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 1 
 
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 THE 
 
 GRIEVANCES 
 
 OP THE 
 
 American Colonies 
 
 CANDIDLY EXAMINED. 
 
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 'Mldft the low murmurs of fabmiflive Fear, 
 And mingled Rage, my Hampden rais'd his voice. 
 And to the LAWS appeal'd. 
 
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 Printed by A u f h o r i t y, at Providence, in 
 
 Rhode-IJIand. 
 
 iWill*» 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 ' ^ Reprinted for J. Almon, o/ppofite Burlin^tM' 
 . Houfe, in Picadilly, Mdcclxvi. 
 
 15 , I PAici ONE SHILLING. 3 , , ., 
 
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 TO 
 TjHE RIGHT HONOURABLE 
 
 WILLIAM 
 
 EARL OF DARTMOUTH, 
 FIRST LORD COMMISSIONER 
 
 O F T •' JS 
 
 BOARD OF TRADE ANp 
 PLANTATIONS: 
 
 THIS TRACT, LATELY PRINTED 
 BY AUTHORITY IN RHODE-ISLAND, 
 
 IS 
 MOST DUTIFULLY, 
 
 AND 
 
 MOST RESPECTFULLY 
 INSCRIBED. 
 

 'i;. 
 
 r H^ 
 
 GRIEVANCES &c. 
 
 LIBERTY is th^ greateft 
 blefling that men enjoy, and 
 flavery the greateft curfe that human 
 nature is capable of. ---Hence it i$ a 
 matter of the utjnoft importance to 
 men, which of the two fliall be their 
 Portion. Abfolute liberty, is perhaps 
 incompatible with any kiiid of go- 
 vernment. — The fafety relulting fron;i 
 fociety, and the advantage of juft and 
 equal laws, hath caufed men to forego 
 fome part of their natural liberty, and 
 fubmit to government. This appears 
 to be the moft rational account of its 
 beginning ; although it muft be con- 
 fefl^d, mankind have by no means 
 been agreed about it: fome have found 
 its origin in the divine appointment ; 
 
 B others 
 

 : i 6 ) 
 
 Others have thought it took its rife 
 from power: enthufiafts have dreamed 
 that dominion was founded in grace. 
 Leaving thefe points to be fettled by 
 the defcendants of Filmer, Cromwell, 
 and Venner, we fhall confider the 
 Britilh conftitution, as it at prefent 
 ftands, on Revolution Principles ; and 
 from thence endeavour to find the 
 meafure of the magifl:rate'$ power, 
 and the people's obedience. 
 
 This gloriou§ conftitution, the beft 
 that ever exifted amqngft men, will 
 be confeffed by all, to be founded on 
 Compact, and eftabliflied by confent 
 of the people. By this moft benefit 
 cent compaft, Britilh fubjefts are to 
 he governed only agreeable to laws, 
 to which themfelves have fome way 
 confented, and are not to be compel- 
 ed to part with their property, but as 
 it is called for by the authority of fuch 
 laws: the former is truly liberty; the 
 latter is to be really poflefled of pro- 
 perty, and to have fomething that may 
 be called one'js own. 
 
 On 
 
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 int 
 
 4 
 
 he 
 
 €( 
 
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 ( 7 ) 
 
 On the contrary, thofe who arc 
 governed at the will of another, or 
 others, and whofe Property may be 
 taken from them by taxes, or other- 
 wife, without their own confent, and 
 againft their will, are in the miferable 
 condition of flaves : ** For, (4ys Al- 
 gernon Sidney, in his difcourfes on 
 government) liberty folely confifts 
 in an independency upon the will 
 of another ; and by the name of 
 ^^ flave, we underftand a man who 
 <* can neither difpofe of his perfon or 
 ** goods, but enjoys all at the will of 
 " his mafter/' Thefe things premifedj 
 whether the Britifh American colonics 
 on the continent, arejuftly entitled to 
 like privileges and freedoms as their 
 fellow fubjecSs in Great Britain are, is a 
 point worthy mature examination. In 
 difcufling this queftion, we fhall make 
 the colonies in New England, with 
 whofe rights we are beft acquainted, 
 the rule of our reafoningj not in the 
 leaft doubting but all the others are^ 
 juftly entitled to like rights with them. 
 
 New 
 
 ;l 
 
( 8 ) 
 
 New England was firft planted by 
 adventurers, who left England, their 
 native Country, by permiilion of king 
 Charles the nrfl ; and at their own 
 cxpence, tranfported themfelves to 
 America, with great rifque and dif- 
 ficulty fettled among favages, and in 
 a very furprizing manner, formed 
 new colonies in the wildernefs. Be- 
 fore their departure, the terms of their 
 freedom J arid the relation they fliould 
 ftand in to the mother country, in 
 their emigrant ftate were fully fettled; 
 they were to remain fubjedt to the 
 king, and dependant on the kingdom 
 df Great Britain. In return they were 
 to receive proteftion, arid enjoy all 
 the rights and privileges of freeborn 
 
 Engliftimen. 
 
 This is abundantly proved by the 
 charter given to the Maflachufefs co- 
 lony, while they were ftill in England, 
 and which they received arid brought 
 over with them, as the authentic evi- 
 dence of the conditions they removed 
 upoir. The colonies of Coimefticut 
 
 and 
 
 \ 
 
••■( 
 
 9 ) 
 
 and Rliode liland alfo, afterwards 
 obtained charters from the crown, 
 granting them the like ample Privi- 
 leges. By all thefe charters, it is in 
 the mod exprefs and folemn manner 
 granted, that thefe adventurers, and 
 their children after them for ever, 
 fhould have and enjoy all the freedom 
 and liberty that the fubjefts in Eng- 
 land enjoy : That they might make 
 laws for their own government, fuit- 
 able to their circumftances ; not re- 
 pugnant to, but as near as might be, 
 agreeable to the laws of England : 
 that they might purchafe lands, ac- 
 quire goods, and ufc trade io: their 
 advantage, and have an abfolute pro- 
 perty in whatever they juftly acquired. 
 Thefe, with many other gracious pri- 
 vileges, were granted them by feveral 
 Kings ; and they were to pay as an 
 acknowledgement to the crown, only 
 one fifth part of the ore of gold and 
 filver, that fliould at anytime be found 
 in the faid colonies, in lieu of, and 
 full fatisfa^ion for all dues and de- 
 mands 
 
 m 
 
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 ( lO ) 
 
 mands cdf the crown and kingdom of' 
 England upon them. - . * 
 
 There is not any thing new or ex- 
 traordinary in thefe rights granted to 
 the Britifli colonies :-^The colonies 
 from all countries, at all times, have 
 enjoyed equal freedom with the mo- 
 ther ftate. Indeed, there would be 
 found very few people in the world, 
 willing to leave their native country, 
 and go through the fatigue and hard- 
 fhip of planting in a new uncultivated 
 one, for the fake of lofing their free- 
 dom. They who fettle new countries 
 muft be poor ; and in courfe, ought 
 to be free. Advantages, pecuniary 
 or agreeable, are not on the Side of 
 emigrants, and furely they muft have 
 fomething in their ftead. 
 
 To illuftrate this, permit us to ex- 
 amine what hath generally been the 
 condition of the colonies with refpeft 
 to their freedom; we will begin with 
 thofe who went out fiom the ancient 
 commonwealths of Greece, which 
 are the firft perhaps, we have any 
 
 good 
 
[ II ) 
 
 good account of. Thucidides, that 
 grave and judicious hiftorian, fays of 
 one of them, *' they were not fent 
 ** out to be flaves but to be the equals 
 ** of thofe who remained behind ;" 
 and again, the Corinthians gave pub- 
 lic notice, ** that a new colony was 
 ** going to Epidamus, into which, all 
 *^ that would enter, fhould have 
 ** equal and like privileges with thofe 
 " who ftaid at home." 
 This was uniformly the condition of 
 all the Grecian colonies ; they went 
 out and fettled new countries ; they 
 took fuch forms of government as 
 themfelves chofe, though it generally 
 nearly refembled that of the mother 
 ftate, whether dcmocratical or orli- 
 garchicaj. 'Tis true they were fond 
 to acknowledge their original, and 
 always oonfeffed themfelves under ob- 
 ligation to pay a kind of honorary 
 refped: to, and fhew a filial depend- 
 ance on the commonwealth from 
 whence they fprung. Thucidides 
 again tells us, that the Corinthians 
 
 complained 
 
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 I' \ 
 
 M\ 
 
 (C 
 
 ii 
 
 cc 
 
 n 
 
 ( 12 ): 
 
 complained of the Corey reans " from 
 whom, though a colony of their own 
 they had received fome contemp- 
 tuous treatment : for they neither 
 payed them the ufual honour oq 
 their public folemnities, nor began 
 " with a Corinthian in the diftribv- 
 ** tion of the facrifices which is al- 
 *' ways done by other colonies,'* 
 From hence it is plain what kind of 
 dependance the Greek colonies were 
 under, and what fort of acknowledge- 
 ment they owed to the mother ftate. 
 If we pafs from the Grecian to the 
 American colonies, we flialj find 
 them not lefs free ; but this differ- 
 ence may be obfei vcd between them, 
 that the Roman colonies did not, like 
 the Grecian, become feparate ftates, 
 governed by different laws, but al- 
 ways remained a part of the mother 
 ftate ; and all that were free of the 
 colonies, were alfo free of Rome. 
 And Grotius gives us the opinion of 
 a Roman king, concerning the free» 
 dom of Colonies ; king TuUus fays, 
 
 « for 
 
 
. .? 
 
 
 C€ 
 
 cc 
 
 cc 
 
 ( 13 i 
 
 for our part, \Ye look upon it td 
 be neither truth nor juftice, that 
 mother cities oiight of neceflity^ 
 and by the law of nature^ to rule 
 " over their colonies." 
 
 When we come dowh to the latter 
 ages of the world, and eonfider the 
 colonies planted in the three laft cen- 
 turies, in America, from feveral 
 kingdoms in Europe, we fliall find 
 them, fays Puffendorf, very different 
 from the antient colonies, and he gives 
 us an inftance in thofe of the Spa- 
 niards.^ Although It be confefled thefe 
 fall greatly fliort of enjoying equal 
 freedom with the ancient Greek and 
 Roman ones ; yet it will be truly 
 faid, they enjoy equal freedom with 
 their countryman in Spain : but as 
 they are all under the government of 
 an abfolute monarch, they have no 
 reafon to complain that on^ emoys the 
 liberty the other is deprived of The' 
 French colonies will be found nearly 
 in the fame Condition, and for the 
 fame reafon, becaufe their fellow-fub- 
 
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 je^ls of Prance have alfo loft their li- 
 berty. And the queftion is not whe- 
 ther all colonies, as compared with 
 one another, enjoy equal liberty, but 
 whether all enjoy as much freedom as 
 the inhabitants of the mother ftate 5 
 and this will hardly be denied ih the 
 cafe of the Spanifh, French, or Ochcr 
 modern foreign colonies* 
 
 By this it fully appears, that colo** 
 nies in general, both ancient and mo- 
 dern, have always enjoyed as much 
 freedom as the mother ftate from 
 which they went out : and will any 
 one fuppofe the Britifh colonies in 
 America are an^ exception to this ge- 
 neral rule ? Colonies that came from* 
 a kingdom renowned for liberty ; 
 from a confti^tion founded on com^ 
 pad:, from a people of all the fon« of 
 men, the moft tenacious of freedom *^ 
 who left the delights of their rtative 
 country, parted from their Homes,! 
 and all their conveniencies, fearched 
 out and fubdued a foreign country 
 with the moft amazing travail and 
 fortitude, to the infinite advantage and 
 
 emo- 
 
emolument of the mother ftate ; that 
 removed on a firm reliance of a folemra 
 compadl, and royal promife and grant, 
 that they, and their fucceirors for 
 ever, fhould be free, fhould be par- 
 takers and fharers in all the privileges 
 and advantages of the then EngHfh, 
 ;now Englifti conftitution. \-,^ ; . ., 
 
 If it were pofTibk a doubt could 
 yet remain, in the moft unbeliev-f- 
 ing mind, that thefe Britiili colo- 
 nies are not ev^ry way juftly and 
 fully intituled to equal liberty and 
 freedom with their fellow-fubjefts in 
 Europe, we might fhew, that the 
 parliament of Great-Britain have air- 
 ways underftood their rights in the 
 fame light. : . 
 
 By an a<3: paffed in the thirteenth 
 year of the reign of his late majefty 
 King George the Second, intituled, 
 ** An aft for naturalizing foreign pro- 
 teftants, &e." and by another aft, 
 palleu in the fame reign, for neatly 
 the fame purpofes, by both which it 
 is enafted and ordained, " That all 
 
 C 2 foreign 
 

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 ( i6 ) 
 
 foreign proteftants, who had in- 
 habited, and redded for the fpacc 
 of (tvea yearsj or more, in His 
 ^* Majefty's colonies in America,'* 
 might, on the conditions therein 
 mei^tioned, be naturaUzed, and there- 
 upon fhould be " deemed, adjudged, 
 and taken to be His Majefty's na- 
 tural born fubjedts of the kingdom 
 of Great-Britain, to all intents, 
 conftruftions, and purpofes, as if 
 they, and every one of them, had 
 been, or were born within the 
 fame." No reafonable man will 
 here fuppofe the parliament intended, 
 in thefe a<fts, to put foreigners who 
 had been in the colonies only feven 
 years, in a better condition than thofc 
 who had been born in them, or hacj 
 removed from Britain thither, but onr^ 
 ly to put thefe foreigners on an equa- 
 lity with them j and, to do this, they 
 are obliged to give them all the rights 
 of natural-born fubjecfts of Great Bri- 
 tain. 
 
 From 
 
 €i 
 
 ii 
 
 €i 
 
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 ii 
 
n 
 
 i ^7 ) 
 
 , From what has been fliewn, it will 
 y-ippear beyond a doubt, that the 
 Britifli fubjeds in America, have 
 j^qual rights with thofe in Britain \ 
 fhat they do not hold thofe rights 
 as privileges granted them, but poflefs 
 / jthem as inherent and indefeaj(ible. 
 And the Britifh legiflativ^ ^nd exe- 
 i:utive powers have confidered thje co- 
 lonies as pofleffed of thefe rights, and 
 have always heretofore, in the moft 
 tender and paiental manner, treated 
 them as their dependant (though 
 free) condition required. The pro- 
 tedion promifed on the part of the 
 crown, which with chearfulnefs and 
 gratitude we acknowledge, hath at 
 all times been givpn to the colonies. 
 The dependance of the colonies to 
 /Qre^it-Britain hath been fully teftified 
 by a conftant and ready obedience to 
 all the commands of Flis preftnt Mu 
 jefty, and royal predcceiibrs ; both 
 men and money having been raifcd \\\ 
 them at all times v/hcn called for, 
 JV'ith as much alacrity and in as large 
 
 I 
 

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 ■:\ 
 
 
 ( »» ) 
 
 proportions as hath been done in 
 Great Britain, the ability of each 
 confidered. It muft alfo be confef- 
 fed with thankfulnefs, that the iirft 
 adventurers and their fucceffors, for 
 one hundred and thirty years, have 
 fully enjoyed all the freedoms and 
 immunities promifed on their removal 
 from England — ^But her" the fcene 
 feems to be unhappily changing :*— 
 The Britifh miniftry, whether induced 
 by a jealoufy of the colonies, by 
 falfe informations, or by fome altera- 
 tion in the fyftem of poHtical govern- 
 ment, we have no information ; what- 
 ever hath been the motive, this we 
 are fure of, the parliament pafled ah , 
 aft, limitting reftrifting, and bur- 
 dening the trade of thofe colonies, 
 much rhore than had ever been done 
 before ; as alfo for greatly enlarging 
 the power and jurifdiftion of th€ 
 Courts of admiralty in the colonies, 
 and likewife paffed another aft, efta- 
 blifhing certain ftamp duties. Thefe 
 afts have occafioned great uneadnefs 
 
 among 
 
 i 
 
/ >9 I 
 
 ^niotig the Britifh fubjefts on the con- 
 tinent of America, How much rea- 
 fon there is for it, we will endeavowir, 
 in the moft modeft and plain manner 
 we can, to lay before the public. 
 
 In the firft place, let it be confi- 
 dered, that although each of the co- 
 lonies hath a legiflature within itfelf, 
 to take care of its Interefts, and pro- 
 vide for its peace and internal govern- 
 ment, yet there are many things of 
 a more general nature, quite out of 
 the reach of thefe particular legifla- 
 tures, which it is neceffary fhould be 
 regulated, ordered and governed. Gn-C 
 of this kind is, the commerce of the 
 whole Britifh empire, taken collec- 
 tively, and that of each kingdom and 
 colony in it, as it makes a part of 
 that whole: Indeed, every thing that 
 concerns the proper intcreft and fit 
 government of the whole common- 
 wealth, of keeping the peace, and 
 fiibordination of all the parts towards 
 the whole, and one among another^ 
 muft be confidered in this light: 
 - amongft 
 
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 il 
 
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 ( ao ) 
 
 afinongft thefe general concerns, per^' 
 haps money and paper credit, thofc 
 grand inftruments of all commerce, 
 will be found alfo to have a place. 
 Thefe, with all other matters of a 
 general nature^ it is abfolutely necef- 
 iary fhould have a general power to 
 diredl them; fomefupr^me and over- 
 ruling authority, with power to itiake 
 laws, and form regulations for the 
 good of all, and to compel their ex- 
 ecution and obfervatibn. It being 
 neceffary fome fuch general power 
 fhould exift fomewhere, every rnan 
 of the leaft knowledge of the Bri- 
 tifti conftitution, Will be naturally 
 led to look for, and find it in the 
 parliament of Great Britain ; that 
 grand and auguft legiflative body muft 
 from the nature of their authority, 
 and the neceffity of the thing, be 
 juftly vefted with this power. Hence 
 it becomes the iadifpenfable duty of 
 every good and loyal fubjefi, chcar- 
 fuUy to obey and patiently fubmit to^ 
 all the adts, laws, orders and regula- 
 tions 
 
( 2* ) 
 
 tions that may be mad^ and pafled 
 by parliament, for direfting and go- 
 verning all thefe general matters. 
 
 Here it may b^ urged by many, 
 and indeed, with great appearance of 
 reafon, that the equity, juftice and 
 beneficence, of the Britiih conftitu- 
 tion, will require, that the feparate 
 kingdoms and diftinft colonies, who 
 are to obey and be governed by thefe 
 general laws and regulations, ought 
 to be reprefented, fonme way or other, 
 in parliament ; at leafl whilft thelt 
 general matters are under confider- 
 ation. Whether the colonies will 
 ever be adniitted to have reprefenta- 
 tives i|i parliaments—whether it be 
 confifteqt with their difta^t a^d de- 
 pendant ftate — and whether, if it 
 were admitted, it would be to their 
 advantage — are queftions we wjU pafs 
 by ; and obferye, that thefe colonies 
 ought in juftice, a,nd fqr the very 
 evident good of the whole common- 
 wealthj, tp hav^ notice of every new 
 pie^fure about to be purfued, and 
 
 D new 
 
 111 
 
f' 
 
 ; 
 
 ■ i: 
 
 lis 
 
 [ 22 ) 
 
 new Aft about to be paflcd, by 
 which their rights, liberties or inter- 
 efts may be affedtcd ; they ought to 
 have fuch notice, that they may ap- 
 pear and be heard by their agents, 
 by council, or written reprefentation, 
 or by fome other equitable and ef- 
 feft^ml way. ' " 
 
 The colonies are at fo great a di- 
 flance from England, that the mem- 
 bers of parliament can, generally 
 have but little knowledge of their 
 bufinefs, connexions and interefts, 
 but what is gained from people 
 who have been there ; the moft 
 of thefe, have fo flight a knowledge 
 themfelves, that the informations they 
 can give, are very little to be depend- 
 ed on, though they may pretend to 
 determine with confidence on mat- 
 ters far above their reach. All fuch 
 Informations are too uncertain to 
 be depended on, in the tranfadl- 
 ing bufinefs of fo much confe- 
 quence, and in \vhich the interefts of 
 
 two 
 
 ^ 
 
 / 
 
 I 
 
' 
 
 / 
 
 
 { 23 ) • 
 
 two millions of free people are Co 
 deeply concerned. There is no kind 
 of inconvenience or mifchicf can arife 
 from the colonies having fuch notice^ 
 and being heard in the manner above-^ 
 mentioned ; but, on the contrary^ 
 very great mifchiefs have already hap- 
 pened to the colonies, and always 
 muft be expeded, if they arc not 
 heard, before things of fuch impor- 
 tance are determined concerning 
 them. 
 
 • / 
 
 yjr r. Wr'V 
 
 ^ Had the colonies been fully heardj 
 before the late adl had been paffed, 
 no reafonable man can fuppole it ever 
 Would have pafled at all, in the man^ 
 ner it now ftands ? for what good rea-»: 
 fon can poflibly be given for making 
 a law to cramp the trade and ruin the 
 intereft of many of the colonies, and 
 at the fame time, leflen iii a prodi- 
 gious manner the confumption of the 
 Britifli manufaftures in them ? Thefe 
 are certainly the efFefts this aft muft 
 produce : a duty of three-pence per 
 gallon on foreign melalfes, is wxU 
 
 D 2 known 
 
' ■ 
 
 u 
 
 ( H ) 
 
 kncJWfi to every man in the leaft ac- 
 quainted with it, to be much highcF 
 than that article can poflibly bear 5 
 and therefore muft operate as an ab- 
 folute prohibition. This will put a 
 total flop to the exportation of lum-^ 
 ber^ horfes, flour, and filh^ to the 
 French and Dutch fugar-colonies ; 
 and if any one fuppofe we may find a 
 fufficient vent for thefe articles in the 
 Englifli Wefl-Indies, he only verifies! 
 what was juft now obferved, that he 
 wants true information. Putting an 
 end to the importation of foreign me-* 
 lafles, at the fame time puts an end 
 to all the coftly diftilleries in thefe 
 coloniesj and to the rum trade with 
 the coaft of Africa^ and throws it in^ 
 to the Hands of the French. With 
 the Ipfs of the foreign melafies trade^ 
 the cod-fifliery in America muit alfo 
 be loft, and thrown alfo into the hands 
 of the French. That this is the real 
 ftatc of the whole bufineCs is not mere 
 fancy ; neither this, nor any part of 
 
 > 
 
 k 
 
 / 
 
 It. 
 
. 
 
 ( 2S ) 
 
 it, IS exaggeration, but a fober, arid 
 moft melancholy truth. 
 
 View this duty of three-pence pir 
 gallon on foreign melrffes, not in the 
 light of a prohibition, but fuppofing 
 the trade to continue, and the duty to 
 be paid. Heretofore there hath been 
 imported into the colony of Rhode- 
 Ifland only, about one million one 
 hundred and fifty thoufand gallons, 
 annually 5 the duty on this quantity 
 is fourteen thoufand three hundred 
 and feventy-five pounds fterling, to be 
 paid yearly by this little colony; a 
 larger fum than was ever in it at any 
 one time. This money is to be font 
 away, and never to return ; yet the 
 payment is to be repeated every year. 
 — Can this poflibly be done ? Can a 
 new colony, compelled by neceflity to 
 purchafe all its cldathing, furniture, 
 and utenfils from England, to fupport 
 the expences of its own internal go- 
 vernment, obliged bv its duty to com- 
 ply with every call from the crown to 
 taife money on emergencies ; after all 
 
 this, 
 
1 '.1 
 
 ! (■ 
 
 I v.* 
 
 ( 26 ) 
 
 tills, can every man in it pay twen- 
 ty-four fhillings a year for the duties 
 of a fingle article only ; There is 
 furely no man in his right mind be-^ 
 lieves this poflible. The charging fo-* 
 reign melaffes with this high duty^ 
 will not affect all the colonies equally^ 
 nor any other near fo much as this of 
 Rhode-Ifland, whofe trade depended 
 much more on foreign melafles, and 
 on diftilleries, than that of any others^ 
 this muft {hew that raifing money 
 for the general fervice of the crown^ 
 or colonies, by fuch a duty, w^ill be 
 extremely unequal, and therefore un- 
 juft. And now taking either alterna-^ 
 tive ; by fuppofing, on one hand, the 
 foreign melafles trade is flopped, and 
 with it the opportunity or ability of 
 the colonies to get money ; or, on 
 the other, that this trade is continued^ 
 and that the colonies get money by it, 
 but all their money is taken from 
 them by paying their duty ; can Bri- 
 tain be a gainer by either ? Is it not 
 the chief intereft of Britain to difpofe 
 ; of, 
 
 , 
 
n 
 
 > 
 
 ( 27 ) 
 
 of, and be paid for her own manu- 
 fadlurcs ? and doth fhe not find the 
 greateft and beft market for them in 
 her own colonies ? Will fhe find an 
 advantage in difabling the colonies 
 to continue their trade with her? 
 or can fhe pofli jly grow rich by their 
 being made poor ? 
 
 Minifters have great influence, and 
 parliaments have great power ; — can 
 either of them change the nature of 
 things, flop our means of getting 
 money, and yet exped: us to purchafe 
 and pay for Britifh manufadlures ? 
 The genius of the people in thefe 
 colonies is as Httle turned to manu- 
 facturing goods for their own ufe, as 
 is poffible to fuppofe in any people 
 whatfoever ; yet neceflity will com- 
 pel them either to go naked in this 
 cold country, or to make themfelves 
 fom.e fort of cloathing, if it be only 
 of the fl<:ins of Beafts. 
 
 By the fame ad of parliament, 
 the exporti^tion of all kinds of tim-- 
 ber, or lumber, the moll: ixutural 
 
 p. ^ duce 
 

 I ' :! i 
 
 1 H' 
 
 :| 
 : ii 
 
 If 
 
 ( 2B ) 
 
 produce of thefc new coloqies, i^ 
 greatly incumbered and ufelefsly em-, 
 barrafied, and the fliipping it to any 
 part of Eprope, except Great Britain^ 
 prohibite4 ; This muft greatly afFeft 
 the linen manufadure in Ireland, as 
 that kingdom ufed to receive great 
 quantities of flax-feed from America, 
 many cargoes being made of that, and 
 of barrel ftaves, were fent thither 
 every year ; but as the ftaves can np 
 longer be exported thither, the fliips 
 carrying only flax feed cafks, with- 
 out the ftaves, which ufed to be inr 
 termixed among them, muft lofe one 
 half of their freight, which will prcr 
 vent their continuing this trade, to 
 the great injury of Ireland, and of 
 the plantations : And what advantage 
 is to accrue to Great Britain by it, 
 muft be told by thofe who can per- 
 cclve the utility of this meafore. 
 
 Enlarging the power and jurifdicr 
 tion of the courts of vice-admiralty 
 in the colonies, is another part of the 
 fame aft, greatly and juftly coipplained 
 
 of 
 
\ 
 
 C 29 ) 
 
 of. Courts of admiralty have long 
 been eftablifhed in moft of the colo- 
 nies, whofe authority were circum- 
 fcribed within moderate territorial ju- 
 rifdidlions ; and whofe courts have 
 always done the Bufinefs neceffary to 
 be brought before thofe courts for 
 trial, in the manner it ought to be 
 done, and in a way only moderately 
 expenfive to the fubjefts ; and if 
 feizures were made, or informations 
 Exhibited, without reafon, or contra- 
 ry to law, the informer or feizer, 
 was left to the juftice of the com- 
 mon laW, there to pay for his folly, 
 or fuffer for his temerity. But now 
 this cafe is quite altered, and a cuf- 
 tom houfe officer may make a feizure 
 in Georgia, of goods ever fo legally 
 imported, and carry the trial to Ha- 
 lifax, at fifteen hundred miles diftanccy 
 and thither the owner muft follow 
 him to defend his property ; and when 
 he comes there, quite beyond the cir- 
 cle of his friends, acquaintance, and 
 correfpondence, among total ftrangers, 
 
 E h« 
 

 !i 
 
 'i 
 
 i 
 
 ( 30 ) 
 
 he muft there give bond, and muft 
 find fureties to be bound with him in 
 a large fum before he fhall be ad- 
 mitted to claim his own goods ; when 
 this is complied with, he hath a trial, 
 and his goods acquitted. If the judge 
 can be prevailed on (which it is very 
 well known may too eafily be done) to 
 certify, there was only probable caufe 
 for making the feizure, the unhappy 
 owner can Hot maintain any aftioa 
 againft the ilkgal feizer, for damages, 
 or obtain any fati«fa<a:ion ; but he may 
 return to Geoigia^ quite ruined, and 
 undone in conformity td an aldl of 
 parharnent. Such unbounded encou- 
 ragement and protedlion given to in- 
 formers, muft call to every one's re- 
 membrance Tacitus's account of the 
 miferable condition of the Romans 
 in the reign of Tiberius tJieir empe- 
 ror, who let loofe and encouraged the 
 informers of that age. Surely if the 
 colonies had been fully heard before 
 this had been done, the liberties and 
 
 properti^^ 
 
f 
 
 
 ( 3- ) 
 
 properties of the Americans would not 
 nave been fo much difregarded. 
 
 TiiC refolution that the houfe of 
 commons came into during the fame 
 feflion of parliament, aflerting their 
 right to eftablifh ftamp duties, and 
 internal taxes, to be coUeded in the 
 colonies without their own confent, 
 hath much more, and for much more 
 reafon alarmed the Britifli fubjecSs in 
 America, than any thing that had 
 ever been done before. Thefe refo- 
 lutions have been fince carried into 
 execution by an aft of parliament 
 which the colonifts do conceive is a 
 violation of their long enjoyed rights. 
 For it muft be confeffed by all men, 
 that they who are taxed at Pleafure 
 by others, cannot poflibly have any 
 property, can have nothing to be 
 called their own ; they who have no 
 property can have no freedom, but are 
 indeed reduced to the rnoft abjeft fla-r 
 very ; are in a ftate far worfe than 
 countries conquered and made tribu- 
 tary ; for thefe have only a fixed fum 
 
 E 2 to 
 
{ 32 ) 
 
 to pay, which they are left to raife 
 
 themfeli 
 
 the 
 
 that 
 
 among 
 
 they may think moft equal and eafy ; 
 and having paid the ftipulated fum, 
 the debt is difcharged, and what is 
 left is their own. This is more tole- 
 rable, than to be taxed at the mere 
 will of others, without any bounds, 
 without any stipulation or agreement, 
 contrary to their confent and againft 
 their wills. If we are told that thofe 
 who lay thefe taxes upon the colonies 
 are men of the higheft charafter for 
 wifdom juftice and integrity, and 
 therefore cannot be fuppofed to deal 
 hardly, unjuftly or unequally by any; 
 admitting, and really believing that 
 all this is true, it will make no alter- 
 ation in the nature of the cafe ; for 
 one who is bound to obey the wiil of 
 another, is as really a flave, though 
 he may have a good mafter, as if he 
 had a bad one ; and this is ftronger 
 in politic bodies than in natural ones, 
 as the former have a perpetual fuc- 
 pfTion, and remain the fame ; and 
 
 although 
 
( 33 ) 
 
 although they may have a good maf- 
 ter at one time, they may have a 
 very bad one at another. And indeed, 
 if the people in America, are to be 
 taxed by the reprefentatives of the 
 people in Britain, their malady is an 
 increafing evil, that miift always grov^ 
 greater by time. Whatever burdens 
 are laid upon the Americans, will be 
 fo much taken oifF the Britons ; and 
 the doing this will foon be extreme- 
 ly popular, and thofe who put up to 
 be members of the houfe of com- 
 mons, muft obtain the votes of 
 the people, by promifing to take 
 taxes off them, by making new 
 levies on the Americans. . This muft 
 moft affuredly be the cafe, and it 
 will not be in the power even of 
 the parliament to prevent it ; the 
 people's private intereft will be con- 
 cerned, and will govern them; .they 
 will have fuch, and only fuch repre- 
 fentatives as will afl: ao;reeable to 
 their intereft ; and thefe taxes, laid 
 oil Americans, will be always a part 
 
 of 
 

 1,1 ; 
 
 '■t 
 
 ■■4 
 
 I If 
 
 ( 34 ) 
 
 of the fupply bill, in which the other 
 branches of the legiflature can make 
 no alteration : and, in truth, the fub- 
 jedls in the colonies will be taxed at 
 the will and pleafure of their fellow- 
 fubjefts in Britain. — -—-How equitable 
 and how juft this may be, muft be 
 left to every impartial man to deter^r 
 
 mine. '; » • 
 
 But it will be faid, that the monies 
 drawn from the colonies by duties, 
 and by taxes, will be laid up and fet 
 apart to be ufed for their future de- 
 fence : this \aill not at all alleviate 
 the hardship, but ferve only more 
 ftrongly to mark the (ervile ftate of 
 the people. Free people have ever 
 thought, and always will think, that 
 the money neceffary for their defence, 
 lies fafeft in their own hands, until it 
 be wanted immediately for that pur-r 
 pofe. To take the money of the A- 
 mericans, which they want continu- 
 ally to ufe in their trade, and lay it 
 up for their defence, at a thoufand 
 leagues diftant from them, when the 
 
 enemie§ 
 
 I'' 
 
( 35 ) 
 
 enemies they have to fear are in their 
 own neighbourhood, hath not the 
 greateft probabiHty of friendfhip or 
 of prudence. 
 
 It is not the judgment of free 
 people only, that money for defend- 
 ing them is fafeft in their keeping, 
 biit it is alfo the opinion of the beft 
 and wifeft kings and governors of 
 mankind, in every age of the world, 
 thai: the wealth of a ftate was moft 
 fccurely as well as moft profitably 
 depofited in the hands of their faith- 
 ful fubjefts : Conftantius, emperor 
 of the Romans, though an abfolutc 
 prince, both praftifed and praifed 
 this method, " Dioclefian fent per- 
 fons on purpofe to reproach him 
 with his ncgledl of the publick, 
 and the poverty to which he waB 
 reduced by his own fault. Con- 
 ftantius heard thefe reproaches 
 with patience; and having per^ 
 ** fuaded thofe who made them in 
 Dioclefian's name, to ftay a few 
 days with him, he fent word to 
 
 ** the 
 
 li 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 cc 
 
 a 
 
 (C 
 
 a 
 
 i( 
 

 u 
 i( 
 (( 
 (( 
 c< 
 
 C( 
 
 a 
 
 u 
 <c 
 
 cc 
 cc 
 n 
 
 iC 
 
 cc 
 it 
 a 
 cc 
 
 cc 
 cc 
 cc 
 cc 
 cc 
 
 cc 
 
 cc 
 
 ( 36 ) 
 
 the moll wealthy perfons in thd 
 provinces, that he wanted moneyy 
 and that they had now an oppor- 
 tunity of fhcwing whether or no 
 they really loved their prince. Up- 
 on this notice, every one ftrove 
 who fhould be foremoft in carry- 
 ing to the exchequer all their gold, 
 filver, and valuable effecSlrs, fo that 
 in a fhort time, Conftantius from 
 being the pooreft, became by far 
 the moft wealthy of all the fouf 
 princes. He then invited the de- 
 puties of Dioclefian to vifit his- 
 treafury, defiring them to make a 
 faithful report to their mafter of 
 the ftate in which they fhould 
 find it. They obeyed ; and, while 
 they ftood gazing upon the migh- 
 ty heaps of gold and filver, Con- 
 ftantius told them, that the wealth 
 which they beheld wich aftonifli- 
 ment, had long fince belonged to- 
 him, but that he had left it by 
 way of depofitum, in the hands 
 of his people : adding, the richeft 
 
 '' and 
 
C( 
 
 C( 
 
 C( 
 
 C( 
 
 C( 
 
 C( 
 
 ic 
 
 ( 37 ) 
 ** and fureft trcafure of the prindc, 
 was the love of his fubjcfts. 1 he 
 deputies were no fooner gone, 
 tlian the generous prince fent for 
 " thofe who had aflifted him in his 
 exigency, commended their zeal 
 and returned to every one what 
 they had fo readily brought into 
 his treafury." 
 We are not infenfible, that when 
 liberty is in danger, the liberty of 
 complaining is dangerous ; yet a man 
 on a wrack was never denied the li- 
 berty of roaring as loud as he could^ 
 fays Dean Swift. And we believe no 
 good reafon can be given, why the 
 colonies fhould liot modeftly and fo- 
 berly enquire, what right die parlia- 
 ment of Great Britain have to tax 
 them. We know that fuch enquiries 
 have by one letter writer, been brand- 
 ed with the little epithet of Mujh^ 
 room Policy ; and he intimates, that 
 for the colonies to pretend to clainl 
 any privileges, will draw down the 
 refentment of the parliament on 
 
 F them 
 
; 11.: 
 
 '*^'! 
 
 ( 38 ) 
 
 them. Is then the defence of li- 
 berty become fo contemptible, and 
 pleading for jiift rights fo dangeious? 
 Can the guardians of liberty be thus 
 ludicrous ? Can the patrons of free- 
 dom be fo jealous and fo fevere ? 
 
 Should it be urged that the money 
 expended by the mother-country, for 
 the defenc:^ and proteftion of Ame- 
 rica, and efpecially during the late 
 war, muit juftly entitle her to fome 
 retaliation from the colonies ; and 
 that the ftamp duties and taxes, in- 
 tended to be raifed in them, are on- 
 ly defigned for that equitable pur- 
 pofe ; if we are permitted to exa- 
 mine how far this may rightfully 
 veft the parliament with the power 
 of taxing the colonies, we fliall find 
 this claim to have no foundation. In 
 many of the colonies, efpecially thofe 
 in New England, which were planted, 
 as is before obferved, not at the 
 charge of the crown or kingdom 
 of England, but at the expence of 
 the planters themfelves, and were 
 
 not 
 
 I 
 
 i!''i 
 
d 
 
 
 ( 39 ) 
 
 not only planted, but alfo defended 
 ap-ainfl: the favan;es and other enemies, 
 in long and cruel wars, which con- 
 tinued for an hundred years, almofl: 
 without intermiffion, folely at their 
 own charge : and in the yeap- 1 746, 
 when the Duke d'Anville came out 
 from France, with the mofl: formida- 
 ble French fleet that ever was in the 
 American feas, enraged at thefe co- 
 lonies for the lofs of Louifix)urg the 
 year before, and with orders to make 
 an attack on them ; even in this 
 greatefl: exigence, thefe colonies were 
 left to the protedion of heaven, and 
 their own efforts. Thefe colonies 
 having thus planted and defended 
 themlelves, and removed J! enemies 
 from their borders, were in hopes to 
 enjoy peace, and recruit their ftate, 
 much exhaufted by thefe long ftrug- 
 gles ; but they were foon called upon 
 to raife men, and fend them out to the 
 defence of other colonies, and to make 
 conquefts for the crov/n ; they duti- 
 fully obejed the requifltion^ and v/ith 
 
 F 2 ardour 
 
 
Si. I 
 
 ^ ( 40 ) 
 
 ^rdour entered into thofe fervices, and 
 pontinued in them until all encroach- 
 ments were removed, and all Canada, 
 and even the Havannah conquered. 
 They moft chearfully complied with 
 every call of the crown ; they re- 
 joiced, yea even exulted in the pro- 
 fperity of the Britifli empire. But 
 thefe colonies whofe bounds Vvcre 
 (ixed, and whofe borders were before 
 cleared from enemies, by their own 
 fortitude, and at their own expence, 
 reaped no fort of advantage by thefe 
 conqucfts ; they are not enlarged, 
 have not gained a fingle acre of land, 
 have rio part in the Indian or interior 
 trade j the immenfe trafts of land 
 fubducQ, and no lefs immenfe and 
 profitable commerce acquired, all be- 
 long to Great-Britain ; and not the 
 leaft fhare or portion to thefe colonies, 
 though thoufands of their members 
 have loft their lives, and millions of 
 their money have been expended in 
 the purchafe of them ; for great part 
 of which we are yet in debt, and 
 
 from 
 
{' 4t ) 
 
 (rotn \7hich we fliall not in many 
 years be able to extricate ourfelves. 
 Hard will be the fate, cruel the def- 
 tiny of thefe unhappy colonies, if the 
 reward tliey are to receive for all tliis 
 is the lofs of their freedom ; better 
 for them Canada fall remained 
 French, yea fai' more eligible that it 
 ever fhould remain fo, than that the 
 price of its rediidion fiiould be their 
 flavery. , 
 
 If the colonies are not taxed by 
 parliament, are they therefore ex- 
 ernpted from bfcaring their proper 
 fliares in the neceffary burdens of go^ 
 vernment ? This by no means ioU 
 lows. Do they not fupport a regular 
 internal government in each colony, 
 as expeniive to the people here, as 
 the internal government of Britain 
 is to the people there ? Have not the 
 colonies here, at all times when called 
 upon by the crovv^n to raife money for 
 the pub'ic "fervice, done it as chear- 
 fuUy as the parliament have done on 
 the like occafions ? Is not this tJie 
 
 moil: 
 
f! 
 
 
 til 
 
 ( 42 ) 
 
 moft eafy way of railing money in the 
 colonies ? What occafion then to dif- 
 truft the colonies, what neceffity to 
 fall on the prefent method to compel 
 them to do what they have ever 
 done freely ? Are not the people ia 
 the colonies as loyal and dutiful fub- 
 jedls as any age or nation ever pro- 
 duced, — and are they not as ufeful 
 to the kingdom in this remote quar- 
 ter of the weld, as their fellow-fub- 
 jefts are in BriL ? The parliament, 
 it is confeffed, have power to regu-r 
 late the trade of the whole empire ; 
 and hath it not full power, by this 
 means, to draw all the money and 
 wealth of the colonies into the mother 
 country, at pleafure ? What motive, 
 after all this can remain, to induce the 
 parliament to abridge the privileges, 
 and leflen the rights of the moft loyal 
 and dutiful fubjedls ; fubjefts juftly 
 intitled to ample freedom, who have 
 '-nor enjoyed, and not abufed or fot- 
 ftited .their liberties, who have ufed 
 them to their own advantage, in du- 
 tiful 
 
■ ( +3 ) 
 
 tiful fubferviency to the orders and 
 the interefts of Great-Britain ? Why 
 fhould the gentle current of tranqui- 
 lity, that has fo long run with peace 
 through all the Britilh ftates, and 
 flowed with joy and with happinefs 
 in all her countries, be at laft ob-" 
 flrufted, and turned out of its true 
 courfc; into unufual and winding 
 channels, by which many of thefe co- 
 lonies muft be ruined ; but none of 
 them can poflibly be made more rich 
 or more happy. 
 
 ,: Before we conclude, it may be ne- 
 ceffary to take notice of the vaft dif- 
 ference there is between the railing 
 money in a country by duties, taxes, 
 or otherwife, and employing and lay- 
 ing out the money again in the fame 
 country ; and railing the like fums of 
 money, by the like means, and fend- 
 ing it away quite out of the country 
 where it is raifed. Where the former • 
 of thefe is the cafe, although the 
 fums raifed may be very groat,, yet 
 that country may fupport itfelf under 
 
 them , 
 
,■•'4 i\ 
 'III 
 
 li 
 
 
 I-''tia 
 
 ( 44 ) 
 
 them ; Tor d!s fafr as the money is col- 
 levied together, it is again fcattereS 
 abroad, to be ufed in commerce an3 
 every kind of bufincfs , and money is 
 not made fcarcer by this means, but 
 rather the contrary, as this continual 
 circulation muft have a tendency, in 
 fome degree, to prevent its being 
 hoarded. But where the latter me- 
 thod is^ purfued, the effect will be ex* 
 tremely different ; for here, as faft as 
 the money can be collected, it is im- 
 mediately fent out of the coun' ', 
 never to return but by a tedious rouud 
 of commerce, which at beft muft take 
 iip much time : here all trade, and 
 every kind of bufinefs depending uport 
 it VA^ill grow dull, and muft languilli 
 more and more, until it comes to a 
 final flop at laft. If the money raif- 
 ed in Great-Britain in the three laft 
 years of the late war, and which ex- 
 ceeded forty millions fterling, had 
 been fent out of the kingdom, would 
 not this have nearly rui-'cd the trade 
 of the. nation in three years only ? 
 
 Think 
 
( 45 ) 
 Think then what muft be the condi- 
 tion of thefe miferable colonies, \yhen 
 all the money propofed to be raif- 
 ed in them, by high duties on the 
 importation of divers kinds of goods, 
 by the poft-office, by ftamp-duties. 
 and other taxes, is fent quite away, 
 a*' faft as it can be coUedled : and this 
 is to be repeated continually ! Is it 
 poflible for colonies under thcfe cir- 
 cumftances to fupport themfelves, to 
 have any money, any trade, or other 
 bufinefs carried on in them ? Certain- 
 ly it is not ; nor is there at prefent, 
 or ever was, any country under hea- 
 ven, that did, or pofTibly could fup- 
 port itfelf under fuch burdens. 
 
 We finally beg leave to afiert that 
 the firft planters of thefc colonies 
 were pious Chriliians, were faithful 
 fubjefts : who, with a fortitude and 
 perfeverance little known, and lefsj 
 confidered, fettled thefe wild coun- 
 tries, by God's goodnefs and their 
 own amazing labours ; thereby added 
 
 G Si moft 
 
m 
 pi 
 
 I 
 
 4 
 
 
 l> 
 
 \: 
 
 
 ( 46 ) 
 
 ^ moil valuable dependance to tlie 
 crown of Great-Britain, were ever 
 dutifully fubfervient to her interefts ; 
 th y iu taught their children, that 
 It. c Oi \i has been difafFefted to this 
 day, but all have honeftly obeyed 
 every royal command, and chearfuUy 
 fubmitted to every conftitutional 
 law i they have as little inclination 
 as they have ability to throw ofF 
 their dependancy : they have moft 
 carefully avoided every meafure that 
 might be offenfive, and all fuch ma- 
 nufadtures as were interdided. Be- 
 fides all this, they have rifked their 
 lives when they have been ordered,, 
 and furnifhed their money when- 
 ever it has been called for ; have ne- 
 ver been either troublefome or ex- 
 penfive to the mother country; 
 have kept all due order, and have 
 fupported a regular government ; 
 they have maintained peace, and 
 pradlifed Ghriftianity. And in all 
 
 con- 
 
 r 
 
 iH I 
 
(48 ) ; 
 
 ditions, upon all occafions, and in 
 every relation, they have always de- 
 meaned themfelves as loyal, as du- 
 tiful fubjefts ought to do : and no 
 kingdom, or ftate, or empire, hath, 
 or ever had colonies more quiet, 
 or more obedient, more ferviceable^ 
 more profitable than thefe have ever 
 been. 
 
 May the fame Divine Goodnefs, 
 that guided tb^ firft Planters, that 
 prot€<5led the fettlements, and in- 
 fpired Kings to be gracious. Par- 
 liaments to be tender ; ever pre- 
 serve, ever proteft and fupport our 
 prefent Moft Gracious King ; give 
 great wifdom to his miniftrrs, and 
 much underftanding to his parlia- 
 ment ; perpetuate the fovereignty of 
 the Britifh conftitution, and the filial 
 dependancy of all the colonies. 
 
 Providence, in NeW'England. 
 
I 
 
 '4 
 
 li *■ 
 
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