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W .X ■:lf- •1*1 '•>J>^ ,, „J., ■"-^^.^^, ■' "''Ifp^ .-^^ '.■■ !■■' : fijl • A 1 • V" i. .,. .■ ,.,. ... .Hi; ■ .* . . ■ •A-, J'A ■'■.•• -. ,A3^I>ID THOUGHTS r 'ra -• V ■P O R> AK ..-V ■*■' 4* (|N0|Jl]^XJ?fTO THJ CAUSER r RATIONAL DISCONTENTS. ^.■, ■ f'<: >■.„ '".v. -5:. IL^i'. I^Jk J f Pi ice 1/. 6/. J* - -!•■•« .:-i4 :' ^-^■■,' (•3***.:,> ■ .'-. i: >..^.--'-;: V *■•■■■* V. S: ^1" ■V -■ v , "> V . ;■ •i. "j. "^ ■.'rm^A'J''^ •'■-■ CANDID THOUGHTS; ;u RS*« O R, A M ENQUIRY INTO THE CAUSES .\s f NATIONAL DISCONTENTS AND MISFORTUNES » I NCE TH£ COMMENCEMENT OF THE PRESENT REIGN. t^?' ■' '■ \ V . -J •'"1 >«4. ^^. L O N D O N: Pointed fojf W, NicoLL, No. 51, St. PauPs Church-yard, f. ! .- ^ •» \ .1 ' i ' i r f ' V! !-*31i. I, CANDID THOUGHTS, &'c. . m IT i? the duty of every good citizen to be well informed concerning the ftate of the nation. If grievances are complained of, or misfortunes an- nounced, he will enquire with folicitude, whether they really exifl: or not, from what fources they proceed, 4nd what remedies ought to be applied in qrder to redj-efs and remove them. Without comparing the ftate of this nation with what it has been in any former period, it cannot be denied, that, during the prefent reign, fignal cala- mities have been mingled with our profperity. The clamours of fadion have been loud and incelTanc. Jealoufips and difcontents have broken out in every part of the empire : a civil war, the moft deplora- l^le of all national difafters, has, for many years pali, drained the blood and treafure of Britain ; a combination of the moft powerful foreign enemies has aggravated and protra(^ed thefe evils, and iarought us to the brink of deftruftion. To what caufes are thefe to be aforibed ? Or who are the perfons who have been inftrumental in bringing them on ? The queftion will meet with different and contradictory folutions, according to the penetration, prejudices, a^d intereft of thofe to whom it is referred. Men of narrow under- ftanding are incapable of comprehending that com- |)Ucation of caufes with which political events are A 2 nec^flarily i "i [ 4 ] th w, C I ?; nrcefTarily conneftcd. Remote from the channels of information, thofe of fuperior judgment often indolently acquiefce in vague conjectures, and plaufible rcprefentations, which are widely diftant from truth. Retainers to party, not only moft readily believe, but too often invent and induflri- ouily fpread, fuch accounts of public meafures and the characters of men, as are the beft calcu- lated to infure them fuccefs in their purfuits after that pre-eminence and power which they envy others the poffeflion of, and which they long to pofiels themfelves j or to fecure the enjoyment of thofe favorite obje(5ls, when fuccefs has once crowned their expeAation. To men of real integrity and patriotifm, (who it is ftill to be hoped make no inconfiderable proportion of the nation) to men who wifli to fix their judgment with candour, and to contribute to tiie true glory and welfare of their country, an attempt to iaveftigate the caufes of thofe grievances and misfortunes, which have happened to the na- tion fince the commencement of this reign, may prove acceptable and ufeful. Such an attempt, purfued with impartiality and according to fa6ts, though executed with flender ability, may, in fomc meafurc, affift them to diftinguifh between real and imaginary grievances, between fuch mea- fures a$ have been blamablc or praife - worthy, either in the friends or enemies of adininiftration, to allay groundlefs fears and jealoufies, and to point out that conduft and thofe exertions, which the true intereft of their country demands. I enter on this undertaking with diffidence of my own ?-bilitics, but confiding in the reftitude of my iatencion, and the confcioufnefs of impartiality. . Our i I w-im M' my Our [ 5 3 Our prefcnt Sovereign afcendcd the throne at a moll aufpicious rcra. There is not in the annals of Britain, an example of any reign having com- menced with a concurrence of fo many circum- llances, calculated to infure national profperity and the reciprocal affcdlion and confidence of the Prince and his fubjefts. Succefs, without inter- ruption, had attended the Britifli arms for the two preceding years of the war. Our enemies, ex- haufted and defponding, feemed to be compelled to reftore the peace of Europe upon whatever terms Britain fhould pleafe to diftate. A Prince born a Briton, claimed not only the allegiance, but the affcftions of his fubjefls, and the com- mencement of his reign was marked with the un- feigned joy and heart-felt gratulations of a flou- rifhing and affeftionate people. It is painful at this hour to refledl, that many montlis of the new reign had not elapfed, till the murmvrs of fadlion and difcord began to difturb that tranquillity, which the national fuccefs and the character of the Prince had encouraged us to expeft. The caufes of this difappointmcnt to the expectations of every good citizen, deferve to be inveftigated, and may be juftly confidered as the fources of many fucceeding misfortunes. Firft, The attachment of the Sovereign to the Earl of Bute, was foon difplayed by fignal marks of confidence and favour. He was called from retirement to offices of public truft, and in a few months appeared in the moft important minifterial charafter. That the integrity and abilities of the man were intimately known to his mafter — that private friendfhip might be admitted to have fome influence in the choice — that it was candid to fuf- pend judgment, and fo found approbation and A 3 cenfurc r ■\ f [ 6 ] cenfure upon the attual meafurcs pififued by the new niiniller, were arguments which could n«t find entrance into the carsof thofe, who were ftung with the apprehenfion of lofing that influence and pre-eminence which they had fo long maintained. The power and preferment of Lord Bute, foon became an open and avowed topic of difcontent — his abilities were condemned before they were put to the proof — his country and his countrymen attacked with the moft virulent and licentious abufe. The indifcretion and the infolence of the favorites of Princes in former ages, and in circum- Itances widely different^ were recited to roufe the terrors of the people. The impreflion of thefe arts of fudtion proved but too fuctcfsful. Refignation liicceeded refignation. The council of the nation was ilivided more than it had been fince the be- ginning of the war, and at a time when the greatefl vigour and mod cordial unanimity were required — the tranquillity of the Prince was difturbed — the minds of the people were poifoned. At the fame time, it is but candid to remark, that from the temper of the Englifli nation, from former ex- amples in hiflory, and the influence of difappointed leaders of parries, all thefe dillurbances might have been foreften and expedted, upon the fudden elevation and unrivalled influence of Lord Bute ; and that nothing but necefliiy, if fuch exifted, could have jufl;ifkd him for advancing fo fall in the career of honours. I fay, nothing but necef- fity could have jufl:ifi(;d him, for it was often aflerted, that the minillry who had hi.herto con- ducted the war with the greatefl fpirit and fuccefs, difcovered but too great an inclination to protra6t it, however much the intrrefi: of the nation called for peace. If this was the cafe, there might be more J: I i C 7 ] more patrhtifm and difinterefledncfs, and Icfs im- prudence and ambition in the condudt of Lord Bute, than what his enemies have been willing to admit. Certain however it is, that the promotion of lord Bute, from whatever motive it fprang, whetted the edge of party fpirit, and gave birth to animofities and jealoufies which have not yet expired. 2. The odium of one minifter, the overgrown popularity of another, introduced theprefent reign with circumftances, which were by no means fa- vorable to the duration of public tranquillity. The abilities and fuccefs of Mr. Pitt can hardly be de- Icribed in terms of exaggeration. By the boldnefs of his fpirit, and the vigor of cnterprifes, a nation lethargic, unfortunate, defponding, was quickly exalted to a pitch of fplendor and glory unequalled in the page of hiftory. If ever a minifter poflefled equal abilities, no one ever exerted them with fuch aftonifliing fuccefs. He deferved the confi- dence and applaufe of the nation. The confidence and applaufe of the nation were conferred upon him without referve or limitation. Popularity and fuccefs reciprocally promote each other. The de- mands of Mr. Pitt for fupplies, large beyond ex- ample, were gratified without a murmur, and the efFedual application of thefe, ftill heightncd the generofity of the people, and put into the hands of the minifter fuch ample means of fuccefs as fully outweighed fuperiority of numbers, and every natural advantage upon the fide of our enemies. At the commencement of this reign, the profpe- rity of the nation, and the popularity of the man who had been under Providence the inflrument of that profperity, have attained to their m(rridian. ):.- A 4 .'^V •'•(■> •.'i.;L-' ,it [ 8 ] It i'. perhflps vain to expcft in human charafters, that degree of moderation, which is necefTary to maintain virtue unfliaken amidft an overflowing tide of applaufe and profperity. It were eafy to bring examples from hiftory to fhew, that great power and fuccefs have fomctimes overturned thofe very virtues upon which they were originally credted. The law of Oftracifm among the Athe- nians, though produflive of injuftice and ingrati- tude to individuals, was expedient in a political view, in order to curb exorbitant ambition, the offspring of fuccefs and popularity, and to preferve that balance of domeftic influence which is the bafis of free governments. But whatever apolo- gies may be drawn from the infirmity of human nature, it cannot be denied, that the arrogance of Mr. Pitt became intolerable. He claimed a mo- nopoly of influence and direftion, difrefpedful to the Sovereign, and difgufting to his partners in adminifliration. His refignation enfued. He en- tered again the lifl:s of oppofition. He had now acquired fupreme authority over the minds of the people. His difapproba':ion alone was fufficient to ttamp condemnation upon any public meafure, and to render the authors of it fufpedted and odious. The ufe he made of this influence is but too well remembred. Did he ever, in one in- ftance, approve of any plan of adminifl:ration whilft he was ouc of place ? Did he cverteafe to blaft, with the thunder of his eloquence, the charaflers of thofe in power, and to thwart and confound every meafure which he was not allowed to guide ? Hence the late peace, though concluded upon terms at leafl: as favorable as thofe which he him- fclf had diftated, was alTumed as full evidence of the ignorance and wickednefs of the adminillration who [ 9 3 vho fucceeded him. Hence the repeal of the ftamp aft in America, and all the mighty mif- chieU it has fince brought forth. Whether this repeal was expedient or not, is a quedion which may occur in a fubfequent part of thefe confider- ations. The faft 1 believe is well known. The repeal of the llamp a6t was, in a great meafure, owing to the influence of Mr. Pitt. A new admi- niftration, in the mofl: important quellion that ever afFedted the interefts of this nation, were de- termined to embrace his opinion, in order to infure that ftability which they could not exped from their own wifdom and merits. But to return par- ticularly to the condu6t of Mr. Pitt. If he would not agree to continue in adminiftration, upon any terms confident with the honour of the Prince and the relpeft due to his colleagues: if it was his determmed plan, when he was himfelf out of power, to oppofe thofe who were in power, it might have been naturally expefted, and has been felt in experience, that neither caution, nor vir- tue, nor intentions however upright, could render ahy miniftry, or any fet of men, invulnerable by his attacks. Hence he had the fatal fuccefs to keep alive a diftiuft and jealoufy of every future adminiftration — he traverfed and perplexed every meafure going forward—the robbed his country of that eftablifhed peace and pleafing confidence, which the government of the mildeft of Princes ought to have produced — he divided the children from the father. If Chatham had not approved, a feeble oppofition would not have dared even to have whilpered an apology for the rebellion of .America. Had he with his tropes and figures fenced the fupremacy of the Britilh PaiJament, that man muft have, hazarded his blood who would *. I ■'. ■ have \ ■■■■P r i »o ] have prefumed to contravert the do<5trine, anci" bring it to the teft of argument. A rabble with-- out arms, or difcipline, or money, might, fecure from danger, take the field againft the veterans who had conquered for them a few years before, and might bid defiance to the threats, the power, and the wealth of Britain, whilft the man, whO' with defpotic fway reigned over the opinions of the people, abetted their caufc and applauded their virtue. ' • How myflerious are the ways of Providence ! That the fame man fhould build up and pull down — that the glory and fhame of a nation fhould ftand fo near to one another, be exhibited upon the fame theatre, and afi^edled by the fame inftrument — furely there is in this fomevvhar rare and unac- countable ! How ignorantly do wc often wifh for the continuance of life ? If that of Mr. Pitt had < >vi .» Though the Tories concurred in the revolution, took the oaths to King William, and were after- wards chiefly inftrumental in bringing about the aft of fettlement,* yet it has been taken for granted, that the Whigs^ were more fincerely at- tached to the Hanoverian family, and the confti- tution of government formed at the revolution. It has likewife been alledged, that moft of ihc avowed and fufpefted friends of the Pretender, were to be found amongll the Tories, who wc-e f alia v- vta- * The fucceflioh of the Houfe of Hanover to the ciown of Britiin, was cnafted by Parliament 1701, when a Tory mioi- Hry was in power, an:l Mr. Hariey, Speaker of the Houfe of Cotnmoni, tobk the principkl lead in that btifinefit See Buk* J»IT. h V -is.' r h f- tif t " ] ailb luppofcd to have maintained principles oppo- lite to the eftablifhed fyftem of laws and govern- ment. Hence as a predeliftion for Whig minifters, was extremely natural to Sovereigns of the Hano- verian family, ib an exclufion of the oppofite fac- tion feemed juftifiable in a political view and upon conflitutional principles. The admiflion of Tories into adminiftration was therefore an innovation, and a Ipecious topic of objeftion held forth to the jealous and difcontented. To employ them wasr reprefented as a meafure of ingratitude, i.nd a pre- lude to arbitrary power. In a nation where the liberty of the prefs is in- dulged almoft without reftriftion, there is not a meafure of government that may not be repre- fented in fuch a light, as to raife the alarm and difcontent of the people. The great body of mankind are incapable of tracing effedls through the labyrinth of political caufcs — they arc influ- enced by paflion more than by reafon — it is only neceflary to afcribe to any meafure confequenccs which they abhor, in order to inlift them in a de- termined oppofition to the meafure itfclf. This is more efpecially the cafe where the predominant pafllon interferes. Men, who in other inftances give full proof of underftanding and penetration, will often appear deaf to the voice of reafon when under the influence of the over-ruling pafllon. Nations as well as individuals are fubjcd to fuch an influence. In France, aflFedion to the perfon of the monarch — in Britain, attachment to liberty and the conftiitution (a more lubflantial object) bears irrefifliible fway over the inclinations of the people. To render any meafure therefore detefl:- able to the people of Englrrnd, it need only be reprefented as dangerous to liberty. The admiflion of r '$ ppo- 'ern- fters, ano- fac- upon orics tion, the wasT pre- [ 13 ] of Tories to adminiftration was reprefcnted as dan- gerous to liberty. Was it fo in real'.ty ? Let ua not be carried away with the violent clamour of faflion — let us hear the calm voice of reafon. To exclude any denomination or body of men from fliaring in the truft and honour of adminiftra- tion, farther than as they are defeftive in the prin- ciples or abilities eflential to the faithful difcharge of them, is equally repugnant to juftice and found policy — to entail infamy and the frowns of the Sovereign upon particular families, and to punifli the children for the iniquities of the fathers, if they have not been partakers of the guilt of their fa- thers, is a rule of government againft which every upright heart muft revolt. In vain do we boaft of the excellence of our conftitution, if it is calcu- lated for the narrow purpofe of raifmg one part of the community upon the ruins of another. Where is juflicc if you find guilt without a proof, or im- pute to men thofe very principles which they pro- fefs to abjure and deteft. The moment when any party of men are known to depart from the dan- gerous prejudices of their fathers, that moment the partition wall fhould be broken down, and they ought to be promifcuoufly taken in, to partake with their fellow citizens in the common honours and emoluments of the ft.ite. An exclufive plan of governing is no lefs incon- fiftent with found policy. If the Tories were fufpefted of difafFeftion either to the Prince or conftitution, it might have been a queftion whe- tncr a well guarded confidence, and moderate Ihare of truft, might not have proved the mofl: fuccefsful method to conquer their prejudices and conciliate their afFeftions. Pifgrace and mortifi- cations affixed to any denomination of men, by I I t r [r" ii [ J4 ] cuftom and theprofefled maxims of thofe in powers only rankle in their breafts, and TCrtder them vigi- lant to fcize the firlt opportunity to overturn that govcrnnnent, under which they find themfelves ftigmatized and oppreffed. The Roman nqethod of profcription, though more cruel, was more po- litical, as it effedted the total extirpation of thofe, who were known to have any intcrefl: or wiftics incompatable with the power and fafety of the perfons who had got into their hands^ the reins of government. That the happy day for abolifhing all diftinftions, for reconciling jufticc with gobd policy, and uniting all clafles of men in affeflion to the family upon the throne> was arrived at the commencement of this reign, will, I think, be ob- vious to every one who candidly attends to the following obfervations : The fpirit of liberty has been fprcading and gathering ftrength in this na- tion, fince the happy jera of the revolution. En- largement of fentiment with refpeft to political fubjeAs, unknown in former times, is now difco- vered among all ranks "of men. The common rights of rnahkind are better underftood. Quef^^ tions relating to the intereft of the people, for- merly intricate and doubtful, or wilfully embar- raffed and kept in fufpence by minillers, are now cleared up and defined with precifion. A blind attachment to prerogative, is hardly to be founc^ among any clafs of men; and ihe laws are univer- fally admitted "as the only rule of royal authority. All men are morfe or lefs tindlured with the pre- vailing fentiments of the times. Tories, or thofe v/ho are called fuch, but who oughi more property to be called the children of Tories, are now tiro- fefled friends to libertv and the conftitution, 4 ?7 If T If t IS ] If any man flill obftinately contends for a di- ftindion of families — I aflc him how it is pofllble to afcertain that diftinftion ? Have Whigs and Tories, like the diF^rent Indian coafls, inclofed themfelves within certain barriers never to be broken down, and prohibited interrnarriages with ^ thofe who are not of their own claft and way of il thinking ? Whilft the name of a political diftinc- I tion has been retained, has not the blood of thole %o wliom it is affixed, intermingled in their pofle- rity ? If guilt runs. down in the blood of Tories, let the pedigree of families be traced, and how few of thefe who boaft of the name of Whigs will be i|f found untainted w^th the contagion. Notliing but the abfurdity c^n equal the injuftice and illi- JDtrality of perpetuating the diftin(5tion between Whig and Tory. If after all it (hould be infifted upon, that a manifeft preference is given to Tories, v/hich has turned the balance of power to their fide, I would defire any man who is of this opinion, carefpUy to infpeft the Court Regifter of every year fince the acce/Tion of his Majefty to the throne — after the beft information he can obtain about the pedigree of pcrfons who fill the lifts of offices, he will per- :: haps find it not a little perplexing to decide under l what ftandard they fall to be marffialled — but fhould he, after the moft deliberate calculation, refolve, that the names of Tories out-number thofe * of the Whigs, and that the fcale of power inclines to their fide, yet in juftice it ftill brcomes him to : enquire, whether this ought not to be imputed to p accidental caules, and the caprice of fadion, mpre i than to the influence of a miniflef, or the inclina- ^ tion or fixed purpofe of the Prince ? When the diftindlion between Whig and Tory was invidiouAv revived V ^1 h i I' I 1 [ 16 ] revived at the beginning of the prefent reign, it was the avowed refolution of fome of the moft eminent Whig families, not to take any part in adminiftration unlefs the Tories were utterly cafl: ouc. 1 he ntrefiary cffeft of this refolution, under the government of a Prince determined not to fa- crifice equiry to faftion, muft have been to dimi- nifh the number c Whigs, and to increafe that of Tories, who enjoyed places of adminiftration. But in uich a cafe does not the Prince ftand acquitted of all c!iarge of partiality, and ought not the de- cline of the intereft of the Whigs to be fairly im- puted to their own obftinacy, pique, and refcnt- ment? 4. The troubles which have befallen the nation in the prefent reign, are, without any controverfy, to be imputed, in a great proportion, to relaxation in the executive power, which has tamely looked on, whiilt licentioufnefs, in every corner of the empire, has fwoln to a pitch incompatible with the order, peace and dignity of government. What was there that the moft malicious ingenuity could invent, in order to lofen the afFeftions of the people from the Piince, to vilify the perfons of minifters, and render government contemptible and odious, that was not actually faid and written, and publifhed at the beginning of this reign. We know that no private charadier can bid defiance to the attacks of malice. There is in human nature a propenfity to believe the worft, and even the moft candid are but too ready to think that bold affertions, to the difadvantage of a man's charac- ter, are not altogether without foundation. Mif- rcprefentations of the eonduft of perfons in ftations of public truft, are ftill more fuccefsfully injurious, through the additional influence of envy, and that -• ' jealoufy [ n 1 jealoufy of liberty, which is the chara(5leriftic of Britifli fubjeds. Can it be doubted that the minds of the people have been perverted, and their con- fidence in government (haken, by that outrage of abufe which has broken down all the fences of dignity and innocenc^*, with which the moll rc- ipeftable charadtcrs in this nation arc furrounded ? The fucccfs of Mr. Wilkes, and the afcendant he acquired in the metropolis of this kingdom, are notorious proofs, that there are feafons when nei- ther falfhood nor profligacy in any degree coun- teratSb the virulence of the poifon which they dif- fijfc. Ought not fomc meafures to have been adopted, in order to flop fuch enormous licen- tioufnefs ? Is not a certain veneration due to the magiflerial charafter? Is not a certain degree of confidence in rulers necefTary, to give luccefs to thofe plans which they are carrying forward with a view to the public good ? Can it ferve the caufc of the nation, in any inftance, to confound all diftinftion between right and wrong — to call fac- tion liberty, law tyranny, and to alcribe the very worfl motives to the bell intentions ? Shall the reputation of every private man be guarded by law, and fhall the meanefl and moft abandoned of the people be fuffered, with impunity, to alTafTmatc the charadler of the Prince ? If the evils complained of are already provided againft by law, why was not the law put in execu- tion ? If, in this refped, the laws already exiftinn; are weak and defedive, jultice and found policy require that they fhould be reformed and invigo- rated. That the ftatutes already enaded were fufficient to curb fuch outrage of licentioufnefs, may be inferred froin fads upon record. Any one who will be at pains to confult the State Trials, B fince T ! [ '8 1 fmce the acccffion of the Hanoverian family, will find, that the fevereft cenfurcs of law have been inflidled upon the authors and publifhers of writ- ings, which are refcrvcd and cautious, in compa- rifon with thofe which have daily circulated under the prefent reign, without the notice or controul of pcrfons in power. * Here then the pcrfons in- vefted with the executive power muft certainly have been in fault, and to their ncgle(5t and timid- ity we mufb, in fome meafurc, impute the enor- mous progrefs of liccntioufnefs and flander, and the difcontents, jealoufies and hatreds, which thefe have difleminated in the hearts of the people. Am I then an enemy to the liberty of the prefs ? God forbid! I am only an enemy to calumny, to injuftice and diforder. Let every man be permit- ted not only to think for himfelf, but let him do all he can to perfuade others to think as he does. Let the conduct of minifters be examined with a jealous fcrutiny — let their errors be publifhed through the whole nation — let the bell of alarm be founded the moment that one peg of the glorious fabric of our conftitution is touched — but let pub- lic as well as private virtue be protected from the wounds of calumny — let honour be given to whom honour Is due. Is the crime of malice and falfe- hood extenuated by the dignity of the perfon againft whom it is levelled, or the extent of the mifchief which it means to produce ? Shall the afTafTin, in order to mitigate the feverity of law, plead that he hurt not the extremities, but thruft a dagger into the very heart and feat of life. Away with that • The fate of Atterbuiy, bach-verel, Mi*hew$ the prrnter, and Shebbeare, warrants this ahertion. — C: m pare the moft ex- ceptionable paffages in their writings will the North- Briton, Letters of Junius, &c. tcc» ■ ■>) [ '9 1 that liberty of the prefs, which defeats the very end which it was intended to fcrve. The liberty of the prefs was intended to inform the people, to remove that ignorance which is the mother of flavery, at well as of fupcrftition. This privilege is certainly abufed when the people are mifinformed, and in- ftead of being animated to contend for their rights, are inflamed by a tumultuous rage, which threat- ens the deftru6lion of that conftitution upon which their liberty and privileges depend. The lofs of fight is a deplorable calamity, but to all purpofes of ufe and faf'ety in life, a man had better be blind, than have eyes which mifreprefent external objeds, and level the precipice towards which he is moving without apprehenfion of danger. But the intolerable licentioufnefs of the prefs is not the only evidence of that feeblenefs and relax- ation of government, which has marked the con- dud of fucceeding adminiftrations in the prefent reign. We have feen in the compafs of a few years many enquiries carried on, with relpedl to mifmanagement of truft, abufe of power, mifcon- du(?c of Generals and Admirals — but has ever one of thefe been brought to an efFedtual ifliie — nay, have they not ferved as frelh evidences of the im- potency and fatality of government, and encou- raged future delinquents, without the dread of punifliment, to run out into more extravagant adls of irregularity and abufe, in the departments with which they have been ir.trufted ? The riots in Bodon upon enabling the ftamp duty, afterwards at New- York upon quartering the foldiers in bar- racks, and again at Bofton upon exacting the duty on tea, were all fuffered to pafs with impunity. What had government to expeft but the repetition and increafe of infults ? A narrow compafs of ex- B 2 pericncc w^^m^^i"^ T I w [ 20 1 pel icncp is fufficient ro cvincr, ' ..at imprudent and Mnfciilonablc lenity is prodii(flivc of the mofl: cx- tcMifivc niifchief and cruelty to the very perfonl rowards whonn it is excrcircd. Is it not confirmed hy tlie hiltory of all popular aflcmblies, that after* they have been in the habit of violating the ella* bliihcd laws, and have loft all refpcft for magi- Ihatts, conccflions only ferve to multiply demands, ro aggravate their iniblencc and rage, and finally to liibvert all lawful authority ? A flight exertion of the executive arm, perhaps a fingle example of chaftifcment dircdled by the ftricl rules of equity and law, might have mercifully prevented thaC deluge of blood which has already been (hed irt the contefl between Britain and her Colonics. Had members of parliament in oppofition levelled their attacks againft the weak fide of adminiftration— had tlicy ccnfured delays, Huduation of councils^ conccfiions derogatory to the honour of the nation and Prince — the wifbcs of the moft virtuous and difinterefled of the people might have infured thciif fuccefs, and they might have proved the happy indruments of averting or alleviating the heavy calamiries under which we ^Toan. But, alas ! un- iiappy nation! from this very quarter has been derived the increafe and confirmation of public dillrefs — vvhicii leads me to obferve, 5. That the immorality or want of principle in oppofition, has been the moft fertile foiirce of national adverlity. It is an old obfervation, that the higheft outrage of iniquity can only be attained by mankind in a focial and confederated ftate* The afibciation of numbers allays the fears, and animates the courage of the individual. Difgrace and danger feem to be leflened or totally annihi- lated, by being fcattered and divided among thd multitude^ >-/ 1 4 [ »■ ] moUitiKic, and in compcnfation for the lofsof that legitinuite applaufc, which is only due to virtue, they have created among thcmfelvcs a bank of fpurioMs fame, which is paid out in proportion to Cnc boldncfs and fuccefs with which each member purfucs the intcrcll of the party to which he clings. Thus men who are leagued in political fadion, run headlong into thole meafures, which, if left to themfelves, they could neither have contrived, nor dared to own. It will be difficult to find in the hiftory of this or any other kingdom, an example of fadtion more dilhonourable, inconfiftent and outrageous, than that which has cmbarrafTed the meafures of adminiftration in the moft critical jun(!^ure of affairs. I Ihall juft mention a few of thofc charafteriftics which mark the grofs immo- rality of oppofition in parliament, from the begin- ning of the prefent reign, and particularly of late years, during our unhappy contefl: with our Colo- nies. Oppofition, from the beginning of this reign, has been a thing too much perfonal. InfteacT of oppofing the men upon account of the meafures, the meafures, whatever they be, are oppofed and contradiifted upon account of the men who pro- pofe them. In the lute reign (upon which I mean to throw no reflexions) the oppofition to Sir Ro- bert Walpole's adminiftration was founded upon principle, and had for its objeft the overthrow of an avowed and notorious fyftem of corruption. But fuch is now the contention and eagernefs of oppofition, that they have not only waited time and forfeited dignity, by defcending to the moft frivolous topics of debate, but have crofTed mea- fures of evident utility to the nation, and have even fomctimes been reduced to the awkward fitu- T:^T''^"'^^'^w"i' ?;) V ;1 t " ] ation of traducing thofe very plans which they themfelves contrived. * In all former inftances of oppofition, it was a determined plan to watch with a critical eye the condud of thofe perfons, to whom adminiftration had entrufted the executive part of government— hence the moft powerful motive to render minifters cautious and difinterefted in the choice of their fervants, and hence the greateft inducement to thefe to perform their duty with diligence, fidelity and vigour. It was almoft impoITible that any example of remilTnefs or mifcondudt or treachery, could efcape with impunity. And hence by this plan, from whatever principle it proceeded, the public fuccefs and welfare were promoted. Di- rtf^.ly the reverfe of this have been the plan and efi^eds of the late oppofition in parliament. To diflrefs adminiftration, they have not fcrupled tj facrifice the intereft of the nation, and have uniformly taken into their protection every man who has been unfuccefsful or treacherous in the difcharge of duty. Oppofition has laboured to deprefs the fpirits of the nation, by expofing and magnifying all her weakneffes and danger. The child, whofe heart is infpired with a fenfe of filial veneration and grati- tude, will be flow and reluctant to apprehend the danger which threatens that life which is to him moft prec'ous and defirable. Which lb to be ac- counted the true patript, the mjin who beholds with ■■Jt • Recolleft the cnguiry concerning Greenwich hofpital — Op- pofition to the bill for taking away the privilege of the fervants cf members of parliament— The high tone of dignity they af- fumed about the affair of Falkland Ifland — Tne abafing terms in which they have fpoken of the ilrength and refourcei of Bri- tain iince the coinmencetnenc of the American war. t'v ^ I i3 1 With forrow the wounds of his country, and touches them with a gentle hand, and pours in balm to foften and to heal them — or he who lays them open to the derifion and infult of thofe who have inflifted them, and by the rudenefs with which he handles them, and the negleft of timely and pro- per remedies, gives them a deadly effedt. The immorality of oppofition has been moft: glaring, from the methods to which they have reforted, in order to fhake the fabric of adminiftra- tion. Unable to make any imprefTion by argu- ment and fair attack, they have employed unlaw- ful and violent weapons — they have called aflbci- ations, and encouraged tumults, and put the minds of the people into a ftate of fermentation, at a period of emergency, which required the undif- turbed and cordial co-operation of all clafles of men. ; ,,,-'_..;,.:.. . The immorality of oppofition, appears from the • groflVft inconfiftency in the conduft of individuals who ftand foremoft in the lift of its champions. It is impoITible to conceive a more perfed contradic- tion of fentiments and language, than what has been declared by the leaders of minority in both houfes of parliament. We have beheld the very men, who founded the fubjedion of America to the Britifli parliament without limitation, and who confirmed chat fubjeftion by a declaratory ftatute, in the courfe of a few years approving of a rebel- lion in Americ\ upon account of a flight exaftion of fupply in conformity to that ftatute. * B 4 We • The Marquis of Rockingham was firft lord of the trcafury, and General Conway fecretary of ftate, when an aft paiTed, in- titled, " An aft for the better fecuring the dependence of his •^ Majefty's dominions in America upon the crown of Britain." ■ This r ivi m: [ 24- ] We have feen the man who propoftid the Ame- rican tax, or who prefided in adminiftration when it was propofcd, and who (till purfued confiftcnt condudl, after he had retired from office, by de- fending the meafure, and contending for the ne- ceflity, of enforcing the fubmiflion of America by power of arms — we have feen that very man, who thus defended the juftice and neceflity of the Ame- rican war, at lafl: condemning another adminiftra- tion for fuftaining the caufe which he had begun, and, like a cowardly and treacherous genei*al, turning This aft declares. That the King and Parliament of Britain had, hath, and of right ought to have, full power and authority to make laws and flatntes of fufflcient force to bind the Colonies and his Majefty's fubjedb in them, in all cafes whatfoever. General Conway declared in the Houfe of Commons, O£to- ber the 26th, in the debate upon American affairs. That he wifhed to fee the declaratory aft repealed — Why ? — Was it bc- caofe he thought it wrong, and was in his heart againft it? — By no means, for he added. It had been paiTed undti* his ailfpices, and on abllraft, legal principles, he thought it right, and at the time of pafling it proper and ncccflary. if this diftinftion between what is really right, and what Is fo on abdraft, legal principles, is admitted, it were to be wiflied that the legiflature, as often as it declares any of the rights of the crown or parliament, would at the fame tim«;^give fomc hinr^ by which it might be conjefturcd to which of thefe they refer, and whether they have decided upon abdraft and legal, or upon plain and praftical principles, lell the execative fervants of go- vernment ihould millake, and fpeculate, where it was meant that they (hould aft — 01 rafhly aft, where it was meant that they fhould only fpeculate. If this diilinftion is once admitted, the fcience of law muft become tenfold more vague and intricate. The ftudent muft not rell fatisfied with collefting and remem- bering fafts, which, from their number and variety, afforded fufHcienl labour to the mind — but he muft pry into the hearts of legiflators, he muft deleft mental refervation, he muft diftinguifli between what is right and proper in an abftraft and praftical view. Some compenfation of amufement, however, be will derive from the fcope that is given to ingenuity and imagination, employed in the place of judgments ' ' ' ' ■ v.- [ »5 I his back and deferring his foldiers in the very licat and extremity of the attack to which he had led them on. * Wc have fecn the very man, ^ " ' . .,'J-.-,. '\r .,^. ,..■ . who turning K ■* * Di.k3 of Grafton. — It was very extraordinary (faid Mr. Burke in his celebrated fpeech upon / merican aiFairs, May 8, 1770) that the great perfon who was the forcmoft for repealing the llamp adt, and that too upon the principles of the Americans thenifelves, fliould, when he found himfelf at the head of mini- ftry, be the very perfon to invent a new fyftem of taxes upon "the Colonirs ; and it is very certain, that at that period his Gracer never difavowed the charge. Nay, after he refigned his office orfirll '.oti of the treafury, he made a public declaration, that he would continue to fupport the meafares of government. The American meafures, or meafures relating to America, were the moii important which were at that time agitated in parliament ; and it is but a fair conftrudion to fuppofe, that he had thefe in his view — his fubfequent condudt confirms this conftruflion — for he was as good as his word, and for two years urged the neceffity of coercive meafures againft America. It is true, his Grace afterwards declared, (Oftober 25, 1775) that he had been de- ceived and milled to give his countenance to meafures which he never approved, and in particular that of coercing America by force of arms — and he afterwards declared, that he had been fe- cretly, or in his own mind, againil the plan of taxing America, and had fuggefted the plan of drawing back one /hilling per pound in Britain, and impofmg threepence per pound in America upon tea, as a fpecies of tax the leaft obnoxious. May not Lord North, Lord Hilllborough, Lord George Germaine, or any other perfon in miniilry, make the fame declaration fome years hence, when they are difplaced, or quarrel with their colleag " in office ? Was not this language from one who had been primu minifter, and which was fuftered to pafs without reprehenfion, a very dangereus precedent, as it was in efFeft difclaiming refpon- fibility ? Suppofe the total alienation of America from Britain, and that an enraged nation (hould call for an impeachment of the minifter, or minifters, who were the authors of thofe mea- fures which had occalioned the rending of the empire — it would be impoiTible for the moll impartial to acquit any one who has prefided at the helm of affairs fince the commencement of this prefcnt reign, for all of them are guilty, nor would it be eafy to determine to which of them the greateft (hare of guilt ought to be apponioned — whether to him who moved the fiamp a£l, or W fc^ [ 26 ] who formerly fpoke of the people in terms of con- tempt which no provocation could juftify, and who devoted the whole power of his eloquence to defend what was, perhaps, one of the moll violent encroachments upon the liberties of the people, that miniftry have dared to attempt fince the pe- riod of the revolution — we have {een that very man, when degraded into the clafs of the people, addrefling them in terms of the mod ftrained adu- lation, prompting them to the mod exorbitant, unconftitutional claims, and afcribing to them rights which annihilated the very ufe of reprefen- tacion. * When fuch fudden and entire change of fentiments to him who repealed it, and fubllituted the declaratory flatute ; oc to him who relinquiihed abftradt views, and reduced that lla> tute to practice, and impofed the tax upon tea ; or finally to hin who commenced war againd America, denving fubord: nation, and refilling the power of Britain, and who continued that war afcer the interefts of America were entwined with thofe of our hereditary and mofl inveterate enemies. In thefe views, accord- ing to the received doftrine of refponfibiljty, every minifter Hands forth an objcft of guilt — bat allow the fame privilege which the Duke of Grafton has claimed, five them credit for private fentiment?: aud opinions, direftly centrary to thole mea- fures which were carried on under their adminiilration, and which were never heard of till the word effeds of them were ex- perier.c.d, and without remedy — let them proteft againft re- trofpedive views, and draw the curtain of oblivion upon the pall, and fall in with the current of popular fentiments, and impeachment can have no objeft, guilt is done away, and an injured nation difappointed of her refentment. • Mr. Fox was the man who appeared upon the hullings at Brentford, and put up Colonel Luttrell in oppofition to Mr. Wilkes, May 1769. He afterwards took the principal lead in the debate for the propriety and lawfulnefs of approving Colonel Luttrell's eleftion, though he had only 296 votes, and Mr. Wilkes loy . He was the great champion for that meafure in all future debates upon that fubjeft. When in adminiftration he was a greatoppoferof Mr. Sawbridge's motion for triennial parliaments. He fff [ »7 ] fentiments attends the lofs of power, who can he- fitate to pronounce to what motive it ought in juftice to be afligned ? Who does not fee, that in fuch men patriotifm, like the religion of the hypo- crite, is put on to ferve a turn ? Is not even the pretence of finccrity in fuch men, an infult to the underftanding of every perfon of honour and pene- tration ? Does not fuch glaring verfatility and felf- contradidion, to pe-fons at a diftance from the immediate fcene of political exhibitions, fuggeit moft melancholy refleftions concerning the (late of virtue in the mofl illuftrious aflembly of the na- tion ? Muft not virtue indeed be at a low ebb, where fuch impudent violation of integrity and honour is exprefled without Ihame, and heard without indignation ? 6. The American war from the beginning, and in its progrefs till this day, has been pregnant with the moft dreadful calamities to the Britilh em- pire. It is not to be expeded, that any new mat- ter can be offered upon a fubjedt that has engaged the thoughts of every political writer for the kfl: fix years of this reign. At the fame time, this Enquiry would be greatly defective, Ihould it pafs ';! '■- ■ ^r' -- in He has fmce profefied a recantation of his former principles. Mr. Fox faid, I will never acknowledge the voice of the people to be fully exprelFed any where but in this Houfe. [See his fpecch upon the commitment of the Lord Mayor, March 27, 177 1 .] What did he not fay in the courfe of laft feflion to enforce lefpeft for afTociationd of the people ? No man, at the commence- ment of thefe diilurbances, fpoke in a more decifive tone of the right of the Britifli parliament to tax America, or contended more vehemently for coercive meafures, or treated of the power of the Americans, in more vilifying and contemptuous terms. The juftice of their caufe, and the magnitude of the power of thefe thirteen paltry provinces, have lately been drawn by him in the moft glowing colour% Mr. Fox was burnt in eiiigy at Boftom 1 ^ p " I i: > [ 28 ] in filencc an event which men of whatever parties and intcrefts agree in admitting to be the pnncipal caufe of national diftrefs. That we may not irif- place cenfure or applaufc, or miftakc the remedy which our circumftances require, it is neccffary that I Ihould offer fomewhat upon this fubjed, •voiding at the fame time tedioufnefs of argument and intricacy of reafoning, and infilling conclfely upon jhofe fad:s and isbfervatiDns which arc moft obvious and uncontrovertible. The ftate of fecurity in which the American Co- lonies were placed by the late peace— their fuc- ccfsful refiftance to the ftamp adl — the illicit gain of fmugglers, uncontroled by a more vigorous ex- ecution of law — the ambitious views of individuals, and the prevalence of fadlion at home, all con- curred to render it probable, that a plan of intro- ducing or extending taxes in America, would meet with the moft obftinate and violent oppofition. Was this plan juft and equitable ? Was it wife and expedient ? If it was not juft and equitable, no profped of gjiin to Britain ought to have moved the propofal of it — it might be juft and yet inex- pedient, if it could not be compafled without expence of blood and treafure, which no fuccefs in the iffue could repay. Let us give our attention to each of thefe queftions — firft, Was this plan juft and equitable ? . That every ftate ought to contribute to the fup- port of that government by which it is proteded, i« a maxim of juftice fo obvious, that no argument can render it more clear and convincing. That America ought to contribute to the revenue of Britain, in a proportion adequate to the real ex- penccs laid out by Britain for her defence and pro- tedion, is a particular application of a general, clear, m parties nncipal ot irif- remcdy eccffary fubjedt, gument onclfely re moft :an Co- sir fuc- cit gain ous ex- viduals, ill con- ' intro- Id meet •ofition. rife and ble, no moved :t inex- vithout :cefs in tention is plan le fup- teded, ;ument That lue of sal ex- d pro- eneralj .clear. t 49 1 clear, and uncontrovcrted propofition. But be- fidcs coi ipenfation for the annual expencc of pro- tcdtion to America, was not fomething more due If upon the ftridt footing ofjufticc? If America grew ^^'''' up to wealth and profpcrity under the munificent aid and protection of Britain, was not fome pro- ,. portion of that wealth a due return for fuch aid and ^^ proteftion ? If this proteftion had been merely de- claratory, inert and inexpenfive — if the name of* the alliance of Britain had been barely fufficieni, to have overawed the nations who had any intercft i^r wifh, to difturb the peace of our Colonies ad- •(dancing to ftrength and profperity — in fuch cir- cumftances we muft have appealed to gratitude rather than to julHcc, and our claims muft have been propofed with greater moderation and referve. But if on the contrary, the welfare of America has been a coftly ciufe — if the blood and money of Britain have been profufely wafted for her defence find fecurity — if the late war was chiefly undertaken jn her behalf, and added an accumulation of mil- lions to the debt of the nation — if Britain was loaded with new and opprelTr/e taxes to difcharge the intereft of that debt — was it unjuft or tyranni- /cal to call for the afliftance of America, or demand a tax in order to alleviate the weight of a burden Incurred upon her account ? Was it in America either generous or fair to refiife to comply with this demand, and to vouchfafe that aid which juf- tice and the neceflity of the Mother Country re- , quired? Thefe are plain obfervations, and ftrike ,;;;_. every man of common underftanding. ''M I know only of two objeftions which may be /^ brought to invalidate the force of the arguments which I have now adduced : firft. It has been af- ferted that Great-Britain, by her exclufive trade ''^ . with ":i ■'I [ 30 ] with the Colonies, and the reftridions fhe has im- pofed upon their manufadlurcs and exports, has derived profits which have fully indemnified all her care and expence in rearing and defending them. But even this view of the fubjeft being admitted, it is evident, that a diftindion ought to be made between fuch reftriftions of commerce as were equally advantageous to the Mother Country and her Colonies, and thofe which were only ad- vantageous to Britain, and perhaps injurious to the wealth and profperity of America. Might not commercial laws and reftridtions be framed for the double purpofe of promoting at once the intereft of Britain and her dependent Colonies. If, for in- ftance, it was the privilege and advantage of the Britifh trader to furnifh the Colonies with every fpecies of manufadlured commodities, it was in their infant ftate no lefs the intereft of the Colonies to nave full dependence upon Britain for the fup- ply of thefe. Clearing, cultivation of lands, and population, could not have advanced with fuch amazing rapidity, if their attention had been di- vided, and called off to the various manufactures neceflary for cloathing, furniture, and the work of plantation. If, on the other hand, any reftridlions of trade impofed by the authority of parliament, originally were, or from a change of circumftances had grown to be unequal or hurtful to the true in- tereft of the Colonies, here was a real grievance, and a juft and proper ground of complaint and pe- tition for redrels. Let fuch complaints be heard— let fuch reftridlions be abrogated — let fuch griev- ances be redrefled. Away with the plan of draw- ing, from rcftridions illiberal and oppreflive, a compenfation for claims that ftand upon the firm and broad foundations of juftice and equity. Let all •t has im- )rts, has ifled all ^fending il being )ught to nerce as Country only ad- rious to ight not Tor the ttereft of ', for in- ;c of the th every : was in Colonies the fup- nds, and 1th fuch been di- ufadtures ; work of ftri(5tions rliament, mftances ; true in- rievance, i: and pe- ; heard— :h griev- of draw- reffive, a 1 the firm ity. Let all [ 31 ] all the fubjedls of the empire be placed upon the fame level — let them enjoy the fame privileges—- let the Colonies be permitted to turn to the bcfl: account all that God and nature, and their own induftry, have put into their hands. And in this view the dodtrine of the great Mr. Pitt, when the argument of American taxation was moved in par- liament, appeared illiberal and unfatisfaftory. " Reftrain (faid he) their trade as much as you plcafe, not a horfe-nail (hall be made in America, but not one farthing of tax." At bed, it was a plan of ^Ifguifed injuftice. Had he inverted the propofition — Enlarge their trade, encourage their manufadlures, demand taxes in a fair and equitable proportion, (which would have amounted to the fame cfFcd) with a propofal to give them all the privileges and all the burdens of Britifh fubjeds, I fliould have entertained a better opinion of the foundnefs of his judgment, and the generofity of his heart. .^ ^.^-j-.....*. . But fuppofe that profit, or money, or compen- fation from America, (give it whatever appellation you chufe) whether by tax or trade was equally confonant to juftice, yet there are many obvious and ftrong reafons for preferring the mode of ex- aftion by tax, to that by reftridtion upon trade. The former is a more plain and direft way of raif- ing money, and may be contrived fo as to fall in- difcriminatcly upon all ranks of men — it does not expofe the veracity and morals of the fubjedts to fuch extreme temptation and danger — the quan- tum may be afcertained with greater precifion, and rendered efi^edual in one way or other. Reftric- tions upon trade are more eafily evaded, and fub- mitted to only fo long as they are not inconfiftent with the interefts of the perfons upon whom they arc ~-« j aw ^ Mte Jte^.j « '. 1 1 5 ) u «: li I 1 in 1. ■ ' ■ ; ) iJi [ 32 ] are Impofcd. They fall heavy in the firfi: inflancc upon the commercial body of men, who poflcfs a great proportion of the wealth and power of the nation — tliey eftablifti open hoftility between them and the revenue officers, which is too cafily and frequently transferred to the conflitucnts. By fe- ducing felfilh men into perjury, the moft confum- mate a£l of guilt, they render them an eafy prey to every inferior fpecies of iniquity, and at laft fub- vert the morals of the people. But it was not the tax, but the impofition of it by the authority of parliament, that was con- demned by many of the friends of America on this fide of the Atlantic. The injuftice of taxation, without reprefentation, was the argument urged by Mr. Pitt for the repeal of the Itamp afl. It is not to my purpofe, at prcfent, to expofe the re- finement of that diftinftion, which was currently admitted, between legiflation and taxation; nor ihall I undertake, in this place, what 1 think it were no difficult tafli to demonftrate, that legifla- tion without reprefentatives, is at leaft as unrea- jbnable and unjuft, as taxation without reprefen- tatives J and that there is not any mifchief or dan- ger fulpedted from any one of thefe branches of authority, that may not as reafonably be inferred from the other. A power of legiflation, uncon- trculed by the negative voice of the people ovef v/hom it is exercifcd, would furely prove as fit an inltrument of oppreffion as the nioil arbitrary mo- narch ever wifhed to get into his hands. 1 ob- ferve, in general, that if the fcheme of taxation was once admitted to be juil, reafonable, and ne- celTary, an exception to the particular mode or plan of carrying it into execution, could never juf- tify any individual or fct of men, in purfuing mea- lure3 „'f 'm n I fiance jflrfs a of the I them ly and By fc- )nfum- prey to ift fub- n of it s con- on this xation, urged . It is the re- irrcntly [ij nor hink ic legifla- unrea- iprefen- or dan- ches of inferred uncon- >le ovef us fit an ary mo- lob- taxation and ne- aode or ;ver juf- ng mea- furea t 33 I /ures which evidently tended to fruftrate or over- turn the plan itfclf. When tlic American tax became the univcrfal topic of converfation, about a dozen years ago, 1 hardly ever mixed with any company where a variety of opinions did not occu'', and where different plans were not fug- gelfed, in the freedom of fpeculation, and perhaps after all, however oppofite to one another, there was not one of them for whicii fomething plau- fible in the way of argument might not be faid, and againll which fomething plaufible in the way of obi,;;clion might not be thrown out. In fliort, of fchemtrs and fpeculations there is no end. If tlir juftice and neceffity of taxing America were once admitted, what appeared the leaft exception- able, or the moft conftitutional plan of carrying it into effert ? Has not the parliament, fince the revolution, been underllood to be invelled with fupreme legiflative authority over Britain, and all her dominions ? Would it then have been fife in any minifter to have departed from the fixed, conftitutional mode of taxation ? I acknowledge, that members of the Britifh parliament, as it is now conftituted, could not be underftood to have the fame intimate connec- tion with the provinces of America, and the fame concern for their welfare, that they muft have had for that part of the inhabitants of Britain who fend no reprefentatives to parliament •, and there- fore I never thought the analogy between the ftate of America, and trading towns in this ifland un- reprefcnted, fo exadb as to fatisfy the mind of any man impartially bent upon juftice. But ftili tax- ation by parliament was the only legal, acknow- ledged method of levying money through the dominions of Britain ^ and if it involved peculiar C hard-» H i I. n » n I '( C 34 I IiardlhipB vthtn extended to America, were mini-* ftry to be blamed for purluing it ? But what then was to be done in this fituation i Was there no remedy ? Muft miniftry infift upon taxing Ame- rica by ad of Britifh parliament, or muft Ame- rica fubmit, though aware of confcquences de- ftruftive of the freedom and profpc^ity of their country ? Common fenfc will at once fuggeft, that as there is a very great difference between cxading and carrying into effcd laws which al- ready cxift, though they may be prejudicial to the intereft of the fubjeft, and propofing to enaft new laws of the fame tendency, fo they ought to be oppofed upon different principles, and by dif- ferent methods. In the firft cafe fuppofed, that is, when miniftry form their meafures upon laws already exifting, no refleftion ought to be thrown out againft them j nay, perhaps they may defervc praife for greater firmnefs and fidelity in the dif- charge of their duty, and redrefs ought to be fought in time to come, by a refpec^ful application to the fupreme legiflative body of the nation. But in the other cafe fuppofed, odium ought juft- ly to fall upon thofe who could have the wick- ednefs to propofc any new law maiiifeftly founded upon injuftice, and deftrudive of the welfare of any fet of men. At the fame time, if in fuch a cafe remonllrances, nud more peaceable plans of refiftance, ftiould fail of fuccefs, the firft principles of human nature xvould juftify the boldeft mea- fures, in order to avert the dreaded mifchief. This reafoning will apply to the difpute between Britain and her Colonies. \( the taxation of America was admitted as neceffary and juft — if it behoved the minifters and parliament to follow the ordinary and conftitutional plan of exafting * ' it — 1 1 I 3S 1 it — ifthis mcthoil was fojnd, or apprehended to be productive, of j:eculiar danger when extended to America, remonftrances and petitions ought not only to have been prelcnted, but fome other plan fobcrly propofed more fafe for America, and equally effectual to procure that aid which Bri- tain iuftly demanded. Could ever America be jullihed for drawing the fword till fuch a plan had been propofed and rcjefted ? * It has not been attended to, that grievances growing out of the conftitution, or which follow from a minifter's purfuing meafures in conformity to the conftitu- tion, arc to be confidcrcd in a very different light from thofe grievances which fpring from innova- tion, or a change of the eftabhihed laws, cuftoms and government of a country. And it ought to be carefully remembered, that miniftry did not frame new adts of parliament to pave the way for the taxation of America — they railed their {ydem upon ads of parliament already in being, and up- on the principles of the law as it then flood, f .!V • C 2 No * It may be (Ad, that terms of accommodation were pro- pofed bv Congrefs in the petition to the King, brought over and delivered by Mr. Penn. To fay nothing of the illegality of that iifTembly, and the affront which the King and Parlia- ment mud have incurred if they had treated with them, I afle if this petition admits the power of parliament to tax America, or implies confcnt to taxation in any fhape, or propofes to fub- ftitute any plan to contribute to the fupplies of Britain i f The right of the Bricifli parliament to tax her Colonics, was not fo much as called in queftton in the Houfe of Commons in the great debate upon American affairs, [Jan. 14, 1766.] for the declaratory (latute was carried without a divifion. The fame fentiments feem to have been retained by oppofition at a later period. March c, 1770, it was propofed by Lord North to repeal fo much otan a£t pafTed the feventh of his prefent Majefty, a» related to impofing a tax upon paper painters co- lours, [ ,16 ] No government upon earth can be fo pcrfeAlj modelled, as not to admit occafionally of certain inconveniences and grievances. Nay, laws ori- ginally formed upon the wifefl and moil equitable conftrudioii, may, from a change of intcrefts and circumftances, give a function to the violation of thofe rights which they were deftined to protcdl and fecure. When equity and jullice require that t'uch laws fhould be correfted or changed, wifdom will direft that it ought to be done with temper and reverence for the conftitution. Exaggerated reprtfentations of conftitutional grievances, or grievances v/hich grow of the conftitution ; illi- beral abufe of government, and violent and pre- cipitate plans of redrefs, only tend to lay in ruins that fabric, which a fm?ll degree of expence and labour^ fkilfuUy dire6led, might repair and em- bcllifh. The oppofition to the American tax, as condud^ed not only by the Americans, but by their friends in England, and levelled at the au- thority of parliament, had too much the fhape of an affault upon the conftitution itfelf. The lours and glafs exported to the Colonies ; but that the tax upon the tea, laid on by the fame aft, (hould ttill be continued, left they ihould be thought to give way to American iJ;as, and to take away the other imp ^(itions, as having been contrary to the rigb:s of the Colonies. It was aniwered by oiji-^ution;, that this was an argument totally futile and ridiculous, becaufe the right of Biitain to tax the Colonies was Sufficiently afcertaincd by two pofirive laws declaratory of that right, as well as by other taxes ftill exitHng in exercife of it. •*' When Lord Ch:tham affirms, that the authority of the BrU tifh parliament is not fupreme over the Colories, in the fame fenfp in which it is fuprcme over Britain, I lillen to him with diffidence and refpeft, but without the fmalleft conviftion or afTenr." Thefe are the words of Junius, a great admirer of Lord Chatham, introduced with this obfervation — That we ate not to cxpe£l perfedion i.i any man. [See Junius's Lettei;> Oftober 5, i;?:-] [ 37 ] The expediency of taxing America may ftill be objefted to by thofe wiio allow, that the plan was not inconfiRcnt either with law or jiiftice. The oppofition it was to meet with, and all the dread- ful cfFedls which have enfued, fince the com- mencement of the unhappy war, were forefeen and foretold by more difc^rning politicians, and were irrefiftible arguments for diffenting from the mi- nifterial plan of taxing America. I think J may- venture to affirm, that there is not a man in or out of adminiilraiion, v/ho would have moved to impofe a tax upon America, if he had certainly forefeen the fatal confequences which it has pro- du,-:ed. And this is one confiderable advantage of argument upon the fide of thofe who originally oppofed the American war, that they now appeal to events which correfpond exad:ly with their pre- diftions and warnings. It is certain, that the opinion of the world muft, in a very confiderable degree, be affefted by fuccefs. Suppofe anv plan to have been form^^d, with as much wifdom and fkill as human genius ever pofl'efled, yet if it has mifcarried in the Ifiue, either from Tiifcondu(5l or mifchance, over which the author had no power, he will not be exempted from that cenfure which, in ftridl ^uftice, is due only to raflmefs and folly. I fliall not now enter into a comparative view of the wealth, the refources, and the military force of Great-Britain and America — I Ihall only fub- mir a few plain coiifidcrations to the judgment of the candid part of the nation who think for them- felves, and have not yet refigned their underftand- ing to the arbitrary di(5tates of any party. Admitting the claims of Britain upon Amviica to have been as jufl:, and our fupcriority as clear, <*? was he.l4 forth by the friends of adminirtrarign' ' ' ■i'^^^v^'-y"-^^.r' ■ ^.3 ^■■'^')\ -. yet * . .'^ r 38 ] yet have not a variety of circumftances occurred ■in the progrefs of this difpute, to diminilh the power and cramp the exertions of Britain, and tp animate the courage and increafe the ftrength of the rfbeliious Colonies ? Has not the language of oppofition from the beginning, been one conti- nued vindication of American rebellion ? Nay, have not encomiums and panegyrics upon rebel- lious generals, without a blulh, been loudly founded in both houfes of parliament ? * Was not the inabiliry of Britain 10 prevail againft America, aflcrted by thofe who were fuppofed to be bell acquainted * A celebrated orator f xpatiated in the Houfe of Commons, v,':h tears, on ihe virtues of General Montgomery, who fell &i :'he head of the rebel army before Quebec. I am confident, that tlvre is not a man in this nation, more difpo.ed than the i\u:hor oi thcil- Obfervations, to make allowance for the in- fiLifn :c of prejudice, and to give credit for virtue and principle, to njti! of uiiicient parties and fentiments in religion and poli- tics. Suppofe it ihould be admitted, that a man who had beeij born in Fritain, and who bad taken the oaths of allegiance to his prcfcnt Majedy, and fubfifled by ferving him in the capa- city, of a ic. idler — fuppofe it fhould be admitted, that fuch a man, thruufh mifinroraiiition or mi>con{lru£tion of thei defigns of go- vernniei.t, might, without any {lain upon his virtue or patri- otiini, join with thole who feek to dertroy the interert or go- vernmLTC of his native country, yet it is neither prudent or gcMeiuQs to make a public declaration of fuch fentiments. Do they not fcem to disjoin the ideas of morality and patriotifm ? I);) they not authorize latitudinarian fentiments concerning the attachmenc and duties which men owe their country ? Do they n-n difcourage the hopes of thofe, svho feek for honour by lleadjr peri'everance in the plain path otloyalty, at the hazard of life and f jrtur.e ? There were unqueiiionably in the number of thofe vho were deluded by attachment to the family of Stewart, and who fell in their caufe in the years 1715 and 1745, men ©f integrity and honour — hut would it have been feafonabie, dsS- cent, or lawful, to have given any advantage to fuch men, by exalting their reputation at a time whtn they were in arms againil the family feated upon the throne, upon whofe e(labli(h> ment all uur moll valuable rights and privileges depend ? •ii A»« II" m^ h:-% '^ m [ 39 1 a-cquaintcd with the ftrength, and moft attached to the honour, of the nation. What might have been naturally expefted fronci fuch condudl, has afbuallf come to pafs. The fpecches of members >n oppofition quickly wafted over the Atlantic, and repeated in ftrains ftill more exaggerated and emphatic, have given a double advantage to our enemies, by no urilhing their hopes, anddeprefTmg the courage and refolution of the friends of Bri- tain. I make no doubt, but that thoufands in America refifted the demands of government, prompted by the pure influence of principle, and an apprehcnfion of the danger which, as they be- lieved, threatened their liberties — but ftill, in the tnoft candid conftrudlion, I am perfuaded, that a far greater proportion were drawn into rebellion by an immediate regard to their own perfonal intereft and fafcty. Now, confidering the divided, cmbarraffed ftatc of Britilh councils, and reckon- ing merely upon chances, did not every motive of immediate intcrelt and fafety draw to the fide of rebellion ? The infults and depredations of mobs were certainly avoided — a change of mini- Giry^ no improbable event, might entirely reverfe the ftate of things, render abortive the threats a-\d preparations of Britain, and make the worfe the better caufe. At any rate, fhould thefe ex- pectations be fruftrated, and fhould the caufe upon ,:a' prove unfuccefsful, from the number and i' :1 ince of their partifans, and the diftinguiflied ItrnV' of the nation and Prince whom they had offended, an indemnity might certainly be expeft- cd, together with the ^^eedy re-eftablilhment of that peace and order which they had imprudently violated. Nothing but pcrfeft unanimity in the gritifh councils, and determined vigour and ex- Q 4 pedition. t [ 40 1 Y h- pedition, could difcouragc a ftrainof reafoning fp obvious and juft, and prevent that fatal ftubbornr nefs of rebellion which it has confirmed. Let us fuppofe, that oppofition in parliament had purfu- cd a different fyftcm of conduft— ^that at the commencement of the difcontents of America, they had employed all their zeal and influence to perfuade her to fubmit her grievances and wrongs to a parliamentary difcuffion — fuppofe they had advifed fuch conceflions as could not, in any view, have expofed her liberties to danger-r-and fuppofe h?v had added threats to perfuafions, and inftead t." i reciating, had employed the elo- quence by , ch many of them are diftinguilhcd, to exliibit a fair view of the claims of the Mother Country, and the reiburces of which fhe was pof- fefTed. Can it admit of any queftion, whethe;r, by fuch a tenor of conduft, they would not have obtained for America all the terms fhe could have demanded, confidently with law and jufticc, and flopped that torrent of blood which has almoft •exhaulled the ftrength of the fathers and the chil- dren ? Then fliould the blelTrng of the peaccr maker have refted upon their he^ds, and genera- tions to come fhould have called them bleiicd. •*' But let us reverfe the pifture— America has declared herfelf independent upon Britain — -fhe has renounced the parent who gave her exiftence, and nourifhed her in her helplefs years with a mo- ther's tendernei:> — (he has courted the alliance of that very power who fought her deftrudion, and from which fhe was fo lately faved by an immenfe profufion of the treafure and the blood of Britain. The intereft df America and France are now in- fepa'-ably interwoven. Is it poffible, that a mind mfpired with juft, moral ideas, .can contemplate "■* >* J. I 41 ] the copdudt of America without a lively fenfe of indignation and abhorrence ? The man who can behold filial ingratitude with indifference, muft himfelf be deeply infedted with the turpitude of guilt. Is there a fon of Britain fo abje6t, as not to be moved by the infults and wrongs which have been heaped upon the parent (late ? To compleat thy infamy, O Britain I America independent, America leagued with the Houfe of Bourbon — (alarming, difgraceful founds !;--TAmerica ftill finds patrons and advocates among the patriots of modern days !— I could wiih at this moment, O Chatham, to bury in eternal oblivion the errors and caprice of the man, whilft I recoiled the hero burfting the fetters of dileafe and infirmity, and flafhing indignation and fury upon that fpurious fon of Britain, who had the effrontery to name with approbation the independence of Anierica. * In a domeftic quarrel, when the nearcft relations have fallen out with one another, nothing is more common than for the inveterate enemies of the family, with diabolical officioufnefs, to blow the flames of difcord, in order to widen the breach, and to involve parents and children in the fame common difgrace and mifery. At fome happy moment of coolnefs and refledlion, the voice pf nature, though long fupprefled, is again liftened to with refped, the powers of afFedion refume their wonted authority, a reconciliation takes place, the arts of incendiaries are detedled, and by the parents and children they are ever after held ip abhorrence. May fu'ch finally be the fuc- cefs and the reward of the abettors of the Ameri- can rebellion ! * The Duke pf Richmpa .1 i y I } ' If V [ 4» ] But it may be enquired. Docs the whole burden of guilt reft upon the head of members of parlia- jment in oppofition ? Are the calamities and pro^ Jongation of the American war, to be imputed en-^ tirely to the encouragement which they have given to our enemies, and the obftruiStions which they )iave thrown in the way of our fchcmes and ope- rations of war? Was it even in their power to perpetrate the worft purpofes of their heart, with- out the concurrence, or at leaft the indolence and timidity of adminiftration ? Truth, and not th(6 favour of any party, is the objeft of this Enquiry. It is impofTible for the warmeft advocates of mi-r niftry, to cover them altogether from the charge pf mifcondudl, in the different ftages of the dif- putc between Britain and America. Some of their moft glaring errors I fhall now fpecify. And be- caufe there is nothing mor* -afy than to be wif \' \-^ [ 44 ] I I *ix»^remity of proceeding to hoftilitiei againft America. It was propofed in February, 1774, that if any one of the provinces (hould make pro- vifion, or contribute to government, according to their rcfpedtive condition, they fliould be con- fidered as returning to their allegiance, and be taken into the King's peace. * To mingle rigour with lenity in a due proportion — to difccrn the precife point at which concefllons ought to end, and force begin, is perhaps one of the rarcft and moft important accomplifhments of a politician — ^^ for as, upon the one hand, a reafonablc and pru- dent condefccnfion to the prejudices and defires of the people, may nip the buds of difcontent, and avert thofe civil commotions, which give the deepeft wounds to the profpcrity of a nation — fo, on the other hand, there is a certain crifis in the humours and paffions of men, after which all con- ccflions and milder plans of reconciliation are conftrued into weaknefs and fear, and increafe that temerity and turbulence which they were in- tepdjed to mollify and compofe. There were, I believe, very few perfons unbiafled by the preju- dice and influence of party, and acquainted with the hiftory of fimilar events, who could doubt whether conciliatory meafures or force ought to have been employed by Britain, at the period to . i .> .;;; ^. ,,,... -.. ,. J ^ J .^ which • February 177$, it was moved by Lord North, that when jhe Qovernor, Council, J^iYevcibly, or General Court of any of his Majefty's provinces, (hall make provifion, according to their refpeclive conditions, for contributing their proportion to the common defence, fuch proportion to be raifed under the autho- rity of tJ e Geneial Court or General Affembly, and difpofabls by parliament, it will be proper, if fuch propofal (hall be ap- proved of by his Majefty in parliament, to forbear, in refpeCt »f fuch province, to levy any duty, tax or affeffmeni^ or to iin» jiofc anjr furibcf duty, tax or affeflment. ^ ^. igainft ^I774» It pro- ording le con- and be rigour em the to end, e(l and ician — ^' id pru- defircs ontcnt, ;ive the on — fo, s in the all con- ion are increafe vere in- wcre, I e prejii- :cd with 1 doubt lught to eriod \o which ■tt ■ that when ( of any of rg to their ion to ths the autho- difpofabls lall be ap- in rerpefit , or to in^T [ 4J ] which I now refer. The conciliatory bill, pro- poled in February, 1774, as might have been expelled, inltead of reclaiming a fingle province, only ferved co diffufc over the whole empire an impreflion of the fluctuation of miniftry, to fhakc the confidence of friends, to raife the hopes of enemies, and extend their opportunity of provid- ing materials for waging war againft the Mother Country — but treaties of peace have fallen to the ground — the trumpet of war is founded — the i'word is drawn — and now do difpatch and aflivity atone for paft neglecft, irrefolution and delay ? "Which leads me to mark the errors of adminiftra- ' inm at a more advanced period of this civil war. The employing foreign troops was a meafure liable to many exceptions, and has been proba- bly, in part, the occalion of retarding the fuccefs of minidry in terminating the American difturb- ances. I do not intend to enlarge upon thofe common place arguments, which I think evince the ill policy of reforting to the protection of mercenary troops, in any cafe where unavoidable neccflity does not require it. In a civil war, pe- culiar rcafons aggravate the impropriety and dan- ger of fuch a meafure. Does it not convey to rebellious fubjedts an impreflion of the weaknefs and the fears of government, when it cannot rely ;upon its own internal ftrength and refources to enforce the meafures which it has direfted ? Does it not irritate the refentment of mifguided and undutiful fubjefts, to be in danger of falling by the hands of thofe againft whom they have com- mitted no offence, and who have no natural and original intereft in the difpute in which they are engaged ? Does it not teach an evil leffon againft ourfelvesj and inculcate upon our revolted fubjefts the '•I I I : I!' ! I 1 ■, ,. ••4 .1 { f / 1 4n the jufticc and neccflity of retaliating, by refofN ing to foreign lupport and adiilance P Has it not been a^ually pleaded by the Americafts, a$ the niotive of foliciting an alliance with the incienc and natural cncnnics of Britain ? Is it not in the reafon of the thing to be expeftcdj that mercenary troops, who have neither from prejudice nor inte- rctt any attachment to the power who has hired them, may be eafily debauched, and prevailed upon by more immediate and extenfive gain, to turn the fword againft thofe on whofe behalf it was firft drawn ? Docs not fuch a meafure deprefs the fpirits of the people at home, and weaken the reputation of the nation abroad ? Has not the number of regiments levied with fuch expedition in every part of Britain, during the lafl three yeart of the war, fully demonftrated that the nation was pofTefTed of ample internal force, and by no means reduced to th;: neceffity of opening campaigns in America, with fuch a proportion of foreign and mercenary allies i* If the fame exertion had been made at the beginning of thefe difturbances — if the fame ardour and fuccefs in augmenting our army and navy with Britifh fubjedts had been en- couraged by adminiftration, it might have over- awed rebellion, and perhaps prevented even the oc- cafion of expofing our numerous troops to a6Hon« If the incapacity or mifcondudl: of thofe who are employed in the executive departments, juftly lie at the door of the perfons who have appointed them, never fmcc the exiftencc of the Britilh nation did any minifter ftand under fuch an accur mulated load of guilt. Will the moft zealous advocates for the prefcnt adminiftration deny, that they have been miftaken or unfortunate io the choice of the Generals and Admirals to whom the moft >im «•-" W rcfort-i M it not , as the Ancient »t in the jrccnary lor inte- las hired revailcd gain, to behalf it ; deprefs aken the not the ;pedition ree years ttion was [10 means paigns in 'eign and had been ances — if nting our been en- ive over- jn the oc- a6Hon< *e who are juftly lie ippointed le Britiih 1 an accur k zealous on deny, ate io the whom the moft • 'M I 41 1 moft important commantls have been cntruftett^ There are fome faifls which carry in their face luch palpable evidence, that it is impofTible the highelt authority, or the tcftimony of ten thoufand witnefles, can either ftrengthen or diminifh the belief of the man who has been made acquainted with them — if ever any fa6l fell under this defcrip- tion, it is that to which our attention is at prefcnc directed, is there any perfon of reflcdion in tliis kingdom, who dill remains in doubt with refpetft to the behaviour of Sir William Howe ? Is it pof- liblc that his perfonal aflurance, or the reftimony of his fellow officers, or their pompous celebra- tion of his victories at Philadelphia, or the refulc of the enquiry in the Houfe of Commons, can now convince any man that Sir William Howe acquitted himfelf in the American command as a wile and brave General, or as a Friend to Britain ? Nay, I appeal to thofe who are confcious to thcm- fclves of having been originally prepolTeflcd with the ftrongeft prejudices in his favour, (of which number I confefs myfelf to have been one) whe- ther, in a fingle inftar.ce, their expedtations have been anfwered ? Frou. the opening of the war, has not his reputation been in a gradual decline, till at laft he has funk into the moft debafed ftate of national odium and negledl ? Suppofe your prejudices for the General to have been fo ftrong, as to have made you confide in him, notwith- ftanding his retreat from a conquered enemy on Long-lfland, fully fatisfied, that it was more prudent to attack the adverfary by regular ap- proaches—if you could have been periuaded that the flight of ten thoufand men, obftruded by a dangerous ferry, could have been accompli (hed without any reflexion upon the vigilance of the ,>,..., Gene- .( u I f ( I.' ' I f I './.• M' 1/ ^ . \\\ W:. General — if you could dill have been To dlfficferi? of your own judgment, as to have admitted im-» plicitly of the propriety of lingering at New- York, v/hillt the enemy, who had abandoned it, were occupied in fortifying themfelves at White Plains j after ali this, could you with patience liften to any man, who Hiould endeavour to perfuade you that fixteen thoufand men, flufhed with vidlory, ought again to have been reflrained from falling upon a panic-flruck army, whofe numbers were fo much ir'*,rior to thofe of their conquerors? Could you calmly attend to any vindication of the General's conduct in embarking his troops, and expofing them to the dangers of a tedious voyage, when they might with greater fafety have been condu(5lcd by land to the place of deftination, or when they ought to have been employed in fc- conding the operations of Burgoyne's army, who, trufting to their aflillan'ce, had ventured into the mod dangerous pafles of the enemy's country ? To the man who would ftill contend for the repu- tation of Sir William Howe, would you not re- ply — This is an infult to my underftanding — my confidence is exhaufted — I have hitherto been ftriiggling againft convidion — 1 have been a dupe to my own credulity and prepofleflions for the wifdom of the miniftry, and flcill of the General — but now, feeling has at once reftored my reafon, and roufed my indignation — the difgrace of my country covers me with fhame — the injured ho- nour of Britain touches my inmoft foul. How art thou fallen, O thou who wert fo great before ! — Where is thy fpirit, O Britain ! Why does not indignation pervade every heart? Why did not miniftry for once forget their fears ? Why did not oppofition forget their refentmenss ? vVhy did f^ • \ K. [ 49 ] dtd not the people, with one voice, demand ven- geance upon the man who had degraded the ho* nour of the nation, and plunged her into the lowed abyfs of calamity and difgrace 1 If America fhall be lod to Britain, it is not the wifdom of a Congrefs, the generalfhip of a Wafhington, nor the numbers nor the bravery of the troops that he commanded, which have cffe(5led it. Genera- tions to come (hall, in the bitternefs of their foul, execrate the memory of the man who by igno- rance, diflipation, rapacioufnefs and treachery, protra£^ed tne period of gain and diftindion to himfclf, and fportcd away the blood and treafures of his country ! The appointment of Admiral Keppel to the command of the fleet, might, perhaps with pro- priety, be adduced as another evidenc^^ of the imprudence and ignorance which iminiltry have di(covered in the choice of their fervants. In this inflance, indeed, a greater latitude of opinion may, in candour, be allowed. With fuperior force he engaged the French fleet, difcontinued the engagement, or withdrew from it, though he affirmed that he had foundly beaten them. He declined to purfue the enemy's fleet upon a lee ftiore, that is, whilft he was not more r' an ninety or an hundred miles from land. He has been tried by a court-martial and acquitted, received the thanks of both houfes of parliament, and the applaufe of many mobs. Sir Hugh Pallifer, the fuppofed caufc of difappointing the Admiral's cxpedations of utterly deftroying the French fleet, has been alfo tried and acquitted. Many think it difficult to reconcile thefe two decifions. Tht enemies of Admiral Keppel boldly aflert, that he did not do all he might have done to deftroy the D French .1 .'■^. m t JO ] French Actt, His friends muft in fecret regret, that however inconteftible the htent accomplifh- ments of the hero, and however unblameable hii conduct upon the 27th of July, 1778, his fuccefs was but of little moment. The impartial parr of mankind will obfervcj that the Admiral has rather been overpaid with applaufe, that a more liberal proportion of it could not have fallen to his fliare if he had utterly exterminated the French fleer, and that it would have been both modeil and manly, to have referved fome part of it for deeds of uncontroverted fuccefs, and fubftantial fervice, rendered to his country. The mifconduft of Generals and Admirals, though in the firft inftance it draws difgrace and indignation upon their own heads, muft finally redound to the reproach and condemnation of the miniftry who employ them. In vain does the mofl profound wifdom refide in the cabinet— in vain are the beft meafures concerted and adopted there, if penetration is wanting to difcover the correfponding talems which are neceflary to per- form and carry them into effect. The great ge- nius of Lord Chatham, v/as in nothing more con^ fpicuous than in that fagacity with which he pe- netrated into the tdents and charafters of mc;n, with invariable fuccefs feledting thofe who were moft likely to excel in the federal departments to which he aligned them — and I do not mean to detraft from his merit when I add, that this was perhaps the principal caufe of the amazing vidlo- ries and brilliant profperity, which figna^izcd his adminiflration. In defence of the condudt of our prefenc mini- fiers it has been pleaded, that at a period of emer- gency, which required the moft intimate and cor- : dial I >. 1 of mmi- cmer- id cor- dial r^ t St 1 (lial union at home, they did well to purfuc heal- irig mcafMres » and in order to convert and divide oppofition, what plan tnorc fpecious, • than to commit the moll critical operations :f the war tQ Generals and Admirals who were connected with it. I am nor, in general, difpofed to think well cither of the wifdom or honour of that policy, which poftpones the intereft of friends, in order to weaken and defeat the intrigues of enemies— but I op^ofe argument as well as fveling to this favourite plan, of calling out the retainers to an oppofite faftion, to command armies and fleets which were to engage in expeditions, of which they profefled to difapprove upon principle. Might it not have been forefeen, that the mifcon- duft or misfortune of fuch men, would furnifh oppofition with new arguments in fupport of the opinions which they had announced from the be- ginning of thefe difturbances ? If fuccefs ihould not crown the attempt of Generals, who, by the teftimony of all parties, were the moil deferving of truft, and of whofe abilities ininifters efpecially mull have been convinced, (fince no other motive could tw affigned fcr employing them) if under them American rebellion grew more obftinate and rancorous, the caufe was defperr.t'?, and the far- ther profecution of it vain and ruinous. The friends of oppofition had not the fame motives to prompt them to a circumfpe6t and vigorous ex- ertion, which muft have influenced the friends of miniftry j and i^ they really could have liad tie iniquity to betray their country, they might have done it without an equal hazard of cenfure and difgrace. The condudl of Generals and Admirals in the intereft of miniftry, woidd ha^e been dili- gently enquired into— operations conduced by D 2 them t p ] ffl ( 5' -I them would have been watched with a jealous eye— eVery indance of bad fuccefs examined with the fevereft fcrutiny, and adtual mifconduft fet forth in fuch colours, as to have drawn on them the certain vengeance of the nation. Under the confcioufnefs of guilt no hope of mercy could have been entertlined. But fuppofe neither the abili- ties nor the integrity of Generals and Admirals, who have been employed by miniftry, could have been called in quellion. Were cordial obedience and bold exertions, to be expefbed from men whofe minds were warped by connexions in a dif- ferenr 'ntereft, and who, from the habit of oppo- fition, had been inured to controvert and defpife the fentiments of thofe from whom they were to receive their orders ? When a fenfe of gratitude and zeal for the honour of a benefador, co-ope- rate with principles and regard to the public wel- fare, there is ground to expeft the richeft fruits of genius and abilities. The critical junfture of affairs required a combination of all thofe quali- ties, which, in the ordinary courfe of things, in- riire the fidelity, vigour and fuccefs, of thofe who led forth the armies and fleets of Britain. To the imprudent choice of minifters, in preferring the friends of oppofition to the mod important trufts in the executive department, we have good rea- fon to afcribe fome of the rnoft difcouraging cir- cumftances which occur in the prefent ftate of the nation. DilTipation, trifling, and treachery, have been vindicated — retreats and fruitlefs rencounters have got the name and the praife of vidlory — the ftandard of national valour has been lowered — the multitud' 'tave fliouted-— the fober part of the nation hav been conft:rained to acquicfce in the. ridiculous and farcical triumphs. :"* .^^^.--^ -<-*... -■ . ' ■ ' ; ' '^'— >"• ■ But I 5i 1 But in no inftance has the condu6b of admini- ftration been more juftly liable to cenfure, than in the language they held, and the meafures they purfued, at a more advanced period of the war, after the unfortunate campaign of 1777. Every one may well remember the effefts which the to- tal overthrow of Burgoyne's army, and the timid, wavering operations, and fmall amount of the fuccefs of General Howe, produced upon the na- tion at home. Every man felt, as for himfelf, the indignity and reproach which his country had fultained. A fpirit of refentment run through the great body of the people. America had hitherto been attacked upon the formal refolutions of men in office, and with a caution which damped the fpirics, and cramped the hands of thofe very men who were employed to carry them into execution. But now national honour, national refentment, every principle that produces the moft llrcnuous efforts, atchieves the mod glorious exploits, and elevates individuals and focieties above all the calculations of natural flrength and refources, were bent upon the humiliation of Amecif^ and promifed certain and fpeedy redrefs of the atironts and injuries we had fuftained. Subfcriptions were in every corner opened for levying troops--*a martial fpirit fprung up — the whole nation feemed ardent to rulh into battle. Here was prefentcd to miniftry a propitious opportunity for purfuing meafures, bold, fpirited r.nd decifive. What might they not have accompi'lhed, had they che- rifhed the fpirit of the nation, and afforded it fcope and opportunity for aftion ? Are not the higheft efforts of national fortitude, roufcd by preceding examples of difafler and reproach ^ Did ever the braveft nation in the worjd appear more D 3 brave, I srmm I* i Si 1 brave, than in thofc exertions by which they rofe again from the lowefl: ebb of bad fortune, ahji repaid their conquerors with deftruflion ? The repulfe of Hannibal after the battle of Cannae, brought more honour to the General and the army, than the moft extenfive conquefts which the Ro- man (late attained in the career of her profperity. The fluggiihnefs and defpondency which over- whelmed this nation at the beginning of the late war, contributed to render the period that follows the moft interefting and glorious that adorns the annals of Britain. Did miniftry avail themfelves of thefe arguments and examples ? The ardour of the nation was quenched^ — the language of timid- ity was again adopted, and a conciliatory bill upon terms the moft humiliating to Britain was pro- pofed. The propriety of that meafure let its re- ception teftify. There is not an individual who retains the fmalleft fpark of national honour, who does not trace the deepeft affront to the plan of conciliation, which was propofed by miniftry, adopted with the unanimous confent of both Houfes of Parliament, and rejected by the, Ame- rican Congrefs with difdain. After all, in juftice to adminiftration, we ought to obferve, that even their very errors are, in fome meafure, to be im- puted to the obftinacy and contention of oppofi- tion, which, during the whole progrefs of the war, has clogged and thwarted the operations of government. Some of the moii exceptionable meafures, fuch as the conciliatory bill, have been aftually embraced in the way of compromife with minority, in order to attain (what from late ex- perience has appeared a vain expectation) the concurrence of all parties to reftore their country, reduced to the loweft extremity by domeftic quar- rels [ 55 ] rcls and difpntes. Nor is it fo eafy a point, to decide who the miniftry are. The body miniftc- rial, like the matter of the animal fyftcm, is in a continual fluftuation, and liable to change. The men who were in the cabinet at the time of pro- pofing the American tax, have fome of them ap- peared in the moft violent oppofition to the war, which was the confequence of their own meafures. The refignation of an office, or the change of a party, in one moment obliterates the remembrance of paft tranfgreffions, and perfeftly purifies the foul. It is impoffible to conceive any two perfons to differ more from each other, than the fame man differs from himfelf, when he happens to be in or out of power. ♦ • From what has occurred in the preceding pages, it muft appear to every candid enquirer, that fo far as the prefcnt diftrefs of this nation has been occafioned by the errors and mifconduft of perfons at home, neither miniftry nor oppofition have been guiltlefs. At the fame time it cannot be doubted, to which of thefc the grcateft (hare of guilt ought in juftice to be charged, and whether there can be any reafonable ground to hope for better fuccefs from a change of hands, and under the management of men, who, becaufe they have not been gratified with honours and office accord- ing to expedation, have exerted their utmoft in- fluence, in conjunftion with thofe who have fought the deftrudtion of their country, and but too fuccefsfuUy prevailed to aggravate and pro- trad her fufferings. From fuch men can we ex- pc(5r that energy, capacity and virtue, which, un- der the bleffing of heaven, are neceflary to reco- ver the honour and profperity of this nation ? Without any deviation from the ftrideft impar- D 4 tiality f , I 'J Vi t 56 ] tiality and regard to truth, many circumftanccs nnight be alledged, tb extenuate that Ihare of blame which is placed to the account of miniftry. It is hardly poffible to conceive a fituation of pub- lic affairs more critical and perplexing, than that in which the fcrvants of government found them- fclves involved at the commencement of the Ame- rican war. From a feries of meafures (which whether wife or unwifc is not to the prefent pur- pofc) purfued through preceding adminiftrations unconnedted with one another, perhaps of oppo- fite interefts and parties, a difpute between the Mother Country and her Colonies grew to be mature for decifion. "What was the minifter of the day to do ? To recede was impoflible. To go forward dangerous. To make conceflions to America was only to poftpone the period of deci- fion. The queftion would recur in a more intri- cate Ihape, and a fentence muft fooner or later be pronounced. To plunge into a civil war, drew after it a hideous train of calamities— ^accumula- tion of national debt — decline of trade — bank- ruptcies — alienations of the affcftions of fellow citizens and brothers — a large profufion of the moft precious blood of the nation. Was it mat' ler of furprize, that a minifter in circumftances (o peculiarly delicate and trying, was perplexed, wavering, and fearful ? Wherever he turned his eyes, difficulties and dangers ftarted to his view. In whatever refolution he was to fettle, he anti- cipated a world of reproach and oppofition. If it was in vain to expett to unite the fcntiments and interefts of all the members of the ftate, was it not the more neceflary to leflen the number of divifions, and to weaken the power of oppofition ? Is it matter of aftoniftiment, that too anxious a pro- ■1: [ 57 1 profccution of this plan has given rife to meafurcs apparently feeble, fluftuating and inconfiftent. I might offer to the confideration of the candid part of my countrymen, virtues and qualifications which ought not to be overlooked becaufe they are found in a minifter. I do not think, that the abilities of the perfon who now prefides at the head of public affairs, would lofe in a comparifon with thofe of the moft refpe6b:'ble perfons who ftand in oppofition to him. His private virtues, which are not only an ornament but an effential qualification to a public character, I might place in contrail with theirs. 1 might compare his mi- nifterial conduft with that of his predeceflbrs in office. Was there ever a minifter who exercifed greater moderation and temper, in replying to the rudeft inveftivcs of his opponents, or who was fo little prone to exert his power in refenting abufc and contradiftion, or who was more difpofed to give due weight to their arguments, and adopt, by their fuggeftion, any meafure that really feemcd calculated for national advantage ? Or, finally, was there ever a minifter whofe integrity was lefs fufpefted ? To confirm thefe obfervations I might remark, that in the efteem of the moft judicious part of the nation, he ftands as high as any mini- fter ever has done within the remembrance of the prefent age j nor do I think that the odium of the people runs with fuch violence againft him, as it did againft fome of the very men who wifti to wreft the power out of his hands, when they formerly filled the feats of government. With thefe obfervations I intended to have clofed, believing that I had taken in every thing that properly belonged to the fubjeft of this trea- tife. The incrcafing power of the crown, has been V ''^V^', lately If j I ■•■i ( - I> ■ I' f 5« ] lately enumerated in the lift of public grievanceij and reprefented as a juft ground of national dif- content and jealoufy. The prepofition has been moved in the Houfe of Commons, and aflfented to by a majority of members. As in the number of thefe, there are found niany names who are not underftood to be adherents to any party, and who have not voted with oppofition in other queflions which followed that motion, it is but fair to afcribe their opinion to convi6lion, and an unbiafled re- gard to the f^fety of the conftitution. A fubjedb of fuch moment deferves the attention of every man who is a friend to his country^ and who wifhea to convey to others thofe fentiments which he is pe^fuaded are mod favourable to publip good. The influence of the crown may be enlarged or reftri&ed by the prevailing opinion and prejudices of the people, by an accefllon or diminution of thofe privileges vfhich are underilood of right to belong to it, or by the temper and conduft of the Prince who fills the throne. When the fentiments of the nation in general are favourable to monarchy, the Prince may not only ad up to the plenitude of prerogative, but extend and (Iretch his power beyond thofe ftrift limitations of law, to which he would not even dare to approach in an age of jealoufy and diftruft. The diftradions and miferies which overwhelmed Great-Brtain after the fubverfion of the conftitu- tion, under republican, or, more properly fpeak- ing, military government, ftill frelh in the me- mory of the people at the period of the reftora- tion, turned the tide of fentiment into an oppofite channel, ^nd afforded Charles the Second advan- tages for thp extenAon of prerogative, which, . ; i happily C 59 ] happily for us, his indolence and love of pleafure fins: ground in the affedtions of the peo-* pie, or that tnc ^.^rr'nins of prerogative are in- creafing in ^lumbers and influence. The political pamphlets with which the prefs has been daily teeming, fince the period of the revolution, ex- ceed all reckoning. Slavery and arbitrary power are terms which often occur, but it i$ only to render them black and detellable. Many warn- ings are given to guard againft the incroachmentj of prerogative, and that juft deference and refpedt which are due to the dignity of tlie firft magi^ ftrate, have been often laid afide; but there is not, I believe, a fingle author, who has profeflcd- ly efpoufed the oppofite fyftem, and either avow- edly or indiredly afTerted, that an increafe of crown influence is defirable, or would prove bene- ficial to the nation. Nay, fo enlarged and libe- ral are the fentiments of men upon the fubjefts of government, that if any author (hould in our day, ;-';■/ ever t <3 1 ever fo remotely hint at thofe wild fenttments concerning prerogative, which were current ia the lift century, ne would be regarded as a fool rather th.:*> a knave, and univerfal contempt would prove a fufficient antidote againft the contagion of his fentiments. I might appeal to the conilant, uniform declaration of men or all different parties and interefts, who compofe the great council of the nation. Is there a man in or out of power. Whig or Tory, who dares to exprcfs a wilh for the cxtenfion of prerogative, or are their deeds iii'onfjftent with their words? Has any meafure been contrived or carried into execution in this reign, with the deliberate purpofe of throwing additional influence into the hands of the Prince ? Nay, have not mcafures evidently tending to cir- cumfcribe his authority, been adopted without oppofition from miniflry, though it may have been doubtful how far they were agreeable to law, ami though they were manifeftly contrary to pre- cc Jent ? I might refer to the uniform complexion of decifion in all our courts of jiiftice. Is it not a received maxim, that in every inftance where the intcreft of the crown and the fubjeft come into competition, and where any room for doubt re- mains either in point of law or evidence, that the inrerefl of the latter ought to be preferred ? I might more minutely examine the fentiments de- clared by corporate bodies, and all voluntary aflemblies and affociations of the people in every part of the nation. Is there not an evident lean- ing or bias to liberty ? Is there not a jealoufy of the influence of the Prince ? Is there not a prone- nefs to fufpeft the immediate fervants of govern- ment ? I might appeal to the voice of promifcu- cus focicties j and with regard to any colledive body r I* [ 64 3 body or company of men accidentally brought togcthcT, I might lay odds upon the conjcfture, that their fufFrages, if gathered, would come out favour of libeicy and the conftitution. To in that corroborate thefe obfervations I might add, the conduft of the Houfe of Commons upon the 6th of April was a refutation of the doflrine which the majority maintained, and the refult of the vote eilablifhed a maticr of fadb in oppofition to a fpeculative propofition, which it had taken for granted. • But in the fecond place it may be enquired, how far the power of the crown has increafed from accidenral caufes ? Has not the extenfion of terri- tory, attended with the multiplication of offices, unavoidably increafed the number and wealth of retainers to the crown ? Are not new channels of cxpeftation jpened, v. hich have a difFufive influ- ence in attracting homage ar.d obfequioufnefs to the will of the great perfonage from whom fuccefs anci gratification muft flow ? Is there not good reafon to apprehend danger from this quarter ? The danger is already apprehended. Thefearg of men are in full proportion to the danger. In- ftcad of inflaming thefe to a greater degree, it is the duty ot every one who wilhes to maintain the conftitution pure and entire, to rellrain them withit? th^ bounds of reafbn, and to mark out fuch a plan of exertion as may equally prevent the encroachments of prerogative, and thofe vio- lent ftruggles of faftion, which are equally ruin- ous to the peace and liberty of the fubjeft. Whilft the revenue of the cro^^n depends en- tirely upon the Commons or people, it is hardly polTible rhit the Prince can aim at any violent ilretch of power, or -"itempt to carry into execu- tioa [ H 3 tfort any meafure hurtful to his people, or evert difagreeable to their inclinations. It will there- fore be theobjeft of every true patriot, to prefervc this conflitutional dependence, and to oppofe every meafure calculated to eftablifh a fixed* in- dependent revenue upon the Prince. As the ex- ecutive part of government is lodged entirely in the hands of the crown, a confidcrable degree of influence is neceffary to gain that concurrence, and produce that vigour, which are eflential to the fuccefs of public meafures. But it cannot be denied, that the influence of the crown arifes, in a great meafure, from the difpofal of offices ; and in this light it deferves attentior,| how far it is confillent with the true intereft of the nation, to reduce the number and emoluments of office ; that is, whether danger may not arife to the con- ftitution by reducing the influence of the crown fo far, as to impair that vigour which is neceflfary to the fuccefsful exertion of the executive part of government. It is indeed difficult to draw the ime, or to fix with precifion the boundaries where the influence of the crown ought to fl:op. In an age when either the prejudices of the people, or the temper of the Prince, tend "^wards preroga- tive, a true patriot will wifli to go as far as he can In an oppofite direction, without wounding the conftitution, or infringing the eftablifhed laws of his country. If the creation of new offices be an uncontroverted addition to the influence of the crown, the good of the conftitution certainly re- quires, that fuch power ffiould never be exerted but upon neceflfary occafions, and when the im- portant bufinefs of the nation indifpenfibly requires It. If any plan had been purfued to annex bufi- nefs to finecure offices, or to devolve the increaf-^ r E ing 1/1 u [ 66 ] im. 1 ' .f / A ( i ing bufinefs of government upon thofc perfons, >Vlio are not required to give any returns of thought or labour for the emoluments which they already enjoy, I believe there would have been little occafion to have added to the burden of the nation, or the power of the crown, by the creation of new offices. It would refledt immortal honour ' on the prefent minifter, if he would exert thofe talents with which he is fo liberally endowed, in framing and digefting fuch a plan as might be ertedual to prevent either the increafe of new offices, or the growing expence of thofc which already exifl:. Notwithftanding the obloquy of thofe who envy his power, there are thoufands of the bed friends to the conllitution, who look up to him not only as the mod able, but as the moll difpofed to correal mifmanagemeiit, to forward fchemes of real ceconomy and ufefulnefs, and eftablilh the lading profperity of his country. The fecret influence of the crown is always more to be dreaded than that which is open and vifible. Men who bear the names of public offices, or who avowedly accept, of penfions, mud ever be more redrained by a regard to character, than thofe who derive emolument from the fame fource in a fupprefled and concealed way. The very fufpicion and didruft which the people entertain of the fervants of the crown, has an influence in deterring them from the fupport of any meafure ■which is notorioTifly violent or illegal. The Prince himfelf would not efcape the fevered cerfure, were he to difmifs a minider from his office, or withdraw from a member of either houfe his pen- fion, for no other reafon but becaufe he had re- fufed to give his fupport to any meafure which appeared to him arbitrary, or fubverfive of the a con- [ 6? 1 conftitution, and dellrudlive of the intereft of the nation — but over fecret, concealed penfioners, the public have no fuch awe or reftraint— they may profefs principle when they are moved by intereft — the Prince may deprive them of their emolu- ments, without incurring public cenfure — in the day of his frowns they have no confolation or re- fourcc in the favour of the people — if integrity is wanting, nothing can be expefted from fuch men but unlimited complaifance to the will of the Prince, and an entire proftitution of their talents and interefts, to promote whatever fchcmes he may propofe for the advancement of the preroga- tive. It feems therefore a found, political maxim, that the Houfes of Parliament cannot go too far in rcftraining the fecret, invifible influence of th« crown. To exclude penfioners altogether from the Houfe of Commons, excepting thofe who by long and ufeful fervices have merited of the ftate, would, I think, be an important additional fecu- rity to the liberty of the fubjeft. On the other hand, I Ihould apprehend material injury, if the number or emoluments of office were fo far re- trenched, as to afford butfmall profpecStof gain to thofe who devoted their labour and time to the fervice of the nation in parliament; * becaufe in fuch a fituation of things there is no reafonablc ground to expe6t, that the Houfe of- Commons would be improved either with refped to the mo- rals or abilities of thofe who filled it. A very few * •*'- ij E a ^ ^ perfbns. i 1 • A bill for excluding placemen from (he Hours of Commons was brought in, December 1689, and rejedled, and this reafpn aiSgned, becauie otherwife the ntteil perfons for ferving their* King and Country would be excluded^ It was again brought in, carried in the Houfe of Commons, but thrown cut by the Peers, January 3, 1692. w ^.4 m\* ' , \ H i '\ t- •> \ ^. .,.f [ 68 ] pcrM:)ns, purely difinterefted, mi-^hc be difi-^ofcd to krve their court>y for its own Take — the far greater riMinber v\ ju'd be prompted to folicit feats in parliament merely by vanity, the ambition of raifing their own confcquence, and difplaying their talents at the head of a party. Upon a fair comparifon of the characters of men, and an ap- peal to experience, 1 am confident it will be found, that attachment to interefl is a palHon more con- fident with the public welfare, than ambition or the vehement defire of powei and diftinftion. Interefl; may be gratified in the orderly (late of government, and by the faithful, diligent dif- charge of duty — ambition courts popularity, and wifhes for tumult, and has ever occaiioned the moft violent outrages upon eftabliflicd govern- ment. If we compare the more common elfefts of thofe contrafted chara6ters, it will not admit of any difpute, whether men of frugal habits, who manage their own private affairs with difcretion, and who are mending tiieir fortunes, are not more likely to enter with attention into the affairs of r.'.ie llate, to be interelled about the public pro- fperity, and to poffefs, in a higher degree, inte- grity and (kill, and all the qualifications requifite to form a ftatefman, than thole men who are care- kfs about their own interefl:, but poffefs more oilentatious parts, and fucteed better in inveig- ling the fupport and admiration of the multitude — but the former will never interpofe in rhe ma- nagement of public affairs to the damage of their ovvn private fortune. Nor for the fame reafon is it to be wifhed, that the lalaries of offices of the greateft importance and trufl: fhould be fo far cur- tailed, as to require collateral aid of private for- tune to maintain the dignity and rank which be- I 69 J long to them, becaufe in that cafe pretenfions to Inch offices mud be entirely confined to men of rank and opulence, to the exclufion ofmore able and virtuous citizens. Having attended to the finglc view in which the influence of the crown appears to liave increafed, and pointed out the remedies which feeni molt proper to check and reftrain its farther increafe, I think it eflential to a fair difcuHion of the fubjeft, jufb to hint at :i few circumflances in the prefent (late of the na- tion, which, without any other means employed, lecm lufficient to counterpoife the acceflion of royal power derived from the increafe of offices, Firll, the prodigious increafe of national debt alone, mull prove an unfurmountable limitation to the ambition of a Britifli Sovereign, fuppofing chat fuch ambition really exifted. Good humour is the temper molt propitious to beneficence. When men have been recently fucccfsful and are well pleafed, they will Ibmetimes part freely with more than what is found ar an after period to be either prudent or convenient. And on the con- trary, bad fortune, penury and oppreffion, fret the teinper, and render us ill affeded to all around us. Refentment, at fuch a feafon, is often le- velled againlt thole whofe claims are founded in law and juitice. Becaufe thofe taxes which are neceflary to pay the interell of the national debt, ^nd anfwer the other exigences of the public, are impofed and executed in the name and by the authority of the crown, it is Jput too common for the ignorant and ill natured, who make a great part of the whole body of the people, to alTign thofe evils to the ambition of the Prince, and the avarice and rapacioufnefs of his miniflers, who are underftood to hold the preference in his favour. Again, t'l ».;'. '9 I I ^ J l:t|V !l f i ' ' i 1',- t\ .y 1i I '/l •J i! [ 70 ] Again, an independent revenue muft be the bafis of any fcheme of extending the prerogative, but the extremity of the nation, and the burden of national debt, deeply felt even by the moft wealthy, are fufficient to frullrate the plan of ac- complifhing an independent revenue or fubfiftencc to the crown, though the fentiments of the nation ihould run ever fo much in its favour. 3ut on the contrary, a third check to the in- creafing power of the crown, fprings from the predominant prejudices of the people. The tide of popular opinion runs ftrong againft the interefl: and power of the crown. In many inftances, it even would be dangerous for a Prince to exert his prerogative to the utmoll verge of law and con- ibtution. The private temper of the Prince was pointed out as another fource of the increafe of preroga- tive. It cannot be doubted, but that a Prince of moderate ambition may devife methods, and feizc opportunities, to extend his prerogative, though neither the prejudices of the people, nor inciden- tal circumftances, are favourable to his wilhes. But fo far from having any reafon to apprehend danger from this quarter, I now obferve, that in the known principles and conduft of the Prince who fills the throne, we behold additional fecu- rity for the rights and liberties of the people, and may even hope for the amendment of that confti- tution which is the pride of Britain. Our prefent Sovereign embraced the firft oppor- tunity to declare, that the rights of his people fhould be equally dear to him with the moft valu- able prerogatives of his crown. Can the moft jealous friend of liberty produce one inftance, in which the condud of the Prince has deviated from thefe . "■■■»>' ,ajt««*«>**«*»i***i \. [ ?■ ] thefc declarations, or difappointed the happy ex- pectations which they excited in the minds of the people. We have now indeed advanced beyond promifes and declarations. We appeal to expe- rience and to fafts;. During a reign of twenty years, as long a period of trial as falls to the greateft number of Princes, has not the uniform tenor of his Majefty's government, difplayed the ftriftefl regard to law, to juftice, and the interefts of his fubjedts ? Has the moft extravagant licen- tioufnefs that ever raged in a kingdom which en- joyed the blefling of fettled government, been able to produce a fhadow of evidence, for aflert- ing that any plan has been deliberately laid, or that the remoteft inclination of the Sovereign ever tended to augment the power of the crown, or infringe the eftabliftied privileges of his people ? Is there in the nation a man of refledtion, who ferioufly apprehends from the temper of the Sove- reign, any danger to liberty and the conftitution ? But the grateful citizen will not confine his praifes to thofe negative virtues, which are fufficient to remove every ground of jealoufy and diftruft from the minds of the fubjedts — he will account among the bleflings of heaven, the virtues of the Prince who claims his loyalty and affedtion — from thefe he will trace fubftantial improvements of the conftitution, and additional fecurity for the liber- ties of the people*— he will with pleafure dwell - upon • During the prefent reign, the judges have been made in- dependent, and appointed to hold their places for life. Gene- ral warrants have been declared illegal. The freedom of elec- tions more efFeflually fecured, by a bill for regulating the pre- ceedings of the Houfe of Commons on controverted ele^ions, March 7, 1770. Are I , \. ^ w, '\ i *■ t n J! Ml 't [ 70 itpon that mildnefs and lenity, which mark every meafiire of the reign under which he has been protected — he will obferve with what delicacy and refervct the indifpiitable prerogatives of the crown have been exercifed — he will admire that liberality and firmnefs which equally difdains the fervices, and defpifes the threats of any party which aims at the monopoly of power-*he will read, in every public meafure, a mind that trul^ becomes a patriot King, (leadily bent upon the great objefts of peace and juftice, and national profperity. Good men will fix their eyes with delight, upon thofe amiable domeftic virtues which irradiate a crown, and will be encouraged to hope, that good example, rendered more illullrious by rank Aie not thefe fubftantial acquiHtions to liberty and the corifll- tution ? The firft and the lad are evident checks upon the power of the crown. The 6rft of thefe improvements of the coniUcution, namely, the rendering the judges independent, proceeded from his Majefty's own gracious propofal. Does ic refleift no merit upon the Prince, that the influence of the crown was not exerted to prevent any declaration of the law, contrary to reiterated precedents in the affair of general warrants, which in the cafe of treafon may fometimes be expedient, nay, eHcntial to the fafety of government ? Is no praile due to the Prince, that he did not exert his influence to prevent any alteration in the ordinary mode of procedure in the Houfe of Commons, with refpect to the trial of controverted eleftions, which was to give fuch a mighty blow to minifteriat power ? Every one ac« quainted with the hiftorv of Sir Robert Walpole's adminiftra- tion, may rccoUe-lt what notorious injullice was committed in the trial of controverted eleflions. Indeed, fimilar inftances of injuftice may be imputed to every other adminiftration previous to Mr. Grenville's bill. In deternr.-ining eledlions, ic was not fo much confidered where the right lay, as to vvliat party the candidates belonged. It is true, the miniller did oppcfe Mr. Grenville's bill upon the argumentof its inexpediency — but was the crown influence exerted to oppofe it ? If it had, mull it not have been eiiecluat Co have thrown it out ? If not then, furely ^'— the '1.' ac- ra- in of nous not the Mr. was t noc iirely the [ 73 1 rank and authority, may yet prove cfFc