition thereof) which I believe did neither please him, nor his great Friends; the true Copy, of which, thus followeth.  
MAster Hunt, having of late, for many months together, been as full of unbelief in great men's promises as Thomas Didimus, (John 20. 24, 25, 26, 27) was of Christ's Resurrection, I cannot choose but acquaint you, for all the fair dealing my wife supposeth to find abroad, I am informed, since Hast write to you, That there is one Thomas Verney 
* Which Thomas Verney, is son to Sir Edward Verney, the King's Standard Bearer, who was slain at Edg-Hill; which Verney, though he was Traveller, yet is lately become an Agent of the Derby house Committee, and Council of State, who (as I am from very good hands informed) they employed to the Hague, to lay a design to put the Prince on Shipboard, and so send him for England, to lose his head, as his Father hath done; but Verney being a little discovered, comes lately over into England, and amongst some pretends to be an Agent from the Prince; and upon that score, the Council of State, employs him to write Letters of Friendship to me, and to enter into treaty with me, to betray Oxford, etc. to whom I will appoint; that so if I had treated with him, by his testimony, they might have taken away my life for a Traitor, in holding correspondency with the Prince by his Agents; For the refusing to swear I so did, honest young Master Blank, (being thereunto much persuaded, and promised large bribes, by Sir Arthur Haslerig, but especially upon the 23 of April last, as that alone, for which they would take away my life) was forced by Sir Arthur Haslerig (the covetous and bloodthirsty Governor of Newcastle) Ireton, Pride, etc. to run the Gantlop at Saint James, whom they whipped most barbarously and inhumanely therefore, as by his Printed Testimony, under his hand, dated the 20 of April, 1649. now in Print (in Mercurius Militaris, Number 3) he declares: But knowing Verney before I saw him, I was to hard for the Knave, and have his Letters by me; which I have several times told the Lieutenant of the Tower of. , that the Council of State hath lately received his Oath against me, in order to some trial; the Copy of whose Letters (dated the eighth, ninth, and eleventh of May, 1649.) I have ordered my wife to bring you; also a Surrey Justice of Peace being yesterday at a friends House in London, declared, He understood I was the third of July, next, to be tried at Croyden Assizes; Reports sometimes are but reports, But if these should be true, I may draw many inferences from them; but whether true or false, I shall not be altogether unprovided.  
In the third place, I am newly told it is intended, that I and my three Comrades, shall have our Liberties by an Act of Grace: I confess if upon the day time, any shall come up to my Chamber, and say, All the Gates are opened on purpose, for me to go out, I will take my liberty, and go to my own house, etc. let the Gates be opened by whom they will; but yet an Act of Grace is so ugly a thing, in reference to my own innocency, that I loathe the thoughts of it in that sense: For if I had been a condemned Felon, I should have expected at the end of a Session of Parliament, my portion in an Act of Grace; and though I shall not be so much a fool, but to take my liberty by it, yet though I perish for it, I must declare publicly abroad, my Reasons to the Nation, That those that sent us hither, more stand in need of an Act of Grace from us, than we from them.  
Sir, I love to be plain with any man I deal with, as abhorring to accomplish my ends upon any man by deceit; and therefore entreat you, to desire Master Holland, to think seriously upon my late Letter to him, That I may have some kind of answer from him, by the day prefixed, and send me my Ordinance, and the Printed Sheet of Paper I sent you with it: So with my love remembered to you, I rest  
As much an Englishman, as ever, John Lilburn. Tower, the 29. of June. 1649.  
And accordingly Master Holland sent me a large Letter, dated from Somerset House, the 2. of July, 1649. But although it takes notice of my foregoing Letter to him of the 26 of June. 1649. yet it hath not one word of a direct answer to the three main things I therein desire of him, that I can read in all his, being merely a Discourse built upon mistakes; for I must here in a fair way tell him, I have not in the least changed my principles, but he his; as I will upon the hazard of the greatest disgrace in the world, make evidently appear to his face, before any rational men in England, whensoever he pleaseth: Therefore I say, I am no way, by my foresaid Letter, engaged to silence, but am free at Liberty, to prosecute my fixed intentions before the writing thereof; which was to lay a firm foundation for my late promised Second part of the Legal, Fundamental Liberties of the people of England revived, asserted, and maintained; and fully to treat upon all those Heads, mentioned in the last page of it, being 9  
And because I intent, and hope I have matter enough already to make it the masterpiece of all that ever I have writ: And because unadvoidably, it must have a dependency on what here follows, which would make it to large to be therein Printed; therefore I must go on with my former intended thoughts, to publish in Print my impeachment of High Treason, (yet never extant to public view) against Lieutenant General Oliver Cromwell, and his son in law, Commissary General Henry Ireton, as I formerly delivered it openly at the Bar of the House of Commons, the nineteenth of January, 1647. Which with the Preamble, or Introduction thereunto belonging, thus followeth.  

UPon Monday the 17. Jan. 1647. I was at the h●●se of one Mr. Williams a Gardener in Ratcliff-high-way near East Smithfield, where I met with divers honest men, Inhabitants thereabouts, about a Petition now on foot; amongst whom was one Mr. Masterson, the Parson or Priest of Shoreditch near London, who (as since I am told) came pretendedly as a Scrupler, but said never a word there as I heard, coming resolvedly to catch and entrap, as by the sequel of his carriages appears.  
For the next day being Tuesday, up he comes with a full career to the House of Lords, as if he had been running for a fat Benefice (as I was informed) makes a most desperate complaint against Mr. John Wildman and myself, as though under the pretence of managing a Petition, we carried on a desperate design to destroy, or cut the throats of the Parliament men, and the execution of our desperate designs could not be far off, for that I had (as he said) appointed blue Ribbons to be the sign to be worn in our hats to know one another by upon that day.  
And after he had given in some such information as this, with much more of the like nature at the Lords Bar▪ where without doubt it was hugged to the purpose, and rejoiced in, as the issue of a design of their own brain, to blast (without all peradventure as they thought) the reputation of the original and chief promoters of that transcendnet, gallant, and large Petition that so much touches their Copy hold, that so if it might be possible the Petition itself might be crushed in the birth, before it had brought forth strength sufficient to pull up their rotten tyrannical Interest by the roots.  
And after he had done with th' Relation at their Bar, having giving the Lords, as it seems, a flagou of sack and sugar, they were in pains (as it appears) till they had communicated some deep draughts of it to their friends of the House of Commons, divers of whose rotten Interests were concerned in it, as the Lords sons and servants, the Patentee, Monopolisers, the Merchant Adventurers, the Lords would be (which are principally the chief of Cromwel's Faction, who having now the power of the Kingdom in their own hands, and therefore in their own imaginations can not miss of being (within a little time) made Barons, if not Earls) but especeally (that grand enslaving Interest) the rotten Lawyers of the House, divers of whom, if the Petition took effect (in disabling all Members of that House that are Lawyers to plead at any Bar of Justice) would deprive some of them of two or three thousand pound per annum, which now they get by their Plead by virtue of their being Pa●liament men; for if a man's Cause be never so unjust, if by large Fees he can get two or three Parliament men to plead it for him, he is sure to carry it, for the Judges dare as well eat their nails as displease them for fear of being turned out of their places by them, which they more regard than their Oaths, which tie them to do impartial Justice; I say, after he had done his Relation at the Lords Bar, a Conference was betwixt both Houses, where he again belched out his most abominable malicious and false lies; and one being present that heard it, came immediately to me in London, and told me of it, of which I no sooner heard, but immediately by water, of my own accord, I posted by boat to Westminster, and coming up to the House of Commons door about three or four a clock, I found the House to be risen, and meeting with some of my friends and acquaintance at the door, I told them there, I understood the House of Commons had again dealt worse with me then the Heathen and Pagan Romans dealt with Paul, who when his adversaries desired Judgement against him, they told them, that it was not the manner of the Romans to judge or condemn any man before he which is accused have his accuser face to face, and have liberty to answer for himself concerning the crime laid against him, Act. 25. and yet upon a bare accusation of a single Priest (as I was informed) they had again committed me to the Tower before they heard me speak one word for myself, in which (I told my friends freely and openly they had outstripped the Heathen and Pagan Romans in Injustice, who though Paul by Tertullus the Orator, was accused for a pestilent fellow, and a mover of sedition among all the Jews throughout the world, and a Ringleader of the Sect of the nazarenes, Acts 24. yet they would not condemn him before they heard him face to face speak for himself.  
And I further told them, this unjust proceeding of the House of Commons against me, was but just the same unrighteous measure that they had meted out before unto me, for about two years ago I had come Post from Sir Thomas Fairfax Army, to bring them glad tidings of his routing of General goring Army at Lamport in Somersetshire, and being daily waiting at the House door, I was a few days after, by the Speakers means (as I have been since largely told) Voted upon a bare suggestion to Prison, without the House ever so much as calling in my pretended accusers (viz. Dr. Bastwick, and Colonel Edward King, with whom for divers months before, I had not, to the best of my remembrance, changed so much as one word) or ever so much as calling me in, though then at their door to speak one word for myself, they Voted, and Resolved upon the Question, That I should be committed to prison till they please to release me, without telling me to this hour wherefore they imprisoned me; and from their Sergeant at Arms, tossed and tumbled me to Newgate, for refusing (to make of one of their Committees, a High Commission, or Spanish Inquisition,) to answer (against all Law and Justice) to their Interrogatories: And then when they had me at Newgate, made an Order of their House, to arraign me at Newgate Sessions, for no less than my life; and Ordered the prime Lawyers about London, viz. Master Bradshaw, Master Steel, Master Walker, etc. to be my prosecuters, and by a law-quirk, if it were possible, to take away my life from me: And yet for all that, they being sufficiently baffled, by my own pen, and the pens of my Friends, they sent me One hundred pounds to Newgate (as may be supposed) to help to bear my charges, and released me by Vote of the House, as an innocent man, after thirteen week's imprisonment; without all that while laying any thing to my charge, or so much as ever telling me, wherefore they 
* The full story of which, you may read in my Printed Epistle of two sheets, dated and in my large Book called Innocency and Truth Justified, and in England's Birthright, England's misery and remedy, and England's lamentable slavery.  imprisoned me, or who were the prosecutors, or informers against me; and all this was done unto me by Master Speakers malice principally, who though he had not the least pretence or shadow of Crime originally against me▪ yet thought by provocations laid upon me, to exasperate, and chafe my Spirit; and thereupon, as it were, to force me to do something that might entangle me, and be a colourable ground for him to destroy me; forgetting (although he pretend to be a great Lawyer) that maxim of the Law, made use of by Judg. Hutton, in his Argument in Master Hambdens' Case, against Shipmoney, pag. 49 That that which was defective in the Original, is not good by any accident subsequent; or as that learned Lawyer, the Author of that notable Book, called Vox Plebis, pag. 20. 43. hath it, That which is not good, or just, (but illegal) in its original or beginning, by tract of time cannot be made just, or lawful. See also my Grand Plea against the House of Lords, pag. 13.  
I further told my Friends then, and there. That if I might have but fair play, and free liberty to speak for myself, I doubted not, but to make it as evident as the Sun, when it shined at noonday, That at that pretended treasonable meeting at Wappin, (whereas I understood the parson accused me, for plotting the destruction of the Parliament, etc.) I did the House of Commons in its just and fundamental Interest (simply considered) a peace of the realest, and best service, that ever with my tongue I did them in my life: And as I said, I was very sure I had done them some real and unspotted services.  
For the occasion of that meeting, as I told them, was upon this ground, there being a large Petition a promoting, some Copies of them came into the hands of some cordial, honest, active men about Wappin, who though they had nothing to object against the Petition itself; yet one or more of them, did very much scruple (as I was told, not maliciously, but conscientiously) how they could lawfully act to promote any more Petitions to this House of Commons, seeing that in their Declarations, they had declared (in answer to the King's Objections, about tumultuous meetings, about Petitions, That desired the abolition of things established by Law,) That they did conceive, that numbers do not make an assembly unlawful, but when either the end, or the manner of their carriage, shall be unlawful. Divers just occasions (say they) might draw the Citizens to Westminster, where many public and private Petitions, and other causes, were depending in Parliament; and why that should be found more faulty in the Citizens, than the resort of great numbers every day in the Term, to the ordinary Courts of Justice, we know not 
* These are their own words in their Declaration of the nineteenth of May, 1642. 1. Part. Book. Declar. pag. 201, 202 See also pag. 123. 533. 548. 691. See the Armies Declarations, to this purpose. Book. Declar. pag. 10. 11. 17. 23. 33. 35. 44. 60. 61. 62. 83. 85. 118 but especially read the notable Arguments in Master Nathaniel Fines his Speech in the House, the ninth of February, 1640. To justify popular Petitions, and multitudes delivering of them for the abolition of the things established by Law; which you may read in Print, in the 22. 23. 24. 25. pages, of a Printed Book, entitled, Speeches and Passages of Parliament. Printed 1641. for William Cook . And in the same Declaration, Pag. 209. they say, That such a concourse of people (as is before mentioned) cannot in the interpretation of the Law, be held tumultuary and seditious.  
And in their Declaration of the second of November, 1642. 1 Part. Book Declar. pag. 720. They do acknowledge that they have received Petitions for the removal of things established by Law; and (say they) we must say, and all that know what belongeth to the course, and practice of Parliament, will say, That we ought so to do, and that both our Predecessors, and His Majesty's Ancestors, have constantly done it; there being no other place wherein Laws, that by experience may be found grievous and burdensome, can be altered or repealed; and there being no other due and legal way, wherein they which are aggrieved by them, can seek redress.  
And yet notwithstanding all this, That this very Parliament, or House of Commons, that had made these Declarations, Should declare men Traitors, for endevoring to Petition, burn their Petitions, and imprison the persons of divers honest men, merely for Petitioning for those things they had made us fight for, viz. Our Liberties and Freedom 
* When formerly they received the poor men's Petitions with threatening language in it, with a great deal of thankfulness, as appears, 1. Part. Book. Declarat. pag. 289. 364. 365. 398. 533. 548. 557.   
All these things laid together, were such discouragements to the Objecter, or Objecters, That at the present (as it was said) they could not in Conscience, nor Honour, go about to Petition so unworthy an Apostatised House any more. Whereupon some of their Neighbours, in and about Wappin▪ that were zealous in promoting the Petition, appointed a meeting, to debate, and satisfy these Scruples, (if it were possible,) that so they might go unanimously to work, to promote the Petition, which was now much retarded by the foresaid Scruples, the party or parties scrupling, being of some eminency amongst their Neighbours: Unto which meeting, by some Friends, I was earnestly desired to come, and if I could, to bring Mr. John Wild-man with me; which I did.  
And the substance of that Discourse was, to convince our scrupling friends or friend, That the Kingdom was in exceeding great distractions, and the people under general Oppressions and Burdens, and trading generally decayed; which had occasioned mighty heart-burnings, and dividings of Spirit amongst the people; and the present House of Commons (though sufficiently corrupted) was the visibly best, and justest Authority that was extant in England; the overthrowing of which (as things stood) would bring in such a present Inundation of misery and confusion, into the whole Kingdom, that there would be nothing in the eye of Reason, but cutting of throats every where, and all return into its first Chaos, and the longest Swords to be Judges of all, and we might be as soon destroyed in such a general confusion, and hurly burly, as any others. And therefore, I and my friend pressed, That if they either wished well unto themselves, or their Native Country, they were tied in duty and conscience, to the uttermost of their power, to preserve the Interest and Being of the House of Commons (so long as it continued a House;) and yet in such a way, That they might not invassalize the people: Both of which, they were told was provided for in this Petition; and to do any thing that might pull down or destroy the present Power and Being of the House of Commons, in the eyes of the people, before things are in some settledness (which would sufficiently be done if they should disclaim them as unworthy to be Petitioned unto any more) were to undo and destroy ourselves, especially considering, That they had so lately engaged so high against the King, and the Scots; and therefore it behoved us not so to act, as to increase their adversaries, but rather to strengthen their hands, and the rather at this juncture of time; and yet so to do it, as that the generality of the Commons of England, might be gainers by it, in the knowledge of their particular Liberties; that so if it were possible, they might be united therein, and might thereupon, as one man in the Spirit of Englishmen, stand up, and live, and die each with other, against all Foreign Interests whatsoever.  
And as I further told my said acquaintance and friends, That I was confident there was never any one Discourse in England, wherein the true and just Interest of the House of Commons, was more firmly, cordially and strongly maintained, then in that: And if they should punish me for my actions or speeches at that meeting, I should be punished for doing as great (and as real) a piece of service to the Interest of the House of Commons, (and consequently to the Interest of the Kingdom) as ever was done in any meeting by any Member of the House. And this I told them, I doubted not but to make as evident as the Sun, when it shined, if the House would hear me but speak for myself. At which, my Friends were very much refreshed, considering so desperate things were charged upon me by the Priest.  
So enquiring if any of them could tell me where Master Sergeant was, I was answered, He was with the Speaker, and the Earl of Manchester, in the Queen's Court; and going up thither to find him, I found him ready with his Mace, to usher the Keepers of the Great Seal unto the Chancery Court. So standing in their way, as they were to come out, I had a mind to face them, to see how they would look upon me; and after they passed by, I could see the Speaker lay his head to the Earl of manchester's. Whereupon, they both turned about, and stared wishfully upon me, and so did the three Judges that followed them, which were, if I mistake not, Judge Rowls, Judge Pheasant, and Baron Atkins; and I looked as wishfully upon them, with an undaunted countenance, thereby demonstrating that unspotted Innocency cheered my heart, and so down stairs they went, and I followed them at their heels to the Chancery, with an earnest desire, to know the matter more fully of Master Sergeant, and truly to know what their House had done upon it, who within a little while, coming out of the Court, I had my opportunity to speak with; who looked very strangely upon me, as though I were now a destroyed man; at which, I smiled, and told him, If ever the House of Commons in their lives, had true ground and cause to thank me for any service, that ever I had done them with my tongue, it was for that night's Discourse, and my there pleading their Cause and Interest. And much more Discourse to the same purpose (as is before mentioned) we had, but I grated very much upon Master Speakers unjust and unrighteous dealing with me. And I told him, I conceived this was one of his new plots, or the Earl of manchester's: For guilty conscienced men, are always afraid of the shake of an Aspine-leaf; and would frame and contrive, out of their own brains new plots, and then themselves bring them to light, as contrived against the State and Parliament, That so they might thereby blast all sorts of men that were likely to pinch them. And truly I told him, they were to mine own knowledge, very good at these tricks, for I knew them both of old; at which he was distasted, and told me, the House had taken off my former Order for my going abroad, and had remanded me to the Tower again, and had sent an Order to the Lieutenant of the Tower, to morrow morning, to bring me up to their Bat as a prisoner: I told him, it was but like all the rest of their just deal, towards me; and in this I told him, they clearly demonstrated to the whole Kingdom, That they had less Justice within their breasts, than was in the Heathen, and Pagan Roman Judges, that had nothing but the light of Nature to guide them in their judgement; and yet would not condemn Paul before they heard him, though his Adversaries laid greater things to his charge, than all the men in England are able justly to pretend against me. And as for my going again prisoner to the Tower, I told him, I would now never go upon the old score voluntary, while my eyes were open. And I further told him to this effect, That if their hearts were not totally hardened, and their souls scaled up to do wickedness for ever, they would blush for shame, so much as to talk of committing me to prison, before now after above seven years waiting upon them, they had done me some reasonable proportion of Justice; but now again to commit me to prison, after eleven or twelve years (as heavy) sufferings, as ever Englishman (that I read of) endured; to the exhausting me of all that ever I have in the world, yea, and more too, by running into debt to buy me bread, and to keep almost three thousand pounds of my Corn from me by force and violence, and to commit me to prison again, without any manner of provision in the world, for me and mine to live upon (after I have made so many mournful cries and moans unto them.) What is this else, but to be more cruel than the very Cannibals themselves? who always feed fat those men that they intent to eat, and devour; and were it not more justice in them, to cause their Guard of Halberdiers, to knock my brains out, and so put a period to my days, and miseries, than again to send me prisoner to the Tower, either to be starved, or eat the stone walls (which is impossible.) For as the Spirit of God saith by Jeremy in his Lamentations, Chap. 4.9. Better are they that die by the sword, than they that be slain with hunger: And he gives this Reason of it, For the last pines away, stricken through for want of the Fruits of the Field; whereas he that is slain quickly, endures little or no pain. And how they can conceive in the eye of Reason, (laying all things together) how I should thus long live, and subsist without miracle, (especially, contesting with all the great corrupt Interests of England, who have scores and hundreds of mercenary, pencionary emissaries, in the City and Country, with their lies and falsehoods, to rob me of my Reputation and Credit; and with their groundless reproaches, to bespatter me, and make me as black as a Chimney Sweeper, and render me as a man not fit to live in civil or moral Society) is beyond my Reason to apprehend.   

My Prayer.  
BUt O thou Just, Righteous, Powerful and Compassionate God; that sensibly hath been my God and guide about these twice seven years: that hast often refreshed my soul with those far, and soul satisfying refreshments, that hath made my heart sing and be merry, in the midst of many deaths; and which hast made me lightly esteem the cruel malice of all my fierce, and murdering Enemies: O thou glorious God, that hath taken me by the arm when I have been ready to fall, and by whose power alone, I have been kept upright before thee, in the midst of many soul piercing temptations; and by whose sweetness, discovered unto my soul, I have been drawn after thee, with ready willingness of spirit (though backwardness of flesh) to follow thee whithersoever thou goest: keep now (for the glory of thy namesake) my heart sincere and upright before thee, that I neither flag, fall, nor start aside, like a broken bow, but may stick close unto thee, (and to that justice and purity that shines gloriously in thee) to the death.  
O Thou compassionatest and sweetest God, who in all the afflictions of thy people art afflicted with them, and hast said, thou hearest their cries, and bottellest up their tears; O now in the greatness of straits, when my soul is endeavoured to be overwhelmed; hear now in heaven, the habitation of thy greatness, and protect and deliver me from the cruel and bloody rage, of thy once SEEMING servant, CROMWELL, who if my soul is now able to judge, is visibly become a FALNESTAR, an Apostate from thee, an ENEMY to thee, and a desperate persecutor of thee, in all those where he meets with the shining splendour and the glory of thine own bright Image of Justice holiness, purity and righteousness; and hath done a thousand times worse thereby, then Peter did, who, though he forswore and denied his Master, yet he never persecuted him in his members, as he hath done, and thereby hath Crucified the Son of God A FRESH, and put him to an open shame: O put a hook in his nostrils, and a bit into his teeth, to curb his furious drivings to destroy Righthousnesse, Truth, and Justice (from off the earth) the bright shinings of God amongst men; O discover him (to all those that truly know thee) and his wicked oppressing and tyrannical accomplices, to be what they are, (and have of late clearly demonstrated themselves to be, to every seeing eye) the SONS OF SATAN AND WICKEDNESS, THE PERVERTERS OF TRUTH, JUSTICE, AND ALL KIND OF RIGHTEOUSNESS; THE DECEIVERS AND SEDUCERS THAT THOU HAST DECLARED SHOULD COME INTO THE WORLD IN THESE LAST DAYS, TO DECEIVE, IF IT WERE POSSIBLE, THE VERY ELECT. O Lord, deal with him according to all his late deserts, in doubling unto him that cup of affliction and sorrow, that he hath of late meated out divers of thy choice and redeemed one's; O thou righteous God, who hast declared, that evil shall shall never departed from the house of him that requites evil for good, let it be so unto him; who causelessly, as thou knowest, hath with all his might and power, sought the destruction and total ruin of me thy poor servant, who in the uprightness of his soul, while he judged him to be thine, adventured all he had in the world for him; O dearest and truest God, seeing thou hast made the spirit of thy poor supplicant, willing from time to time to stoop unto the lowest condition in the world, (that might consist with that knowledge, duty, fealty, he owes unto thee, HIS ABSOLUTE AND UNLIMITED SOVEREIGN, fairly to reconcile things betwixt us; but nothing will serve his turn, but the prostrating of the honour and conscience of thy poor servant unto graven Images, and painted Idols, viz. the usurping tyrannical House of Lords: and seeing by his potency and greatness (by reason of that absolute commanding power, he hath over an over-awing, mercenary, Turkish Army, that now serve not to defend the liberties of their native Country, but the exorbitant tyrannical lusts of men) that thy servant can obtain amongst men no Justice, nor right, but is hindered of all that tends thereunto, or his powerful influence; he therefore thereby appeals to the great and SOVEREIGN CREATOR AND OVERDO RULER OF ALL THE WORLD, FOR JUSTICE AND RIGHT, against this great and mighty (apostatising) hunting Nimrod, CROMWELL, and solely at thy feet cast his contest with him, earnestly imploring for that glorious and unparallelled riches sake that shines in Jesus Christ, & for that unspotted Justice and righteousness sake, that shines in thy own self; to do justice with thy own Almighty, but stretched arm betwixt us; and visibly before the eyes of the present generation of men, execute impartial judgement between us, that so it may be made manifest to the sons of Men, but especially to the present living generation of thy people, who is principally in the fault, thy servant that now in the ardency of his soul speaks unto thee, or he against whom, in the anguish and bitterness of his heart and spirit, he complains of unto thee:. O, as thou art a righteous God, and as truth and justice is inherent in thee, and one with thee, judge betwixt us, and visibly avenge upon the guilty one of us, and that speedily; that so if it be thy will, those heart-burnings, and divisions of spirit may cease, that by our contest is occasioned amongst our native Churchmen, but especially amongst thy darlings, by reason of our contestings each with other, who both have been eminent in the eyes of many thousands of those that truly know thee: for that real integrity to thy truth and glory, that they have Judged to be in us, that so peace and quietness, truth and justice, thereby (if it be thy good will and pleasure) may speedily come unto the land of our nativity; and truth, righteousness, joy, comfort, and union of hearts and spirits, may come unto the chosen ones, and glory, honour and peace unto thy great and glorious Name. Amen. Amen.  
But in the conclusion of my discourse, I told Mr Sergeant, that though I would not willingly go to the Tower, yet I would promise him willingly and voluntarily of mine own accord to come to morrow morning, (being Wednesday, 19th. of Jan. 1647.) to the House of Commons, and if they would give me but fair play, and leave at their Bar freely to speak for myself, I doubt not but to make my base and lying accuser (for all the start he had got of me) ashamed of what he had done: so after I had a little faced the Commissioners of the Great Seal fitting in open Court, and talked a little with some Parliament-men, and given them three or four lashes, for their ungrave, unjust, and light credulity, away to my Lodging in London I came, and being up very betimes the next morning, to meet some understanding friends, to confer how, and after what manner the business by me should be carried at the House; this man, and the other man, threw in very solid advice, and pressed me to a careful and diligent observation, but I bid them hold their peace, and talk no more of it to me; for I neither could nor would observe their directions; for I told them to this effect, my heart was all one fire, and my soul did thirst and long to be amongst the Parliament-men, that in the might and strength of my strong God, I might talk to them, and I told them my old refuge in all such cases as this is, was the 10th of Matthew, and I cared for no other counsellor; neither in this case could I regard any but his, who was, and is, the author of that, who in all such cases, had commanded me to take no thought how, or what to speak; promising that it shall be given me in that same hour, what I shall speak, for (saith he) it is not you that speak, but the spirit of your Father that speaketh in you; unto which, an eminent man in the company replied, he liked it well, but yet for all that he loved to use means; But I told him, I liked that well too, but in this case, not knowing what they will say unto me, or lay to my charge, all discourses to me below the tenth of Matthew was to no purpose, and therefore I pressed again to be gone to Westminster, for my soul longed to be amongst them, being brimful, and ready for want of vent to overflow; desiring at present, nothing so much from God, as to order their hearts so, as to cause them to give me free leave to speak.  
So preparing for the journey, I arrived with other of my friends at Westminster, and being not long at the House door, (where was many friends come down from London and Southwark, to hear and see how things went) I addressed myself to the Sergeant of the House, to let him know I was there to tend upon the Houses pleasure; And he immediately after came out with his Mace, and CALLED FOR Mr. MASTERSON, THE JUDAS PRIEST, and myself; so in we went, and also the Lieutenant of the Tower as my guardian, and having given them that due respect, that I conceived is due unto their just and true authority, (though I own little or none unto the persons that sat there, by reason of their gross abusing and most abominable of their righteous authority) the thing that passed, so near as my memory to the utmost punctilio will serve me, I shall faithfully relate unto you. Upon our coming to the Bar, where both my lying accuser and myself stood, the Speaker stepped up in his Chair, and commanded Mr. MASTERSON, in the name of the House of Commons, to give them again a narrative of what he yesterday declared to them.  
So he very formally begun, and spoke as freely, as if he had learned his Lesson without book; and truly, I could not but stand amazed at the man's impudence, that he durst, with so much confidence, tell so many lies as he did: But giving not much regard unto his accusation, to treasure it up in my memory, being resolved before hand, to take no cognizance of his verbal impeachment, which in Law was nothing, I fixed my mind very seriously upon the Lord Jehovah, my old experienced refuge, strength and support, and was a wrestling with him for the incomes of his own self, that so I might speak freely and boldly, in his might and power (if it were possible) to the amazement and terror of his enemies, amongst those that should hear me; divers of whom, I was confident, would lie in wait to catch and entrap me.  
And now and then (the House (in my apprehension) being very full, I cast my eye about me to look upon the countenances of the Members, and to observe their behaviours, most commonly fixing my eye steadfastly upon the Speaker in the Chair: Who assoon as he perceived Mr Masterson had done, beckoned his hand unto me, as I conceived, to have me answer the Priest: but I stood still, and took no notice of his beck; at last, he wished me to say what I could answer for myself unto it: whereupon pausing a little, after a congey made unto him, I opened my mouth to this effect.  
Mr Speaker, I desire, in the first place, to premise this, That I look upon, and own this honourable House, in its constitution and power, as the best, legallest, and justest interest, power and authority, that is established in this Kingdom; or that all the Commons of England visibly hath, for the preservation of their lives, liberties and estates: And I doubt not, but so to speak unto you, and so to behave myself before you, this present day, as thereby to demonstrate to you, that I am an honourer; an owner, and a prizer of this greatest English authority and interest; in which, as a free Commoner of England, I have a little share: And therefore, if this honourable House please to afford me Paulis PRIVILEGE, that he enjoyed amongst the Heathen and Pagan, Roman Governors, or Magistrates; which was, to hear him speak freely for himself, before they would condemn him: Which liberty and privilege, I freely and largely enjoyed, at the hands of the Cavalier Judges at Oxford, when I was arraigned in irons, before the Lord chief Justice Heath, and Sir Thomas Gardiner, late Recorder of London, for drawing my sword, and at your command, adventuring my life, for the great interest of the Kingdom involved, and single represented in this honourable House, in the destruction of which it perisheth; who before all the City and Country, then assembled in Guildhall in Oxford, gave me free liberty, without the least interruption, to say what I pleased, and to plead for my life, in the best manner that all those abilities God had given me, would enable me 
* The enjoyment of which, was but my right by Law, as appears remarkably in the third part of Cooks Institutes, fol. 29. 137. 230.  to do. The which privilege, and legal and natural right, if you please to grant me, I shall speak freely, WITH THIS PROTESTATION, AND SALVO, That I do not speak, nor answer, out of any duty, or tie, that lies upon me by LAW, FOR ALL CHARGES IN LAW OUGHT TO BE IN WRITING, under the hand, or hands, of him, or them that chargeth, and in that form that the Law requires; and proceeded in, according to the form of the Law of the Land, expressed in the 29 Chapter of the great Charter, and these Laws which expound it, which are mentioned 
† Which you may at large read, in my plea before Mr Corbet, recorded in the 8, 9, 10, pages of it, being called, The Resolved man's Resolution; and Mr John Wildmans notable defence against Masterson, called, Truth's triumphs, pag: 2. 11, 12, 13, 14. and my late Book of June 8. 1649. entitled, The Legal Fundamentals, etc. p. 6, 7, 8, 9  and nominated in the Petition of Right. Which this pretended Vergall charge is not, in the least: And indeed, Mr Speaker, in Law it is no charge at all: neither in the way this Informer is in, can I well have any remedy against him, in case he abuses me; for, as I understand, if he tell twenty lies against me, I cannot punish him; but if he maliciously swear one against me, I have his 
‖ See Sir Edward Cooks 1 part Institutes, fol. 294. b. and 3 part, chapped. Conspiracy, is very remarkable: fol. 143. & ch. Perjury, fol. 163, 164, 165, 166. and 4 part, fol. 66.  ears as my mercy, etc. & therefore a Betrayer of my Liberties I should be, if I should look upon it as any charge at all, and in that consideration, return an answer to it; and therefore again, saving unto me the rights and privileges of an English man, which is, to be tried by no other rules or methods, for any real or pretended crime whatsoever, than what is declared by the known, established and declared Laws of England; nor by, nor before any other Authority or Magistracy, than what the Law hath authorized to be the executors 
* 
Which I am sure the House of Commons are not in the least.  
See my Book, called, The People's prerogative, p. 40. 41, 72, 73. and my Book, called, The Laws Funeral, pag. 15, 16.  
And my second Edition of my Picture of the Council of State, pag. 7, 8.  
And my Book of the 8 June, 1649. entitled, The Legal Fundamental Liberties of the People of England revived, pag. ● 16, 17. And Mr Wildmans Truth's Triumph, pag. 2. 17, 18. And the Laws subversion, or Sir John Maynards' case stated, pag. 33, 34, 35, 36. The plea or Protestation of Lionel Hurbin, in behalf of the late four imprisoned Aldermen, pag. 10, 11, 14, 17, 18. and the Alderman's Petition of the 23 April, 1648.   of it: I say, saving, as before I have expressed.  
I shall, out of that ingenuity of spirit, candidness and integrity of heart that dwells within me; and out of that high and honourable respect I bear to the interest and just authori-of this House, Give you, if you please, a free, voluntary, full and perfect relation of all the most materiallest actions, passages and speeches, that have passed from me, about this Petition, since it was first begun, to our late meeting at Wapping.  
And I shall the rather, at present, lay aside the punctilios of my liberty, which is, not to answer to any Interrogatories, or confess any thing against myself, till it be legally, fully and punctually proved, because I have longed for such an opportunity as this; and my silence at this time, might, in the prejudiced opinions of some among you, against me, argue in their spirits, my guiltiness of all the lies laid unto my charge; and thereby might, in their own hearts, take me, pro confesso, and conclude me guilty from my silence, but without a grant of free liberty from this House, to speak my mind freely, without any interruption: I shall not say one word more, but remain in perfect silence: So the Speaker commanded us to withdraw, which we did.  
And after about a quarter of an hour's time, the Sergeant at Arms came, with his Mace, and ushered us in again; and having placed ourselves at the Bar, Mr Speaker having a paper in his hand, looked upon it, and said to this effect, Mr Masterson, the House conceives, that you have nothing nigh given them so full a relation of this business to day, to Mr lilburn's face, as you did yesterday, when you were single: therefore I am commanded to ask you what you say, to such a thing, and such a thing? and mentioned, as I remember, about some six or seven particulars: The substance of all of his accusation, so near as that little heed I gave unto it, would enable me to collect, was to this effect:  
That there was a design (especially by me declared at the foresaid meeting) contrived by me, Sir, to destroy, or cut off, both Houses of Parliament; and that we could not be far from the intention of executing it, in regard I had apppointed blue Ribbons to be worn in the hats of all those that should be saved alive: And that though we did now drive on a Petition to the House, yet it was no more but a cloak, or a colour to raise the people by, that so we might the more covertly make ourselves strong enough to destroy them.  
But after he had done, the Speaker told me, the House had given me free liberty to say what I pleased: at which I made a congey to him, and mightily raised up my heart to God, with an earnest inward cry to Heaven, now to come in, if ever, with power, strength, wisdom, resolution and utterance; and praised be his name, he heard my inward sighs and cries unto him; and put, as it were, a new heat, and burning fire, into all my veins, and raised up my spirit high, beyond its ordinary temper; and, with a little pause I begun, and said after this manner, with a soft voice.  
Mr Speaker, I take it for no small honour, to be admitted this day, to this great (though just) privilege, to have free liberty to speak my mind freely, and boldly, without interruption; and having again premised what is before premised, and protested again what is before protested, with a loud and mighty voice (though with an easy and sensible command over myself) I went punctually on (without the least interruption extemporary) and said,  
Mr Speaker, I do here freely and voluntarily confess it, that I had a hand, or a finger, in drawing the great Petition, with large 
* Which at the last end hereof, is printed at large.  Marginal notes fixed to it; and that I also had a hand in putting it to the press, and paying for it: And truly, Mr Speaker, the ground of drawing of it, in my made standing was this, we have many years been fight for our liberties and freedoms, and yet the generality of the Kingdom are as far to seek what they are, and where to find them, as ever; and the oppressions, and burdens, are very great and heavy upon the people, as by tyths, taxes, excise, and free quarter, etc. and that which is worst of all, all trading, in a manner, is deadened, and all victuals grown so dear, that famine draws on apace; and this House seems (to us) to be afresh engaged, not only against the King, but also against the Scots: all which laid together, hath occasioned such heart-burnings, divisions and dissensions, in all sorts and kinds of people, saving those now in fat places and offices, that are made rich by the ruins of the Kingdom: In which regard, there was nothing more likely to arise, than a general confusion; and the people being (as we perceived) united in nothing that concerned their Common good, as English men; might in their distractions and confusions, destroy their neighbours and friends; which might breed such s●uds in City and Country, that one faction or party might be so earnest to destroy another, without hopes of any composer; till a foreign enemy seeing our divisions, distractions and hurly-burlies, came in with an inundation to make a prey of us all, and of the Land of our Nativity: The consideration of which struck deep into my spirit, and therefore I studied how something might be done speedily to prevent it: And this Petition was brought forth as a salve to heal and cure all our sores and diseases, and to knit the hearts together of all ingenuous men, in every faction or interest, that had but the least spark of a desire to do unto their neighbours as they would be done unto: Which Law is not only the prime Law of Nature, but also the strict command both of the Law and Gospel: And truly Sir, I for my part conceived this Petition so just, necessary and righteous, that if the people closed with it, this House could never so far dishonour themselves, as in the least discountenance it: Nay Sir, I dare here at your Bar with confidence aver it, that there is never a man in England that dare or can speak against the body or scope of it, unless it be those that have guilty consciences within them, or those that are of, or allied unto some of those corrupt interests that are therein struck at.  
And truly Mr Speaker, I myself look upon that Petition with such admiration and satisfaction of spirit, and of so transcendent concernment to all honest and just men in my native Country; that I count it one of the most glorious moral actions to promote that Petition, that ever God counted me worthy in all my life to have a finger in: And Sir, let me freely tell you: I count it my glory and honour amongst the sons of men, that I have had so great a hand in forwarding of that Petition as a had: And therefore Sir as my crown and glory I shall freely tell you, that as soon as I and some other of my true and faithful Comrades had caused some thousands of that Petition to be printed; I did the best I could to set up constant meetings in several places in Southwark to promote the Petition: to which meetings all scruplers and objecters against any thing contained in the Petition, might repair unto for satisfaction: and I did constantly make one at all such meetings, to improve and put forth my abilities, to open and unfold the excellency of that Petition, and to answer all objections against any particular in it: and when there was appointed trusties in every parish (which only did consist of such as had been, and still were active, cordial, and untainted faithful men, to the Liberties and Freedom of their Native Country) to take the especial care to promote the Petition effectually and vigorously, in their respective Parishes; I laboured the most I could to set up the like meetings in London; and for that end, divers cordial, honest, faithful, and Noun substantive Englishmen met openly at the WHALEBONE behind the Exchange, where by common consent, we choose out a Committee, or a certain number of faithful understanding men (but in regard I abhor to be a betrayer, or a mischievous accuser, I shall not dare without leave from themselves to name their names, but leave you to the information of my illegal and unjust accuser at the Bar, or such other, as from such as he is you can procure it) to withdraw into the next room, to form a method, how to promote it in every Ward in the City, and out-parishes, and also in every County in the Kingdom; and for the more vigorous carrying it one, we nominated, as he tells you, two or three treasurers, and a proportion of Collectors, to gather up our voluntary contributions, which were no greater, than some two pence per week, others 3 d. some 4 d. some 6 d. some 12 d. 18 d. 2 s. the highest was half a crown per week; and this was, and is, the voluntary act of every man in himself, and the end of it was to pay for Printing the Petitions, and bearing the charges of those messengers we should have occasion to send down into the Countries to our friends there to promote the Petitions; and I do acknowledge, I have been at divers other meetings in London, and the out-parishes, to promote it withal the might I had: and I do further confess, that I wrote a Letter, Entitled, To my friends and faithful Country men in Buckingham-shire, and Hertford shire, that engaged for me, &c, in a Petition to this House about 13 months ago, to desire you to hear, judge, and determine according to Law and Justice, my business against the Lords, depending in this House, either to my justification, if innocent, or condemnation, if guilty. And the Copy of the Letter I have by me, which when this House shall command me, I shall be ready and willing to produce it at this Bar, the contents of it being to press them with all their might and interest, to promote this Petition in every parish quite through both the Counties.  
I also went to Darfort in Kent, and there was one of those that set my hand to a Letter, subscribed to all the— in the County of Kent; and also I set my hand to a Letter to Colonel Blunt, the Copy of both which, at the command of this House, I shall be ready to present unto you at this Bar; and at my coming home, I set my hand to a Letter to Captain Boine in Kent, and did besides, the best I could to promote the foresaid Petition, not only in London, but in several other 
* Yea, and I am confident in a months longer time, if Cromwell and his agents in the House had not hindered us, as they did, we had got above a hundred thousand hands to it; the promoting and prosecuting of which, would in all likelihood have hindered the Wars that followed, the innocent blood shed therein, lying principally upon Cromwel's score for this constant hindering the settling the liberties of the Nation, and prosecuting to death and bonds, the prosecutors thereof, which bread divisions, and they the Wars.  Counties besides, and hearing as before is declared in my foresaid discourse at the House of Commons door (the substance of which I again related at their Bar) that some honest people, in or about Wappin, scrupulled to Petition any more to the House, for the reasons before mentioned in p. 16. 17. (which I gave the House) & being desired by some friends to come to the meeting, to help to answer their objections; I did accordingly, and being at the foresaid place, there were divers friends met, and the discourse was begun; in which, with many arguments it was declared, that it was our duty to go on with Petitioning to this House again, for that it was all the visible just power, that was left in the Kingdom, to preserve the peace thereof, and though all members thereof did not act as they should, yet to do any thing that should destroy the power of the whole, it would be a destruction to ourselves and the Kingdom, for the people being in that mutinous temper, by reason of their oppessions, and burdens, there was no way to keep them in peace and quietness, but by a vigorous proposing and prosecuting of some universal just things to ease them, and for the future to secure them; neither was there any safe or sure way for the people to act in, to make their grievances known and probably hope for redress, but by Pettiion, and that to the House of Commons, which was the most our own interest of any power in England; and no man knew at this nick of time, what just and righteous things might be produced by and from the House, if they should see the people universally own, & close with so just and gallant a thing as this Petition is, and much more to the same purpose, which I cannot well remember: but this I am sure of, that there was not in the whole discourse, one disingaging expression to the interest of this House, but I dare with much confidence aver it, that the whole stream, scope and bent of the whole discourse, was to lift up and preserve the interest of this House, that so it might be the better enabled to do just and righteous things for the whole Kingdom, according to the end of the trust they have reposed in you; and I dare safely aver it, there was not so much as one bit of a mischievous or factious discourse at all; the whole tendency of it being to peace, Justice and Union.  
And by-and-by there was an objection raised, as I remember, to this effect: I, but if the generality of the people would join in the Petition, and act to save themselves, with vigour and strength, there might then be some encouragement for us once again to join in acting with them, but for any thing could be perceived, the generality of the people were as willing to be slaves, as any were to have them so; and having been so often jaded, had set down with a kind of a resolution to stir no more come what would come; therefore we being but a small number to the whole, our striving in this case, was but to sow the wind.  
Unto which Mr Speaker, it was answered, much to this effect, That the great end wherefore God sent man into the world was, that he should do good in his generation, and thereby glorify God in his generation; and it is said of Christ, that he made it his work, to go up and down to do good unto all, that he could meet with; and therein he was declared to be like unto his Father, the imitating of which he had required of all of us, that should do good to all men, and how did we imitate him in this; if our friends, our Countrymen, our brethren, were ready to perish, and in their sottishness were ready to be destroyed; and God had opened our eyes to see it, and yet we would not do the best we could to save and preserve them, though they were unwilling to save and preserve themselves.  
Nay, Mr Speaker, it was there further pressed, that to sit still in such a universal perishing case as this is, was so far below a Christian, that it was beneath and below the very light of nature and selfe-preservation, that was evinced after this manner, as I am an individual, I am a part of the whole Nation, and if it perish in the eye of reason, I and mine must perish with it; But the whole Nation is in danger of an universal destruction, by oppression, injustice, and decay of Trade, which would speedily bring famine, and that would bring all manner of confusion, by the poor people's rising up to cut the throats of the rich-men, to get their estates and moneys to buy them bread, and to preserve nature, and in this horrible confusion, we should be a prey to every foreign enemy that would first invade us; and if such a thing should happen, we must become an Aceldoma, a desolation, a wilderness, a field of blood: And I clearly see all this before my eyes, and yet I will sit still and do nothing towards the public safety (in which I am transcendently concerned and involved) because the far greater part of my neighbours sit down in silence, and are like sots resolved (or ready) to perish in their sottishnesses, and I must perish with them: am I not guilty of mine own ruin and destruction, if when I see it before me, and sottishly sit down, and use not my uttermost endeavours to preserve the whole (in the preservation of which, I am preserved) because the rest of my neighbours and friends will not join with me to do it?  
Nay, Mr. Speaker, it was further pressed, that in such a case as this is (which is now the case of the Kingdom) I am bound and tied in conscience and duty to myself, with vigour and strength to act, although my neighbour refuseth salvation, or preservation by me, and commands me not to save him. And it was further illustrated in this manner; my neighbour's House is on fire, and I clearly see, if it be not quenched, mine is likely to be burned by it, whereupon I go to my neighbour, and proffer him my help to quench it, and he being, it may be in a fright, a sullenness, a sottishness, a maze, a distemper, or a revengeful maliciousness refuseth my help, yea, and commands me not to help him, but threatens me if I do; yet notwithstanding all this, I am bound in duty to self, and universal preservation to help to do it whether he will or no, yea, & to pull down his house to help to quench the fire, to keep my own and my neighbours from being burnt, whereas if none of this were, but that his house were standing, and in no such danger, for me then against his will and mind, to set my foot over his threshold, I am a transgressor, and an incroacher upon my nighbours' rights and properties. In the second place, Mr Speaker, it was answered, That in case my neighbour were a drowning of himself, and I see it, I were bound by the Law of God and Nature, whether he would or no, to save him; nay, but much more, if in his drowning, I were likely to be drowned with him, were I bound to save him (if I can) although he laid a thousand commands upon me to the contrary.  
And hereabouts, as I remember, it was further objected; That the people all over the Kingdom were generally very ignorant, and malignant, and hated the Parliament and us, whom they called Roundheads, Independents, etc. for our cordial adhering to them, under whom they groan under greater oppressions and burdens, then before the Parliament; and for all their expenses and fightings, were never a bit the freer, either at present, or in future grounded hopes; and therefore for us (that were for the foresaid reason so faithful to the generality of the people) to act in this petition, they would but contemn it for our sakes, and be provoked to rise up against us.  
Unto which, Mr Speaker, myself, etc. answered to this effect; The people are generally malignant, and more for the King than the Parliament▪ but what's the reason? but because their burdens are greater now than before, and are likely to continue without any redress, or any visible, valuable consideration holden out unto them, for all the blood and treasure they had spent for their liberties and freedoms; and the reason why they were so ignorant, and did so little inquire after their liberties and freedom, was, Mr Speaker, because, that though the Parliament had declared in general, that they engaged to fight for their liberties, yet they never particularly told them what they were, nor never distinctly held forth the glory and splendour of them, to make them in love with them, and to study how to preserve them: and for want of a clear declaring what was the particulars of the King's Rights, and the nature of his office; and what was the Parliaments particular privileges, power and duty to the people of the Kingdom, that choosed and trusted them; and what particularly was the people's rights and freedoms; they were hereby left in blindness and ignorance, and by reason of their oppressions, because they knew no better, doted implicitly upon the King, as the fountain of peace, justice, and righteousness; without whom, nothing that was good could have a being in this Kingdom: So I told them, Mr Speaker, it was no marvel, that the poor people in this particular, were in FOGS, MISTS, WILDERNESSES AND DARKNESS; considering, that this House, in their Declarations, had so played at fast and lose with them: for though, Mr Speaker, this House voted to this effect, That the King, seduced by evil council, had made War against the Parliament and people, and that they are traitors that assisted 
* 1 part, Book, Decl. pag. 259, 260, 508, 509, 576, 722, 914.  him: And further declared, That he had set up his Standard against the Parliament and people, and hereby put the whole Kingdom out of his protection, contrary to the trust reposed in him, contrary to his oath, dissolving Government thereby; and that he, in his own person, marched up in the head of an Army, by force of Arms, to destroy the Parliament, and in them, the whole Kingdom, their Laws and 
‖ 1 part, Book, Decl. pag. 580, 584, 587, 617, 639, 690.  Liberties.  
And yet, Mr Speaker, with the same breath declared, The King is the fountain of justice, and that he can do no 
† 1 part, pag. 199, 304.  wrong; and forced the people to take Oaths and Covenants, to preserve his person: and yet, at the same time, gave the Earl of Essex, and all those under him, Commission, To fight with, kill and slay all that opposed them; and declared, the King, in his own period, marched in the head of an Army, to oppose and destroy them; and yet gave them a Commission, to fight for King and Parliament: So that, Mr Speaker, here is riddle upon riddle, and mystery upon mystery; which doth even confound and amaze the people, and put them into Woods and Wildernesses, that they could not see or know where they are, or what to think of themselves, or of the Parliament, or of the King: only this they very well know, that their burdens are greater now, then ever they were before; and that they have been made fools, in pretendingly fight for liberty, which hath brought them into bondage: And that though it was formerly declared, the King had no Negative voice, or Legislative power, but is bound by his Oath to pass all such Laws, as the people, folk or Commons, shall 
* 1 part, Book, Decl. pag. 205, ●06, 208, 268, 269, 270, 705, 706, 707, 708, 710, 713, 714.  choose: Yet now the Parliament send unto him again and again, for his concurrence to their acts; as though the giving of life, soul and power to their actings, were indisputably and inseparably inherent in him; and as though now their consciences told them, they must crave pardon of him for all the actions they have done without him, and against him: O riddles! and unfathomable mysteries! sufficiently able to make the people desirous to be ignorant of their liberties and freedoms, and never to hear of them more; especially, considering they have paid so dear, pretendedly, for the enjoyment of them, and yet after five years fight for them, know not where to find one of them.  
But, Mr Speaker, they were told, that in this petition the people had clearly held out unto them, and that upon the undeniable principles of reason and justice, the King's Rights, the Parliaments, and their own; and that the two former were, and of right always aught to be subservient to the good of the latter: and they were told, it was not so much persons, as things, that they doted upon; and therefore undoubtedly those that should really hold out justice and righteousness unto the people, was those that they would be in love with; and therefore in mercy to ourselves, and in love and compassion to our native Country, it was pressed, that every man that desired to fulfil his end in coming into the World, and to be like unto his Master, in doing good, should vigorously promote and further this just and gallant Petition, as the principal means to procure safety, peace, justice and prosperity to the Land of our Nativity, and knit the hearts and spirits of our divided Countrymen in love again each unto other and in love unto us, which they could not choose but afford, when they should visibly see, we endeavoured their good as well and as much as our own, there being all the principal foundations of freedom and justice, that our hearts could desire, or long after, in this very petition: And if our greatest end were not accomplished, in our prosecuting of this petition, viz. the Parliaments establishing the things therein desired: yet the promoting of it would beget understanding and knowledge in the people, when they should hear it, and read it, and discourse upon it; and if nothing but that were effected, our labour would not be totally lost; for nothing did more instate Tyrants in the secure promotion of tyranny, than ignorance and blindness in the people: And therefore for the begetting of knowledge, it was requisite it should be promoted; as also, for healing of the divisions amongst the people, and knitting them together in love, that so their minds might be diverted from studying the destruction each of other, to study the destruction of Tyrants, that would in time destroy them all.  
And, Mr Speaker, there was one in the company, that made a motion, to this effect, That he did conceive it was more requisite, at present, speedily to second the Army's Declaration, with a petition to encourage this House vigorously to go on, to prosecute their late gallant Votes of Non-Addresses (for so they were called) to which was answered,  
That in this petition was contained more than was in all all their Votes, for it struck at the very root of all that Tyranny that had enslaved, and would enslave us, viz. the Negative voice in King and Lords, both which the Votes did not; and it was impossible, that there could be an active Member in the House of Commons, but knew that this petition was promoting all over the Kingdom; which did abundantly declare greater encouragement to all those Members of the House, that really intended good unto the Commonwealth, then possible could be in a single complemental petition, signed with 4 or 5000 hands; such a petition being rather fit to puff them up, then upon real grounds to strengthen and encourage them fully to mind the people's good; and there was never a Member of the House, whose design, in the largest extent, was no more than the pulling down of the King, that so he might be a King himself: but of necessity he must receive more satisfaction and encouragement from the knowledge of the promoting this gallant unparallelled petition (which is a clear demonstration to the Parliament, that those that promote it, clearly understand, that the King and the Lords Tyranny, and their liberties, are inconsistent) than he could do from a bare complementary petition; which would also be dangerous to ourselves, in quashing the vigorous prosecuting of this, that contained the ultimate of our desires, and the sum of all those things, that in this World we desired, to make us happy.  
But, Mr Speaker, it was again objected, That seeing this petition struck so much at the House of Lords, as it did, who lately it was said, had concurred with this House in their gallant Votes against the King, it was dangerous to the Kingdom's safety, in this juncture of time to promote it, lest it might occasion a clashing betwixt the two Houses, which would now be very dangerous.  
Unto which, Mr Speaker, myself, etc. answered to this effect, That if the Lords had so concurred in these Votes, that they had declared it had been their duty, without dispute, to have concurred to all such Votes as the House of Commons had passed, there had been some ground to have pleaded for a respect unto them from us: But seeing they so passed the Votes, as in the passing of them, they declare it to be their right, to give their denial to any Votes the House of Commons shall hereafter pass, that doth not please them: we are thereby engaged the rather to go on with our petition, to pluck up this their destructive interest by the roots for future, that had brought all our 
* See 1 part Book Decl. pag. 289, 364, 365, 398, 522, 526, 528, 548, 557.  miseries and woes upon us.  
For, Mr Speaker, if the Lords be considered in their Judicative power, we shall find them as guilty of treason, in subverting our fundamental Laws and Liberties, as ever the Lord of Strafford was: who in his impeachment of high Treason by this House, was accused in the 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9 articles, that he had traitorously subverted the fundamental Laws of England and Ireland, and introduced an arbitrary tyrannical Government beyond and above Law, in that he had upon papers, 
† And if these very things should now be judged treason, as they are and were in the Earl of Stafford, I wonder what should become of all our present Junto at Westminster, and their new thing, called, A Council of State; undoubtedly the most (if not all) of them, must go to Tyburn, or Tower-hill, there by an halter or axe to receive their just deserts, Amen.  petitions and verbal complaints, without any due course, process or shadow of Law (but merely by the law of his own will) outed divers of the Freemen thereof out of their liberties, properties and free holds, to the ruin and destruction of many of their families.  
And truly Mr Speaker, I must aver it, and do aver it before this honourable House, that the House of Lords are as guilty of this traitorous subverting of our fundamental Laws and Liberties, and introducing and exercising an arbitrary tyrannical Government, above and beyond all Law and Justice, as he was; and by the law of their own wills, without any due course or process of Law, have outed divers Freemen of England out of their liberties, properties and free-holds; they themselves being complainents, prosecutors, parties, witnesses, Jury and Judges, have passed most barbarous and tyrannical censures upon them, to the apparent ruin of them and their families: Yea, and upon me have passed so barbarous and transcendent an illegal sentence, that I am confident the like of it in all circumstances is not to be paralleled in all the Earl of strafford's tyranny. And Mr Speaker, let me freely tell you, that unless this House do execute upon the present tyrannical House of Lords, or the mischievous law and liberty destroying Ringleaders amongst them, the Earl of strafford's punishment, for what they have already done, and for future take care to prevent their or any others exercise of the like arbitrary and tyrannical power again, I shall never justify you for righteous and impartial Judges, or think that you have discharged your duty either to God or the Commonwealth, who chose and trusted you to preserve their liberties and freedoms, and punish those that destroy them.  
The rest of my speech against the House of Lords Legislative power, being already at large printed in the 14, 15, 16, 17, pages, of my answer of the 27 Feb. 1647. to Mr GUALTHER FROSTS malicious and false declaration against me, which I entitled, A WHIP FOR THE PRESENT HOUSE OF LORDS, OR, THE LEVELLERS LEVELED: to which for brevity's sake, I refer the Reader, and go on to the next thing in order (being the main thing I intent) as I upon the foresaid 19 day of January, 1647. confidently and avowedly delivered it at the Bar of the House of Commons, which is an impeachment of Treason against Cromwell etc. proffering again and again upon my life to prove it every tittle at their Bar, which thus followeth.  
And now Mr. Speaker, I must acquaint you, that there was occasion administered, 
My charge against Cromwell, and his Son Ireton.  to talk of Lieutenant General Cromwell, and his late gross apostasy, from patronising the people's Liberties an Freedoms, and here Sir, it was declared with admiration and astonishment, that Lieut: Gen: Cromwell, who was once the glory of Englishmen, in visibly appearing for Justice and Freedom, both against the King, the Earl of Manchester, and the whole House of Peers, etc. and who had a principal hand in so many gallant Declarations of the Army, in divers of which freedom, righteousness, and Justice was published to the whole Kingdom most gloriously, 
† As you may clearly read in the Army's Book of Declarations, page 8. 17 23r 25, 26. 32. 33. 35. 37. 39 40. 41. 45, 46. 52. 58. 61, 62. 76 97. 101. 105. 110. 112. 118, 119. 132. 137. 142. 144. 150.  That this very Lieut. Gen. Cromwell (whose name for honesty once rung and echoed throughout England) should now apostate from his former declared gallantry and honesty, and turn his back upon his own solemn Declarations, Remonstrances, and Engagements, and persecute with bitterness (even to death and bonds) righteousness, truth and justice, in all those in the Army he met with it in (and now of late become a grand patron, protector and earnest pleader for the preservation of all the grand corrupt and enslaving interests in England) was a wonder and astonishment, that he that had the gloriest praise and opportunity put into his hands, that ever God put into the hands of an English man, to do good unto his native Country, and to settle the Laws, Liberties, and peace thereof, in their lustre and glory, should be courted out of all his principles, protestations and engagements, by a little selfish, glittering, worldly or corrupt honour, and to convert his power and interest to the quite contrary, to make us slaves and vassals, was the admiration and wonder, for all knowing, observing, and unbiased English men, and the greatest mischief that ever befell the honest men of the Kingdom; having divided them amongst themselves, that formerly were one, in their pursuing the firm establishment of the Common rights and freedoms of their native Country; divers honest men having his person in admiration, either for advantage sake, or former good services sake, would not see their own danger and misery, nor willingly would suffer their friends and neighbours to see that fatal ruin and destruction. that by his means (and HIS ALONE) was likely speedily to come upon them, and the whole Nation; by means of which we are so divided amongst ourselves, that it was impossible, for all the professed enemies we had in England, to have put such a mischievous division amongst us, the bitter fruits of which we had lamentable experience of every day, in that it deprived us of the vigorous pursuing of all effectual means to preserve and secure ourselves from that eminent ruin and destruction, that is even at our very thresholds; And therefore it behoved us with all our might to press hard forward, according to the marginal note of our Petition, to get our Laws so strictly settled, as though it were impossible that ever an honest man should be borne into the world, to be an executor or administrator of them, we having found it too true a maxim (by experience in Lieut: Gen: CROMWELL alone) that whosoever means to settle good Laws, must proceed in them with a sinister or evil opinion of all mankind; and suppose (ESPECIALLY AFTER HIS GROSS APOSTASY) that whosoever is not wicked, it is for want of opportunity; and that no State or People can be wisely (or securely) confident of any public minister whatsoever continuing good, longer than the rod is over his head.  
And Mr Speaker, it was further declared, that though he might now seem to face about, and to intent just and righteous things to the Kingdom, by reason of his late forwardness in the late Votes against the King, for no more Addresses to Him; Yet what rational man could groundlessly judge, that he thereby intended a real good to the Kingdom? especially considering that in the very neck of those Votes, he and his faction (that he hath at command at the headquarters) published a Declaration to the whole Kingdom, to maintain the House of Lords in all their tyrannical usurpations; the continuance of whose Law-making interests, is perfect vassalage and bondage to the whole Nation, as I have before undeniably and fully proved; or the rather, may not any rational knowing man conclude, that Lieut: Gen: Cromwel's, and his Son Ireton's late spite against the King, did proceed only from animosity and revenge against the King, because he had forsaken them, and accepted of a better bargain from the 
* For so saith Mr John Wildman in his Truth's Triumph, 7. 8. and he was conversant then at the Headquarters, and knew almost all secrets, See also his Putney projects.  Scots, who (for their preservation it may be) were not only willing to give Him His Negative voice, and an hereafter possession of the Militia, but a present right in it, and possession of it, the which if he enjoyed, the Army-Grandees and their accomplices, could not reign over the people as they intended to do, for undoubtedly, if the King would have taken, and accepted of their conditions, and stuck close to them, and embrace no other lovers, they would never have been so angry with Him, but withal their hearts have helped Him to His Crown & Throne again, which is evident and clear, from Iretons transcendent pleading for Him (and new Addresses to Him) in this House, and the open Counsels at Putney, etc. and Mr Speaker, while they accused Mr Hollis and Sir Philip Stapleton, etc. for high Treason, for under hand tamperings with the King; they themselves outstripped them at that very time, in that which they declared a crime in them, for Mr Speaker, their under hand tamperings with the King, were but petty ones to those grand ones these apostates had; for, Mr Speaker, as I said among my friends, I do now aver at this Bar (having my relation from so knowing good hands upon the place, that I dare engage at my utmost peril before this House, at this Bar, to prove by exceeding good testimony to this effect; That when the proposals of the Army had passed the great or General Council of the Army (for so themselves called it, and therefore I will give it the same name) Commissary General Ireton declared to divers of the chief Officers, he would send a copy of them to the King, which being opposed by them, he replied, that he was engaged by promise to send a copy to the King, and therefore he would send one, though the General hanged him for so doing. And Mr Speaker, he did send one to the King, and that by the hands of Cromwel's own Major, viz. 
† Which Major Huntingdon confesseth and averreth, in the 6th and 7th pages of his printed reasons for laying down his Commission, which by way of impeachment against Cromwell and Ireton, he delivered into both Houses of Parliament, August 2. 1648. which because of the pertinency of it, to prove the most of my charge against him, and because it comes from one that then lay at his very heart, and was his choice agent and instrument, in most of his underhand negotiations with the King, than the joy of his heart and the delight of his eyes; I shall incert it verbatim at the last end hereof, and entreat the judicious Reader to peruse it seriously, as as true a piece I believe, as ever was Printed in England, and so I often declared it to be in my thoughts, to divers of Cromwel's own friends when it was first delivered to both Houses; though I could not join with Huntingdon at that time in the prosecution of it, for Duke Hamiltons' hostile invasions sake, though I was often solicited to it by great ones, and I believe then in my lowness might have had money enough to have done it; but I abhorred it, as Mr Cornelius Holland with other present Parliament-men, very well knows, and also my reasons therefore.  Major Huntingdon (who then was the bosom and endeared darling of both jereton and his Father Cromwell, and it (viz. the Copy of the proposals) was delivered to the Kings own hands, who read it over, and WITH HIS OWN HANDS BLOTTED AND RAZED OUT WHAT HE MOST DISLIKED, and interlined it with His own hand in some places, which very Copy thus curtailed and gelded, the King sent back to Ireton, and IRETON CAUSED THIS GVELDED COPY OF THE KINGS, TO BE PRINTED TO THE VIEW OF THE KINGDOM, AS THE ARMY'S 
‖ The Anatomy of which, by Mr. John Wildman, you may fully read in Putney's Projects. pag.  PROPOSALS; when as indeed & in truth, Mr Speaker, they were no other, than the Proposals of the King and himself, and therefore no wonder the King to the Parliament so pressed to Treat upon these Proposals as He did; so that here was once declared affection enough to the King.  
But Mr. Speaker, I do further aver, and upon my life proffer at your command to produce at this Bar, a Gentleman of good quality, and of very much integrity, and a man of much repute amongst all the honest men in the Army; who coming from London to Westminster with me not long since, voluntary and freely told me to this effect, w●●h avowed confidence to justify it; That Cromwel's Son that commands the General's Lifeguard, taking notice of his averseness to his father's design●s, in his continual crossing him and his creatures, laboured to draw him over to a compliance with his father, telling him how great a man his father was likely to be in the Kingdom, and thereby able to promote all those that would comply with him; for (saith he) I speak it with confidence, as a thing already done, that the King himself, hath wholly cast himself upon my father and my brother Ireton, to make His terms for Him, and restore Him to His Throne again: 
* Which Major Huntingdon in his foresaid charge, avers to be a truth, pag. 7. he himself being the King's messenger to Ireton with it, which he delivered to him at Colebrook, who received it with joy, and returned by him to the King this answer; that they should be the veriest knaves that ever lived, if in every thing they should not make good whatever they had promised to the King, because the King in not declaring against them, had given them great advantage against their present adversaries, which was the Parliament then sitting at Westminster.  And Mr. Speaker, I know the Gentleman that told me this, is a man of so much gallantry, and honesty, that I am confident that he will scorn for all the Cromwel's in the world, to deny one syllable he told me; and therefore again Mr. Speaker, I do offer upon my credit and life (if this House please) to produce him at this Bar, and upon his oath and life to justify before you, the effectual substance of what in this particular I have declared unto this Honourable House.  
But Mr. Speaker, whether it was the Kings forsaking of Cromwell and Ireton, and running over to the Scots, as those that had bid most for him, (it may be) being necessitated thereunto for their own preservation, from the fear of an after ruin, from the King and Cromwell; if the King should come in by the means of Cromwell, that had a powerful Army at his command, who both of them (it may be) they thought) might be glad of a fit opportunity to chastise them, for all their iniquities committed against them, and their afforonts put upon them) I say, Mr. Speaker, whether it was the Kings forsaking of Cromwell, that made him face about, and to be now of late so high against Him (for pure love to Justice, and the universal good of his Country it could not be) or that lost condition he might apprehend himself to be in by his apostasy, in the affection of all his old and faithful friends (which it may be he might fear, might produce him a great deal of danger and mischief, (especially his perceiving the Kings staggering in his confidence of him) if not prevented by his speedy fancig about, or at least pretending to justice and righteousness amongst men once again:) I say, whether of these two it were, that had the strongest impression upon him, to work so speedy a change in him, I know not.  
But this, Mr Speaker, I said unto my friends, and do aver unto you, that I was told by a very honest understanding Godly man (as I judge him) and one that is a very great honourer and doter upon Lieutenant General Cromwell, and one that hath had many bicker with me for contesting with him, 
† The man is Mr. Hunt, by name, now this present July, 1649. living in Mr. Holland's lodgings at Whitehall, and as great a creature of Lieut: Gent: Cromwel's now, as ever he was in his life; and now as intimate and familiar with him, a● ever.  to this effect, That there was an honest, stout, gallant and godly Gentleman of this House (for so he stil●● him to me) and one that had been right for the Parliament, and his Country, all along; who being lately upon very good grounds (in his apprehension) told and informed by a Lady of quality in this Kingdom, that a bargain was struck betwixt Lieut: Gen: Cromwell, and the King, AND THAT CROMWELL WAS TO BE MADE EARL OF ESSEX; and since I have heard from other good hands a confirmation of i● AND THAT HE WAS TO HAVE BESIDES A GEORGE AND A BLUE RIBBON, AND BE MADE A KNIGHT OF THE GARTER, etc. AND HIS OWN SON BEDCHAMBER-MAN TO THE PRINCE, AND HIS SON IN LAW IRETON WAS EITHER TO BE LORD DEPUTY OF IRELAND, OR AT LEAST FIELD MARTIAL GENERAL OF IRELAND: And this Member of your House (as he told me) entering into the serious consideration of these things, and believing they might be too true, was even confounded and amazed in himself, that England's Liberties, and the protecters and preservers thereof, should at once be betrayed (and as it were bought and sold (and that by Lieutenant General CROMWELL, a quondam bosom friend; that he that sometimes had been the glory of Englishmen (for professed honesty publicly upon the house top) should now become the scorn and basest of his Nation, in underhand and underboard (while he pretended friendship to honest Englishmen and their liberties) to stab them to the heart, by betraying them to the King; against whom, for the preservation of them, they had been fight all this while, was that, Mr Speaker, that confounded and amazed the gallant Gentleman, to think with himself, that if this underhand bargain betwixt the King and Cromwell should be true (for it seems he believed it was) all the honest men in England (that in the integrity of their hearts had adhered to the Parliament, and vigorously acted against the King) where destroyed and undone, and the liberties of England now in a worse condition, than they were before any of this late blood shed for them; for by this bargain, if the King were restored upon it, he would have the interest and power of the Army at his beck and command (besides his own party) by means of which, he would be enabled to cut off the head of every honest gallant English man in England, that he had a mind to destroy, and for ever to subdue their laws and liberties, and make the survivers perfect vassals and slaves: The serious consideration of which, with a hot burning zealous indignation, so fired his soul, and elevated his spirit, that he by an unresistable force concluded, that necessarily one man must perish to save the whole Nation; and therefore resolved with himself, that he would be the man that would play the part of a second FELTON, was by an inward compulsion, resolved to go to Windsor (than the head Quarters) and wherever he met Lieutenant General Cromwell (either with his pistol or dagger) to dispatch him, as a desperate apostatised Traitor to the liberties of his Country, though he were destroyed when he had so done: And truly, Mr Speaker, as I understand, this had been vigorously attempted by him, if he had not revealed his intention to a Friend of his, another Member of this House, who stopped him, by force, in a Chamber atWhite-hall: And this Gentleman that told me the story, speedily hearing of it, wrote a large and pithy Letter to the Lieutenant General, of almost a sheet of paper; wherein (to my understanding) he acquitted himself, not only as a Christian, but also as a faithful English man; for, Mr Speaker, he came to my lodging in 
* Then at the Saracens head in Friday street, with Mr John Wildman, my then bosom Friend, and zealous and bold asserter of England's freedoms: though now he hath not only lost all his seal, but I am afraid, his honesty, and his principles, and is closed with familiarity and design with Cromwell, although no man in England knows his knavery better than he.  London, and told me the effectual substance of this story, and read unto me the copy of his large Letter, and took the opportunity thereof, to press me to a patiented expectation of the issues of things, and to moderate my heat against the Lieutenant General, for he was confident there would be in him a speedy visible change, and he hoped it would be for the good of the Kingdom; the fruit of which he doubted not but I in my particular, might come speedily to reap: And truly, Mr Speaker, I have perceived a kind of a change in Lieutenant General Cromwel's visible actions ever since: but I wish my understanding could be groundedly satisfied, it were upon real and just principles, viz. for the good of the Commonwealth: And now, Mr Speaker, if the House do question the truth of this relation, I do believe, within a little time, I shall be able to procure a copy of the Letter; but if I cannot do that now, I will engage my credit and life, to produce my Author at this Bar; who, I am confident, hath so much honesty in him, that he will not deny the truth of what he told me. But truly, Mr Speaker, as for the Gentleman's name of this House, that should have been the Second FELTON, I was not told it; though I confess, so many circumstances were hinted to me, that I believe at the first guess I could name him, but I cease that now.  
And desire further to acquaint this House, that for all the late seeming changes in Lieutenant General Cromwell, I pressed them, they should not be too credulous in believing him, till they see him to be an active instrument, really and effectually to do some transcendent thing, that was for the universal good of all the Commons of England, which I could not fully apprehend in these late Votes of Non-Addresses, simply in themselves considered; for as yet I could see nothing further in them, than a kind of revenge, to pull down the King (because he had withdrawn his affections from them, and at present given them to the Scots) by means of which, they were deprived of their large hopes of rule and domination over the people under him, their sole and only true end enclosing with him; and therefore were now necessitated, for the obtaining the declared ultimate of their desires, viz. the setting up themselves, to pull down him: And if in there Votes they had intended real good unto the generality of the people, they would have with them, instated them in the possession of some just and gallant freedoms and privileges, worth their engaging again with and for the Parliament, in a new War; and so to have made them in love with the House, for their justice and goodness, handed out unto them; that their lives, nor estates, might not have been dear to them, but with willingness they might have freely adventured all they had, in opposing those that opposed them.  
Whereas now with these Votes, they had nothing that was of general good holden out unto them, but the likely hood of a new War, in provoking afresh, to the highest, all the King's party, the Scotch, and the Zealots amongst the Presbyters; yea, and so passing their Votes, that in themselves rightly considered, they signified nothing; for if the Parliament faced back again, and unvoted them the next Week, as it is possible they might, these Votes were but a snare, to hazard the future destruction of those men, that at present should rejoice at them, and in them: And, Mr Speaker, they were desired to consider, that if we implicitly, and hand over head, without first groundedly knowing what should be the prize of all our hazards and blood, should again engage against the King, and also against the Scots (who had declared so much enmity, as to root up by the roots, all that would not concur to their every thing and nothing Presbytery, under the names of Heretics and Sectaries) who were now likely, upon the King's interest, to invade the Kingdom: what should we get by it? It's true, we might be the occasion of shedding much blood, but in the conclusion it was possible our own might be shed: But suppose we were conquerors, and the Army by our means did overcome the Scots: what better were we then? nay, were we not worse then, then now we are? and more likely to be made slaves, than now we are? For seeing the Grandees in the Army and Parliament, have declared so much bitterness and enmity of spirit against all those principles of righteousness and justice, that we have promoted and proposed; without the firm establishment of which, it is impossible for us ever to be any other than vassals; and those that rule over us, perfect Tyrants: and if implicitly we should help them to subdue the Scots, we should but thereby the more easily enable them to make the more perfect slaves of us, when we had: whom we might easily see (by their malicious and bloody prosecuting of our late Friends in the Army) did not anew begin to court us, out of any love to us, or out of any free disposition to do us or the Kingdoms good, but merely because they had need of us, and did not well know how to go through their work, at present, 
* Which I have undeniably proved, in my late Book, of the 8 June, 1649. pag. 34, 35, 36, 37, 38. to be their only design in all their courting of us in the day of their distress, and that there is no more truth in the promises, and engagements they then made, then in the Devils; who I will never hereafter believe, in whatsoever they say, or swear.  without us.  
For truly, Mr Speaker, as I told my Friends, I was afraid that the interest of the generality of the Officers, in the Army, but especially the Grandees, was not peace, righteousness, justice and freedom, but wars, fightings and 
† Which is fully witnessed for a truth, by Major Huntingdon (Cromwel's quondam darling) in the 11 page of his foresaid charge; where he declares Cromwel's great rejoicing after his first breaking of the Parliament, and getting the remaining part to own the Army, and settle pay upon them: Now, saith Cromwell, we may, for aught I know, be an Army so long as we live; and that he was as able to govern the Kingdom, as either Stapleton, or Hollis, etc. which he declares to be the principal thing, in all his contests with the Parliament, he sought after.  catchings; and without the continuance of which. I conceived they could not continue their pride and tyrannical domination over their Soldiers, and the rest of the people of the Kingdom (and absolutely I conceive their interest to be war) But it was our interest, and the generality of the people of the Kingdom, to prevent wars, if it were possible. But if we must engage in war again, it was our interest and wisdom, so to engage, if it were possible, as that merely as English men, we might be unanimous in our engagements, either against the Scots, or any other interests whatsoever, that would rob us of our English liberties and freedoms: And, Mr Speaker, I told them both these things were contained in the Petition: For First, if those things were granted unto us, that were desired in the Petition, it was impossible for us to conceive of any thing else: the want of which, is worth the going to war for: And if the Petition were vigorously promoted, and pursued to the House, without all controversy it hath such excellent things in it, so good in themselves; for all sorts and kinds of English men, that if the House and the people should be united in those gallant, just and rational things, the general heart-burnings of the Kingdom would be allayed; and confidence in love and respect to each other, would be raised up amongst us; and our union of hearts thereby each to other, as Englishmen, would be as a wall of brass, for securing the common interest of our Nation: So that neither Scotchman, nor any foreign power in Europe, durst to invade us: so that in the vigorous prosecuting of this Petition, union and love would be increased, and war prevented thereby: whereas nothing in the world will occasion wars so much, as our dis-union and heart-burnings each at other: which is impossible ever to be allayed, but either by the active prosecuting of this Petition, or something like it; that so something that is good for all men, as Englishmen, might be settled:  
But in the second place, if we could not be so speedy in the prosecution of this Petition, so as to get those universal good and just things, therein contained, settled, before the Scots begun to Invade us; yet if upon their march we should enjoy the possession of them, it would make the generality of Englishmen stand together as one man; and all of them in the spirit, and with the principles of Englishmen, oppose them: so that the War (if it must be) would be carried on with that vigour and strength, that it were impossible, for all the power in Scotland, if they did the worst they could to destroy our Nation.  
Whereas now in our divided condition, they will be sure if they come in, to make a prey of us; for in their coming in, they declare for the King's Interest; which absolutely unites and knits their own Kingdom as one man against us; and glues unto them in England, all the King's party, and of necessity the Presbyters must join with their Masters of the Covenant; and rise there will be of necessity, and without all peradventure, all over the Kingdom: and if the Army be united within themselves (as it is a very great question whether they be or no) and were able to deal and grabble with all that opposition it is like to meet with, from those several parties and interests, that here are like to rise up against it; yet truly Mr Speaker, though I do not like the late apostatised actions of the great men in the Army, I do as little like the Scotch high flown expressions, to instate the King absolutely into the Militia as His right, and His absolute Negative Voice: And indeed Mr Speaker, it sounds not well nor justly in my ears, for the Scots, who are and will be free men at home, and will neither (as I am told) allow the King the exercise of the Militia in their Kingdom, nor His Negative Voice, no nor yet the benefit of His Revenue; that they should notwithstanding all this, go about to make us all slaves, by fettering us with His mischievous Negative Voice, and His absolute exercise of our Militia, which seems to me to be nothing less, than a desire to pick a quarrel with us, that so, Mr Speaker, they might come in again for some more of our guides; therefore Mr Speaker, I cry out for union and peace upon just principles: For the very beginnings of War again amongst us, would presently destroy that little Trade that is left, and then undoubtedly comes in famine, which is already at our very doors; for Mr Speaker, they were told a story to this effect, That some Wilkeshire Cloathiers, coming to the Saracens head in Friday-street, had for a truth reported to the Master of the house, that Trading was already so decayed in their Country, that that Cloathier that used to set an hundred poor people at work, could now scarce set twelve; insomuch, that the poor people's necessities were grown so great in that Country, that they already begin in companies of six, ten, 12. 20, etc. to meet together in the Market Roads, and to take away the countrymen's Corn, as they carried it to sell at the Market, and before their faces to divide it amongst themselves, but give them their Horses and Sacks again; and withal tell them, that mere hunger forced and necessitated them to do what they did.  
And truly Mr Speaker, things are like shortly to be as bad at London, for want of Trade; for I have heard such grievous complaints from two sorts of people especially, that it would pity any man's heart (that hath the heart of a man) to hear of the wants and necessities of divers families amongst them, that formerly had lived in good fashion; and they are the Weavers & Cloathworkers; and as for the Weavers, their Trade consisting principally in Ribbons and Laces; but superfluities in such things being laid aside, their Trade was grown exceeding dead, and many hundreds of their families fall'n into great miseries and wants, by reason that the most part of that little remaining part of their Trade that is left them, is taken from them by French men, Walloons, etc. and that which adds unto their misery, Mr Speaker, is this; That the Lord Major and Court of Aldermen, do put in execution of late A MOST WICKED, ILLEGAL Order, or Ordinance, of their own making, by reason of which, their Catchpoles, seize upon the goods of the said poor Freemen of London, and beat and wound them, yea, and have committed murder upon some of them, if they come to any Inns, etc. and offer to sell their goods to any but Shopkeepers, who will give them but what they please for them; so that the poor Weavers, though Freemen of London, are not only in miserable poverty, but in the miserablest slavery (in the City where they by name are Freemen) that it is possible for men to be in, and to bear it with patience.  
And Mr Speaker, the poor Cloathworkers, who by the express Statute-Law of the Kingdom, aught to dress one white cloth in ever ten, 
* The Statute of 8 Eliz. Chap. 6.  that the Merchant, Patentee Monopolizers, commonly called the Merchant Adventurers, sends into the Low-Countries, and Denmark; but now by reason that the chiefest of that Law, Liberty and Trade-destroying Monopoly, are Commissioners of the Customhouse, which in justice, equity and reason, no Trading Merchants whatever, never ought to be, they are deprived of their right in that particular, and crushed in pieces with potency, and great purses; whereas, in the time of so exceeding great decay of Trade, it were more just and necessary to enable them to dress the other nine, to set their poor families at work, many of which are ready to starve, then to take one piece of the tenth Cloth from them.  
Mr. Speaker, All these things, with many more that then were minded, represented the miseries of this Kingdom very sad and great, and made the present Speaker there conclude, That if War did come amongst us, of necessity Famine would follow, and that would occasion all the poor people all over England to rise confusedly in hurly burly, and to cut the throats of their rich neighbours, to get their riches to buy them bread to keep them alive: and whether or no they might not as soon fall upon us, that they looked upon as Roundheads, Independent, Sectaries, etc. and so destroy us for our cordial and faithful adherence to the Parliament, whom now the most of them looked upon as those that had brought all their evils and miseries upon them. From all which considerations, it was (Mr. Speaker) with earnestness pressed vigorously to promote this Petition all over the Kingdom, as the only means to heal and cure all our diseases and maladies, the things therein contained being so just in themselves, that none but those that desired to be absolute Tyrants, could speak against them: the obtaining of which would settle peace and quietness amongst us, and so cause Trade again to flourish. And Mr. Speaker, to press this nail home to the head, I do confess that I further added, that if such a general confusion (as before is spoken of) should arise, it would then (I was confident of it) be greater security from the rage of the rude multitude, to be known to be a vigorous prosecutor of this gallant, just and righteous Petition, (that did as much concern their good as our own) then to wear a blue Ribbon in our hats. And truly, Mr. Speaker, I may now with my pen add this, That blue Ribbons being Sir Thomas Fairfax his Colours, who now with his Army are the grand and strong protection of all those that march under his Colours, under which whosoever shall come, may probably think to have safety; yet I was of opinion, and still am, That public knowledge of a vigorous and strong acting in so transcendent, gallant and just a Petition as this is, in the day of a feared universal storm in England, will be of greater security and protection, then to be one of Sir Thomas Fairfax his Army, and to wear his Colours of blue Ribbons in his hat: for the Kingdom generally look upon the Soldiers now as their oppressors, and destroyers of their Laws, Liberties and Properties: but the promoters and procurers of the just things contained in this Petition, cannot choose but be looked on by them as the repairers of their breaches, and the restorers of their Laws and Liberties.  
Mr. Speaker, When we were coming away, there was one of the company said, That he heard a rumour abroad, as if the Lords had offered me a large sum of money so I would desist from prosecuting this large Petition; he therefore desired me to give him a true account, whether this report were true or no.  
Unto which I answered to this effect, That it was not true; but it was possible it might arise from the report of some Messages I lately had received from the Lord WHARTON: And Mr. Speaker, for that particular, I told him to this effect, That not long since, there came a Gentleman of some quality (and a man I look upon as an ingenuous man) to my lodging in London, and told me before two other Gentlemen (friends of mine) to this effect, That my Lord Wharton remembered his respect unto me, who (he told me, he was very confident) was my very good friend, and would willingly serve me (and that he did believe, cordially) in any thing that lay within his power; and who, as he told me, did very much consider my long suffering condition, by reason of which he did believe money was not very plentiful with me, and therefore he was come from him to let me know, that he hath in readiness a very considerable token for me, which he would send me, if he thought it would not be scorned, but accepted in love and respect.  
Unto which (after a little pause) I answered to this effect, That I desired him to present my service to his Lordship, and from me to thank him for his civility and courtesy towards me; But f●r me to receive his money, I could not in the least do it: because for me who professed ingenuity, and abhorred ingratitude (as a most dishonourable thing in any man whatsoever) to receive his money, it must needs to me become an obliging engagement, and tie me one way or another to study how to requite it, which truly I told him, to his Lordship, (as he was now a Patentee prerogative Lord, and exercised a Legislative and arbitrary power by virtue thereof, which I looked upon as altogether destructive to the very being of the Liberties and Freedoms of the Commons of England) I could not in the least do it: but was absolutely resolved to profess open War with his arbitrary Prerogative-Lordship as long as I had breath in my body, and never to be reconciled unto it: And therefore in short, tell his Lordship from me, that if I were in such great straits, that I had not one penny in all the world (nor knew not where to borrow it) to buy me, my Wife, and Children bread to save us alive, and if in this great strait, his Lordship as he now is, should send me ten thousand pounds in gold, I would scorn to accept, or let my fingers so much as touch one piece of it; or that any that belonged to me, with my consent should do it for me.  
But I desired him to tell his Lordship from me, that if he pleased to throw away his arbitrary, tyrannical pattentee, Lordly power, (which was, and would be the ruin of this Kingdom) and would put himself upon the affection of his Country, to be chosen a Knight of a Shire, as a well-deserving Englishman, I should then honour him, and be willing and ready to accept of the meanest token that he should send me, though it were but Five shillings, and judge myself obliged to serve him, and should readily do it, yea, in preserving his real propriety in his great estate unviolably; yea, and the title of his Honour, hereditary to his posterity for ever. And as I told my friend, Mr. Speaker, the Report might arise from this, which relation is true, and hath not been delivered to me once, nor twice, but oftener. But Mr. SPEAKER, I shall acquaint you further, that I in part acquainted my friend, how ingenuously I had dealt not only with my Lord WHARTON, but the whole House of Peers; in that I obeyed their first Warrant they sent to me to come to their Bar, the 10th. June, 1646. and immediately as soon as I was served with it, being about six a clock on the next morning at my own house, (and I was to appear before them at Ten the same morning) I went immediately to my Lord wharton's house; and he being not stirring, I desired his servant to tell his Lordship what had happened; and that in regard I was obliged to their House, for the late Justice they had done for me about my reparations against the Star-chamber Judges, BEING OLD SIR HENRY VANE, etc. I was resolved for ingenuity and gratitude's sake, to veil my Bonnet to them, as fare as with honesty and a good conscience I could; And therefore it was that I had obeyed their Warrant, and promised to appear at their Bar; which, as I sent him word, was more than by Law I was bound unto: but yet when I came there, I was resolved at their Bar, to protest against their jurisdiction over a Commoner; but I could do no less then acquaint his Lordship with it beforehand, that so if he pleased to save and preserve the honour of their House, he might; if not, I would do it, if I died for it: And if his Lordship pleased, I would meet him at the stroke of Nine a clock at COL. FLEETWOODS' in black Friars, to talk with him further about it, where he appointed to meet me; and away went I, to a friend, and drew up my Protestation, leaving him one copy to print in case I were imprisoned, and I took another, with my hand and seal to it; and accordingly, Mr. Speaker, I met my Lord at Col. Fleetwoods' house, who as I remember, was gone abroad, whereupon I walked with my Lord to the blackfriars bridge, where we had a large discourse about the Lords original jurisdiction over Commoners; and I shown him my protestation, the marrow of which he read; and I earnestly entreated him that he would be pleased to speak to the EARL OF ESSEX AND WARWICK, AND MY LORD ROBERTS, who was the principal man that had done all my business for me, and tell them from me, I bore so much honourable respect unto them, and their House, that if they pleased to command me to wait upon them, I would; and upon all the rest of the Lords in the house, and freely answer them to any questions that they in honour could demand of me, and I in conscience return an answer to, always provided they talked not with me as a House, nor a Committee from their House, for having been fight for my Liberties and Freedoms, I protested unto his Lordship before the God of Heaven and Earth, (and so I wished him to tell them) that if they forced me to their Bar, I both must and would protest against their encroachment upon the Commoners Rights, and appeal for justice against them to the House of Commons, although I died for it immediately: And his Lordship told me, he believed the House of Commons would not stand by me: and I answered, I was confident they would, for it was their own Interest; but if they would not, I told his Lordship, now I knew my Liberties, I would never betray them while I breathed. And this, my Lord, I tell you further, and do profess it before Almighty God, that if your House will not be ruled by reason, but by their greatness think to crush me, and by force engage me in a contest against you, I so well understand the firmness of the grounds upon which I go, that I will venture my heart blood against you, and never make peace with you, till either you have destroyed me, or I have plucked you or your Usurpations up by the roots. So away he went, and kept it off till about one of the clock. And, Mr. Speaker, when I was called in to their Bar, in going in I put no affront upon them, but went barehead, and gave them three or four congees (with all respect) before I came to their Bar: where they fell a playing the High Commission Court with me, in examining me upon Interrogatories against myself; which forced me to deliver in my Protest against them; so that, Mr. Speaker, I am sure I picked no quarrel (nor sought any) with them. But now, Mr. Speaker, being so deeply engaged against them by their own folly as I am, for the preservation of the Laws and Liberties of my native Country, against their trampling them under their feet, in the enjoyment or practice of their usurpations, I will never make peace with them while I live, but study night and day how to pluck them up by the roots; which I am confident, Mr. Speaker, is also the duty of this House, if they will rightly and truly discharge their duty to the Kingdom, according to that trust they have reposed in them.  
The Reader may be pleased to take notice that at the Bar when I was speaking of writing of Letters, I took notice of one of the priests positive Charges, which was that I had writ a Letter to Sir Anthony Weldon of Kent: which I told M. Speaker was the absolutest lie in the world, for I never had a hand in the least in writing or indicting a Letter to Sir Ant. Weldon, neither did I read or heard read any Letter unto him; But M. Speaker said I, there is well nigh forty lies more as palpable ones as this in his Relation, which I dare with confidence aver it at this bar, if I had in writing verbatim the very relation that he hath now made before this House by word of mouth, (for all his confidence) that I could by multitude of witnesses of upright life & conversation in all their conversings with their neighbours, and of untainted fidelity to the Parliament and the common interest of the Kingdom in the worst of times, punctually prove the greatest port of forty absolute lies and falshoeds, in his present confident relation; and for his averring that I said or it was said at the meeting that we would only make use of the Parliaments name, and of our Petition to them, for a cloak to colour our raising of the people till we were strong enough to destroy them; M. Speaker, I aver it with confidence upon my life there was no such thing spoken at all in the foresaid meeting, or any thing so much as tending thereunto all the time I was there, but the absolute quite contrary; the truth of which I am confident will if need require, be averred upon Oath by the generality of the whole Company than met together.  
And therefore Master Speaker I shall draw towards a conclusion; but being that which followed is printed at large in the 17, 18, 19, 20, 22, etc. pages of the forementioned Book Calleda Whip for the present House of Lords, I for brevity's sake shall here pass it over and refer the Reader if he pleases to the perusing of it there, where also he will find I was like to be murdered at the House door by their Guard, because I would not go to prison but by virtue of a Warrant made according to that form the law requires all Mittimuses to be; but being overpoured with drawn Swords and bend Muskets, I was forced to the Tower as a pretended Traitor; And therefore to record to posterity the desperate and inveterate malice and hatred of Cromwell and his associates against the Liberties and freedoms of England who to the breadth of an hair are like those wicked men in Christ's time unto whom in Mat. 23 13. he thus speaketh: But woe unto Scribes and Pharisees Hypocrites, for ye shut up the Kingdom of Heaven against men, for ye neither go in you selves, neither suffer ye them that are entering to go in; Even so traitorous, bloody and ambitious Cromwell and his wicked associates will neither do good themselves in settling the Liberties of England nor suffer those that would to do it, therefore woe unto them hypocrites and painted Sepulchers, who for all their fair pretences hate the Liberties of England more than they do the Devil, and rather than the people shall enjoy any real good for all the cost and hazards in seven year's wars for their Liberties and Freedoms, and so rid themselves of their Lordly and tyrannical yokes, they will shake Kingdoms and Nations, and hazard all yea their own lives by dint of Sword in new and bloody Wars, rather than the people shall enjoy their Liberties, or those without an imprisonment for Traitors that fairly and justly prosecute them; the last war in this Nation and all the innocent blood shed therein, lying principally upon Cromwell and Iretons s●●re, for breaking all their faith, promises and engagements made unto the Kingdom for their glorious s●tling of their Liberties which they not only failed in but begun to set up a selfish and Tyrannical Interest of their own, and persecuted unto death and bonds the zealous sticklers for the people's welfare, liberties and freedoms, which begot heart burn and divisions, and thereby put the people into fury and madness, which brought in an inundation of bloodshed. For the demonstrating this in part take here.  
A Copy of the Petition (for promoting of which M. john Wildman and I were imprisoned a matter of seven months as Traitors, which thus followeth.  

To the Supreme Authority of England, the Commons assembled in PARLIAMENT. The earnest Petition of many Free-people of this Nation.  
SHOWETHS,  
THat the devouring fire of the Lords wrath, hath burnt in the Bowels of this miserable Nation, until it's almost consumed.  
That upon a due search into the causes of Gods heavy judgements, we find 
a) Ezek. 24.6.8.9.10. Amos 5 9, 10, 11, 12. Mic. 2.2, 3. & 3.3.4, 9, 10, 11, 12. Nahum 3 1.2.19. Hab. 1.3.4, 6. & 2.8.11, 12 17. Joe 3.6, 7 8.  that injustice and oppression, have been the common Nationall sins, for which the Lord hath threatened woes, confusions and desolations, unto any people or nation; Woe (saith God) unto the oppressing City, Zeph. 3.1.  
That when the King had opened the 
(b) by Shipmoney, Loane-mony, Coat & conduct money, Patents Monopolies, etc.  Floodgates of injustice and oppression 
(c) See the Remonstrance of the State of the Kingdom Decem 1641. p. 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 14, 15  upon the people, and yet peremptorily declared, that the People, who trusted him for their good, could not in, or by their Parliament require any account of the discharge of his trust; and when by a pretended negative voice 
(d) See the Kings Answer to the Petition of Right, and also the Parlia. Remon. of May 19 1642. 1 part Book Dec. pag. 254 284, 285. See the Kings Answer to the Par. Dec. of May 26. 1642. p. 298.  to Laws, he would not suffer the strength of the Kingdom, the Militia, to be so disposed of, that oppression might be safely remedied, and oppressors borough to condign punishment, but raised 
(e) See the Ord. for Militia. 1641. 1 Book Dec. p. 89. 105. 106. 114, 126. 175, 176. 182. 243. 283, 292.  a War 
(f) See the Par. Votes May 20. 1642. 1 part Book Dec. 259 See also p. 465. 509 576. 580. 584. 617, 618.  to protect the Subverters of our Laws and Liberties, and maintain Himself, to be subject to no account, even to such oppressions, and pursuing after an oppressive power, the Judge o● the earth, with whom the Throne of iniquity can have no fellowship, hath borough him low and executed fierce wrath upon many of his adherents  
That God expects justice from those before whose eyes he hath destroyed an unjust generation, Zeph. 3 6, 7. and without doing justly, and relieving the oppressed, God abhor fastings and prayers, and accounts himself mocked, Pro. 15.8 Isa. 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15 16, 17. & 29.13, 14. & 58.41 5, 6 7. & 66.2, 3. Jer. 6.19, 20. & 7 9, 10, 11, 14. Amos 5.6, 7.15.21, 22, 23. Mich. 6.6, 7, 8.  
That our eyes fall with looking to see the foundations of our Freedom and peace secured by this Honourable H●●●e, and yet we are made to depend upon the Will of the King, and the Lords, which were never chosen or betrusted by the People, to redress their grievances. And this Honourable House, which formerly declared that they were the Representatives of all England, and be trusted with our estates, liberties and lives, 1 part Book of Decla. 264. 382. do now declare by their practice, that they will not redress our grievances, and settle our freedoms, unless the King and the Lords will.  
That in case you should thus proceed, Parliaments will be rendered wholly useless to the People, and their happiness left to depend solely upon the will of the King, and such as he by his Pa●ents creat● Lords; and so the invaluable price of all the precious English blood, spilt in the defence of our freedoms against the King, shall be embezzled, or lost; and certainly, God the avenger of blood, will require it of the obstructors of justice and freedom, Judges 9 23.  
That though our Petitions have been burned, and our persons imprisoned, reviled, abused, only for petitioning, yet we cannot despair absolutely of all bowels of Compassion in this Honourable House to an enslaved perishing people. We will nourish some hopes that you will at last consider our Estates are expended, the whole trade of the Nation decayed, thousands of families impoverished, and merciless Famine is entering into our gates, and therefore we cannot, but once more essay to pierce your ears with our doleful cries for Justice and Freedom, before your delays wholly consume the Nation. In particular, we earnestly entreat;  
Fi●st that seeing we conceive this Honourable House entrusted by the People, with all power to redress our grievances, and to provide security for our Freedoms, by making or repealing laws, Erecting or abolishing Courts, displacing or placine Officers, and the like; and seeing upon this consideration, we have often made our addresses to you; and yet we are to depend for all our expected good, upon the wills of others, who have brought all our misery 
(g) See the Kings Deccla. of the 12 of Aug 1642. 1 part Book Dec. p. 522. 526 528 548. & p. 617. 726, 728.  upon us: that therefore in case this Honourable House will not, or cannot according to their trust, relieve and help us, that it be clearly declared; that we may know to whom as the Supreme power, we may make our present addresses before weperish, or be enforced to fly to the Prime Laws of nature 
(h) See 1 part book Dec. p. 44, 150. 182. 426. 637. 690.  for refuge.  
2. That as we conceive all Governors and Magistrates being the Ordinance 
h) See Col. Nath. Fienne's his Speech against the Bishop's Canons, made in 1640, in a book called Speeches and Passages of Parl. from 3. Novemb. 1640. to June 1641. p. 50 51. 52.  of men, before they be the Ordinance of God; and no authority being of God approbationally, but what is erected by the mutual consent of a People; and seeing this Honourable House alone represent or aught to represent the people of this Nation; that therefore no person whatsoever be permitted to exercise any power or authority in this Nation, who shall not clearly and confessedly receive his power from this House, and be always accountable for the discharge of his trust, to the people in their representers in Parliament; or otherwise, that it be declared who they are which assume to themselves a Power according to their own wills, and not received as a trust from the People, that we may know to whose Wills we must be subject, and under whom we must suffer such oppressions as they please, without a possibility of Justice against them.  
3. That considering, that all just power and Authority in this Nation, which is not immediately derived from the people, can be derived only from this honourable House; and that the People are perpetually subject to Tyranny, when the Jurisdiction of Courts, and the power and Authority of Officers are not clearly described, and their bounds and limits 
(i) See your Remonstrance of the State of the Kingdom, book Dec. p. 6. 8 15. See also the act made this Parliament, that abolished the Star-chamber and High-Commission.  prefixed: That therefore the Jurisdiction of every Court of Judicature, and the power of every Officer or Minister of Justice, with their bounds and limits, be forthwith declared by this Honourable House, and that it be enacted, that the Judges of every Court, which shall exceed its jurisdiction, and every other Officer or Minister of Justice, which shall intermeddle with matters not coming under his Cognisance, shall incur the forfeiture of his and their whole estates: and likewise, That all unnecessary Courts may be forthwith abolished; and that the public Treasury, out of which the Officers solely aught to be maintained, 
(k) See the statute of Westminst. 1. made 3 Ed. 1 chap. 26. & 20 Ed. 3.1. and the Judge's Oath made in the 18. of Ed. 3. Ann. 1334. recorded in Pul●ons collections of Statutes, fol. 144.  may be put to the less charge.  
4. That whereas there are multitudes of complaints of Oppression by Committees of this House, determining particular matters, which properly appertains to the cognizance of the Ordinary Courts 
(l) See the 29. c. of Mag. Charta, & Sir Ed. Cooks Exposition upon it in his 2 part Instit. f. 46. to 57 and the Petit. of Right.  of Justice; and whereas many persons of faithful and public spirits have been and are daily molested, vexed, imprisoned by such Committees, sometimes for not answering Interrogatories, and sometimes for other matters, which are not in Law criminal; and also without any legal Warrants expressing the cause, and commanding the Jailor safely to keep their bodies until they be delivered by due course 
(m) See the Petition of Right made in the 3 of the King, and Sir Edward Cooks 2 part Institutes. f. 52. 53. 315. 589. 590. 591. 615. 616. and 661.  of Law: And by these oppressions the persons and estates of many are wasted and destroyed; That therefore henceforth no particular cause, whether criminal or other, which comes under the cognizance of the Ordinary Courts of Justice, may be determined by this House, or any Commit thereof, or any other then by those Courts whose duty it is to execute such Laws as this Honourable House shall make, and who are to be censured by this House in case of injustice: Always excepted, matters relating to the late War, for indemnity for our assisters; and the exact observation of all Articles granted to the adverse 
(n) See Psa: 15.4. Exod. 5.3. Deu. 23.21.22. 2 Sam. 21.5, 6. Eccl: 5.4, 5.  Party; and that henceforth no person be molested or imprisoned by the will or arbitrary powers of any or for such matters as are not crimes 
(o) See Rom. 4.15  according to Law. And that all persons imprisoned at present for any such matters, or without such legal Warrants as abovesaid, upon what pretence, or by what Authority soever may be forthwith released, with due reparations. See the Army's Book ofDeclar. pag. 11 31. 32. 33. 34 45. 97.  
5. That considering its a Badge of our slavery to a Norman Conqueror, to have our Laws in the French Tongue; and it is little less than brutish vassalage to be bound to walk by Laws which the people 
(p) See 36. E. 3. 15 & 1 Cor. 14.7, 8, 11, 16, 19, 23. See also the English Chronicles, in the Reign of Wil conqueror  cannot know, that therefore all the Laws and Customs of this Realm be immediately written in our mother-Tongue 
(q) See Exo 24.7. & 31.18. & chap. 34. & Deut. 30.12, 13, 14. & 5.1, 5, 24, 27, 31. and 6.1, 6, 7, 8. and 9.10. and 11.18, 19.20. and 27.8.  without any abbreviations of words, and in the most known vulgar hand, viz. Roman or Secretary; and that Writs, Processes, and Enrolments be issued forth, entered, or enrolled in English, and such manner of writing as aforesaid.  
6. That seeing in Magna Charta, which is our native Right, it is pronounced in the name of all Courts, That we will sell to no man, we will not deny, or defer to do any man either Justice or Right: notwithstanding we can obtain no Justice, or Right, neither from the common ordinary Courts, or Judges, nor yet from your own Committees, though it be in case of indemnity for serving you, without paying a dear price for it; that therefore our native 
(r) See Sir Edward Cook in his 1 part. Inst. l. 3. c. 13. Sect. 701. fol 368. Where he positively declares it was the native and ancient rights of all Englishmen, both by the Statutes and common Law of England, to pay no Fees at all to any administrators of Justice whatsoever. See also 2 part Inst. f. 74, 176, 209, 210, and 176. And he there gives this reason why Judges should take no Fees of any man for doing his Office, because he should be free and at liberty to do justice, and not to be fettered with golden Fees, as setters to the subversion or suppression of truth and Justice.  Right be restored to us, which is now also the price of our blood; that in any Court whatsoever, no moneys be extorted from us, under pretence of Fees to the Officers of the Courts or otherwise; And that for this end sufficient salaries or pensions be allowed to the Judges, and Officers of Courts, as was of old out of the common Treasury, that they may maintain their Clerks and servants, and keep their Oaths uprightly, wherein they swear to take no Money or , or other Rewards, except meat and drink in a small quantity, besides what is allowed them by the King: and this we may with the more confidence claim as our Right, seeing this honourable House hath declared, in case of Ship-money, and in the case of the Bishop's Canons, that not one penny by any power whatsoever, could be levied upon the people, without common consent in Parliament, and sure we are that the Fees now exacted by Judges and Clerks, and Jailers, and all kind of Ministers of Justice, are not settled upon them by Act of Parliament, and therefore by your own declared principles, destructive to our property; 
(s) See the Articles of high Treason in our Chronicles against Judge Tresilian, in Richard the seconds time; and the judgement of justice Thorpe for taking money in Edward the Third● time, 3 part Cooks Instit. fol. 145, 146, 147: 163: 164: 165.  therefore we desire it may be enacted to be death for any Judge, Officer, or minister of Justice, from the highest to the lowest, to exact the least moneys, or the worth of moneys, from any person whatsoever, more than his pension or salary, allowed from the common Treasury. And that no Judge of any Court may continue above three years.  
7. That whereas according to your own complaint in your first Remonstrance of the 
(t) See 1 part Book Dec. p. 9  state of the Kingdom, occasion is given to bribery, extortion, and partiality, by reason that Judicial places, and other Offices of power and Trust are sold and bought; that therefore for prevention of all injustice, it be forthwith Enacted, to be death for any person or persons whatsoever, directly or indirectly, to bay, or sell, or offer or receive moneys or rewards, to procure for themselves or others any Office of power or Trust whatsoever: See for this purpose 12 R 2. c. 2. & 5. & 6 Ed 6. c. 16. & 1 part Cooks Institutes, fol. 3●6. & fol. 233 b. and 234 a.  
8. Whereas according to Justice and the equitable sense of the Law, Goals, and Prisons ought to be only used as places of safe custody, until the constant appointed time of speedy trials 
(u) See Sir Ed. Cook 1 part Instit. l. 3. c. 7. sect. 438. fol. 260. a. who expressly saith, Imprisonment must be a safe custody, not a punishment; and that a prison ought to be for keeping men safe, not to punish them. See also 2 part Institut. f 43. 315. 589. 590. 591. & 3. part fol. 3●, 35. & 4 part 168. ; and now they are made places of torment and the punishment of supposed offenders, they being detained many years without any Legal trials; that therefore it be Enacted, that henceforth not supposed offender whatsoever may be denied his Legal trial at the first Sessions, Assizes, or Gaol-delivery, after his commitment 
(w) See the Statute of the 4 E. 3, 2. 12 R. 2. 10.  and that at such trial, every such supposed offender, be either condemned or acquitted.  
9 Whereas Monopolies of all kinds have been declared by this Honourable House, to be against the fundamental Laws of the Land, and all such restrictions of Trade, do in the consequence destroy not only Liberty but property; that therefore all Monopolies whatsoever, and in particular that oppressive Company of Merchant-Adventurers be forthwith abolished, and a free Trade restored; and that all Monopolizers may give good reparation to the Commonwealth, and to particular parties who have been damnified by them, and to be made incapable of bearing any Office of power or trust in the Nation; and that the Votes of this House Novemb. 19 1640. against their sitting therein, may be forthwith put in due execution.  
10. Whereas this House hath declared in the first Remonstrance of the 
(x) See 1 part Book Declar. page 14.  state of the Kingdom, that Ship-money and Monopolies which were imposed upon the people before the late War, did at least amount to 1400000 l. per annum: and whereas since then, the Taxes have been double and triple; and the Army 
(y) See the Armies last Representation to the House.  hath declared that 1300000 l. per annum would completely pay all Forces and Garrisons in the Kingdom; and the Customs could not but amount to much more than would pay the Navy: so that considering the vast sums of moneys raised by proposition-money, the fift and twentyeth part, sequest●ations, and compositions, excise, and otherwise, it is conceived much Treasure is concealed; that therefore an Order issue forth immediately from this Honourable House to every parish in the Kingdom, to deliver in without delay to some faithfu●l persons, as perfect an account as possible, of all moneys levied in such Town, City or Parish; for what use or end soever, since the beginning of the late War, and to return the several Receivers names, and that those who shall be employed by the several Parishes in every Shire or County, to carry in those accounts to some appointed place in the County, may have liberty to choose the receiver of them; and that those selected persons by the several parishes in every County or Shire, may have liberty to invest some one person in every of their respective Counties or places, with power to sit in a Committee at LONDON or elsewhere, to be the General Accomptants of the Kingdom, who shall publish their Accounts every month to the public view, and that henceforth there be only one Common Treasury, where the Books of Accounts may be kept by several persons, open to the view of all men.  
11. Whereas it hath been the ancient Liberty of this Nation, That all the Freeborn people have freely elected their Representers in Parliament, and their Sheriffs, and 
(z) 28 Edw. 1. Chap. 8. & 13. See 2 part. instit. fol 174, 175, 558, 559. where Sir Ed. Cook positively declares that in ancient times by the common Law of England, the Coroner, the high Sheriff, Justices of peace, Verderors of Forests; yea, and in times of War, the Leaders of the Counties soldiers, were chosen in full Counties by the Freeholders.  Justices of the Peace, &c and that they were abridged of that their native Liberty, by a Statute of 8th of, H. 6, 7. and the 27 H. 8th. 14. That therefore, that Birthright of all Englishmen, be forthwith restored to all which are not, or shall not be Legally disfranchised for some criminal cause, or are not under twenty one years of age, or servants, or beggars; and we humbly offer, That every County may have its equal Proportion of Representers; and that every County may have its several Divisions, in which one Representer may be chosen: and that some Representatives of every Parish proportionably may be the Electors of the Sheriffs, Justices of the Peace, Committee men, Grand-jury men, and all Ministers of Justice whatsoever in the respective Counties; and that no such Minister of Justice may continue in his Office above one whole year without a new 
(aa) It hath been a Maxim amongst the wise Legislators, that whoseover means to settle good Laws, must proceed in them with a sinister, or evil opinion of all mankind, and suppose that whosoever is not wicked, it is for want of opportunity; and that no State can be wisely confident of any public Minister continuing good, longer than the Rod is over him. It is the opportunity of being ill that must be taken away, if ever we mean to be happy; which can never be done but by frequency of change: Speeches and Passages, pag. 17.  Election.  
12. That all Statutes for all kind of Oaths, whether in Corporations, Cities or other, which ensnare conscientious people, as also all other Statutes enjoining all to hear the Book of common-Prayer, be forthwith repealed and nulled, and that nothing be imposed upon the consciences of any, to compel them to sin against their own consciences.  
13. That the too long continued shame of this Nation, viz. permission of any to suffer such poverty as to beg their bread, may be forthwith effectually remedied; and to that purpose, that the poor be enabled to choose their trusties to discover all Stocks, Houses, Lands, etc. which of right belong to them and their use, that they may speedily receive the benefit thereof, and that some good improvement may be made of waste Grounds for their use; and that according to the promise of this Honourable House in your first Remonstrance, care be taken forthwith to advance the native commodities of this Nation, that the Poor may have better wages for their labour, and that Manufactures may be increased, and the Herring fishing upon our own Coasts may be improved for the best advantage of our own Mariners, and the whole Nation.  
14. Whereas that burdensome Tax of the Excise lies heavy only upon the poorer, and most ingenuous and industrious People, to their intolerable oppression; and that all persons of large Revenues in Lands, and  estates at usury, bear not the least proportionable weight of that burden, whereby Trade decays, and all ingenuity and industry is discouraged; That therefore that oppressive way of raising money may forthwith cease, and all moneys be raised by equal Rates, according to the proportion of men's estates.  
15. That Mr Peter Smart, Doctor Leighton, M. Ralph Grasion, M. Hen. Burton, Doctor Bastwick, M. William Prynne, Lieut. Colonel John Lilburn, the Heirs and Executors of M. Brewer, M. John Turner, and all others that suffered any cruelty, or false, illegal imprisonment, by the Starchamber, the high Commission, or Councel-board, as also M. Alderman Chambers, and all others that suffered oppression before the Parliament, for refusing to pay illegal imposts, customs or Ship-money, or yield conformity to Monopolising Patentees, may, after seven year's attendance for justice and right, forthwith by this House receive legal and just Reparations out of the Estates of all those, without exception, who occasioned, acted in, or procured their heavy sufferings, that so in future Ages men may not be totally discouraged to stand for their Liberties and Freedoms, against oppressors and Tyrants.  
16. Whereas we can fix our eyes upon no other but this Honourable House for relief in all these our pressing grievances, until we shall be enforced to despair, we therefore desire that the most exact care be had of the right Constitution thereof: And therefore we desire that all Members of this House chosen in their Nonage, may be forthwith ejected, and that all Votes for suspension of Members from this House, may be forthwith put in execution; Provided, that the House proceed either finally to expel them, that others may be elected in their stead, or they be restored to serve their Country: And likewise that all Lawyers who are Members of this House (by reason of their over-awing power over Judges of their own making) may wholly attend the People's service therein; and that every of them may be expelled the House, who shall hereafter plead any cause before any Court or Committee whatsoever during his Membersship in this House. And we do further desire, that every Member of this House may be enjoined under some great penalty, not to be absent above three days, without the express licence of this House; and not above one month, without the licence of the place by which they are betrusted: And likewise that no Law may be passed, unless two third parts of all the Members of this House be present, and that the most speedy care be had to distribute Elections equally throughout the Nation; and that the extent of the Power and Trust of this honourable House be clearly declared, with the true end and intention thereof, viz. To make just Laws, binding all alike for the preservation and equal good of all, but not to execute Laws.  
Now whereas the particular requests in our Petitions are for the most part never debated in this House, but when we are at any time rightly interpreted in our meanings and intentions, we only receive thanks for our good affections or promises, that in due time our desires shall be taken into consideration: and by such delays our distractions are daily increased, and our burdens made more heavy: therefore we desire that a Committee be forthwith appointed by this Honourable House, who may be enjoined under some penalty, to sit from day to day, until they have debated every particular of our request, and reported their sense of the justness and necessity of them to this House, that we may attend for an Answer accordingly: and that a time be fixed when such a Committee shall make their report. And we further desire the same Committee may be invested with power to hear all our other complaints, and offer suitable remedies to this Honourable House, and to bring in the Appeals of any persons from the Judges at Westminster to this Honourable House, against their injustice, bribery, or illegal delay and oppression.  
Now O ye worthy trusties! Let not your ears be any longer deaf to our importunate cries: let not our destruction be worse than that of Sodom, which was overthrown in a moment. Let us not pine away with famine, and be worse than those who die by the sword. Oh dissolve not all Government into the prime Laws of Nature, and compel us to take the natural remedy to preserve ourselves, which you have declared no people can be deprived of. 
(bb) See your Declaration of the 19 of May, 1642. 1 book Declarat. pag. 207. And your Declaration of Novemb. 1642. pag. 690. 726. 728. as also pag. 150. See the Army's book of Declarat. p. 39 40.  O remember that the righteous God standeth in the Congregation of the mighty, and judgeth among the gods, and saith, How 
(cc) Psal. 82.1, 2, 3, 4.  long will ye judge unjustly, and accept the persons of the wicked? Defend the poor and fatherless, do justice to the afflicted and needy; deliver the poor and needy, and rid them out of the hands of the wicked.  
And your Petitioners shall ever pray, etc.   
Now judge O Heavens, and give your verdict O ye sons of men, where the Treason is in this Petition, for which M. Wildman and I, as the chief prosecuters thereof deserved seven months' imprisonment as Traitors therefore: or rather doth it not declare that Cromwell and the rest of his fellow-hinderers of the promotion and accomplishment of the just things therein contained (the establishing of which would have, in the eye of reason, prevented all the late Wars, and all the desperate hazards that were run thereby) are as grand enemies to the Liberties and Freedoms of England, as any of those ever were whom they have destroyed, and as grand Traitors to their trust as ever pissed against a wall, merely, solely and only seeking themselves, and their own tyrannical domination by all their actions, their pretences being but mere stalking-horses thereto; as most clearly appears by CROMWEL'S own Major's Impeachment of him to the Parliament, the copy of which thus follows.  

Sundry REASONS inducing Major ROBERT HUNTINGTON to lay down his Commission, Humbly presented to the Honourable Houses of PARLIAMENT, 2 August, 1648.  
HAving taken up Arms in defence of the Authority and Power of King and Parliament under the command of the Lord Grey of Work, and the Earl of Manchester, during their several employments with the Forces of the Eastern Association; and at the modelling of this Army under the present Lord General, having been appointed by the honourable Houses of Parliament, Major to the now Regiment of Lieutenant General Cromwell, in each of which employments I have served constantly and faithfully, answerable to the trust reposed in me. And having lately quit the said employment, and laid down my Commission, I hold myself tied both in duty and conscience to render the true reason thereof; which in the general is briefly this; Because the Principles, Designs, and Actions of those Officers, which have a great influence upon the Army, are (as I conceive) very repugnant and destructive to the honour and safety of Parliament and Kingdom, from whom they derive their Authority. The particulars whereof being a Breviate of my sad Observations, will appear by the following Narrative.  
First, That upon the Orders of Parliament for disbanding this Army, Li. Gen. Cromwell and Commissary General Ireton were sent Commissioners to Walden, to reduce the Army to their obedience, but more especially, in Order to the present supply of forces for the service of Ireland: But they, contrary to the trust reposed in them, very much hindered that service, not only by discountenancing those that were obedient and willing, but also by giving encouragement to the unwilling and disobedient; declaring, that there had been much cruelty and injustice in the Parliaments proceed against them (meaning the Army) and Commissary General Ireton in further pursuance thereof, FRAMED THOSE PAPERS AND WRITINGS THAN SCENT FROM THE ARMY TO THE PARLIAMENT AND KINGDOM, saying also to the Agitators, that it was lawful and fit for us to deny disbanding, till we had received equal and just satisfaction for our past service; lieutenant-general Cromwell further adding. That we were in a double capacity, as Soldiers, and as Commoners; and having our pay as Soldiers, we have something else to stand upon as Commoners. And when upon the Rendezvouz at TRIPPLE-HEATH the Commissioners of Parliament, according to their Orders, acquainted every Regiment with what the Parliament had already done, and would further do in Order to the desires of the Army, the Soldiery being before prepared, and notwithstanding any thing could be said or offered to them by the Commissioners, they still cried out for Justice, Justice.  
And for the effecting of their further purposes, advice was given by Lieutenant General Cromwell, and Commissary General Ireton, to remove the King's Person from Holdenby, or to secure him there by other Guards then those appointed by the Commissioners of Parliament, which was thought most fit to be carried on by the private soldiery of the Army, and promoted by the Agitators of each Regiment, whose first business was to secure the Garrison of Oxon, with the Guns and Ammunition there, from thence to march to Holdenby in prosecution of the former advice, which was accordingly acted by Cornet Joyce; who when he had done the business, sent a Letter to the General then at Kyton, acquainting his Excellency that the King was on his march towards Newmarket: The General being troubled thereat, told Commissary General Ireton that he did not like it, demanding withal who gave those Orders; He replied, that he gave Orders only for securing the King there, and not for taking him away from thence; lieutenant-general Cromwell coming then from London, said that if this had not been done, the King would have been 〈◊〉 away by the Order of the Parliament, or else Colonel Graves by the advice of the Commissioners would have carried him to London, throwing themselves upon the favour of Parliament for that Service. The same day Cornet Joyce being told that the General was displeased with him for bringing the King from Holdenby, he answered, that Lieut. Gen. Cromwell had given him Orders at London 
[a] And I John Lilburn have heard from very good hands [I will not now say, from the Cornets own month] that it was delivered to to him in Cromwel's own Garden in Drury-lane, Colonel Charles Fleetwood being by.  to do what he had done, both there and at Oxford.  
The person of the King 
b] And yet see the General's Letter from Cambridge of 6 June 1647, of the King's providential or accidental coming to them without the privity of him, or any of his Officers, Army's book of Declarat. p. 22.  being now in the power of the Army, the business of Lieutenan-Generall Cromwell was to court his Majesty (both by Members of the Army, and several Gentlemen formerly in the King's Service) into a good opinion and belief of the proceed of the Army, as also into a disaffection and dislike of the proceed of Parliament, pretending to show, that his Majesty's Interest would far better suit with the Principles of Independency, then of Presbytery: And when the King did allege (as many times he did) That the power of Parliament was the Power by which we fought, lieutenant-general CROMWELL would reply, That WE WERE NOT ONLY SOLDIERS, BUT COMMONERS, promising that the Army would be for the King in the Settlement of his whole Business, if the King and his party would sit still, and not declare nor act against the Army, but give them leave only to manage the present business in hand.  
That when the King was at New-market, the Parliament thought fit to send to his Majesty, humbly desiring, that in Order to his safety, and their addresses for a speedy settlement, he would be pleased to come to Richmond; contrary hereunto resolution was taken by the aforesaid Officers of the Army. That if the King could not be diverted by persuasion (to which his Majesty was very opposite) that then they would stop him by force at Royston, where his Majesty was to lodge the first night, keeping accordingly continual Guards upon him, against any power that should be sent by Order of Parliament to take him from us: And to this purpose outguards were also kept to preserve his escape from us, with the Commissioners, of whom we had special Orders given to be careful; for that they did daily show dislike to the present proceed of the Army against the Parliament, and that the King was most conversant and private in discourse with them; His Majesty saying, that if any man should hinder his going (now his Houses had desired him upon his late Message of the 12 of May 1647.) it should be done by force, and by laying hold on his Bridle, Which if any were so bold to do, he would endeavour to make it his last. But contrary to his Majesty's expectation, the next morning, when the King and the Officers of the Army were putting this to an issue, came the Votes of both Houses to the King, of their compliance with that which the Army formerly desired: After his Majesty did incline to hearken to the desires of the Army, and not before: Whereupon at Caversham, the King was continually solicited by Messengers from Lieutenant-General CROMWELL, and Commissary-General IRETON, proffering any thing his Majesty should desire, as Revenues, Chaplains, Wife, children, servants of his own; visitation of Friends 
[c] Sir Edw. Ford a professed Papist, and one that had broken prison out of the Tower of London, was at that time Iretons constant bedfellow, at whose lodging constant royal Cabals was held; and yet at the same time Ireton, etc. impeached Hollis and Stapleton for high Treason, for private correspondence with the King. Army's Book of Declar. pag. 81, 82, 83. , access of Letters, and (by Commissary-General Ireton) that his Negative Voice should not be meddled withal, and that had he convinced those that reasoned against it at the Genarall-councell of the Army, as also all this they would do, that His Majesty might the better see into all our Actions, and know our principles, which lead us to give him all those things out of Conscience; For that we were not a people hating His Majesty's person, or Monarchical 
[d] Yet read Iretons &c. Remonstrance from St. Alban, and you shall find the quite contrary; yea, and that the things here they plead for, they there condemn as the highest Treason; as evidently there appears, pag. 15, 16. 17: 22, 23, 24: 32: 48: 50: 62.  Government; but that we like it as the best, and that by this King; saying also, That they did hold it a very unreasonable thing for the Parliament to abridge him of them, often promising, That if his Majesty will sit still and not act against them, They would in the first place restore him to all these, and upon the settlement of our own just rights and Liberties make him the most glorious Prince in Christendom; That to this purpose for a settlement they were making several Proposals to be offered to the Commissioners of Parliament then sent down to the Army, which should be as bounds for our party, as to the King's business; and that his Majesty should have liberty to get as much of those abated as be could, for that many things therein were proposed only to give satisfaction to others which were our friends, promising the King that at the same time the Commissioners of Parliament should see the Proposals, His Majesty should have a copy of them also, pretending to carry a very equal hand between King and Parliament, in order to the settlement of the Kingdom by him, which besides their own Judgement and conscience, they did see a necessity of it, as to the people: Commissary General Ireton further saying. That what was offered in these Proposals, should be so just and reasonable, That if there were but six men in the Kingdom that would fight to make them good, he would make the seventh, against any power that should oppose them.  
The Headquarters being removed from Reading to Redford, His Majesty to Wo●or●●, the Proposals were given to me by Commissary General Ireton, to present to the King; which his Majesty having read told me, be would never treat with the Army or Parliament upon those Proposals, as he was then minded: But the next day his Majesty understanding that a force was put upon his Houses of Parliament by a tumult, sent for me again and said unto me, Go along with Sir john Barkley to the General and Lieutenant General, and tell them, that to avoid a new war, I will now treat with them up on their Proposals, or on any thing else in Order to a Peace, only let me be saved in honour and conscience: Sir john Barkley falling sick by the way, I delivered this Message to Lieutenant General CROMWELL and Commissary General Ireton, who advised me not to acquaint the General with it, till ten or twelve Officers of the Army were met together at the Genenerals' Quarters, and then they would bethink themselves of some persons to be sent to the King about it; And accordingly Commissary General Ireton, Colonel 
(e) Who, I am sure daubed & juggled not as the others did, but spoke his mind freely; for in the tower he gave me I. Lilburun a full account of that business, yea and sufficiently then told Sir I. Maynard, Commissary Coply etc. of Iretons, etc. Base juggling and underhand dealing, daubing, and dissembling with the King.  Rainsborough, Colonel Hamond, and Col Rich, attended the King at Woborne for three hours together, debating the whole business with the King upon the Proposals; upon which debate, many of the most material things the King disliked were afterwards struck out, and many other things much abated by promises, whereupon his Majesty was pretty well satisfied.  
Within a day or two after his Majesty removed to Stoke, and there calling for me, told me he feared an Engagement between the City and the Army; saying, he had not time to write any thing under his hand, but would send it to the General after me, commanding me to tell Commissary General Ireton, with whom he had formerly treated upon the Proposals, that he would wholly throw himself upon us, and trust us for a settlement of the Kingdom as he had promised; saying, if we proved honest men, we should (without question) make the Kingdom happy, and save much shedding of blood. This Message from His Majesty, I delivered to Commissary General Ireton at Colebrook, who seemed to receive it with joy, saying, That we should be the veriest Knaves that ever lived, if in every thing we made not good what ever we had promised, because the King by his not declaring against us, had given us great advantage against our Adversaries.  
After our marching throug London with the Army, his Majesty being at Hampton Court, Lieutenant General Cromwell, and Commissary General Ireton, sent the King word several times, that the reason why they made no more haste in business, was because that party which did then sit in the House while Pelham was Speaker, did much obstruct the business, so that they could not carry it on at present. The Lieutenant General often saying, Really they should be pulled out by the ears, and to that purpose caused a Regiment of Horse to Rendezvouz at Hyde-park to have put that in execution as he himself expressed, had it not been carried by Vote in the House that day as he desired: The day before, the Parliament Voted once more the sending of the Propositions of both Kingdoms to the King by the Commissioners of each Kingdom at Hampton Court. Commissary General Ireton bade me tell the King, that such a thing was to be done to morrow in the House, but his Majesty need not to be troubled at it, for they intended it to no other end but to make good some promises of the Parliament, which the Nation of Scotland expected performance of: and that it was not expected or desired his Majesty should either Sign them or Treat upon them, for which there should be no advantage taken against the King. Upon the delivery of which Message, His Majesty replied, he knew not what Answer to give to please all without a Treaty. Next day after this Vote passed, the Lieutenant General asked me thereupon, If the King did not wonder at these Votes; I told him no: For that Commissary General Ireton, had sent such a Message by me the day before the Vote passed, to signify the reason of it: The lieutenant-general replied, that really it was the truth, and that we (speaking of the Parliament) intended nothing else by it, but to satisfy the Scots, which otherwise might be troublesome. And the Lieutenant General, and Com. Gen. Ireton enquiring after His Majesty's Answer to the Propositions, and what it would be, 
Nota bene.  it was showed them both privately in a Garden-house in Putney, and in some part amended to their own mind.  
But before this, the King doubting what answer to give, sent me to Lieutenant General Cromwell, as unsatisfied with the Proceed of the Army, fearing they intended not to make good what they had promised: and the rather because his Majesty understood that Lieutenant General Cromwell, and Commissary General Ireton, agreed with the rest of the House in some late Votes that opposed the Proposals of the Army, that they severally replied, that they would not have his Majesty mistrust them, for that since the House would go so high, they only concurred with them, that their unreasonableness might the better appear to the Kingdom; And the Lieutenant General bade me further assure the King, that if the Army remained an Army, his Majesty should trust the Proposals with what was promised to be the worst of his conditions which should be made for him; and then striking his hand on his breast (in his Chamber at Putney,) bade me tell the King he might rest confident and assured of it; and many times the same Message hath been sent to the King from them both, but with this addition from Commissary General Ireton, that they would purge and purge, and never leave purging the Houses, till they had made them of such a temper as should do his Majesty's business. And rather than they would fall short of what was promised, he would join with French, Spaniard, Cavalier or any that would force them to it. Upon the delivery of which Message the King made Answer, that if they do, they would do more than he durst do. After this the delay of the settlement of the Kingdom was excused upon the Commotions of Colonel Martin, and Colonel Rainsborough with their adherents; the Lieutenant General saying, That speedy course must be taken for putting them out of the House and Army, because they were now putting the Army into a Mutiny, by having hand in publishing several Printed Papers, calling themselves the Agents of five Regiments, and the Agreement of the People, although some men had encouragement from Lieutenant General Cromwell, for the prosecution of those 
(f) See Putneys projects and the 2 part of England's new Chains discovered, pag. 6.  Papers; and he being further pressed to show himself in it, he desired to be excused at the present, for that he might show himself hereafter for their better advantage, though in the Company of those men which were of different judgements he would often say, that these People were a giddyheaded Party, and that there was no trust nor truth in them; and to that purpose wrote a Letter to Colonel Whaley that day the King went from Hampton Court, intimating doubtfully that His MAJESTY'S PERSON was in danger by them, and that he should keep an Out-guard to prevent them; which Letter was presently showed to the King by Col. 
* The design of which letter was twofold: 1. Under pretence of real good to the King, whom they now desired to be rid of, as having made all the use of him they could (being the Scots had bid more for him then they would give) to get him into a new snare: which in my judgement they plainly confess in their late Remonstrance of 16 Nou. 1649. pag. 53. The second was, To destroy the new nicknamed Levellers for a generation of bloody men, that sought to murder the King, who stood also in the way of their intended tyrannical Reign; which was a main invention of Cromwel's own brain, with the base assistance of my Brother Henry Lilburn, as I long since truly declared in two of my Books, viz. The People's Prerogative. pag. 52. And A Plea for an Habeas Corpus, pag. 12. See also The second part of England's Chains, pag. 6.  Whaley.  
That about six days after, when it was fully known by the Parliament and Army, that the King was in the Isle of Wight, Commissary General Ireton standing by the fireside in his Quarters at Kingston, and some speaking of an agreement likely to be made between the King and Parliament, now the Person of the King was out of the power of the Army: Commissary Gen. Ireton replied with a discontented countenance, that he hoped it would be such a Peace, as we might with a good conscience fight against them both. Thus they who at the first taking the King from Holdenby into the power of the Army, cried down Presbyterian Government, the proceed of this present Parliament, and their perpetuity, and in stead thereof held forth an earnest inclination to a moderate Episcopacy, with a new election of Members to sit in Parliament for the speedy settlement of the Kingdom; and afterwards when the Eleven Members had left the House, and marched thorough London with the Army, the seven Lords impeached, the four Aldermen of London committed to the Tower, and other Citizens committed also; then again they cried up Presbyterian Government, the perpetuity 
* See their notable reasons and height of expressed zeal for frequent and successive Parliaments, in their book of Decl. pag. 41. 42. 43. 44 129. 142. and in the first of their Proposals dated August 1. 1647. they six upon the certain period of a year for ending this Parliament: yea, and in their last Declaration from St. Albon, in pag. 45. 46. complain most bitterly against a perpetual Parliament, and the ill constitution of this by Burrough-towns, &c yea also in pag. 65 ibidem propose and earnestly press again for fixing a certain period to the dissolution of this; and also in pag. 15. 52. 66. 67. propose many excellent things for the future constitution of sure and often successive Parliaments: See my inferences upon all their &c. premises upon this subject in my last book of the 8 of June 1649. from p. 43. to p. 59 Yea, and in their first article accuse the King of treason & tyranny in not keeping of frequent & successive Parliaments. See also his case stated, p 7, 11, 14, 17, 18 20. See bradshaw's Speech against him at his trial, Jan 27 1648. p. 11.  of this present Parliament. Lieutenant Gen. Cromwell further pleasing himself with the great Sums of money which were in arrear from each County to the Army; and the Tax of sixty thousand pound per Month for our maintenance; Now, saith he, we may be, for aught I know, an Army so long as we live; and since the sending forth the Orders of Parliament for the calling their Members together, Lieutenant Gen. Cromwell perceiving the Houses will not answer his expectation, he is now a gain uttering words, persuading the hearers to a prejudice against the proceed of Parliament, again crying down Presbyterian Government, setting up a single Interest, which he calls an honest Interest, and that we have done ill in forsaking it: to this purpose it was lately thought fit to put the Army upon the choosing new Agitators, and to draw forth of the House of Parliament 60 or 70 of the Members thereof, much agreeing with his words he spoke formerly in his Chamber at Kingston, saying, What sway STAPLETON and HOLLIS had heretofore in the Kingdom! and he knew nothing to the contrary, but that he was as well able to govern the Kingdom as either of them; so that in all his discourse nothing more appeareth but his seeking after the Government of King, Parliament, City, and Kingdom; for the effecting whereof, he thought it necessary, and delivereth it as his judgement, that a considerable Party of the chief Citizens of London, and some of every County, be clapped up in Castles and Garrisons, for the more quiet and submissive carriage of every place to which they belong. Further saying, that from the rising of the late Tumult in London, there should be an occasion taken to hang the Recorder and Aldermen of London then in the Tower; that the City might see, the more they did stir in opposition, the more they should suffer: adding, That the City must first be made an example. And since that Lieutenant Gen. Cromwell was sent down from the Parliament for the reducing of the Army to their obedience, he hath most frequently in public and private, delivered these ensuing heads as his Principles, from whence all the foregoing particulars have ensued, being fully confirmed, as I humbly conceive, by his practice in the transaction of his last years business.  
1. That every single man is Judge of just and right, as to the good and ill of a Kingdom.  
2. That the Interest of honest men is the Interest of the Kingdom. And those only are deemed honest men by him, that are conformable to his judgement and practice: Which may appear in many particulars. To instance but one, in the choice of Colonel Rainsborow to be Vice-Admiral; Lieutenant General CROMWELL being asked how he could trust a man whose Interest was so directly opposite to what he had professed, and to one whom he had lately aimed to remove from all places of Trust: He answered, That he had now received particular assurance from Col. RAYNSBOROW, as great as could be given by man, that he would be conformable to the judgement and discretion of Himself and Commissary Gen. IRETON, for the managing of the whole business at Sea.  
3. That it is lawful to pass through any forms of Government, for the accomplishing of his end; and therefore either to purge the Houses, and support the remaining Party by force everlastingly: Or to put a period to them by force, is very lawful, and suitable to the Interest of honest men.  
4. THAT IT IS LAWFUL TO PLAY THE KNAVE WITH A 
* Nay, I john Lilburn am confident, from the whole series of his actions, to prove, that he holds it lawful for a man to commit any manner of wickedness and baseness whatsoever that can be named under the sun for the accomplishment of a man's proposed end, whether in itself it be wicked or righteous; yea to cheat, break faith with, and murder the nighest Relations a man can converse with; yea, and for that end only, to raise Wars upon Wars, to the devastation of Kingdoms and Nations; the people's lives really and truly being of no more value with him, than so many dead dogs, serving him for no other end, but to be his footsteps to climb up to the top of his Authority, or Elective Knighthood.  KNAVE.  
These Gentlemen aforesaid in the Army thus principled, and as by many other circumstances may appear, acting accordingly, give too much cause to believe, that the success which may be obtained by the Army (except timely prevented by the wisdom of the Parliament) will be made use of to the destroying of all that Power for which we first engaged, and having (for above these twelve months passed) sadly and with much reluctancy observed these several passages, yet we have some hopes that at length there hereunto, knowing that Resolutions were taken up, that in case the Power of Parliament cannot be gained to countenance their Designs, then to proceed without it; I therefore chose to quit myself of my Command, wherein I have served the Parliament for these five years last passed, and put myself upon the greatest hazards by discovering these Truths; rather then by hopes of gain with troubled mind, continue an assistant or abettors of such as give affronts to the Parliament and Kingdom by abusing of their Power and Authority, to carry on their particular Designs. Against whom (in the midst of danger) I shall ever avow the truth of this Narrative: and myself to be a constant, faithful and obedient Servant to the Parliament of England.  
Robert Huntingdon. August 2. 1648.   
Courteous Reader,  
Before these REASONS of Major Huntington's, just after the end of the foregoing Petition, in pag. 53. should have followed the Copy of another, very pertinent to the illustration of Cromwel's and his creatures malice at the Liberties of England: But in regard it was forgot, take it here; and it thus followeth.  

To the Honourable the chosen and betrusted Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses assembled in PARLIAMENT: The humble Petition of divers well-affected Freeborn people of England, inhabiting in and about East-Smithfield and Wapping, and other parts adjacent:  
SHOWETH,  
THat as this honourable House was chosen by the people to redness their grievances; so we conceive it our native right to meet together to frame and promote Petitions, for your better information of all such things as are by experience found burdensome and grievous to the Commonwealth, That accordingly this honourable House hath declared, that it ought to receive Petitions, though against things established by Law: That in the use of this our native acknowledged right we (together with Lieutenant Col. John Lilburn, and Mr John Wildman) were met together in East-Smithfield upon the 17 of January last, and discoursed upon these ensuing particulars, viz. Some scrupled the very petitioning this House any more, as a thing from whence (notwithstanding their having hazarded their lives for their Freedoms) they had hither to received nothing but reproaches and injuries, and were answered (by one of the persons beforenamed to this effect. That it was their duty always, and their wisdom, in this juncture of time, to use their utmost diligence to procure the settlement of the Commonwealth; and that war, famine, and confusion could not other way in probability be prevented. And it was generally concluded, that the most visible interest of the people was, to uphold the Honour of this House, and to preserve it from contempt.  
2. There was likewise an occasional Discourse about the Right of the Lords to the Law-giving power; And herein was debated the danger of such an Arbitrary authority (as that is in its own nature) residing in any persons during life, and much more of its descending as an inheritance from Generation to Generation, and something was added from our sad experience of the mischiefs which have ensued hereupon: In particular, it was declared, how their exercise of that claim might be charged in reason with all the precious blood that hath been spilt in the late War, because the King had never had opportunity to Levy an Army against the people and Parliament, if the Lords had not deferred so long after many solicitations by the Commons to pass the Ordinance for settling the Militia.  
3. It was also accidentally wondered at, why LIEUTENANT GENERAL CROMWELL, and COMMISSARY GENERAL IRETON, should now of late urge, That no more addresses should be made to the King, whereas they have formerly pleaded, that he might be brought in even with his negative voice. Whereupon Lieutenant Colonel Lilburn related a story, That a member of the House of Commons (having information from a credible person, That the King had promised Lieutenant Gen. Cromwell, a blue Ribbond with a George, and the Earldom of Essex, besides other places of honour and profit to his Son, Commissary Gen. Ireton resolved) to become another Felton, rather than to suffer his Country to be so betrayed: But the Gentleman being dissuaded by Friends, and intelligence hereof being sent to the Lieutenant General, a Fast ensued at the Head quarter's ', and so he concurred with the House in the late Vote against the King. Nevertheless, in Mr. Wildmans' opinion, he was necessitated into such a Turn, because THE SCOTS having bid HIGHER for the King than he had done, his offer was rejected, and they relied on.  
4. Some consideration was had about proportionable assistances towards the charge of printing our Petitions.  
5. It being among other things enquired, whether there were any truth in this rumour, That the Lords had sent to Lieutenant Colonel Lilburne, and offered him 3000 l. to desist in the large Petition now abroad. The Lieutenant Col. answered, That it was a false groundless report, and that he knew no occasion for it, unless it were because a Lord had sent to him, to tell him, he would send him a token of his love, if he thought it would be accepted. To which he answered, That he would not be engaged to any Patentee Lord, and some other words to that effect.  
6. There was a relation made by a person, that some poor people in THE COUNTRY did meet together in Companies, and did violently take away the Corn as it was going to Market, saying that it was their great necessity caused them so to do: whereupon, we fearing lest the calamity might be more general, did ask how we should best preserve ourselves in case of such Tumults, because we bore the names of Round heads, INDEPENDENTS, etc. for adhering to the Parliament? and we satisfied by Lieutenant-Colonel Lilburn to this purpose. Friends, The only way for you to be secured is to promote this Petition to the House, that so when the people come to be informed (by the Petition) of your real intentions to the common good of the whole Nation, as well as to your own, you will be thereby safer than those which have blue Ribbons in their hats, that being the General's Colours, and the modern badge of Protection.  
7. It was lastly delivered as from a good hand, That some LORDS were willing their Law giving power should not descend as an Inheritance to their Posterity, and that they were willing to part with their Privilege of freedom from arrests.  
This being the sum and principal matter of what passed at the aforesaid meeting, as we are ready to attest upon our oaths, if we shall be thereunto called; And understanding that our said dear Friends, Lieutenant Colonel John Lilburn, and Master john Wildman (who are therefore dear to us because they have manifested themselves faithful to the Public) stand committed by this House, in relation to the said Meeting as Treasonable and seditious practisers against the State. We cannot but be extremely troubled, not only in regard of their particular sufferings and our own equal concernment, especially upon the consequence thereof, as tending in a great measure to the disinfranchisement of the Nation, from whom the Liberty of complaining must then be taken away, when most cause is given them to complain.  
Wherefore your Petitioners do most humbly pray, That Lieutenant Colonel Lilburn, and Master john Wildman, may be forthwith enlarged, ourselves secured, and with the test of our Countrymen encouraged in a peaceable manner, to make their addresses to this Honourable House, and to render fruitless the practices of all such as under any coat shall seek to sow discord between you and yours.  
And your Petitioners shall pray, etc. 

james Words  
Roger Sawyer.  
Henry Giding.  
Tho. Chapman.  
Valent. Elsign.  
Dennis Liddall  
George Brown.  
Edward Pardo.  
Tho. Goddad.  
Tho. Culles.  
Tho. William's  
john Merihust.  
Mich. Reeve.  
john North.  
john Wells.  
Ed. Floyd.  
Rob. Bagesse.  
john Sowden.  
Rob. Levite.  
Andrew Dedman.     
This Petition thus subscribed was (as I remember) delivered to the House of Commons the very same week Master Wildman and myself was first imprisoned as Traitors in reference to the foresaid Petition; but this Petition was to no purpose nor took no effect; which rightly weighed, is a clear demonstration we were not imprisoned for miscarriage in managing the Petition, but merely and barely out of malice and hatred at us for promoting zealously a Petition that tended effectually to the ease of the People of their grievances, and make us really Freemen; and therefore from hence etc. And let all unbiased people judge whether Cromwell and his Associates, or myself and those he hath nicknamed Levellers, be the real Traitors, disturbers of the peace, and the malicious and wicked hinderers of the Settlers of their Freedoms; but to fill up this sheet and so to conclude, I shall because I often use it, here insert the Charge against the King, which thus followeth,  

The CHARGE of the Commons of England, against CHARLES STVART King of England, Of high Treason, and other high Crimes, exhibited to the High Court of Justice, Saturday the 20 of January, 1648.  
The Court being sat, and the prisoner at the Bar, M. Cook Solicitor General, spoke thus; My Lord, In behalf of the Commons of England, and of all the people thereof, I do accuse Charles Stuart, here present, of High Treason, and high Misdemeanours: And I do, in the name of the Commons of England, desire the Charge may be read unto Him. Which the Clerk then read, as followeth,  
THat the said CHARLES STUART being 
* Then his induction is better than theirs, that come in by absolute conquest, and now govern us by the sword, as slaves.  admitted King of England, and therein trusted with a limited Power to govern by, and according to the Laws of the 
† But H. Peter's saith there is now no Law, but the sword and the will and pleasure of those that now rule by it. See his discourse with me, 25. May, 1649. p. 4. 5.  Land, and not otherwise; And by his Trust, Oath, and Office, being obliged to use the power committed to him for the good and benefit of the People, and for the preservation of their Rights and Liberties: Yet nevertheless, out of a wicked Design, to erect, and uphold in himself an unlimited and tyrannical power, to rule according to his 
‖ Cromwel's, and the rest of the great sword-men's constant practice.  will, and to overthrow the Rights and Liberties of the People; Yea, to take away, and make void the foundations thereof, and of all redress and remedy of misgovernment, which by the fundamental Constitutions of this Kingdom were reserved on the people's behalf, in the right and power of frequent and successive Parliaments, or National meetings in Council: He the said Charles Stuart, for accomplishing such his Designs, and for the protecting of himself and his adherents, in His and Their wicked practices to the same Ends, hath traitorously and maliciously levied War against the present Parliament and the People therein 
* And so, hath Cromwell and Ireton, etc. which I will prove upon my life; and therefore as traitors, aught to die much more than the King, who till now hath by Parliaments, etc. themselves been often declared not to be subject to the penal part of the Law.  Represented.  
Particularly, upon or about the 13 day of June, in the year of our Lord, 1642, at Beverly in the County of York: And upon, or about the 30 day of July in the year abovesaid, in the County of the City of York: And upon or about the 24 day of Aug. in the same year, at the County of the Town of Nottingham (when, and where he set up his Standard of war;) And also on, or about the 23 day of October, in the same year, at Edg-Hill, and Keinton-field, in the County of Warwick: And upon, or about the 13 day of Novemb. in the same year, at Brainford, in the County of Middlesex: And upon, or about the 30 day of Aug. in the year of our Lord 1643, at Cavesham-Bridg near Reading, in the County of Berks: And upon, or about the 13 day of October, in the year last mentioned, at, or near the City of Gloucester: And upon, or about the 13 day of Novemb. in the year last mentioned, at Newberry in the County of Berks; And upon, or about the 31 day of July, in the year of our Lord 1644, at Cropredy-Bridg in the County of Oxon: And upon, or about the 30 of Septemb. in the year last mentioned, at Bodmin, and other places near adjacent, in the County of Cornwall: And upon, or about the 30 day of Novemb. in the year last mentioned, at Newberry aforesaid: And upon, or about the 8 day of June, in the year of our Lord, 1645, at the Town of Leicester: And also, upon the 14 day of the same month, in the same year, at Nas●●y-field, in the County of Northampton. At which several times and places, or most of them, and at many other places in this Land, at several other times within the years aforementioned; and in the year of our Lord, 1646, He the said Charles Stuart, hath caused and procured many thousands of the free people of the Nation to be slain; and by Divisions, Parties, and Insurrections, within this Land, by invasions from foreign parts, endeavoured and procured by Him, and by many other evil ways and means, He the said CHARLES STUART, hath not only maintained and carried on the said War, both by Land and Sea, curing the years before mentioned; but also hath renewed, or ●●used to be renewed, the said War against the Parliament, and good People of this Nation in this present 
(*) Of which years war Cromwell & Ireton by their cheating, juggling & hindering the settling the liberties of the Nation, are & were more guilty of by thousands of degrees than the King or any of his party, and if they had been but honest to their primitive engagements, the wars had never been, upon whose heads alone principally all the blood shed in those wars lies, say I, john Lilburn.  year 1648. in the Counties of Kent, Essex, Surrey, Sussex, Middlesex, and many other Counties and places in England and Wales, and also by Sea; And particularly, He the said Charles Stuart, hath for that purpose, Given Commissions to his son the Prince and others, whereby, besides multitudes of other persons, many such as were by the Parliament entrusted and employed for the safety of the Nation; being by him or His Agents, corrupted; to the betraying of their Trust, & revolting from the Parliament, have had entertainment and Commission, for the continuing and renewing of war and hostility, against the said Parliament and People, as aforesaid. By which Cruel and Unnatural wars by him the said Charles Stuart, levied continued, and renewed, as aforesaid, much, Innocent blood of the 
(*) But I am sure the chief prosecutors of this charge have made us now perfect slaves, and are most superlatively 〈◊〉 of all that in the next words followeth.  Free-People of this Nation hath been spilt; many Families have been undone, the Public Treasury wasted & exhausted, Trade obstructed and miserably decayed, vast expense and damage to the Nation incurred, and many parts of the Land spoilt, some of them even to desolation.  
And for further prosecution of His said Evil designs, He, the said Charles Stuart, doth still continue His Commissions to the said Prince, and other Rebels and Revolters, both English and Foreigners; and to the Earl of Ormond, and to the Irish Rebels and Revolters, associated with him; from whom further Invasions upon this Land are threatened, upon the procurement, and on the behalf of the said Charles Stuart.  
All which wicked designs, Wars, and evil practices of him the said Charles Stuart have been, and are carried on, 
* mark this well.  for the advancing and upholding of the personal interest of Will and Power, and pretended Prerogative to Himself and His Family, against the Public Interest, Common Right, Liberty, justice, and Peace of the People of this Nation, by, and for whom he was entrusted, as aforesaid.  
By all which it appeareth, that He, the said Charles Stuart hath been, and is the Occasioner, Author, and Contriver of the said Unnatural, Cruel and Bloody Wars, and therein guilty of all the Treasons, Murders, Rapines, Burn, Spoils, Desolations, Damage and Mischief to this Nation, acted or committed in the said wars, or occassoned thereby.  
And the said john Cook by Protestation (saving on the behalf of the 
(*) Which as they carry their business, they judge to be no more but Cromwell, Ireton, Bradshaw & Haslerig, all the rest being really their slalves in several degrees  People of England, the liberty of Exhibiting at any time hereafter, any other Charge against the said CHARLES STUART; and also of replying to the Answers which the said CHARLES STUART shall make to the Premises, or any of them, or any other Charge, that shall be so exhibited) doth, for the said Treasons and Crimes, on the behalf of the said People of England, Impeach the said Charles Stuart, as a Tyrant, Traitor, Murderer, and a public, & Implacable Enemy to the Common wealth of England: And pray, That the said CAARLS STUART, King of England, may be put to answer all and every the Premises, That such Proceed, Examinations, Trials, Sentence, and Judgement may be thereupon had, as shall be agreeable to Justice.    
FINIS.