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Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la m^thode. rrata to pelure, 1 A D 32X 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 Hf CbUectio/v SPEECH OF HON. WILLIAM xVLLEN, OF OHIO. DELIVERED IN THE SENATE OP THE UMTEI) 8T.\TE.>J, FEnUIJARY 10 A\0 11, 1K«. On our relations with England — being the opening Speech pending the Oregon A'otice. The Joint Resolution for giving tlie notice to terminate the convention between the United States and Great Britain, relative to the Oregon territory, being under consideration — Mr. ALLEN said : Mr. Puesident: It is now sixty-nine yeai"s since these States declared them- selves to be " absolved from all allegiance to the Dritish Crown," and to be " Tree and independent States." It is now sixty-three yeai-s since Great Britain, by a solemn treaty, acknowledged these States " to be free, sovereign, and independent States." And yet, sir, at this very hour, over a square of eight hundred miles of our soil, British law still prevails — British tribunals are in scission — British judgments are 1 rendered — British executions are enforced — British penalties are inflicted. Through- out the last twenty-eight years our Government has sought, by unititermitted efforts of argument and negotiation, by almost humiliating concessions, to induce Great Britain peaceably to withdraw her law from our soil — to withdraw her baseless pre- tensions to our territory, and thus to remove this great cause of impending difficulties. These efforts have all ended in the communication of the fact, by thd President, to Congress, at the opening of our session, that " all attempts at compromise having failed, it becomes the duty of Congress to consider what measures it may be proper to adopt, for the security and protection of our citizens, now inhabiting, or who may hereafter inhabit Oregon, and for the maintenance of our just title to that territory.' Thus, is this matter turned over by the Executive to Congress. It is now here — it is in our hands. We cannot, therefore, if we would, evade the responsibility of action. If w ■ adopt the measures recommended by the President, we shall secure die territory, and may hold forth to the world an indisputable title i'- vindication of our acts. If we refuse to adopt them, we shall have deeply periled our J'ights, and incurred the world's suspicion of having refused to act, because we dared not. For, sir, when all the arguments urged for delay are duly considered, they will be found to resolve themselves into the single question, Wiicther this Government has the nerve, the energy of purpose, to enforce its rights against Great Britain ? As to the fact of our title, it is now too late to treat that, as an open question. The business before us is, the business of action. The time for the discussion of the title is past, when we have begun to advance towards the possession of the object. Upon tjie question of title, as a government, and as a nation, we stand committed before the world. We have, to all mankind, proclaimed our title. To this position, we stand committed, by a series of State papers, stretching through the fourth of a century. We stand committed, by a solemn treaty with Russia, of the seventeenth of April, eighteen hundred and twenty-four, by which w<> assumetl exclusive ownership, over the whole territory in question. We stand com- mitted, by a vote of this body, at a former session, upon the passage of a bill which IM'i caniod our title up to 54° 40'. Wc stand committed, by tiic vote of the House of Rep- resentatives, at the very last session, upon tiie passage of a bill asserting our title up to the same point. We stand committed, by the voice of the nation, expressed in the election of the present Chief Magistrate, upon the issue made and proclaimed by the Baltimore Convention. We st:uid committed, by the declaration ol the Presi- dent, made from the eastern portico of the Capitol, with the oath of ofTice fresii upon his lips. Wo stand committed, by his Annual Alessage, at the opening of our present session. We stand committed, by a vote of three to one, and one over, in the House of Representatives, w ithin the last twenty-four hours. By all these acts, in all these forms, have we proclaimed the deep-seated conviction of every American mind, as to the strict justice of our claim, and the absolute frivolity of the pretensions of Eng- land. Thus, do we stand in the presence of all nations, asserting an indisputable right to a contiguous territory. And now, sir, it remains to be seen, whether this Government possesses the force of will — the firmness of resolution — to maintain that claim. This is really, the great, the only question before us. It is the energy of our institutions — it is their inherent power of rising up to a great emergency, that we arc about to put to the test. Should our councils be found too timid, our system too languid, to ofier efficient resistance to foreign aggression, to what danger may not this fatal secret expose us? It is in this view, that our controversy with England becomes so vitally important. It is in this view, therefore, that I shall proceed to consider it, in connexion with the relations which the two political systems of Europe and America, bear to each other. Sir, the great fact, which gives character to the politics of this age, is the conspiracy of five monarchs, w ho, by their coalition with each other, have concentrated in their hands alone, the power of giving law to the whole of Europe; whilst, by their arms and intrigues, they are now exerting an influence over the rest of the world, which threatens to bring all its parts in subjection to thoni. Politically, and as independent sovereignties, all the ancient subdivisions of Europe — all the secondary States, which formerly balanced eacii other, and by their union, checked the ambition of the greater Powers — have ceased to exi^t. From the confederated thrones of England, France, Austria, Russia, and Prussia, the mandate now goes forth which regulates the whole European system. This, sir, is a new thing in the world. The present century has brought it about. The attempt, and the failure, of a single monarch to establish universal dominion, is a spectacle often wilnc-ssed before. But the coalition of five thrones to effect that object — the conspiracy of five powerful monarchs, to enforce, by their united arms, not only despotism? upon their own subjects, but colonial vassalage upon the rest of mankind, is an experiment hitherto untried. It is an experiment, however, which recent and current events show to be, not less fomiidable than new, to the world. So far as Europe is concerned, the experiment is already successful. The dominion of the five master-monarchs is there undisturbed, either by vassal princes or suffering subjects. Two millions of bayonets enforce passive obedience to their will, over the whole of that continent, whilst another million, is extending their sway over the other quarters of the globe. It was the French Revolution, the offipring of our own, that first aroused the European masses, from the silent torpor of centuries. It was in France, that the human mind first began to realize its on> r» debasement, under a social organization which had so long treated nations, as the mere property of kings. That powerful agent, called public opinion, began there to embody itself, and to apply its mighty energies to the work of political reform. Monarchs and princes throughout the con tinent, taking the alarm, conspired together, and immediately armed to crush, in its 8 Iloiise of Rcp- ng our title up n, expressed in iiul nrocLiinied III ol tlie Prosi- (Tice frcbii upon ; of our |iresent r, in the House cts, in all these ;an mind, as to nsions of Eng- an iiulisputable n, whether this 3 maintain that e energy of our zy, tliat we arc our system too langer may not with England hall proceed to ems of Europe the conspiracy ntrated in their by their arms world, which as independent f States, which of the greater gland, France, ates the whole ought it about. dominion, is a ect that object arms, not only t of mankind, ich recent and d. So far as ion of the five iring subjects. r the whole of otlier quarters 3t aroused the mce, that the organization That powerful ply its mighty ;hout the con- crush, in its beginning, this new-born power, whicli seemed likely to become the master-element, in a new organization. There and then it was, that the strife began between liberty and jirivilege — between the people and the kings ; and the Frcncli nation, as being the fust in Europe to speak aloud in behalf of freedom, was therefore, the first assailed, by the confederated ministers of despotism. In justification of their efforts to place, by force, a king over France against the will of the nation, the allied monarchs openly proclaimed iho principle, that no people whatever, bad the right even to impose restraints upon their sovereign, much less to displace him, however essential to the public happiness such restraints might be. This terrible dogma, the basis of that system whicli has now given to the five sovereigns of England, France, Austria, Russia, and Prussia, the dictatorship of Europe, was first announced by tlie tl»en Emperor of Germany and the King of Prussia, in n9"2, and repeated, in his manifesto, by the Duke of Bruns- wick, who, as the leader of their armies, in the invasion of France, threatened, in the name of his mas'ei"s, death to all Frenchmen, who should adhere to the government of tiuiir own choice, in preference to that of a monarch sought to be placed over them, by a foreign enemy. It was to enforce this doctrine on the one hand, and to resist it on the other, that the armed masses of Europe were, for'twenty-three years, arrayed against each other, upon the fields of a thousand battles. The result is known. In that mightiest of struggles, the kings triumphed over their subjects. But the hopes of the vanquished and the fears of the victoi-s, survived the tnumph. Those hopes of future success still entertained by the masses, and still threatening to uproot the thrones of the whole swarm of secondary princes, ultimately drove those princes to seek their individual safety against popular outbreaks, under the protection of the five confinlerated monarchs, by the total surrender of their political independence. This concentration of the whole sovereignty of Europe in five associated crowns — an agj'X'gation of power which now menaces the freedom of the world, and the indepen- dence of all nations — was accomplished by the alliance signed at Chaumont, that subseque.itly signed at London, the treatii^s of Paris, the negotiations at the Congress of V^ienna, anil by the several succeeding alliances and compacts ; the whole embraced between the years 1813 and 18'2."J. Thus has been consolidated a system, founded upon the brute power of the sword, against the social rights of men. By this system, the perpetuity of hereditary power — of thrones — of orders of nobility — of political abuses — of the wrongs of government — of all the sufferings of the people throughout Europe, have been guarantied by five monarchs, who stand pledged to each other, and ready to cnforqp passive obedience, with two millions of bayonets. By this system it is, that these sovereigns have constituted themselves the sole legislators of Europe ; have, for all purposes of State, jjarcelled out among themselves, its whole surface and population ; have sought to entail everlasting bondage upon the masses ; and have sec'ired themselves against the ambition of each other, by the adjustment of all juris- dictional and tiirritorial disputes. Thus, having taken every precaution against danger from popular movements, as well as against the ambition of each other at home, they are now seeking to extend their system from Europe to the ends of the earth — to make their edicts stand for the law of nations, and to regulate the intercommunications, between all the communities of the world. Under this scheme of univei-sal dominion, what a spectacle does the world, at this moment, present ! With the professions of peace and of religion upon their lips, these holy allies are, at this very liour, waging the most cruel and the most causeless wars of spoliation and despotism, against the remotest, the oldest, the youngest, the most numerous, the most defenceless, the most harmless portions of mankind. With this slate of things before us — ^witU England and Russia reducing old Asia to their sway — France overrunning Africa — England and France united to reduce Soutli America — England seeking to stretch her enij)iro over our own soil of Oregon — France and England seizing upon every island in every ocean — with a family alliance between the throne of France and the only throne in South America — with PVance and England but lately united in intrigue to prevent Texas from entering our Union — with the ofiicial announcement, by the chief Minister of France, of his wish toa|)ply the European principle of the balance of power to the independent governments of America, — with this state of things .before us, where, 1 ask, if the I'nited States shall falter, where has the world another friend left, strong enough to secure it against the universal dominion of these conspirator-kings ? And how, sir, stands the case with the two Americas? This great continent (for I shall speak of them as one continent) embraces one-third of the habitable portion of the globe. The whole of it, from Cape Horn to the Arctic Circle, was, within eighty years past, and the most of it, within thirty, subject, as colonies, to European nion- archs. With the exception of the present British dependencies on our north, the whole of these numerous colonies, in both Americas, successfully revolted, and, excepting Brazil, on the eastern side of South America, established for themselves their independence as nations, and Republican forms of government, founded upon the sovereignty of the peaple, and excluding the princiyle of hereditary power. These colonies having become thus independent, though feeble Republican States, and justly fearful that the very form of their government would be, of itself, a sufficient reason for the monsrchs of Europe to combine against them, formed among them- selves, in both Americas, such confederations, as their geographical proximity per- mitted. From this, has resulted the great political fact, so important to be kept in mind, that here, upon this continent, are to be found the only Republican institu- tions, based upon the sovereignty of the people, and excluding hereditary power, that exist in the world. These governments, some fifteen or eighteen in number compose the popular system of die two Americas, and cover the whole of their hab- itable surface, except Brazil in the south, and the colonies of England on the north Yet in all this system, there is but a single member — the United States — whicli pos sesses the power of successful self-defence, against foreign aggression. All the other membei-s united, could oppose no efficient resistance to the ambition of the allied sovereigns. Those mona:-chs calmly looked on, and beheld with pleasure the dismemberment of the old Spanish monarchy, by the revolt of Mexico and Soutl America, because, they desired to participate in the rich trade of those regions, am hoped that the confusion and feebleness of untried popular institutions, would enable them in future, to api)ropriate those vast countries as colonies, to themselves. That hope, two of these Powers are now openly seeking to realize — a hope which menaces the whole popular system upon this continent, and which no power on earth can defeat, but the Government of this Uriion, the natural and the rightful guardian because it is the parent-power, of the system. If, therefore, this Government shall allow itself to be intimidated into the surrender of Oregon, to Great Britain — if shall allow itself to be dius belted about, still more closely, by the iron arm of the British empire — if it shall allow diat monarchy to extend and consolidate its kingly institutions still more upon our bordei-s — if it shall exhibit those signs of apparent weakness, will not such an exhibition be the signal of invitation to the allied sover- eigns, to strike down the Republican governments of the South, one by one, until \vc ourselves shall be compelled, at last, to arm, when all the rest are lost, to defend our own independence and freedom? Yes, sir, it is upon the power of this nation — it is upon tlie readiness of those who administer its government to give full scope to the mighty energies of this great people, upon the first threat of danger, that tlie fate to reduce Soiitli til of Oregon — 1 family alliaiice I — with France ng our Union — is wish to apply governments of ited States sliall re it against the It continent (for table portion of 13, within eighty European luon- ( our north, llic revolted, and, ihemselves their inded upon the power. These ;an States, and self, a sufficient id among ihem- proxitnity per- t to be kept in lublican institu reditary power ;en in number )lc of their liab- 1 on the north es — whicli pos- to the ambition I with pleasure, xico and Soutl )se regions, and !, would enable iiselves. — a hope which powfu" on earth ;htful guardian, (vernment aliall t IJritain — if it rou arm of the idate its kingly ;ns of apparent he allied sover jy one, until wc i, to defend our lis nation — it is jU scope to the that tlie fate ol those Republics depends. Can any man doubt it? Can any man beliold what ^""rance, England and Russia are about in the world — behold what the two former are, at this very moment, doing upon this continent — can any man sec these things, and yet doubt that, but for the formidable power of the United States, these monarchs would overrun the two Amcricjis, and obliterate free institutions forever? With these facts before us, does it become us, as the representatives of a free and galla It people — does it comport with the interest and honor, with the safety of this Government — does it become our glorious position as the first Republic on earth, and the safeguard of all othci-s, to cringe, and quail, and cower to Great Rritain, as often as she chooses to set up a claim, without right, to our soil, and to shake her trident in our face ? M The an:.wcr to this question, sir, is the point, and the only one, involwa in the matter before us. For most certain it is, that as a free and independent nation, wo shall cease to exist, when we cease to be formidable to our enemies. The power which alone can secure us against aggression, and, with us, the whole popular system, is the belief of the world that we are ready for war, and have the means 'o wage it with success, whenever the rights or honor of the nation require it to be waged. If, instead of a willingness to stand forth in a great emergency, we show a disposition to truckle and falter before the threats of others, the last obstruction will be removed to the ambition of confederated kings. For, it is not the decrepitude of Asia, nor the barbarism of Africa, nor the feebleness of Mexican, of Central, or of South America; nor is it the disjointed power of the islands scattered through the world, that can limit tiie dominion of these kings. It is the United States — it is the great Democracy of the North, which holds that ambition At bay, that would otherwise encircle the world, with its arms and its chains. Shall I 1)0 asked, what has all this to do with Oregon ? — with the question before us? Shall I be asked, "Are you in favor of war?" These are idle questions, which it requires no wisdom to put, and but little to answer. Every Senator knows that our title is. in truth and in justice, clear and perfect, to the territory in question. Every Senator knows that Great Britain cannot offer even the decent apology of a mistake, for having advanced pretensions to its ownership. Every Senator knows liiat more than the fourth of a century has been wasted, in unavailing efforts, to induce the withdrawal of those pretensions. Every Senator knows, that we have no way left, but to extend our laws over the territory, or surrender it to Groat Britain. Shall we extend I hem? If we do, and she arm to resist their execution, we must meet that resistance, also, by arms. The question of war is, therefore, with her, not with us, to decide. If we refuse to extend our laws, liut one rea.son has been, can be given — the fear of England. If, then, this fear prevails, how stand we in the judg- ment of the world? What will be the effect of this disclosure of the inefficiency of our Government, for the defence of its own soil ? What will be the effect, when it shall be seen that this Republic — the only one which has been thought sufficiently strong to guaranty the safety of its neigliboring and kindred Govoinments against Kuiopean monarchs — what will be the effect, when even we are fouii I willing, for the ?ake of peace, to allow Great Britain to extend her system of monarchy, 'lot only upon tills continent, but over a part of oiu- own soil ? If we do this, will the je sovereigns longer hesitate in their designs ? Will they not, on the contrary, take courage from our apparent want of it? Will they not advance in their purpose of universal dominion ? Will they not reduce the Southern Repui)lics of the continent, and force us, at last, to fight in their defence, as an indispensable preliminary, to the final defence of ourselves? These, sir, are my views of the moral involved in this controversy. 6 And now, sir, I sliall procetd to look biicny into ilio iiiotivos by wliidi Great Riitiiiii lias ever rcj^iilatcd her coiulucl towards tlio I'liited Slates, This I deem necessary, in order to understand the secret sjirings of the pendinj; difllculiy. Sir, it is in tiie social nature of her empire, that these motives, are to be found. Tliey have originated, not in tlie whims of this statesman or of tlial. They are the product of no arbitrary theory, of one party, or of the other. Thiy spring from those vital hnvs of her social being, which j)iescnhe her legislation, whieli overbear all statesmen and all parties alike, and bring all into subjection to an overruling polilicu necessity. The insular position of the parent-centre of that Government, first gave a maritime directiol||to all her interests. Those interests retjuiied and sought colonies, and by planting dicm the world over, converted an insular kingdom into an extended colonial empire, based upon commerce, anil uj)held by the frail security of commer- cial credit. To plant colonies, it became necessary for her to obtani territory at remote points, often pre-occupied by others. She purchased no such territory. To purchase, reijuired the consent of others — a thing not always attainable. She, there- fore, simplified her mode of acquisition, by reducing it to a system which had but one principle in it, and required but one will to execute it. That principle was, to start causes of quarrel, to raise questions about navigation or commerce, to set up claims to rivers or territory, and to enforce her pretensions, however unjust, by the terror of her arms against the timid, and by the use of them against the brave. When successful in one claim, no matter how, she has instantly started another. Thus, everywhere, has it been her policy to create and keep open causes of quarrel with distant nations, that she might ever hav'e ready some pretext for seizing upon the territory of others, as often as the sj)read of her connnerce required new colonies. With us, her policy has been, in principle, the same, though more complicated in form. Our strength, and the danger with w hich it menaces her adjoining possessions in the event of war, has imparted more circumspection to he; aggressions. In dealing with us. therefore, she has mixed up with her system of terror, all the subsidiary elements of diplomatic duplicity. Time, space, and persons, are taken into her cal- culations. Slic raises her questions of dispute at dillerent ptiriods ; she lays her claims of territory at different points ; she employs cunning and finesse to ))ost|ione their settlement to the auspicious hour, when terror can best j)roniote her purposes, and then, by negotiation, adjusting but one question at a time, she starts others in its stead, and holds them in readiness for the future, w Ihmi another auspicious hour shall arrive. In a word, her policy, as it regards us, lias ever been, to start new questions of dispute w hen adjusting old ones ; to threaten w ar in every instance as a conse- quence of our refusal to yield; and at the same time, declaiming about the horrors of a war betw een two such nations, profess her deep solicitude for the maintenance of the peace and harmony of the world. The success of this policy has illustrated alike, the forecast of her ambition and the triumph of her duplicity. Most profoundly has she estimated every local circumstance peculiar to our condition — every accident to which the miscellaneous interests of our country, its changing legislation, or the personal character of its public functionaries, might give rise. These things she lias watched with an unbroken gaze. Never has she let tlie hour pass unimproved, when she saw, in the condition of our aflairs, or the character of our public men, the prospect of pressing an old claim with success, or of starting a new one, with profit. But, sir, the gravity of the matter before us, justice to the two nations whose interests are involved, require that I should reduce lliese generalities to a form more exact and specillc. I proceed, therefore, to well-known fads, disclosed by past and cor- Ijy \v}ii(Ii Ga-iU This I docin ifTicuIly. :m' to Lo found. Tlicy nii> the priiig lioiii iliobo L-h overbear all rruliiig jiolilica ^avc a niuntime il colonies, and an extended it^' of coinnier- ain territory at territory. To le. She, there- whicli had but rinciple was, to lerce, to set up unjust, by the nst the brave, larted another, uses of quarrel )r seizing upon 1 new colonies. ;oniplicatcd in possessions in In dealing the subsidiary II into lier cal- she lays her le to j)ostpone her purposes, s others in its ous hour shall new questions ? as a conse- ihe horroi-s of aintenanco of as illustrated «t profoundly very accident ilation, or the lings she has unimproved, jlic men, the , w ith profit, lose interests more exact ast and cor- leading object of the negotiations at Ghent, to adjust those questions, threc-foiirUis of the treaty, were devoted to that purpose. The. first of these questions related to the robomtcd by current events. I allude not to the numberless aggressions committed by England against us — aggressions beginning before the treaty of peace of llS'i was diy — aggressions extending to, and lesulling in the late war. I say nothing of the niani fold outrages coiiimitled upon our commerce — nothing of the impressment of our seamen — of her studied delay in delivering certain posts and islands, as by that treaty she was bound — of her protracted refusal to (jxecute the boundary, as well as die commercial provisions of Uiat treaty — of he*- constant efToi ts to traduce the char- acter and oulragi; the flag of oi;r country, in all parts of the world. I say nothing of her horrible practice, during the late war, of bribing the pitiless Indian to butcher our women and children of the West, whilst asleep, at night, in their cabins. I say nothing of her having, within a few years past, de!-:patched an armed force, at midnight, to invade our shores — to board an American st(!amer moored to our soil — to cut it fro. its moorings — to murder a part of its crew — to leave others for the murder of the flames — to put the torch to the boat, and Uien to send In.r, freighted with the dead bodies of our countrymen, headlong over die cataract of Niagara ; — of Uiesc diings I speak not. No, I shall begin with the treaty' signed at Ghent on the 21lh of December, 1814. And now, sir, mark, as I |)roceed, the exact conformity of the facts, to the policy I have ascribed to Great Britain. That treaty, t(!rminated the late war. Upon its face, it professed to consolidate peace between the two countries, by providing for the adjustment of outstanding difliculties. From the acknowledgment of our Independence, questions of boundary and territx)rial rights had been in discussion ; and, as it seems to have been the hent, to adjust those qu e. The firsf of these right to certain islands in the bays of Passamaquoddy and Fundy ; the second, to Uiat part of the line of boundary, from the point wlujie the forty-fifth degree of north latitude strikes the river Iroquois, to the water communications between the lakes Huron and Superior; the third, to that part of the line from the point I have last named, to the northwestern point of the Lnke-of-tlie-Woods. Now, sir, I desire that this fact should be kept constandy in mind, diat these three were, with one exception, the only questions of territorial right or boundary which had ever been started, down to the meeting of the negotiators at Ghent. I say, with one cxccj}tion,i\x\(\ diat was die question of boundary upon the line between the hnlce-of-thc- Woods and the Rocky Mountains. Let it be remembered, too, that this ohl question was left unsettled, unprovided for, by the treaty of Ghent ; and that to this old question, thus carefully excluded by the British negotiators, they there, in that very negotiation, addt d a new one, also a question of boundary. Yes ; by them, pending that n-^gotiation, a new claim was, for the first time, set forth to a hitherto, undisputed part of our territory — to a part of the now sovereign State of INlaine. And, sir, in order Uiat this new pretension might take an enduring form, and stand record- ed for future dispute, the IJritish negotiators contrived to assign it a place upon the face of the treaty. Thus, in diat very negotiation — a negotiation intended to termi- nate existing war, and professing to remove all causes of war in future — the British negotiators studiously hehl back one old, and as studiously put forward one 7iciv question of boundary, upon die very same line, of which the other questions formed a part. You will observe, sir, that in this connexion, I have called not the name of Ore- gon. No, diis question, though it embraced the western end of the very same line, (that between the Rocky INlountaiiis and die Pacific Ocean,) w as then, unheard of — unheard of, either before or during the negotiation at Ghent. So far from having 8 I veil liintril llio existence of such n claim, llie Iliitish nofjotintors did not so nmcli ns tiiiiiH' tlie rmmtn , wcstwani of the mountains. And why was tiiis? Hccause, l)y the rule of Knffhuid's |u)liry, tiie occasion was still ahead, when she might hope to put forth this claim with hctter prospect of success. Hut of this h'Tcafler. For tlio present, I must return to the ne;,'oliations at Ghent, that wo may see in what manner the old (juestion was excluded, and the luw, put forward. And first, as to the old one — that of the line hetwecn llie Lalvc-of-the-VVoods and the mountains. From Uic peace of ITKJ, that line had been disputed. Three times previously to the treaty of Ghent, had it been the subject of formal negotiation — in niH,in IH()3, and in IM07. In the last of these elForts, the negotiatoi-s on both sides had agreed upon the forty- ninth parallel of north latitude, as the line of boundary, b'lt no convention to that efl'ect, wai then concluded. That (|uestion being, therefore, open, when the negotiators convened at Ghent, the American, proposed to the Hritisli, its final adjustment with the other (|uestions of boundary. And further, in order that no 'use might bo found for excluding it, they proposed it in the identical form, upon which the negotiators on l)oth sides, had agreed, in 1907. But no. Th-) Hritisli negotiators, having determined that it should be kept out for future use, met the proposition by proposing to add a condition, which they knew the American negotiators could not, as they did not, accept. This condition was, that the subjects of England should have, through tho United States to the Mississippi, the free right of way, and the free navigation of that river. Such were the devices by which the adjustincnt of the old question was then evaded — that of the line between the Lake-of-the-VVoods and the mountains. And now, sir, let it be seen by what other device, the 7iew quesliDu was then got up — that of the line, forming the boundary of Maine. Let it be seen by what devices it was set down in the treaty of Ghent for that future negotiation, by which that State has since been dismembered, and the mountain chain which, before, we held, as a mili- tary barrier against England, given to her, as a military barrier, against us. These, then, were the facts : When the negotiations commenced, the British nego- tiators proposed to the American, that the United States should cede to Great Britain that part of the present State of Maine which formed an angle between the two British provinces of New Brunswick and Canada, in order to straighten the com- munications between those provinces. This tliey projiosed should be done, by a revision of the old, and hitherto undisputed boundary, as fixed by the treaty of 1783. By the very terms of this proposition of cession, the British negotiators acknow- ledged the right of the United States to the territory, which they sought then, to acquire. This territory had ever been included within our organized limits ; Great Britain had never, tip to that moment, dropped a hint impeaching our title or suggesting any pretension, upon her part, to an inch of that territory . Never had she even hinted the existence of any doubt or uncertainty, as to the old boundary in that region. Nor did her negotiators then, at the cmmencemcnt of the negotiations, drop such a hint. But when the American negotiators treated this jiroposition for a cession of the terri- tory, as an effort of the British Government to dismember the United States, stated their own want of authority to make such cession, and declared that they would never, therefore, subscribe a stipulation to that effect: when this was done, the British nego- tiatoi-s, seeing that all prospect of obtaining the territory hij cession, was at an end, instantly changed their position, and then, for the first time, claimed the territory for Great Britain, as a matter of right — as a thing to which she had always had a title. Then for the first time, did they set up the shameless pretension, that the true line of boundary was 7iot, where it had ever been known and recognised to be, but that it ran through that territory, so as to throw to Great Britain, as a matter of right, the identical angle which, but a few weeks before, they had asked our negotiators code, as iider these K'ir coihUk II! treaty, (lundarysti f which 1 itn.'aling \ Here, tin U'o (juestio lie ; the fir; i;\t througl And now 1 tlieconvt lies for its vslem alon 'ml. Twi ^licncd — th t'ltled ? P y>tcni, Grt lie still in ) Voods to t iispicious iiilf the fri 00 wise a place, lien it was be set do uised this ikuwise, fc \lu'n the CO md since si II this last \ii;^ust, 18 In the or rcaty. A senate. I jiviit Briti jur interest j{ the corn lis negotir tliatof Ore iioinent. interest pei the integrit " inipressn peiulcnce we'- t'le q I '.lisci KA::!iI.'1|-,OU '^uuni'ic H') v'ii'iie, It so miicli ns l}('r!Uise, by light lio|)f to assured would otherwise break upon the world, and put to hazard the whole system of civilization. It was this mission that ended in the settlement of one question by conceding to England all she demanded, and the postponement of at least two othei-s, equally fruitful in causes of quarrel and of war. The treaty was sent to the Senate. The war-panic here induced its ra -ation. Lord Ashburton put it into his portfolio, and hastened to the presence of her ^Majesty, with the consciousness of having, during a 14 single campaign of six nlonths in our capital, iinairled by anything that holongs to an army, conquered for England, more of our territory, than alt her arms could have conquered in a century. The Queen smiled, and ratified the treaty. She had cut a piece of our territory out of the side of our Constitution — not, indeed by the sword, but by the yet sharjicr edge of negotiation. Her ministers and statesmen, in full Parliament assembled, then proudly exulted in the display of a map, marked by the hand of an Englisli King, to prove that tlu^y had obtained, without price, without blood, by the mere means of a !)ullying negotiation, a territory from us, to no one inch of which had she any right wliatever. The fact went forth to the world. The war-panic — the instrument with which England had worked — was found to have been a miserable humbug. The men who, on this side of the Atlantic, had been her agents in getting it up, sought to excuse their conduct, by impudently declaring that the territory surrendered was of little or no value. Once more, I desire the Senate to rememlier, that I am seeking to prove England's policy to be, the settlement of but one difTiculty at a time, the adjournment of all others to the future, and the resort to a war-panic, in every instance, as the best means of extorting concessions from us. With the same view, I proceed. The Ashburton treaty was signed, in this capital, on the ninth o( August, and ratified in London on the thirteenth of Octohcr, eighteen hundred and forty-two. By that treaty, England had secured a part of INIaine. That object was obtained — that work done. What next? Why, sir, on the fifth (lay after the ratification of the treaty which gave her that territory, she instructed Mr. Fox, her then Minister at W^ashington, to commence neg;otiations with our Governmant about the Oregon territory ; and in those very instructions. Lord Aberdeen tells Mr. Fox that fjord Ashburton had been "furnished ivith sjKcifc and detailed instructions with respect to the treatment of this point of difference between the tu'o Governments,''' — that is, the Oregon question, llerc!, then, it seems that Lord Ashburton refused to settle the Oregon dispute in cotniexion with that of the Maine boundary, in obedience to the specific and detailed instructions of his Government. Either so, or he violated those instructions by excluding that matter. Which did he do ? This fpiestion is answered in the same despatch to Mr. Fox, in which he is told that. Lord Ash- burton had brought the " negotiations witli which he was instructed to a satisfac- tory issue." Yes, sir, he had obeyed his instructions in keeping out the Oregon question. To have disobeyed, would have been fatal to him. For no cul- prit, however guilty, stands less change for im|)unity than the English Minister who disregards the orders of his Government. That Government, which conquers equally by negotiation and arms, exacts efjual subordination from her diplomatists and generals. When, therefore. Lord Ashl)iirton, at the beginning of his conference with Mr. Webster, declared that he had full powers to settle all the questions in dispute, and, at the conclusion, declared that he had no power to settle any but one, that of the Maine boundary, he did but repeat the detailed and specif c instructions of his Government. He did but ciiriy out England's system of di[)lomalic duplicity and trickery. If I am asked, what object England could have had in refusing to adjust, at the same time, more than one difficulty with us, my answer is ready: it was, to give etFecl to the war-panic upon our Government. To illustrate this, let it be recollected that when the Ashburton negotiation opened, there were, to say nothing of the cases of " the Creole" and " the Caroline," three great questions in dispute — the Maine boundary, the Oregon boundary, and the impressment and right of search. These three questions, toZie/i together, hwohed the interests, and, there- fore, excited the feelings, of the whole American pcoj)!e. The whole East, felt a more immediate interest in the question of IMaine, because it was more local, to the East. Th because it whole inti'i and search tliis ; she k and addreS' the people that, if, in panics, to liensive inti lop off the fore dividci the feelings war-panic greater intc about whic corner of t war, be in( judged rig] lies in the c result, by t her negotiat pute betwc conquer the To unite a once, shoul five days al panic, she i done, if dc search, sho Sir, in tl and to con( war in th Federal Ui ThatUii and cliiefly might be si of the who separate lo Yes, sir frotn Englc first part ol a mighty r by the ex men of th^ these State to Great I her empirt prevent, w Jlunity to c object of ' 'lat belongs to T arms could treaty. She -not, indeed, ministers and display of a lined, witlioiit )ry froni us, to to tlie world was found to Atlantic, had y impudently ve England's rnment of all e best means August, and id forty-ttvo. s obtained — ratification of hen Minister the Oregon X that Lord with respect s," — that is, 5ed to settle obedience to r he violated is question is , Lord Ash- a satisfac- the Oreiron ' or no cul- isli Minister ch conquei-s diplomatists s conference questions in my but one, instructions tic duplicity refusing to IS ready : it ate this, let tvere, to say questions in nt and ri