FREE TRADE. OR, THE means TO MAKE TRADE flourish.  
WHEREIN, The Causes of the Decay of Trade in this kingdom, are discovered: And the Remedies also to remove the same, are represented.  
The second Edition with some Addition.  PROPERTIVS. 
Nauita de ventis, de tauris narrat arator:  
Enumerat miles vulnera pastor oves.  
LONDON, Printed by John Legatt, for Simon Waterson, dwelling in Paules Church-yard at the sign of the crown. 1622.   

TO THE PRINCE.  
SIR,  
your HIGHNES is no less Happy to bee the son of so great a KING, then to be the heir apparent of so many kingdoms. In the one, rare endowments of majesty and Magnanimity, are Yours by generation: In the other, a royal Monarchy by inheritance and succession. The one doth fit You for the other, and Your royal FATHERS footsteps for them both. In those are peerless prints: You cannot cast Your eye, but they are present to You, and represented in You. You see in HIS Religion, Piety: in HIS Sacred Person, tranquillity: in HIS government, Policy. In every one of these, all these: and all in You. In that last, HIS majesty hath carried a quick eye, over the Commerce of this kingdom: because it hath relation both to the revenue of the crown, and the Common-wealth of all HIS kingdoms. It is said in Ezechiels Vision, that One wheel ran within the other, which hath an Emphasis in that tongue, {αβγδ} and surely matters of STATE and of TRADE, are involved and wrapped up together. Which latter, because it is at this time in agitation, and there are, notwithout cause, many Quaere's about the Causes of the general decay thereof; hath caused me to put myself on this Enquiry, to philosophize if I could, in these Causes and Remedies. Not that I would seem with Phormio, to read a Lecture to Hannibal: No, I haue only mustered and marshaled these men into their ranks and Order; it is Yours to Command them. Great Philip of Macedon, suffered a mean musician to say unto him, Absit, vt haec tu me melius scias. But for my part, I dare not in any thing, put such an absit, to a PRINCE so absolute. every thing moves itself to its Center. These little lucubrations present themselves to your HIGHNES, as unto their proper Orb. For as they look up to the KING, or as they look down to the kingdom; In both they look on you, with a double aspect. you are the Ioy of the KING, the Hope of all these kingdoms. The Only son you are, of the Only KING: An happy 
Ex {αβγδ} prospexit, prouidit, quasi portò-vidit.  SEER, of a blessed SIRE: A Princely CONSVL, of the privy council: A watchman, A worthy, of DAVID and of jacob.  
These Meditations of mine, are very mean: an unfit object for a Princes sight: unless as you are a God on Earth; in this also you represent the GOD of heaven; to accept in your Princely pardon and patience, {αβγδ}. The Cause is great, your Wisedom's deep, and my Lord the KING is as an angel of GOD. you are HIS, HE is 
Not {αβγδ}, but {αβγδ} and {αβγδ} too.  CHRIST, and CHRIST is GODS.  
Oh GOD, be thou still the KING and CHRIST, of this CHRIST Our KING: Euangelize unto this Angel: double the Spirit of Our ELIAH, on Our ELISHA: that HE may flourish like our palm three, and grow up like our Cedar of 
Libanon per Litterarum Metathesm, Albion.  Albion. give thy judgements to the KING, and thy Iustice to the KINGS son: And let all the People offer these sweet Odours to Thee the God of heaven, and pray for the life of the KING and HIS son.  
So prayeth, for HIS majesty, And your Highnesse, {αβγδ}, EDW. MISSELDEN, Merchant. From my House at Hackney on Whatson eve, the 8 of june In the year of Grace, M.DC.XXII. And of the KING of Peace, XX. LV.   

To the Reader.  
CVrteous Reader, Si ingratum me dixeris, omnia dixeris. I should haue premised my prayer for thy patience, to cast thine eye on such a worthless work: but thou hast prevented me with thy kind acceptance; even of the whole Impression, within a very little Interstitium of time. So that now thou hast turned my petition, into a thankful retribution: for which accept I pray thee, this second Edition, with some small addition, as a Symbolum of my service to the public.  
That I haue proposed any thing to myself, then the Common-good; I hope I shall need no apology: to haue expected to please all men; I might rather haue wished it, then imagined any possibility. But if there should be any offence, it shall be Acceptum not Datum, as I shall {αβγδ} make manifest, if there be any cause of Reply.  
Some men ask me, Quorsum haec Iactura? Wherefore all this cost and wast of learning& languages, in the trodden way of Trade? And tell me that I seem to plow with others heifers, as if it were not contingent to a Merchant, to be acquainted with the Muses. Surely it is with many, the price of these pains: that litterae and litterati non habent jnimicum praeter ignorantem. But it is thy humanity rather to ascribe learning to the unlearned: I fear alas, in mine unlearned lines, the learned find {αβγδ}, pro thesauro Carbones. If there were any, I should pray thee to accept it, for illustration of the matter, not affectation in the Author: and to think that learning and languages are an Appendix not unnecessary to the faculty of a Merchant. And for supply of other mens learning, to succenturiat my wants, I needed it, I confess, but took it not.  
Others tell me, that I seem to detract something from the Netherlands Nation, and native Commodities of those Countries. But for my part, there are many in that Nation, that can report of my love to either. For the former, as things now stand; J wish wee were not losers, so we had not this leave: yet that which is spoken of the Part, must not always be understood of the Whole. And as I must give them their due, that they are a very ingenious Nation; so I wish those whom it concerneth, would show themselves ingenuous also, and deal with us, as freely as fairly, in the Close of that great East-India Cause. And for the latter, the learned know, that when Nothing and All things are opposed, what the sense must be: and that always In dubijs benigniora sunt praeserenda. Yet least I seem to lack a vourcher for that J said, let them hear SCALIGER thus writing to their famous DOVSA, on the same subject: 
Ignorata ruae, referam miracula terrae,  
DOVSA peregrinis non habitura fidem.  
Omnia lanicium hîc lassat textrina Minerua:  
Lanigeros tamen hinc scimus abeste greges.  
Non capiunt operas fabriles oppida vestra:  
Nulla fabris tamen haec ligna ministrat humus.  
Horrea triticeae rumpunt hîc frugis acerbi:  
Pascuus hîc tamen est, non Cerealis age●.  
Hîc numerosa meri stipantur dolia Cellis:  
Quae vineta colat nulla putator habet.  
Hic nulla aut cerrè sedges est rarissima Lini:  
Linifici tamen est Copia mayor ubi?  
Hic medijs habitamus aquis: quis credere posset?  
Et tamen hic nullae, DOVSA, bibuntur aquae.   
Thus courteous Reader, at last I'll let thee rest: And if I haue longer mine, thou shalt haue thine. And shall be always for thy sake,  
In utrunque paratus, E. M. Ex Bibliopolae officinâ haec paucula rapti●● apponebam, 6. julij. 1622.   

A view of the Trade of this kingdom, 

Deformed, in the 

Causes. in 

Matter. 

Natural. CAP. 1.  
Artificial CAP. 2.    
form. 

governed. CAP. 3.  
Vngouerned. CAP. 4.      
Effects, which extend, 

To the King. CAP. 5  
To the kingdom. CAP. 6.      
Reformed, in the Remedies being applied to all the parts of this distribution in their Order. CAP. 7.     

CAP. I. The Causes of the want of Money in England.  
IT having pleased God to give me my Birth and Being in this Good Land, and under the reign of so Great a KING; whose Peace and Piety, whose Prudence and Policy, whose rare endowments of Nature and Literature, absit omnis adulatio, do Lend to the Christian and Pagan world such a Glorious Lustre, as that the other Great Lights in the spheres thereof do seem Eclipsed: I could not but think it my bound duty, in all humble acknowledgement to Almighty God, and devoted service to so Mighty a KING, to endeavour to express the same, in some public service for the public good.  
The rather for that there seems to bee a necessity imposed vpon all men, as much as they can, to perform this duty; according to that general precept, 
{αβγδ}.  fear God, Honour the King: As if a man could not fear God, unless he Honour the King: nor Honour the King, without the fear of God.  
And no marvell; when God himself setteth these duties in the frontispiece or top of both the Tables of the Decalogue: The one Explicit in the first Table, Thou shalt love the Lord thy God: The other Implicit in the second Table, Thou shalt honour the King: as if here were {αβγδ} and {αβγδ}, A Law and another Law: yea the Whole Law comprised in these Two: 
{αβγδ}.  and these Two termed the Great Commandements, to give a deep Impression and a lively Expression of so great a duty.  
Yea, he doth honour Kings with his own Title, as if he would Part with, and Impart to them, some of his own Honour. I haue said ye are Gods: to which that of the Poet may seem {αβγδ} to haue an elegant allusion, 
In vita Virg.  Diuisum imperium cum jove Caesar habet.  
And this is it I confess that hath Raised& roused mine Affections, to seek out a subject, wherein I might set myself a task, and as it is in the proverb, might {αβγδ}, to perform some acceptable service, to so Great a King,& so Good a kingdom.  
But what need I seek that which Seeketh all men? For what is at this time more inquired after then the Causes of the Decay of Trade? And what can be more fit for my Meditation, then that wherein I haue had Education? And what hath more relation to matters of State, then Commerce of Merchants? For when Trade flourisheth, the Kings revenue is augmented, Lands and Rents improoued, navigation is increased, the poor employed. But if Trade decay, All these decline with it. nevertheless when I look vpon the Face of the Great body politic of this weal public, and therein consider the High wisdom of HIS sacred majesty, as the intellectual part of this microcosm, or alter orbis as Caesar calls it: the Prudence& providence of HIS Nobles, as the Eyes thereof; the great decay of Trade, the nerves thereof: together with the Parliamentation and Consultation of all the Parts together about these Causes and Remedies: I fear I shall seem {αβγδ}, to light a Candle in the sun, to offer my service in that, about which the choicest wits of the kingdom are now in consultation.  
But having had experience of HIS majesties gracious interpretation of small services of his subiects employed for the public: though Others much more sufficient are Sent before, yet could I not but expostulate with myself, what if I also run after, and cast in my {αβγδ}, into this great Treasury.  
Therefore if herein, any observations of mine, either foreign or domestic, may administer any thing worthy the information of that Great common and yet not common Sense, I shall esteem my part most happily acted, to haue employed my private pains for the public good. The rather, for that, as there are many Causes discussed and discoursed of at this time, of the decay of Trade; so also are there many Remedies: wherein if either the Causes be mistaken, or the Remedies ill applied; the present sickness of the Trade, may be brought from a disease in Fieri, to an Habituated and in Facto, as the phisitians school hath it.  
To find out the Causes of things, is a work of Philosophy, 
Felix qui potuit rerum cognoscere causas. Virg.  and much Felicity, to find out a fit Remedy, is of high Eminency: But to apply the Remedy, is a matter of State and Policy. And this leadeth me to the Method of my Discourse: which parts itself in twain: viz. Into a double Quaere, 
The distribution.  of the Deformation and Reformation of Trade. In the former may be considered, the Causes and Effects thereof. In the Causes, the Matter and form of Trade. The Matter of Trade, is either natural or artificial. The Natural matter of Commerce is merchandise: which Merchants from the end of Trade haue styled Commodities. The artificial matter of Commerce is money, which hath obtained the title of sinews of war and of State.  
Old jacob blessing his Grandchildren, crost his hands, and laid his right hand on the younger, and his left hand on the Elder: And Money, though it be in Nature and Time after merchandise, yet forasmuch as it is now in use become the chief, I will take leave of Method, to handle it in the first place. 
The Immediate cause of the want of Money in England, is the under valuation of his majesties coin, which hindereth the Importation, and causeth the exportation thereof.   
First therefore for the Want of Money in this kingdom, many reasons may bee assigned. Whereof some are Immediate, some Mediate or remote. The Immediate reasons of the want of Money, are either such as Hinder the Importation; or as such Cause the Exportation thereof. And Both these are occasioned by the Vnder-valuation of his majesties coin, to that of our Neighbour Countries. For who will procure Licence in spain to bring Realles into England, to sell them here at Ten in the hundred gain, which is less then the Exchange from thence will yield; 
Spanish Reals worth 15. in the C. in Holland.  when he may haue for the same five and Twenty in the hundred in Holland? Here five Reals of eight, which make Twenty shillings sterling, will commonly yield Two and Twenty shillings or thereabouts: and the same in Holland will yield Forty two shillings and six pence Flemish, which is Fine and Twenty shillings sterling. And how can wee choose but want money in England, when the Iacobus pieces are currant at so high a rate in Holland? For there they go at twelve Gilders eight stiuers the piece, which is One and forty shillings and four pence Flemish, which is four and Twenty shillings& nine pence sterling. And about this rate HIS majesties other coins of gold& silver are there of respective value. For although by the Placcaets or Proclamations of those parts, the Iacobus pieces,& other Species of gold and silver, are there set at indifferent rates answerable to their valuation here with us respectively, which they there call Permissie gelded, Proclamation money: yet they haue other devices to raise money, and draw it away at their pleasures. As either by their banks, when the Banckiers will for their occasions give a greater price for money then the Proclamation suffereth, and then it is called bank gelded: or else by slack paymasters, that for their own advantage in the raising of Money, will pretend not to make present payment of their debts, unless you take their Money at a higher rate, then either the Proclamation, or the bank Money. Which being paid and received, produceth a third kind, which they call Current gelded. And so by the connivence of the Magistrate, the same goeth from man to man, and at last becometh current at an excessive value So they haue Permission or Proclamation money, 
Three sorts of money in Holland: Permission Money: bank Money: and Current Money.  and bank Money, and Current Money, and all to draw dry the Current of HIS majesties coin.  
And thus the Hepatites, or liver vein of this Great body of ours being opened,& such profusions of the Life blood let out;& the liver or fountain obstructed,& weakened, which should succour the same; needs must this Great body languish, and at length fall into a Marasmus, or Hectike fever.  
I am not ignorant that there hath been great abuse in the culling of HIS majesties coin here at home, and in melting the heavy money into plate: And that there is a great superfluity of Plate generally in private mens hands more then is necessary, and far beyond any example of former times, which must needs also cause scarcity of money: yet on the other side I cannot deny, but that it is better to haue the same in Plate, as a Treasure of the kingdom; then turned into coin, and so turned out of the kingdom, by the under value thereof.  
Now the Mediate or remote reasons of the want of money in England, 

The Mediate Causes of the want of money are domestic or foreign.  
The domestic is generally, excess.   are either domestic or foreign. The domestic are General or Special. The General remote cause of our want of money, is the great excess of this Kingdom, in consuming the Commodities of foreign Countries, which prove to us Discommodities, in hindering us of so much Treasure, which otherwise would bee brought in, in lieu of those toys. For now a dayes most men live above their callings, and promiscuously step forth 'vice versâ, into one anothers ranks. The country mans eye is vpon the Citizen: 
{αβγδ}. Hesiod.  the Citizens vpon the Gentleman: the Gentlemans vpon the Nobleman. And by this means wee draw unto us, and consume Amongst us, that great abundance of the Wines of spain, of France, of the rhine, of the Leuant, and of the islands: the Raisins of spain, the Corints of the Leuant, the lawns and Cambricks of Hannault and the Netherlands, the silks of Italy, the Sugers& Tobacco of the West Indies, the Spices of the East-Indies: All which are of no necessity unto us,& yet are bought with ready money, which otherwise would bee brought over in treasure if these were not. A Common-wealth is like unto a Family, the Father or Master whereof ought to sell more then he buyeth, according to old Cato's counsel, Patrem familias vendacem non emacem esse oportet. Otherwise his expense being greater then his revenue, 
{αβγδ}. Hesiod.  he must needs come behind hand. even so a Common-wealth that excessively spendeth the foreign Commodities deere, and uttereth the native fewer and cheap, shall enrich other Common-wealths, but beggar itself. Where on the contrary, if it vented fewer of the foreign, and more of the native, the residue must needs return in treasure.  
The special remote cause of our want of Money, 
The domestike cause in special, is the want of the East-India stock in this Common-wealth.  is the great want of our East-India stock here at home. Which is a matter of very great consequence, and causeth the Body of this Common-wealth to bee wounded sore, through the Sides of many particular members thereof. For the stock of the East-India Company, being of great value, and collected and contracted from all the other particular Trades of the Common-wealth; and a great part thereof having been Embargued and Detained now for more, then five yeeres last past; and that not by a professed Enemy, against whom wee might haue been warned and armed, but by a Friend, a Neighbour, a Next neighbour, one obliged to our KING and Nation more then to all the Kings on earth: this loss I say, is not onely thus unkind, but is the more intolerable, in that the Common-wealth hath lost the use and employment of the stock itself, and all the increase of Trade which the same might haue produced, in the several Trades of the Subiects, whereby abundance of Treasure might haue been brought into this land in all this time.  

Crinitus& Volater.  It is said of Belisarius that great and famous Commander of the romans, that even Rome itself owed to him twice her life: and yet at last was so unkind to Belisarius as to put out both his eyes, and exposed him to beg in a little Cottage built without the gates, where he often repeated this sentence to those that passed by, Date obolum Belisario, quem inuidia, non culpa caecauit. And certainly our Nation may challenge as much or more of these unkind Friends, then Belisarius ever did or could of Rome: and they show themselves no less unkind, to deprive us of the Light and Life of this Trade of ours, and suffer this Nation to use so much importunity for their own.  
Homer reports of Patroclus, 
Hom. Iliad.  that he would needs put on Achilles armor, and ride on Achilles horse, but Achilles spear he durst not touch, and thereby was known to Hector, with whom he fought, not to be Achilles, and so lost his life. These friends of ours haue sometimes Put on, sometimes Put off, I had almost said, Put out the Kings Colours: They haue sailed in HIS subiects ships, but that Hastam fidei they haue not used or Abused rather; whereby they haue been discovered to the Indians, not to be the Subiects of the Faith's Defender, 
Church-man. pag. 11.  as sometimes they would haue feigned, though to an evil purpose.  
The romans were wont to weep, at the sight of Caesars blood kept in an handkerchief. 
Plut. in Caes.& brute.  Caesars subiects blood is kept, not in Handkerchiefes but in sheets, written within and without, the Memory whereof maketh the people mourn. The cry thereof is gone up: the King will remember it, the King of Kings will avenge it.  

Euseb.  Constantinus the Great, the father of Constantius, was wont often to protest, that he made more account of one Christian then of all his Coffers filled with Treasure. And the Comfort of this Nation is, to be the Subiects of such a sovereign, who as Constantly as ever did Constantinus, hath again and again professed, 
In diuers Orations and Proclamations.  Not to account himself more rich or happy, then in the prosperity of his Subiects.  
Thus much of the domestic Remote causes of the want of money in England: 
The foreign causes of the want of money are the warres of Christians amongst themselves, or against them by pirates.  the foreign causes follow. Which are either in respect of the Warres in christendom, or the Trades out of christendom. The Warres in christendom are foreign remote causes of the want of money, either by Causing the Exportation, as the Warres of Christians: or Hindering the Importation thereof, as the Warres of pirates. I will take the Warres of Germany for an urgent instance of the former: which haue raised the Riecks daller from Two marks Lubish, to Twenty marks Lubish, in many places of Germany: whereby abundance of money is drawn unto the mints of those Countries, from all the other Mines and parts of christendom.  
And for the latter, I will instance the Warres of the pirates of Argier and Tunis, which hath robbed this Common-wealth of an infinite value: the Cruelty whereof many feel with grief, others hear with pitty, but the grievance remaines. needs must christendom, and in it England, feel the want of money, when either it is violently intercepted by Turkish pirates, the Enemies of God and man; or the instruments surprised, as Men, Ships, and merchandise, which are the channels to convey it to vs. An Heathenish policy it is, or Hellish rather, put vpon the Princes and People of christendom by the Grand Siegnour, 
A Turkish policy.  to hold with them an outward form of Amity, and in the mean time by his vassals, use a cunning and covert Hostility.  
The other foreign remote causes of the want of Money, 
Or the trades maintained out of christendom with ready money.  are the Trades maintained out of christendom to Turkey, Persia, and the East-Indies. Which trades are maintained for the most part with ready Money, yet in a different manner from the Trades of christendom within itself. For although the trades within christendom are driven with ready moneys, yet those moneys are still Contained and Continued within the Bounds of christendom. There is indeed a Fluxus and refluxus, a Flood and ebb of the moneys of christendom traded within itself: for sometimes there is more in one part of christendom, sometimes there is less in another, as one country wanteth, and another aboundeth: It cometh and goeth, and whirleth about the circled of christendom, but is still contained within the compass thereof. But the money that is traded out of christendom into the parts aforesaid, is continually issued out and never returneth again. It is true, those trades tend to an admirable increase of the stock of christendom in wears: which if they were purchased with the wears of christendom, according to the true nature of Commerce, the benefit were far more excellent. 
Benvenu t Strac. de mercatur pars. 1. Calepiu.  For Commercium is quasi Commutatio mercium, a change of wears for wears, not money for wears. And it is Libera commeandi facultas, ab iis qui merces ultro citroque conuehunt.  
Or if the Common-wealth of christendom were like to that of 
Aurum& argen●um sic apud se hab●it, vt à nullo pluri● a stimetur ●uàm ●erum ipsarum natura m●reatur▪ quâ quis non videt quam longè infra ferrum sunt? Vtop. lib. 2.  Vtopia, where gold and silver are of esse esteem then Iron, it were a brave exchange to lose money to get wears. For the riches of former ages did not consist in Re Pecuniariâ but Pecuariâ. 
Omnes veterum divitiae in re pecuariâ consistebant. Guich. Plin. lib. 33.  Whence Pecuniâ, as Pliny affirmeth, was so called a Pecude, quia Pecus fuit Pecuniae fundamentum,& antiquitus Pecunia pecudi● estigi signabatur. But when immovable and Immutable things came also to be in Commerce amongst men, as well as those things which were movable and fit for change, then came money in use, as the rule and square whereby things might receive estimation and value. Therfore the civilians affirm that Numus est {αβγδ}, dictus, 
Lib. 1. ff. de Contrah. c●nt.  quòd institutum sit civil. According to that of Aristotle. 
Lib. 5. Eth. cap. 8.  {αβγδ}. Numus non est à natura said à l●ge. And thence it is that Money in our tongue is derived of Monela, quasi numi nota.  
Or if there were a Necessity to christendom to use those foreign wears: or that the means whereby they are to be procured, were without the loss of treasure: or lastly that the same tended to the increase of the Treasure thereof, the exchange were excellent. But first there is no such Necessity: 
Necessarium illud dicitur sine quo fieri non potest. Calep.  for that's necessary to do a thing without which it cannot be done: And that's necessary to the being of a Common-wealth, without which it cannot subsist. But thankes be to God, christendom is richly furnished within itself, with all things fit for life and maintenance: whether wee respect vital use, as food and raiment: or physical, as vegetables and minerals: or political, as gold, silver, and infinite variety of merchandise. Nor are those wears procured without the loss of Treasure, no nor with less Treasure. For as those wears haue cost less in Price, since some late discoveries; so are they increased in their Quantities, by the ample trade of all parts of christendom thither, more then before: and then who knoweth not that a less quantity dear, and a Greater quantity cheap, is all one in respect of the value. Nor is the treasure lessened by changing the course of Trade into those parts. For the New Trades found out, are furnished with a new supply of Money, and the Old nevertheless issue out as much treasure as before: by reason that the same are enlarged and become now as great, Apart, as heretofore they were, Together, when the New Trades, were included in the Old. So that now so much more of the Treasure of christendom is wasted, as those Old and New Trades are increased, which is to an infinite value.  
Nor lastly, is the Treasure of christendom increased by those foreign trades, for the more the stock of christendom is thereby increased in wears, the more it decreaseth in Treasure: which the parts of christendom must needs feel by Sympathy and Compassion.  
And this, that prudent and politic Emperour Charles the fifth perceived in his time, who vpon a question betwixt the Spaniards and Portugals about this matter, the Emperor used words to this effect: You Portugalles for a surety, 
15. Hen. 8. Hall.  are enemies to all christendom; for you carry nothing out of 〈◇〉 but coin, which is hurt to all Countries.   

CAP. II. The Causes of the decay of Trade, in the merchandise of England.  
such are the Causes of the Matter of Trade considered in the Want of Money, the merchandise followeth. merchandise is that natural matter of Commerce, whereby men busy themselves in buying and selling, chopping and changing, to the increase of Artes, and enriching of Common-wealths: according to that of the Poet, {αβγδ}, 
Hesiod.  Bona lis mortalibus haec est.  
And to the end there should be a Commerce amongst men, it hath pleased God to invite as it were, one Country to traffic with another, by the variety of things which the One hath, and the other hath not: that so that which is wanting to the One, might be supplied by the Other, that all might haue sufficient.  
Which thing the very winds and Seas proclaim, in giuing passage to all Nations: the winds blowing sometimes towards one Country, sometimes toward another; that so by this divine Iustice, every one might bee supplied in things necessary for life and maintenance.  

3.4. Na. qu.  And this, Seneca thought to be a principal benefit of nature, Quòd& vento gentis locis dissipatas miscuit,& sua omnia in regiones ita descripsit, vt necessarium mortalibus esset inter ipsos Commercium. Nature by the benefit of the wind, hath so mixed people, dispersed in diuers places, and so distributed her gifts in diuers Countries, that there should be a necessity of Commerce amongst men. Which agreeth with that of Aristotle, 
{αβγδ}. De Repub. lib. 1 cap. 9.  Est translatio rerum omnium coepta ab initio, ab eo quod est secundùm naturam, cum homines haberent plura quàm sufficerent, partim etiam pauciora negotiatione suppleri id quod naturae dost, quo commode omnibus sufficiat.  
And that we do not go out of the Christian world for an example hereof, let us consider the state of the Netherlands, in what a miserable case those people were, if they received not supply from all other Nations. They haue Nothing of their own, and yet they seem to possess All things, in the Supply they receive from All the World.  
And surely if any kingdom under the sun can subsist of itself, none hath more cause to bless God, then this island of ours, which Almighty God hath richly adorned with variety of all things necessary for mans life& welfare. As with corn, and our 
I mean beer which in foreign parts is of more esteem then wine. And to us also in the use, if there were not abuse is far to be preferred.  Wine: Cattle, wool, Cloth, tin, Iron, led, Saffran, wax, hops, hides, Tallow, flax, Fowle, Fish, and many others: whereby, thanks be to God, the people of this Land, haue not onely Sufficient for their own maintenance, but do abundantly Supply the wants of all other Nations.  
Now the Trade and Commerce of this kingdom within itself, 
The decay of the merchandise of this Kingdom, considered jointly or apart.  and with foreign Nations, consisting of so many rich Commodities; let us consider them all jointly, and then some principal of them Apart.  

jointly considered, the causes of the decay of Trade, are the want of money, and the East-India stock.  jointly considered, the Causes of the decay of Trade in them, may be said either to be Deficient, or Efficient. Deficient, either in the general want of money in the kingdom; or the Particular want of the East-India stock. I shewed before, what were the causes of the want of money: and that the disaster vpon the East-India Trade is a Remote Cause thereof: but these are Both Causes of the Decay of Trade. For Money is the vital spirit of trade, and if the Spirits fail, needs must the Body faint. And as the Body of Trade seemeth to be Dead without the Life of money: so do also the Members of the Commonwealth, without their means of Trade. We say, that an artisan or workman, cannot work without tools or Instruments: no more can a Merchant Trade without Money or means. And in the Want of so great a Stock, as is that of the East-India Company: the Body of this Commonwealth hath lost the use of many of it principal Members; by whose industry, art, and action the Commerce thereof might wonderfully haue been encre'st. The loss whereof, to him that is not wilfully blind, is apparently sensible in the Drapery of the kingdom, whereby the poor are set on work: and in all the other Trades of the kingdom, whereby the Subiects are employed: and hath begot that great and general damp and deadness in all the Trades of the kingdom, which wee unhappily feel at this day.  
The Efficient causes of the Decay of Trade jointly considered, 
Or usury.  
entitled a Tract against usury, presented to the high Court of Parliament.  are either usury, or unnecessary Suits in Law. In the Former I am prevented, and my labour spared, by him that wrote a little treatise against usury: which it seems for Modesty he refuseth to owe: Though I could wish, that those that deserve of the public were known to the public: least they be served as sometimes Batillus served Virgil, and so be forced too late to proclaim, Hos ego versiculos feci, tulit alter Honores.  
I haue a word onely to add to his usury, that it is not an usury of Ten in the hundred only, that wringeth this Common-wealth, but an Extortion also of 20. 30. 40. nay of Cento per Cento per Anno, as the Italians speak, given and taken on 
A grievous abuse in certain Brokers about this City, who vpon the pawns of the poor, take this excessive extortion. Of Litigious Law-suits.  Pledges and pawns, and that on poor peoples labours, in London especially: which is a biting usury indeed, and a fearful crying sin before God.  
unnecessary suits of Law are also Efficient Causes of the decay of Trade. Wherein certainly this kingdom exceedeth all other kingdoms in the world. As the Iustice of this kingdom is the Diadem of the KING,& doth Stabilire Regis thronum, and Tribuere cvique suum: whereby Men may give Caesar Caesars, and Meum and Tuum one to another: so is the Iustice of the KING, in the Sacred Person of HIS majesty, amongst other HIS royal virtues, an emblem and Representation of Highest majesty; and it is an incomparable happiness of this kingdom, 
{αβγδ}  to haue such a Malchizedec, a KING of Iustice, a KING of Peace.  
Neither may I forget that royal Testimony hereof, which is worthy to be written in Letters of Gold, and thankfully to bee remembered of every Tongue and Pen; 
The Commemoration of a royal protestation in the Star-chamber of His majesties sincerity in Iustice.  whereof amongst others more worthy, it was also my happiness to be Oculatus and Auritus Testis: when HIS majesty in a Star-chamber assembly, lifting HIS Eye toward heaven,& laying HIS Hand on HIS sons Head, made such a solemn Protestation of HIS Sincerity in Iustice, as may serve for a matter of Admiration and Imitation, to all the Kings on earth. Those that Went Before, and they that Followed after: Those that Heard it then, and they that Heard of it since; said it was {αβγδ} Nec vox hominem sonat, o Deus certè!  
If such then be the Iustice of the King and the kingdom, how is it then that Trade is hindered by suits of Law? Herein Columellae's counsel is remarkable, Principi prouidendum est, 
De Re Rustica.  ne legibus fundata civitas, legibus euertatur. There cannot be too much Iustice, there may be too much Law. For the use of Iustice is cxcellent, 
Honestè vivere: Alterum non laedere: Suum cvique tribuere. juris precept.  in containing men within the bonds of civility and Honesty: in preserving men from injury: and in maintaining every mans Right and propriety. But the abuse there-of is a most pernicious and dangerous surfeit in the body of every Common-wealth.  
And this is our case in this weal-public: no kingdom hath better laws; no kingdom so full fraught with tedious, needless, endless, suits of Law. For now this Litigandi {αβγδ} is become {αβγδ}, and waxeth so fast, and groweth so great, that suits of Law do seem immortal: time doth increase them, and length of time would not determine them, if the wisdom of those grave Fathers of the Law did not put an end to the malice of the Litigants: as is now worthily observed in chancery, to his honour and memory that hath so happily begun the same.  
By the growth and greatness of which suits, I say, a great number of HIS majesties good and loving subiects are vexed, imprisoned impoverished and overthrown: and whilst the Litigants strive together, another taketh away the Fish, and as it is in the Apologue, leaveth to either of them an empty Shell. And thus mens time and means being spent in Law, which should be employed in Trade, trade is neglected, and the Common-wealth deprived, of the benefit that might be purchased and procured thereby.  
And thus much for the decay of Trade considered jointly. 
The Decay of trade considered apart, in the Ordinance and Munition.  It followeth now to consider them Apart, in some principal parts thereof. Which may be reduced, to such as tend to the Fortification of the kingdom, or Maintenance of Trade. The former are Ordinance and Munition: the too-too common exportation whereof, hath taught us woeful experience of an invaluable inconvenience thereby which every man is sensible of: and therefore I need not press it: I wish it did not oppress vs.  
The Latter, I will refer to things essential, for the preservation of mans life, as Victus and Vestitus: yet such of them also as do afford wondrous variety of Trade, and may be termed the Nourceries thereof, as the F●shing and Clothing of this kingdom. For on these two, all sorts of Trades and tradesman, haue some dependence.  
The inconvenience in the Former, 
Or in the Fishing.  is that Encroaching of Strangers, in Fishing vpon our Coasts: whereby not onely the Bread is taken out of the subiects Mouth, but that infinite Wealth, which God hath made Proper and Peculiar unto us, is become Common unto them. Whereby also, their navigation is wonderfully encrea'st, their mariners are multiplied, and exceeding great Trades maintained into all parts of the Christian World. And Victuals commonly yielding ready money, and toleration of exportation thereof, the same hath redounded to an infinite enriching of their Countries with Treasure, exhausted out of these Mines of ours.  
I am not ignorant that a learned man of that side, pressing hard in a Treatise entitled mere liberum, the community and freedom of the Sea against the Portugall Trade into the East Indies; doth cunningly and obliquely, under the covert terms of Populi Romani littus, defend and maintain, in the fift Chapter thereof, their Fishing vpon our Coasts. For thus he concludeth, Nemo igitur potest à populo Romano ad littus maris accedere prohiberi, 
Maere liberum. cap. 5. p. 22.  & retia siccare,& alia facere, quae semel omnes homines in perpetuum sibi licere volverunt. And again, Exteris ius piscandi, 
Eodem cap. p. 28.  ubique immune esse debet.  
To part of which Treatise, there is an answer entitled, De Dominio Maris, to which I refer those that desire further satisfaction in this matter. But in my iudgement, which I submit to better iudgement, the Author of mere liberum, though otherwise very learned, strayneth his Arguments for that purpose beyond their strength. For Ius is said to be scriptum, or Non scriptum. And Non scriptum is Consuetudo. 
De Arte juris cap. 13.  And Consuetudo non minus est species juris, quàm ius scriptum. And by both these, the Proprieties of the Seas may be proved, to belong to those Princes and Countries, to which they are next adjacent.  
For custom, the examples of our neighbour Countries round about us are frequent. As of Coeldine, Groeneland, Norway, and friesland, under the King of denmark. Tunny fishing under the the Duke of Medina. The gulf of Venice under that signory. And many others I might instance: In all which there is no liberty of fishing, but by special privilege had from those Princes to whom the same belongeth. Which being so, we may well conclude with the Poet, 
Hor.  cum ventum ad verum est, sensus moresque repugnant.  
For the Law itself, it is not hard to produce some of his own Authors against himself. As the Emperour lo: of whom he thus speaketh, 
mere liberum p. 25. Nouella lo. 56.  volvit {αβγδ}, hoc est, vestibula maritima eorum esse propria, qui oram habitarent; ibique eos ius piscandi habere.  
Also Rodericus Suarius, whose testimony because he was a Spaniard, he produceth against the Portugals in the end of his fift Chapter: whom, if he had pleased, he might also haue thus cited: Redditus piscariarum consueti, 
Roderic. Suarius de vsu Maris. consil. 1.  vt est gabella, seu aliud tributum solui consuetum, de his quae in mari piscatores faciunt, seu à mercatoribus de his quae emunt aut vendunt, Principibus conceduntur.  
To which I will onely add that of Bartolus, 
L. Insulae ff. de iu.&. L. Caesar. ff. de public.  whom the civilians call juris Lucernam, thus speaking: Vt Insulae in mari proximè adiacentes, sic& mere ipsum ad Centum usque milliaria pro territorio districtúque illius regionis cvi proxime appropinquat, assignatur.  
The rest that the Author of mere liberum enforceth, of the Community and freedom of the Sea to all Nations, he understandeth of matters in question, between the Portugals and those of his Nation, concerning their East India Trade, and not of their Fishing vpon our Coasts. Which Question in my iudgement, being out of question were better determined by Action then Disputation: It being a Royalty of the King, and a regal privilege of this kingdom, assigned by Almighty God.  

Or in the Clothing.  From the Fishing come wee to the Clothing or Drapery of this kingdom: the consideration whereof is of very high consequence, and concerneth both the sovereign and the subject, Noble and Ignoble; even al sorts, and callings and conditions of men in this Common-wealth. For this is said to bee a Flower of the Kings crown, the Dowry of the kingdom, the chief revenue of the King. This is a Bound to fortify, and a Bond to knit the subiects together in their several societies. This is the Gold of our Ophir, the milk& Hony of our Canaan, the Indies of England: and therefore Desire's& Deserue's to be had in an everlasting remenbrance.  
The Draperies of this kingdom are termed Old and New. By the Old; are understood Broad clothes, bays and kerseys: By the New; Perpetuanoes, Serges, says, and other Manufactures of wool.  
The Causes then of the Decay of Trade in these Draperies, are either domestic or foreign. The domestic causes, are some past, some Present. Those Past, are apparent in the late disturbance of the Clothtrade; which is so obvious to every man, that I had rather pass by it, then press vpon it, because it is Past: and I would to God that so were the effects of it also. In charity wee may think it was Good in the Purpose, though it proved Ill in the Practise. For thereby the Draperies of this kingdom are much diminished, and the foreign advanced and advantaged. The quantities of which last, were formerly few or none, but now they exceed our highest numbers issued out of the land: as by a colection thereof, which myself made in those part, by HIS majesty, special command, in the time of Secretary Winwoods service, may appear.  
These Present, may be discerned in the Cloth-trade, either under the Clothier, or under the Merchant. under the Clothier, either by Ill making, or False sealing the Cloth.  

The decay of Clothing under the Clothier, or under the Merchant.  For the making of good and true Cloth, many excellent laws haue been invented& enacted by the wisdom of the Parliaments of this land, from time to time. And the Statute of 4. 
4. jacob.  of the King Cap. 2. doth seem to bee an Epitome or Compendiary of all the former Statutes in this kind. 
under the Clothier, by ill making, or false sealing of Cloth.  In this Statute is prescribed, the true breadth, and length, and weight, that may conduce to the making of a true and perfect Cloth, Kersie or Manufacture. If a Clothier make a Cloth of less weight, then is set down in the said Statute, he offendeth in quantity: If of less breadth, or length, or of forbidden kindes of wool, he offendeth in quality. If a Clothier offend in Neither of these by his own Act, yet he may offend in Both, by his Instruments or Workmen: Either by the weavers, in not putting in the stuff at the making; or by the Tuckers in pulling out the stuff after the making thereof.  
A Cloth also may be well made;& yet false sealed. A Cloth may be said to be lawfully made, when it is truly sealed. For although it may be impossible to make some Clothes, just of those quantities and qualities prescribed by the Statute; as the Clothiers term is, A man cannot cast a cloth in a mould: yet I hope, they will give me leave to say, that it is possible that a Cloth may bee true sealed, though false made. And then a Cloth ill made, and true sealed, whereby the buyer may see what he hath for his money, may bee said to bee a good or lawful Cloth according to the Statute.  
Now the execution of the Statute for Searching and Sealing of Clothes, seemeth to be referred to two sorts of men: which are either the Aulnager or Searcher. The former may seem originally to haue been an Officer appointed for that purpose, as well by the Notation of the name, as by some Ancient Statutes. 
11. 〈◇〉. 4.6. &c.  For Aulne, and Aulnage, and Aulnagier, are all French words, taken from the measuring of Cloth. And thence it is, that in that tongue they are wont to say Aulner draps to measure Clothes, by a Trope taken from the Instrument by which they are Measured.  
But because the care of the Aulnage is committed to so Noble and Honourable a parsonage, that will not suffer any abuse in the execution of that office: and the said Statute of 4. jacobi, and the former Statutes of 39. and 43. Elizabethae do refer the Searching and Sealing of Clothes, to certain overseers or Searchers, so called by the said Stautes, I will proceed unto them.  
And forasmuch as Execution is the Life of the Law, 
In His majesties speech in Parliament. In june 1611.  as HIS majesty in high High wisdoma admonisheth: and the Prudence, and providence of the State, haue been very great in devising and enacting such good laws from time to time, as might tend to the increase and aduancement of the Drapery of this kingdom: If therefore now any thing bee amiss therein, it must needs come through the want of Execution of those laws. Hincillae lachrymae! This Bonum according to HIS majesties regal rule, 
Eeadem Oratione Regia.  is not Benè. For these overseers and Searchers being silly countrymen, and generally not expert in the mystery of making of Cloth: in the Search whereof, there is as much need of skill as in the making: for how should they find the fault, that know not how it is committed? These Searchers I say, thus being ignorant and vnskilfull in their offices, and nelgigent also,( in which last, it hath been again and again confessed, that they haue set the seals of their office, to Clothes they never searched nor saw) needs must there be a great abuse, in the Execution of those good laws.  
Nay I would I could not say, how much our Nation hath been upbraided by the people of foreign parts with this abuse, that the Searchers seals of England are bought and sold as in a market, and put on the Clothes by the Tuckers, and other the seruants of the Clothiers, as if the same had been lawfully preached and Sealed according to the Statute; when as the Searchers Eye never so much as beholded the Clothes.  
Wherein the people of the Netherlands are so exact, that you shall never find any of their Country Clothes false searched or sealed. For you shall haue a seal set vpon the Cloth when it cometh from the weavers: another when it cometh from the Tuckers: another when it cometh from the Dyers: and that by men of good quality, appointed for that purpose in every City and town where Cloth is made, termed Curemasters: so called from the Care they ought, and do perform, in the execution of their office: wherein indeed they are so exact, that you shall never find any of the seals aforesaid, set to any manner of false or defective Cloth.  
For indeed the Searcher being a sworn Officer, ought to be as a witness without exception betwixt man and man: that when a man seeth the Searchers seal set vpon the Cloth, it should serve as a true Certificat of the true making thereof. It is a great impiety before God and Man, to be a false witness in any case: but these Searchers are false witnesses Ipse facto, when they do testify to the world by their seals, that those Clothes are Good and True, which indeed are utterly False. And which aggravateth the matter yet more, that the Kings seal of arms, which is testis omni exceptione maior, should also bee set to Clothes thus Falsely preached& sealed; whereby not onely the Kings Subiects, but the Strangers also in foreign parts are deceived, is a very gross and grievous abuse.  

An example of Clothes ill made, preached and sealed.  Amongst other abuses of this kind, one precedent comes to my mind, of Ten Clothes bought not long since by a Merchant, of a Clothier of Wiltshire. Which clothes were all Sealed by the Searchers of that place, for good& true, according to the Statute. But being tried by the Merchant-Buyer, and afterward by the sworn measurer of the city of London, were found so defective in length, breadth and weight, that where these Ten Clothes cost but 60. lib. or thereabouts, the faults in these Ten Clothes came to near 20. lib. which was one third part of the value of the Cloth. And it being a notable contempt of the law, the Lords of HIS majesties most Honourable privy council were informed thereof; who were pleased to sand down a Messenger into that County, and fetch't up both the Clothier and Searchers, who worthily vnder-went the condign Censure of the Lords.  
under the Merchant also the Cloth-trade suffereth both at Home and Abroad. 
The Cloth trade suffereth under the Merchant, At home and abroad. At Home by Exportation of the Materials, or Imposition of Charge.  At Home, by Exporting the Materials, either of wools or Wooll-fels from the Sea coasts of England, and the kingdom of Ireland: or by Ouer-lading the Cloth-trade, either with any general or special charge.  
The latter I cannot pretermit: for as the chief weight of the Cloth-trade lieth on the Merchants-Aduenturers; so also is the burden of charge most felt under that Trade. For the Impositions and impressed money by them laid vpon the Cloth, for defraying the charge of their government, and payment of their Debts; haue driven many good Merchants out of the Trade, and given the Clothiers occasion to complain of want of Buyers, and thrust the Trade itself more and more into the Strangers hands.  

Abroad by unfit Residence.  And abroad, by the unfit place of Residence, which the Merchants-Aduenturers are fallen vpon in Holland. Whither they go with great peril of ship and Goods: And where they come far short of that they hoped for; and of that quick and ample vent of their Cloth they found in Zeeland. The Agitation of which remove; is vehemently suspected to haue moved the Merchants of Holland, to procure privileges of the States general to Incorporate themselves, and keep Courts, to confront the Merchant adventurers; which they never did before: To haue drawn the 
That is, abating for the faults thereof  Taring of Cloth into Holland, where the Buyers are in some sort Iudges& Parties; which before was in the Mart-towne. where the Seller was present: And lastly, to haue hastened the great Imposition in Holland. All which are matters of moment, and concern the Cloth-trade very much, and whereof the English Factors there residing do generally complain: Yet These I rather instance then urge: leaving the further overture thereof to their own relation.  

foreign causes of the decay of the Drapery, are the warres and the great Imposition in Holland.  Now the foreign Causes of the decay of the Drapery of England: are either general, as the wars in Germany: or special, as the Great Imposition lately laid vpon our Cloth in Holland.  
By the Former, the Course of Trade is stopped and hindered, that Merchants cannot pass without peril from place to place: and the moneys become so variable, that when a Merchant hath sold his Cloth, and hopeth to haue gained something thereby; by that time that the term for payment is expired, he receiveth less in value then the Clothes cost, by the Raising and Rising of the moneys.  
By the latter, the Merchants of the Netherlands are discouraged, whereby many of them haue given over their Trades, which heretofore they followed in ample manner, in our English Clothes bought of the Merchants-Aduenturers from time to time: which hath also tended to the aduancement of the Dutch Draperies; because the same are freed of all manner of charge.   

CAP. III. Of governed Trade, and therein of Monopoly.  
HItherto the Matter of Trade hath been considered in Money and merchandise: the form followeth, and that either in respect of government, or Want of government in trade. government is a representation of the majesty and authority of the KING. The subject that is honoured with government, is invested with part of the KINGS Honour. The Trades of this kingdom which by HIS majesties especial Grace and favour are reduced under Order and government into Corporations, Companies, and Societies, do certainly much advance and advantage the Commerce of this Common-wealth; and far excel the trades of any other foreign Merchants in their vngouerned trades.  
But as the use of government is excellent for the restraint of vnskilfull and disorderly trade: so the Abuse therof is as inconvenient, if at any time the same be too strict, and come within the compass of a Monopoly. And because the name and nature of Monopoly, is more talked of, then well understood of many; and some think that the reducing of trade into Order and government, is a kind of monopolising and restraint of trade: I haue thought it not unseasonable to bestow some special pains in the diligent inuestigation thereof. Not that I would haue the trade of the kingdom so circumscribed or appropriated to any, that others of HIS majesties Subiects should bee deprived of the liberty thereof; but that vpon equal& reasonable terms, trading under Order and government, without that ill tincture of Monopoly, the KINGS high way of trade should be opened unto all.  
The name therefore of Monopoly in our English tongue, is derived, as the learned know, of the greek word {αβγδ}: whence also the latin word Monopolium is borrowed. Some derive it of {αβγδ} Solus, and {αβγδ} Vendo, to sell alone. Others of {αβγδ} Solus,& {αβγδ} Versor, to conuerse alone. Other of {αβγδ} Solus, and {αβγδ} civitas, quasi unica negotiatio in civitate. But all these agree in one meaning of the word, that it is Singularis Negotiatio, a diverting of Commerse from the natural course and use thereof, into the hands of some few, to their benefit, and others prejudice. I also find many definitions of Monopolies: and a great question among the civilians, 
Huiusmodi contractus tanta emptionis& conductionis similitudine confundebatur, vt vix ac ne vix quidem à juris consultis internosci posset. Hottom. ad Tit. in lib. 1●.& 19. De Rep. lib. 1. cap 11.  whether a Monopoly may bee exercised of one alone; and whether it consist as well in Locatio Conductio, as they speak, as in Emptio Venditio. Which last is out of question with all. And of the former, I find an instance in Aristotle of Thales Milesius his monopoly: who by his knowledge in astrology, fore-seeing one year in the winter, that there would bee great plenty of oils the next year, hired before-hand all the places and engines for making of oil through both the islands of Melazo& Chius, and afterwards let out the same again at his own pleasure& price. In the same place he maketh also mention of another, who bought up all the Iron in Sicilia, which afterwards he sold again, and made one hundred Talents of that which cost him but fifty. Amongst others I will take the definition of Althusius for all the rest. 
Politic. cap. 31. n. 10.  Monopolium, saith he, Est Commercium emendi, vendendi, permutandiue, à paucis vel uno etiam vsurpatum, reliquis ciuibus praeceptum, quo pretia augentur cum lucro negotiantis,& reliquorum damno. That is, Monopoly is a kind of Commerce, in buying, selling, changing or bartering, usurped by a few, and sometimes but by one person, and fore-stalled from all others, to the gain of the Monopolist, and to the Detriment of other men.  
The parts then of a monopoly are twain. The restraint of the liberty of Commerce to some one or few: and the setting of the price at the pleasure of the Monopolian to his private benefit, and the prejudice of the public. Vpon which two Hinges every Monopoly turneth. And these two parts are respectively repugnant to the two fundamental requisites of al good laws: to wit, equity and utility. For it is against equity, that one Member of a Common-wealth should bee more free then another of equal rank and condition. And what can be more contrary to public utility, then that some one or few persons, should sway the price of any thing useful to the Common-wealth, to their own Enriching, and the Common loss of other men? And here it is to bee well observed, that unless these two parts concur in a Monopoly: it cannot truly and properly bee so called, nor ought it so to bee accounted. 
A●thusius polit. cap. 32. ●ib. Decianus ●ract. crim. ●ap. 21. Meno●h. lib. 2. ●. 569.  And therefore Althusius following Decianus, saith well of that restraint of the Common Liberty, which we call svit of Mill: which compelleth men to use this or that Mill to grind corn, and none other: that it doth onely Sapere Monopolium, savour of Monopoly: but that it is not truly and properly a Monopoly. For in that case of svit of Mill, unless there be a greater Tolle or recompense exacted for grinding, then at other Milles, it falleth onely within the first part of a Monopoly, to wit, of the Restraint of the public Liberty; but not within compass of the other part, the Setting of the Price. But for this Restraint of the public Liberty of Commerce, it may bee so ordered by the wisdom of the State, that it may bee both lawful and beneficial to the Common-wealth. Which assertion, because it may seem strange to some, I will make evident by Good authority and Examples. Peter Martyr that famous light of the Churches of the gospel, 
P. Mart. in I. Reg. c. 10. &c.  defendeth the restraint of Solomon, that none should buy Horses of Egypt without his Licence, to bee lawful. And of this kind is the Preemption of tin here in England, granted by HIS majesties Gracious Letters Patents to some few, with restraint of all others: which I dare boldly affirm is not only lawful, but very beneficial also to this Common-wealth. For thereby our Thrice Noble Prince receiveth a good revenue, and the tin of this Land is sold for many thousand pounds a year more in foreign parts, then otherwise it would, to the great increase of the Common stock of this kingdom. Also the Law of this realm alloweth, that if any man invent a new Art, beneficial to the Common-wealth, he may haue a Patent to use that Art solely, with restraint of all others for seven yeares: as well in recompense of his industry, as for the encouragement of others, to study and invent things profitable for the public Symbiosis. The Statutes of the kingdom restrain from the exercise of sundry Crafts, all such as haue not served an apprentishood unto that Art which they would exercise: to the end that those Artes might be brought to better perfection, and the things made, might be good and serviceable for those that buy and use them.  
The restraint of the public liberty, is sometimes exercised by private authority: sometimes by public. Which distinction is made by the Emperour Zeno. Iubemus ne quis pro sua authoritate, 
Cod. lib. 4. Tit. 59.  vel sacro elicito rescripto, &c. Monopolium audeat exercere.  
The former is practised, when any one or more, haue by their own private contracts, gotten any commodity or matter of Commerce, wholly into their own hands. Of this kind are the examples above cited out of Aristotle.  
The latter is, when by public authority, the liberty of the subject is restrained: which is done, sometimes by the prerogative of the KING: sometimes by Act of Parliament.  
The Former, by dispensing with a general Law in some point, and applying the dispensation to some one or few, with restraint of others. The Latter, by prohibiting all, but some one or few persons to use the benefit of the Law in some point or other.  
For dispensing with the laws, it is without question, that the KING hath power to dispense with a Penal Law, when it prohibiteth that which is not Malum in se. For the Parliament having made a Statute with intent of the public good: yet the same by reason of something not foreseen at the making of the Law, may prove very prejudicial in the Execution. And then the Malum prohibitum, as the Lawyers speak, may be dispensed with by the KING. Thus the Parliament having prohibited the exportation of white Clothes vndrest above the price of four pound the Cloth: 
33. H. 8.  the observation of that Statute was found by experience to be very prejudicial to the Trade, and free vent of the Cloth in foreign parts. Whereupon Q. Elizabeth, granted a special Licence to the Fellowship of the Merchant adventurers, 
Anno 6. Eliz.  to transport all sorts of white Clothes vndrest, with a Non obstante to that Statute. And although all other men stood liable to the Statute still, and were restrained, yet the utility that hereby arose to the Common-wealth, did far exceed the restraint of the public liberty. For within few yeares after the granting of this Licence, the vent of Cloth in foreign parts increased to twice as much, as formerly it was during the strict observation of the Statute. Other like dispensations of Statutes, I might instance: as that of the 28. H. 8. concerning the retailing of Gasgoigne Wines at two pence a quart: which is dispensed with, by a Licence to the Company of the Vintners: but these may suffice for every mans understanding of this kind of restraint.  
For Prohibition by Act of Parliament: such is the Act whereby all the subiects of this realm, excepting such as are of the Corporation of the muscovy Company, are forbidden to trade into any part of Russia. Also that of 3. jacob. 
3. Jacob.  concerning artisan Skinners, whereby all but the Company are forbidden to buy and retail some sorts of skins. In these and the like, the Parliament maketh restraint of the Common liberty of Commerce, and the same restraint is again released, not unto all, but to some persons or Corporations by special Exercise and proviso of the Act of Parliament.  
The Later kind of Restraint by public Authority, is when that which seemeth by the Lawe to be free to al, is by some Patent or Proclamation of the Prince, prohibited to all, saving some certain Corporations, or persons specially excepted and authorised in the same Patent or Proclamation. Of this kind are generally reputed all Corporations of Merchants, which are not confirmed by Act of Parliament. Which are generally reputed to carry with them a restraint to others, of that Liberty, which the Law doth seem to offer to all in point of Commerce. Whence it is that so many plead the freedom of subiects, and press or rather oppress that plea of equity, that it is equal that all subiects should bee alike free to bee Merchants in all Trades. To whom I answer, that first there is no good Equality in it, because it is against the public utility, that all should bee Merchants at their pleasure. For that's not equal, that may seem profitable to one, and bee hurtful to many. Atque ipsa utilitas justi propè matter& aequi, as Horace speaketh. And yet what point of Equity is broken, when the freedom of Societies is so carried, that it is open to all men vpon equal terms; that is to say, either by service or purchase? Otherwise it were very unequal, that one man should serve for his freedom, or buy the same: and another man should haue it for nothing. If this point were well thought vpon, I presume the Gracious Grants and privileges of HIS majesty, conferred vpon Societies, would not seem so much a Restraint of the Common liberty, as a prudent ordering and accommodating thereof unto the public utility. For it hath ever been a Policy of this State, to reduce the Trades of Merchants of this kingdom into Corporations and Societies, for the aduancement of Trade, by the benefit of order and government: well foreseing that there cannot bee any greater Bane to a Well-gouerned Common-wealth, then Ill-gouerned and Disorderly Trade. Whereof I shall haue fitter occasion to speak in the next Chapter, when I come to treat of the inconveniences of the want of government in Trade. So that in this case the general rule must be this; that such a Restraint of the public Liberty, as is before mentioned, is always to be allowed, when the same is recompensed with a public utility. According to that of Tacitus, 
Tacitus.  Omne magnum exemplum habet in se aliquid iniqui, quod utilitate publica contra singulas compensatur. Also the liberty that the Law seemeth to give the subiects in Trade, is to bee understood, of employment Within the kingdom, not Without the kingdom. For what liberty can a national Law, give to a foreign Trade under a foreign jurisdiction, when the liberty or restraint thereof dependeth vpon those foreign Princes and States where that Trade is tolerated? Therfore the Law may give the subject Liberty Within the Land, but it is the KING that must enable men to trade Without the Land. For all the Trades of the Merchants of this kingdom into foreign countries, are grounded vpon the Amity of the KING, and the Treaties of Peace contracted by the KING, with the Kings and Rulers of those foreign parts, at his own charge, and by HIS own Authority, without the assistance of HIS Parliament. And therefore it holdeth good congruity, that the KING by HIS like Authority, may haue the disposing and ordering of such HIS contracts at his own pleasure.  
The second part of Monopoly remaining, of the Setting of the Price at the pleasure of the Monopolist, to his private gain,& the public loss. 
Cod. 4.59.  This Gothofredus calleth the form of a Monopoly. And in truth it is the very soul and Accomplishment thereof. And he or they that haue this power over the price of the thing they negotiate, may well be said according to the notation of Monopoly, from {αβγδ} and {αβγδ}, to converse alone. For in so doing, they so live, as none can live by them, in respect of their singular gain in this kind: Contrary to that honest proverbial rule of the Dutch, that men must leaven end Laeten leaven: So live as other men may live by them. But here I cannot but discharge all those Corporations of this kingdom, of this part of Monopoly, which afford to every particular Trader thereof, the managing of his own stock, in buying and selling as he can, without any combination with others. In which it is as impossible as unusual, for any to haue command of the price of their Commodities: because there is such a multitude of Traders of thē; and every man is at liberty to buy or sell, without any rule by any general order, or means to hold one price. But the greatest suspicion of Monopoly in Corporations, is in such as Trade in joint stocks. Whereof if there be any that tradeth in a joint stock, and hath the Sole buying or selling of any Commodity, and buy and sell the same jointly, as by one person or common factor, such is guilty of Monopoly.  
For particular men, they may also commit monopolising: either by procuring Patents by misinformation of the State, for the Sole Importing or Exporting, buying or selling at their own prizes, to the restraint of the Common liberty, and the public utility of the kingdom: or else when some one or few, without any authority, do join together to engross and buy in a Commodity, and sell it out again at their own price. Of the former kind, are those Catalogues of crying Monopolies, which HIS majesty in HIS High wisdom and Grace damned in HIS Princely Proclamation of the tenth of july last, in the xix. year of HIS majesties most happy reign over this kingdom: Many of which were abused in the Practise, from that which they appeared to be in the Institution. And here a pretty question occurreth. When a Patent is granted to a certain person or persons, so as he or they haue power to licence others to exercise some kind of Commerce solely, and consequently with command of the price: the question is, who is then the Monopolian, whether the Patentees, or their assigns? In this case I suppose, that both the one and the other commit Monopoly. For first, the Patentees make their price at their pleasure vpon their assigns, and they again vpon the subiects. So that here is Monopoly vpon Monopoly: like your Salt vpon Salt, Interest vpon Interest, or the Decompositum in grammar.  
In the latter, some sorts of Trades-men in London, are said to offend. Which being matters of general note, and willing to avoid offence, I will pass by such particulars. And this shall suffice for the Definition and Distribution of Monopoly.   

CAP. IIII. Of want of government in Trade.  
such is the form of Trade considered in the Strict use or Abuse of government, by way of Monopoly. It now remaineth briefly to show the Too Loose use thereof, by Vngouerned Trade.  
It is a maxim in the mathematics, that Rectum est Index sui& obliqui. And the want of government, cannot better be demonstrated, then by the benefit of government itself. For thereby the Common-wealth hath been much advantaged, both in the increase of the native Commodities of the kingdom, and the aduancement of their use and price in foreign parts: and also in keeping the foreign wears at a moderate rate within this kingdom. This will be yet more perspicuous, if we cast our eye first vpon the several Societies of Merchants which trade under government: and then on those which trade without government. For Contraria iuxta se posita, magis elucescunt.  

The Merchants-Aduenturers.  In the first place therefore consider we that Ancient and heretofore Famous fellowship of the Merchants adventurers of England. Hath it not by their politic rule and order, eaten out the society of the Hans-townes of germany and the Merchants of the intercourse of the Low Countries, in those trades, which a long time they enjoyed in this land? And whereas those of the Hans, vented in Germany, only a matter of six thousand of our Clothes yearly and at low prizes: and held this realm as it were beholding unto them for their shipping: yea vpon some discontent for denying of them privileges, durst offer some hostility in the time of Edward the fourth. whereas the Merchants-Aduenturers by their Charters, granted from time to time by the Princes of this realm, and favoured by Parliaments successively; by their orderly managing of their trade, haue supplanted the trade of the Hanses in Germany: and brought the said six thousand vented by them in Germany, unto thirty thousand Clothes yearly& at great prizes. And it is worthy to be remembered to their Honour, that service which the Merchants-Aduenturers did to the State in Anno 88. when they supplied the navy royal with a whole ships lading of Powder and Shot from Hamburgh: which came luckily even in articulo temporis, when there was a very great want thereof. These also haue from time to time employed and bread up many worthy Masters of ships and Mariners: and built many Tall, warlike and serviceable ships: which as they themselves also, are at all times ready to do service to the KING& STATE vpon all occasions. None of all which they had ever been able to haue done as particular men, in a loose, distracted, and disorderly trade.  

The East-India Company.  Great benefit also hath arisen from the East-land Company: who haue won like ground of the Hanses of the baltic Sea: and do employ in that trade a great number of proper ships and Men.  
The muscovy Company 
The muscovy Company  also by the benefit of government, besides their employment of many proper Ships and Men, haue discovered the passage by the North-Cape, as also of Greenland: and done many other services to the State: which as particular men, they could never haue performed.  
The Leuant Company 
The Leuant Company.  likewise by their trade under government, hath built a great strength of warlike, Tall& Lusty Shipping, which they employ in that trade: and by their industry haue won from the Italians the trade of the Leuant: the Commodities whereof were before brought into this realm by Argosies to the increase of foreign shipping, and at dear rates: and is now reduced to the natives of this kingdom, to the increase of Shipping, and the benefit of the public. Which without government and good order, had been impossible for them to haue done.  
The French Company 
The French Company.  also, though but lately reduced to Order, haue reformed many abuses in that trade, in maintaining the native Commodities of this kingdom in much better estimation, and in keeping the foreign at moderate prices: and in employing greater shipping, then at any time before. Which were impossible for them to effect Singly, without society.  
Lastly, for the East-India Company. 
The East-India Company.  whereof I am prevented to say what I might, by two several discourses published in print, the one by that worthy& rarely qualified Gentleman Sr. Dudley digs Knight, the other by that discreet Merchant M. Thomas Mun: yet this I say, that this Great and Noble society by the benefit of government, hath set on foot a very mighty Trade, far beyond any other Company of this kingdom: and accordingly hath excelled in greatness of shipping, and making Mariners of serving-men, beyond the example of any other Corporation: and had not envy thought that Trade too great a Treasure for this kingdom, doubtless they had in increase of Trade, excelled all the Companies of Merchants in this Common-wealth.  
But here the ordinary objection encountereth me, that in Germany, 
The objection answered, that the Merchants of other countries trade without government, which is examined by a particular enumeration of diuers Countries.  spain, France, italy, and the Netherlands, there are no such Companies, nor Restraint of Merchants, as here in England: and yet that those Countries thrive better in their Trades, then we in ours. I answer, that if it be granted, that they haue no such Companies nor Restraints of any, and that they thrive better in their trades then we; yet it will not follow, that this their better thriving is because every man is at liberty to be a Merchant at his pleasure. This is the Fallacy which the Logicians call {αβγδ}, Non causa pro causa. For if that were the cause, why then should not our Spanish Trade, that hath no Company nor Restraint, prosper better thē the other Trades which are governed in Companies? whereas to speak as the truth is, This Trade& These Merchants, are the most miserable of all the other Trades and tradesman of this kingdom, and all through want of government: through whose sides the Common-wealth suffereth, and hath already lost many Millions in value of the Wealth of the weal-public, as I shall show anon. But to the Assumption. I deny that the Merchants of those foreign Countries, trade without government. For Germany hath anciently had one Society, 
As first Germany.  or Corporation of Merchants in all their Sea-townes, called the Society of the Hans, before noted: as their houses of Staple, yet standing at Bridges in Flanders, antwerp in Brabant, Nouogrode in Russia, Bergen in norway, and the Steelyard in London can witness. Which trade of theirs flourished, as long as it continued under government: but having lost their privileges, partly by their own straggling, and partly being ouertop't by the flourishing of the Merchants adventurers Trade, their Trade is now almost quiter fallen to the ground.  
For spain and Portugall: 
spain and Portugall.  all men know that their Sea Trade is little, saving to the East and West-Indies. And those Trades are carried with government, and far more restraint then ours.  
For France, 
France.  there are not( that I know) any Companies of Merchants for foreign parts. Which I take to bee the cause, why those Merchants shipping, is of so small burden, and of as little sufficiency for service. Which is an effect of a straggling vngouerned Trade.  
For Italy, 
Italy.  that consisteth of so many several jurisdictions, that it were impossible to make a general Corporation for any one kind of Sea-trade. For example, were it not in vain for Genoa to make a Corporation& Orders for Trade, whilst Florence held a contrary course? It were certainly all one, as to haue a Company of Merchants for spain at London, and the West-parts left loose to Trade without Order or government, which were a mere mockery. But the Trade in many parts of Italy, being carried by Families, and every Family being as it were one Person, there is a kind of government in their Trades, and the same performed with marvelous credite, policy, and iudgement.  

The Netherlands.  The Low Countries, by that union which is of the several towns and provinces under the States general( which nevertheless is as much, and endureth as long, as every several province and town listeth,) haue of late yeeres erected their East India Company, and the like for Guiny, and are in hand with the like for the West Indies. Also the Cloth-buyers, the principal Merchants of Holland, haue lately obtained Octroy so termed, which is privileges& Immunities of the States, to assemble themselves, and to keep Courts, and make Orders for their Trade; and principally to confront& oppose the Merchants-Aduenturers Trade, vpon some differences, lately fallen out betwixt those Cloth-buyers and the said Company about the residence before noted. For their other Trades of Germany, Poland, England, France and spain, they rather wish then find it possible, to join the several towns in one Rule and Order. And who so converseth with that Nation, shall find that they very much complain of the disorders of their Trades, for want of that kind of government, which many of them take notice of here in England: and some of them of late haue desired instructions from hence in that behalf. Besides all this, these people as they are born and bread in an united Country, so doth their nature and disposition incline much to an union and Communion in Trade. Insomuch as oftentimes they are able to work their feats by Confederacy and Combination, against an Incorporation in our Nation. For they wisely consider, that their interest is involved in the public: where, in our Nation, men commonly prefer their Particular, to the Common-good.  
And thus having answered the objections against Corporations, of Merchants and governed Trades, and shewed the many and manifold benefits arising to the Common-wealth thereby: It is now easy to show the injury and inconvenience to this Common-wealth by the want of government in Trade. Those that Trade without Order and government, are like unto men, that make Holes in the bottom of that Ship, wherein themselves are Passengers. For want of government in Trade, openeth a gap and letteth in all sorts of vnskilfull and disorderly persons: and these not only sink themselves and others with them; but also mar the merchandise of the land, both in estimation and goodness: then which there can bee nothing in Trade more prejudicial to the public utility. And to make good these particulars, I take this for a ground: Nemo nascitur artifex. Which as it is true in the occupations of artisans: so is it much more true in the Trades of Merchants: wherein there is so great variety of difficult points to bee learned, before a man can learn his stuck, as the Dutch-men speak, or be his Crafts master. And how can the Merchant, that hath no skill in his Commodity, look to it, that the Maker perform his part? Or how can a falsified Commodity, hold his estimation and use? The ill experience whereof, is not more remarkable in any of HIS majesties subiects, then in those that trade into the Dominions of the King of spain, without Order or government in Trade. For at the beginning of HIS majesties most happy reign over this kingdom, this Trade by HIS majesties Princely favour, was made a Corporation and society of Merchants, and flourished under government. And then the new Draperies, and other the native Commodities of the kingdom were maintained in their estimation and goodness at Home and Abroad: But soon after by the clamour of some who preferred their own liberty, to the utility of the public, and by some misinformation given the Parliament of that time, this Company after it had flourished two yeares, was dissolved, and ever since exposed to confusion and disorder in Trade, and is become a receptacle and Rendes-vous for every Shopkeeper, straggler, and unskilful person: and may serve for a lively representation of the hopes that may be expected, by such a loose trade, as many now a daies so much desire, not rightly conceiving or considering the benefit of government, nor the inconveniencies that do perpetually accompany trade in the want thereof. Which in the Effects will be more Perspicuous, to which in their Order we now proceed.   

CAP. V. Of the Effects of the former Causes as they concern the KING.  
such were the Causes considered in the Matter and form of trade. The Effects follow: which do either concern the KING, or the Common-wealth.  
Such as are the Causes, such also must needs be the Effects arising from the same: and those do either respect the KING in point of Honour, or in point of revenue: and both in the Matter and form of Trade.  
In point of Honour, there is a relation to the KING from the Matter of Trade, 
Effects to the King in point of Honour.  considered Generally, or Specially.  
Generally, in the general neglect of all trades, by remerous, rash, and litigious suits of law: whereby the Peace of the kingdom is disturbed, the Iustice thereof abused, and in both the KING dishonoured.  
Or Specially in some special Commerce of this kingdom, abused by the KINGS Subiects, or Strangers. By the KINGS Subiects, in the Drapery of the kingdom, when HIS majesties seal of arms, which, as I said, is, Testis omni exceptione maior, shall be dishonoured by false Cloth and other Manufactures, that are unworthily honoured therewith: and whereby, those that buy the same both within and without the Land, are persuaded the same is good and true, when the same is utterly false: which is a great indignity offered to the KING.  
By Strangers, in the East India Action, and the matter of Fishing. In the East India Action certainly the KINGS Honour is interested; not onely to protect his subiects against the injuries done them by the Dutch in the East Indies; but also to maintain the Glory and renown, of HIS Sacred famed, which hath heretofore been Illustrious even unto the Heathen: which some haue dared to do what they could to obscure. The Fishing hath also reference to the KINGS Honour: for it is a Royalty of the crown, which the KING in Honour cannot but protect.  
There is also an Effect that extendeth itself to the KINGS Honour in the form of Trade, as it is too strict, or too loose. Too strict, in respect of Monopolies, wherein the prerogative of the KING is abused, and therein HIS Honour also, by those that thereby seek to privilege and patronise things unlawful.  
Too loose, in the disorderly Trade of the subiects out of government. For those Strangers that haue not been in our country, nor seen the Order of HIS majesties government, must needs Ex vngue Leonem, guess at the sovereign by the subject: And like to Archimedes who drew the whole portraiture of Hercules body, by his footstep onely found in Mount Olymphus, proportion the royal and regal government of HIS majesty At home, by the deportment of his subiects Abroad. And as the Orderly Trade of Merchants is an Honour to the KING, when the same is contained within the lists of government; so the contrary cannot choose but produce a quiter contrary effect.  
In point of revenue the KINGS treasure is diminished, 
In point of revenue.  in the Matter also and form of Trade. In the Matter of Trade, either in the General course of Trade, or in some particulars. In the general, the great want of money, and decay of Trade throughout all callings and conditions of men, must needs cause a great diminution of HIS majesties revenue, both in HIS customs and Supplies. For the customs, those perpetually rise and fall with Trade: And for Supplies, the subiects being impoverished through want of Money and decay of Trade, are disabled to do that service to HIS majesty, which otherwise they would be willing, and heretofore haue been able to perform, in flourishing times of Trade. And if our experience hereof had been in the {αβγδ} and not in the {αβγδ}, in the Contemplation only, and not in Action: we had been much more happy in this Kingdom and Nation.  
In the particular course of Trade, it shall content me to instance onely the East India Action, and the Fishing, before referred to the KINGS Honour, here to HIS revenue. By the East India Action there is a very great loss to the KING in HIS customs, by the loss of all the custom which that Trade would haue produced in all this time: and of the increase also of Trade, which that employment had brought with it, which would haue yielded to HIS majesty a great Increase of customs answerable to the same. Of both which if we had not been deprived, certainly HIS majesties Ferme of HIS customs had yielded Many Thousand pounds a year, more then now they haue done.  
By the Fishing, the customs and Tolles which are undoubtedly due to HIS majesty for the Strangers Fishing vpon our Coasts, together with the increase of Trade, and consequently of customs thereby also, would amount to so great a value, that I cannot wonder enough, that the same hath been neglected all this while.  
And lastly in the form of Trade, the KINGS revenue is mightily diminished, when by the disorder of Trade, the very course of Trade is inverted, and therein the KINGS customs and Subsidies also.   

CAP. VI. Of the Effects of the former Causes as they concern the Common-wealth.  
FRom the KING, come to the kingdom. Wherein there are also manifold Effects of the precedent Causes, both in the Matter and form of Trade.  
And although in the very same things, wherein the Honour and revenue of the KING are invested, the Wealth of the Common-wealth is also interested; yet the same may otherwise be distinguished, that so they may bee made the more perspicuous and clear to every mans iudgement. 
Effects to the Common-wealth active and passive.   
The Effects then that arise out of the Matter of Trade and fall vpon the kingdom, may be said to be either active or passive. active, when they are done by ourselves: passive, when they are done to us by others. active, in the use of Law, either Too much, or Too little. Too much, in Suits of Law, whereby one subject vexeth another: which make this peaceable kingdom seem to be at war within itself. For whilst men are thus at Deadly Feude in Law, by the loss of their Times, and Trades, and States; the thrift of the Common-wealth must needs bee neglected. Too little, In the Non-Execution of laws, which tend either to the enlargement of Clothing, or the restraint of the excess of the kingdom. The Former is, either in respect of the Ill searching and Sealing of Cloth, or in the Transportation of the Materials of our Cloth before mentioned. In the former of these, the Merchants adventurers can give you an account of ten thousand pounds a year at least loss to this Common-wealth, by the Tare or abatements vpon the Cloath in foreign parts, for the false making and sealing thereof: Besides the other Effects of the decay of the Drapery itself, and other Trades depending thereon, the loss whereof is vnualuable. In the Latter, every man is sensible of the loss to the Common-wealth, in robbing it of the Materials: whereby not onely our Draperies are Impaired, but the foreign also are thereby much improved.  
Also the want of restraint of the excess of the kingdom, in usury and Prodigality: the one being a Viper in a kingdom that gnaweth through the bowels thereof: the other a Canker that fretteth and wasteth the stock, in spending the foreign wears, more then it venteth of our own: both and either do produce intolerable effects in a well ordered kingdom and Common-wealth.  
Or passive, in the ill Effects that fall vpon the kingdom, in things done to us by Others. And that either by Friends or Foes. The Former is done by Imposition, or usurpation. By Imposition, in the Merchants adventurers Trade in Holland: where there is lately taxed vpon a Pack Cloth 9. Gilders; vpon a long Cloth 18. Gilders, and vpon a fine Cloth 24. Gilders, which is 18. 36. and 48. shillings of our money. And yet nevertheless they free their own country Cloth of all manner of charge; nay, they give encouragement to the makers thereof by many privileges and Immunities: whereby it is more then manifest that they do what in them lieth, to Plant their own Draperies, and to Supplant ours, to the infinite disadvantage of this kingdom.  
By usurpation, those Friends of ours, deprive us of our East India Trade, and Fishing, which here again occur, and offer themselves for this purpose also. By the Former, the Common-wealth hath not onely been dispossessed all this while of so great a stock, as is that of the East India Company, but of the employment and increase of Trade also, that thereby in all this time would haue accrued unto this kingdom. And it is to be feared, that their policy is not onely to deprive the Company of their stock, but the kingdom also of the Trade: which they think too great and glorious a Fortune for this Common-wealth to enjoy, and the onely hope of theirs. And hence it is that the Restitution is so hard to be had, because they think by detaining it, and spinning out the time, they shall in time Weary and wear us out of that Trade: And so in the mean while, by ploughing up those Indian Seas and soil with our Heifers, they may at last reap all the harvest, and possess and dispossess at their own pleasure, to the wonderful enriching of their Common-wealth, and the impoverishing of ours.  
By the latter, to wit, their Fishing vpon our Coasts, the Common-wealth looseth that which they gain: which is marvelous increase of Trade, of ships, and mariners. Whereby their navigation is mightily Strengthened, their mariners multiplied, and their Trade increased: Of all which this Common-wealth is deprived, and their's enriched.  
By Foes also this Common-wealth is lamentably passive, in the Cruelty done by Turkish pirates vpon our Men and Ships, and Goods. The grief is lamentable, the loss intolerable.  
Lastly, there are ill Effects that fall vpon the Common-wealth in the form of Trade: and that in respect of Monopolies, or Vngouerned Trade. By the Former, this Common-wealth is deprived of that true liberty of Trade, which belongeth to all the subiects: when the Commodity of some few, is preferred to the public good.  
By the Latter, which is most remarkable in the Trade of HIS majesties subiects into the Dominions of the King of spain, and the Mediterrane Sea; the Trade of this kingdom consisting in bays, Perpetuanoes, kerseys, wax, tin, led, and other the native Commodities of this kingdom, is betrayed into the hands, both of those with whom we are in amity, and others that are with us in Enmity. The one taketh advantage of our vnmerchant-like courses for lack of Order: The other, of our ships sent forth straggling for lack of Fleets: and both through want of government in Trade. Whereby the Perpetuanoes and other new Draperies haue by little and little been made worse and worse, so that now they are become quiter out of use, the Trade lost, the Traders ruinated, the Manufactures by other Nations supplied, the navigation hindered, by the loss of many worthy men, and serviceable ships: In all which, the Decay of Trade is exceeding Great, the Common-wealth's loss Infinite.   

CAP. VII. Of the Remedy for all the former Causes of decay of Trade.  
having shewed the many and manifold Causes of the decay of Trade in the Matter and form thereof: It remaineth now to present the Remedy. Which according to the precedent Method, I will apply unto all the particulars in their order. Onely the Remedies for the Effects, I shall present in the Causes: for the Causes being removed, the Effects must needs cease, according to the common maxim in Philosophy, Sublatâ causâ tollitur effectus.  
In my former distribution I considered the Causes of the decay of Trade, in the Matter and form thereof: and in the Matter I insisted on Money and merchandise. The Causes of the want of money, I shewed some to be Immediat; some mediate or remote. The Immediat Causes, I noted to be such, as either hinder the Importation; or such as cause the Exportation; and both in the Vnder-valuation of HIS majesties coin. 
The Remedy of drawing money into the kingdom, must needs be the raising therof.  The Remedy offers itself, which is double. First, how it may be got: and next how it may be kept. The former may be done two ways: By Raising of the KINGS coin; and by making current foreign coins at equal value. 
And by making foreign coins currant at like value.  wherein it is to be observed, that the more the coinage is abated, the less the coin itself need to be raised. The latter, to wit, the keeping of Money within the land, may also be done 2. ways: By another maner of Execution of the Statute for Employments then heretofore: wherein there is some reason not to express myself as I might: And by HIS majesties Princely and Prudent Negotiation, with the Princes of our Neighbour Countries, the States of the united provinces especially, to keep a more constant course in the valves of their coins. Neither of which can be done by that Par of Exchange, which is now again in agitation, and hath taken more then twenty yeeres to bring it to perfection. Wherein, absit invidia verbo, that I say, there is neither Parity, nor Purity. For it is not the rate of Exchanges, but the value of moneys, here low, elsewhere high, which cause their Exportation: nor do the Exchanges, but the plenty or scarcity of moneys cause their valves. Or if I should grant that to be the cause which is not: yet it doth not follow, that because the Stranger, like enough, would be a deliverer here of money at a high rate, that therefore the English must take it. And then the consequence will be ill: for if the rate be such as the Taker like not, then the deliverer is yet more thrust vpon the exportation. But I leave this project to whom it is committed, with this, that his opinion seems to be eiusdem farinae, with another of the same, in his Canker of Englands Common-wealth, in these words: 
Canker of Englands Common-wealth. p. 46. published in An. 1601.  And it were to be wished, that our Cloth were sold at so dear a rate, and according to the price of foreign Commodities, that thereby other nations would take vpon them to make our Clothes themselves: which might easily bee remedied, by selling our wools the dearer, whereof they must make them. Which seems to haue in it much more Dutch then English, to deprive this kingdom of so royal a Manufacture, whereby so many thousands of poor families, are maintained in the same: as if he would cure one Canker with another, contrary to our saviours Argument, that Satan cannot cast out Satan. But I return to mine own Station: and therein to answer the objections that do occur the raising of Money: which are wont to be principally, either the continual Raising of it, to follow the Rising of foreign coin; or else the inevitable loss that thereby will fall, Generally vpon all men in the endearing of all things; and particularly vpon Landlords and Creditors, in their rents and contracts.  

The objections against raising of money, answered.  For the continual Raising of the coin, that will be needless, if the means be sufficient for executing the Statute for employments, whereby the Money may be kept within the land when we haue it. And for the dearness of things, which the Raising of Money bringeth with it, that will be abundantly recompensed unto all in the plenty of Money, and quickening of Trade in every mans hand. And that which is equal to all, when he that buye's dear shall sell dear, cannot bee said to be injurious unto any. And it is much better for the kingdom, to haue things dear with plenty of Money, whereby men may live in their several callings: then to haue things cheap with want of Money, which now makes every man complain.  
Lastly, for Landlords and Creditors, their loss is easy to be prevented by proviso, that the Contracts made before the raising of the moneys shall be paid at the value the Money went at, when the Contracts were made: according to the disposition of the civil Law in this case: 
Gailius 2. lib. observat. cap. 73.  Valor monetae considerandus& inspiciendus est à tempore contractus, non autem à tempore solutionis.  
The raising also of the coin, would raise the price of Plate: whereby either there would bee less superfluity that way, or else more old Plate, which perhaps in some mens hands is kept up for Treasure, would be brought out, to be melted into coin.  
The Mediate or Remote Causes of the want of Money, I observed to bee either domestic or foreign. The domestic, general or special. The general, the great excess of the kingdom, in consuming the Commodities of foreign Countries in such abundance, to our own loss. And amongst those, the great excess in Tobacco is none of the least: which if it might seem good to the High wisdom of HIS majesty, 
A Remedy for excess.  to restrain, or at least to give a toleration of the Virginia and Barmudo's only: there might be a great deal of piety and Policy shewed in this Remedy. For in the one respect, it would tend to a great enriching of that plantation, which so happily succeedeth through Gods blessing: and in the other it would advantage the KING and the kingdom, in the redress of the disorder of the Spanish Trade, and in bringing in Treasure in stead of that toy, more then the Rent that is now raised to HIS majesty for the same,  
The Superfluity of other Commodities may bee restrained by laws Vestiary and Sumptuary, according to the example of Germany& other our neighbour Countries.  
The special Remote Cause of our want of Money, 
A Remedy for want of Money in the remote cause thereof.  I noted to bee the want of our East India stock in the Common-wealth. The Remedy whereof, is in the Princely Power and gracious favour of HIS majesty to apply at HIS pleasure, to this Languishing body. And if HIS Sacred majesty will vouchsafe to apply HIS gracious Mouth, to this Mouth: HIS waking Eye, to this Eye: HIS powerful Hand to this Hand: then surely this fainted Body will receive Breath and Life, from the powerful influence of so Great a majesty, and revive also the many other fainting Trades, that are fallen in it. The foreign Remote Causes, I observed to be the Warres in christendom, or the Trades maintained with ready Money Out of christendom. The former, either cause the Exportation of Money, as do the Warres of Christians: or hinder the Importation thereof, as do the Warres of pirates. A Remedy in the former of these I know none, 
A Remedy of the Warres of Christians.  besides that blessed disposition in HIS majesty to spare no Cost to make Peace: which hath made HIS famed shine as far as the sun shineth, and shall last as long as the sun and moon endureth: and as sure as the Lord is faithful, will be remembered on HIS Posterity for ever: Besides this I say, I know none, but Patience and Prayer: that God would avert the heavy Iudgments at this day on the Christian world, and give us grace to consider Our peace, in this Our day thereof. A Remedy in the latter, 
A Remedy of disorderly Trade.  may be either by reducing of the straggling trade of HIS majesties subiects into the Dominions of the King of spain, into government; whereby they also might go in fleets, as other governed Companies do, and the better defend themselves against so Common and Cruel an enemy: or else by seeking restitution of our wrongs in this kind, where it may be had: so far as it may concur with the Honour of the KING, to whose Great and Princes iudgement, I submit the same.  
The Remedy for the Exportation of Money out of christendom 
A Remedy for the exportation of Money out of christendom.  by the Trades before mentioned, dependeth much on the good Conclusion hoped for, between the Dutch and our Nation. Whereby not only the Indian Commodities, which in those Trades are the principal, may be bought much better cheap, and consequently spare a great deal of the Treasure now issued out for the same: but also, the native Commodities of either Country, and as much as may bee of every Country, may be brought into Trade and train with the Indians, and advanced in their use and price: that so at last in stead of Money for wears, we may give wears for wears according to the Law and nature of Commerce. And this good conclusion between the Dutch and us, is the rather to bee wished, and the more to be hastened, because the subtlety of the Indians is great, in taking advantage of this unhappy Faction, or rather Fraction, that is fallen betwixt vs. For those that haue traveled the Indies, and observed those people can tell, that the Indians do ascribe so much to the light of their understanding, that they do account the rest of the world blind in Comparison of them. Only they vouchsafe to the people of Europe this honour, to call them One eyed men. Which also Maffeius taketh notice of, in his History of the Indies, that those people dare beyond modesty thus to brag; Chinenses duos habere oculos; 
joan. Petr. Maffeius Hist. Ind. lib. 6.  Europaeos vnum;& quod hominum est reliquum, caecutire. That the Chineses haue two eyes, the Europians one, and all the rest of the people of the world are blind. And indeed they do approve themselves to be Quicke-sighted enough: for they are the Antipodes of Christians, and are in situation farthest remote from them, and yet can find the means, to prie into the Mines and Treasure of the Christian world. And therefore I say, it is high time that the Dutch and We left Darting at one another, and so join together, that as with one Hand, and one Heart, and if they will needs haue it so, with that one eye, we may collect and contract our sharpest sense& sight into it; that as it is said, some Monoculists, by the sharpness of the sense drawn to one eye, see better with that, then both: we may at last put this remedy in practise, that we seem no longer blind men, to those Indian people. But herein on both parts, are we humbly to implore HIS majesties regal Intercession, that these differences, betwixt the Dutch and us, may no longer Hang in suspense, but at last be drawn to that happy and hopeful Period wee haue so long looked& longed for. That so the majesty of the KING, arising like the Glory of the Sun-ring vpon this our Horizon, may dispel and disperse all the tempestuous Mists and fogs, that haue obscured the same; and lend such a glorious Light and Life unto this orb of ours, that They& We, like louers and friends fallen at odds, may be redintegrated, renewed, and revnited, in unfeigned amity and unity, that the name of hostility betwixt Them and us, be never hereafter  told in Gath, nor published in the streets of Ashcalon: And that the public complaints as well of their 
In a Translation out of a Dutch Copy, lately published in Holland by the Dutch themselves: in the face or Title whereof, these words are used: That notwithstanding the extreme wrongs done by the MAIORS to the English Nation, Trading to the East Indies; yet it is the Iustice of God, they thrive not with it themselves. Printed 26. june. 1622.  own people, as Ours, may no longer come under the view and censure of the world.  
Another Remedy of this kind, may bee HIS majesties gracious protection of the Persian Trade now so happily set on foot: that so neither the envy of any at Home; nor the Power or Policy of any abroad, supplant us in the same. 
Another Remedy of the former kind.  Whereby the Cloth and tin, and other the native Commodities of this kingdom, may be brought into use and Commerce amongst the Persians also. Which through Gods blessing, and his majesties royal Assistance, may be a means to draw the whole Trade of the Persian silk into this Kingdom, and make it the magazine thereof, for the supply of other Nations: to the weakening of the Turkes power, the increase of Trade in this Common-wealth, and with it HIS majesties customs, the navigation, and employment of the poor: to the Great Honour of the KING, and enriching of all HIS kingdoms.  
And so much for the Remedies about the matter of Trade in Money; the merchandise followeth. Which I considered jointly, or Apart. The things that hindered the whole Trade, I noted to be Deficient, as the want of Money, or the East India stock, which haue their Remedy before: or Efficient, as usury and Litigious Suits of law, to the Remedies whereof we now proceed. 
A Remedy for usury.   
The Remedy for usury, may be plenty of Money. For then, men will haue no such cause to take Money at interest, as when Money is scant. For as it is the scarcity of Money that maketh the high rates of interest: so the plenty of Money will make the rates low, better then any Statute for that purpose. For although in the Netherlands, it is lawful for a man to take twenty in the hundred if he can get it:( wherein it seems the Author of the Tract against usury was misinformed,) yet there, commonly money is let at 6. and 7. in the hundred, by reason of the plenty of Money.  
Or there is another Remedy for usury, 
Another Remedy for usury.  in giuing liberty to the subiects, if so it may seem good to HIS majesties High wisdom, to buy and sell, and to transport bills of debt from man to man: according to the custom of Germany and the Low Countries. Which is found to be an excellent means to supply mens wants in course of trade; and tendeth also to the enlarging thereof. And for the extortion vpon the poor above noted: if a stock of Money were raised in manner of a lombard, or otherwise in London, and in the Countries where much poor depend on Clothing, and else-where where there is cause, whereby the multitudes of poor wherewith the Kingdom swarmeth, might be from time to time supplied for a small consideration; it would certainly give great encouragement to the poor to labour, it would set on work many fatherless children that are ready to starve, it would benefit the Common-wealth by their labours, and it would be an acceptable work to Almighty God, so to supply their wants, and not to suffer the faces of the poor to be ground by the extortion of any. And I am persuaded, that every good man would be willing, either to give, or to lend, toward the raising of a stock of Money for this purpose.  
For Litigious suits of Law, if men bestowed half that study and cost in trade, which now adays is spent in temerous and rash suits of Law; surely the benefit that thence would arise to the Common-wealth, would equal or exceed in value, that which is spent in Law, which I think cannot be valued. The Remedy requireth great consideration, for such is the Cause.  
That the suits of Law in this kingdom are now infinitely increased, 
Remedies for ligitious suits of Law.  to that they were in elder times, I think it is out of question: The Quaere is about the cause thereof. Litigious suits of Law, may seem anciently to haue been restrained, either by Sureties, or Fines, or both. Of the Former there is yet a defaced print in the Commom-Pledges of do and row. Which were of old the names of true and real sureties, but are now become formal only, and feigned names of Course and Solemnity. Whence also it is, that in stead of real sureties in London, feigned sureties are devised from the dwelling of the party plaintiff: As for example: if the plaintiff dwell in cheapside: they enter for his Sureties vpon the Record of Court, John cheap, and Richard Side. And in like manner wheresoever else the plaintiff dwelleth.  
Of the Latter, to wit of Fines, the use of them both in the Kings Bench,& Common-Pleas, continueth unto this day. In the Kings Bench the Fines are not so ancient, for those began in the 8. year of HIS majesties Happy reign over this kingdom: neither are they of like value to those of the Common-Pleas. Whereof HIS majesty made then a grant to certain Patentees for term of yeares. But in the Common-Pleas, the Fines vpon Originall-Writs, are held by the learned in the Law, to bee as ancient as the Common-Law itself.  
Now whether the use of Sureties, or the Institution of Fines, were invented for the restraint of Ligitious suits of Law: or the Disuse and inequality of them, tendeth to the increase thereof; I humbly leave that, to the wisdom and iudgement of the reverend Iudges, and others learned in the Law: least I seem {αβγδ}. nevertheless there seems to me, to be a print of them, in the laws and customs of foreign Nations. For which, if you please, let us hear MAIMON a great RABBI. HEBRAEI, 
{αβγδ} Maimon. lib. 3.  litigiosum hominum genus, saith he, duplum rependere coegerunt, qui debitum scienter denegaret.  

Bodin. de Rep. lib. 6.  Also FESTVS POMPEIVS, cited by BODIN. Romani decimam partem eius rei, quae in controuersiam veniret in privatis, aut qui tam in publicis judicijs, imperabant. Ac licet Romani in Republica libera, Vectigalia& tributa imperare sibi difficilimè paterentur, Vectigalia tamen Iudiciaria patienter tulerunt.  

In Part. juris. De Actionib.  Also HOTTOMAN. Romani Sacramentum constituerunt, certam viz. pecuniae summam, vt qui judicio vicisset, suum sacramentum auferret, victi autem ad aerarium rediret.  

De Rep. lib. 6.  And lastly BODIN. Carolus nonus Vectigal Iudiciarium ad cohibendam litigatorum hominum indomitam atque effraenatam licentiam imperauit. Quo vix ullum afflictis aerarij opibus vtilius,& Galliae Imperio litium innumerabili multitudine oppresso, splendidius cogitari poterat.  
There is also in France an excellent restraint of Law suits, by a Law Merchant, established in rouen, Lions, and Tholosa: whereby the other higher Courts of Iustice are eased of those Knotty questions that often fall out in matters of Commerce, which are harder to bee determined by the learned in the Law, and not so hard for Merchants and men of Trade.  
Like to which, is that of the Court of Conscience, and the office for policies of Assurance in London. The one granted by an Act of Parliament, in the 3. year of HIS majesties happy reign, the other by the Statute of 43. Eliz. And both are executed by Merchants and men of Trade: though in the latter the Statute joineth certain civil and Common Lawyers with them in Commission, to assist them when there is cause: because such Assurances are grounded on the civil Law. By which means HIS majesties other Courts of Iustice are eased of the multiplicity of Questions that might arise by suits of Law of this kind.  
And thus having been bold to make this short Relation of my poor observation herein, I most humbly submit this Remedy to the High wisdom of HIS majesty, to dispose thereof in such Manner and Measure, as the Nature and Number of the suits of Law, at this day in this kingdom do require. In the restraint whereof, HIS majesty shall haue great Honour: HIS kingdom Peace: the Iudges Ease: the Subiects quietness, and the Common-wealth increase of Trade.  

Remedies for Ordinance.  The Trades considered Apart, I reduced to such, as tend to the Fortification of the kingdom, or Maintenance of Trade. The former I noted to be Ordinance or Munition. In which case the Philosopher giveth good counsel, 
Bias:  {αβγδ}. Sic amandum tanquam sis osurus, sic oportet odisse tanquam sis amaturus.  
The latter I reduced to Fishing and Clothing, 
The Remedy for Fishing.  as the Nurseries of Trade. For the Fishing, the infinite treasure that Strangers search out of our Seas, the variety of Trade that thereby they purchase, the multitude of Mariners they breed, the Fleets of Shipping they maintain, 
Quae non pr●sunt singula, multa invant, De remed.  me thinks should every of them apart, or all of them together, be unto us as so many provocations to rouse us up to the exercise thereof: Whereby HIS majesty might receive such a Tolle or custom of them, as other Princes do in like case, and be once again Lord and Master of the Seas, for all the dispute of the Author of mere liberum: and the native subject encouraged by some Immunity or privilege, to lay hold on that benefit, which God and Nature hath brought home to our doors.  
For the Clothing, that also is a point of State and great consequence. The Causes of the decay whereof, I observed to bee either domestic or foreign. The domestic some Past, some Present. In which former, it may perhaps seem strange, to speak of a Remedy for a thing past. Wherein the best Remedy I can think of, is, to be warned by those harms, not to disturb or distracted Trade vpon any suggestion, though never so specious. It is a safe rule, that in Rebus novis constituendis evidens esse debet utilitas. And in projects, though they promise much, yet the utility is commonly Contingent, which may be, or may not be. But in the mutation of the natural course of Trade, there ought to be Perspicuity and Apparency of evident utility: Else a Breach may be sooner made in Trade then can be repaired: and the Current once diverted, will hardly bee revolved, into it genuine Source and Course again.  
The present domestic Causes of the Decay of Clothing, I considered in the Trade under the Clothier, or under the Merchant. under the Clothier, I noted the Ill making and False sealing of Cloth: and both through the Non-execution of the Statute of 4. of the KING. The abuse whereof is grown to be very great, and the reformation hath been by HIS majesties Proclamations and otherwise, so much and so oft attempted of late yeares, and nothing therein effected, that it seemeth a very difficult matter to reform the same. nevertheless if it may please HIS majesty, 
The Remedy for Clothing.  to commit the care of the execution of the Statute, to some of the principal Cities and towns in the Clothing Counties, 
The Remedy for Clothing.  where Broad Clothes, kerseys, and Perpetuanoes are made; and to make them the overseers mentioned in the Statute, instead of those ignorant and negligent Searchers, with reasonable allowance for their pains; I am confident it would prove a singular Remedy. For we haue not only the example of the Low Countries, 
Examples of Worcester, Colchester, and Canterbury.  where this course is taken, but also here with us: as Worcester for that sort of Clothes, Colchester for bays, and Canterbury for says. In all which places the former abuses are removed by this means; and the Clothes, and bays, and Manufactures of those Cities, triumph in great credit and estimation. Which execution of the said Statute, is the rather to be committed to the care and charge of the principal Cities and towns in the Clothing Counties; because by ancient Statutes not repealed, 
4.&, 5. P.& M. 5.  all Clothes and kerseys ought to bee brought to the next City, Borough, or town Corporate, to be sealed, before they be put to sale. And if such Clothes so sealed, prove defective, that Corporation or township that so hath sealed them, shall forfeit the whole value thereof.  
The reformation of which abuse will redound to the benefit of the Clothier, as well as the Merchant. For none is more hurt with false Cloth, then that Clothier which maketh true Cloth: because his markets are always hurt by the cheapness that false Cloth may be afforded at. Therefore to facilitate this Remedy, I haue made a collection of all the principal Cities and towns in the Clothing Counties for this purpose, as by a list thereof, fixed to the end of this discourse may appear, that so a work of this nature be no longer deferred, wherein the Honour of the KING, and the Benefit of the public are so much involved.  

A Remedy for the exportation of Wools.  under the Merchant I observed the Cloth-Trade to suffer at Home and Abroad: At Home, either by exporting the Materials of Clothing, or by Ore-lading the Cloth-Trade with charge. The Remedy in the former, were to lay a restraint of exportation of Wools and Wool-fels out of Ireland, and to quicken the execution of the Statute for that purpose in England, by encouraging the discoverers of such abuses.  
The latter is the Sur-charging of the Cloth Trade, either generally or specially: this last, in the Impositions and impressed moneys imposed by the Merchant adventurers: which as it is a charge laid vpon the Drapery of the kingdom, I conceive, under favour, is a matter that trencheth into the Supreme power and dignity of the KING, and is peculiar to HIM alone. And if for government, or other just causes in Societies and Corporations, there be a necessity of paying of debts, or defraying of necessary charge; 
A Remedy for the charge vpon the Cloth.  I should think it better policy to spare the Cloth, and other the native Commodities of the Kingdom, and to implore HIS majesties favour, to levy such charge vpon the foreign Commodities: according to the counsel of Stephanus, 
Stephan lib. Senten.  Si Vectigal nouum euitari non potest, tunc onerentur merces perigrinae, quae ad luxum magis quàm ad necessitatem faciunt. And this I conceive would be a good remedy for easing the Cloth Trade of the present charge under the Merchants: which would also bee a means for paying of their debts, with a little more length of time, and a great deal of encouragement, both to Clothiers and Merchants in the Cloth Trade.  
And Abroad, if it appear vpon examination, that the Residence of the Merchant adventurers at Delft in Holland be inconvenient for the Trade: As HIS majesty was graciously pleased to give them that liberty for a trial, so it may please HIS majesty to dispose thereof, in some more fit place for theirs and the public good.  
The foreign Causes of the Decay of the Drapery, I noted to bee general, as the Warres; or special, as the great Imposition in Holland. The one is the work of God, the other of the KING, to remove the same. To whom I recommend them both.  

A Remedy for Monopolies and too strict Trade.  And thus far for the Remedies in the Matter of Trade, considered in Money and merchandise: the form followeth in governed and Vngouerned Trade. In the Former I observed a too strict, and in the latter a too loose form of Trade. The Remedy in the One, if it seem good to the high wisdom of HIS majesty, may be privative, in racing and rooting out the name and use of Monopolies from amongst this Nation, as HIS majesty hath royally begun in that HIS Gracious Proclamation before mentioned. And to free and open the course of Trade, where now it is unequally stopped, to the encouragement of the subiects, and the benefit of the public.  
In the other positive, by disposing the Trades of HIS majesties subiects that are now distracted; into Order and government. 
A Remedy for too loose Trade.  Whereof none hath more need, as hath been shewed, then those that Trade into the Dominions of the King of spain. Whose Trade the rather calleth for redress, because it exporteth Cloth and other the Manufactures of the kingdom, and importeth Treasure, the life of Trade: In both which there is now a marvelous great defect, and Trade in all mens hands become so poor and lean, that it doth scarce, haerere ossibus. For where Trade is disordered, and the Traders vngouerned, there they are like a house divided, which cannot long subsist: according to that of the Orator, 
Cic. de Legib.  Nec domus vlla, nec civitas, nec Societas, nec Gens, nec hominum vniuersum genus stare, nec rerum natura omnis, nec sine imperio mundus ipse potest.  
{αβγδ}.   


The principal Cities and towns, for execution of the Statute for searching and Sealing of Cloth, are in Counties, 

Three greater 

Wiltshire 

Salisbury. Wilton.  
Westbury. Trubrigde.  
Wotton-Baslet. Deuizes.  
Malmsbury. Chipnam.  
Castlecomb. Calne.  
Bradford. Bromhil.  
Beckinton. Warminster.    
Somersetsh. 

Bath. Wells.  
Freshford. Taunton.  
Philips-Norton. from.  
Somerton. Wellington.  
Bridgewater. Ilmister.  
Axbridge. Glastonbury.    
Glocestersh 

gloucester. Tedbury.  
Strowdwater. Dursley.  
Wotten-vnderhedge.  
Ebley. Witcomb.  
Winchcomb. Thornbury  
Teuxbury. Cirencester.      
six less 

Oxfordshire. Bu●ford. Witney.  
Worcesters. Worcester. Kidderminster  
Herefordshire. Hereford. Lidbury.  
Warwickshire. warwick. coventry.  
devonshire. exeter. Tanton.  
Hampsh. Southampton. Portsmouth.