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Tous les autres exemplaires otiginaux sont film^s en commenpant par la premidre page qui comporte une empreinte d'impression ou d'illustration et en terminant par la dernidre page qui comporte une telle empreinte. Un des symboles suivants apparaitra sur la dernidre image de cheque microfiche, selon le cas: le symbole — ♦- signifie "A SUIVRE", le symbole V signifie "FIN". Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent dtre film6s d des taux de reduction diffirents. Lorsque le document est trop grand pour etre reproduit en un seul cliche, il est film6 d partir de Tangle sup^rieur gauche, de gauche d droite, et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre d'images ndcessaire. Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la mdthode. 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 LOYALTY BY EDWIN H. BURGESS AUTHOR OF "AT THE PLACE WHICH IS CALLED CALVARY " O NEW YORK ANSON D. F. J^ANDOLPH & COMPANY 182 FIFTH AVENUE PUBLIC ARCHIVES NOVA SCOTIA Presented by: Professor Fred Landon, London, Ont. 1939. -'^ / LOYALTY BY /Im^ EDWIN H. BURGESS .'^^**''r ^^ AUTHOR OF «• AT THE PLACE WHICH IS CALLED CALVARY " NEW YORK AN ON D. F. RANDOLPH & COMPANY Copyright, 1892, by ANSON D. F. RANDOLPH & COMPANY, (INCORPORATED). PRESS OF EDWARD O, JENKINS' SON, NEW YORK. 3 IDebirate THIS VOLUME TO THE DEAREST OF ALL WOMEN, MY AGED MOTHER, AND TO MY SIX-YEAR-OLD NEPHEW, CHARLIE, THE DEAREST UTTLE SCAMP IN THE WHOLE WORLD, H/i/A /Ae hope that the former^ though in her seventy-fifth year, may long be spared to us, and that the latter may grow up just what his Uncle Ned would wish him to be, a true man, intensely loyal to God and his country. LOYALTY. I* ** If I forget thee, O Jerusalem, let my right hand for- get her cunning. If I do not remember thee, let my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth ; if I prefer not Jerusalem above my chief joy." — Psalm cxzxvii. 5, 6. Loyalty is to be admired and commended wherever it is to be found. One can respect an enemy who is true to his own cause and country, while he has only contempt for the traitor who delivers that enemy into his hands. Every intelligent, fair-minded Briton must re- spect the memory of George Washington ; while the name of Benedict Arnold is associated with the arch-traitor, Judas Iscariot. The gentlemen of the Grand Army of the Republic have risked their lives for their coun- try; therefore I honor them. If any one ♦ Preached before the Moses Dennis Post, No. 583, of the Grand Army of the Republic, on Memorial Sunday, May 25, 1890. Loyalty. should impugn their loyalty, they could point him, in reply, to their record during the civil war. And so far as this evidence goes, it is strong and unquestionable. The nation, as a whole, has taken this as decisive ; everywhere the old veterans have been regarded as the saviors of their country ; and any one who would dare question their devotion might be looked upon as being incapable of appreciating their gallant services. But, for my own part, while I fully appreciate such services, before I am willing to pronounce a man loyal in the full- est sense of that word, I want even further evi- dence than that he has risked his life on the bat- tle-field. Therefore I am not going to throw any one back this morning upon his old army rec- ord, and send him away thinking that because a quarter of a century ago he fought, and per- haps bled, for his country, he has done all that is required of him as a loyal ritizen of this great republic. But, God helping me, I want to show what each one owes his country now. The normal state of society is peace, not war. A country's claims to a man's devotion Loyalty. 3 lie in the fact, not that he is one of its soldiers, but one of its citizens. Therefore, if his life is not such as tends to elevate society, to make that country better, not all the gallant exploits in the field, not all the hardships he has en- dured, nor the victories he has won, can enti- tle him to be recognized as one who is truly loyal to its best interests. I notice, therefore, in the first place, that be- fore one can claim to be loyal, he must, to the extent of his ability, serve his country faith- fully in public life. I do not mean that every man is to enter the arena of politics. But where the power is in the hands of the people, where the ballot-box rules the sceptre, every man should use that power, so far as it is in- trusted to him, for the welfare of the State. One of the great curses that follow in the wake of representative government is an ex- treme partisan spirit. In other words, with many, devotion to party ordinarily takes the place of devotion to country. That this is the case in America cannot be denied. Some years ago two men ran for the Presidency of ' «k Loyalty. these United States. The result of the elec- tion was disputed. Commissioners of high standing were appointed to arrange a settle- ment. How did they do it ? Did they cast aside party spirit and strive to maintain the honor and dignity of the country by giving an honest decision? No. It was decided by a pure party vote. Recently Montana was ad- mitted as a State. There was trouble regard- ing the election of her Senators. The two par- ties in the House separated and elected differ- ent sets. The rival Senators went to Washing- ton with their credentials. Which ones were to be admitted by the Senate — the Republi- cans or the Democrats? When the vote was taken, it was found that all the Republican Senators had voted for the Republican men, and the Democrats for their men ; a pure party vote. Is not such conduct disgraceful for Sen- ators of such a great nation as this? One would think, indeed, that they would have sufficient love for right and for country to rise above party and selfish interests and treat the question on its merits. Loyalty, 5 This same spirit also manifests itself in inter- national affairs. Shortly before the last Presi- dential election a fishery treaty was negotiated between Great Britain and the United States of America by commissioners appointed for that purpose. An honest attempt was evidently made by both countries to settle the question fairly. How was the matter treated when it came up in the Senate for ratification ? On its merits? No. There was indeed a pretence, in order to throw dust in the eyes of the voters ; but, in reality, it was decided with a view to party in- terests. Does it not seem a burlesque on rep- resentative government that on such questions as these that come up during the session the Republicans should all think one way and the Democrats the other ? These are but instances of the general line of conduct pursued by both parties. Do you call this patriotism or partyism? No wonder that John G. Holland prays — " God, give up men ! A time like this demands Strong minas, great hearts, true faith, and ready hands. Loyalty, %. M. Men whom the lust of office does not kill ; Men whom the spoils of office cannot buy ; Men who possess opinions and a will ; Men who have honor, men who will not lie ; Men who can stand before a demagogue And damn his treacherous flatteries without wink- ing. Tall men, sun-crowned, who live above the fog In public duty, and in private thinking. For while the rabble in their thumb-worn creeds, Their large professions, and their little deeds. Mingle in selfish strife, lo ! Freedom weeps. Wrong rules the land, and waiting Justice sleeps." I tell you that in this latter part of the 19th century we want more of that old, sturdy spirit of loyalty that places country first, country last, country always. But such base, partisan conduct as I have mentioned will ever characterize those who represent the people, when the people themselves carry this spirit to the polls. I appeal to you, is it not true that, as a rule, voters are more anxious to elect candidates that belong to their own party than the best men among all the candidates — the men who would serve this country the most faithfully? Is it not also true, and it is enough to bring the blush to the cheek, l iLJ « ■ Loyalty, that men defend and sometimes even praise the base acts of their party, while they con- . demn the good acts of their opponents? Now, who will dare say that such conduct is not injurious to the best interests of this coun- try? It lowers the tone of public sentiment, it encourages political knavery, and tends to stifle true patriotism. What, then, is the duty of every loyal citi- zen ? To set his face like a flint against such. Make the different parties feel that when they do not nominate men of high character, both in public and private life, that they cannot have your support. Make the representatives themselves feel that the highest honor and pa- triotism is demanded of them by the people of America. Impress upon them that they are elected not to further party or personal inter- ests, but the interests of the country at large ; that good acts of their opponents should have their hearty support, while the corruption of their own party should meet with their stern disapproval. Let each one cherish the spirit of true loyalty that the writer of this psalm 8 Loyalty. had when he said, " If I forget thee, O Jerusa- lem, let my right hand forget her cunning. If I do not remember thee, let my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth ; if I prefer not Jeru- salem above my chief joy." But, further, there are social questions of great importance to the country — questions which concern good morals, that not only de- mand legislation, but also the hearty moral support of every loyal American citizen. For, if a country's morals be undermined, the whole national superstructure is in danger of destruc- tion. Rome, with good morals, became the mistress of the world ; Rome, with bad morals, went to decay. Vice honeycombed the founda- tions of her empire, until it fell with a crash and became a thing of the past. That great evils threaten American society cannot be de- nied. In some States easy divorce robs the marriage relation of its sanctity. It encour- ages persons to marry without considering, as they should, whether they are getting suitable companions or not, feeling that if things do not run smoothly in the household, if they get tired Loyalty. of each other, or if some other person comes along that is more attractive, in some way or another a divorce can be obtained. It also en- courages more unscrupulous persons to marry, with the purpose of getting a divorce after a while. I need not stop to tell you the demor- alizing influence of such a law upon the com- munity at large. Anything that undermines the sanctity of the marriage relation, under- mines good morals. Anything that strikes at the family, strikes at the vitals of the State. And so we see how Christ spoke in the inter- ests of social purity, and of mankind at large, when He said : " Whosoever shall put away his wife, except for fornication, and shall marry another, committeth adultery; and he that marrieth her when she is put away, committeth adultery."* Impure literature is another evil that has come surging up against our doors. It seeks to poison the mind, to destroy the morals, of the people. That it effects its purpose to a certain extent is beyond question ; but how far, God * Matt. xix. 9. 10 Loyalty, only knows. Many of the leading newspapers contain reports that are so foul in their very nature, that parents who have the interests of their children at heart, cannot allow these to come into their hands without being first sub- mitted to expurgation. If some one should come into our families and tell such things as are published in these papers, we would thrust him out of the house without a moment's hesi- tation. Especially is this true of a certain class of weeklies. In this place, such a paper, pub- lished in a neighboring city, has quite a patron- age. Shame ! shame ! Just think of encour- aging the publication of a paper that is largely made up of low, not to say indecent, sensa- tionalism ! Strong drink is another national curse. The saloon element, splendidly organized, is using its great power in the interests of political and social corruption. It is fostering vice ; it is assailing our Sabbath ; it is blighting our homes ; it is breaking hearts ; it is filling hell. Now, what should be the position of every true citizen in relation to these and all other '■'t Loyalty. II evils? That of uncompromising hostility. Whenever he can use his vote against them, he should do so, regardless of party ties or any personal consideration that may present itself. At all times his moral influence should be firmly planted on the side of right. Apart from the fact that he will have to give an ac- count to God for the use he makes of that in- fluence, he should zealously oppose all kinds of vice through a sense of loyalty to country. For " righteousness exalteth a nation, but sin is a reproach to any people." But I also note that before one can claim to be loyal, he must serve his country faithfully in private life. The moulding of a country's morals is in the hands of the individual. Each one is responsible for his own character. If it is good, the country's morals are to that extent exalted in tone; if it is bad, they are corre- spondingly debased. We can see more clearly the force of this if we would compare a nation where everybody is honest with one where everybody is dishonest ; a nation of libertines to one where everybody is pure ; a nation of 12 Loyalty. drunkards to a nation of sober men. Now, those who are dishonest, impure, drunken, or bad in any other way, are, to the extent of their own individual Hves, making the country just what they themselves are. But that is not all. Every man has his influence. In what- ever way he lives will that influence be exerted. This is a *nore serious thought still. For a man himself will die, but his influence for good or for evil may go on and augment while time lasts. It is like shoeing the twenty-five horses at the rate of one-third of a cent for the first, and for each succeeding one, three times the amount of the last ; the first horse, indeed, would only cost one-third of a cent, the next one a cent, and the next three cents ; but to shoe the twenty-fifth horse would cost over $941,000,000, and to shoe the whole twenty- five, over $1,400,000,000. As we look back in eternity over our record here, will we not likely find that our influence extended in the same way — many apparently uninfluential lives trebling themselves to enormous proportions? The rising generation is controlled very largely by III Loyalty. 13 the way we live. They in turn will influence their successors. And so on while the world lasts. Now apply this truth to the relations which a man sustains to his country, and ask yourselves if one can be truly loyal to that country if his life is such as would naturally exert a debasing influence. Do not tell me that a man has sufficiently proved his loyalty by risking his life in battle. I want to know how he is bringing up his children for his coun- try ; I want to know what his influence is on his own and the rising generation. The loyalty that every nation needs is a per- sonal consecration to its best interests. It is this that these United States of America de- mand of you. Gentlemen of the Grand Army of the Republic, you faced the cannon's mouth for your country. Young men, you would be as ready, at duty's call, to do the same to-day. Surely, then, the country that is worth dying for is worth living for. Cherish, I beseech you, as citizens of this great republic, the purest and best type of patriotism, a devotion which it is her right to ask and your duty to give. 14 Loyalty. Let it swell up into a manly passion as you exclaim in the words of the text : " If I forget thee, O Jerusalem, let my right hand forget her cunning. If I do not remember thee, let my tongue cleave to the roof of my month ; if I prefer not Jerusalem above my chief joy." And now, because loyalty to country means a consecration of self to that country's best in- terests, I would present for your acceptance the religion of Jesus Christ. " But what has the religion of Christ to do with loyalty?" you ask. I reply, it opposes those things that are injurious to a country, and those that are beneficial it fosters. Were all politicians true, " out-and-out for Christ " men, we would not have to lament political trickery and public corruption. Instead of catering to the rabble for party or selfish interests, they would make DUTY their watchword. Instead of asking. What will make our side popular with the peo- ple and bring our opponents into disrepute? they would ask. What is right in the sight of God ? What is going to help my country? If every American citizen were Christ's man, if Loyalty, 1$ ion as you ff I forget forget her ee, X^t my onth ; if I joy." try means 's best in- -ceptance tvhat has 3yalty?" ngs that that are ms true, uld not public rabble d make asking, le peo- ^pute? ghtof y'? If an, if he lived Christ, we would have no drunkenness, nor lewdness, nor dishonesty, nor any other of the many evils with which society is cursed ; we would have no saloons, no opium-dens, no gambling-hells, no places of infamy. We would need no policemen, no prisons, perhaps no poorhouses, and one or two insane asylums would do for the whole Union. Instead of being cursed with hundreds of thousands of dissipated, worthless characters, every man would be industrious, and would do his share in building up national prosperity. There would be no grinding down of the poor, nor the making of one man's necessity another's oppor- tunity, for every one would work by the golden rule, " Whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye even so to them." Finan- cially and socially, and physically and men- tally, the country would be inestimably bene- fited. Therefore, I appeal to you who claim to be loyal to your country, to seal that loyalty at the foot of the Cross. If you live close to Christ, you will be a better citizen for it. Sup- port, as you would a national institution, the l6 Loyalty. \\ preaching of the Gospel. A forcible recogni- tion, indeed, of the value of that Gospel to a nation was that which was made not long since by a nobleman of Japan. When his son, after- ward a classmate of my own, became a Chris- tian, he was about to kill him for bringing dis- grace upon the family. But now while he him- self still holds on to his aristocratic Shintoism, he wishes to see the country adopt Christianity because of the national benefits that flow from it. And it is from this national standpoint that I to-day appeal to you. Even if you were sure of getting to Heaven, no matter how you live here, still, in the interests of your country, you should foster the spirit of Christ in your own hearts and in the hearts of your fellow- citizens. Without referring to personal neces- sity, I urge you to consider the national good. My dear friends, the custom of decorating the graves of your departed heroes, of which this service is but a prelude, is a touching one. May it long be preserved for the sake of the country, and as a tribute to those who laid down their lives on its behalf. But, not being '^^ Gospel to a "°^^ong since ^'^ son, after, '^^"le a Chris- bringing dis- '^^^^ ^e him. c Shinto/sm, standpo/nt '^ you Were 'r how you ^ coun tiy, St in your '^ ^eiiow- lai neces- ^^ good. ^orating ^ which "g one. of the o iaid Loyalty. i; an American citizen myself, and as a nation's dead is peculiarly its own, it might not be ex- pected that I could join you in many of the tender, pathetic memories that this occasion calls forth. But loving my own country with an intense, passionate love, I have only con- tempt for the man who is not loyal to his. Be- cause I love the dear old Union Jack, I urge you, as Americans, to be true to these Stars and Stripes. Being of the same mighty race from which you have sprung, I hail you as brothers! I would indeed that we were all brothers in Christ ; that while you sing your " Star-Spangled Banner," and I " God Save the Queen," we could both unite with loyal, loving hearts in grand old " Coronation ": " All hail the power of Jesus' namel Let angels prostrate fall ; Bring forth the royal diadem, And crown Him Lord of all." beii ng II. n i " Whether therefore ye eat, or drink, or whatsoever ye do, do all to the glory of God."— i COR. x. 31. The Apostle writes these immortal words in his reply to the inquiry of the Corinthian Chris- tians as to the eating of meat offered to idols. But they admit of wider application. For he not only says, " Whether therefore ye eat, or drink, do all to the glory of God," but he also adds, " or whatsoever ye do." In a few days there is to be an election in this State.* You will be called upon to exer- cise one of the chief privileges of citizenship — to deposit your ballots for the men of your choice. Therefore, I wish to impress upon you this morning your obligations to God in this matter. In looking at this question from a patriotic and religious standpoint, let us consider — ♦New York. This discourse was delivered Oct. 26, 1890. (18) Loyalty, 19 Of whatsoever ■' ^OR. Jt. 31. '•tal words \n ithian Chris- ^^ to idols, n- For he • ye eat, or »"t he also •Section in ' to exer- zf*nship-_ I of your jpon you ^ m this Patriotic r-— ■ed Oct. if 1st. Who should vote ? 2d. How one should vote. I. Who should vote? In answering this question, let us pause a moment to inquire who should not be allowed that privilege. We might sum up the great body of them very briefly : 1st. Those whose business is such as tends to injure the morals of the country. 2d. The " submerged " class. 3d. Those who have been convicted of sell- ing or buying votes. Under the first head, among others, we would necessarily put the liquor-seller. For we can- not but admit that strong drink is an awful curse ; that it is injuring the couni ry, blighting homes, breaking hearts, and destroying souls. Those, then, who are in this traffic must know that just in proportion to their success so is their country despoiled. Far worse are they than an open enemy, who, making a declara- tion of war, would come and offer fair battle. For while they beguile with words of loyalty, they carry on their nefarious work against the i 20 Loyalty. I Hi 1 1 State, undermining its morals and its strength. Should these, then, have a vote ? Would you think of allowing a foreign enemy who fights your country to its face to exercise at the same time a citizen's franchise ? Never. Then why allow an internal enemy, a traitor, who is a thousandfold more dangerous ? Under the second class we would put, with others, the large number of persons who are controlled by the saloons. These vote which- ever way their political masters, the saloon- keepers, wish them to. They are vicious in their habits, and care no more for the real wel- fare of the country than .so many brutes. After a careful consideration of the matter, I am firmly convinced that much of the political evil of this country comes through a too liberal franchise. America has been the dumping- ground of Europe for years. While it can truthfully be said that many of America's best citizens are foreign-born, it is equally true that hundreds of thousands who have become naturalized are decidedly vicious, and are a curse to the country in which they reside. Loyalty. 21 1^ '^^s Strength. ^ Would you "^y who fights '^^ at the same *■• Then -^hy or, who IS a jJd put, ^;th ons who are vote which- ^^e saloon- ' vicious in he reaJ weJ- utes. e matter, I 'e political too liberal dumping, '^e it can ica's best true that become d are a reside. Ldd to these the large body of native-born, f^ho are equally bad, and I presume the num- |)er will be swelled to millions. Is it for the Ivelfare of the country to place the ballot in ^uch hands ? To allow these uncaged criminals „ ,to say who will be their judge and who the ^^Iprosecuting attorney, if, perchance, they should ;be caught in their villainy ? To so lower the I moral tone of the electorate that there shall be „| sent to the halls of legislation men who them- I selves are tainted with viciousness ? But does the evil stop here ? In order to get the sup- port of this low element, even men of high standing in both the great parties cater to it at k the expense of the country at large. Take, as I a prominent example, the way they treat Great I Britain in order to catch the Irish vote : Great Britain, America's best customer,* a nation that by the adjustment of her tariff could, if she willed it, bring this country to her knees. *In 1891 Great Britain bought from the United States $208,224,509.00 worth of food products alone. This was much more than half of the whole amount exported, the value of which was $361,796,560.00. !il 22 Loyalty. m As a rule, the American press is also hostile to this friendly neighbor for the same reason. This in turn affects young men of the more re- spectable classes, who take their political edu- cation very largely from the newspapers. Thus the hatred to Britain which we find so strong in these United States. Alas ! that foreigners of such a class should be your political school- masters.* We might classify the result under three heads : 1st. A searing of the public conscience. ♦ " A little incident which occurred to myself in Albany in 1889 is as striking an illustration of this hatred as one could have. I happened to be in Albany for a day when the State Legislature was in session. A member of the Senate moved that I should be per- mitted to take a seat on the floor of the House, the rules requiring such a motion. He mentioned the official position I occupied in Ontario as the reason of this courtesy. A member immediately objected on the ground of my being a British official, and threat- ened the wrath of their common constituents if the motion should be pressed. Another member spoke against the motion, and is reported to have said that ' if even Queen Victoria herself leaning on the arm of the Governor-General of Canada should stand at the rail and beg for admittance to the floor ' it should be Loyalty. 23 aiso hostile to same reason. ^ the more re- political edu. Papers. Thus d so strong in foreigners of ^ticaJ school. under t\ittQ tience. to myself fn "ion of this be in Albany s '^n session, ould be per- ^ouse, the itioned the 'e reason of 'Ejected on and threat- ens a the t>er spoke • said that ^e arm of md at the should be 2d. Corruption. 3d. National slavery to a rabble. As an instance of the latter, note the fact that neither party dares to put forward as a candidate for the Presidency one who has ever spoken a word against the Irish agitation ; while we have the deplorable spectacle of the two great political parties inserting a plank in their respective platforms in favor of Home Rule, and of legislatures passing resolutions of the same nature — interfering with the internal affairs of another country — not because they love Ire- refused. The objection having been taken on the ground it was, not one of the whole body of Senators, except the mover, felt free to say one word in support of the motion, which was thereupon withdrawn. Thus, even in the State of New York, with which Canadians have so much intercourse, animosity against our nation is a power amongst its voters which may inter- fere with an act of common courtesy towards even a colonial official." — Extract from a letter by the Hon. Oliver Mowat, Premier of Ontario. How strange then that the Rt. Hon. Wm. E. Glad- stone should use American opinion as an argument for Home Rule. He might, with the same consist- ency, use it in favor of the annexation of Canada to the United States, and, in fact, even the breaking up of the whole British Empire. 24 Loyalty. I i I H land or the Irish, but to win votes ; apparently not caring how such legislation might affect that unfortunate country. America, to be tiue to herself, must take the ballot from those who are not worthy of it. But perhaps you say that in this country all men are equal. All men are not equal ; and a legal declaration to that effect cannot make them so. If a person should tell me that any one of the thousands of those ignorant, vicious scamps is equal to the average member of this congregation, I would feel that he was insult- ing me. All men are not equal. One has the making of his character in his own hands ; and should he prove unfaithful to the trust, there is a line, if he goes beyond which, every honest person has a right to demand, and the State should declare, that that man is not qualified to say who are fit to govern the nation. All men equal ! That is an outrageous slan- der on decency and intelligence. The third class are those who have been con- victed of buying or selling votes. It will be i Loyalty. 2S apparently ight affect t take the 7 of it. ountiy all al ; and a not make that any t, vicious Jr of this as insult- - has the ids; and , there is y honest he State qualified • »us Sian- gan con- will be admitted without argument among all good citizens that one who thinks so little of his country, and who has such a small idea of honor, as to sell his vote, is unworthy of a citizen's franchise. But the same is true of those who are so corrupt as to buy. However, as such persons might afterward reform, it would not be judicious to deprive them of this privilege for life. But they should be deprived of it for a number of years, ranging, say, from five to fifteen, according to the circumstances of each individual case. I would like to see a law passed in this and other countries to that effect. Having mentioned certain classes who should not be allowed to vote, let us consider who should exercise that right. It is the duty of every good citizen to do so. The better and more intelligent one is, the more he should feel the obligation resting upon him. Many do not appreciate this privilege as they should, cer- tainly not so much as did their forefathers. These valued it because they had to fight for it against regal tyranny. There was a time when 26 Loyalty. S I li: the power lay in the hands of the king. But the people of Britain led the way in asserting their rights, and those of America followed in their footsteps. These have won for us, their descendants, the right to say who shall legislate for us. Then, shall we treat as a light thing this blood-bought privilege ? Alas ! too many of our best men do. Some assert that it makes no difference whether they vote or not ; while others tell us that politics is so corrupt they will have nothing to do with it. Yes, and in the meantime let the country go headlong to the Devil ! It does make a great difference whether you vote or not. When the bad ele- ment is marshalled by cunning, unscrupulous leaders, it becomes every good man to stand up bravely for his country and his fireside, for God and for principle. It is fashionable to speak with veneration of the early Puritan fathers who left their English homes to find an asylum in the new world. They were indeed noble men ; therefore they deserve our respect. But I have far more honor for the men who stayed at home, and Loyalty. «7 &• But |asserting owed in us, their legislate ht thing >o many it makes t; while Lipt they », and in ilong to ifference ^ad ele- upulous 3 stand ide, for standing shoulder to shoulder, in council-hall and on battle-field, fought out the liberties of the English people. Those who left their homes were good men, but they forsook their country in the hour of her peril ; while those who stayed behind proved themselves to be worthy descendants of the men who three cen- turies before had forged, at the sword's point, the glorious Magna Charta, and worthy ances- tors of the Britons of the nineteenth century who once more led the van in the cause of free- dom by declaring that as soon as the foot of the slave touches any part of their vast empire he is free. Now, the American people of to- day have a duty to perform to this country, just as much as these Puritans had to theirs. Strong drink and other great enemies of civilization, are working to enslave the people ; and in many quarters they have succeeded but too well. The spirit of political tyranny is so rampant that, when any man who has been elected by the people to look after their in- terests, dares at the call of duty to go against the will of some party-boss, he is sneered at as 28 Loyalty. I 1 1 a " sore-head," and as a traitor to the party,* even by papers who daily give their patrons a text of Scripture as a motto ; and at the first opportunity the party myrmidons strive to exile him to private life. It therefore be- comes every true citizen to use his vote against this tyranny; to assert the principle which that grand man, Abraham Lincoln, asserted, that the government should be " of the people, by the people, and for the people." But apart from the obligations we are under to our country, we are also under an obligation to our God. We talk of the rulers* responsi- bilities. But are those any the less responsible who appoint their rulers? Certainly not. If corruption of any kind abounds in the State, it is their fault ; for God in His providence has intrusted to them the appointment of those who shall legislate on their behalf. Should any, then, refuse to depos? his ballot in the * We remember how that manly, independent, intel- ligent Dody of men, who, in derision, were called Mug- wumps, were treated. As one who wishes America well, I pray. Lord, send her more Mugwumps. Loyalty, ag interest of purity and of good government, he, to that extent, is unfaithful to the important charge which has been committed to his trust, and for which God will hold him responsible. II. How should one vote? This might be answered very briefly : " To the glory of God." Jehovah is the Creator and Ruler of the uni- verse. We owe Him our undivided allegiance. Now, while He might have reserved for Himself the power of filling the legislative halls. He has honored the people by granting them home rule. They are permitted to elect their own legislators. This does not, however, justify any in being unmindful of His claims upon the country and upon each individual voter. Be- cause He is Lord, because He is all-wise and good, because He has at heart the true inter- ests of the nation and of the individual, each one in depositing the ballot should be loyal to Him. In voting to His glory, one votes for the welfare of the country. Now, it is very evident that if one would do this he must not be controlled by party. I say nothing against the principle of party politics. Il'il 30 Loyalty. It is a good thing in its own place. Let our politicians have their party. Let them support it when they can conscientiously do so. They will thus act as a check on each other. But there should be no partisan politics among the people. Each voter should carefully examine the platforms of the different parties, and vote as his conscience dictates ; as he believes will honor God the most, and be of the greatest service to his country. If we believe that at this election we can serve our country better by voting a certain ticket, we should do it. If at the next election we believe that their op- ponents can do better, we should vote for them. We have no right to pledge allegiance to any party or to bind ourselves to it by any ties. For, consider how absurd it is in one who calls himself loyal, to stick to a party through thick and through thin, no matter what changes take place in its policy or leadership, simply because it is called by a certain name, or because it has hitherto had his support. How absurd also to hear sensible persons urge the claims of a party simply on account of what it accomplished Loyalty. 31 ^' Let our lem support ► so. They >ther. But among the y examine » and vote Sieves yN\\\ ' greatest 'e that at ry better b it. If their op- or them. to any ny ties, ho calJs :h thick :es take >ecause it has also to party h'shed many year.s ago. We have an instance of this in the way the friends of the Republican party of to-day claim support for it, because of its action during the civil war. But is its conduct the same? And are the men the same? Are they sure that even Mr. Lincoln himself would now support it if he were living? We should not rally around party names, but principles. We owe our allegiance to our God and our country. Yet is it not a lamentable fact that there are men who will vote the party-ticket no matter what its policy or leadership may be ? If Satan himself were to head it, they would denounce as party traitors those who would not follow him. Evidently such persons do not take into consideration the immortal words of the great Apostle to the Gentiles : " Whatsoever ye do, do all to the glory of God.' But if one would vote for the good of his country and " to the glory of God," he must keep himself reasonably well informed on pub- lic matters. I do not mean that one should take his information from partisan newspapers. 32 Loyalty. !!i ;) ■ii! '\ ill i The majority of such, on this side of the water,] are a scourge to the country. They defend] their own party through the grossest corrup- tion, while they severely denounce the good acts of its opponents.* If we take our informa- * Why cannot a great country like the United States, with its sixty millions of people, have a respectable and reliable press ? The great majority of its leading news- papers are, I understand, very far from what they should be. Take, for instance, the five great dailies of New York with which I am somewhat acquainted, the Herald, the World, the Tribune, the Mail and Ex- press, and the Times. My own opinion of them is this : The Herald is sensational, and publishes in- decent and demoralizing literature. The World is of the same class, and is even more shameless. It pan- ders to degraded tastes, and does much in the way of undermining the morals of the country. The Tribune is contemptibly partisan. It might well have as its motto. After Party, the Country. Barring the " G. W. S." letters, of which I cannot speak too highly, its chief recommendation is bound up in a sepulchre: " Founded by Horace Greeley." The Mail and Express is of the same class — basely partisan ; while in addition to this it has the peculiar faculty of deal- iing out at the same time, Scripture texts, ortho- doxy, and racing-tips. Like a Cheap Jack, it has on iiand all sorts of commodities ; and though the editor is an elder in the Presbyterian Church, it stabs Great Britain in order to catch the Irish vote. Of Loyalty, 33 tion from such sources we may be sure it will not be worth much. We should read papers that are fairly independent in tone. We may not always agree with their opinions, but we can depend on their honesty. In this way we can form a pretty good idea of the merits of the dif- ferent parties, and of the great questions at issue. Each voter should also take pains to inform himself of the respective merits of the men who come up in his own Congressional district for election to office. Find out if they are men of good judgment and sound integrity, who, when the interests of the country demand it, will cast party allegiance to the winds, who will " do right though the heavens fall." these five papers, the Times (without the Sunday edition) is the only one I would care to recommend. In morals it is pure ; in politics it is fairly independent. It has its flaws, however. It occasionally follows its contemporaries in catering somewhat to the Irish ele- ment ; while in religious matters it has a tendency to side with any new departure, no matter whether it is right or not, and to make the heretic a hero. It has yet to learn t!-3 fact that true liberalism is not lati- tudinarianism, but a sincere desire to find " the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth." i 34 Loyalty. But not only should every man make such inquiry, but he should also pray over his vote. Do any sneer at this ? I tell ycu that if there were more such praying, there would be less corruption. Only when the majority of the voters, realizing that they are under an obliga- tion to serve God at the polls, look for divine guidance in this matter, will we have pure politics. If the majority of the voters of New York City had done more praying in this direc- tion, if they had seriously endeavored to know God's will in the matter, and had acted ac- cordingly, it would have effected a saving to the municipality in money, in name, and in morals. Having thus come to a conclusion as to the way we should vote, let us not be turned aside because some friend asks, as a " special favor," for our support, or because of some past favor received from him. I like to see one help his friends whenever he can conscientiously do so. I detest one who can be so ungrateful as soon to forget a kindness that has been done him. But, at the same time, let us remember that ^1 ¥ Loyalty. 35 nake such his vote, t if there d be less y of the n oWiga- br divine ive pure ! of New [lis direc- to know cted ac- iving to and in i to the :d aside favor," t favor elp his do so. s soon e him. Jr that 4 the vote which we cast does not in reality be- long to us. It belongs to our God and our country ; and we have been intrusted with it, not to bestov/ it as a personal favor, but to use it to the best of our judgment. Remembering that on the popular vote de- pends right legislation and the just enforcement of the country's laws ; remembering that by it is decided whether we will have in our high places purity or corruption, whether this nation will be an inspiration to others or a fit object for contempt, permit me once more to urge you to vote " to the glory of God." For in doing so you stand up for Right ; and in stand- ing up for Right, you cannot be false to your country. V III. t !: \liMb " I speak as to wise men ; judge ye what I say."— I Cor. X. 15. In presenting some important practical truths to the Christians of Corinth, Paul ap- peals to their reason : " I speak as to wise men ; judge ye what I say." To-day, I pur- pose to advance a few reasons why one should not sell strong drink. I do this, not that I fear any of you now intend engaging in this busi- ness, but I have before me some young persons who, years after this, perhaps in some distant part of the world, away from home influences, may be assailed by this temptation. Remem- bering that words which I have heard from the pulpit when quite young have left their im- pression upon me, I do not speak this morning without the prayer and the hope that w^ rds may fall upon some young minds here, that under God may be the means of helping them, (36) Loyalty. 37 should they be thus assailed, to be true to their manhood and their Lord. In presenting this matter, I do not appeal to your prejudice, but to your judgment—" I speak as to wise men ; judge ye what I say." I give you four reasons why one should not engage in the liquor business: 1st. It will injure himself. 2d. It will injure his family. 3d. It will injure other families. 4th. It will injure the cause of God and hu- manity. I. As to himself. It will injure his good name. No one can afford to have his reputa- tion sullied. There may indeed come a time when one's duty and reputation lie in opposite directions— when, if he be true to his God, his fair name will be covered with obloquy. Such was the case with many of our greatest reform- ers. Even our Lord Himself was slanderea. Now, while we must be true to principle, we cannot but feel, even under such circumstances, the force of Solomon's words, " A good name is rather to be chosen than great riches." There 38 Loyalty, is an old saying to the effect that if a dog gets a bad name, he might as well be shot. Many a person's prospects have been injured because some slanderous statement has been made; and many a one has appealed to the courts to have the stain removed. Even many who do not care much for character are anxious to maintain a good reputation. Bad though they are, they do not want the world to know it. And so Shakespeare, that great student of hu- man nature, puts into the mouth of lago the words : " Good name, in man or woman, dear my lord, Is the immediate jewel of their souls. Who steals my purse, steals trash ; 'tis something, nothing; 'Twas mine, 'tis his, and has been slave to thou- sands. But he that filches from me my good name, Robs me of that which not enriches him, And makes me poor indeed." " A good name is better than precious oint- ment " (Ecclesiastes vii. i). Now let one go into the liquor business, and his good name is at once tarnished, though he himself may not know it. Persons say, " He Loyalty. 39 og gets Many because made ; urts to who do ious to h they now it. t of hu- ago tJie d, lething, o thou- i oint- i, and :h he "He is a rum-seller," and there comes up before you one who, to make money, deals out that which ruins men, body and soul, and brings poverty, disease, and crime into many a household. He may be a sober man himself, he may be of a genial disposition, and in many ways he may couimend himself to others ; but nevertheless there remains a dark blot on his reputation that nothing but a complete change of life can wash away. But not only does a man injure his reputa- tion by selling liquor, but he also injures his character. When one has to decide between right and wrong, his character is always affected by the decision. If he does what is right, the decision strengthens and ennobles him ; if he does what is wrong, the tone of his character is thereby lowered. And so those who being con- tinually called upon to make such decisions, habitually do the right, develop into men of no- ble principle and high ideal ; while the character of those who habitually do the wrong becomes correspondingly depraved. You may call this force of habit ; but I would prefer to say that 40 Loyalty, it is in strict accordance with law. " Whatso- ever a man soweth, that shall he also reap," is just as true in morals as in agriculture. And so we can say with the Bible, " Blessed is the man that endureth temptation." Now, apply this principle to the matter in hand. Before a man can engage in the liquor business, he has to go against the dictates of his own conscience and the Spirit of God ; he has to decide in favor of wrong-doing. But does that one decision settle the matter? Is he never again called upon to decide? Until the man becomes hardened in his sin, as he sees the injury that he is doing to others, the better part of his manhood will be continually appealing to him, and therefore, while he re- mains in the business, he will be continually deciding in favor of the wrong. And so a tre- mendous force, working within the realm of law, will continually be at work despoiling his better self. Then, for these reasons, injury to reputation and injury to character, or, to put the both into one, injury to himself, a man should not Loyalty, 41 engage in the liquor business. " I speak as to wise men ; judge ye what I say." II. It will injure the members of his own family. As his reputation will suffer, so will theirs. They will be shunned by many who otherwise would have been friendly. Even lit- tle children will say of his little ones, " Their father sells rum." I do not say that this is right. I am simply stating the facts. Frequently, too, their characters suffer with his. Shunned perhaps from childhood by good society, they are often forced to associate with those whose character is pernicious. The fact, too, that the father is engaged in such a business, even though he himself may be a sober man, tends to lower in their eyes the standard of morals. So far as religious instruction goes, they do not get any from him. The Bible is seldom, if ever, seen in their hands; he never gathers them to- gether around the family altar; he never di- rects their thoughts Godward. These things would but turn his conscience on himself to urge him to give up his soul-destroying busi- ^mm 42 Loyalty. ness ; and as he does not wish to do that at pres- ent, he wants to keep as much as possible that conscience from troubHng him. The result of all this is that the children generally grow up in evil ways. The boys too often develop into " toughs," to use an expressive slang word ; and as for the girls, they do not, as a rule, to say the least, grow up to be useful and noble women. That this sad truth is generally rec- ognized is evident from the fact that when any of them do rise above their environments, per- sons say of them, "Well, considering their chances, they deserve great credit." Now, looking at the question from this standpoint alone, do you think it pays to sell liquor? I will put that question in another way. Suppose a person should say to you, " I will give you as much money as one generally ac- cumulates in the liquor business, if you will allow me to sully the fair name of your chil- dren, and to throw around them the same amount of bad influences that would come to them if you engaged in the business your- self." What would you think of him? You Loyalty. 43 would look upon that man as a fiend; you would consider him an enemy of yourself and family; and it would require the grace of God to keep you from knocking him down where he stood. You would say that one should con- sider the character of his children of more value than anything this world can give. Then, why should one engage in any business that might be the means of ruining them for time and for eternity? "I speak as to wise men; judge ye what I say." But not only does the liquor-seller's family suffer in reputation and character, but fre- quently they even lose the money for which these things were bartered. Some men, I sup- pose, sell liquor in order that they may be able to provide for their children. But how often have we ourselves seen the old saying verified, " Rum money seldom sees the third genera- tion." The liquor-seller himself may accumu- late it, but when his family get it, it soon goes. Not only that, but often it becomes a posi- tive injury to them. What is the reason of this? Some say, " Because there is a curse at- 44 Loyalty, tached to the money while they have it." That may be so, but it may also be the result of their bad training and the influences by which they were surrounded. Perhaps the two reasons might be given together. Looking at it, then, from the family stand- point, do you think it even pays in dollars and cents to sell liquor ? "I speak as to wise men ; judge ye what I say." III. It will injure other families. I confess myself unable to do this part of the question anything like justice. There are sub- jects on which one finds it difficult to speak, because little can be said, while the difificulty with others is that one cannot find language strong enough to express the truth. It is with this latter difficulty that we have now to deal. We say, " It will injure other families," but God only knows all that is wrapped up in these words. It will injure other families. And how? It makes drunkards of some of their members. You who are parents yourselves can have some little idea of the sorrow that must be brought i!-'- Loyalty. 45 to Ihc hearts of fathers and mothers when their boy becomes a drunkard. You know how you love your own children. Your hearts have been wrapped up in them from their birth. The dear, happy little rogues, they so stole your affections that you thought there never were other children like them. And, as the years have passed on, you have thought with pleasure of the time when they would come to maturity, and how their characters would be such as to be a comfort to you in your declining years. You could not bear the thought that death might come some day and snatch them away from you. To lose them would be like tearing out the very heart- strings. Ah ! yes ; but, after all, you would a thousand times rather follow your son's re- mains to the grave than have him become a drunkard ; you would rather see him die with an unblemished name than live to be a sot. Then you can have some little idea, but still only a little, of the grief that must come to parents as they see their boy become such. Now, that very thing is happening all the time. ^r 46 Loyalty. — gray hairs being brought down in sorrow to the grave. Do you not think that this awful fact furnishes a sufficient reason why one should not sell strong drink? But this is only looking at the matter from one standpoint. Alas ! there are other views of the subject that are no less heartrending. Bad as it is for a young man to be a drunkard, much worse is it for one who himself is head of a household. For in the latter case instead of only one family being directly injured by it, there are three : his father's, his own, and the family into which he has married. A young man wins the love of a noble young woman. She becomes his wife, trusting that he will love, honor, and cherish her. He had been in the habit, perhaps unknown to her, of taking a social glass ; perhaps he had promised to become a total abstainer. However, he con- tinues the habit, and it grows upon him with time. By and by he becomes a drunkard. Can you compute the injury that has been done to that woman? Can you compute the injury that has been done to the children ? A drunk- Loyalty. 47 ard's wife ! A drunkard's child ! What do we see behind these words ? I see the rum fiend destroying the man's finer feelings, and with it the love for wife and children, which was dearer to them than life itself. I see her patiently waiting and pleading. Promises are made and broken. With inexpressible agony she sees the work going on before her eyes that is despoil- ing her home and her husband, transforming him from a tender, loving companion into a coarse, drunken sot. Hope becomes weaker and weaker, until it altogether becomes extinct. She now dreads even his coming home. As his step is heard on the threshold a tremor passes over her ; while the little ones try to hide themselves, for they are afraid of their own father. And I hear one say to the other, " Oh, I wish papa was only what he used to be. Then he was so kind to mamma and to us, and we were all so happy." But I follow the drunk- ard into his home, and what do I find? The blushes have fled from the happy bride of a few years ago ; for she is heartbroken. I look around the room ; and it is bare, and cold, and 48 Loyalty. cheerless. There are no presents there that have been recently received from a loving hus- band. Neither do I see the ones that used to be there, which she had received from him in the happy days ; for he has pawned them for drink. Shortly before his dear old mother died she gave them a family Bible. Between the Old and New Testaments they registered their children ; and on the next page were the names of those little ones whose bodies are in the churchyard, but whose souls are in Heaven. They came but for a moment, and then they flew away to the arms of Jesus. Oh, you would think, would you not, that that Bible would be very precious to them ? But where is it ? He has pawned it for drink. But why should I harrow your feelings any further? Why repeat the curses? Why tell of the indecencies and brutality to which she is subject ? It is an old story. There are thou- sands of such cases ; and until strong drink is banished from the country there will be thou- sands in the years to come. Perhaps some moderate drinker in this audience, or some Loyalty. 49 young man who not long since quaffed his first glass of wine, and who is saying, " Is thy ser- vant a dog that he should do this thing? " may become such a brute. Perhaps your own daughter or sister may be one of the victims. God have mercy on us when fathers and bro- thers are so indifferent to this awful curse. Alas ! for the drunkard's wife ; alas ! for her father's family ; alas ! for her children. But what shall we say of'the drunkard him- self? Capable of attaining by divine grace to the Godlike state of holiness, he has been de- based lower than the brute. Which of us will compute his loss ? A man loses fortune, posi- tion, health, reputation, friends ; but if he still possesses a noble self he is rich in his own in- tegrity. But when one loses his character, when his aspirations are in the line of appet'te and passion, when the good within is crucified and the bad is nurtured, how shall we make the computation ? A ruined soul ! lost for time and for eternity. I said one should not sell strong drink be- cause it will injure other families. And I have 50 Loyalty. called up as evidence, Wrecked Hopes, Broken Hearts, and Lost Souls. I rest the plea here. " 1 speak as to wise men ; judge ye what I say." IV. The last reason, which I advance this morning, why one should not engage in the liquor business is, it will injure the cause of God and humanity. The tendency of the use of strong drink is to promote sin, and to debase mankind. If you want to prove that, compare a drinking community with a sober community, the aver- age drinking man with the average sober man. If one makes a profession of Christianity, do not persons of all classes say that he is a hypocrite if he frequents the bar-room ? Has this no meaning? Go into a saloon ; and which in your opinion would be more in harmony with the surround- ings, prayers or curses : to have the bar-tender hum, as he dealt out the liquor, " All hail the power of Jesus* name," or a low, vulgar ditty ? Are those who altogether come under the influence of strong drink more likely to aspire Loyalty. !t after holiness or sin : to " hunger and thirst after righteousness," or after the things which debase ? Can a man sell drink to God's glory ? No matter how much he may defend the business, would he dare go into his bar-room, and, amid the fumes of strong drink, kneel down with the open Bible before him, and pray : •' O Lord, may I have a good trade to-day? Help me, I beseech Thee, O Thou who died that man might be saved from sin, to sell plenty of strong drink. And all the glory shall be Thine, through time and eternity. For Jesus' sake I ask it. Amen." Oh, my dear friends, I feel it is only neces- sary to present these questions in order to convince you that the tendency of the use of strong drink from its very nature is toward evil. But what is the actual result of its use ? It has proved itself to be one of the most power- ful agencies which the Devil has to destroy men. It is the associate of the brothel and the gambling-hell. It is eating at the very 52 Loyalty. vitals of this country. It is breeding laziness, disease, and crime. It is filling the poorhouses, prisons, and insane asylums. At this very mo- ment there are tens of thousands of persons whose characters, directly or indirectly, have been destroyed by it ; and it is tightening its hold upon as many of our young men and women to draw them down ultimately to drunkenness and infamy. The words of Lord Brougham, the great English orator, which he uttered on this question over fifty years ago (1839), ai*^ applicable to-day: " To what good is it that the legislature should pass laws to punish crime, or that their Lordships should occupy themselves in trying to improve the morals of the people by giving them educa- tion ? What could be the use of sowing a little seed here and plucking up a weed there, if these beer-shops are to be continued to sow seeds of immorality broadcast over the land, germinating the most frightful produce that has ever been allowed to grow up in a civilized country, and I am ashamed to add, under the fostering care of Government." Loyalty. 53 The evil effects of strong drink upon man- kind are so great that language fails to express it. And so Shakespeare well says, " Oh, thou in\^isible spirit of wine, if thou hast no name to be known by, let me call thee devil." But some may say, " You are speaking only of the abuse of it, are you not ? We need to hi ve the sale and use of strong drink, as a beverage, properly regulated. It should be used, not abused." However that may do in theory, it fails in practice. How are you going to regulate it ? Gentlemen have cried, " Regu- late, regulate, regulate"; but none of them have yet come forward with any practical theory of regulation. You and I know that while liquor is sold it will continue to make drunkards, break hearts, and ruin souls. There is no half-way course. Strong drink must go or its blight will remain. If we would save our country from the rum curse, we must rid it of rum itself. Now, do you not think that this fact alone is reason enough why one should not sell it ? " I speak as to wise men ; judge ye what I say." 54 Loyalty. In presenting before you this subject, I have endeavored, as I announced at the outset, to appeal to your judgment. That I have failed to do justice to the question I fully realize. But whether or not I have advanced sufficient reason why one should not engage in the liquor business is for you to decide : It will injure himself. It will injure his family. It will injure other families. It will injure the cause of God and humanity. And now, young men, permit me, in parting with you, to ask one question. Can one be loyal to his country who sells strong drink? At tbe Place Which is Called Calvary. By EDWIN H. BURGESS. 16mo, Cloth, 75 cents. "Pungent, practical, and striking,"— y^^ Evangelist^ Feb. s, 1891. " They are plain-dealing, evangelical sermons, with plenty of grip in them, plenty of illustration, and a close application to conscience of both the law and the Gospel."— JA* Independent, Feb. 26, 1891. " Popular in style and of a plain and outspoken character."— .S'^i^/Z/VA American, Feb. 18, 1891. " They are original in thoueht and expression, and in touch with the experiences and the needs of the Christians of to-day. No one can read them carefully and not be better, wiser, and stronger thereby." — The (Morning) fitnes, March 19, 1891, " These sermons, for the most part, are rich and full of Gospel truth, but the first one contains references to our Confession of Faith to which objections might be ta\xd"—Fresbyterian Observer, Feb. 12, 1891. "The discourses are popular in style, evangelical in doctrine and spirit, and adapted to make a salutary spiritual impression."— T'/ir Watchman, April 30, 1891. "The author is a Presbyterian, and the most noteworthy feature of his work is his treatment of the Confession of Faith. He quotes the mooted section : ' By the decree of God, for the manifestation of His glory, some men and angels are predestinated unto eternal life, and others foreordained to everlasting death. These angels and men thus predes- tinated and foreordained, are particularly and unchangeably designed, and their number is so certain and definite that it cannot be either in- creased or diminished.' He then proceeds to refute this position by reason and Scripture." — The Churchman, March 34, 1891. " The Interior of Feb. 26th says : ' The author, we understand, is a Presbyterian jpastor in the Synod of New York ; and, in view of that fact, his sharp criticisms on the Westminster Confession, made in the course of a Communion Sermon [the first one of this collection], are not in the best of taste. Such a discussion may be tolerated in a meeting of Pres- bytery, but not when believers gather about the Lord's table to celebrate His liying love.' Will the Interior kindly show us how it is ' not in|the best of taste' for 'a Presbyterian pastor' to prove in a communion ser- mon that Christ died for all men, and that the Atonem.-itis not limited in its appUcation ? Is a man to pass by error because : is a Presby- terian pastor, and that error is in the Confession of ^.aith? Error is never too venerable, or too exalted, to be overthrown ; and a Presby- terian pastor is just the man who should overthrow it."— The Evan- gelist, March si6, 1891. " The young pastor elect of the Kirk in Stellarton, though very chari- table toward those who differ from him in belief, is a thorough Presby- terian. One therefore cannot but appreciate the liberality of the Chris- tian Leader of Boston, a leading Universalist weekly, when it says : and $fa^?;S»1.£ '?,:^,^.tJltF:i'JMlT-""' """'"»"'»' . "A good Christian book, of a warm evangelical, nnctical .iniViV ^»-,i " Such as we would naturally look for with <:iirli a f;,u » i j i°.'rEtrif jo^^'of '^/^r's^\itt? ha^ H^^^^ *** Sent post-paid on receipt of price. ANSON D. F. RANDOLPH & CO. (Incorporated), 182 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YOBK CITY.