AMERICAN r IDEA JOSEPH B. GILDER Copyright}!" COPYRIGHT DEPOSIT. The American Idea. THE AMERICAN IDEA As Expounded by American Statesmen Co mp He 4 .^ky JOSEPH B. GILDER INTRODUCTION BY Andrew Carnegie o NEW YORK ■ DODD, MEAD & COMPANY • • • MCMII THE LIBRARY Of CONGRESS, TWo Cowes RGOciv finally staked on the experiment intrusted to the hands of the American people. Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remain with your judgment to decide, how far an exercise of the occa- sional power delegated by the fifth article of the Constitution is rendered expedient at the present juncture by the nature of objections which have been urged against the system, or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them. Instead of undertaking particular recommendations on this subject, in which I could be guided by no lights de- rived from official opportunities, I shall again give way to my entire confidence in your discernment and pursuit of the public good; for I assure myself, that, whilst you carefully avoid every alteration, which might endanger the benefits of a united and effective govern- ment, or which ought to await the future [69] THE AMERICAN IDEA lessons of experience ; a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen, and a regard for the public harmony, will sufficiently influ- ence your deliberations on the question, how far the former can be more impregnably for- tified, or the latter be safely and advantage- ously promoted. To the preceding observations I have one to add, which will be most properly addressed to the House of Representatives. It con- cerns myself, and will therefore be as brief as possible. When I was first honored with a call into the service of my country, then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liber- ties, the light in which I contemplated my duty required, that I should renounce every pecuniary compensation. From this resolu- tion I have in no instance departed. And being still under the impressions which pro- duced it, I must decline as inapplicable to myself any share in the personal emoluments, which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the executive depart- ment ; and must accordingly pray, that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which I am placed may, during my continuance in it, be limited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require. [70] THE AMERICAN IDEA Having thus imparted to you my senti- ments, as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave ; but not without re- sorting once more to the benign Parent of the human race, in humble supplication, that, since he has been pleased to favor the American people with opportunities for de- liberating in perfect tranquillity, and disposi- tions for deciding with unparalleled unanim- ity on a form of government for the security of their union and the advancement of their happiness; so his divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures, on which the success of this gov- ernment must depend. December jd, //pj. Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House OF Representatives, Since the commencement of the term, for which I have been again called into ofHce, no fit occasion has arisen for expressing to my fellow-citizens at large, the deep and respectful sense, which I feel, of the renewed testimony of public approbation. While, on [71] THE AMERICAN IDEA the one hand, it awakened my gratitude for all those instances of affectionate partiality, with which I have been honored by my country; on the other, it could not prevent an earnest wish for that retirement, from which no private consideration should ever have torn me. But influenced by the belief, that my conduct would be estimated accord- ing to its real motives, and that the people, and the authorities derived from them, would support exertions having nothing personal for their object, I have obeyed the suffrage, which commanded me to resume the execu- tive power ; and I humbly implore that Being, on whose will the fate of nations depends, to crown with success our mutual endeavours for the general happiness. As soon as the war in Europe had em- braced those powers, with whom the United States have the most extensive relations, there was reason to apprehend, that our in- tercourse with them might be interrupted, and our disposition for peace drawn into question, by the suspicions too often enter- tained by belligerent nations. It seemed, therefore, to be my duty to admonish our citizens of the consequences of a contraband trade, and of hostile acts to any of the par- [72] THE AMERICAN IDEA ties ; and to obtain, by a declaration of the existing legal state of things, an easier admis- sion of our right to the immunities belong- ing to our situation. Under these impres- sions, the Proclamation, which will be laid before you, was issued. In this posture of affairs, both new and delicate, I resolved to adopt general rules, which should conform to the treaties and assert the privileges of the United States. These were reduced into a system, which will be communicated to you. Althous^h I have not thought myself at liberty to forbid the sale of the prizes, permitted by our treaty of commerce with France to be brought into our ports, I have not refused to cause them to be restored, when they were taken within the protection of our territory, or by vessels commissioned or equipped in a warlike form within the limits of the United States. It rests with the wisdom of Congress to correct, improve, or enforce this plan of pro- cedure ; and it will probably be found expe- dient to extend the legal code, and the juris- diction of the courts of the United States, to many cases, which, though dependent on principles already recognised, demand some further provisions. [73] THE AMERICAN IDEA Where individuals shall within the United States array themselves in hostility against any of the powers at war ; or enter upon military expeditions or enterprises within the jurisdiction of the United States ; or usurp and exercise judicial authority within the United States ; or where the penalties on violations of the law of nations may have been indistinctly marked, or are inadequate; these offenses cannot receive too early and close an attention, and require prompt and decisive remedies. Whatsoever those remedies may be, they will be well administered by the judiciary, who possess a long-established course of in- vestigation, effectual process, and officers in the habit of executing it. In like man- ner, as several of the courts have doubted^ under particular circumstances, their power to liberate the vessels of a nation at peace, and even of a citizen of the United States, although seized under a false color of being hostile property ; and have denied their power to liberate certain captures within the protec- tion of our territory ; it would seem proper to regulate their jurisdiction in these points. But if the executive is to be the resort in either of the two last-mentioned cases, it is [74] THE AMERICAN IDEA hoped, that he will be authorized by law to have facts ascertained by the courts, when, for his own information, he shall request it. I cannot recommend to your notice meas- ures for the fulfilment of our duties to the rest of the world, without again pressing upon you the necessity of placing ourselves in a condition of complete defence, and of exact- ing from tkem the fulfilment of their duties towards us. The United States ought not to indulge a persuasion, that, contrary to the order of human events, they will for ever keep at a distance those painful appeals to arms, with which the history of every other nation abounds. There is a rank due to the United States among nations, which will be withheld, if not absolutely lost, by the reputation of weakness. If we desire to avoid insult, we must be able to repel it ; if we desire to se- cure peace, one of the most powerful instru- ments of our rising prosperity, it must be known, that we are at all times ready for war. The documents, which will be presented to you, will show the amount and kinds of arms and military stores now in our maga- zines and arsenals ; and yet an addition even to these supplies cannot with prudence be [75] THE AMERICAN IDEA neglected, as it would leave nothing to the uncertainty of procuring a warlike ap- paratus in the moment of public danger. Nor can such arrangements; with such objects, be exposed to the censure or jealousy of the warmest friends of republican govern- ment. They are incapable of abuse in the hands of the militia, who ought to possess a pride in being the depository of the force of the Republic, and may be trained to a degree of energy, equal to every military ex- igency of the United States. But it is an inquiry, which cannot be too solemnly pur- sued, whether the act " more effectually to provide for the national defence by establish- ing a uniform militia throughout the United States," has organized them so as to produce their full effect ; whether your own experi- ence in the several States has not detected some imperfections in the scheme ; and whether a material feature, in an improve- ment of it, ought not to be to afford an op- portunity for the study of those branches of the military art, which can scarcely ever be attained by practice alone. The connexion of the United States with Europe has become extremely interesting. The occurrences, which relate to it, and have [76] THE AM ERIC AN IDEA passed under the knowledge of the executive, will be exhihited to Copxgress in a subesquent communication. When we contemplate the war on our frontiers, it may be truly affirmed, that every reasonable effort has been made to adjust the causes of dissension with the Indians north of the Ohio. The instructions given to the commissioners evince a moderation and equity proceeding from a sincere love of peace, and a liberality having no restriction but the essential interests and dignity of the United States. The attempt, however, of an amicable negotiation having been frus- trated, the troops have marched to act of- fensively. Although the proposed treaty did not arrest the progress of military prepara- tion, it is doubtful hov/ far the advance of the season, before good faith justified active movements, may retard them, during the re- mainder of the year. From the papers and intelligence, which relate to this important subject, you will determine, whether the de- ficiency in the number of troops, granted by law, shall be compensated by succours of militia ; or additional encouragements shall be proposed to recruits. An anxiety has been also demonstrated by the executive for [77] THE AMERICAN IDEA peace with the Creeks and the Cherokees. The former have been relieved with corn and with clothing, and offensive measures against them prohibited, during the recess of Con- gress. To satisfy the complaints of the latter, prosecutions have been instituted for the violences committed upon them. But the papers, which will be delivered to you, dis- close the critical footing on which we stand in regard to both those tribes ; and it is with Congress to pronounce what shall be done. After they shall have provided for the present emergency, it will merit their most serious labors, to render tranquillity with the savages permanent by creating ties of inter- est. Next to a rigorous execution of justice on the violators of peace, the establishment of commerce with the Indian nations on be- half of the United States is most likely to conciliate their attachment. But it ought to be conducted without fraud, without extor- tion, with constant and plentiful supplies, with a ready market for the commodities of the Indians, and a stated price for what they give in payment, and receive in exchange. Individuals will not pursue such a traffic, unless they be allured by the hope of profit ; but it will be enough for the United States [78] THE AMERICAN IDEA to be reimbursed only. Should this recom- mendation accord with the opinion of Con- gress, they will recollect, that it cannot be accomplished by any means yet in the hands of the Executive. Gentlemen of the House of Representa- tives. The commissioners charged with the set- tlement of accounts between the United and individual States, concluded their important functions within the time limited by law ; and the balances, struck in their report, which will be laid before Congress, have been placed on the books of the treasury. On the first day of June last, an instal- ment of one million of florins became pay- able on the loans of the United States in Holland. This was adjusted by a prolonga- tion of the period of reimbursement, in the nature of a new loan, at interest at fwQ per cent for the term of ten years ; and the ex- penses of this operation were a commission of three per cent. The first instalment of the loan of two mil- lions of dollars from the bank of the United States has been paid, as was directed by law [79] THE AMERICAN I DEA For the second, it is necessary that provision should be made. No pecuniary consideration is more urgent than the regular redemption and discharge of the public debt ; on none can delay be more injurious, or an economy of time more valu- able. The productiveness of the public revenues hitherto has continued to equal the anticipa- tions which were formed of it; but it is not expected to prove commensurate with all the objects, which have been suggested. Some auxiliary provisions will, therefore, it is pre- sumed, be requisite; and it is hoped that these may be made, consistently with a due regard to the convenience of our citizens, who can- not but be sensible of the true wisdom of encountering a small present addition to their contributions, to obviate a future accumula- tion of burdens. But here I cannot forbear to recommend a repeal of the tax on the transportation of pub- lic prints. There is no resource so firm for the government of the United States, as the affections of the people, guided by an en- lightened policy ; and to this primary good, nothing can conduce more than a faithful representation of public proceedings, diffused [80] THE AMERICAN IDEA without restraint thoroughout the United States. An estimate of the appropriations neces- sary for the current service of the ensuing year, and a statement of a purchase of arms and military stores made during the recess, will be presented to Congress. Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives : The several subjects, to which I have now referred, open a wide range to your delibera- tions, and involve some of the choicest inter- ests of our common country. Permit me to bring to your remembrance the magnitude of your task. Without an unprejudiced coolness, the welfare of the government may be hazarded ; without harmony, as far as consists with freedom of sentiment, its dignity may be lost. But as the legislative proceed- ings of the United States will never, I trust, be reproached for the want of temper or can- dor ; so shall not the public happiness lan- guish from the want of my strenuous and warmest cooperations. [8 1] Washi ngton's Farewell Address September //, i'/g6. Friends and Fellow-Citizens: ^ I ^HE period for a new election of a I citizen, to administer the executive government of the United States, being not far distant, and the time actually arrived, when your thoughts must be em- ployed in designating the person, who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now apprize you of the resolution I have formed, to decline being considered among the number of those, out of whom a choice is to be made. I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be assured, that this resolution has not been taken without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the rela- tion, which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and that, in withdrawing the tender [82] THE AMERICAN IDEA of service, which silence in my situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminu- tion of zeal for your future interest ; no de- ficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness; but am supported by a full con- viction that the step is compatible with both. The acceptance of, and continuance hith- erto in, the office to which your suffrages have twice called me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped, that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives, which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retire- ment, from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea. I rejoice, that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty, or propriety ; and am [83] THE AMERICAN IDEA persuaded, whatever partiality may be re- tained for my services, that, in the present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove my determination to retire. The impressions, with which I first under- took the arduous trust, were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only say, that I have, with good intentions, contributed towards the organization and administration of the government the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious, in the outset, of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more, that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied, that, if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services, they were temporary, I have the consolation to believe, that, while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it. In looking forward to the moment, which is intended to terminate the career of my public life, my feelings do not permit me to [84] THE AMERICAN IDEA suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude, which I owe to my beloved country for the many honors it has conferred upon me ; still more for the steadfast con- fidence with which it has supported me ; and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment, by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, that under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead, amidst appearances some- times dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging, in situations in which not unfrequently want of success has counte- nanced the spirit of criticism, the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans by which they were effected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing vows that Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence ; that your union and brotherly affection may be per- petual; that the free constitution, which is [85] THE AMERICAN IDEA the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained; that its administration in every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue ; that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these States, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete, by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing, as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affec- tion, and adoption of every nation, which is yet a stranger to it. Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger, natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recom- mend to your frequent review, some senti- ments, which are the result of much reflec- tion, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all-important to the per- manency of your felicity as a People. These will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can pos- sibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encourage- ment to it, your indulgent reception of my [86] THE AMERICAN IDEA sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion. Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recom- mendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment. The unity of Government, which consti- tutes you one people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so : for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the sup- port of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity ; of that very Liberty, which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee, that, from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices em- ployed, to weaken in your minds the convic- tion of this truth ; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies w411 be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite mo- ment, that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national Union to your collective and individual happiness ; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it ; accustom- ing yourselves to think and speak of it as of [87] rUE AMERICAN IDEA the Palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing what- ever may suggest even a suspicion, that it can in any event be abandoned ; and indig- nantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the vari- ous parts. For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens, by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of American, which belongs to you, in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of Patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local discrimi- nations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. You have in a com- mon cause fought and triumphed together ; the Independence and Liberty you possess are the work of joint counsels, and joint ef- forts, of common dangers, sufferings, and successes. But these considerations, however power- fully they address themselves to your sensi- [88] THE AMERICAN IDEA bility, are greatly outweighed by those, which apply more immediately to your interest. Here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the Union of the whole. The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds, in the pro- ductions of the latter, great additional re- sources of maritime and commercial enterprise and precious materials of manufacturing in- dustry. The South in the same intercourse, benefiting by the agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce ex- pand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the North, it finds its parti- cular navigation invigorated ; and, while it contributes, in different ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protec- tion of a maritime strength, to which itself is unequally adapted. The East, in a like in- tercourse with the West, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communications by land and water, will more and more find, a valuable vent for the com- modities which it brings from abroad, or [89] THE AMERICAN IDEA manufactures at home. The West derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth and comfort, and, what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight, in- fluence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest as one nation. Any other tenure by which the West can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connexion with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious. While, then, every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular inter- est in Union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find in the united mass of means and efforts greater strength, greater resource, pro- portionately greater security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations; and, what is of in- estimable value, they must derive from Union an exemption from those broils and wars be- tween themselves, which so frequently afflict neighbouring countries not tied together by the same governments, which their own [90] THE AMERICAN IDEA rivalships alone would be sufficient to pro- duce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues would stimulate and embitter. Hence, likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown mili- tary establishments, which, under any form of government, are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to Republican Liberty. In this sense it is, that your Union ought to be considered as' a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other. These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the Union as a primary object of Patriotic de- sire. Is there a doubt, whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere } Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. We are authorized to hope, that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to Union, affecting all parts of our [91] THE AMERICAN IDEA country, while experience shall not have de- monstrated its impracticability, there will al- ways be reason to distrust the patriotism of those, who in any quarter may endeavour to weaken its bands. In contemplating the causes, which may disturb our Union, it occurs as matter of serious concern that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by Geographical discriminations, Northern and Southern, Atlantic and Western; whence designing men may endeavour to excite a belief, that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence, within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart-burnings, which spring from these misrepresentations ; they tend to render alien to each other those, who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. The inhabit- ants of our western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head ; they have seen, in the negotiation by the Executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event, throughout the [92] THE AMERICAN IDEA United States, a decisive proof how un- founded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the General Gov- ernment and in the Atlantic States unfriendly to their interests in regard to the Mississippi ; they have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with Great Britain and that with Spain, which secure to them every thing they could desire, in respect to our foreign relations, towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the Union by which they were procured ? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren, and connect them with aliens ? To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a Government for the whole is indis- pensable. No alliances, however strict, be- tween the parts can bean adequate substitute; they must inevitably experience the infrac- tions and interruptions, which all alliances in all times have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a Con- stitution of Government better calculated than your former for an intimate Union, and for the efficacious management of your com- [93] THE AMERICAN IDEA mon concerns. This Government, the off- spring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amend- ment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the funda- mental maxims of true Liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their Constitu- tions of Government. But the Constitution which at any time exists, till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole peo- ple, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of the peo- ple to establish Government presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the estab- lished Government, All obstructions to the execution of the Laws, all combinations and associations, un- der whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the constituted authorities, are destruc- [94] THE AMERICAN IDEA tive of this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize fac- tion, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force ; to put, in the place of the delegated will of the nation, the will of a party, often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the community; and, according to the alter- nate triumphs of different parties, to make administration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans digested by common counsels, and modified by mutual interests. However combinations or associations of the above descriptions may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people, and to usurp for themselves the reins of government ; destroy- ing afterwards the very engines, which have lifted them to unjust dominion. Towards the preservation of your govern- ment, and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that [95] THE AMERICAN IDEA you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. One method of assault may be to effect, in the forms of the Constitution, alter- ations, which will impair the energy of the system and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments, as of other human institutions ; that experience is the surest standard, by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country ; that facility in changes, upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, ex- poses to perpetual change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion ; and remember, especially, that, for the efficient management of your common interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a government, with powers properly distributed and ad- justed, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name, where the govern- ment is too feeble to withstand the enterprise of faction, to confine each member of the [96] THE AMERICAN IDEA society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property. I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the state, with particular reference to the foundins^ of them on seo- graphical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party, generally. This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes in all govern- ments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed ; but, in those of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy. The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension, which in different ages and countries has perpe- trated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries, which result, gradually incline the minds of [97] THE AMERICAN IDEA men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual ; and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his com- petitors, turns this disposition to the pur- poses of his own elevation, on the ruins of Public Liberty. Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind, (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight,) the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it. It serves always to distract the Public Councils, and enfeeble the Public Adminis- tration. It agitates the Community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against another, foments occasionally riot and in- surrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which find a facili- tated access to the government itself through the channels of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country are sub- jected to the policy and will of another. There is an opinion, that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the admin- istration of the Government, and serve to [9S] THE AMERICAN IDEA keep alive the spirit of Liberty. This within certain limits is probably true ; and in Gov- ernments of a Monarchical cast, Patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular character, in Governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And, there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume. It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country should inspire caution, in those intrusted with its adminis- tration, to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department to encroach upon another. The spirit of en- croachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, w^hatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which [99] LofC. THE AMERICAN IDEA predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each the Guardian of the Public Weal against invasions by the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern ; some of them in our country and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way, which the Con- stitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation ; for, though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance in per- manent evil any partial or transient benefit, which the use can at any time yield. Of all the dispositions and habits, which lead to political prosperity. Religion and Morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of Patriotism, who should labor to subvert [lOO] THE AMERICAN IDEA these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of Men and Citizens. The mere Politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connexions with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, Where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths, which are the instruments of investigation in Courts of Justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever maybe conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect, that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle. It is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule, indeed, extends with more or less force to every species of free government. Who, that is a sincere friend to it, can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric } Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general dif- [lOl] THE AMERICAN IDEA fusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened. As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is, to use it as spar- ingly as possible ; avoiding occasions of ex- pense by cultivating peace, but remember- ing also that timely disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vig- orous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts, which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burthen, which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives, but it is necessary that public opinion should co-operate. To facilitate to them the per- formance of their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there must be Revenue; that to have Revenue there must be taxes ; that no taxes can be devised, which are not more or less inconvenient and [102] THE AMERICAN IDEA unpleasant, that the intrinsic embarrassment, inseparable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of diffi- culties), ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue, which the public exigencies may at any time dictate. Observe good faith and justice towards all Nations ; cultivate peace and harmony with ail. Religion and Morality enjoin this con- duct; and can it be, that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great Nation, to give to mankind the mag- nanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt, that, in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages, which might be lost by a steady adherence to it ? Can it be, that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a Nation with its Virtue } The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas ! is it rendered impossible by its vices 1 [103] THE AMERICAN IDEA In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential, than that permanent, in- veterate antipathies against particular Na- tions, and passionate attachments for others, should be excluded ; and that, in place of them, just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The Nation, which in- dulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. The Nation, prompted by ill-will and resentment, sometimes impels to war the Government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The Government sometimes participates in the national pro- pensity, and adopts through passion what reason would reject; at other times, it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility instigated by pride, am- bition, and other sinister and pernicious mo- [104] THE AMERICAN IDEA tives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the Hberty, of Nations has been the victim. So likewise, a passionate attachment of one Nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite Nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest, in cases where no real com- mon interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate in- ducement or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite Nation of privi- leges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the Nation making the concessions; by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained; and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are with- held. And it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens, (who devote themselves to the favorite nauon,) facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own countrv, without odium, sometimes even with popu- larity ; gilding, with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base of foolish com- [105] THE AMERICAN IDEA pliances of ambition, corruption, or infatua- tion. As avenues to foreign influence in innum- erable ways, such attachments are particu- larly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent Patriot. How many opportuni- ties do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practise the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the Public Councils ! Such an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and pow- erful nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter. Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow- citizens,) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake; since history and experience prove, that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of Republican Government. But that jealousy, to be use- ful, must be impartial ; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defence against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and exces- sive dislike of another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots, [io6] THE AMERICAN IDEA who may resist the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to become suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests. The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations^ is, in extending our com- merial relations, to have with them as little political connexion as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities. Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off, when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an THE AMERICAN IDEA attitude as will cause the neutrality, we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us pro- vocation ; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel. Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by inter- weaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice ? It is our true policy to steer clear of per- manent alliances with any portion of the for- eign world ; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it ; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to exist- ing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is alv/ays the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be un- wise to extend them. Taking care always to keep ourselves, by [io8] THE AMERICAN IDEA suitable establishments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emer- gencies. Harmony, liberal intercouse with all na- tions, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences ; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing, with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government to support them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view, that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another; that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that, by such acceptance, it may place itself in the con- dition of having given equivalents for nomi- [109] THE AMERICAN IDEA nal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect or cal- culate upon real favors from nation to nation. It is an illusion, which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard. In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong .and lasting impression I could wish ; that they will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course, which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations. But, if I may even flatter myself, that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the im- postures of pretended patriotism; this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated. How far in the discharge of my official duties, I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. To [no] THE AMERICAN IDEA myself, the assurance of my own conscience is, that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them. In relating to the still subsisting war in Europe, my Proclamation of the 2 2d of April, 1793, is the index to ray Plan. Sanc- tioned by your approving voice, and by that of your Representatives in both Houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has con- tinually governed me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it. After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the cir- cumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral position. Having taken it, I de- termined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it, with moderation, perseverance, and firmness. The considerations, which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe, that, according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the Belligerent Powers, has been virtually admitted by all. The duty of holding a neutral conduct [III] THE AMERICAN IDEA may be inferred, without any thing more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain invio- late the relations of peace and amity towards other nations. The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With me, a predominant motive has been to endeavour to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress without interruption to that degree of strength and consistency, which is neces- sary to give it, humanly speaking, the com- mand of its own fortunes. Though, in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am unconscious of inten- tional error, I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. What- ever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope, that my Country will never cease to view them with indulgence ; and that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, the faults [112] THE AMERICAN IDEA of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the man- sions of rest. Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man, who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations ; I antici- pate with pleasing expectation that retreat, in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citzens, the benign influence of good laws under a free govern- ment, the ever favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers. [113] The Monroe o c tr i n e Extract from President Monroe's Message TO Congress; December 2, 1823. Fellow- Citizens of the Senate and House of Repre- sentatives : T the proposal of the Russian Imperial Government, made through the min- ister of the Emperor residing here, a full power and instructions have been trans- mitted to the minister of the United States at St. Petersburg, to arrange by amicable negotiation, the respective rights and in- terests of the two nations on the northwest coast of this continent. A similiar proposal has been made by his Imperial Majesty to the Government of Great Britain, which likewise has been acceded to. The Govern- ment of the United States has been desirous, by this friendly proceeding, of manifesting the great value which they have invariably attached to the friendship of the Emperor, and their solicitude to cultivate the best un- [114] THE AMERICAN IDEA derstanding with his Government. In the discussions to which this interest has given rise, and in the arrangements by which they may terminate, the occasion has been judged proper for asserting as a principle in which the rights and interests of the United States are involved, that the American continents, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are hence- forth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers. It was stated at the commencement of the last session that a great effort was then mak- ing in Spain and Portugal to improve the condition of the people of those countries, and that it appeared to be conducted with extraordinary moderation. It need scarcely be remarked that the result has been, so far, very different from what was then anticipated. Of events in that quarter of the globe with which we have so much intercourse, and from which we derive our origin, we have always been anxious and interested specta- tors. The citizens of the United States cherish sentiments the most friendly in favor of the liberty and happiness of their fellow- men on that side of the Atlantic. In the [115] THE AMERICAN IDEA wars of the European powers in matters re- lating to themselves we have never taken any part, nor does it comport with our policy so to do. It is only when our rights are invaded or seriously menaced that we resent injuries or make preparation for our defense. With the movements in this hemisphere we are, of necessity, more immediately connected, and by causes which must be obvious to all enlightened and impartial observers. The political system of the allied powers is essen- tially different in this respect from that of America. This difference proceeds from that which exists in their respective Gov- ernments. And to the defense of our own, which has been achieved by the loss of so much blood and treasure, and matured by the wisdom of our most enlightened citizens, and under which we have enjoyed un- exampled felicity, this whole nation is de- voted. We owe it, therefore, to candor, and to the amicable relations existing between the United States and those powers, to declare that we should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the existing colonies or dependencies of any European [ii6] THE AMERICAN IDEA power we have not interfered and shall not interfere. But with the Governments who have declared their independence, and main- tained it, and whose independence we have, on great consideration and on just principles, acknowledged, we could not view any inter- position for the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling in any other manner their destiny, by any European power, in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition towards the United States. In the war between these new Gov- ernments and Spain we declared our neu- trality at the time of their recognition, and to this we have adhered and shall continue to adhere, provided no change shall occur which, in the judgment of the competent authorities of this Government, shall make a corresponding change on the part of the United States indispensable to their security. The late events in Spain and Portugal show that Europe is still unsettled. Of this important fact no stronger proof can be adduced than that the allied powers should have thought it proper, on any principle satisfactory to themselves, to have interposed, by force, in the internal concerns of Spain. To what extent such interposition may be [117] THE AMERICAN IDEA carried, on the same principle, is a question in which all independent powers whose Gov- ernments differ from theirs are interested, even those most remote, and surely none more so than the United States. Our policy in regard to Europe, which was adopted at an early stage of the wars which have so long agitated that quarter of the globe, never- theless remains the same, which is, not to interfere in the internal concerns of any of its powers ; to consider the Government de facto as the legitimate Government for us; to cultivate friendly relations with it, and to preserve those relations by a frank, firm, and manly policy, meeting, in all instances, the just claims of every power; submitting to injuries from none. But in regard to these continents, circumstances are eminently and conspicuously different. It is impossible that the allied powers should extend their political system to any portion of either con- tinent without endangering our peace and happiness; nor can any one believe that our Southern brethren, if left to themselves, would adopt it of their own accord. It is equally impossible, therefore, that we should behold such interposition, in any form, with indifference. If we look to the comparative [ii8] THE A M ERIC AN IDE A strength and resources of Spain and those new Governments, and their distance from each other, it must be obvious that she can never subdue them. It is still the true policy of the United States to leave the parties to themselves, in the hope that other powers will pursue the same course. If we compare the present condition of our Union with its actual state at the close of our Revolution, the history of the world furnishes no example of a progress in im- provement in all the important circum- stances which constitute the happiness of a nation which bears any resemblance to it. At the first epoch our population did not exceed three millions. By the last census it amounted to about ten millions, and, what is more extraordinary, it is almost altogether native, for the emigration from other countries has been inconsiderable. At the first epoch half the territory within our acknowledged limits was uninhabited and a wilderness. Since then new territory has been acquired of vast extent, comprising within it many rivers, particularly the Mis- sissippi, the navigation of which to the ocean was of the highest importance to the original States. Over this territory our population [119] THE AMERICAN IDEA has expanded in every direction, and new- States have been established almost equal in number to those which formed the first bond of our Union. This expansion of our popu- lation and accession of new States to our Union have had the happiest effect on all its highest interests. That it has eminently augmented our resources and added to our strength and respectability as a power is admitted by all. But it is not in these im- portant circumstances only that this happy effect is felt. It is manifest that, by enlarging the basis of our system and increasing the number of States, the system itself has been greatly strengthened in both its branches. Consolidation and disunion have thereby been rendered equally impracticable. Each Government, confiding in its own strength, has less to apprehend from the other ; and in consequence, each, enjoying a greater freedom of action, is rendered more efficient for all the purposes for which it was instituted. It is unnecessary to treat here of the vast im- provement made in the system itself by the adoption of this Constitution, and of its happy effect in elevating the character and in protecting the rights of the nation as well as of individuals. To what, then, do we owe [120] THE AMERICAN IDEA these blessings? It is known to all that we derive them from the excellence of our insti- tutions. Ought we not, then, to adopt every measure which may be necessary to per- petuate them ? JAMES MONROE. Washington, Dec. 2, 1823. [121] Lincoln's Cooper Institute Address Address at Cooper Institute, New York, February 27, i860. Mr. President and Fellow-Citizens of New York: — The facts with which I shall deal this evening are mainly old and familiar ; nor is there anything new in the general use I shall make of them. If there shall be any novelty, it will be in the mode of presenting the facts, and the inferences and obser- vations following that presentation. In his speech last autumn at Columbus, Ohio, as reported in the " New-York Times," Senator Douglas said: "Our fathers, when they framed the government under which we live, understood this question just as well, and even better, than we do now." . I fully indorse this, and I adopt it as a text for this discourse. I so adopt it because it furnishes a precise and an agreed starting- point for a discussion between Republicans and that wing of the Democracy headed by [122] THE AMERICAN IDEA Senator Douglas. It simply leaves the inquiry : What was the understanding those fathers had of the question mentioned? What is the frame of government under which we live ? The answer must be, " The Constitution of the United States." That Constitution consists of the original, framed in 1787, and under which the present gov- ernment first went into operation, and twelve subsequently framed amendments, the first ten of which were framed in 1 789. Who were our fathers that framed the Constitution? I suppose the "thirty-nine" who signed the original instrument may be fairly called our fathers who framed that part of the present government. It is almost exactly true to say they framed it, and it is altogether true to say they fairly repre- sented the opinion and sentiment of the whole nation at that time. Their names, being familiar to nearly all, and accessible to quite all, need not now be repeated. I take these " thirty-nine " for the present, as being " our fathers who framed the gov- ernment under which we live." What is the question which, according to the text, those fathers understood "just as well, and even better, than we do now"? [^23] THE AMERICAN IDEA It is this : Does the proper division of local from Federal authority, or anything in the Constitution, forbid our Federal Gov- ernment to control as to slavery in our Federal Territories? Upon this. Senator Douglas holds the affirmative, and Republicans the negative. This affirmation and denial form an issue; and this issue — this question — is precisely what the text declares our fathers understood "better than we." Let us now inquire whether the "thirty-nine," or any of them, ever acted upon this question; and if they did, how they acted upon it — how they ex- pressed that better understanding. In 1784, three years before the Constitution, the United States then owning the Northwestern. Territory and no other, the Congress of the Confederation had before them the question of prohibiting slavery in that Territory ; and four of the " thirty-nine " who afterward framed the Constitution were in that Congress, and voted on that question. Of these, Roger Sherman, Thomas Mifflin and Hugh Williamson voted for the prohibition, thus showing that, in their understanding, no line dividing local from Federal authority, nor anything else, properly forbade the Fed- [124] THE AMERICAN IDEA eral Government to control as to slavery in Federal territory. The other of the four, James McHenry, voted against the prohi- bition, showing that for some cause he thought it improper to vote for it. In 1787, still before the Constitution, but while the convention was in session framing it, and while the Northwestern Territory still was the only Territory owned by the United States, the same question of pro- hibiting slavery in the Territory again came before the Congress of the Confederation ; and two more of the " thirty-nine " who after- ward signed the Constitution were in that Congress, and voted on the question. They were William Blount and William Few; and they both voted for the prohibition — thus showing that in their understanding no line dividing local from Federal authority, nor anything else, properly forbade the Federal Government to control as to slavery in Fed- eral territory. This time the prohibition became a law, being part of what is now well known as the ordinance of 'Sj. The question of Federal control of slavery in the Territories seems not to have been directly before the convention which framed the original Constitution ; and hence it is not [125] THE AMERICAN IDEA recorded that the " thirty-nine " or any of them, while engaged on that instrument, ex- pressed any opinion on that precise question. In 1789, by the first Congress which sat under the Constitution, an act was passed to enforce the ordinance of '87, including the prohibition of slavery in the Northwestern Territory. The bill for this act was reported by one of the "thirty-nine" — Thomas Fitz- simmons, then a member of the House of Representatives from Pennsylvania. It went through all its stages without a word of op- position, and finally passed both branches without ayes and nays, which is equivalent to a unanimous passage. In this Congress there were sixteen of the thirty-nine fathers who framed the original Constitution. They were John Langdon, Nicholas Oilman, Wil- liam S. Johnson, Roger Sherman, Robert Morris, Thomas Fitzsimmons, William Few, Abraham Baldwin, Rufus King, William Paterson, George Clymer, Richard Bassett, George Read, Pierce Butler, Daniel Carroll, and James Madison. This shows that, in their understanding, no line dividing local from Federal authority, nor anything in the Constitution, properly forbade Congress to prohibit slavery in the [126] THE AMERICAN IDEA Federal territory ; else both their fidelity to correct principle, and their oath to support the Constitution, would have constrained them to oppose the prohibition. Again, George Washington, another of the "thirty nine/' was then President of the United States, and as such approved and signed the bill, thus completing its validity as a law, and thus showing that, in his un- derstanding, no line dividing local from Fed- eral authority, nor anything in the Consti- tution, forbade the Federal Government to control as to slavery in Federal territory. No great while after the adoption of the original Constitution, North Carolina ceded to the Federal Government the country now constituting the State of Tennessee ; and a few years later Georgia ceded that which now constitutes the States of Mississippi and Alabama. In both deeds of cession it was made a condition by the ceding States that the Federal Government should not prohibit slavery in the ceded country. Besides this, slavery was then actually in the ceded country. Under these circumstances. Congress, on tak- ing charge of these countries, did not abso- lutely prohibit slavery within them. But they did interfere with it — take control of it — [127] THE AMERICAN IDEA even there, to a certain extent. In 1798 Congress organized the Territory of Missis- sippi. In the act of organization they pro- hibited the bringing of slaves into the Terri- tory from any place without the United States, by fine, and giving freedom to slaves so brought. This act passed both branches of Congress without yeas and nays. In that Congress were three of the " thirty-nine" who framed the original Constitution. They were John Langdon, George Read, and Abraham Baldwin. They all probably voted for it. Certainly they would have placed their opposition to it upon record if, in their un- derstanding, any line dividing local from Fed- eral authority, or anything in the Con- stitution, properly forbade the Federal Gov- ernment to control as to slavery in Federal territory. In 1803 the Federal Government pur- chased the Louisiana country. Our former territorial acquisitions came from certain of our own States ; but this Louisiana country was acquired from a foreign nation. In 1804 Congress gave a territorial organization to that part of it which now constitutes the State of Louisiana. New Orleans, lying within that part, was an old and compara- [128] THE AMERICAN IDEA lively large city. There were other consid- erable towns and settlements, and slavery was extensively and thoroughly intermingled with the people. Congress did not, in the Terri- torial Act, prohibit slavery; but they did interfere with it — take control of it — in a more marked and extensive way than they did in the case of Mississippi. The sub- stance of the provision therein made in re- lation to slaves was : I St. That no slave should be imported into the Territory from foreign parts. 2d. That no slave should be carried into it who had been imported into the United States since the first day of May, 1798. 3d. That no slave should be carried into it, except by the owner, and for his own use as a settler; the penalty in all the cases being a fine upon the violator of the law, and freedom to the slave. This act also was passed without ayes or nays. In the Congress which passed it there were two of the " thirty-nine." They were Abraham Baldwin and Jonathan Day- ton. As stated in the case of Mississippi, it is probable they both voted for it. They would not have allowed it to pass without recording their opposition to it if, in their [129] THE AMERICAN IDEA understanding, it violated either the line properly dividing local from Federal au- thority, or any provision of the Constitution. In 1819-20 came and passed the Mis- souri question. Many votes were taken, by yeas and nays, in both branches of Con- gress, upon the various phases of the gen- eral question. Two of the "thirty-nine" — Rufus King and Charles Pinckney — were members of that Congress. Mr. King steadily voted for slavery prohibition and against all compromises, while Mr. Pinckney as steadily voted against slavery prohibition and against all compromises. By this, Mr. King showed that, in his understanding, no line dividing local from Federal authority, nor anything in the Constitution, was vio- lated by Congress prohibiting slavery in Federal territory ; while Mr. Pinckney, by his votes, showed that, in his understanding, there was some sufficient reason for opposing such prohibition in that case. The cases I have mentioned are the only acts of the "thirty-nine," or of any of them, upon the direct issue, which I have been able to discover. To enumerate the persons who thus acted as being four in 1784, two in 1787, seventeen [130] THE AMERICAN IDEA in 1789, three in 1798, two in 1804, ^^d two in 1819-20, there would be thirty of them. But this would be counting John Langdon, Roger Sherman, William Few, Rufus King, and George Read each twice, and Abraham Baldwin three times. The true number of those of the " thirty-nine " whom I have shown to have acted upon the question which, by the text, they understood better than we, is twenty-three, leaving sixteen not shown to have acted upon it in any way. Here, then, we have twenty-three out of our thirty-nine fathers " who framed the government under which we live," who have, upon their official responsibility and their corporal oaths, acted upon the very question which the text affirms they " understood just as well, and even better, than we do now"; and twenty-one of them — a clear majority of the whole "thirty-nine" — so acting upon it as to make them guilty of gross political impropriety and willful perjury if, in their understanding, any proper division between local and Federal authority, or anything in the Constitution they had made themselves, and sworn to support, forbade the Federal Government to control as to slavery in the Federal Territories. Thus the twenty-one [131] THE AMERICAN IDEA acted ; and, as actions speak louder than words, so actions under such responsibility speak still louder. Two of the twenty-three voted against con- gressional prohibition of slavery in the Federal Territories, in the instances in which they acted upon the question. But for what reasons they so voted is not known. They may have done so because they thought a proper division of local from Federal au- thority, or some provision or principle of the Constitution, stood in the way; or they may, without any such question, have voted against the prohibition on what appeared to them to be sufficient grounds of expediency. No one who has sworn to support the Con- stitution can conscientiously vote for what he understands to be an unconstitutional measure, however expedient he may think it; but one may and ought to vote against a measure which he deems constitutional if, at the same time, he deems it inexpedient. It, therefore, would be unsafe to set down even the two who voted against the prohibition as having done so because, in their under- standing, any proper division of local from Federal authority, or anything in the Con- stitution, forbade the Federal Government [132] THE AMERICAN IDEA to control as to slavery in Federal terri- tory. The remaining sixteen of the " thirty-nine," so far as I have discovered, have left no record of their understanding upon the direct question of Federal control of slavery in the Federal Territories. But there is much reason to believe that their understanding upon that question would not have appeared different from that of their twenty-three compeers, had it been manifested at all. For the purpose of adhering rigidly to the text, I have purposely omitted whatever understanding may have been manifested by any person, however distinguished, other than the thirty-nine fathers, who framed the original Constitution ; and, for the same reason, I have also omitted whatever under- standing may have been manifested by any of the '* thirty-nine " even on any other phase of the general question of slavery. If we should look into their acts and declarations on those other phases, as the foreign slave- trade, and the morality and policy of slavery generally, it would appear to us that on the direct question of Federal control of slavery in Federal Territories, the sixteen, if they had acted at all, would probably have acted [133] THE AMERICAN IDEA just as the twenty-three did. Among that sixteen were several of the most noted anti- slavery men of those times, — as Dr. Franklin, Alexander Hamilton, and Gouverneur Mor- ris, — while there was not one now known to have been otherwise, unless it may be John Rutledge, of South Carolina. The sum of the whole is, that of our thirty-nine fathers who framed the original Constitution, twenty-one — a clear majority of the whole — certainly understood that no proper division of local from Federal author- ity, nor any part of the Constitution, forbade the Federal Government to control slavery in the Federal Territories ; while all the rest had probably the same understanding. Such, unquestionably, was the understanding of our fathers who framed the original Con- stitution ; and the text afHrms that they understood the question " better than we." But, so far, I have been considering the understanding of the question manifested by the framers of the original Constitution. In and by the original instrument, a mode was provided for amending it; and, as I have already stated, the present frame of "the government under which we live " consists of that original, and twelve amendatory [134] THE AMERICAN IDEA articles framed and adopted since. Those who now insist that Federal control of slavery in Federal Territories violates the Consti- tution, point us to the provisions which they suppose it thus violates; and, as I under- stand, they all fix upon provisions in these amendatory articles, and not in the original instrument. The Supreme Court, in the Dred Scott case, plant themselves upon the fifth amendment, which provides that no person shall be deprived of "life, liberty, or property without due process of law"; while Senator Douglas and his peculiar adherents plant themselves upon the tenth amend- ment, providing that " the powers not dele- gated to the United States by the Consti- tution " " are reserved to the States respec- tively, or to the people." Now, it so happens that these amend- ments were framed by the first Congress which sat under the Constitution — the iden- tical Congress which passed the act, already mentioned, enforcing the prohibition of slavery in the Northwestern Territory. Not only was it the same Congress, but they were the indentical, same individual men who, at the same session, and at the same time within the session, had under consid- [135] THE AMERICAN IDEA eration, and in progress toward maturity, these constitutional amendments, and this act prohibiting slavery in all the territory the nation then owned. The constitutional amendments were introduced before, and passed after, the act enforcing the ordinance of '^j', so that, during the whole pendency of the act to enforce the ordinance, the constitutional amendments were also pend- ing. The seventy-six members of that Congress, includino: sixteen of the framers of the original Constitution, as before stated, were pre-eminently our fathers who framed that part of " the government under which we live " which is now claimed as forbidding the Federal Government to'control slavery in the Federal Territories. Is it not a little presumptuous in any one at this day to afHrm that the two things which that Congress deliberately framed and carried to maturity at the same time, are absolutely inconsistent with each other? And does not such affirmation become im- pudently absurd when coupled with the other affirmation, from the same mouth, that those who did the two things alleged to be incon- sistent, understood whether they really were [136] THE AMERICAN IDEA inconsistent better than we — better than he who affirms that they are inconsistent? It is surely safe to assume that the thirty- nine framers of the original Constitution, and the seventy-six members of the Congress which framed the amendments thereto, taken together, do certainly include those who may be fairly called " our fathers who framed the government under which we live." And so assuming, I defy any man to show that any one of them ever, in his whole life, de- clared that, in his understanding, any proper division of local from Federal authority, or any part of the Constitution, forbade the Federal Government to control as to slavery in the Federal Territories. I go a step further. I defy any one to show that any living man in the whole world ever did, prior to the beginning of the present century (and I might almost say prior to the beginning of the last half of the present century), declare that, in his understanding, any proper divis- ion of local from Federal authority, or any part of the Constitution, forbade the Federal Government to control as to slavery in the Federal Territories. To those who now so declare I give not only "our fathers who framed the government under which we live," [137] THE AMERICAN IDEA but with them all other living men within the century in which it was framed, among whom to search, and they shall not be able to find the evidence of a single man agreeing with them. Now, and here, let me guard a little against being misunderstood. I do not mean to say we are bound to follow implicitly in whatever our fathers did. To do so would be to discard all the lights of current ex- perience — to reject all progress, all improve- ment. What I do say is that, if we would supplant the opinions and policy of our fathers in any case, we should do so upon evidence so conclusive, and argument so clear, that even their great authority, fairly considered and weighed, cannot stand; and most surely not in a case whereof we our- selves declare they understood the question better than we. If any man at this day sincerely believes that a proper division of local from Federal authority, or any part of the Constitution, forbids the Federal Government to control as to slavery in the Federal Territories, he is right to say so, and to enforce his position by all truthful evidence and fair argument which he can. But he has no right to mis- [138] THE AMERICAN IDEA lead others, who have less access to history, and less leisure to study it, into the false belief that " our fathers who framed the gov- ernment under which we live" were of the same opinion — thus substituting falsehood and deception for truthful evidence and fair argument. If any man at this day sincerely believes " our fathers who framed the gov- ernment under which we live" used and applied principles, in other cases, which ought to have led them to understand that a proper division of local from Federal au- thority, or some part of the Constitution, forbids the Federal Government to control as to slavery in the Federal Territories, he is right to say so. But he should, at the same time, brave the responsibility of de- claring that, in his opinion, he understands their principles better than they did them- selves; and especially should he not shirk that responsibility by asserting that they "understood the question just as well, and even better, than we do now." But enough ! Let all who believe that " our fathers who framed the government under which we live understood this question just as well, and even better, than we do now," speak as they spoke, and act as they [139] THE AMERICAN IDEA acted upon it. This is all Republicans ask — all Republicans desire — in relation to slavery. As those fathers marked it, so let it be again marked, as an evil not to be extended, but to be tolerated and protected only because of and so far as its actual presence among us makes that toleration and protection a necessity. Let all the guaran- ties those fathers gave it be not grudgingly, but fully and fairly, maintained. For this Republicans contend, and with this, so far as I know or believe, they will be content. And now, if they would listen, — as I suppose they will not, — I would address a few words to the Southern people. I would say to them : You consider your- selves a reasonable and a just people; and I consider that in the general qualities of reason and justice you are not inferior to any other people. Still, when you speak of us Republicans, you do so only to denounce us as reptiles, or, at the best, as no better than outlaws. You will grant a hearing to pirates or murderers, but nothing like it to " Black Republicans." In all your conten- tions with one another, each of you deems an unconditional condemnation of " Black Republicanism " as the first thing to be [140] THE AMERICAN IDEA attended to. Indeed, such condemnation of us seems to be an indispensable prerequisite — license, so to speak — among you to be admitted or permitted to speak at all. Now can you or not be prevailed upon to pause and to consider whether this is quite just to us, or even to yourselves .? Bring forward your charges and specifications, and then be patient long enough to hear us deny or justify. You say we are sectional. We deny it. That makes an issue ; and the burden of proof is upon you. You produce your proof; and what is it ? Why, that our party has no existence in your section — gets no votes in your section. The fact is substantially true; but does it prove the issue ? If it does, then in case we should, without change of principle, begin to get votes in your section, we should thereby cease to be sectional. You cannot escape this conclusion; and yet are you willing to abide by it? If you are, you will probably soon find that we have ceased to be sectional, for we shall get votes in your section this very year. You will then begin to discover, as the truth plainly is, that your proof does not touch the issue. The fact that we get no votes in your section [141] THE AMERICAN IDEA is a fact of your making, and not of ours. And if there be fault in that fact, that fault is primarily yours, and remains so until you show that we repel you by some wrong principle or practice. If we do repel you by any wrong principle or practice, the fault is ours ; but this brings you to where you ought to have started — to a discussion of the right or wrong of our principle. If our principle, put in practice, would wrong your section for the benefit of ours, or for any other object, then our principle, and we with it, are sectional, and are justly opposed and de- nounced as such. Meet us, then, on the question of whether our principle, put in practice, would wrong your section ; and so meet us as if it were possible that something may be said on our side. Do you accept the challenge? No! Then you really believe that the principle which "our fathers who framed the government under which we live" thought so clearly right as to adopt it, and indorse it again and again, upon their official oaths, is in fact so clearly wrong as to de- mand your condemnation without a moment's consideration. Some of you delight to flaunt in our faces the warning against sectional parties given [142] THE AMERICAN IDEA by Washington in his Farewell Address. Less than eight years before Washington gave that warning, he had, as President of the United States, approved and signed an act of Congress enforcing the prohibition of slavery in the Northwestern Territory, which act embodied the policy of the government upon that subject up to and at the very mo- ment he penned that warning; and about one year after he penned it, he wrote Lafay- ette that he considered that prohibition a wise measure, expressing in the same con- nection his hope that we should at some time have a confederacy of free States. Bearing this in mind, and seeing that sec- tionalism has since arisen upon this same subject, is that warning a weapon in your hands against us, or in our hands against you ? Could Washington himself speak, would he cast the blame of that sectionalism upon us, who sustain his policy, or upon you, who repudiate it } We respect that warning of Washington, and we commend it to you, together with his example pointing to the right application of it. But you say you are conservative — em- inently conservative — while we are revolu- tionary, destructive, or something of the sort. [143] THE AMERICAN IDEA What is conservatism ? Is it not adherence to the old and tried, against the new and untried ? We stick to, contend for, the iden- tical old policy on the point in controversy which was adopted by " our fathers who framed the government under which we live " ; while you with one accord reject, and scout, and spit upon that old policy, and in- sist upon substituting something new. True, you disagree among yourselves as to what that substitute shall be. You are divided on new propositions and plans, but you are unanimous in rejecting and denouncing the old policy of the fathers. Some of you are for reviving the foreign slave-trade ; some for a congressional slave code for the Terri- tories; some for Congress forbidding the Territories to prohibit slavery within their limits; some for maintaining slavery in the Territories through the judiciary; some for the " gur-reat pur-rinciple " that " if one man would enslave another, no third man should object," fantastically called " popular sover- eignty " ; but never a man among you is in favor of Federal prohibition of slavery in Federal Territories, according to the prac- tice of " our fathers who framed the govern- ment under which we live." Not one of all [144] THE AMERICAN IDEA your various plans can show a precedent or an advocate in the century within which our government originated. Consider, then, whether your claim of conservatism for your- selves, and your charge of destructiveness against us, are based on the most clear and stable foundations. Again, you say we have made the slavery question more prominent than it formerly was. We deny it. We admit that it is more prominent, but we deny that we made it so. It was not we, but you, who discarded the old policy of the fathers. We resisted, and still resist, your innovation; and thence comes the greater prominence of the question. Would you have that question reduced to its former proportions ? Go back to that old policy. What has been will be again, under the same conditions. If you would have the peace of the old times, readopt the precepts and policy of the old times. You charge that we stir up insurrections among your slaves. We deny it ; and what is your proof? Harper's Ferry! John Brown! John Brown was no Republican; and you have failed to implicate a single Republican in his Harper's Ferry enterprise. If any member of our party is guilty in that matter [145] THE AMERICAN IDEA you know it, or you do not know it. If you do know it, you are inexcusable for not des- ignating the man and proving the fact. If you do not know it, you are inexcusable for asserting it, and especially for persisting in the assertion after you have tried and failed to make the proof. You need not be told that persisting in a charge which one does not know to be true, is simply malicious slander. ^ Some of you admit that no Republican designedly aided or encouraged the Harper's Ferry affair, but still insist that our doctrines and declarations necessarily lead to such results. We do not believe it. We know we hold no doctrine, and make no declara- tion, which were not held to and made by "our fathers who framed the government under which we live." You never dealt fairly by us in relation to this affair. When it occurred, some important State elections were near at hand, and you were in evident glee with the belief that, by charging the blame upon us, you could get an advantage of us in those elections. The elections came, and your expectations were not quite ful- filled. Every Republican man knew that, as to himself at least, your charge was a slander, [146] THE AMERICAN IDEA and he was not much inclined by it to cast his vote in your favor. Republican doctrines and declarations are accompanied with a continual protest against any interference whatever with your slaves, or with you about your slaves. Surely this does not encourage them to revolt. True, we do, in common with *' our fathers who framed the govern- ment under which we live," declare our belief that slavery is wrong ; but the slaves do not hear us declare even this. For any- thing we say or do, the slaves would scarcely know there is a Republican party. I believe they would not, in fact, generally know it but for your misrepresentations of us in their hearing. In your political contests among yourselves, each faction charges the other with sympathy with Black Republicanism; and then, to give point to the charge, defines Black Republicanism to simply be insurrec- tion, blood, and thunder among the slaves. Slave insurrections are no more common now than they were before the Republican party was organized. What induced the Southampton insurrection, twenty-eight years ago, in which at least three times as many lives were lost as at Harper's Ferry? You can scarcely stretch your very elastic fancy [147] THE AMERICAN IDEA to the conclusion that Southampton was " got up by Black Republicanism." In the present state of things in the United States, I do not think a general, or even a very extensive, slave insurrection is possible. The indis- pensable concert of action cannot be attained. The slaves have no means of rapid com- munication; nor can incendiary freemen, black or white, supply it. The explosive materials are everywhere in parcels; but there neither are, nor can be supplied, the indispensable connecting trains. Much is said by Southern people about the affection of slaves for their masters and mistresses ; and a part of it, at least, is true. A plot for an uprising could scarcely be de- vised and communicated to twenty indi- viduals before some one of them, to save the life of a favorite master or mistress, would divulge it. This is the rule; and the slave revolution in Hayti was not an exception to it, but a case occurring under peculiar cir- cumstances. The gunpowder plot of British history, though not connected with slaves, was more in point. In that case only about twenty were admitted to the secret ; and yet one of them, in his anxiety to save a friend, betrayed the plot to that friend, and, by con- [148] THE AMERICAN IDEA sequence, averted the calamity. Occasional poisonings from the kitchen and open or stealthy assassinations in the field, and local revolts extending to a score or so, will con- tinue to occur as the natural results of slav- ery; but no general insurrection of slaves, as I think, can happen in this country for a long time. Whoever much fears, or much hopes, for such an event, will be alike disap- pointed. In the language of Mr. Jefferson, uttered many years ago, " It is still in our power to direct the process of emancipation and de- portation peaceably, and in such slow de- grees, as that the evil will wear off insensi- bly ; and their places he, pari passu, filled up by free white laborers. If, on the contrary, it is left to force itself on, human nature must shudder at the prospect held up." Mr. Jefferson did not mean to say, nor do I, that the power of emancipation is in the Federal Government. He spoke of Virginia ; and, as to the power of emancipation, I speak of the slaveholding States only. The Federal Government, however, as we insist, has the power of restraining the extension of the institution — the power to insure that a. slave insurrection shall never occur on any [149] THE AMERICAN IDEA American soil which is now free from slavery. John Brown's effort was peculiar. It was not a slave insurrection. It was an attempt by white men to get up a revolt among slaves, in which the slaves refused to partici- pate. In fact it was so absurd that the slaves, with all their ignorance, saw plainly enough it could not succeed. That affair, in its philosophy, corresponds with the many attempts, related in history, at the assassi- nation of kings and emperors. An enthu- siast broods over the oppression of a people till he fancies himself commissioned by Heaven to liberate them. He ventures the attempt, which ends in little else than his own execution. Orsini's attempt on Louis Napoleon and John Brown's attempt at Harper's Ferry were, in their philosophy, precisely the same. The eagerness to cast blame on old England in the one case and on New England in the other, does not dis- prove the sameness of the two things. And how much would it avail you, if you could, by the use of John Brown, Helper's Book, and the like, break up the Republican organization } Human action can be modi- fied to some extent, but human nature can- [150] THE AMERICAN IDEA not be changed. There is a judgment and a feeling against slavery in this nation which cast at least a million and a half of votes. You cannot destroy that judgment and feel- ing — that sentiment — by breaking up the political organization which rallies around it. You can scarcely scatter and disperse an army which has been formed into order in the face of your heaviest fire; but if you could, how much would you gain by forcing the sentiment which created it out of the peaceful channel of the ballot-box into some other channel ? What would that other chan- nel probably be ? Would the number of John Browns be lessened or enlarged by the opera- tion ? But you will break up the Union rather than submit to a denial of your constitu- tional rights. That has a somewhat reckless sound ; but it would be palliated, if not fully justified, were we proposing, by the mere force of numbers, to deprive you of some right plainly written down in the Constitution. But we are proposing no such thing. When you make these declarations, you have a specific and well-understood allusion to an assumed constitutional right of yours [151] THE AMERICAN IDEA to take slaves into the Federal Territories, and to hold them there as property. But no such right is specifically written in the Con- stitution. That instrument is literally silent about any such right. We, on the contrary, deny that such a right has any existence in the Constitution, even by implication. Your purpose, then, plainly stated, is that you will destroy the government, unless you be allowed to construe and force the Con- stitution as you please, on all points in dis- pute between you and us. You will rule or ruin in all events. This, plainly stated, is your language. Perhaps you will say the Supreme Court has decided the disputed constitutional question in your favor. Not quite so. But waiving the lawyer's distinction between dictum and decision, the court has decided the question for you in a sort of way. The court has substantially said, it is your constitutional right to take slaves into the Federal Terri- tories, and to hold them there as property. When I say the decision was made in a sort of way, I mean it was made in a divided court, by a bare majority of the judges, and they not quite agreeing with one another in the reasons for making it; that it is so made [152] THE AMERICAN IDEA that its avowed supporters disagree with one another about its meaning, and that it was mainly based upon a mistaken statement of fact — the statement in the opinion that " the right of property in a slave is distinctly and expressly affirmed in the Constitution." An inspection of the Constitution will show that the right of property in a slave is not " distinctly and expressly affirmed " in it. Bear in mind, the judges do not pledge their judicial opinion that such right is impliedly affirmed in the constitution ; but they pledge their veracity that it is " distinctly and ex- pressly " affirmed there — " distinctly," that is, not mingled with anything else — " ex- pressly," that is, in words meaning just that, without the aid of any inference, and sus- ceptible of no other meaning. If they had only pledged their judicial opinion that such right is affirmed in the instrument by implication, it would be open to others to show that neither the word " slave " nor " slavery " is to be found in the Constitution, nor the word "property" even, in any connection with language alluding to the things slave, or slavery ; and that wher- ever in that instrument the slave is alluded to, he is called a " person " ; and wherever [153] THE AMERICAN IDEA his master's legal right in relation to him is alluded to, it is spoken of as "service or labor which may be due " — as a debt paya- ble in service or labor. Also it would be open to show, by contemporaneous history, that this mode of alluding to slaves and slavery, instead of speaking of them, was employed on purpose to exclude from the Constitution the idea that there could be property in man. To show all this is easy and certain. When this obvious mistake of the judges shall be brought to their notice, is it not reasonable to expect that they will withdraw the mistaken statement, and reconsider the conclusion based upon it? And then it is to be remembered that " our fathers who framed the government under which we live" — the men who made the Constitution — decided this same constitu- tional question in our favor long ago : de- cided it without division among themselves when making the decision ; without division among themselves about the meaning of it after it was made, and, so far as any evidence is left, without basing it upon any mistaken statement of facts. Under all these circumstances, do you [154] THE AMERICAN IDEA really feel yourselves justified to break up this government unless such a court decision as yours is shall be at once submitted to as a conclusive and final rule of political action ? But you will not abide the election of a Re- publican president ! In that supposed event, you say, you will destroy the Union; and then, you say, the great crime of having de- stroyed it will be upon us ! That is cool. A highwayman holds a pistol to my ear, and mutters through his teeth, " Stand and de- liver, or I shall kill you, and then you will be a murderer! " To be sure, what the robber demanded of me — my money — was my own; and I had a clear right to keep it ; but it was no more my own than my vote is my own ; and the threat of death to me, to extort my money, and the threat of destruction to the Union, to extort my vote, can scarcely be distin- guished in principle. A few words now to Republicans. It is exceedingly desirable that all parts of this great Confederacy shall be at peace and in harmony one with another. Let us Repub- licans do our part to have it so. Even though much provoked, let us do nothing through passion and ill temper. Even [155] THE AMERICAN IDEA though the Southern people will not so much as listen to us, let us calmly consider their demands, and yield to them if, in our deliberate view of our duty, we possibly can. Judging by all they say and do, and by the subject and nature of their controversy with us, let us determine, if we can, what will satisfy them. Will they be satisfied if the Territories be unconditionally surrendered to them? We know they will not. In all their present complaints against us, the Territories are scarcely mentioned. Invasions and insur- rections are the rage now. Will it satisfy them if, in the future, we have nothing to do with invasions and insurrections } We know it will not. We so know, because we know we never had anything to do with invasions and insurrections ; and yet this total abstain- ing does not exempt us from the charge and the denunciation. The question recurs. What will satisfy them.f* Simply this: we must not only let them alone, but we must somehow convince them that we do let them alone. This, we know by experience, is no easy task. We have been so trying to convince them from the very beginning of our organization, but [156] THE AMERICAN IDEA with no success. In all our platforms and speeches we have constantly protested our purpose to let them alone ; but this has had no tendency to convince them. Alike un- availing to convince them is the fact that they have never detected a man of us in any attempt to disturb them. These natural and apparently adequate means all failing, what will convince them.f^ This, and this only : cease to call slavery wrong, and join them in calling it right. And this must be done thoroughly — done in acts as well as in words. Silence will not be tolerated — we must place ourselves avow- edly with them. Senator Douglas's new sedition law must be enacted and enforced, suppressing all declarations that slavery is wrong, whether made in politics, in presses, in pulpits, or in private. We must arrest and return their fugitive slaves with greedy pleasure. We must pull down our free- State constitutions. The whole atmosphere must be disinfected from all taint of opposi- tion to slavery, before they will cease to be- lieve that all their troubles proceed from us. I am quite aware they do not state their case precisely in this way. Most of them would probably say to us, " Let us alone; [157] THE AMERICAN IDEA do nothing to us, and say what you please about slavery." But we do let them alone, — have never disturbed them, — so that, after all, it is what we say which dissatisfies them. They will continue to accuse us of doing, until we cease saying. I am also aware they have not as yet in terms demanded the overthrow of our free- State constitutions. Yet those constitutions declare the wrong of slavery with more sol- emn emphasis than do all other sayings against it; and when all these other sayings shall have been silenced, the overthrow of these constitutions will be demanded, and nothing be left to resist the demand. It is nothing to the contrary that they do not demand the whole of this just now. De- manding what they do, and for the reason they do, they can voluntarily stop nowhere short of this consummation. Holding, as they do, that slavery is morally right and socially elevating, they cannot cease to de- mand a full national recognition of it as a legal right and a social blessing. Nor can we justifiably withhold this on any ground save our conviction that slavery is wrong. If slavery is right, all words, acts, laws, and constitutions against it are [158] THE AMERICAN IDEA themselves wrong, and should be silenced and swept away. If it is right, we cannot justly object to its nationality — its uni- versality; if it is wrong, they cannot justly insist upon its extension — its enlargement. All they ask we could readily grant, if we thought slavery right ; all we ask they could as readily grant, if they thought it wrong. Their thinking it right and our thinking it wrong is the precise fact upon which depends the whole controversy. Thinking it right, as they do, they are not to blame for desiring its full recognition as being right ; but thinking it wrong, as we do, can we yield to them? Can we cast our votes with their view, and against our own ? In view of our moral, social, and political re- sponsibilities, can we do this ? Wrong as we think slavery is, we can yet afford to let it alone where it is, because that much is due to the necessity arising from its actual presence in the nation; but can we, while our votes will prevent it, allow it to spread into the national Territories, and to overrun us here in these free States ? If our sense of duty forbids this, then let us stand by our duty fearlessly and effectively. Let us be diverted by none of those sophis- [159] THE AMERICAN IDEA tical contrivances wherewith we are so indus- triously plied and belabored — contrivances such as groping for some middle ground between the right and the wrong: vain as the search for a man who should be neither a living man nor a dead man ; such as a policy of " don't care " on a question about which all true men do care; such as Union appeals beseeching true Union men to yield to Dis- unionists, reversing the divine rule, and calling, not the sinners, but the righteous, to repentance ; such as invocations to Wash- ington, imploring men to unsay what Wash- ington said and undo what Washington did. Neither let us be slandered from our duty by false accusations against us, nor frightened from it by menaces of destruction to the government, nor of dungeons to our- selves. Let us have faith that right makes might, and in that faith let us to the end dare to do our duty as we understand it. [160] Lincoln's Inaugurals First Inaugural Address. March 4, 1861. Fellow-Citizens of the United States : IN compliance with a custom as old as the government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly, and to take, in your presence, the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States to be taken by the President before he enters on the execution of his office. I do not consider it necessary, at present, for me to discuss those matters of admin- istration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement. Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the southern states, that, by the accession of a Republican administration, their property and their peace and personal security are to be en- dangered. There has never been any rea- sonable cause for such apprehension. In- [161] THE AMERICAN IDEA deed, the most ample evidence to the con- trary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now ad- dresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches, when I declare that " I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the states where it exists." I believe I have no lawful right to do so ; and I have no inclination to do so. Those who nominated and elected me did so with the full knowledge that I had made this, and made many similar decla- rations, and had never recanted them. And, more than this, they placed in the platform, for my acceptance, and as a law to them- selves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read: ''Resolved, That the maintenance invio- late of the rights of the states, and es- pecially the right of each state to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend; and we de- nounce the lawless invasion . by armed force of the soil of any state or territory, no [162] THE AMERICAN IDEA matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes." I now reiterate these sentiments ; and in doing so I only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible, that the prop- erty, peace, and security of no section are to be in anywise endangered by the now incoming administration. I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given to all the states when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause, as cheerfully to one section as to another. There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from service or labor. The clause I now read is as plainly written in the Constitution as any other of its provisions: " No person held to service or labor in one state under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due." It is scarcely questioned that this provision [163] THE AMERICAN IDEA was intended by those who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves; and the intention of the law-giver is the law. All members of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution — to this provision as well as any other. To the propo- sition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause " shall be de- livered up," their oaths are unanimous. Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not, with nearly equal unanimity, frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath ? There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by state authority; but surely that difference is not a very material one. If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done ; and should any one, in any case, be content that this oath shall go unkept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept ? Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not, in any case, surrendered as a slave ? And might it [164] THE AMERICAN IDEA not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that "the citizens of each state shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several states?" I take the official oath to-day with no men- tal reservations, and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules; and while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Con- gress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand un- repealed, than to violate any of them, trust- ing to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional. It is seventy-two years since the first in- auguration of a President under our National Constitution. During that period, fifteen different and very distinguished citizens have in succession administered the execu- tive branch of the Government. They have conducted it through many perils, and gen- erally with great success. Yet, with all this scope for precedent, I now enter upon the same task, for the brief constitutional term [165] THE AMERICAN IDEA of four years, under great and peculiar diffi- culties. A disruption of the Federal Union, here- tofore only menaced, is now formidably at- tempted. I hold that in the contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution, the union of these states is perpetual. Perpe- tuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments. It is safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination. Continue to execute all the express provisions of our National Constitution, and the Union will endure forever, it being impossible to de- stroy it except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself. Again, if the United States be not a gov- ernment proper, but an association of states in the nature of a contract merely, can it, as a contract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made \t} One party to a contract may violate it — break it, so to speak ; but does it not require all to lawfully rescind it 1 Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that in legal contemplation the Union is perpetual, confirmed by the history of the Union itself. [i66] THE AMERICAN IDEA The Union is much older than the Con- stitution. It was formed, in fact, by the Ar- ticles of Association in 1 774. It was matured and continued in the Declaration of Inde- pendence in 1776. It was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen states expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of the Confed- eration, in 1778; and finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and estab- lishing the Constitution was to form a more perfect Union. But if the destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the states be lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than before, the Constitution having lost the vital element of perpetuity. It follows from these views that no state, upon its own mere motion, can lawfully get out of the Union ; that resolves and ordi- nances to that effect are legally void; and that acts of violence within any state or states against the authority of the United States are insurrectionary or revolutionary, accord- ingr to circumstances. I therefore consider that, in view of the Constitution and the laws, the Union is un- broken, and, to the extent of my ability, I shall take care, as the Constitution itself ex- ti67] THE AMERICAN IDEA pressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union shall be faithfully executed in all the states. Doing this, which I deem to be only a simple duty on my part, I shall perfectly perform it, so far as is practicable, unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisition, or in some author- itative manner direct the contrary. I trust this will not be regarded as a men- ace, but only as the declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain itself. In doing this there need be no bloodshed or violence, and there shall be none unless it is forced upon the national authority. The power confided to me will be used to hold^ occupy^ and possess the property and places belonging to the GovernTnent, and col- lect the duties and imposts ; but beyond what may be necessary for these objects there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere. Where hostility to the United States shall be so great and so universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people that object. While strict legal right may [i68] THE AMERICAN IDEA exist of the government to enforce the exer- cise of these offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating, and so nearly impracti- cable withal, that I deem it best to forego, for the time, the uses of such offices. The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of the Union. So far as possible, the people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security which is most favorable to calm thought and reflection. The course here indicated will be followed, unless current events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper; and in every case and exigency my best dis- cretion will be exercised according to the circumstances actually existing, and with a view and hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles, and the restoration of fra- ternal sympathies and affections. That there are persons, in one section or another, who seek to destroy the Union at all events, and are glad of any pretext to do it, I will neither affirm nor deny. But if there be such, I need address no word to them. To those, however, who really love the Union, may I not speak, before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction [169] THE AMERICAN IDEA of our national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes? Would it not be well to ascertain why we do it ? Will you hazard so desperate a step, while any portion of the ills you fly from have no real exist- ence ? Will you, while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly from ? Will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake ? All profess to be con- tent in the Union if all constitutional rights can be maintained. Is it true, then, that any right, plainly written in the Constitution, has been denied ? I think not. Happily the human mind is so constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this. Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly-written provision of the Con- stitution has ever been denied. If, by the mere force of numbers, a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly-written constitutional right, it might, in a moral point of view, justify revolution; it certainly would if such right were a vital one. But such is not our case. All the vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured to them by affirmations and negations, guarantees and prohibitions in the Constitution, that con- [170] THE AMERICAN IDEA troversies never arise concerning them. But no organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable to every question which may occur in practicable ad- ministration. No foresight can anticipate, nor any document of reasonable length contain, express provisions for all possible questions. Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by national or by state authorities? The Constitution does not expressly say. Must Congress protect slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say. From questions of this class spring all our constitutional controversies, and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities. If the minority will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the Government must cease. There is no alternative for continu- ing the Government but acquiescence on the one side or the other. If a minority in such a case will secede rather than acquiesce, they make a precedent which, in turn, will ruin and divide them, for a minority of their own will secede from them whenever a majority refuses to be controlled by such a minority. For instance, why may not any portion of a new Confederacy, a year or two hence, arbi- trarily secede again, precisely as portions of the [171] THE AMERICAN IDEA present Union now claim to secede from it? All who cherish disunion sentiments are now being educated to the exact temper of doing this. Is there such perfect identity of interests among the states to compose a new Union as to produce harmony only, and prevent renewed secession ? Plainly, the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. A majority held in restraint by constitu- tional check and limitation, and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. Whoever rejects it, does, of necessity, fly to anarchy or to despotism. Unanimity is impossible; the rule of a minority, as a permanent arrange- ment, is wholly inadmissible. So that, re- jecting the majority principle, anarchy or despotism, in some form, is all that is left. I do not forget the position assumed by some that constitutional questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court, nor do I deny that such decisions must be binding in any case upon the parties to a suit, as to the object of that suit, while they are also enti- tled to a very high respect and consideration in all parallel cases by all other departments [172] THE AMERICAN IDEA of the Government; and while it is obvi- ously possible that such decision may be erroneous in any given case, still the evil effect following it, being limited to that par- ticular case, with the chance that it may be overruled and never become a precedent for other cases, can better be borne than could the evils of a different practice. At the same time the candid citizen must confess that if the policy of the Government upon the vital question affecting the whole people is to be irrevocably fixed by the de- cisions of the Supreme Court, the instant they are made, as in ordinary litigation be- tween parties in personal actions, the people will have ceased to be their own masters, unless having to that extent practically re- signed their Government into the hands of that eminent tribunal. Nor is there in this view any assault upon the Court or the Judges. It is a duty from which they may not shrink, to decide cases properly brought before them ; and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their decisions to political purposes. One section of our country believes slavery is right and ought to be extended, while the other be- lieves it is wrong and ought not to be ex- [173] THE AMERICAN IDEA tended ; and this is the only substantial dis- pute ; and the fugitive slave clause of the Constitution, and the law for the suppres- sion of the foreign slave-trade, are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can ever be in a community where the moral sense of the people imperfectly supports the law it- self. The great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases, and a few break over in each. This, I think, can- not be perfectly cured, and it would be worse in both cases after the separation of the sec- tions than before. The foreign slave-trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be ulti- mately revived, without restriction, in one section ; while fugitive slaves, now only par- tially surrendered, would not be surrendered at all by the other. Physically speaking, we cannot separate; we cannot remove our respective sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall between them. A husband and wife may be divorced, and go out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other, but the different parts of our country cannot do this. They cannot but remain face to face ; and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them. Is it possible, then, [174] THE AMERICAN IDEA to make that intercouse more advantageous or more satisfactory after separation than before? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among friends ? Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always; and when, after much loss on both sides and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identi- cal questions as to terms of intercouse are again upon you. This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing gov- ernment, they can exercise their constitution- al right of amending, or their revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it. I can- not be ignorant of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the National Constitution amended. While I make no recommendation of amendment, I fully recognize the full authority of the people over the whole subject, to be exercised in either of the modes prescribed in the instrument itself, and I should, under exist- ing circumstances, favor, rather than oppose, a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act upon it. [175] THE AMERICAN IDEA I will venture to add that to me the con- vention mode seems preferable, in that it allows amendments to originate with the people themselves, instead of only permitting them to take or reject propositions originated by others not especially chosen for the pur- pose, and which might not be precisely such as they would wish either to accept or refuse. I understand that a proposed amend- ment to the Constitution (which amendment, however, I have not seen) has passed Con- gress, to the effect that the Federal Govern- ment shall never interfere with the domestic institutions of states, including that of persons held to service. To avoid mis- construction of what I have said, I depart from my purpose not to speak of particular amendments, so far as to say that, holding such a provision to now be implied constitu- tional law, I have no objection to its being made express and irrevocable. The Chief Magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and they have conferred none upon him to fix the terms for the separation of the states. The people themselves, also, can do this if they choose, but the Executive, as such, has nothing to do with it. His duty is to administer the [176] THE AMERICAN IDEA present government as it came to his hands, and to transmit it unimpaired by him to his successor. Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of the people ? Is there any better or equal hope in the world? In our present dif- ferences is either party without faith of being in the right? If the Almighty Ruler of nations, with his eternal truth and justice, be on your side of the North, or on yours of the South, that truth and that justice will surely prevail by the judgment of this great tribunal, the American people. By the frame of the Government under which we live, this same people have wisely given their public servants but little power for mischief, and have with equal wisdom provided for the return of that little to their own hands at very short intervals. While the people re- tain their virtue and vigilance, no adminis- tration, by any extreme wickedness or folly, can very seriously injure the Government in the short space of four years. My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. If there be an object to hurry any of you, in hot haste, to a step which you would THE AMERICAN IDEA never take deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking time ; but no good object can be frustrated by it. Such of you as are now dissatisfied still have the old Constitution unimpaired, and on the sensitive point, the laws of your own framing under it; while the new adminis- tration will have no immediate power, if it would, to change either. If it were admitted that you who are dis- satisfied hold the right side in the dispute, there is still no single reason for precipitate action. Intelligence, patriotism, Christian- ity, and a firm reliance on Him who has never yet forsaken this favored land, are still competent to adjust, in the best way, all our present difficulties. In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow- countrymen, and not in mine, is the momen- tous issue of civil war. The Government will not assail you. You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the Government, while I shall have the most solemn one to "preserve, protect, and de- fend " it. I am loath to close. We are not enemies, [178] THE AMERICAN IDEA but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break, our bonds of affection. The mystic cords of memory, stretching from every battlefield and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature. Second Inaugural Address. March 4, 1865. Fellow- Cou7i try men \ At this second ap- pearing to take the oath of the Presidential office, there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. Then a statement somewhat in detail of a course to be pursued seemed very fitting and proper. Now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been con- stantly called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new could be presented. The progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the [179] THE AMERICAN IDEA public as to myself ; and it is, I trust, rea- sonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. With high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured. On the occasion corresponding to this, four years ago, all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. All dreaded it ; all sought to avoid it. While the inaugural address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving the Union without war, insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war — seeking to dissolve the Union and divide the effects by negotiation. Both parties dep- recated war; but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive, and the other would accept war rather than let it perish ; and the war came. One eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the Union, but localized in the southern part of it. These slaves constituted a pecul- iar and powerful interest. All knew that this interest was somehow the cause of the war. To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest, was the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union even by war, while the government claimed no right [i8o] THE AMERICAN IDEA to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. Neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration which it has already attained. Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with, or even before, the conflict itself should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astoundinor. Both read the same Bible and pray to the same God, and each invokes his aid against the other. It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just God's assist- ance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces ; but let us judge not, that we be not judged. The prayers of both could not be answered. That of neither has been answered fully. The Almighty has his own purposes. " Woe unto the world be- cause of offenses, for it must needs be that offenses come ; but woe to that man by whom the offense cometh." If we shall suppose that American slavery is one of these offenses, which in the providence of God must needs come, but which, having continued through his appointed time, he now wills to remove, and that he gives to both North and South this terrible war as the woe due to those by [i8i] THE AMERICAN IDEA whom the offense came, shall we discern therein any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a living God always ascribe to him? Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray, that this mighty scourge of war may soon pass away. Yet, if God wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid with another drawn with the sword ; as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said, " The judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether." With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation's wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his widow and orphans, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and a lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations. [182] Proclamation of Emancipation January 7, i86j. WHEREAS, on the twenty-second day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hun- dred and sixty-two, a proclamation was issued by the President of the United States, containing, among other things, the following, to wdt: " That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hun- dred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any state or designated part of a state, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free ; and the Executive Government of the United States, including the military and naval au- thority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom. " That the Executive will, on the first day of [183] THE AMERICAN IDEA January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the states and parts of states, if any, in which the people thereof respectively shall then be in rebellion against the United States ; and the fact that any state, or the people thereof, shall on that day be in good faith represented in the Congress of the United States, by members chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such state shall have participated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such state, and the people thereof, are not then in rebellion against the United States." Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, by virtue of the power in me vested as Commander-in- Chief of the army and navy of the United States in time of actual armed rebellion against the authority and government of the United States, and as a fit and necessary war measure for suppressing said rebellion, do, on this first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and in accordance with my purpose so to do, publicly proclaimed for the full period of one hundred days from the day first above mentioned, order and desig- [184] THE AMERICAN IDEA nate, as the states and parts of states wherein the people thereof respectively are this day in rebellion against the United States, the following, to wit: Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana (except the parishes of St. Bernard, Plaquemines, Jeffer- son, St. John, St. Charles, St. James, Ascen- sion, Assumption, Terre Bonne, Lafourche, St. Marie, St. Martin, and Orleans, includ- ing the city of New Orleans), Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, and Virginia (except the forty-eight counties designated as West Vir- ginia, and also the counties of Berkeley, Ac- comac, Northampton, Elizabeth City, York, Princess Anne, and Norfolk, including the cities of Norfolk and Portsmouth), and which excepted parts are for the present left pre- cisely as if this proclamation were not issued. And, by virtue of the power and for the purpose aforesaid, I do order and declare that all persons held as slaves within said designated states and parts of states are and henceforth shall be free ; and that the Exec- utive Government of the United States, in- cluding the military and naval authorities thereof, w411 recognize and maintain the free- dom of said persons. [185] THE AMERICAN IDEA And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be free, to abstain from all vio- lence, unless in necessary self-defense ; and I recommend to them that in all cases, when allowed, they labor faithfully for reasonable wages. And I further declare and make known that such persons of suitable condition will be received into the armed service of the United States, to garrison forts, positions, stations, and other places, and to man ves- sels of all sorts in said service. And upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of justice, warranted by the Con- stitution, upon military necessity, I invoke the considerate judgment of mankind and the gracious favor of Almighty God. In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my name, and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington, this first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty- [l. s.] three, and of the Independence of the United States the eighty-seventh. By the President : Abraham Lincoln. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, [1 86] Lincoln's Gettys- burg Speech At the Dedication of the National Ceme- tery AT Gettysburg, Pa., November 15, 1863. "FOURSCORE and seven yearn ago our fathers brought forth upon this con- tinent a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal. Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so con- ceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle-field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting-place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this. But in a larger sense we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we cannot hallovv^ this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who strug- gled here, have consecrated it far above our [187] THE AMERICAN IDEA power to add or detract. The world will lit- tle note, nor long remember, what we say here ; but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us, that from these honored dead we take increased devo- tion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion ; that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain; that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom, and that government of the people, by the people, and for the people, shall not perish from the earth. [1 88] Webster's Bunker Hill Speech At the Laying of the Corner Stone of THE Bunker Hill Monument at Charlestown, Mass., June 17, 1825.* THIS uncounted multitude before me and around me proves the feeling which the occasion has excited. These thousands of human faces, glowing with sympathy and joy, and from the impulses of a common gratitude turned reverently to heaven in this spacious temple of the firma- ment, proclaim that the day, the place, and the purpose of our assembling have made a deep impression on our hearts. If, indeed, there be anything in local association fit to affect the mind of man, we need not strive to repress the emotions which agitate us here. We are among the sepulchers of our fathers. We are on ground distinguished by their valor, their *From the Works of Daniel Webster, published by Little, Brown & Co., 1851, Boston, [189] THE AMERICAN IDEA constancy, and the shedding of their blood. We are here, not to fix an uncertain date in our annals, nor to draw into notice an obscure and unknown spot. If our humble purpose had never been conceived, if we our- selves had never been born, the 17th of June, 1775, would have been a day on which all subsequent history would have poured its light, and the eminence where we stand a point of attraction to the eyes of successive ofenerations. But we are Americans. We live in what may be called the early age of this great continent ; and we know that our posterity, through all time, are here to enjoy and suffer the allotments of humanity. We see before us a probable train of great events; we know that our own fortunes have been happily cast; and it is natural, therefore, that we should be moved by the contemplation of occurrences which have guided our destiny before many of us were born, and settled the condition in which we should pass that portion of our existence which God allow^s to men on earth. We do not read even of the discovery of this continent, without feeling something of a personal interest in the event ; without being reminded how much it has affected our own [190] THE A MERICAN IDEA fortunes and our own existence. It would be still more unnatural for us, therefore, than for others, to contemplate with unaffected minds that interesting, I may say that most touching and pathetic scene, when the great discoverer of America stood on the deck of his shattered bark, the shades of night falling on the sea, yet no man sleeping; tossed on the billows of an unknown ocean, yet the stronger billows of alternate hope and despair tossing his own troubled thoughts; extending forward his harassed frame, straining westward his anxious and eager eyes, till Heaven at last granted him a moment of rapture and ecstacy in blessing his vision with the sight of the unknown world. Nearer to our times, more closely con- nected with our fates, and therefore still more interesting to our feelings and affec- tions, is the settlement of our own country by colonists from England. We cherish every memorial of these worthy ancestors; we celebrate their patience and fortitude; we admire their daring enterprise ; we teach our children to venerate their piety ; and we are justly proud of being descended from men who have set the world an example of [191] THE AMERICAN IDEA founding civil institutions on the great and united principles of human freedom and hu- man knowledge. To us, their children, the story of their labors and sufferings can never be without interest. We shall not stand un- moved on the shore of Plymouth, while the sea continues to wash it ; nor will our breth- ren in another early and ancient Colony for- get the place of its first establishment, till their river shall cease to flow by it. No vigor of youth, no maturity of manhood, will lead the nation to forget the spots where its in- fancy was cradled and defended. But the great event in the history of the continent, which we are now met here to commemorate, that prodigy of modern times, at once the wonder and the blessing of the world, is the American Revolution. In a day of extraordinary prosperity and happi- ness, of high national honor, distinction, and power, we are brought together, in this place, by our love of country, by our admira- tion of exalted character, by our gratitude for signal services and patriotic devotion. The Society whose organ I am was formed for the purpose of rearing some honorable and durable monument to the memory of the early friends of American Independence. [192] THE AMERICAN IDEA They have thought that for this object no time could be more propitious than the pres- ent prosperous and peaceful period; that no place could claim preference over this memorable spot ; and that no day could be more auspicious to the undertaking, than the anniversary of the battle which was here fought. The foundation of that monument we have now laid. With solemnities suited to the occasion, with prayers to Almighty God for his blessing, and in the midst of this cloud of witnesses, we have begun the work. We trust it will be prosecuted, and that, springing from a broad foundation, ris- ing high in massive solidity and unadorned grandeur, it may remain as long as Heaven permits the works of man to last, a fit em- blem, both of the events in memory of which it is raised, and of the gratitude of those who have reared it. We know, indeed, that the record of illus- trious actions is most safely deposited in the universal remembrance of mankind. We know, that if we could cause this structure to ascend, not only till it reached the skies, but till it pierced them, its broad surfaces could still contain but part of that which, in an age of knowledge, hath already been [193] THE AMERICAN IDEA spread over the earth, and which history charges itself with making known to all fu- ture times. We know that no inscription on entablatures less broad than the earth itself can carry information of the events we commemorate where it has not already gone ; and that no structure, which shall not out- live the duration of letters and knowledge among men, can prolong the memorial. But our object is, by this edifice, to show our own deep sense of the value and importance of the achievements of our ancestors ; and, by presenting this work of gratitude to the eye, to keep alive similar sentiments, and to foster a constant regard for the principles of the Revolution. Human beings are com- posed, not of reason only, but of imagination also, and sentiment ; and that is neither wasted nor misapplied which is appropriated to the purpose of giving right direction to sentiments, and opening proper springs of feeling in the heart. Let it not be supposed that our object is to perpetuate national hos- tility, or even to cherish a mere military spirit. It is higher, purer, nobler. We con- secrate our work to the spirit of national in- dependence, and we wish that the light of peace may rest upon it forever. We rear a [194] THE AMERICAN IDEA memorial of our conviction of that unmeas- ured benefit which has been conferred on our own land, and of the happy influences which have been produced, by the same events, on the general interests of mankind. We come, as Americans, to mark a spot which must forever be dear to us and our posterity. We wish that whosoever, in all coming time, shall turn his eye hither, may behold that the place is not undistinguished where the first great battle of the Revolu- tion was fought. We wish that this struc- ture may proclaim the magnitude and im- portance of that event to every class and every age. We wish that infancy may learn the purpose of its erection from maternal lips, and that weary and withered age may behold it, and be solaced by the recollections which it suggests. We wish that labor may look up here, and be proud, in the midst of its toil. We wish that, in those days of dis- aster, which, as they come upon all nations, must be expected to come upon us also, desponding patriotism may turn its eyes hitherward, and be assured that the founda- tions of our national power are still strong. We wish that this column, rising towards heaven among the pointed spires of so many [195] THE AMERICAN IDEA temples dedicated to God, may contribute also to produce, in all minds, a pious feeling of dependence and gratitude. We wish, finally, that the last object to the sight of him who leaves his native shore, and the first to gladden him who revisits it, may be something which shall remind him of the liberty and the glory of his country. Let it rise ! let it rise, till it meet the sun in his coming ; let the earliest light of the morning gild it, and parting day linger and play on its summit. We live in a most extraordinary age. Events so various and so important that they might crowd and distinguish centuries are, in our times, compressed within the compass of a single life. When has it happened that history has had so much to record, in the same term of years, as since the 17th of June, 1775? Our own revolution, which, under other circumstances, might itself have been expected to occasion a war of half a century, has been achieved; twenty-four sovereign and independent States erected; and a general government established over them, so safe, so wise, so free, so practical, that we might well wonder its establishment should have been accomplished so soon, were [196] THE AMERICAN IDEA it not far the greater wonder that it should have been established at all. Two or three millions of people have been augmented to twelve, the great forests of the West prostrated beneath the arm of successful industry, and the dwellers on the banks of the Ohio and the Missis- sippi become the fellow-citizens and neigh- bors of those who cultivate the hills of New England. We have a commerce that leaves no sea unexplored ; navies which take no law from superior force ; revenues adequate to all the exigencies of government, almost without taxation; and peace with all nations, founded on equal rights and mutual respect. Europe, within the same period, has been agitated by a mighty revolution, which, while it has been felt in the individual condition and happiness of almost every man, has shaken to the center her political fabric, and dashed against one another thrones w^hich had stood tranquil for ages. On this, our continent, our own example has been followed, and colonies have sprung up to be nations. Unaccustomed sounds of liberty and free government have reached us from beyond the track of the sun ; and at this [197] THE AMERICAN IDEA moment the dominion of European power in this continent, from the place where we stand to the south pole, is annihilated for- ever.''^ In the mean time, both in Europe and America, such has been the general progress of knowledge, such the improvement in legis- lation, in commerce, in the arts, in letters, and, above all, in liberal ideas and the general spirit of the age, that the whole world seems changed. Yet, notwithstanding that this is but a faint abstract of the things which have happened since the day of the battle of Bunker Hill, we are but fifty years removed from it ; and we now stand here to enjoy all the blessings of our own condition, and to look abroad on the brightened prospects of the world, while we still have among us some of those who were active agents in the scenes of 1775, and who are now here, from every quarter of New England, to visit once more, and under circumstances so affecting, I had almost said so overwhelming, this renowned theater of their courage and patriotism. *The Monroe Doctrine was fresh in the minds of Mr. Webster and his hearers. [198] THE AMERICAN IDEA Venerable men ! you have come down to us from a former generation. Heaven has bounteously lengthened out your lives, that you might behold this joyous day. You are now where you stood fifty years ago, this very hour, with your brothers and your neighbors, shoulder to shoulder, in the strife for your country. Behold, how altered ! The same heavens are indeed over your heads; the same ocean rolls at your feet; but all else how changed! You hear now no roar of hostile cannon, you see no mixed volumes of smoke and flame rising from burning Charlestown. The ground strewed with the dead and the dying; the impetuous charge; the steady and successful repulse; the loud call to repeated assault ; the sum- moning of all that is manly to repeated resistance ; a thousand bosoms freely and fearlessly bared in an instant to whatever of terror there may be in war and death ; — all these you have witnessed, but you witness them no more. All is peace. The heights of yonder metropolis, its towers and roofs, which you then saw filled with wives and children and countrymen in distress and ter- ror, and looking with unutterable emotions for the issue of the combat, have presented [199] THE AMERICAN IDEA you to-day with the sight of its whole happy population, come out to welcome and greet you with a universal jubilee. Yonder proud ships, by a felicity of position appropriately lying at the foot of this mount, and seeming fondly to cling around it, are not means of annoyance to you, but your country's own means of distinction and defense. All is peace; and God has granted you this sight of your country's happiness, ere you slumber in the grave. He has allowed you to behold and to partake the reward of your patriotic toils ; and he has allowed us, your sons and countrymen, to meet you here, and in the name of the present generation, in the name of your country, in the name of liberty, to thank you ! But, alas ! you are not all here ! Time and the sword have thinned your ranks. Prescott, Putnam, Stark, Brooks, Read, Pom- eroy. Bridge ! our eyes seek for you in vain amid this broken band. You are gathered to your fathers, and live only to your coun- try in her grateful remembrance and your own bright example. But let us not too much grieve, that you have met the common fate of men. You lived at least long enough to know that your work had been nobly and [200] THE AMERICAN IDEA successfully accomplished. You lived to see your country's independence established, and to sheathe your swords from war. On the light of Liberty you saw arise the light of Peace, like " another morn, Risen on mid-noon ; ' ' and the sky on which you closed your eyes was cloudless. But, ah ! Him ! the first great martyr in this great cause! Him! the premature vic- tim of his own self-devoting heart ! Him ! the head of our civil councils, and the des- tined leader of our military bands, whom nothing brought hither but the unquencha- ble fire of his own spirit! Him! cut off by Providence in the hour of overwhelming anxiety and thick gloom ; falling ere he saw the star of his country rise ; pouring out his generous blood like water, before he knew whether it would fertilize a land of freedom or of bondage ! — how shall I struggle with the emotions that stifle the utterance of thy name!* Our poor work may perish; but thine shall endure! This monument may moulder away; the solid ground it rests *Joseph Warren. [201] THE AMERICAN IDEA upon may sink down to a level with the sea; but thy memory shall not fail ! Whereso- ever among men a heart shall be found that beats to the transports of patriotism and liberty, its aspirations shall be to claim kin- dred with thy spirit. But the scene amidst which we stand does not permit us to confine our thoughts or our sympathies to those fearless spirits who hazarded or lost their lives on this con- secrated spot. We have the happiness to rejoice here in the presence of a most worthy representation of the survivors of the whole Revolutionary army. Veterans ! you are the remnant of many a well-fought field. You bring with you marks of honor from Trenton and Mon- mouth, from Yorktown, Camden, Benning- ton, and Saratoga. Veterans of half a century! when in your youthful days you put everything at hazard in your country's cause, good as that cause was, and sanguine as youth is, still your fondest hopes did not stretch onward to an hour like this ! At a period to which you could not reasonably have expected to arrive, at a moment of national prosperity such as you could never have foreseen, you are now met here to enjoy [202] THE AMERICAN IDEA the fellowship of old soldiers, and to receive the overflowings of a universal gratitude. But your agitated countenances and your heaving breasts inform me that even this is not an unmixed joy. I perceive that a tu- mult of contending feelings rushes upon you. The images of the dead, as well as the persons of the living, present themselves before you. The scene overwhelms you, and I turn from it. May the Father of all mercies smile upon your declining years, and bless them ! And when you shall here have exchanged your embraces, when you shall once more have pressed the hands which have been so often extended to give succor in adversity, or grasped in the exul- tation of victory, then look abroad upon this lovely land which your young valor defend- ed, and mark the happiness with which it is filled ; yea, look abroad upon the whole earth, and see what a name you have con- tributed to give to your country, and what a praise you have added to freedom, and then rejoice in the sympathy and gratitude whic>i beam upon your last days from the improved condition of mankind ! The occasion does not require of me any particular account of the battle of the 17th [203] THE AMERICAN IDEA of June, 1775, nor any detailed narrative of the events which immediately preceded it. These are familiarly known to all. In the progress of the great and interesting contro- versy, Massachusetts and the town of Boston had become early and marked objects of the displeasure of the British Parliament. This had been manifested in the act for alter- ing the government of the Province, and in that for shutting up the port of Boston. Nothing sheds more honor on our early history, and nothing better shows how little the feelings and sentiments of the Colonies were known or regarded in England, than the impression which these measures everywhere produced in Amer- ica. It had been anticipated, that while the Colonies in general would be terrified by the severity of the punishment in- flicted on Massachusetts, the other sea- ports would be governed by a mere spirit of gain ; and that, as Boston was now cut off from all commerce, the unexpected advan- tage which this blow on her was calculated to confer on other towns would be greedily enjoyed. How miserably such reasoners de- ceived themselves ! How little they knew of the depth, and the strength, and the in- [204] THE AMERICAN IDEA tenseness of that feeling of resistance to illegal acts of power, which possessed the whole American people ! Everywhere the unworthy boon was rejected with scorn. The fortunate occasion was seized, every- where, to show to the whole world that the Colonies were swayed by no local interest, no partial interest, no selfish interest. The temp- tation to profit by the punishment of Bos- ton was strongest to our neighbors of Salem. Yet Salem was precisely the place where this miserable proffer was spurned, in a tone of the most lofty self-respect and the most indignant patriotism. " We are deeply af- fected," said its inhabitants, " with the sense of our public calamities ; but the miseries that are now rapidly hastening on our breth- ren in the capital of the Province greatly excite our commiseration. By shutting up the port of Boston some imagine that the course of trade might be turned hither and to our benefit ; but we must be dead to every idea of justice, lost to all feelings of human- ity, could we indulge a thought to seize on wealth and raise our fortunes on the ruin of our suffering neighbors." These noble sen- timents were not confined to our immediate vicinity. In that day of general affection [205] THE AMERICAN IDEA and brotherhood, the blow given to Boston smote on every patriotic heart from one end of the country to the other. Virginia and the Carolinas, as well as Connecticut and New Hampshire, felt and proclaimed the cause to be their own. The Continental Congress, then holding its first session in Philadelphia, expressed its sympathy for the suffering inhabitants of Boston, and ad- dresses were received from all quarters, assuring them that the cause was a common one, and should be met by common efforts and common sacrifices. The Congress of Massachusetts responded to these assur- ances; and in an address to the Congress at Philadelphia, bearing the official signature, perhaps among the last, of the immortal Warren, notwithstanding the severity of its suffering and the magnitude of the dangers which threatened it, it was declared that this Colony " is ready, at all times, to spend and to be spent in the cause of America." But the hour drew nigh which was to put professions to the proof, and to determine whether the authors of these mutual pledges were ready to seal them in blood. The tid- ings of Lexington and Concord had no sooner spread, than it was universally felt [206] THE AMERI CAN IDEA that the time was at last come for action. A spirit pervaded all ranks, not transient, not boisterous, but deep, solemn, deter- mined, — ' ' Totamque infusa per artus Mens agitat molem, et magno se corpore miscet." * War on their own soil and at their own doors, was, indeed, a strange work to the yeomanry of New England ; but their con- sciences were convinced of its necessity, their country called them to it, and they did not withhold themselves from the perilous trial. The ordinary occupations of life were abandoned ; the plough was stayed in the unfinished furrow ; wives gave up their hus- bands, and mothers gave up their sons, to the battles of a civil war. Death might come in honor, on the field; it might come, in dis- grace, on the scaffold. For either and for both they were prepared. The sentiment of Quincy was full in their hearts. " Bland- ishments," said that distinguished son of genius and patriotism, "will not fascinate us, nor will threats of a halter intimidate ; for, under God, we are determined, that, wheresoever, whensoever, or howsoever, we * " And a Mind, diffused throughout the members, gives en- ergy to the whole mass, and mingles with the vast body." [207] THE AMERICAN IDEA shall be called to make our exit, we will die free men." The 17th of June saw the four New Eng- land Colonies standing here, side by side, to triumph or to fall together ; and there was with them from that moment to the end of the war, what I hope will remain with them forever, — one cause, one country, one heart. The battle of Bunker Hill was attended with the most important effects beyond its immediate results as a military engagement. It created at once a state of open, public war. There could now be no longer a ques- tion of proceeding against individuals, as guilty of treason or rebellion. That fearful crisis was past. The appeal lay to the sword, and the only question was, whether the spirit and the resources of the people would hold out till the object should be accom- plished. Nor were its general consequences confined to our own country. The previous proceedings of the Colonies, their appeals, resolutions, and addresses, had made their cause known to Europe. Without boasting, we may say, that in no age or country has the public cause been maintained with more force of argument, more power of illustra- tion, or more of that persuasion which ex- [208] THE AMERICAN IDEA cited feeling and elevated principle can alone bestow, than the Revolutionary state papers exhibit. These papers will forever deserve to be studied, not only for the spirit which they breathe, but for the ability with which they were written. To this able vindication of their cause, the Colonies had now added a practical and severe proof of their own true devotion to it, and given evidence also of the power which they could bring to its support. All now saw, that if America fell, she would not fall without a struggle. Men felt sympathy and regard, as well as surprise, when they beheld these infant states, remote, unknown, un- aided, encounter the power of England, and, in the first considerable battle, leave more of their enemies dead on the field, in proportion to the number of combatants, than had been recently known to fall in the wars of Europe. Information of these events, circulating throughout the world, at length reached the ears of one who now hears me."^ He has not forgotten the emotion which the fame of Bunker Hill, and the name of Warren, ex- cited in his youthful breast. Sir, we are assembled to commemorate the *The Marquis de Lafayette. [209] THE AMERICAN IDEA establishment of great public principles of liberty, and to do honor to the distinguished dead. The occasion is too severe for eulogy of the living. But, Sir, your interesting relation to this country, the peculiar circum- stances which surround you and surround us, call on me to express the happiness which we derive from your presence and aid in this solemn commemoration. Fortunate, fortunate man ! with what measure of devotion will you not thank God for the circumstances of your extraordinary life! You are connected with both hemi- spheres and with two generations. Heaven saw fit to ordain that the electric spark of liberty should be conducted, through you, from the New World to the Old ; and we, who are now here to perform this duty of patriotism, have all of us long ago received it in charge from our fathers to cherish your name and your virtues. You will account it an instance of your good fortune. Sir, that you crossed the seas to visit us at a time which enables you to be present at this solemnity. You now behold the field, the renown of which reached you in the heart of France, and caused a thrill in your ardent bosom. You see the lines of the little re- [210] THE AMERICAN IDEA doubt thrown up by the incredible diligence of Prescott; defended, to the last extremity, by his lion-hearted valor ; and within which the corner-stone of our monument has now taken its position. You see where Warren fell, and where Parker, Gardner, McCleary, Moore, and other early patriots fell with him. Those who survived that day, and whose lives have been prolonged to the present hour, are now around you. Some of them you have known in the trying scenes of the war. Behold! they now stretch forth their feeble arms to embrace you. Behold ! they raise their trembling voices to invoke the blessing of God on you and yours forever. Sir, you have assisted us in laying the foundation of this structure. You have heard us rehearse, with our feeble com- mendation, the names of departed patriots. Monuments and eulogy belong to the dead. We give then this day to Warren and his associates. On other occasions they have been given to your more immediate com- panions in arms, to Washington, to Greene, to Gates, to Sullivan, and to Lincoln. We have become reluctant to grant these, our highest and last honors, further. We would gladly hold them yet back from the little [211] THE AMERICAN IDEA remnant of that immortal band. " Serus in c(£lum redeasT^ Illustrious as are your merits, yet far, O, very far distant be the day, when any inscription shall bear your name, or any tongue pronounce its eulogy ! The leading reflection to which this occa- sion seems to invite us, respects the great changes which have happened in the fifty years since the battle of Bunker Hill was fought. And it peculiarly marks the char- acter of the present age, that, in looking at these changes, and in estimating their effect on our condition, we are obliged to consider, not what has been done in our country only, but in others also. In these interesting times, while nations are making separate and individual advances in improvement, they make, too, a common progress ; like vessels on a common tide, propelled by the gales at different rates, according to their several structure and management, but all moved forward by one mighty current, strong enough to bear onward whatever does not sink beneath it. A chief distinction of the present day is a community of opinions and knowledge amongst men in different nations, existing *"Late may you return to heaven." [212] THE AMERICAN IDEA in a degree heretofore unknown. Knowl- edge has, in our time, triumphed, and is tri- umphing, over distance, over difference of languages, over diversity of habits, over pre- judice, and over bigotry. The civilized and Christian world is fast learning the great lesson, that difference of nation does not im- ply necessary hostility, and that all contact need not be war. The whole world is be- coming a common field for intellect to act in. Energy of mind, genius, power, wheresoever it exists, may speak out in any tongue, and the world will hear it. A great chord of sentiment and feeling runs through two continents, and vibrates over both. Every breeze wafts intelligence from country to country, every wave rolls it ; all give it forth, and all in turn receive it. There is a vast commerce of ideas ; there are marts and ex- changes for intellectual discoveries, and a wonderful fellowship of those individual in- telligences which make up the mind and opinion of the age. Mind is the great lever of all things ; human thought is the process by which human ends are ultimately an- swered; and the diffusion of knowledge, so astonishing in the last half-century, has rendered innumerable minds, variously gifted [213] THE AMERICAN IDEA by nature, competent to be competitors or fellow-workers on the theater of intellectual operation. From these causes important improve- ments have taken place in the personal con- dition of individuals. Generally speaking, mankind are not only better fed and better clothed, but they are able also to enjoy more leisure ; they possess more refinement and more self-respect. A superior tone of edu- cation, manners, and habits prevails. This remark, most true in its application to our own country, is also partly true when applied elsewhere. It is proved by the vastly aug- mented consumption of those articles of manufacture and of commerce which con- tribute to the comforts and the decencies of life ; an augmentation which has far outrun the progress of population. And while the unexampled and almost incredible use of machinery would seem to supply the place of labor, labor still finds its occupation and its reward; so wisely has Providence ad- justed men's wants and desires to their con- dition and their capacity. Any adequate survey, however, of the progress made during the last half-century in the polite and the mechanic arts, in ma- [214] THE AMERICAN IDEA chinery and manufactures, in commerce and agriculture, in letters and in science, would require volumes. I must abstain wholly from these subjects, and turn for a moment to the contemplation of what has been done on the great question of politics and government. This is the master topic of the age ; and during the whole fifty years it has intensely occupied the thoughts of men. The nature of civil government, its ends and uses, have been canvassed and investigated ; ancient opinions attacked and defended; new ideas recommended and resisted, by whatever power the mind of man could bring to the controversy. From the closet and the pub- lic halls the debate has been transferred to the field ; and the world has been shaken by wars of unexampled magnitude, and the greatest variety of fortune. A day of peace has at length succeeded ; and now that the strife has subsided, and the smoke cleared away, we may begin to see what has actually been done, permanently changing the state and condition of human society. And, with- out dwelling on particular circumstances, it is most apparent, that, from the before-men- tioned causes of augmented knowledge and improved individual condition, a real, sub- [215] THE AMERICAN IDEA stantial, and important change has taken place, and is taking place, highly favorable, on the whole, to human liberty and human happiness. The great wheel of political revolution began to move in America. Here its rota- tion was guarded, regular, and safe. Trans- ferred to the other continent, from unfor- tunate but natural causes, it received an irregular and violent impulse; it whirled along with a fearful celerity; till at length, like the chariot-wheels in the races of antiq- uity, it took fire from the rapidity of its own motion, and blazed onward, spreading con- flagration and terror around. We learn from the result of this experi- ment, how fortunate was our own condition, and how admirably the character of our people was calculated for setting the great example of popular governments. The pos- session of power did not turn the heads of the American people, for they had long been in the habit of exercising a great degree of self-control. Although the paramount au- thority of the parent state existed over them, yet a large field of legislation had al- ways been open to our Colonial assemblies. They were accustomed to representative [216] THE AMERICAN IDEA bodies and the forms of free government; they understood the doctrine of the division of power among different branches, and the necessity of checks on each. The character of our countrymen, moreover, was sober, moral, and religious ; and there was little in the change to shock their feelings of justice and humanity, or even to disturb an honest prejudice. We had no domestic throne to overturn, no privileged orders to cast down, no violent changes of property to encounter. In the American Revolution, no man sought or wished for more than to defend and enjoy his own. None hoped for plunder or for spoil. Rapacity was unknown to it ; the axe was not among the instruments of its accom- plishment ; and we all know that it could not have lived a single day under any well- founded imputation of possessing a tendency adverse to the Christian religion. It need not surprise us, that, under cir- (iumstances less auspicious, political revolu- tions elsewhere, even when well intended, have terminated differently. It is, indeed, a great achievement, it is the masterwork of the world, to establish governments entirely popular on lasting foundations ; nor is it easy, indeed, to introduce the popular prin- [217] THE AMERICAN IDEA ciple at all into governments to which it has been altogether a stranger. It cannot be doubted, however, that Europe has come out of the contest, in which she has been so long engaged, with greatly superior knowl- edge, and, in many respects, in a highly im- proved condition. Whatever benefit has been acquired is likely to be retained, for it consists mainly in the acquisition of more enlightened ideas. And although kingdoms and provinces may be wrested from the hands that hold them, in the same manner they were obtained ; although ordinary and vulgar power may, in human affairs, be lost as it has been won; yet it is the glorious prerogative of the empire of knowledge, that what it gains it never loses. On the con- trary, it increases by the multiple of its own power ; all its ends become means ; all its attainments, helps to new conquests. Its whole abundant harvest is but so much seed wheat, and nothing has limited, and nothing can limit, the amount of ultimate product. Under the influence of this rapidly in- creasing knowledge, the people have begun, in all forms of government, to think, and to reason, on affairs of state. Regarding gov- ernment as an institution for the public [218] THE AMERICAN IDEA good, they demand a knowledge of its oper- ations, and a participation in its exercise. A call for the representative system, wherever it is not enjoyed, and where there is already intelligence enough to estimate its value, is perseveringly made. Where men may speak out, they demand it ; where the bayonet is at their throats, they pray for it. When Louis the Fourteenth said, " I am the State," he expressed the essence of the doctrine of unlimited power. By the rules of that system, the people are disconnected from the state ; they are its subjects, it is their lord. These ideas, founded in the love of pov/er, and long supported by the excess and the abuse of it, are yielding, in our age, to other opinions; and the civilized world seems at last to be proceeding to the convic- tion of that fundamental and manifest truth, that the powers of government are but a trust, and that they cannot be lawfully exer- cised but for the good of the community. As knowledge is more and more extended, this conviction becomes more and more gen- eral. Knowledge, in truth, is the great sun in the firmament. Life and power are scattered with all its beams. The prayer of the Grecian champion, when enveloped in [219] THE AMERICAN IDEA unnatural clouds and darkness, is the appro- priate political supplication for the people of every country not yet blessed with free insti- tutions : — '* Dispel this cloud, the light of heaven restore. Give me to see, — and Ajax asks no more." We may hope that the growing influence of enlightened sentiment will promote the permanent peace of the world. Wars to maintain family alliances, to uphold or to cast down dynasties, and to regulate suc- cessions to thrones, which have occupied so much room in the history of modern times, if not less likely to happen at all, will be less likely to become general and involve many nations, as the great principle shall be more and more established, that the interest of the world is peace, and its first great statute, that every nation possesses the power of es- tablishing a government for itself. But pub- lic opinion has attained also an influence over governments which do not admit the popular principle into their organization. A necessary respect for the judgment of the world operates, in some measure, as a con- trol over the most unlimited forms of au- thority. It is owing, perhaps, to this truth, [220] THE AMERICAN IDEA that the interesting struggle of the Greeks has been suffered to go on so long, without a direct interference, either to wrest that country from its present masters, or to exe- cute the system of pacification by force; and, with united strength, lay the neck of Christian and civilized Greek at the foot of the barbarian Turk. Let us thank God that we live in an age when something has influ- ence besides the bayonet, and when the sternest authority does not venture to en- counter the scorching power of public re- proach. Any attempt of the kind I have mentioned should be met by one universal burst of indignation ; the air of the civilized world ought to be made too warm to be comfortably breathed by any one who would hazard it. It is, indeed, a touching reflection, that, while, in the fullness of our country's happi- ness, we rear this monument to her honor, we look for instruction in our undertaking to a country which is now in fearful contest, not for works of art or memorials of glory, but for her own existence. Let her be as- sured, that she is not forgotten in the world ; that her efforts are applauded, and that con- stant prayers ascend for her success. And [221] THE AMERICAN IDEA let us cherish a confident hope for her final triumph. If the true spark of religious and civil liberty be kindled, it will burn. Human agency cannot extinguish it. Like the earth's central fire, it may be smothered for a time; the ocean may overwhelm it ; mountains may press it down ; but its inherent and un- conquerable force will heave both the ocean and the land, and at some time or other, in some place or other, the volcano will break out and flame up to heaven. Among the great events of the half-cen- tury, we must reckon, certainly, the revolu- tion of South America ; and we are not likely to overrate the importance of that revolution, either to the people of the country itself or to the rest of the world. The late Spanish colonies, now independent states, under cir- cumstances less favorable, doubtless, than at- tended our own revolution, have yet success- fully commenced their national existence. They have accomplished the great object of establishing their independence; they are known and acknowledged in the world ; and although in regard to their systems of gov- ernment, their sentiments on religious tol- eration, and their provision for public instruction, they may have yet much to [222] THE AMERICAN IDEA learn, it must be admitted that they have risen to the condition of settled and estab- lished states more rapidly than could have been reasonably anticipated. They already furnish an exhilarating example of the difference between free governments and despotic misrule. Their commerce, at this moment, creates a new activity in all the great marts of the world. They show them- selves able, by an exchange of commodities, to bear a useful part in the intercourse of nations. A new spirit of enterprise and industry begins to prevail; all the great interests of society receive a salutary impulse ; and the progress of information not only testifies to an improved condition, but itself constitutes the highest and most essential improvement. When the battle of Bunker Hill was fought, the existence of South America was scarcely felt in the civilized world. The thirteen little colonies of North America habitually called themselves the "continent." Borne down by colonial subjugation, monop- oly, and bigotry, these vast regions of the South were hardly visible above the horizon. But in our day there has been, as it were, a new creation. The southern hemisphere [223] THE AMERICAN IDEA emerges from the sea. Its lofty mountains begin to lift themselves into the light of heaven ; its broad and fertile plains stretch out, in beauty, to the eye of civilized man, and at the mighty bidding of the voice of political liberty the waters of darkness retire. And now, let us indulge an honest exulta- tion in the conviction of the benefit which the example of our country has produced, and is likely to produce, on human freedom and human happiness. Let us endeavor to com- prehend in all its magnitude, and to feel in all its importance, the part assigned to us in the sreat drama of human affairs. We are placed at the head of the system of represen- tative and popular governments. Thus far our example shows that such governments are compatible, not only with respectability and power, but with repose, with peace, with security of personal rights, with good laws, and a just administration. We are not propagandists. Wherever other systems are preferred, either as being thought better in themselves, or as better suited to existing conditions, we leave the preference to be enjoyed. Our history hith- erto proves, however, that the popular form is practicable, and that with wisdom and [224] THE AMERICAN IDEA knowledge men may govern themselves ; and the duty incumbent on us is to preserve the consistency of this cheering example, and take care that nothing may weaken its authority with the world. If, in our case, the representative system ultimately fail, popular governments must be pronounced impossible. No combination of circum- stances more favorable to the experiment can ever be expected to occur. The last hopes of mankind, therefore, rest with us ; and if it should be proclaimed, that our ex- ample had become an argument against the experiment, the knell of popular liberty would be sounded throughout the earth. These are excitements to duty; but they are not suggestions of doubt. Our history and our condition, all that is gone before us, and all that surrounds us, authorize the belief, that popular governments, though subject to occasional variations, in form per- haps not always for the better, may yet, in their general character, be as durable and permanent as other systems. We know, indeed, that in our country any other is impossible. The principle of free govern- ments adheres to the American soil. It is bedded in it, immovable as its mountains. [225] THE AMERICAN IDEA And let the sacred obligations which have devolved on this generation, and on us, sink deep into our hearts. Those who established our liberty and our government are daily dropping from among us. The great trust now descends to new hands. Let us apply ourselves to that which is presented to us, as our appropriate object. We can win no laurels in a war for independence. Earlier and worthier hands have gathered them all. Nor are there places for us by the side of Solon, and Alfred, and other founders of states. Our fathers have filled them. But there remains to us a great duty of defense and preservation ; and there is opened to us, also, a noble pursuit, to which the spirit of the times strongly invites us. Our proper business is improvement. Let our age be the age of improvement. In a day of peace, let us advance the arts of peace and the works of peace. Let us develop the re- sources of our land, call forth its powers, build up its institutions, promote all its great interests, and see whether we also, in our day and generation, may not perform some- thing worthy to be remembered. Let us cultivate a true spirit of union and harmony. In pursuing the great objects which our [226] THE AMERICAN IDEA condition points out to us, let us act under a settled conviction, and an habitual feeling, that these twenty-four States are one coun- try. Let our conceptions be enlarged to the circle of our duties. Let us extend our ideas over the whole of the vast field in which we are called to act. Let our object be, OUR COUNTRY, OUR WHOLE COUNTRY, AND NOTHING BUT OUR COUNTRY. And, by the blessing of God, may that country itself be- come a vast and splendid monument, not of oppression and terror, but of Wisdom, of Peace, and of Liberty, upon which the world may gaze with admiration forever ! [227] emocracy Extract from an Address delivered by United States Minister Lowell, on assuming the presidency of the bir- MINGHAM AND Midland Institute, Bir- mingham, England, October 6, 1884.^ E are told that the inevitable result of democracy is to sap the foun- dations of personal independence, to weaken the principle of authority, to les- sen the respect due to eminence, whether in station, virtue, or genius. If these things were so, society could not hold together. Perhaps the best forcing-house of robust in- dividuality would be where public opinion is inclined to be most overbearing, as he must be of heroic temper who should walk along Piccadilly at the height of the season in a soft hat. As for authority, it is one of the symptoms of the time that the religious rev- erence for it is declining everywhere, but this is due partly to the fact that state-craft is no * From Lowell's Complete Works, by permission of Hough- ton, Mifflin & Co. [228] THE AMERICAN IDEA longer looked upon as a mystery, but as a business, and partly to the decay of supersti- tion, by which I mean the habit of respecting what we are told to respect rather than what is respectable in itself. There is more rough and tumble in the American democracy than is altogether agreeable to people of sensitive nerves and refined habits, and the people take their political duties lightly and laughingly, as is, perhaps, neither unnatural nor unbecom- ing in a young giant. Democracies can no more jump away from their own shadows than the rest of us can. They no doubt sometimes make mistakes and pay honor to men who do not deserve it. But they do this because they believe them worthy of it, and though it be true that the idol is the measure of the worshiper, yet the worship has in it the germ of a nobler religion. But is it democracies alone that fall into these errors? I, who have seen it proposed to erect a statue to Hudson, the railway king, and have heard Louis Napoleon hailed as the savior of society by men who certainly had no demo- cratic associations or leanings, am not ready to think so. But democracies have likewise their finer instincts. I have also seen the wisest statesman and most pregnant speaker [229] THE AMERICAN IDEA of our generation, a man of humble birth and ungainly manners, of little culture be- yond what his own genius supplied, become more absolute in power than any monarch of modern times through the reverence of his countrymen for his honesty, his wisdom, his sincerity, his faith in God and man, and the nobly humane simplicity of his charac- ter. And I remember another whom popu- lar respect enveloped as with a halo, the least vulgar of men, the most austerely genial, and the most independent of opinion. Wher- ever he went he never met a stranger, but everywhere neighbors and friends proud of him as their ornament and decoration. In- stitutions which could bear and breed such men as Lincoln and Emerson had surely some energy for good. No, amid all the fruitless turmoil and miscarriage of the world, if there be one thing steadfast and of favorable omen, one thing to make optimism distrust its own obscure distrust, it is the rooted instinct in men to admire what is bet- ter and more beautiful than themselves. The touchstone of political and social institu- tions is their ability to supply them with worthy objects of this sentiment, which is the very tap-root of civilization and progress. [230] THE AMERICAN IDEA There would seem to be no readier way of feeding it with the elements of growth and vigor than such an organization of society as will enable men to respect themselves, and so to justify them in respecting others. Such a result is quite possible under other conditions than those of an avowedly demo- cratical Constitution. For I take it that the real essence of democracy was fairly enough defined by the First Napoleon when he said that the French Revolution meant " la car- riere ouverte aux talents " — a clear pathway for merit of whatever kind. I should be in- clined to paraphrase this by calling democ- racy that form of society, no matter what its political classification, in which every man had a chance and knew that he had it. If a man can climb, and feels himself encouraged to climb, from a coalpit to the highest posi- tion for which he is fitted, he can well afford to be indifferent what name is given to the government under which he lives. The Bailli of Mirabeau, uncle of the more famous tribune of that name, wrote in 1771 : " The English are, in my opinion, a hundred times more agitated and more unfortunate than the very Algerines themselves, because they do not know and will not know till the de- [231] THE AMERICAN IDEA struction of their over-swollen power, which I believe very near, whether they are mon- archy, aristocracy, or democracy, and wish to play the part of all three." England has not been obliging enough to fulfill the Bail- li's prophecy, and perhaps it was this very carelessness about the name, and concern about the substance of popular government, this skill in getting the best out of things as they are, in utilizing all the motives which influence men, and in giving one direction to many impulses, that has been a principal factor of her greatness and power. Perhaps it is fortunate to have an unwritten Constitu- tion, for men are prone to be tinkering the work of their own hands, whereas they are more willing to let time and circumstance mend or modify what time and circumstance have made. All free governments, whatever their name, are in reality governments by public opinion, and it is on the quality of this public opinion that their prosperity de- pends. It is, therefore, their first duty to purify the element from which they draw the breath of life. With the growth of democ- racy grows also the fear, if not the danger, that this atmosphere may be corrupted with poisonous exhalations from lower and more [232] THE AMERICAN IDEA malarious levels, and the question of sanita- tion becomes more instant and pressing. Democracy in its best sense is merely the letting in of light and air. Lord Sher- brooke, with his usual epigrammatic terse- ness, bids you educate your future rulers. But would this alone be a sufficient safe- guard .^^ To educate the intelligence is to enlarge the horizon of its desires and wants. And it is well that this should be so. But the enterprise must go deeper and prepare the way for satisfying those desires and wants in so far as they are legitimate. What is really ominous of danger to the existing order of things is not democracy (which, properly understood, is a conservative force), but the Socialism which may find a fulcrum in it. If we cannot equalize conditions and fortunes any more than we can equalize the brains of men — and a very sagacious person has said that " where two men ride a horse one must ride behind" — we can yet, per- haps, do something to correct those methods and influences that lead to enormous ine- qualities, and to prevent their growing more enormous. It is all very well to pooh-pooh Mr. George and to prove him mistaken in his political economy. I do not believe that [233] THE AMERICAN IDEA land should be divided because the quantity of it is limited by nature. Of what may this not be said ? A fortiori, we might on the same principle insist on a division of human wit, for I have observed that the quantity of this has been even more inconveniently lim- ited. Mr. George himself has an inequitably large share of it. But he is right in his im- pelling motive ; right, also, I am convinced, in insisting that humanity makes a part, by far the most important part, of political economy; and in thinking man to be of more concern and more convincing than the longest columns of figures in the world. For unless you include human nature in your addition, your total is sure to be wrong and your deductions from it fallacious. Commu- nism means barbarism, but Socialism means, or washes to mean, co-operation and commu- nity of interests, sympathy, the giving to the hands not so large a share as to the brains, but a larger share than hitherto in the wealth they must combine to produce — means, in short, the practical application of Christianity to life, and has in it the secret of an orderly and benign reconstruction. State Socialism would cut off the very roots in personal character — self-help, forethought, [234] THE AMERICAN IDEA and frugality — which nourish and sustain the trunk and branches of every vigorous Commonwealth. I do not believe in violent changes, nor do I expect them. Things in possession have a very firm grip. One of the strongest cements of society is the conviction of man- kind that the state of things into which they are born is a part of the order of the uni- verse, as natural, let us say, as that the sun should go round the earth. It is a convic- tion that they will not surrender except on compulsion, and a wise society should look to it that this compulsion be not put upon them. For the individual man there is no radical cure, outside of human nature itself, for the evils to which human nature is heir. The rule will always hold good that you must " Be your own palace or the world's your gaol." But for artificial evils, for evils that spring from want of thought, thought must find a remedy somewhere. There has been no period of time in which wealth has been more sensible of its duties than now. It builds hospitals, it establishes missions amiong the poor, it endows schools. It is [235] THE AMERICAN IDEA one of the advantages of accumulated wealth, and of the leisure it renders possible, that people have time to think of the wants and sorrows of their fellows. But all these remedies are partial and palliative merely. It is as if we should apply plasters to a single pustule of the small-pox with a view of driv- ing out the disease. The true way is to discover and to extirpate the germs. As society is now constituted these are in the air it breathes, in the water it drinks, in things that seem, and which it has always believed, to be the most innocent and health- ful. The evil elements it neglects corrupt these in their springs and pollute them in their courses. Let us be of good cheer, how- ever, remembering that the misfortunes hard- est to bear are those which never come. The world has outlived much, and will out- live a great deal more, and men have con- trived to be happy in it. It has shown the strength of its constitution in nothing more than in surviving the quack medicines it has tried. In the scales of the destinies brawn will never weigh so much as brain. Our healing is not in the storm or in the whirl- wind, it is not in monarchies, or aristo- cracies, or democracies, but will be revealed [236] THE AMERICAN IDEA by the still small voice that speaks to the conscience and the heart, prompting us to a wider and wiser humanity. [237] The Self-Made Man In American Life Address delivered by Ex-President Cleve- land AT Princeton University, on the 150TH Anniversary of its Founda- tion, October, 1897. SHALL treat the topic I have selected without any attempt to lead the way into untrodden fields of thought or to point out new truths. I not only believe that if I should enter upon such an under- taking I would be guilty of bold presump- tion, but it seems to me we can quite as prof- itably improve the time we spend together in renewing our acquaintance with some old truths, and recalling their relationship to human life and effort. In following this suggestion we shall manifestly find it easier if we start from familiar ground, and take our departure from some well-known land- mark. With this introduction I hope I may be tolerated in the announcement that I pro- [238] THE AMERICAN IDEA pose to submit on this occasion some simple reflections concerning the Self-Made Man. There has been so much said of him at random, and he has been so often presented as an altogether wonderful being, that it is not strange if there exists in some quarters an entire misapprehension of the manner of his creation, as well as an exaggerated idea of his nature and mission. A romantic and sentimental glamour has enveloped him, magnifying his proportions, and causing him to appear much larger and in every way greater than other men. As to the origin of his qualities of size and greatness, the notion seems to be current that they are the direct results of the frowns of Fortune, which de- prived him of educational advantages, and doomed him to travel to success by a road rugged with obstacles and difficulties. Of course in this view of the self-made man success is a necessary factor in his existence; for unless he accomplishes something not altogether commonplace and usual, he is deemed unworthy of the name. Indeed, it need not surprise us to find that success alone, if reached after a fierce struggle with diffculties and disadvantages, leads, by famil- iarity and easy association, to a sort of hazy [239] THE AMERICAN IDEA conception that these difficulties and disad- vantages were not untoward incidents, but necessary accompaniments to such success. I desire here explicitly and emphatically to express my respect and admiration for those who have won honorable success in spite of discouraging surroundings, and who have made themselves great and useful in their day and generation through the sheer force of indomitable will and courage. Nothing can be more noble and heroic than their struggles; and nothing can be more inspiring and valuable than their example and achievements ; and whatever may be their measure of success, their willingness to undergo hardships to win it, demonstrates that they have in their nature the fiber and lasting qualities that make strong men. But while we thus pay a deserved tribute to true manliness, we by no means admit the fanciful notion that the difficulties that stood in the way of these self-made men were essential to their success. They were obstacles which they overcame, thus winning distinction and honor. Thousands of others have been discouraged by these same obstacles, and found an appropriate place among dullards and drones. It is true that [240] THE AMERICAN IDEA many eager men have laid the foundations of future usefulness and greatness in study between the hours of their labor for bread, and by the light of a pine knot or open fire- place ; but many others have spent the same time not more profitably than in careless, sleepy indolence, and have by the same light undermined their mental and moral health with vile books and companionship, or in learning the first lessons in vice. We have all seen handsome and quite elaborately carved articles or trinkets which were made entirely with a pocket-knife. As curiosities they challenge our interest be- cause of the ingenuity and difficulty of their construction with such a simple tool ; but we do not regard them as more useful for that reason, nor do we for a moment suppose that the pocket-knife was essential to their construction, or that their beauty or merit would have been diminished by the use of more effective and suitable tools. It is well to remember, too, in considering those who succeed notwithstanding difficul- ties, that not all successes, even though so gained, are of that useful and elevating kind that should excite our admiration. The churlish curmudgeon, who by sharp practices [241] THE AMERICAN IDEA and avaricious dealing has amassed a for- tune, should not be permitted to cajole us by boasting of his early privations and sor- did self-denial. We are at liberty to resent in any case the attempt to cover a multitude of sins with the cloak of the self-made man, by playing upon our regard for the worth and labor that conquers a useful and honor- able career ; and the successful political hack should not be allowed to distract us from a damaged character, by parading his humble origin, his lack of early advantages, and the struggles of his boyhood, as independent and sufficient proofs that he is entitled to our suffrages. The truth is, the merit of the successful man who has struggled with difficulties and disadvantages must be judged by the kind of success he has achieved, by the use he makes of it, and by its effect upon his char- acter and life. If his success is clean and wholesome, if he uses it to make his fellows better and happier, and if he faithfully re- sponds to all the obligations of a liberal, public-spirited, and useful citizen, his strug- gles should add immensely to the honor and consideration he deserves. If, on the other hand, his success is of the [242] THE AMERICAN IDEA grasping, sordid kind, if he clutches it closely for his selfish gratification, and if with suc- cess he is bankrupt in character, sordidly mean, useless as a citizen, or of evil influ- ence in his relations with his fellow-men, his struggles should not save him from con- tempt. Those included in either of these classes may in the ordinary acceptation be termed self-made men ; but it is quite evident that there are so-called self-made men not worth the making. Let us exclude these from further consideration, and direct our attention to the manner of production and the characteristics and use of the men who fit themselves to benefit and improve human conditions according to their environments, who, if they fulfill their mission, learn that the fruits they gather are sweetest when shared by others, and who cheerfully yield, in benefactions to their fellow-men, self-im- posed tithes in kind, from their accumula- tions of hand, mind, or heart. This will not be a departure from our topic. The men thus described are self-made men because they can only be the products of self-en- deavor and struggle — often to overcome ex- ternal difficulties and disadvantages, and always to improve whatever opportunities [243] THE AMERICAN IDEA are within their reach, to subdue the selfish- ness of human nature, and to stimulate its noblest aspirations. The construction of such a man requires fit material and the use of proper tools. Some grades of material may be capable of better finish and finer form than others; but all will yield sufficiently to treatment to become strong, durable, and useful. Manifestly among the tools to be used in the construction of the best quality of our self-made man, education is vitally impor- tant. Its share of the work consists in so strengthening and fashioning the grain and fiber of the material as to develop its great- est power and fit it for the most extensive and varied service. This process cannot be neglected with the expectation of satisfac- tory results ; and its thoroughness and ef- fectiveness must depend upon the excellence and condition of the tool employed, and the skill and care with which it is used. Thus the advantages of our common schools, freely offered to all, and often forced upon the unwilling, furnish an education by no means to be underrated. We are far from overlooking its grand accomplishments, and we are not unmindful of the thousands [244] THE AMERICAN IDEA of instances where it has adequately wrought in the production of our ideal self-made man ; but, considered as a tool necessary to this supremely important construction, it cannot be claimed that in quality and cer- tainty of results it compares with the higher education supplied by our universities and colleges. Happily we are able to recognize conditions which tend to an improved appreciation of collegiate advantages. The extension of our school system ought to stimulate the desire of pupils to enjoy larger opportunities ; the old superstition concerning the close rela- tionship between the greatness of the self- made man and meager educational advantages is fast disappearing ; and parents are more generally convinced that the time and money involved in a college course for their children are not wasted. In these circumstances it appears to me that there is no sufficient reason why so many of our young men fail of enrollment among our college students. I am afraid the fault is largely theirs, and that they do not fully realize the great benefit they as in- dividuals would derive from a liberal educa- tion ; and, even if oblivious to this, it would [245] THE AMERICAN IDEA seem that the obligation resting upon them to do their share towards furnishing to our country the kind of self-made men it so much needs ought to incite them to enter upon this duty in the surest and most effec- tive manner. We are considering the importance of a liberal education in its widest usefulness and from a point of view that excludes the idea that such an education is only valuable as a preparation for a professional career. In my opinion, we could as reasonably claim that our professional ranks are more than suffi- ciently recruited, as to say that educated men are out of place in other walks of life. We need the right kind of educated self- made men in our business circles, on our farms, and everywhere. We need them for the good they may do by raising the stand- ard of intelligence within their field of influ- ence; we need them for the evidence they may furnish that education is a profitable factor in all vocations and in all the ordinary affairs of a community; and we especially and sorely need such men, abundantly dis- tributed among our people, for what they may do in patriotically steadying the cur- rents of political sentiment and action. In a [246] THE AMERICAN IDEA country like ours, where the people are its rulers, it is exceedingly unfortunate that there should be so many blind followers of the lying partisan and the flattering dema- gogue. After what has been said, it is probably unnecessary for me to state that I am at- tempting not only to present the self-made man as he ought to exist, but also to speak of him in his relations to the common every- day life of our people. I am considering my topic with the mass of our American citizenship constantly before my mind. My thought is, that this mass can be, and ought to be, greatly improved, and made a better and safer depository of our trust in the per- petuity and beneficence of a free govern- ment. I believe this can be accomplished by adding to our citizenship more of the leaven of genuine, well-constructed and well- equipped self-made men. They must of course be not only well-constructed and well- equipped, but they should be in sincere sym- pathy with all that concerns the betterment of the conditions surrounding them ; in other words, they should be actively useful. Of all useless men the most culpably useless are those who, having educational acquirements [247] THE AMERICAN IDEA and fitness for beneficial work, do no more than exploit their acquirements in the false and unhealthy sociability of habitual club life, or only utilize them as aids to the selfish pleasure of constantly restless foreign travel, or as accessories to other profitless enjoy- ment. Such a waste of qualifications for valuable service is especially blameworthy in a country like ours, where so many national problems remain unsolved, and where vast development awaits the most strenuous and intelligent effort. I have mentioned a liberal education as a most important process in the construction of our ideal self-made man. I hardly need say that this education means something more than mere book-learning, and that it includes not only the practical knowledge and information concerning men and things which so easily accompanies the knowledge of books, but also the mental discipline and orderly habit of thought which systematic study begets. Obviously this definition ex- cludes that measure of book-learning barely sufiicient to claim a diploma, and used for no better purpose than to decorate the ease of wealth and ornament an inactive exist- ence. [248] THE AMERICAN IDEA I am conscious that I have done little more than to touch upon the importance of a liberal education as essential to the proper construction of our self-made man. I have intentionally avoided a more extended dis- cussion of a proposition which it seems to me is so plainly certain. And yet notwith- standing the potency of this factor, and even though education may have contributed to the construction all that it can accomplish, the work, if still lacking moral stamina and resistance, will be a sad failure, if nothing worse. We have known of those to whom educa- tion had given all its gifts, who yet did wrong continually, espousing every vicious and unrighteous cause, and delighting in the prostitution of their splendid powers and acquirements to the betrayal and injury of every noble purpose. We have seen the scholar in public life teaching tricks to tricksters, and with the mask of education on his face leading the way to the lowest depths of partisan deceit and intrigue. When direful anarchy held possession of the proud capital of France and drenched her streets in blood, education, though not [249] THE AMERICAN IDEA absent, failed to stay the fury that decreed the horrors of those appalling days. In the unrestrained revelry of impious wickedness and godless rage, morality and conscience were banished. The historian of that dark period has told us : — "The services of religion were now uni- versally abandoned; . . . baptism ceased; the burial service was no longer heard ; the sick received no communion, the dying no consolation; . . . the village bells were silent; Sunday was obliterated ; infancy entered the world without a blessing, and age left it without a hope ; ... on every tenth day a revolutionary leader ascended the pulpit and preached atheism to the bewildered audi- ence ; ... on all the public cemeteries the inscription was placed : ' Death is an eter- nal sleep.' " Since, therefore, education does not create the moral qualities without which our self- made man is so lamentably imperfect, it is obvious that other tools must be employed to supply the deficiencies. For this labor nothing can take the place of a sensitive, discriminating conscience and a courageous conception of right and duty. In good or bad plight every one should have these tools [250] THE AMERICAN IDEA ready at hand; and he is the most fortunate who has kept them in the best condition. It sometimes happens that with our growth there comes to us a feeling that the tender conscience and aversion to wrong of child- hood are too strict and narrow to suit the sterner activities of our maturer years ; and I am not sure that instances are lackine of a kind of arrogance of education, generally appearing in its early stages, which confi- dently assumes that the heart and conscience which answered the purposes of younger days do not befit the dignity of learned men. The toleration of such ideas by those en- gaged in self-making, indicates that their most important tools need attention. The obedience, conscience, and affection of the child should not only be carefully protected by the man against injury and harm, but should grow stronger with our growth, and keener and brighter with our years. If thus strengthened and burnished, they will be found abundantly adequate to contribute to the construction of our self-made man the qualities of obedience to every duty and obligation ; moral courage that dares at all times to confess fealty to the laws of God and morality; unyielding integrity, unwav- [251] THE AMERICAN IDEA ering devotion to country, and constant love for humanity. We must remember, however, that after the happy completion of this construction, its care and preservation cannot be safely neglected. Our self-made man will be ex- posed to the warping distortion of temptation from without, and to the corrosion of selfish- ness from within. But continual watchful- ness, and well-directed activity in attempting to compass the high purposes of his creation, may easily baffle temptation ; while by open- ing his heart to the bright influences of love for his fellow-men, and by deeds of charity and kindness, he may save himself from self- ishness. There should be no cause for depression in recalling the fact that success will not always bring to our self-made man either riches or fame. Though these rewards will be lavishly distributed, he to whom they may not be forthcoming, if he endures to the end and remains true to himself and his mission, will have in his own keeping a more valu- able reward, in the consciousness of duty well and faithfully performed. Popular applause is, of course, gratifying; but there are times when a man's own satisfaction [252] THE AMERICAN IDEA v/ith his conduct is a better criterion of real merit. Wealth should by no means be disparaged as representing success, provided it is ac- companied by a reasonable realization of the obligations its possession imposes. We can- not attempt to fix the extent of these obliga- tions ; but we are entitled to insist that in the race for riches the feeling and sentiment that make good citizenship should not be stifled, and that the rich, directly, by charity and beneficence, or indirectly, through their liberal enterprise and active thrift, should do som:ething for humanity and the public good. If wealth is the best that can be exhibited as a result of success, it cannot do less than to make its fair contribution to the welfare of society. This burden should not be al- together shifted upon those who, though without riches, constantly give from the re- sults of their nobler successes gifts that exalt humanity. We have a right to complain of the rich if, after spending their lives in gathering wealth, they find in its possession no mandate of duty, and no pleasure, save in the inactive and sordid contemplation of their hoard. But sordidness is not confined to those [253] THE AMERICAN IDEA whose only success consists in riches. There is a sordidness of education more censurable, though perhaps less exposed. There are those whose success is made up of a vast accumulation of education, who are as miserly in its possession as the most avari- cious among the rich. No one is justified in hoarding education solely for his selfish use. To keep it entirely in close custody, to take a greedy pleasure in its contemplation, and to utilize it only as a means of personal, unshared enjoyment, is more unpardonable than the clutch of the miser upon his money ; for he, in its accumulation, has been subjected to the cramping and narrowing in- fluences of avarice, while he who hoards edu- cation does violence to the broad and generous influences which accompany its acquisition. Our self-made man ought to see his course so plainly that it should be easy for him to avoid the wrong of sordidness in the posses- sion of any of the rewards of his success. The obligations of wealth and the obliga- tions of education are co-operative and equally binding. The discharge of these obligations involves restraint as well as activity. The rich man should restrain him- [254] THE AMERICAN IDEA self from harboring, or having the appear- ance of harboring, any feehng of purse-proud superiority over his less wealthy fellows. Without such restraint the distance is length- ened between him and those whom, by con- tact and association, he might benefit. It is thus, too, that envious discontent and hatred of the rich are engendered and perpetuated. So also the man of education should carefully keep himself from the indulgence, or seem- ing indulgence, in a supercilious loftiness to- wards his fellow-citizens. Otherwise he will see those whom he might improve and elevate, if within his reach, standing aloof, and an- swering every invitation to a nearer approach with mockery and derision. The benign mission of both the educated and the rich is among and with their fellow men of less edu- cation and less wealth ; and genuine, hearty companionship is absolutely needful to the success of their missions. While our self-made man should not fail in his appreciation of the importance of these restraints, he ought especially and with clear- ness to apprehend the binding force of the active and affirmative obligations which are laid upon the rewards of success. Con- sidered as co-operative, these obligations in [255] THE AMERICAN IDEA their aggregate are as numerous as the points of contact in human intercourse and as va- ried as the conditions of human existence ; and yet there should be no difhculty in their recognition, nor should there be any doubt as to the kind of success upon which each is imposed. Their concurrent discharge involves enlightened and discriminating charity; the inauguration and encourage- ment of agencies for increased culture and information ; intelligent liberality in business, with a clear regard for the interest and wel- fare of those who toil; a constant exemplifi- cation of the strength and nobility of strict integrity ; the incitement, by precept and ex- ample, to frugality and economy ; the continual inculcation of the benefits and usefulness of education in every occupation ; the stimula- tion of genuine patriotism ; the cultivation of independent and thoughtful political judg- ment ; and last, but by no means least, a hearty and helpful interest in the ministra- tions of religion, and the extension of a healthy moral sentiment. But while education and wealth regarded as rewards of success may be referred to as thus acting in concurrence, they are also subject to obligations to each other, which [256] THE AMERICAN IDEA ought, without question, to be reciprocal. If education gives, from its accumulation, the culture and purifying surroundings which make riches in every way more useful and desirable, then surely wealth owes in return generous benefactions to those institutions of learning, which, in abnegation of riches, foster education and stimulate its growth. We are sometimes led to suppose, however, that there has been some neglect in the ad- justment of these obligations ; for it seems quite certain that if the accounts were fairly stated, the universities and colleges of our land would have a large balance to their credit. I will not close without a more specific reference to a particular condition of Ameri- can life, which sadly needs the active and persistent interposition of our well-con- structed and well-preserved self-made man. Evidence is constantly accumulating that at no point can he do more vitally useful work than in the field of politics. The fact that this word, signifying the science of govern- ment and the administration of public af- fairs, is associated in the common mind with sharp manipulation and smooth deceit, plainly shows how badly it has been " soiled with all [257] THE AMERICAN IDEA ignoble use," while the contempt with which self-seeking candidacy and party subservi- ency, even in a canvass now pending, speaks of disinterested citizens organized to secure good government, as " a modern school of doctrinaires," and as " college professors," startlingly illustrates how confidently arro- gant partisanship dares to insult thoughtful and intelligent citizenship. Since our hope of the perpetual endurance of our government, as the source of priceless benefit to the American people, and as proof of man's right and fitness to govern himself, must rest upon the people's intelligence and patriotism, these should be carefully pro- tected against malign agencies which con- tinually attempt to undermine them ; and they should be constantly supported and re- enforced by the thoughtful educated men of the land. Already a dangerous advantage has been gained by the forces of reckless- ness and selfishness, largely through the in- difference of those who should have chal- lenged their first advance ; and now, when partisanship without giving reasons assumes to lead, and hosts without reason seem will- ing to follow, and when party organization, which should be the servant of intelligence [258] THE AMERICAN IDEA and patriotism, proclaims itself their master, and attempts to bind them hand and foot, the time has surely come when all the in- telligence and education of our land should hear a call to duty. To say nothing of actual danger to our in- stitutions, all must see that we cannot gain their most beneficent results, if the best in- telligence and the most disinterested patriot- ism among our people either refuse to enter the field of politics, or allow themselves to be driven from it. I am not condemning party allegiance founded on reason and judgment. Party men we may all well be ; but only with the reservation that thoughtful and patriotic citizens we must be. In our public life we may be sure that, as a general rule, our servants and agents will be no better than the people who create them. They may be infinitely worse through the people's neglect or betrayal. Therefore no true American should be willing to endanger the interests involved in his citizenship, nor the pride which every good man has in the maintenance before the world of the high character of his govern- ment, by inaction, or a careless indication of [259] THE AMERICAN IDEA his choice for those to be intrusted with national affairs. If the popular will in this regard should be voiced by the intelligence and patriotism of our countrymen, and if they should be alert and exacting in the enforcement of their will, the danger of misgovernment and of a misrepresentation of our national character would pass away. A just people, willing to concede equal rights and privileges to every citizen, would enforce justice and equality in their government ; a frugal and economi- cal people would command frugality and economy in public administration ; a people who valued integrity and morality would ex- act them in high places ; a people who held sacred the honor of their country would in- sist upon its scrupulous protection and de- fense; and a people who love peace would not again suffer the humiliation of seeing dashed from their proud grasp the almost ripened hope of leadership among the na- tions of the earth, in the high mission of driving out the cruel barbarities of war by the advent of the pacific methods of inter- national arbitration. Happy is the land where examples of heroism and wise statesmanship abound, but [260] THE AMERICAN IDEA happier far is the land where the people rule; and fortunate above all are those peo- ple when their government is controlled, watched, and defended by the virtue, patriot- ism, and intelligence of millions of truly self- made men. [261] National Duties Address delivered by Vice-President Roosevelt at Minnesota State Fair, September 2, 1901.* IN his admirable series of studies of twentieth-century problems, Dr. Ly- man Abbott has pointed out that we are a nation of pioneers; that the first col- onists to our shores were pioneers, and that pioneers selected out from among the de- scendants of these early pioneers, mingled with others selected afresh from the Old World, pushed westward into the wilderness and laid the foundations for new common- wealths. They were men of hope and ex- pectation, of enterprise and energy ; for the men of dull content or more dull despair had no part in the great movement into and across the New World. Our country has been populated by pioneers, and therefore it has in it more energy, more enterprise, more * From ♦* The Strenuous Life," by permission ot The Century Company. [262] expansive power than any other in the wide ^°You whom I am now addressing stand for the most part but one generation removed from these pioneers. You are typical Amer- icans, for you have done the great, the char- acteristic, the typical work of our American life In making homes and carving out careers for yourselves and your children you have built up this State. Throughout our history the success of the home-maker has been but another name for the upbuildmg of the nation. The men who with axe m the forests and pick in the mountains and plow on the prairies pushed to completion the do- minion of our people over the American wilderness have given the definite shape to our nation. They have shown the qualities of daring, endurance, and far-sightedness, o ea.er de^sire for victory and stubborn refusal to°accept defeat, which go to make up the essential manliness of the American charac- ter Above all, they have recognized m practical form the fundamental law of success fn American lif e - the law of worthy wo^k the law of high, resolute endeavor. We have but little room among our people for the timid, the irresolute, and the idle; and it is [263] THE AMERICAN IDEA no less true that there is scant room in the world at large for the nation with mighty thews that dares not to be great. Surely in speaking to the sons of the. men who actually did the rough and hard and in- finitely glorious work of making the great Northwest what it now is, I need hardly in- sist upon the righteousness of this doctrine. In your own vigorous lives you show by every act how scant is your patience with those who do not see in the life of effort the life supremely worth living. Sometimes we hear those who do not work spoken of with envy. Surely the willfully idle need arouse in the breast of a healthy man no emotion stronger than that of contempt — at the out- side no emotion stronger than angry con- tempt. The feeling of envy would have in it an admission of inferiority on our part, to which the men who know not the sterner joys of life are not entitled. Poverty is a bitter thing; but it is not as bitter as the existence of restless vacuity and physical, moral, and intellectual flabbiness, to which those doom themselves who elect to spend all their years in that vainest of all vain pur- suits — the pursuit of mere pleasure as a sufficient end in itself. The willfully idle [264] THE AMERICAN IDEA man, like the willfully barren woman, has no place in a sane, healthy, and vigorous com- munity. Moreover, the gross and hideous selfishness for which each stands defeats even its own miserable aims. Exactly as infinitely the happiest woman is she who has borne and brought up many healthy children, so infinitely the happiest man is he who has toiled hard and successfully in his life-work. The work may be done in a thousand differ- ent ways — with the brain or the hands, in the study, the field, or the workshop— if it is honest work, honestly done and well worth doing, that is all we have a right to ask. Every father and mother here, if they are wise, will bring up their children not to shirk difficulties, but to meet them and overcome them ; not to strive after a life of ignoble ease but to strive to do their duty, first to themselves and their families, and then to the whole State ; and this duty must inevi- tably take the shape of work in some form or other You, the sons of the pioneers, if you are true to your ancestry, must make your lives as worthy as they made theirs. They sought for true success, and therefore they did not seek ease. They knew that success comes only to those who lead the life of endeavor. [265] THE AMERICAN IDEA It seems to me that the simple acceptance of this fundamental fact of American life, this acknowledgment that the law of our work is the fundamental law of our be- ing, will help us to start aright in facing not a few of the problems that confront us from without and from within. As regards internal affairs, it should teach us the prime need of remembering that, after all has been said and done, the chief factor in any man's success or failure must be his own character — that is, the sum of his common sense, his courage, his virile energy and capacity. Nothing can take the place of this individual factor. I do not for a moment mean that much cannot be done to supplement it. Besides each one of us working individually, all of us have got to work together. We cannot possibly do our best work as a nation unless all of us know how to act in combination as well as how to act each individually for himself. The acting in combination can take many forms, but of course its most effective form must be when it comes in the shape of law — that is, of action by the com- munity as a whole through the law-making body. [266] THE AMERICAN IDEA But it is not possible ever to insure pros- perity merely by law. Something for good can be done by law, and a bad law can do an infinity of mischief; but, after all, the best law can only prevent wrong and injustice, and give to the thrifty, the far-seeing, and the hard-working a chance to exercise to best advantage their special and peculiar abilities. No hard-and-fast rule can be laid dow^n as to where our legislation shall stop in interfering between man and man, be- tween interest and interest. All that can be said is that it is highly undesirable, on the one hand, to weaken individual initiative, and, on the other hand, that in a constantly increasing number of cases we shall find it necessary in the future to shackle cunning as in the past we have shackled force. It is not only highly desirable but necessary that there should be legislation which shall care- fully shield the interests of wage-workers, and which shall discriminate in favor of the honest and humane employer by removing the disadvantage under which he stands when compared with unscrupulous competi- tors who have no conscience and will do right only under fear of punishment. Nor can legislation stop only with what [267] THE AMERICAN IDEA are termed labor questions. The vast indi- vidual and corporate fortunes, the vast com- binations of capital, which have marked the development of our industrial system create new conditions, and necessitate a change from the old attitude of the State and the nation toward property. It is probably true that the large majority of the fortunes that now exist in this country have been amassed not by injuring our people, but as an inci- dent to the conferring of great benefits upon the community; and this, no matter what may have been the conscious purpose of those amassing them. There is but the scantiest justification for most of the outcry against the men of wealth as such; and it ought to be unnecessary to state that any appeal which directly or indirectly leads to suspicion and hatred among ourselves, which tends to limit opportunity, and therefore to shut the door of success against poor men of talent, and, finally, which entails the pos- sibility of lawlessness and violence, is an attack upon the fundamental properties of American citizenship. Our interests are at bottom common ; in the long run we go up or go down together. Yet more and more it is evident that the State, and if necessary [268] THE AMERICAN IDEA the nation, has got to possess the right of supervision and control as regards the great corporations which are its creatures; par- ticularly as regards the great business com- binations which derive a portion of their importance from the existence of some mo- nopolistic tendency. The right should be exercised with caution and self-restraint ; but it should exist, so that it may be invoked if the need arises. So much for our duties, each to himself and each to his neighbor, within the limits of our own country. But our country, as it strides forward with ever-increasing rapidity to a foremost place among the world pow- ers, must necessarily find, more and more, that it has world duties also. There are excellent people who believe that we can shirk these duties and yet retain our self- respect ; but these good people are in error. Other good people seek to deter us from treading the path of hard but lofty duty by bidding us remember that all nations that have achieved greatness, that have expanded and played their part as world powers, have in the end passed away. So they have; and so have all others. The weak and the sta- tionary have vanished as surely as, and [269] THE AMERICAN IDEA more rapidly than, those whose citizens felt within them the lift that impels generous souls to great and noble effort. This is only another way of stating the universal law of death, which is itself part of the uni- versal law of life. The man who works, the man who does great deeds, in the end dies as surely as the veriest idler who cumbers the earth's surface ; but he leaves behind him the great fact that he has done his work well. So it is with nations. While the nation that has dared to be great, that has had the will and the power to change the destiny of the ages, in the end must die, yet no less surely the nation that has played the part of the weakling must also die ; and whereas the nation that has done nothing leaves nothing behind it, the nation that has done a great work really continues, though in changed form, to live forevermore. The Roman has passed away exactly as all the nations of antiquity which did not expand when he expanded have passed away ; but their very memory has vanished, while he himself is still a living force throughout the wide world in our entire civilization of to-day, and will so continue through countless gen- erations, through untold ages. [270] THE AMERICAN IDEA It is because we believe with all our heart and soul in the greatness of this country, because we feel the thrill of hardy life in our veins, and are confident that to us is given the privilege of playing a leading part in the century that has just opened, that we hail with eager delight the opportunity to do whatever task Providence may allot us. We admit with all sincerity that our first duty is within our own household ; that we must not merely talk, but act, in favor of cleanliness and decency and righteousness, in all political, social, and civic matters. No prosperity and no glory can save a nation that is rotten at heart. We must ever keep the core of our national being sound, and see to it that not only our citizens in pri- vate life, but, above all, our statesmen in public life, practice the old commonplace virtues which from time immemorial have lain at the root of all true national well- being. Yet while this is our first duty, it is not our whole duty. Exactly as each man, while doing first his duty to his wife and the children within his home, must yet, if he hopes to amount to much, strive mightily in the world outside his home, so our nation, while first of all seeing to its own domestic [271] THE AMERICAN IDEA well-being, must not shrink from playing its part among the great nations without. Our duty may take many forms in the future as it has taken many forms in the past. Nor is it possible to lay down a hard-and-fast rule for all cases. We must ever face the fact of our shifting national needs, of the always-changing opportunities that present themselves. But we may be certain of one thing : whether we wish it or not, we cannot avoid hereafter having duties to do in the face of other nations. All that we can do is to settle whether we shall perform these duties well or ill. Right here let me make as vigorous a plea as I know how in favor of saying nothing that we do not mean, and of acting without hesitation up to whatever we say. A good many of you are probably acquainted with the old proverb : *' Speak softly and carry a big stick — you will go far." If a man con- tinually blusters, if he lacks civility, a big stick will not save him from trouble ; and neither will speaking softly avail, if back of the softness there does not lie strength, power. In private life there are few beings more obnoxious than the man who is always loudly boasting; and if the boaster is not [272] THE AMERICAN IDEA prepared to back up his words his position becomes absolutely contemptible. So it is with the nation. It is both foolish and un- dignified to indulge in undue self-glorifi- cation, and, above all, in loose-tongued denunciation of other peoples. Whenever on any point we come in contact with a foreign power, I hope that we shall always strive to speak courteously and respectfully of that foreign power. Let us make it evident that we intend to do justice. Then let us make it equally evident that we will not tolerate injustice being done to us in return. Let us further make it evident that we use no words which we are not prepared to back up with deeds, and that while our speech is always moderate, we are ready and willing to make it good. Such an attitude will be the surest possible guaranty of that self-respecting peace, the attainment of which is and must ever be the prime aim of a self-governing people. This is the attitude we should take as re- gards the Monroe Doctrine. There is not the least need of blustering about it. Still less should it be used as a pretext for our own aggrandizement at the expense of any other American state. But, most emphatically, we [273] THE AMERICAN IDEA must make it evident that we intend on this point ever to maintain the old American posi- tion. Indeed, it is hard to understand how any man can take any other position, now that we are all looking forward to the building of the Isthmian Canal. The Mon- roe Doctrine is not international law; but there is no necessity that it should be. All that is needful is that it should continue to be a cardinal feature of American policy on this continent ; and the Spanish-American states should, in their own interests, cham- pion it as strongly as we do. We do not by this doctrine intend to sanction any policy of aggression by one American common- wealth at the expense of any other, nor any policy of commercial discrimination against any foreign power whatsoever. Commer- cially, as far as this doctrine is concerned, all we wish is a fair field and no favor; but if we are wise we shall strenuously insist that under no pretext whatsoever shall there be any territorial aggrandizement on Ameri- can soil by any European power, and this, no matter what form the territorial aggran- dizement may take. We most earnestly hope and believe that the chance of our having any hostile mili- [274] THE AMERICAN IDEA tary complication with any foreign power is very small. But that there will come a strain, a jar, here and there, from commer- cial and agricultural — that is, from in- dustrial — competition, is almost inevitable. Here again we have got to remember that our first duty is to our own people, and yet that we can best get justice by doing justice. We must continue the policy that has been so brilliantly successful in the past, and so shape our economic system as to give every advantage to the skill, energy, and intel- ligence of our farmers, merchants, manufac- turers, and wage-workers ; and yet we must also remember, in dealing with other nations, that benefits must be given where benefits are sought. It is not possible to dogmatize as to the exact way of attaining this end, for the exact conditions cannot be foretold. In the long run, one of our prime needs is stability and continuity in economic policy; and yet, through treaty or by direct legisla- lation, it may, at least in certain cases, be- come advantageous to supplement our pres- ent policy by a system of reciprocal benefit and obligation. Throughout a large part of our national career our history has been one of expan- [275] THE AMERICAN IDEA sion, the expansion being of different kinds at different times. This expansion is not a matter of regret, but of pride. It is vain to tell a people as masterful as ours that the spirit of enterprise is not safe. The true American has never feared to run risks when the prize to be won was of suf^cient value. No nation capable of self-govern- ment, and of developing by its own efforts a sane and orderly civilization, no matter how small it may be, has anything to fear from us. Our dealings with Cuba illustrate this, and should be forever a subject of just na- tional pride. We speak in no spirit of arro- gance when we state as a simple historic fact that never in recent times has any great nation acted with such disinterestedness as we have shown in Cuba. We freed the island from the Spanish yoke. We then earnestly did our best to help the Cubans in the establishment of free education, of law and order, of material prosperity, of the cleanliness necessary to sanitary well-being in their great cities. We did all this at great expense of treasure, at some expense of life ; and now we are establishing them in a free and independent commonwealth, and have asked in return nothing whatever save that [276] THE AMERICAN IDEA at no time shall their independence be prostituted to the advantage of some foreign rival of ours, or so as to menace our well- being. To have failed to ask this would have amounted to national stultification on our part. In the Philippines we have brought peace, and we are at this mom^ent giving them such freedom and self-government as they could never under any conceivable conditions have obtained had we turned them loose to sink into a welter of blood and confusion, or to become the prey of some strong tyranny without or within. The bare recital of the facts is sufficient to show that we did our duty; and what prouder title to honor can a nation have than to have done its duty? We have done our duty to ourselves, and we have done the higher duty of promoting the civilization of mankind. The first essential of civilization is law. Anarchy is simply the handmaiden and forerunner of tyranny and despotism. Law and order enforced with justice and by strength lie at the founda- tions of civilization. Law must be based upon justice, else it cannot stand, and it must be enforced with resolute firmness, because weakness in enforcing it means in the end [277] THE AMERICAN IDEA that there is no justice and no law, nothing but the rule of disorderly and unscrupulous strength. Without the habit of orderly obedience to the law, without the stern en- forcement of the laws at the expense of those who defiantly resist them, there can be no possible progress, moral or material, in civilization. There can be no weakening of the law-abiding spirit here at home, if we are permanently to succeed; and just as lit- tle can we afford to show weakness abroad. Lawlessness and anarchy were put down in the Philippines as a prerequisite to intro- ducing the reign of justice. Barbarism has, and can have, no place in a civilized world. It is our duty toward the people living in barbarism to see that they are freed from their chains, and we can free them only by destroying barbarism itself. The missionary, the merchant, and the sol- dier may each have to play a part in this destruction, and in the consequent uplifting of the people. Exactly as it is the duty of a civilized power scrupulously to respect the rights of all weaker civilized powers and gladly to help those who are struggling toward civilization, so it is its duty to put down savagery and barbarism. As in such [278] THE AMERICAN IDEA a work human instruments must be used, and as human instruments are imperfect, this means that at times there will be injus- tice ; that at times merchant or soldier, or even missionary, may do wrong. Let us instantly condemn and rectify such wrong when it occurs, and if possible punish the wrong-doer. But shame, thrice shame to us, if we are so foolish as to make such occa- sional wrong-doing an excuse for failing to perform a great and righteous task. Not only in our own land, but throughout the world, throughout all history, the advance of civilization has been of incalculable benefit to mankind, and those through whom it has advanced deserve the highest honor. All honor to the missionary, all honor to the soldier, all honor to the merchant who now in our own day have done so much to bring light into the world's dark places. Let me insist again, for fear of possible misconstruction, upon the fact that our duty is twofold, and that we must raise others while we are benefiting ourselves. In bring- ing order to the Philippines, our soldiers added a new page to the honor-roll of Amer- ican history, and they incalculably benefited the islanders themselves. Under the wise [279] THE AMERICAN IDEA administration of Governor Taft the islands now enjoy a peace and liberty of which they have hitherto never even dreamed. But this peace and liberty under the law must be sup- plemented by material, by industrial develop- ment. Every encouragement should be given to their commercial development, to the introduction of American industries and products ; not merely because this will be a good thing for our people, but infinitely more because it will be of incalculable bene- fit to the people in the Philippines. We shall make mistakes ; and if we let these mistakes frighten us from our work we shall show ourselves weaklings. Half a century ago Minnesota and the two Dakotas were Indian hunting grounds. We com- mitted plenty of blunders, and now and then worse than blunders, in our dealings with the Indians. But who does not admit at the present day that we were right in wresting from barbarism and adding to civilization the territory out of which we have made these beautiful States } And now we are civilizing the Indian and putting him on a level to which he could never have attained under the old conditions. In the Philippines let us remember that [280] THE AMERICAN IDEA the spirit and not the mere form of govern- ment is the essential matter. The Tagalogs have a hundredfold the freedom under us that they would have if we had abandoned the islands. We are not trying to subjugate a people ; we are trying to develop them and make them a law-abiding, industrious, and educated people, and we hope ultimately a self-governing people. In short, in the work we have done we are but carrying out the true principles of our democracy. We work in a spirit of self-respect for ourselves and of good will toward others, in a spirit of love for and of infinite faith in man- kind. We do not blindly refuse to face the evils that exist, or the shortcomings inher- ent in humanity ; but across blundering and shirking, across selfishness and mean- ness of motive, across short-sightedness and cowardice, we gaze steadfastly toward the far horizon of golden triumph. If you will study our past history as a nation you will see we have made many blunders and have been guilty of many shortcomings, and yet that we have always in the end come out victorious because we have refused to be daunted by blunders and defeats, have rec- ognized them, but have persevered in spite of [281] THE AMERICAN IDEA them. So it must be in the future. We gird up our loins as a nation, with the stern pur- pose to play our part manfully in winning the ultimate triumph ; and therefore we turn scornfully aside from the paths of mere ease and idleness, and with unfaltering steps tread the rough road of endeavor, smiting down the wrong and battling for the right, as Greatheart smote and battled in Bunyan's immortal story. [282] President McKin- ley's Last Speech Delivered at the Pan-American Exposi- tion, Buffalo, N. Y., September 5, 1901. President Milburn, Director-General Bu- chanan^ Commissioners, Ladies and Gentle- vten : AM glad to again be in the city of Buf- falo and exchange greetings with her people, to whose generous hospitality I am not a stranger, and with whose good will I have been repeatedly and signally honored. To-day I have additional satisfac- tion in meeting and giving welcome to the foreign representatives assembled here, whose presence and participation in this Ex- position have contributed in so marked a degree to its interest and success. To the Commissioners of the Dominion of Canada and the British Colonies, the French Col- onies, the republics of Mexico and of Central [283] THE AMERICAN IDEA and South America, and the Commissioners of Cuba and Porto Rico, who share with us in this undertaking, we give the hand of fellowship, and felicitate with them upon the triumphs of art, science, education and man- ufacture, which the old has bequeathed to the new century. Expositions are the time-keepers of prog- ress. They record the world's advancement. They stimulate the energy, enterprise and intellect of the people, and quicken human genius. They go into the home. They broaden and brighten the daily life of the people. They open mighty storehouses of information to the student. Every exposi- tion, great or small, has helped to some onward step. Comparison of ideas is always educational, and as such instructs the brain and hand of men. Friendly rivalry follows, which is the spur to industrial improvement, the inspira- tion to useful invention and to high en- deavor in all departments of human activity. It exacts a study of the wants, comforts, and even the whims of the people, and recog- nizes the efficacy of high quality and low prices to win their favor. The quest for trade is an incentive to men of business to [284] THE AMERICA N IDEA devise, invent, improve, and economize in the cost of production. Business life, whether among ourselves or with other peoples, is ever a sharp struggle for success. It will be none the less so in the future. Without competition we would be clinging to the clumsy and antiquated processes of farming and manufacture, and the methods of busi- ness of long ago, and the twentieth would be no further advanced than the eighteenth century. But though commercial competi- tors we are, commercial enemies we must not be. The Pan-American Exposition has done its work thoroughly; presenting in its ex- hibits evidences of the highest skill and illustrating the progress of the human family in the western hemisphere. This portion of the earth has no cause for humiliation for the part it has performed in the march of civilization. It has not accomplished every- thing; far from it. It has simply done its best, and without vanity or boastfulness, and recognizing the manifold achievements of others, it invites the friendly rivalry of all the Powers in the peaceful pursuits of trade and commerce, and will co-operate with all in advancing the highest and best interests [285] THE AMERICAN IDEA of humanity. The wisdom and energy of all the nations are none too great for the world's work. The success of art, science, industry, and invention is an international asset, and a common glory. After all, how near one to the other is every part of the world. Modern inventions have brought into close relation widely separated peoples and made them better acquainted. Geographic and political divis- ions will continue to exist, but distances have been effaced. Swift ships and fast trains are becoming cosmopolitan. They invade fields which a few years ago were im- penetrable. The world's products are ex- changed as never before and with increasing transportation facilities come increasing knowledge and larger trade. Prices are fixed with mathematical precision by supply and demand. The world's selling prices are regulated by market and crop reports. We travel greater distances in a shorter space of time and with more ease than was ever dreamed of by the fathers. Isolation is no longer possible or desirable. The sam.e important news is read, though in different languages, the same day in all Christendom. The telegraph keeps us advised of what [286] THE AMERICAN IDEA is occurring everywhere, and the press fore- shadows, with more or less accuracy, the plans and purposes of the nations. Market prices of products and of securities are hourly known in every commercial mart, and the investments of the people extend beyond their own national boundaries into the re- motest parts of the earth. Vast transactions are conducted and international exchanges are made by the tick of the cable. Every event of interest is immediately bulletined. The quick gathering and transmission of news, like rapid transit, are of recent origin, and are only made possible by the genius of the inventor and the courage of the investor. It took a special messenger of the Govern- ment, with every facility known at the time for rapid travel, nineteen days to go from the city of Washington to New Orleans with a message to General Jackson that the war with England had ceased and a treaty of peace had been signed. How different now! We reached General Miles, in Porto Rico, and he was able through the military tele- graph to stop his army on the firing line with the message that the United States and Spain had signed a protocol suspending hos- tilities. We knew almost instantly of the [287] THE AMERICAN IDEA first shots fired at Santiago, and the subse- quent surrender of the Spanish forces was known at Washington within less than an hour of its consummation. The first ship of Cervera's fleet had hardly emerged from that historic harbor when the fact was flashed to our Capital, and the swift destruction that followed was announced immediately through the wonderful medium of telegraphy. So accustomed are we to safe and easy communication with distant lands that its temporary interruption, even in ordinary times, results in loss and inconvenience. We shall never forget the days of anxious wait- ing and suspense when no information was permitted to be sent from Pekin, and the diplomatic representatives of the nations in China, cut off from all communication, inside and outside of the walled capital, were sur- rounded by an angry and misguided mob that threatened their lives ; nor the joy that thrilled the world when a single message from the Government of the United States brought, through our Minister, the first news of the safety of the besieged diplomats. At the beginning of the nineteenth century there was not a mile of steam railroad on the globe ; now there are enough miles to make [288] THE AMERICAN IDEA its circuit many times. Then there was not a line of electric telegraph ; now we have a vast mileage traversing all lands and all seas. God and man have linked the nations to- gether. No nation can longer be indifferent to any other. And as we are brought more and more in touch with each other, the less occasion is there for misunderstandings, and the stronger the disposition, when we have differences, to adjust them in the court of arbitration, which is the noblest forum for the settlement of international disputes. My fellow citizens, trade statistics indi- cate that this country is in a state of un- exampled prosperity. The figures are almost appalling. They show that we are utilizing our fields and forests and mines, and that we are furnishing profitable employment to the millions of w^orkingmen throughout the United States, bringing comfort and happi- ness to their homes, and making it possible to lay by savings for old age and disability. That all the people are participating in this great prosperity is seen in every American community and shown by the enormous and unprecedented deposits in our savings banks. Our duty in the care and security of these deposits and their safe investment demands [289] THE AMERICAN IDEA the highest integrity and the best business capacity of those in charge of these deposi- tories of the people's earnings. We have a vast and intricate business, built up through years of toil and struggle, in which every part of the country has its stake, which will not permit of either neglect, or of undue selfishness. No narrow, sordid policy will subserve it. The greatest skill and wisdom on the part of manufacturers and producers will be required to hold and increase it. Our industrial enterprises, which have grown to such great proportions, affect the homes and occupations of the people and the welfare of the country. Our capacity to produce has developed so enormously, and our products have so multiplied, that the problem of more markets requires our urgent and immediate attention. Only a broad and enlightened policy will keep what we have. No other policy will get more. In these times of marvelous business energy and gain we ought to be looking to the future, strengthening the weak places in our indus- trial and commercial systems, that we may be ready for any storm or strain. By sensible trade arrangements which will not interrupt our home production we shall [290] THE AMERICAN IDEA extend the outlets for our increasing surplus. A system which provides a mutual exchange of commodities is manifestly essential to the continued and healthful growth of our ex- port trade. We must not repose in fancied security that we can forever sell everything and buy little or nothing. If such a thing were possible it would not be best for us or for those with whom we deal. We should take from our customers such of their prod- ucts as we can use without harm to our industries and labor. Reciprocity is the natural outgrowth of our wonderful indus- trial development under the domestic policy now firmly established. What we produce beyond our domestic consumption must have a vent abroad. The excess must be relieved through a foreign outlet, and we should sell everywhere we can and buy wherever the buying will enlarge our sales and productions, and thereby make a greater demand for home labor. The period of exclusiveness is past. The expansion of our trade and commerce is the pressing problem. Commercial wars are unprofitable. A policy of good will and friendly trade relations will prevent reprisals. Reciprocity treaties are in harmony with the [291] THE AMERICAN IDEA spirit of the times; measures of retaliation are not. If, perchance, some of our tariffs are no longer needed for revenue or to en- courage and protect our industries at home, why should they not be employed to extend and promote our markets abroad ? Then, too, we have inadequate steamship service. New lines of steamships have already been put in commission between the Pacific coast ports of the United States and those on the western coasts of Mexico and Central and South America. These should be followed up with direct steamship lines between the eastern coast of the United States and South American ports. One of the needs of the times is direct commercial lines from our vast fields of production to the fields of con- sumption that we have but barely touched. Next in advantage to having the thing to sell is to have the conveyance to carry it to the buyer. We must encourage our mer- chant marine. We must have more ships. They must be under the American flag, built and manned and owned by Americans. These will not only be profitable in a com- mercial sense ; they will be messengers of peace and amity wherever they go. We must build the Isthmian Canal, which [292] THE AMERICAN IDEA will unite the two oceans and give a straight line of watercommunication with the western coasts of Central and South America and Mexico. The construction of a Pacific cable cannot be longer postponed. In the further- ance of these objects of national interest and concern you are performing an impor- tant part. This Exposition would have touched the heart of that American statesman whose mind was ever alert and thought ever constant for a larger commerce and a truer fraternity of the republics of the New World. His broad American spirit is felt and manifested here. He needs no identi- fication to an assemblage of Americans any- w^here, for the name of Blaine is inseparably associated with the Pan-American movement which finds here practical and substantial ex- pression, and which we all hope will be firmly advanced by the Pan-American Congress that assembles this autumn in the capital of Mexico. The good work will go on. It cannot be stopped. These buildings will disappear, this creation of art and beauty and industry will perish from sight, but their influence will remain to ' ' Make it live beyond its too short living With praises and thanksgiving. ' ' [293] THE AMERIC AN IDEA Who can tell the new thoughts that have been awakened, the ambitions fired and the high achievements that will be wrought through this Exposition ? Let us ever remember that our interest is in concord, not conflict ; and that our real eminence rests in the victories of peace, not those of war. We hope that all who are represented here may be moved to higher and nobler effort for their own and the world's good, and that out of this city may come not only greater commerce and trade for us all ; but, more essential than these, re- lations of mutual respect, confidence, and friendship which will deepen and endure. Our earnest prayer is that God will graciously vouchsafe prosperity, happiness, and peace to all our neighbors, and like blessings to all the peoples and powers of earth. [294] Free Speech and Con- stitutional Liberty Extract from an Address by United States Senator Hoar at the Re- publican State Convention, Boston, October 4, 1901. [In referring to the assassination of President McKinley, Mr. Hoar said:] E can undoubtedly provide some ad- ditional legal safeguards against the recurrence of this terrible crime. We can, I suppose, make the preaching, counseling, or advising the killing of or doing violence to our National officers, high or low, or those of foreign countries, an offense against our National law, punishable with severe penalties. We can, if we think fit, make the conspiring to accomplish this punishable with death, or any overt act or attempt to accomplish it punishable with death. We may, perhaps, devise some addi- tional security against the coming into our ports of criminal persons known to entertain [295] THE AMERICAN IDEA the purposes of carrying out anarchists' sen- timents by overt acts. I dare say that other protections may be devised. But we cannot give up free speech or con- stitutional liberty because of the danger of a recurrence of such crimes. We cannot abandon free speech or constitutional liberty for fear of Guiteau or Czolgosz. We may as well desert our habitations in our beautiful fields or on the banks of our rivers and lakes, because science has discovered that the mosquito carries on his sting a poison fatal to human life. The restraining of free speech and of the free press, disagreeable as are their excesses, must come in the main from the individual's sense of duty, and not by law. There are already some comforting signs of returning health in this matter. Yellow journalism is already being rebuked by the yellowest of yellow journals. Let it be understood, as a most important practical lesson for the State, that while political sentiments and political measures are to be denounced if they seem dangerous to the State, or contrary to righteousness or justice, or constitutional liberty, with the most unsparing fearlessness, yet the arro- gant demand of any man to penetrate the in- [296] THE AMERICAN IDEA dividual soul of his neighbor, and to judge of his motives or personal worth by what seems to be the error of his political opinions, is that presumptuous and arrogant Pharisa- ism which excited to its sublimest wrath the gentle spirit of the Saviour of mankind. It was the publican and not the Pharisee who went back to his house justified rather than the other. " Judge not that ye be not judged " is the divine command. And the divine penalty is that "with what judgment ye judge ye shall be judged." You and I are Republicans. You and I are men of the North. Most of us are Protestants in religion. We are men of na- tive birth. Yet, if every Republican were to-day to fall in his place, as William Mc- Kinley has fallen, I believe our countrymen of the other party, in spite of what we deem their errors, would take the Republic and bear on the flag to liberty and glory. I be- lieve if every Protestant were to be stricken down by a lightning stroke that our brethren of the Catholic faith would still carry on the Republic in the spirit of a true and liberal freedom. I believe if every man of native birth within our borders were to die this day, the men of foreign birth, who have come [297] THE AMERICAN IDEA here to seek homes and liberty under the shadow of the Republic, would carry on the Republic in God's appointed way. I believe if every man of the North were to die, the new and chastened South, with the virtues it has cherished from the beginning, of love of home and love of State and love of freedom, with its courage and its constancy, would take the country and bear it on to the achievement of its lofty destiny. The anar- chist must slay seventy-five million Ameri- cans before he can slay the Republic. Of course, there would be mistakes. Of course, there would be disappointments and grievous errors. Of course, there would be many things for which the lovers of liberty would mourn. But America would survive them all, and the Nation our fathers planted would abide in perennial life. [298] Our Recent Diplomacy Speech of John Hay, Secretary of State, IN Reply to the Toast of " Our Re- cent Diplomacy" at the Dinner of the New York Chamber of Commerce, November 19, 1901. Mr, Chairman and Gentlemen: NEED not dwell upon the mournful and tragic event by virtue of which I am here. When the President lay stricken in Buffalo, though hope beat high in all our hearts that his life might be spared for future usefulness to his country, it was still recognized as improbable that he should be able to keep the engagement he had made to be with you to-night, and your committee did me the honor to ask me to come in his place. This I have sometimes done, in his lifetime, though always with diffidence and dread; but how much more am I daunted by the duty of appearing before you when that great man, loved and revered above all even while living, has put on the [299] THE AMERICAN IDEA august halo of immortality ! Who could worthily come into your presence as the shadow of that illustrious Shade ? Let me advert, but for a moment, to one aspect of our recent bereavement, which is especially interesting to those engaged, as you are, in relations whose scope is as wide as the world. Never, since history began, has there been an event which so imme- diately, and so deeply, touched the sensibili- ties of so vast a portion of the human race. The sun, which set over Lake Erie while the surgeons were still battling for the Presi- dent's life, had not risen on the Atlantic be- fore every capital of the civilized world was in mourning. And it was not from^ the cen- ters of civilization alone that the voices of sorrow and sympathy reached us ; they came as well from the utmost limits of the world, from the most remote islands of the sea ; not only from the courts of Christendom, but from the temples of strange gods and the homes of exotic religions. Never before has the heart of the world throbbed with a sorrow so universal. Never before have the kingdoms of the earth paid such homage at the grave of a citizen. Something of this was naturally due to his great office - — [300] THE AMERICAN IDEA presiding, as he did, over the government of a nation holding in fee the certainty of illim- itable greatness. But no ruler can acquire the instinctive regard and esteem of the world without possessing most unusual quali- ties of mind and character. This dead President of ours possessed them. He was strong ; he was wise ; he was gentle. With no external advantages beyond the mass of his fellow-citizens, he rose by sheer merit and will to the summit of distinction and power. With a growth as certain and grad- ual as that of an oak, he grew stronger and wiser with every year that he lived. Con- fronted continually with new and exacting situations, he was never unequal to them ; his serenity was never clouded ; he took the storm and the sunshine with the same cheery welcome ; his vast influence expanded with his opportunities. Like that Divine Master whom he humbly and reverently served, he grew continually " in favor with God and man." One simple reason why the millions of this country mourned him as if they had buried a brother, and why all the nations of the earth felt that his death was a loss to humanity at large, was that he loved his [301] THE AMERICAN IDEA fellow-men. There were literally no bounds to his lavish good will. In political genius, in wisdom for government, in power of con- trolling men, he was one of the elect of the earth — there were few like him ; but in sen- timent and feeling he was the most perfect democrat I ever met. He never knew what it meant to regard another man as his in- ferior, or as his superior. Nothing human was alien to him. Even his death was in that sense significant. He was slain in the moment when with that delightful smile we knew so well — which seemed like the very- sunshine of the spirit — he was stretching forth a generous hand to greet the lowest and meanest unit in that crowd of many thousands. He made no demagogical pa- rade of his sympathy with the masses, but this sympathy was a part of his life. He knew no interest which was not theirs ; their welfare was as dear to him as the blood in his own veins ; and in spite of calumny and falsehood the people knew it, and they loved him in return. Others will rise and labor and do good service to the Republic. We shall never lack good men when the emergency calls for them. Thank God ! we do not lack them [302] THE AMERICAN IDEA now. But it may well be doubted if in any century of the glorious future before us, there will ever appear two such sincere, high- minded, self-respecting lovers of the people as the last fifty years have shown us in Abraham Lincoln and William McKinley. But the world must go on, though the greatest and best beloved fall by the way. I dare to come to you, because you have asked me, and he would have wished it, for he held that our personal feelings should never be considered when they conflicted with a public duty. And if I fall immeas- urably below the standard to which he has accustomed you, the very comparisons you draw will be a tribute to his memory. I am asked to say something about our diplomacy. You want from me nothing but the truth ; and yet, if I confine myself to the truth, I cannot help fearing I shall do my profession a wrong in the minds of those who have been in the habit of considering diplomacy an occult science, as mysterious as alchemy, and as dangerous to the morals as municipal politics. It must be admitted that this conception of the diplomatic func- tion is not without a certain historical foun- dation. [303] THE AMERICAN IDEA There was a time when diplomacy was a science of intrigue and falsehood, of traps and mines and countermines. The word "machiavelic" has become an adjective in our common speech, signifying fraudulent craft and guile ; but Machiavel was as honest a man as his time justified or required. The King of Spain wrote to the King of France after the massacre of St. Bartholomew con- gratulating him upon the splendid dissimu- lation with which that stroke of policy had been accomplished. In the last generation it was thought a remarkable advance in straightforward diplomacy when Prince Bis- mark recognized the advantage of telling the truth, even at the risk of misleading his ad- versary. It may be another instance of that naif credulity with which I have often been charged by European critics when I say that I really believe the v/orld has moved onward in diplomacy as in many other matters. In my experience of diplomatic life, which now covers more years than I like to look back upon, and in the far greater record of American diplomacy which I ha/e read and studied, I can say without hesitation that we have generally told squarely what we wanted, announced early in negotiation [304] THE AMERICAN IDEA what we were willing to give, and allowed the other side to accept or reject our terms. During the time in which I have been prom- inently concerned in our foreign relations, I can also say that we have been met by the representatives of other powers in the same spirit of frankness and sincerity. You, as men of large affairs, will bear me out in saying there is nothing like straightforward- ness to beget its like. The comparative simplicity of our diplo- matic methods would be a matter of neces- sity if it were not of choice. Secret treaties, reserved clauses, private understandings, are impossible to us. No treaty has any validity until ratified by the Senate; many require the action of both Houses of Congress to be carried into effect. They must, therefore, be in harmony with public opinion. The Executive could not change this system even if he should ever desire to. It must be ac- cepted, with all its difficulties and all its ad- vantages ; and it has been approved by the experience of a hundred years. As to the measure of success which our re- cent diplomacy has met with, it is difficult, if not impossible, for me to speak. There are two important lines of human endeavor in [305] THE AMERICAN IDEA which men are forbidden even to allude to their success — affairs of the heart and diplo- matic affairs. In doing so, one not only com- mits a vulgarity which transcends all ques- tion of taste, but makes all future success im- possible. For this reason, the diplomatic representatives of the Government must fre- quently suffer in silence the most outrageous imputations upon their patriotism, their intel- ligence, and their common honesty. To jus- tify themselves before the public, they would sometimes have to place in jeopardy the in- terests of the nation. They must constantly adopt for themselves the motto of the French revolutionist, " Let my name wither, rather than my country be injured." But if we are not permitted to boast of what we have done, we can at least say a word about what we have tried to do, and the principles which have guided our action. The briefest expression of our rule of con- duct is, perhaps, the Monroe Doctrine and the Golden Rule. With this simple chart we can hardly go far wrong. I think I may say that our sister republics to the south of us are perfectly convinced of the sincerity of our attitude. They know we desire the prosperity of each of them, and [306] THE AMERICAN IDEA peace and harmony among them. We no more want their territory than we covet the mountains of the moon. We are grieved and distressed when there are differences among them, but even then we should never think of trying to compose any of those dif- ferences unless by the request of both parties to it. Not even our earnest desire for peace among them will lead us to any action which might offend their national dignity or their just sense of independence. We owe them all the consideration which we claim for ourselves. To critics in various climates who have other views of our purposes we can only wish fuller information and more quiet consciences. As to what we have tried to do — what we are still trying to do — in the general field of diplomacy, there is no reason for doubt on the one hand or reticence on the other. President McKinley in his messages during the last four years has made the sub- ject perfectly clear. We have striven, on the lines laid down by Washington, to culti- vate friendly relations with all powers, but not to take part in the formation of groups or combinations among them. A position of complete independence is not incompati- [307] THE AMERICAN IDEA ble with relations involving not friendship alone, but concurrent action as well in im- portant emergencies. We have kept always in view the fact that we are pre-eminently a peace-loving people ; that our normal activi- ties are in the direction of trade and com- merce ; that the vast development of our industries imperatively demands that we shall not only retain and confirm our hold on our present markets, but seek constantly, by all honorable means, to extend our com- mercial interests in every practicable direc- tion. It is for this reason we have negotiated the treaties of reciprocity which now await the action of the Senate ; all of them con- ceived in the traditional American spirit of protection to our own industries, and yet mutually advantageous to ourselves and our neighbors. In the same spirit we have sought, successfully, to induce all the great powers to unite in a recognition of the gen- eral principle of equality of commercial ac- cess and opportunity in the markets of the Orient. We believe that "a fair field and no favor " is all we require ; and with less than that we cannot be satisfied. If we accept the assurances we have received as honest and genuine, as I certainly do, that equality [308] THE AMERICAN IDEA will not be denied us ; and the result may safely be left to American genius and energy. We consider our interests in the Pacific Ocean as great now as those of any other power, and destined to indefinite develop- ment. We have opened our doors to the people of Hawaii ; we have accepted the responsibility of the Philippines which Provi- dence imposed upon us ; we have put an end to the embarrassing condominium in which we were involved in Samoa, and while abandoning none of our commercial rio-hts in the entire group, we have established our flag and our authority in Tutuila, which ofives us the finest harbor in the South Seas. Next in order will come a Pacific cable, and an isthmian canal for the use of all well-dis- posed peoples, but under exclusive American ownership and American control — of both of which great enterprises President Mc Kin- ley and President Roosevelt have been the energetic and consistent champions. Sure as we are of our rights in these matters, convinced as we are of the authen- ticity of the vision w^hich has led us thus far and still beckons us forward, I can yet as- sure you that so long as the administration of your affairs remains in hands as strong [309] THE AMERICAN IDEA and skillful as those to which they have been and are now confided, there will be no more surrender of our rights than there will be violation of the rights of others. The President to whom you have given your invaluable trust and confidence, like his now immortal predecessor, is as incapable of bullying a strong power as he is of wronging a weak one. He feels and knows — for has he not tested it, in the currents of the heady fiofht, as well as in the toilsome work of ad- ministration ? — that the nation over whose destinies he presides has a giant's strength in the works of war, as in the works of peace. But that consciousness of strength brings with it no temptation to do injury to any power on earth, the proudest or the humblest. We frankly confess we seek the friendship of all the powers ; we want to trade with all peoples ; we are conscious of resources that will make our commerce a source of advan- tage to them and of profit to ourselves. But no wantonness of strength will ever induce us to drive a hard bargain with another nation because it is weak, nor will any fear of ignoble criticism tempt us to insult or defy a great power because it is strong, or even because it is friendly. [310] THE AMERICAN IDEA The attitude of our diplomacy may be in- dicated in a text of Scripture which Franklin — the first and greatest of our diplomats — tells us passed through his mind when he was presented at the Court of Versailles. It was a text his father used to quote to him in the old candle shop in Boston, when he was a boy: " Seest thou a man diligent in his business ? he shall stand before kings." Let us be diligent in our business and we shall stand — stand, you see, not crawl, nor swag- ger — stand, as a friend and equal, asking nothing, putting up with nothing but what is right and just, among our peers, in the great democracy of nations. [311] Z(^OJ-^ oLi (^o lou^ DEL TO CAT m SEP. 2^5 190? 3 fo^-^- !