BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME 
 FROM THE 
 
 SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND 
 
 THE GIFT OF 
 
 Sftcnrg m. Sage 
 
 1891 
 
 /I. ZOi^^OI a//7 
 
 '/?//9dM 
 
Cornell University Library 
 DA 430.B96 suppl. 
 
Pi Cornell University 
 
 W/ Library 
 
 The original of this book is in 
 the Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924027978042 
 
A SUPPLEMENT 
 FROM UNPUBLISHED MSS. 
 
 TO 
 
 BURNET'S HISTORY OF MY OWN TIME 
 H. C. FOXCROFT 
 
HENRY FROWDE, M.A. 
 
 PUBLISHES TO THE UNIVEESITY OF OXFORD 
 
 LONDON, EDINBURGH 
 
 NEW YORK 
 
A SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 BURNET'S 
 HISTORY OF MY OWN TIME 
 
 DERIVED FROM 
 
 HIS ORIGINAL MEMOIRS 
 
 HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 
 
 HIS LETTERS TO ADMIRAL HERBERT 
 
 AND HIS PRIVATE MEDITATIONS 
 
 ALL HITHERTO UNPUBLISHED 
 
 EDITED BY 
 
 H. C. FOXCROFT 
 
 AUTHOR OF 'THE LIFE, ETC. OF SIR GEORGE SAVILE, BART. 
 FIRST MARQUIS OF HALIFAX' 
 
 OXFORD 
 AT THE CLARENDON PRESS 
 
 M.DCCCC.II 
 
 ^ 
 
OXFORD 
 
 PRINTED AT THE CLARENDON PRESS 
 
 BY HORACE HART, M.A. 
 
 PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 ON THE TEXT OF BURNET'S HISTORY 
 
 By far the larger portion of the ensuing work is drawn 
 from a source of which the existence at least is well known 
 to all students of seventeenth-century history. The remarks 
 of Dr. Routh ^ and Miss Strickland 2, of Lord Macaulay ^, Pro- 
 fessor Von Ranke *, and Dr. Osmund Airy ^, have emphasized 
 the fact that there exist in the British Museum fragments of 
 Dr. Burnet's History, derived from an original version which 
 differs in many respects from the text as eventually published. 
 The observations of Von Ranke, notwithstanding their value, 
 were in one respect unfortunate ; his report has been errone- 
 ously accepted as exhaustive ; and, despite his own ardently 
 expressed aspiration for a complete edition of the manuscript, 
 it has been assumed that he had noticed the chief differences 
 between the early version and the received text. As a matter 
 of fact the quotations of the distinguished German refer ex- 
 clusively to two important passages ° ; he states specifically 
 that he became acquainted with the document very late in the 
 progress of his monumental work ; and his language leaves us 
 in doubt whether he had ever seen either the original papers 
 or a complete transcript. 
 
 * Preface to Burnet's History, ed. quotations of Miss Strickland. The 
 
 1823, p. xviii. MS. is described near the beginning 
 
 ^ Queens of England, vol. viii. (1845) of the second instalment, issued in 
 
 p. 444 ; vol. X. (1847) pp. 290, 356 1855 ; in the course of which it is 
 
 (and note), 414 ; vol. xi. (1847) pp. 17, frequently mentioned (see ed. 1858, 
 
 68, 70, 199,307,319. The description vol. iv. pp. 19, 20, 56, 66, 81, 278 ; v. 
 
 of the MS. is on p. 356, vol. x, note. 32, 133 ; vi. 166, 172, 176, 206-7, 211, 
 
 ^ As Macaulay did not employ the 276, 372). 
 
 Harleian MS. in the preparation of * Eng. Gesch. ed. Leipzig, vol. vii. 
 
 that first instalment of his History 1868, App. ii. pp. 184-99. 
 
 which ends with the Revolution settle- » See his quotation of Von Ranke, 
 
 ment, and which appeared in 1848, Did. Nat. Biog. vol. vii. p. 405. 
 
 there seems some reason to believe ° The 'Characters' of the English 
 
 that his attention was originally di- Court in 1663, and the Post-Revolu- 
 
 rected to it by the comments and tion Settlement. 
 
vi Introduction 
 
 The manuscript is described as No. 6584 in the catalogue 
 of the Harleian Library; which collection, formed by the first 
 and second Earls of Oxford between the years 1705 and 
 1 741, was acquired for the nation in 1753. The papers in 
 question constitute a substantial folio volume containing 350 
 leaves, the great majority of which bear writing on both sides. 
 The cover, till within the last few years, was a British Museum 
 binding of the eighteenth century ; and though the authorities 
 lay no stress on the circumstance, the present editor inclines 
 to deduce that the papers reached the Museum in loose 
 quires, and were there arranged for the binder. It is at least 
 certain that about June 6, 1781 1, Dr. Gififord (assistant 
 librarian to the British Museum from 1757 to 1784) perused 
 the manuscript ; that he divided the work, after a somewhat 
 arbitrary fashion, into eight ' Numbers ' (of which the second is 
 obviously misplaced) ; and that he prefaced each ' Number ' 
 by a small inserted sheet of his own memoranda, in which 
 attention is drawn to a few of the more salient discrepancies 
 between the succeeding 'Number' and the published text. 
 Not content with this, he has inscribed, in ink, and upon the 
 margin of the actual manuscript, occasional references to the 
 printed version ^ ; while in two instances he has taken upon 
 himself to add, in a similar manner, substantial annotations. 
 
 Upon a close investigation, the original manuscript falls 
 into three main divisions. 
 
 I. Folio a is a separate sheet, headed 'Materials,' and 
 including some citations from the ensuing manuscript, with 
 comments derogatory to the Whig party. The query ap- 
 pended by Dr. Ghiford, ' Whether this is not y= Bishop's own 
 handwriting ? ' may be unhesitatingly answered in the nega- 
 tive ; but it approximates in a marked degree to the some- 
 what peculiar script of Robert Harley, founder of the Harleian 
 collection; and Mr. Cartwright, whose familiarity with Harley's 
 hand is probably unique, ' feels no doubt whatever ' that the 
 writing is in Harley's autograph. 
 
 a. (A) Nos. I, 3, 4, a (the first three named of which are 
 in one and the same clerical hand, all four being corrected by 
 
 1 Date appended to Dr. Gifford's ^ He quotes the pagination of an 
 
 notes on f. i. early octavo edition. 
 
On the Text of Burnet's History vif 
 
 the pen of Burnet himself i) are clearly distinct fragments of 
 a single clerical copy, which we shall designate throughout 
 this work as Transcript A. Of these fragments the earliest 
 includes events from 1660 to 1664 ; the next in date relates to 
 the year 1683 ; the third is concerned with events from the 
 end of 1684 to the autumn of 1686 ; the last named narrates 
 incidents from the middle of the year 1689 to the close of 1695. 
 
 (B) Nos. 5-8, on the other hand, compose a single continuous 
 fragment (ranging in subject-matter from 1684 to 1696) of 
 a later transcript, which we shall designate as Transcript B ; 
 and which was evidently copied from the preceding version ^ by 
 a number of clerks working, it would appear, simultaneously ^. 
 There are no author's corrections, though this copy, like the 
 former, betrays in many places (and in some portions with 
 peculiar frequency) the characteristic mistakes of hasty and 
 illiterate scribes ; but a few of the pages present slight 
 emendations or notes, apparently in the hand of Harley *. 
 
 So much for the Harleian manuscript ; but investigations 
 in the Bodleian Library have unearthed additional material, of 
 great interest in this connexion. Among the mass of Burnet 
 papers acquired by the University in the year 1 835 for a total 
 sum of ;fi'aio * (which include the now well-known ' autograph ' 
 
 » There can be no reasonable doubt ' The minute slips of paper gummed 
 
 on the subject ; though the separation on ff. 93 and 146 respectively were 
 
 of the individual letters for purposes probably used as markers. On one is 
 
 of clearness differentiates the writing written, ' Russel's trial. E. of Essex ' ; 
 
 somewhat from Burnet's current on the other ' To L'^ Oxford. Russell's 
 
 hand. The revision has been rather execution.' The first is now (1902) 
 
 carelessly made ; two corrections, on missing. 
 
 ff. 129 [V) and 55 (a) respectively, are " Catalogue ofacquisitions. The papers 
 
 obviously erroneous. (Mus. Add. D. 15-24) in all probability 
 
 = Cf. ff. 119 (a) and 120 (6) with originally descended to David Mitchell, 
 
 ff. 164 (o) and 167 (a) respectively. brother-in-law of Sir Thomas Burnet ; 
 
 In each case it will be found that cf. Brit. Mus. Add. MSS. 11404, f. loi 
 
 Transcript B carelessly adopts both the with Hist. i. 32-3, note (we give the 
 
 original reading and Burnet's cor- folio pagination). Those of the Bur- 
 
 rection of the same. net M SS. which (as we must suppose) 
 
 ^ The narrative is continuous, but were rejected by the Bodleian authori- 
 
 is in a great variety of hands. The fresh ties seem to have been sold at Evans', 
 
 writing always fo^«s at the top of a July2i-6, 1838(366 Auction Catalogue, 
 
 folio, and the opening words generally, Nos. 1015-22, 1025, 1027-8) ; and the 
 
 if not always, coincide with the com- British Museum then acquired Add. 
 
 mencement of a folio in Transcript A ; MSS. 11402-4, 11569, 11570. The 
 
 on the other hand, the portion assigned source of Mr. Morrison's three auto- 
 
 to any one hand frequently terminates graphs is not known. As late as April, 
 
 halifway down the folio. 1887, the British Museum purchased 
 
viii Introduction 
 
 copy of the published History'^) there was found a long 
 autograph fragment of Burnet's original draught, extending 
 from the battle of Oudenarde to the conclusion of the work ; 
 and also the original draught of the Bishop's own Autobio- 
 graphy, on which the Life by his son is principally founded. 
 The historical fragment seems to have hitherto escaped the 
 notice of students ; the Autobiography is, we find, twice cursorily 
 mentioned in the notes appended by Dr. Routh to the edition 
 of Burnet's History (so far as it relates to the reign of James II) 
 which he published in 1853 from the Bodleian autograph 
 of the History. 
 
 The questions suggested by the preceding details may be 
 thus briefly summarized. In what manner can we account 
 for the existence of the two Harleian transcripts, and under 
 what circumstances can they have fallen into the hands of the 
 Harley family ? What is the historical relation between this 
 early draught and the work as eventually published ? To 
 what extent do the two versions correspond ? in what respects 
 do they differ? and how far can the variations be said to 
 throw light upon the origin of the so-called ' editorial castra- 
 tions ' which have occasioned so much comment ? 
 
 Three preliminary facts, of great interest, can be at once 
 established. This first draught, or original Memoir, which 
 constituted the basis of Burnet's published History and was 
 commenced in the year 1683 ^, when Burnet was forty years 
 old, may be confidently identified with the 'Apology,' ' Memoir,' 
 or 'History' of which Burnet, anno 1687, in his published 
 correspondence with Lord Middleton, threatened the pub- 
 lication. We find, moreover, that in October, 1688, Burnet, 
 anticipating possible disaster to the impending expedition of 
 the Prince of Orange, left private directions '"^ for the post- 
 humous publication of the work, which he had brought up 
 to date ; and, in the last place, that the narrative was continued 
 at irregular intervals from that period, first to the Peace of 
 Ryswick, and finally to that of Utrecht. 
 
 an early manuscript version of the Press edition of the History now in 
 
 Lives of the Hamiltons from a Dr. Lipp- progress. 
 
 mann (Brit. Mus. Add. MSS. 33259). " Hist., Airy's ed., ii. 474 ; infra, p. i. 
 
 1 Used as the basis for Dr. Routh's ^ See infra, Appendix HI. 
 Burttefs James //, and the Clarendon 
 
On the Text of Burnet's History 
 
 IX 
 
 The portion of this original draught which we assume to 
 have ended with the Peace of Ryswick, and within which fall 
 the entire series of the Harleian fragments, first demands our 
 attention ; since it appears probable, that this initial portion 
 was on its first completion regarded as an integral whole ; and 
 that its fortunes were at once more complicated and more 
 curious than those of the subsequent part, 
 
 ^ There can be no doubt that the ' Secret History ' (as Burnet 
 himself terms it) was throughout originally committed to 
 paper by Burnet's own hand. The Harleian fragments show 
 that he revised at least one clerical copy of the portion anterior 
 to the Peace of Ryswick ^ ; and the motives for such a duplica- 
 tion are not far to seek. Burnet, with characteristic garrulfty, 
 seems to have freely advertised the existence of his ' secret ' 
 Memoirs ^ ; and as — partly perhaps in deference to impor- 
 tunate curiosity ^, partly on design to obtain critical sugges- 
 tions * — he appears to have shown it, in confidence, to several 
 of his acquaintance ^, common prudence must have suggested 
 the preparation of a duplicate. 
 
 The question now arises, whether among those to whom 
 Burnet, during the closing years of the seventeenth century, 
 submitted the first portion of the original draught we must 
 include Robert Harley. The circumstance could throw no 
 light upon Harley 's possessio7t of the fragments, which must 
 in any case have been secured subsequently, and from a 
 surreptitious source ; but it is not in itself altogether improbable. 
 The Bishop, in earlier years, had been intimate with Harley 's 
 family ° ; and though, by 1699, the trial of Fen wick had 
 proved for both a parting of the ways (so that Burnet ranked 
 as a staunch if independent supporter of the Court, while 
 Harley led the antiministerial opposition), still the final 
 identification of Harley with the Tory party' remained a 
 
 ' The writer of the Occasional Letter, ' Ibid. 
 
 who says there was only one' clerical ' See the interesting correspondence 
 
 transcript (see ««/^ra, p. XV, note I ), may published by the Hist. MSS. Comm., 
 
 allude either to the original draught, or Longleat MSS., vol. i. 
 
 a first recension. ' To which we owe the unfavour- 
 
 ' Preface to the Elliot Specimens, able comments of Burnet's published 
 
 p. 6. ^ Ibid. History, see vol. ii. 109, 255, 270, 
 
 * Hist. i. 3-4 (folio pagination) and 291, 381, 486-97, 553-62 (folio pagi- 
 
 Dartmouth's note. nation), and the virulent juvenile 
 
X Introduction 
 
 remote contingency ; and his extensive knowledge of Parlia- 
 mentary forms would have lent to his criticism of a work, so 
 frequently concerned with parliamentary proceedings, a special 
 value. That Harley, during the summer of 1699, did, whether 
 in legitimate or clandestine fashion, peruse Burnet's Memoirs, 
 is at any rate certain. Mrs. S. C. Lomas, who has kindly devoted 
 some study to the sheet of rough and almost illegible notes ^ 
 prefixed to the Harl. MSS. 6584, argues very conclusively 
 that the initial dates represent the period of their composition ; 
 and show us Harley, during the recess of 1699^ collecting from 
 Burnet's original Memoirs materials for the renewed attack 
 on the administration, which he carried into effect during the 
 ensuing session. 
 
 But, as we have already hinted, it is not altogether necessary 
 to conclude that Mr. Harley derived his knowledge of the 
 Burnet Memoirs from an act of confidence on the part of 
 their author. A remarkable anecdote is extant, which may 
 throw light upon a possible source of Harley's knowledge, 
 and the probable genesis of the second Harleian transcript. 
 
 Itwas towards the closeof the seventeenth century — probably 
 between 1697 and 1700 ^ — that Burnet temporarily confided 
 his Memoirs — presumably the Harleian clerical transcript 
 
 satires of Burnet's son. See also the 29, 1699 ; Beauties of England and 
 
 bitter observations of Oxford himself, Wales, vi.494, xv. (i) 604-5). 3- That 
 
 Hist. MSS. Com. Rep., XI. pt. v. p. the affair of the Royal Oak Lottery 
 
 322. _ took place in the spring of 169^ (see 
 
 ' Printed infra, as Appendix VII. Commons Journals, xii. 497, 588 
 
 The references to the Burnet Memoirs 623-4, 644, 646, 665 ; Statutes at Large 
 
 have been appended as notes. We (1769), iv. 15 ; and a curious little 
 
 may here add— i. That S' W' Y» is tract called The Arraignment, Trial 
 
 probably Sir Walter Yonge, who long and Condemnation of Squire Lottery, 
 
 represented Honiton in the Whig alias Royal Oak Lottery. Printed and 
 
 interest. 2. That the list of charters sold by A. Baldwin . . . 1699). 4. That 
 
 given is presumably the list of char- ' marshal ' law is military, not ' mar- 
 
 ters granted by William III. Such a tial' law; and that the Mutiny Act 
 
 list was demanded by a committee of was in abeyance for nearly four years 
 
 the House ofCommons (which included from April 10, 1698. 
 Harley) during the ensuing session ; ' Dr. Cockburn, Specimen, pp 64--; 
 
 was laid before the House, Feb. 7, says he had seen the extracts ' about 
 
 ^^ ; and should appear in the nine or ten years before 1705' (Mr 
 
 Journals, from which however it is Airy, note to Hist. i. xxi. of his edi- 
 
 absent (Com. Joum. vol. xiii. pp. 8, tion, misreads the passage). But few 
 
 164, 176, 183, 203, 220, 224. See memories are accurate at a distance of 
 
 also Registers of the Privy Council, twenty years ; the Specimen is dated 
 
 Feb. J, i69f, May 18, June 15, Aug. 1724. 
 
On the Teo^t of Burnefs History xi 
 
 which we describe as A — to the custody of a certain Lord 
 W. P. ; who is very plausibly identified by Dr. Bliss with 
 Lord William Paulet, second son of the Duke of Bolton ^. In 
 him the work appears to have excited an interest which pre- 
 vailed over the punctilios of honour. Desirous of retaining 
 a copy, he hired, before the return of the manuscript, a number 
 of clerks ; and dividing among them, with every possible pre- 
 caution of secresy, the papers in question, he managed to 
 secure, within a very short time, a complete transcript ; which, 
 from the circumstances of its origin, must necessarily have 
 presented many of the peculiarities observable in our Transcript 
 B. We know nothing of the relations existing between 
 Paulet and Harley ; but it does not appear incredible that 
 the clandestine copy may have been lent by the one to the 
 other. 
 
 Meanwhile, the indiscretion of Paulet was destined to bear 
 fruit elsewhere. Among his hirelings was an impoverished 
 Scotch nonjuror, in episcopal orders, of the name of Elliot ^ 
 who had been compelled by want to assume lay attire and 
 labours ; and who, exasperated by the tendencies of the work, 
 political and religious, found means to record, upon 'some 
 clean paper,' which he had concealed under, his cuff, a few 
 illicit extracts from the sheets before him. These evidently 
 related to the years 1679-81, and are, as it happens, missing 
 from the Harleian fragments ^. 
 
 These extracts Elliot seems to have almost immediately * 
 communicated to a former acquaintance of Dr. Burnet, Dr. 
 Cockburn the nonjuring pamphleteer, a nephew of Bishop 
 Scougall of Aberdeen. The act was represented as a mark 
 of peculiar confidence on the part of Elliot, who was under 
 obligations to Cockburn; and we presume it was intended 
 
 » Preface to the History, ed. 1823. 27 Aug. 1690 for refusing the oaths. 
 
 Lord William was a pall-bearer at the = All this from the anonymous preface 
 
 Duke of Gloucester's funeral, Aug. 9, to the Elliot Specimens. 
 
 noo- sat in Parliament 1688-1729 ; • Probably during the year i697,when 
 
 became a Teller of the Exchequer Cockburn, who spent almost the whole 
 
 1715; and died Sept. 25. 1729, aged of the period between 1696 and 1709 
 
 63 (Collins' Peerage, 1812, ii. 382). in exile, happened to be in England. 
 
 » See Hew Scott's Fasti Ecclesiae Cf. p. xiv, note 2, with the Kev. 
 Scoticanae, vol. i. pt. 2, p. 552; Robert Alexander Gordon's article on Cock- 
 Elliot, minister of Lessuden, deprived burn. Diet. Nat, Btog. xi. 189-91. 
 
xii Introduction 
 
 that the latter should make some controversial use of this 
 material. Cockburn, however, finding that the papers owed 
 their existence to a double, breach of trust, very properly 
 refused his countenance ; and recommended their destruction, 
 or at least suppression. Elliot', 'disappointed and disgusted,' 
 declined the hint ; and himself drew up, between August, 
 1699, and August, 1700^, some exceedingly virulent annota- 
 tions, which he appended to the extracts. He then placed 
 the whole in the hands of an anonymous friend ; a ' brother ' 
 (whether brother in blood, in law, or in orders does not appear) 
 of the celebrated Jacobite controversialist Charles Leslie. 
 This nameless recipient*, before returning the manuscript, 
 took a complete copy. 
 
 Within the next few years, Elliot seems to have died ; and 
 his papers, in some unexplained fashion, fell into the hands 
 of his friend Leslie. Among them, Leslie found Elliot's auto- 
 graph copy of the Burnet extracts *. How far Leslie himself 
 was aware of the circumstances under which they had been 
 obtained is not perfectly clear; but he certainly knew that 
 the transaction was clandestine^. 
 
 It was in the winter session of 1703-3 that the Bishop of 
 Salisbury (who, in the eyes of nonjuring Anglicans in general 
 and of Leslie in especial ", had long been the most obnoxious 
 of living divines) filled the cup of his ecclesiastical iniquities 
 by a strenuous opposition to the first Bill against Occasional 
 Conformity. At a moment of such acute crisis, when Burnet 
 stood exposed to clerical odium as a supposed renegade to 
 the interests of his order, the temptation of publishing certain 
 sweeping strictures on the clergy, included in the Elliot ex- 
 tracts, proved too strong for Charles Leslie. To a tract 
 
 ' All this from Cockburn, Specimen , preface to the Elliot Specimens, 
 
 of Remarks, p. 64. His statement that ' This, and a fair copy, are probably 
 
 the extracts contained great part of in the Bodleian ; see infra, p. Ixiii. 
 
 the Preface to the History is clearly a = See New Association, Pari II, p. 2a ; 
 
 lapse of memory. Cassandra, No. ii. p. 23. 
 
 " There are allusions to the trial of » See infra, p. xxii. note 2. (R. F. 
 the Bishop of St. David's, Aug. 3, 1699 ; Leslie's Life of Leslie, which is strongly 
 and to Burnet's charge of the Duke of biassed, and seldom gives authorities 
 Gloucester, w^hich lapsed vifith the should be read with caution.) Lath- 
 boy's death, Aug. 1700. bury's Nonjurors, pp. 210-1' is valu- 
 
 ' Who places the incident about able on the main question. 
 ' fifteen years ' before 1715. See the 
 
On the Text of Burnet's History xiii 
 
 entitled The New Association, Part II, which probably 
 appeared in the first days of April, 1703 ', he appended the 
 sub-title ' With . . . the Discovery of a certain Secret History 
 not yet published ' ; and in the body of the work, without 
 actually mentioning names, he animadverted, in sufficiently 
 intelligible fashion, upon the author of this ' most virulent and 
 voluminous Secret History.' Part of it, Leslie explains, he 
 has already seen ; the author ' dares not publish [it] whilst it 
 may be disproved. But intends to leave it as a legacy and 
 libel against the Church and the Crown ... so much of it as 
 I have seen ... is the lewdest libel that ever my eyes saw 
 drop from the pen of any atheist, or the most spiteful dissenter, 
 against the Church and the Crown, and all clergymen whatever, 
 of whatever degree or profession.' He proceeded to quote 
 a selection from the passages most likely to prove offensive 
 in the eyes of his readers ; compared his author to Archbishop 
 Williams as described in Clarendon's newly published History ; 
 contrived to insert a trenchant reference to Burnet's early 
 papers on polygamy and divorce ; and described the circum- 
 stances which had brought the extracts into his own possession 
 as providential ^. 
 
 It is clear that a publication of this kind could not long escape 
 the notice of Burnet himself. We are informed, in fact, that 
 ' as soon as he read it he knew himself to be the person meant, 
 which put him, as any one may believe, into a passion ; nor 
 was he long aguessing how his Secret History came to be 
 known ; which made a rupture of old friendship, and was like 
 to have produced other ill-effects ^.' Whether, on discovering 
 Lord W[illiam]'s indiscretion, Burnet may have insisted on 
 the return of the illegitimate copy; whether he then may 
 have made arrangements for the destruction of this, and his 
 own clerical transcript ; whether his arrangements can have 
 been in part frustrated by the treachery of an agent; and 
 whether imperfect fragments rescued from the intended holo- 
 caust can have been offered to Harley, when he became known 
 as a collector of historical MSS., we have no means of knowing ; 
 
 ' The ' Supplement ' (written after » New Association, Part 11, pp. 5, 
 
 thebodyoftheworkhadgonetopress) 22. 
 is dated March 25, 1703. ' Cockburn, p. 65. 
 
xiv Introduction 
 
 but such a supposition would at least afford a plausible ex- 
 planation of the Harleian fragments ^. 
 
 The question next arises, can any connexion be traced 
 between Leslie's pamphlet and Burnet's first revision of his 
 manuscript History ? It seems unlikely that Leslie's revelation 
 occasioned the recension ; since we have Burnet's own evidence 
 to the fact that the task was undertaken before the appearance 
 of the Leslie tract, though possibly but a few days previously ^. 
 For such a revision indeed there must have already existed 
 quite sufficient motives. A resolution of imitating the method 
 of de Thou ^ by placing the events of the author's life as 
 a supplement to those of his time (which is specifically ad- 
 duced both by himself and his biographer), must have involved 
 the complete remodelling of a narrative, in which the two 
 strands were originally interwoven ; while the criticism of his 
 friends * — the emulation inspired by the stately eloquence of 
 Clarendon's History, which had appeared during the preceding 
 year ^ — a desire of repelling the charge of literary negligence, 
 so delicately (we might almost say so flatteringly) insinuated 
 by one of the two distinguished men who, during Burnet's 
 life, had shed a lustre on the title of Halifax^, may have 
 induced a critical review of his own pedestrian narrative. 
 
 But if Mr. Leslie's tract did not supply the impulse for the 
 revision, it probably affected its character. The recension of 
 the reign of Charles II, within which fall the passages cen- 
 sured by Leslie, was completed by the month of August, 
 1703; and in this recension'' the passages stigmatized by Leslie, 
 with others of a similar tenor, are sensibly modified ; while 
 
 ^TheHarleianfragmentsarenotmen- Hon appeared in April, 1703; see 
 
 tioned in thecopiousmanuscriptmemo- supra^ p. xiii, note 1. 
 randa of Humphrey Wanley, Harley's ^ See infra, p. 451 ; Life in Hist. 
 
 librarian ; which extend, with some ii. 671 ; the anonymous Occasional 
 
 breaks (July 18, 1716-Jan. 11, 17^ Letter oi t-jq^, p. 13. 
 July is-Oct. 28, 1721), from March 2, ' Hist. i. 4. 
 
 I7if> t° i^^^ 23, 1726, and contain 'See Burnet'sspeechofDec.3, 1703; 
 
 notices of all acquisitions as made Hist., Airy's ed., vol. i. p. 53, note b. 
 (Brit. Mus. Lans. MSB. 771-2). ' See Life in Hist. ii. 725-6. The 
 
 ' It was probably begun in the character may possibly be by Monr 
 
 spring of 1702-3 ; i.e. before March tagu. 
 
 25. 1703. Cf. heading of Bodl. Add. ' Contained in the original readings 
 
 MSS. D. 18 (1702) with Hist. i. i, ii. of the Bodleian autograph and quoted 
 
 474 in Airy's edition ; 1683 + 20 = 1 703. in the textual notes to Airy's ed. 
 The second part of the New Associa- 
 
On the Text of Burnet's History 
 
 XV 
 
 the Preface, written (or at least rewritten) on the occasion, 
 excuses such censures on the clergy as remain. 
 
 Nor does it appear that Leslie's influence in the matter 
 ended here. A pamphlet, by an anonymous author, which, 
 without naming the Bishop, undertook his defence ^ was 
 answered by Leslie, anonymously, in the second number of 
 Cassandra (1704). In this work, to which he appended the 
 sarcastic portrait of Burnet entitled the 'Character of an 
 Enthusiast,' he contrived to insert, not very consequently, 
 all the remaining 'Elliot' extracts. One of these, which 
 described the murder of Archbishop Sharp, probably evoked 
 the resentful intervention of the Archbishop's son Sir William, 
 who wrung from Burnet a promise that the strictures it con- 
 tained should be modified * ; and the passage in question has, 
 it appears, actually undergone a second and final recension ^ 
 
 Meanwhile, during the course of these alterations the 
 first revision was rapidly proceeding. On Sept. 15, 1704, 
 Burnet completed the recast narrative, as far as the end of 
 the fourth book in the reign of William and Mary. On the 
 first of May, 1705, he resumed his pen * ; and the period of the 
 Peace of Ryswick was reached by June 15 in that year ^. 
 
 Moreover, concurrently with this elaborate revision of the 
 earlier portion, the rough draught of the later History went 
 steadily on. In June, 1708, as his son tells us [Hist. ii. 669) ", 
 Burnet wrote his so-called 'Conclusion' ; in 17 10 he executed 
 the proposed autobiographical appendix.; and with 17 13 the 
 work reached its termination. The revision of the latter portion 
 
 ' The Occasional Letter, No. i of uponsecond-orthird-handinformation. 
 1704, Leslie's biographer treats the ^ See Cockburn, who however sup- 
 author 'as Burnet's apologist or atnan- posed, no doubt erroneously, that 
 uensis,' if not ' Burnet himself ' ; the Sharp had seen the extract in MS. 
 latter a quite inadmissible hypothesis. ^ See on this the curious letter from 
 The occasional writer describes Leslie's Canon William Stratford to Edward 
 extracts as either false, or at best Lord Harley, Nov. 15, 1723 (Portland 
 grossly exaggerated, though the work, MSS., vol. vii. Hist. MSS. Com. Rep, 
 so he maintains, remains unaltered. He 367-8). Leslie's tracts arealsoprobably 
 says the author never had more than the source whence the quotations in 
 one copy taken, and that by a person }i\c'k&s^'PTefa.c&ioThree Short Treatises 
 yetalive, whose attestation to the effect (1709) are derived; also tht Examiner, 
 that he had never revealed its con- Nos. 41, 50, 51 ; Spec. Saris., p. 10. 
 tents the writer had seen. This * Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 19, f. 126. 
 account is clearly either misinformed ' Zbid. {. 235. 
 
 or disingenuous, and probably merely ^ On Burnet's own authority ; see 
 
 emanatesfromsomepartyhack, writing last page of the Bodleian transcript. 
 
xvi Introduction 
 
 probably occupied the last two years of the Bishop's life ; but 
 it was never extended to the autobiographical supplement 
 itself^ 
 
 We now come to the interesting and important question, upon 
 which circumstances have already compelled us to trench, How 
 far and in what respects does the earlier draught differ from the 
 first recension ? And are these differences of such a nature as 
 to render the earlier version of other than literary interest ? 
 
 We must preface our remarks by the explanation, which 
 can excite no surprise, that the variations decrease in impor- 
 tance as the interval between composition and correction 
 lessens. The divergences are extensive in the earliest of the 
 Harleian fragments (i 661-4) and very considerable in the 
 remainder (1683-96) ; the Bodleian draught, concluded only 
 two years before the Bishop's death, is of much inferior 
 interest ; while the original of the famous ' Conclusion ' differs 
 very little from the version eventually published. This 
 premised, we may pronounce — 
 
 I. That, in the first place (as we have already observed), the 
 recension is marked by an entire change of plan. The Life 
 of the author, which in the original sketch had formed the 
 thread by which the various episodes were connected, was 
 now postponed to an appendix ; and it will be observed that, 
 throughout the published History, Burnet's own experience 
 appears to be cited only where it becomes desirable to throw 
 light upon the sources of his information, or to exonerate his 
 public character from charges publicly made ^. The fact that 
 he had omitted much matter relating to himself is mentioned 
 by Canon Stratford in the letter quoted below ^ ; who states 
 (on what authority he does not say) that these alterations 
 
 ' The revised ' Conclusion ' is miss- Burnet, Reflections, p. 68 ; Dartmouth's 
 
 ingfrom the autograph History (Bodl. andAiry's notes to Hist. i. 33. (c) For 
 
 Add. MSS. D. 20). Burnet and the flight of James II 
 
 2 See Hist. i. 595. Of the necessity {Hist. i. 799) see Hickes, Some 
 
 for such self-defence a few instances discourses, p. 25 ; Burnet's Reflections 
 
 may be given : {a) For the episode of p. 128 ; Burnet to Herbert, Eg. MSs! 
 
 the crown matrimonial {Hist. i. 692-3) 2621, f. 83 {infra, App. IV, p. 536). (rf) 
 
 see Hickes, Some discourses, pp. ia-3, For Burnet's attitude towards Scotch 
 
 and Burnet's Reflections on the Episcopalians {Hist. ii. 25-6) see 
 
 same, p. 55. (6) For Burnet and the pp. 66, 80; Burnet, Reflections,' t,. 
 
 copy of Magna Charta {Hist. i. 32-3, 114. 
 812) zeetUckss, Some discourses,^. 21; ' Infra, pp. xxiv-v. 
 
On the Text of Burnet's History xvii 
 
 were made on the advice of Secretary Johnstone ^. We thus 
 discover in the first draught, more especially in the earlier 
 portions, much valuable autobiographical information missing 
 from the final version, and sensibly modified even in the 
 original Autobiography. Moreover, the abandonment of the 
 original design has destroyed to a great extent the unity of 
 the work. In the pages of the published History the various 
 episodes, severed from their original context (that is, from the 
 order in which they came to Burnet's own knowledge), are 
 arranged without either art or insight in a series professedly 
 chronological ; they lose the ingenuous simplicity, of the 
 Memoirs, without attaining to the organic coherence of a 
 literary or scientific masterpiece. We notice, too, that the 
 transposition has been in some cases very carelessly executed ; 
 and confusing repetitions or discrepancies are not uncommon ^. 
 
 II. We have next to consider another class of alterations — 
 the deliberate substantial modification of statements originally 
 made. Such changes are very much more numerous than 
 Burnet's own assertion, on p. 3 of his Preface, can in any way 
 suggest ; and we must charitably suppose that the passage in 
 question, written at the moment when he began to recast the 
 work, eventually escaped his notice. 
 
 The variations to which we refer may be roughly grouped 
 as follows : — 
 
 {a) Amplifications and corrections inserted in the final 
 version on the strength of subsequent information or recollec- 
 tion. These are very frequent ; and often correct obvious 
 errors, fill up considerable gaps, or supply needful subsidiary 
 details lacking in the original narrative. 
 
 {b) The necessary omission of prophecies, reflections, or 
 censure, falsified by. the event. 
 
 {c) Omission of subsidiary detail, often vivid and charac- 
 
 ' Portland MSS., vol. vii. Hist. MSS. landing and the close of the session is 
 
 Com. Rep. 367-8. mentioned three times (ibid. 639, 640, 
 
 2 instances :— the list of politico- 641) ; Admiral Russell's mission is 
 
 religious crises given in Hist. i. described twice in slightly different 
 
 310-21 does not tally with p. 656 ; language {ibid. 746, 763) ; the reasons 
 
 the reference to Monmouth's sale of for filling the sees of the deprived 
 
 his jewels is twice given {ibid. 631, bishops are reiterated {ibid. ii. 71, 
 
 640) ; the connexion between his 76). 
 
xvni 
 
 Introduction 
 
 teristic, in some cases through a respect for the delicacy of 
 the persons concerned \ in other cases as obviously from an 
 excessive respect for the dignity of history. In certain cases 
 the eventual excision has been so rigorously or so carelessly 
 done that the curtailed, narrative of the printed History does 
 not make sense '^. 
 
 (d) Changes due to the desire of deprecating censure, 
 whether deserved or undeserved. Among these we may 
 mention — 
 
 (i) The softening of those diatribes against the characteristic 
 errprs of the Anglican clergy, to which we have already 
 referred, and which had raised such a storm of re- 
 sentment. 
 
 (a) The lessened space devoted to members of Burnet's 
 own family — to George Hutcheson, Lord Warriston, and 
 ' Secretary ' Johnstone. 
 
 (3) The omission of various references bearing on Burnet's 
 early intimacy with Lauderdale ^- These alterations, 
 though natural enough, are not in all instances perfectly 
 ingenuous. 
 
 (4) In general, the more lenient treatment accorded, 
 throughout the History, to individual character. We shall 
 see reason to suppose that in a second revision the process 
 was carried further. 
 
 (e) Alterations due to a change of standpoint on the part 
 of the writer. These, though of great interest and importance, 
 are by no means so extensive as Von Ranke's imperfect 
 researches led him to suppose. The principal classes are — 
 
 (i) Changes occasioned by the modification of Burnet's 
 views on the subject of passive obedience. For this see 
 Appendix I, infra. . 
 
 {%) Changes occasioned by the gradual transformation and 
 definition of parties, which had occupied the whole reign 
 
 ' As in the case of the graceful fate of Fairfoul and the comments it 
 
 <;haracter of Lady Russell, wrho sur- evoked {ibid. 134) ; the escape of Lord 
 
 vived the Bishop ; the portraits of Grey {ibid. 549). 
 
 Lady Balcarres and Lady Essex are ' See for instance Harl. M SS. 6584, 
 
 also to the point. ff. 10 (6), 11 (6), 14 (d) (three times), 
 
 '' Instances : — Leighton's motives for 16 («-4), 23 (6), 45 (A) ; infra, pp. 17, 
 
 preaching in Latin [Hist. i. 136) ; the 18, 23-4, 25, 41, 98. 
 
On the Text of Burnet's History xix 
 
 of William, and which had practically reached its final 
 stage early in the reign of Anne. This process, which 
 found Burnet, though a warm adherent of the Revolution, 
 yet detached from party ties, left him identified with the 
 reconstituted Whig section, of which Lords Marlborough 
 and Godolphin were allies and Lord Nottingham an 
 opponent ^. The alterations (which mainly occur in the 
 account of the Revolution, and the subsequent settlement, 
 and are most noticeable in the references to Churchill, 
 Nottingham, Bancroft, and possibly to Portland ^) are, as 
 Von Ranke says ^, very significant ; they impair the his- 
 torical value and the self-consistency of the final narrative ; 
 they reflect upon Burnet's political judgement ; in some 
 instances they are hardly to be reconciled with those 
 professions of a ' full and free impartiality * ' in which Von 
 Ranke traces something of ' clerical unction ' {geistlichcr 
 Pathos). But regarded as a whole, the severe strictures of 
 the distinguished German seem somewhat overstrained. 
 Twelve agitated years of fluctuating political relations, 
 of unsparing political conflict, and bitter party recrimina- 
 tion, are apt to modify our estimate of men, measures, 
 and events ; and though the omission of Nottingham's 
 domestic virtues and the condonation of Churchill's 
 public vices cannot be defended, it must be admitted that ' 
 these instances of partiality are practically unique. Nor 
 should it be forgotten that Burnet's intimacy with the 
 Marlboroughs (which followed on his admission, as tutor 
 to the Duke of Gloucester, to the household of the Princess 
 Anne) had placed him under considerable obligations to 
 Churchill's friendship^; and had exposed him, in full 
 measure, to the fascinating influence of the most seductive 
 intellect in Europe. A curious instance of his gradual 
 subjection is to be found in his account of Marlborough's 
 disgrace. Originally this was ascribed to detected 
 
 ' Even Swyt admits that it was Wliig junto in the severe proceedings 
 
 only during the last ten years of his relative to the Partition Treaty, 1701. 
 
 life that Burnet can be described as ' Eng. Gesch. ed. 1868, vii. App. ii. 
 
 party mad {Works, ed. 1824, xii. 189). pp. 184-9. 
 
 2 See Appendix VI, infra. Portland * History (Preface), i. pp. 2-4. 
 
 was of course associated with the ° See infra, p. 494, and note. 
 
 b Q, 
 
XX 
 
 Introduction 
 
 treachery, of which Burnet had been informed by Wilh'am 
 himself; next, Burnet concedes that a discontented man 
 may be unjustly aspersed by the interpretations of 
 political go-betweens ; finally, the charge is dismissed 
 as quite unfounded, and the Churchill version of the 
 affair is accepted without demur ^. 
 III. In the third place, we are concerned with the changes 
 of phraseology, which are almost innumerable. It is clear 
 that the style was throughout revised with an anxious and 
 painful deliberation ^ ; and we can only regret that the result, 
 by general consent, should prove so singularly unsuccessful. 
 The truth appears to be that Burnet, by temper and training 
 an orator, never expressed himself with the force, the lucidity, 
 and the eloquence which constitute a fine literary style, 
 save when under the immediate influence of strong, though 
 restrained, emotion. His Essay upon IVTary II, his diary of 
 Lord Russell's imprisonment, the noble exhortation with 
 which his History concludes, are admirable in their respective 
 kinds. On a lower level, he was capable of rendering with 
 considerable vivacity any keen immediate impression ; and the 
 ' Characters,' as originally sketched (upon which Von Ranke 
 has passed so high an eulogy), often evince the happy strokes 
 of a quick and practised observer. But what Burnet was 
 capable of doing upon the spur of the moment, or under the 
 stimulus of mental and emotional excitement, he was quite 
 incapable of doing in cold blood ; he had some literary 
 instinct; but of literary tact or literary judgement none. This 
 explains the astonishing inferiority of the laborious published 
 Characters — an inferiority which Von Ranke regards as inex- 
 plicable {rdtkselkaft). Burnet's untiringexertions have rectified 
 structural errors, corrected grammatical blunders, removed 
 provincial peculiarities, averted verbal repetition ; but they have 
 blurred and distorted the sharpness of the original outline 
 and rendered the general literary effect at once feeble and in- 
 coherent. The unsatisfactory result is intensified by a curious 
 distaste, which seems to have grown upon Burnet in later 
 years, for the use of conjunctive particles. This gives to the 
 
 > See infra, p. 373 and note. ' Cf. Autobiography, infra, p. 487. 
 
On the Text of Burnetts History xxi 
 
 History in its final form an oddly disjointed character ; and 
 often renders it difficult to trace the connexion of events ^. 
 
 We have thus discussed at length the relation between the 
 original Memoirs of Burnet and the first recension of the 
 History. Two points remain for consideration ; the nature 
 of the second revision (commenced in the year 17 ii), to 
 which Burnet himself is witness ^, with its bearing upon the 
 authenticity of the so-called ' editorial castrations ' ; and the 
 circumstances which led to the substitution of the well-known 
 ' Life ' by his son for Burnet's own autobiographical appendix. 
 To elucidate these questions, we must refer to events con- 
 nected with the first publication of the History. 
 
 The Bodleian autograph of the History, which represents 
 the first recension, contains numerous alterations (mostly of 
 a literary tenor, but in some cases calculated to minimize 
 personal censure) in the hand of Burnet himself. These are 
 embodied in the text of the edition now in progress, the 
 original readings being relegated to the textual notes ; and 
 the Preface ^ regards the text so amended as authoritative. 
 This conclusion is, however, misleading. The text of the 
 present edition, though of first-rate value for historical 
 purposes, is unquestionably not the text which Burnet finally 
 sanctioned. In a codicil to his will, dated Oct. 24, 171 1, and 
 published (apparently by his family*) within a year of his 
 death, the Bishop bequeathed to his second son, Gilbert, all his 
 private papers, with directions that none should be published 
 save ' a Book entitled Essays and Meditations on Morality and 
 Religion ^ ' and ' the History of my own Time, together with 
 the Conclusion and the History of my own Life.' Of this 
 History, so the Bishop explains, he leaves two copies, ' one in 
 my own hands {sic) and another -in the hand of a servant. 
 In the reading these over ' (he proceeds) ' I have made several 
 amendments, deletions and additions, having read over some- 
 times the one copy and sometimes the other ; so I order the two 
 
 ' This was carried still further in • The biographical sketch which 
 
 the second revision. Can Burnet accompanies it is usually ascribed to 
 
 have been influenced by the strictures his son Thomas ; the original of the will 
 
 of Swift? See Works, ed. 1824, iv. 184. is at Somerset House (Fagg, 58). 
 
 = History, Airy's edition, ii. 474. ' See Autobiography, mfra, p. 489, 
 
 = Airy's ed., i. p. ix, note. and Appendix III, tnfra, p. 526. 
 
xxii Introduction 
 
 copies to be compared together, that so all the alterations that 
 I have made may be taken into the printed edition . . . [This 
 is to appear] six years after my death, and . . . not . . . sooner. 
 But as to the printing it after six years or the delaying it longer, 
 I refer that to such directions asT may give him by word of 
 mouth, only I require him to print it faithfully, as I leave it with- 
 out adding suppressing or altering it in any particular, for this 
 is my positive charge and command.' The publication of the 
 will had been no doubt necessitated by the curiosity as to the 
 contents of the Bishop's posthumous History, which the Leslie 
 revelations had occasioned ^. This excitement was now further 
 stimulated by the republication of the ' Elliot ' extracts (from 
 the secondary copy described stipra, p. xii) with a dedication 
 to Leslie, and the explanatory preface of the nameless ' brother ' 
 above mentioned ; and by a series of ribald skits on the deceased 
 historian, of which the wittiest is ascribed to Dr. Arbuthnot ^. 
 The six years mentioned in the Bishop's .will expired with 
 the year 1730, O. S. ; and we may presume that Mr. Gilbert 
 Burnet, then Rector of East Barnet, commenced thereupon to 
 prepare for the publication. It seems certain that he obtained 
 some editorial assistance ^ ; and a Jacobite rumour, current at 
 Paris, named as his colleagues the Bishop's cousin, Mr. 
 ' Secretary ' Johnstone, then living in extreme old age in 
 retirement at Twickenham, and a Mr. Cunningham (query the 
 historian ?) *. We give the story for what it is worth ; as 
 
 ' The pamphlet containing the will * Journal des Sfava»s,Pa.ris,'I<lov. s6 
 
 ran through at least four editions, the 1726, p. 699. Johnstone was cer- 
 
 last of which appeared in 1717. tainly consulted concerning the busi- 
 
 ' This is the Noies ... 0/ the Six Days ness aspect of the second volume 
 
 (preceding Burnet's death), which (Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 23, f. 155) and 
 
 represents him as revising his History betrayed some acquaintance with'Sur- 
 
 to the last. For the relations between net's revisionary zeal (Dartmouth's 
 
 Burnet and Leslie see Burnet's printed note to ilfc^. i. 4). Cunningham (no 
 
 speech against the Occasional Con- doubt the diplomatist and historian 
 
 formity Bill of 1703, p. 4 ; infra, Auto- though the early confusion which 
 
 biography, pp. 499, 506 ; Leslie's Leslie, identified him with the editor of 
 
 PP.- 96-101, 241, 408, 451 ; Burnet, Horace appears in the Journal des 
 
 Hist. 11. 538-9 ; Leslie s Good Old Cause Sfavans) was the ally and agent of 
 
 &ni Letter to the Lord Bishop of Sarum. -Carstares (though no friend of Port- 
 
 'The prefatory notice mentions land), and was thus presumably an 
 
 'editors ; while it is clear from Brit. enemy of Johnstone ; while his rooted 
 
 Mus Add. MSS. 11404, f. 96, and J. antipathy to Burnet, whom he never 
 
 Sinclair sanswerto Beach, that Thomas mentions without a sneer (see his 
 
 Burnet was not concerned in vol. i. subsequent Histoty, i. pp. Ixiv, Ixv, 29- 
 
On the Text of Burnet's History xxiii 
 
 regards Cunningham, at least, it would seem very improb- 
 able. 
 
 We have seen that, according to the terms of Burnet's will, 
 the task of eliciting the Bishop's final version from the two 
 manuscripts in which it was imbedded devolved on his editor. 
 This tedious process might have been effected in one of four 
 methods : — 
 
 1. The autograph copy might have been selected as the 
 basis, and revised by the clerical copy, 
 
 a. Or the reverse method might have been pursued. 
 
 3. Or a fresh transcript might have been derived from the 
 one version and collated with the other. 
 
 4. Or, after the collation had been made, a fair copy might 
 have been produced for the use of the printers. 
 
 The editorial notices prefixed to each volume, which 
 promise to deposit the clerical transcript corrected by Burnet 
 in a public library, describe that MS. as the copy from which 
 the work had been printed ; but this may only mean that 
 the transcript in question had been selected as the basis of the 
 text. The actual ' printer's copy ' is among the Burnet papers 
 in the Bodleian ^ ; and Dr. Routh, who maintains that a cross 
 reference given in the Autograph does not correspond with 
 the pagination of this second copy ^, infers that the printer's 
 version was a transcript subsequently made. His view 
 derives some force from the fact that the printer's copy is 
 not — as Burnet's instructions suggest his own copy to have 
 been — all in one hand ; but as, when carefully studied, it 
 reveals corrections in Burnet's autograph, the identification 
 seems complete. Its first volume, with which the original 
 editors alone concerned themselves, is full of deletions and 
 alterations (all so made, that the original readings, like those 
 of the Autograph, are clearly legible). Some of these are 
 obviously transcribed from the final readings of the autograph 
 copy ; others are not so authenticated. Were all these last 
 made by Burnet himself in this transcript ? or did the editors, 
 from motives of caution or timidity, defy the Bishop's instruc- 
 
 30, 46, 50, 60, 79, 83, 88, 103, 114, 118, " Roath'sBumet's James n, 475 ; he 
 134, 145-6, 354, 258), belies the tale. does not give the references. 
 1 Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 15, 16. 
 
XXIV 
 
 Introduction 
 
 tions already published by the family, and retrench some 
 passages which they feared might be offensive ? That they 
 did so seems very probable ; though the charge originally 
 emanated from political malignity. 
 
 The editors of this first instalment were not unnaturally 
 anxious to secure the services of Bowyer the elder, the most 
 famous printer of the day. Mr. Bowyer, himself a Jacobite, 
 who had but a few years before enthusiastically undertaken the 
 republication of Leslie's works, employed as press-reader the 
 Rev. John Blackbourne, an impoverished nonjuror, eventually 
 advanced to the rank of bishop in the sect. Blackbourne, 
 to whom the ' copy ' of the first volume was entrusted, soon 
 convinced himself that the text had been tampered with ; and 
 on his advice, Bowyer declined the task, which was entrusted 
 to another firm. Blackbourne, however, retained a tran- 
 script of all those passages which he assumed to have been 
 posthumously deleted, but some of which are really marked for 
 omission even in the Bodleian autograph ; he made at least 
 one subsequent copy, which passed into the possession of his 
 employer, and is now in the Bodleian Library ^ ; and he seems 
 to have freely trumpeted abroad the supposed falsification. 
 
 It is not therefore surprising that the appearance of the 
 volume in the end of the year 1723^ should have been the 
 signal for vociferous accusation. In this connexion we note 
 an extremely curious letter written Nov. 23, 1723^, by Dr. 
 William Stratford, Canon of Christ Church, to Edward Lord 
 Harley, eldest son of Lord Oxford (then still alive). Stratford, 
 who abuses the book with considerable asperity, and refers to 
 a severe criticism passed upon Burnet's conduct by Lord 
 Oxford, observes, in so many words, 'There are great omissions 
 from the original draught . . . such as chiefly related to himself.' 
 He refers to the Leslie publications; and hopes 'the omissions 
 will be supplied out of true copies of the original which are 
 still extant.' To what does Stratford allude ? To the originals 
 
 ^ For all this see Nichols, Lit. Anec, insertions, given by Bowyer to Gough. 
 
 i. 282, 251-3, note; Macray,^«M. ofthe Forthreeothercopiesseem/ra, p.xxviii. 
 
 Bodl, 329-30. Blackbourne's own ^ With title-page dated 1724. 
 
 copyis in Rawl. MSS. D. 404, ff. i-io. ^ Portland MSS., vol. vii. Hist. 
 
 The ' Bowyer transcript ' is a copy of MSS. Com. /?«/>., 367-8 ; cf. Hist. i. 382 
 
 the printed History, vol. i, with the MS. (Lord Dartmouth's note). 
 
' On the Text of Burnet's History xxv 
 
 of the Elliot extracts? or does he refer to Blackbourne's MSS.? 
 Hardly, since few of the ' castrations ' relate to Burnet. Then 
 had he seen the Harleian fragments either in Paulet's or 
 Harley's custody ? If so, was Harley's own son (as the form 
 of the sentence suggests) ignorant of their existence ? 
 
 Nor were these charges of fraud made only in private circles. 
 As early as Nov. 1736 the Parisian journal already mentioned, 
 while reviewing in a strong Jacobite strain the French 
 translation of 1725, maintained that the editors 'en ont re- 
 tranche un grand nombre d'endroits injurieux 4 des personnes 
 respectables ' ; adding sarcastically : ' ce qu'ils ont laisse fait 
 assez voir I'indulgence de ces reviseurs.' Again, in the year 
 1733, the anonymous editor of the Memoirs and Characters 
 of John Macky the spy (in a preface of which the political 
 animus may be guessed from the terms of the dedication to 
 Frederick Prince of Wales) taunted the Bishop's youngest son 
 Thomas, on whom, by the death of his elder brothers, the 
 editorship had devolved, with the non-appearance of the 
 second and of a (mythical) third volume ; and made a direct 
 assertion that the History had been largely falsified ^- 
 
 It does certainly appear that the violent storm of party 
 resentment excited by the contents of the first volume ^ had 
 intimidated the Bishop's family ; who seem moreover to have 
 had some reason to suppose that the publication was not very 
 favourably regarded in high government quarters. The 
 pecuniary straits of the family were however pressing ; and 
 necessitated in 1734 the issue of the second and final volume ^- 
 
 1 For Macky see the above work ; been altered after the composition of 
 also M^Cormick, Carstares Papers ; and the original draught, the corresponding 
 cf. his Memorial, pp. 138-40, with Hist. portion of which is not now extant ; 
 ii. 93. Macky has been wrongly iden- but as the autograph and published 
 tified by Miss Strickland with John versions of the History exactly corre- 
 Mackney, the Bishop's steward (Q««eKS spond, the editors are here at least 
 of England, viii. 374, note). His blameless. The introduction of Bur- 
 editor's remarks apply to the sup- net's affairs into Macky's volume is 
 posed omission of certain 'characters' gratuitous and suggests personal malig- 
 from the History (he says Macky's nity. 
 
 own'characters,'butthisisabsurd)and ' See the various pamphlets eVoked 
 
 the suppression of the Bishop's early by it ; also Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. XIII. 
 
 opinions on polygamy and divorce, iv. 496. 
 
 which he reprints from a previous ^ See Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 23, f. 
 
 publication of the original MS. The 156 et seq. ; Brit. Mus. Add. MSS. 
 
 existing account, Hist. i. 261, may have 11404, ff. 62-3. 
 
xxvi Introduction 
 
 In the ' printer's copy ^ ' of this, as of the former volume, are 
 many deletions, which however have been prudently obli- 
 terated, or in some cases altogether erased. These ' castra- 
 tions ' have never been published ; the original readings are for 
 the most part still legible in the Autograph, and will no doubt 
 be reproduced in the edition now in progress. The proposed 
 autobiographical appendix meanwhile had, as we have seen, 
 never been revised by its author ; and the circumstance 
 afforded a specious, perhaps a legitimate pretext, for the 
 substitution of a ' Life ' by the editor, founded on this and 
 other sources. Motives more remote may however be 
 suspected. The Autobiography, which is both garrulous and 
 imperfect, evinces in a high degree that mixture of childlike 
 self-complacency and childlike self-reproach which had so 
 often brought upon the author the charge of excessive 
 egotism ; while the fragment unluckily concluded with the 
 Bishop's devout reflections upon the exemplary success which, 
 up to the year 1710, had attended his efforts for the due 
 education of his family. As it chanced, the subsequent 
 stages of Mr. Thomas Burnet's youth had not been such as 
 to rejoice the heart of an anxious parent; from lyia to 1715 
 he had been notorious among the ' men about town ' of his 
 generation ^ ; and though, by the year 1 734, he had long since 
 carried into effect that ' reformation ' of his own manners 
 which he had once wittily contemplated as ' a greater work 
 than his father's ^,' and was to die some twenty years later 
 in the odour of judicial sanctity, it was natural he should wish 
 to avert the laughter of the town by the suppression of so 
 premature a paean. 
 
 To this second volume of the History, which, with its 
 accompanying ' Life,' appeared in 1 734, Mr. Burnet prefixed 
 a renewal of his brother's promise to deposit the MS. in some 
 public collection ; and more particularly specified the Cotton 
 Library. Two years later, the non-fulfilment of this promise 
 evoked an anonymous ' Letter to Thomas Burnet, Esq.,' usually 
 
 ' It is hard to explain a curious is probablyatentative editorial version, 
 
 transcript of Hist. ii. 1-293 in Thomas '^ Swift, Works, ed. 1824, iii. 5 ; the 
 
 Burnet's hand (Bodl. Add. MSS. D. Notes ... of the Six Days; and various 
 
 17). It differs both from his father's other contemporary skits, 
 
 autograph and the printer's copy, and = Nichols, Literary Anecdotes, iii. 353- 
 
On the Text of Burnet's History xxvii 
 
 ascribed to Mr. Philip Beach, son of a nonjuring Dr. Beach, 
 between whom and Bishop Burnet a somewhat notorious 
 controversy had existed ^. This pamphleteer, whose informa- 
 tion was presumably derived from Mr. Blackb'ourne ^, 
 asserted that he had before him 'an authentic collection of 
 very many passages castrated in the manuscript from which 
 this book was printed . . . after the Bishop's decease. . . . The 
 manuscript meant is that which was wrote by the Bishop's 
 amanuensis and corrected throughout by the Bishop himself.' 
 Of these so-called ' castrations ' the pamphleteer gave a pre- 
 liminary selection, with references to the MS., which coincide 
 with the pagination of the printer's copy ; and he threatened 
 that unless the MS. should be laid open to the public, the 
 whole of them should be published by himself. The answer 
 to this challenge, which issued during the same year under 
 the name of ' J. Sinclair,' is not very convincing ; it insinuates, 
 without actually asseverating, that all the deletions were really 
 made by the Bishop, upon charitable motives ; affirms in so 
 many words that the passage on the misfortunes of the 
 Dalrymples, printed in Beach's pamphlet, had been so ex- 
 punged ; and makes a ' palpable hit ' by the insinuation that 
 the deposition of the MS. would at this conjuncture become 
 the signal for a publication of the most authentic deletions. 
 Mr. Beach's retort, however, ruthlessly analyses the arguments 
 of Sinclair, and quotes a further instalment of the reputed 
 'castrations.' There, for the time being, the controversy 
 closed. Rumour continued to assert that the second volume, 
 of which no ' castrations ' had become public, had been manipu- 
 lated at the instance of the Duchess of Marlborough ^ ; but 
 Mr. Burnet held his peace, and kept the manuscript*; and 
 it was not till forty years after his death, in the year 1795, 
 that the European Magazine published some further specimens 
 of passages ' suppressed ' in the first volume ^. The original 
 
 > See Life in Hist. ii. pp. 311-3; * The edition of 1753 (misprinted as 
 
 Hickes, Some rf«sco«»-s«5, pp. IS, 16, and 1755 in the preface to the edition of 
 
 Appendix; His/. il/5S. Cow. if«/. XIII. 1823) seems to be merely a pirated 
 
 vl. 29 ; Bodl. Add. iVISS. D. 23, f. 55. venture. 
 
 ^ Who survived till 1741. = Beach's first selection of pas- 
 
 = See Dartmouth's note on Hist. sages included the ' castrations ' of 
 
 ii. 90 ; Hardwicke's on Hist. ii. 91. Hist. i. 28, 35, 39, 97, 189, 203, 207, 
 
xxviii Introduction 
 
 source of this publication seems to have been a transcript in 
 the possession of Lord Hardwicke, of which, previously to 
 1775, Lord Onslow had obtained a copy; into this copy, at 
 some date before 1788, by Lord Lansdowne's permission, the 
 Swift notes had been transcribed ; and the indiscretion of 
 his copyist may have occasioned the eventual appearance of 
 the excerpts in the pages of the Magazine. Finally, in the 
 Clarendon Press edition of 1823 the 'castrations' of the 
 first volume were for the first time included in the text, from 
 a collation of the ' Onslow ' and ' Bowyer ' transcripts ^- 
 
 On a review of the whole evidence it seems impossible to 
 avoid the conclusion that some, though by no means the 
 whole ^, of the ' suppressed passages ' were in fact unwarrantably 
 deleted. It may indeed be fairly urged that all the variations 
 can be paralleled by changes avowedly licensed — that they 
 could all be sufficiently explained by the Bishop's own desire 
 of averting censure or resentment, by the growing timidity, 
 the more lenient charity, the stricter decorum of old age. 
 Nor can it be denied that the action of Mr. Beach was 
 calculated to place an honest no less than a dishonest editor 
 on the horns of a dilemma. The suppression of the Autobio- 
 graphy may perhaps be adduced as an argument on either 
 side ; since if it evinces on any hypothesis a defiance of the 
 Bishop's instructions, it is none the less possible to argue 
 that, where such defiance seemed imperative, it was at least 
 frankly avowed. On the whole, however, it seems difficult to 
 believe that the editors did not, as a matter of fact, introduce 
 some unwarranted changes, substantial as well as grammatical 
 into the text pi'epared for the printers. The reduced circum- 
 stances of Burnet's family and the pecuniary dangers of 
 
 257, 297, 320, 328, 357> 369, 380, generally known that Dr. Birch had 
 
 382, 508, 511, 524. His second in- also a complete copy of the castrations 
 
 stalment referred to Hist. i. 89, 177, (Brit. Mus. Sloane MSS. 4238. 
 267, 414, 416. The European Magazine ^ The following only among the so- 
 
 for 1795 (pp. 39-41, 158-9, 374) called 'editorial castrations' of the first 
 
 quotes three of the above (//«/. i. 28, 35, volume are deleted in the Bodleian 
 
 39) ; and adds Hist. i. 26, 27, 30, 34, autograph— i//s<. i. 2Q{sexies),zo{bis), 
 
 39 (Montrose), 40, 52, 59, 102, 126. 39. 77, I43. 267,396, 433, 669, 764 (i<s) 
 
 Quotations from the Swift and Onslow (see Mr. Airy's edition, in locis). But 
 
 notes appear in the Ma^asMfc, 1795-7. it reveals many other genuine dele- 
 
 1 See Preface, edition 1823, pp. vii, tions {ibid.). 
 X, xvii. It does not seem to be 
 
On the Text of Burnefs History xxix 
 
 prosecution for scandalum magnatum suggest a possible 
 motive ; while the continued failure to deposit the MS. as 
 promised, and the non-existence of any explicit statement on 
 the part of Burnet's friends to the effect that the provisions 
 of his will had been scrupulously observed, seem evidence, 
 circumstantial indeed, but sufficiently damning. 
 
 The documentary appendices to the present volume call 
 for little comment. The three valuable ' Meditations ' (reveal- 
 ing to us the sentiments with which Burnet approached the 
 several crises of his second marriage, the expedition of the 
 Prince of Orange, and his own elevation to the episcopate) 
 are here reproduced, from Mrs. Salmon's transcripts of the 
 autograph originals, by kind permission of Mrs. Morrison. 
 Two of them, we shall find, are specially mentioned in the 
 Memoirs and Autobiography respectively ; and their existence 
 is noted by the Hist. MSS. Comm. Rep. ix. p. i6o, and by 
 Dr. Airy {Diet. Nat. Biog.). The Herbert Correspondence, 
 from the autograph originals in the British Museum, gives 
 Burnet's contemporary reflections during the great expedition. 
 These also are mentioned by Dr. Airy. The Harley Notes 
 are printed as Appendix VII ; and editorial notes too long for 
 the body of the work appear on pp. 515-9 and 540-4. 
 
 The plan of the present work is indicated in the scheme of 
 Contents; but it demands some further explanation. Con- 
 siderable embarrassment arose as regards references to the 
 History. Convenience would have prompted the citation 
 of the edition now in progress, to which this volume is an 
 appendix ; but as only .two instalments have yet appeared, it 
 seemed best, for the sake of uniformity, to quote the folio 
 pagination, which is given marginally in all the Clarendon 
 Press editions. For the same reason, the text quoted is always 
 that of 1833 ; and references to the existing two volumes of 
 the edition now in progress or to Routh's reprint of Burnefs 
 James II are always specifically given to 'Airy's' and 
 ' Routh's ' edition respectively. 
 
 It was the wish of the Delegates that the original draught 
 or Memoirs should be reproduced in as condensed a form as 
 possible ; and that the present publication, while final for 
 historical purposes, should ignore merely literary variations. 
 
XXX Introduction 
 
 Where possible, therefore, the text of the History is taken as 
 a basis ; and only substantial variations are recorded, in type 
 comparatively smalP- In all such cases the reader will of 
 course accommodate the punctuation of the History to the 
 exigencies of the new matter. Passages which differ largely 
 from the received version or are not represented within its 
 scope are printed in extenso, and in larger type ; with parallel 
 references to the History in a separate set of footnotes. The 
 forward references remain valid till cancelled by a backward 
 reference, or by a fresh indicating letter^. Throughout the 
 original Memoirs the spelling and punctuation have been 
 modernized ; and (on the suggestion of Dr. Firth) the mar- 
 ginalia have been employed as subject headings : where these 
 are defective they have been supplied, within brackets, by 
 the Editor, where possible, from the History. 
 
 The Autobiography, on the other hand, is printed as Burnet 
 left it ; save that the marginalia have been transferred to the 
 text. It is singularly characteristic ; and while the interest of 
 the Memoirs is dependent on that of the History, to which they 
 are an indispensable complement, this quaint and curious 
 piece of self-revelation — unique perhaps in the case of a man, 
 high in ecclesiastical ofifice, and verging upon his threescore 
 years and ten — should attract on its own merits the attention 
 of the literary world. 
 
 The synopses of parallel passages, and of passages peculiar 
 to the Memoirs or Autobiography, have been carefully com- 
 piled; and it is hoped they may prove a convenient means 
 of reference. As they serve, to a grea,t extent, the purposes of 
 a subject index, the final index is mainly personal ; but 
 readers are referred, in the latter case, to the exceptional 
 items ranged under the general headings 'Affairs English, 
 Irish, Scotch, Colonial, and Foreign,' with their subdivisions. 
 
 Finally, the sincere thanks of the Editor are due for the 
 valuable advice of Dr. Firth and Mr. Doble ; while a work of 
 so complicated a nature is specially obliged to the vigilance 
 of the proof-reader. 
 
 ^ By this means an amount of mat- duced to half that number, 
 ter which would naturally occujjy " The text and foliation of Transcript 
 
 more than a thousand pages is re- A are always preferred. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 PAGES 
 
 Introduction ......... v-xxx 
 
 Synopsis of subjects common to the published History 
 
 (and Life) and the early draughts . . . xxxv-liv 
 Synopsis of subjects peculiar to the early draughts . Iv-lxi 
 Addenda ......... Ixiii-iv 
 
 PART I 
 
 REMAINING FRAGMENTS OF BISHOP BURNET'S 
 ORIGINAL MEMOIRS 
 
 Fragment relating to the years 1660-4 
 
 written presumably in the summer of 1683 
 
 Brii. Mus. Harl. MSS. 6584, 
 
 ff. 2,-^^ {Transcript A) . . . 1-99 
 
 Fragments relating to the years 1679-81 
 
 written probably in the year 1683 
 
 TAe Elliot Specimens . . . 99-108 
 
 Fragment relating to the Rye House Plot 
 written in the summer of 1684 
 
 Brit. Mus. Harl. MSS. 6584, 
 
 ^93-107 {Transcript A) . 108-31 
 *********** 
 Fragment relating to the conclusion of the reign of 
 Charles II 
 
 written before the end of 1686 
 liid. 
 
 Reign of James 11 to close of 1687 
 
 written by Dec. 26, 1687 
 lizel. 
 
 \ jy. 114-46 [Transcript A") \ 
 |#- 155-318 ( „ E)\ 
 ff.T.l'j-Ad (Transcript B only) . 142-266 
 
xxxii Contents 
 
 PAGES 
 
 Reign of James II, Dec. 1687-Mar. 1688 
 written Jan.-March I J, 1688 
 
 Brit. Mtis. HaH. MSS. 6584, 
 
 ff. iifi-^i, {Transcript B) .266-71 
 
 Reign of James II, Mar.-Oct. 3, 1688 
 written by Oct. 3, 1688 
 Ibid. 
 
 ff. 2^^-6g {Transcript B) . 271-86 
 
 The Revolution, and events to summer of 1691 
 written June-Aug. 13, 1691 
 Ibid, 
 ff. 269-97 ( Transcript B only) 
 
 K- 297-317 ( „ B)\ -^^7 364 
 
 Events from 1691 to 1693 
 
 written Sept. 1-9, 1693 
 Hid. 
 
 S jr 64.-80 (TraMScript A) ) ., , ,„. 
 
 i^ 317-35 ( „ b\\ ■ 364-394 
 
 Events from Sept. 1693 to April 1695 
 
 written April-May 2, 1695 
 Hid. 
 
 S jy. 80-8 ( Transcript A) ) „ 
 
 1^ 335-44 (. „ £)( -394-408 
 
 Events from April 1695 to Feb. 1696 
 written Feb. 1696 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 ( ~ 88-91 {Transcript A) \ 
 K- 344-48 ( „ B)\ 
 
 ff- 349-50 {Transcript B) . 408-15 
 *********** 
 Fragment containing events from July 1708 to May 1709 
 concluded by May 8, 1709 
 
 Bodl. Add. MSS. D.21, 
 
 ff. I {a)-i7 {a) 416-22 
 
 Events from May 1709 to end of summer campaign 
 probably written in autumn of 1709 
 Ibid. 
 
 ff. 18 (a)-23 {a) 422-5 
 
 Events from autumn 1709 to end of June 1710 
 
 apparently written in May-June 1710 
 Ibid. 
 
 ff- 23 («)-35 (a) 425-9 
 
Contents xxxiii 
 
 Events from the battle of Almanara to Nov. 1710 
 concluded Nov. 16, 1710 
 
 Sodl. Add. MSS. D.2\, 
 
 ff- 36 (a)-39 («) .... 429-32 
 Events from Nov. 1710 to Feb, lyif- 
 concluded Feb. 16, 17^ 
 Ibid. 
 
 ff- 39 («)-4S («) 432-4 
 
 Events from Feb.- 17^5. to May 171 1 
 
 concluded May 14, 171 1 
 Ibid. 
 
 ff. 46 (a)-53 {a) 434-7 
 
 Events from May 171 1 to June 1713 
 written Jan.-June 2, 1712 
 Ibid. 
 
 ff- 54 (^)-39 {b) .... 437-44 
 Events from June 1712 to end of year (O. S.) 
 concluded March 24, \^\^ 
 Ibid. 
 
 ^ ,, , , #38W.-29(,5) 444-7 
 
 Events from Marich to June 1713 
 
 concluded July 4, 1713 
 Ibid. 
 
 ff.2<){b)-2i{b) 447-8 
 
 Events from May to July 18, 1713 
 
 presumably written in July 1713 
 Ibid. 
 
 ff. 23 {b)~2l (b) 449 
 
 The conclusion of the History 
 
 written in June 1708 
 Ibid. 
 
 ff. 91 (^)-64 {b) .... 449-50 
 
 PART II 
 
 BISHOP BURNET'S AUTOBIOGRAPHY 
 
 From his birth in the year 1643 to the year 1710 
 written by Nov. 30, 1710 
 
 Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 24, 
 
 ff- 19S-218 451-514 
 
 FOXCROFT C 
 
xxxiv Contents 
 
 APPENDICES 
 
 PAGES 
 
 I. Additional Editorial Note : Change in Burnet's 
 
 views concerning Passive Obedience .... 51S-9 
 
 II. Dr. Burnet's Meditation on his second marriage 
 written May 1687 
 
 Morrison MSS. 5 20-1 
 
 III. Dr. Burnet's Meditation on his voyage to 
 
 England 
 
 written Sept. or Oct. 1688 
 
 Morrison MSS. 522-8 
 
 IV. Dr. Burnet's Letters to Admiral Herbert 
 
 written Oct.-Dec. 1688 
 
 Brii. Mits. Eg. MSS. 2621, 
 
 i?^49, SI, 67, 69, 70, 83 . . 528-36 
 V. Dr. Burnet's Meditation on his Consecration 
 written March 30, 1689 
 
 Morrison MSS. 5 3 7-40 
 
 VI. Additional Editorial Note : Burnet's account of 
 
 Scotch aifairs after the Revolution 540-4 
 
 VII. Memoranda on Burnet's Memoirs written by 
 Robert Harley 
 
 written July, 1699 
 
 Brii. Mus. Harl. MSS. 6584, 
 
 / 2 545-6 
 
 Index 547-65 
 
SYNOPSIS OF, SUBJECTS COMMON TO THE RE- 
 MAINING PORTIONS OF THE EARLY DRAUGHTS, 
 AND THE HISTORY (AND LIFE) AS PUBLISHED. 
 
 [Note.— Passages in which the differences between the two versions 
 appear very important are italicized.] 
 
 (Events previous to the Restoration.) 
 
 Hist. I. 
 
 2. 
 
 6-8. 
 
 12-3. 
 
 14. 
 
 IS- 
 
 21-6. 
 
 26. 
 
 28. 
 
 34- 
 
 46. 
 
 46. 
 
 47-8. 
 
 48-9. 
 
 49- 
 58. 
 
 59- 
 65. 
 
 65. 
 
 65. 
 
 65-6. 
 
 67-70. 
 
 72-3- 
 
 73- 
 
 73- 
 
 73-4- 
 
 Character of Robert Burnet the elder . 
 French intrigues with James I . . . 
 Aflfairs of Frederick, Elector Palatine . 
 Anecdote told by Fabricius .... 
 Affair of the cautionary towns 
 The business of lord Balmerino . 
 
 Character of Sydserfe 
 
 Character of Warriston .... 
 Mr. Douglas and the other Edinburgh ministers 
 Casuistry of Cromwell and the zealots . 
 Cromwell and the death of Charles I . 
 Intrigue between the duke of Buckingham and 
 
 of Austria 
 
 The episode of Isabella Clara Eugenia 
 Schomberg's counsel to the historian . 
 Character of Glencairn ..... 
 Character of Sir Robert Moray . 
 
 Anne 
 
 Relations between Stoupe, Carlisle, Orrery, and Crom- 
 
 well . . . . . 
 Cromwell and the zealots .... 
 Cromwell and assassination-plots . 
 
 Cromwell and Willis 
 
 Cromwell and the offer of the crown 
 Cromwell's foreign policy ; its problem 
 Its determining motive . . . . ' . 
 The alliance between Cromwell and the foreign 
 
 testants alienates our princes . 
 Conversion of Charles II .... 
 C 2 
 
 PAGES 
 452-4 
 172-4 
 
 I7S 
 
 178 
 178 
 
 18-21 
 
 8 
 
 459 
 
 2. 3> 31 
 
 241 
 
 231 
 
 175-6 
 177 
 165 
 28 
 43-4. 465 
 
 229-30, 242 
 
 . 230-1 
 
 238 
 
 240 
 
 232-5, 241 
 
 234 
 
 • 234-5 
 
 pro- 
 
 237 
 ■ 138-9 
 
XXXVl 
 
 /. Synopsis of 
 
 Hist. I. 
 
 74-6. 
 
 76-7. 
 
 77-9- 
 79- 
 80. 
 
 89. 
 
 Anecdotes concerning the Hispaniola affair 
 Cromwell and continental protestantism 
 The Syndercomb affair 
 Cromwell's fanaticism and casuistry 
 His patriotic zeal .... 
 Monk and the Restoration . 
 Southampton and Charles II 
 
 PAGES 
 
 • 235-6 
 
 237 
 
 • 237-40 
 230, 241 
 
 234, 240-1 
 53 
 58 
 
 (Reign of Charles II.) 
 
 91. Burnet is less full as regards English affairs ' 
 
 93-4. Character of Charles II 
 
 94. „ the duchess of Cleveland 
 94-5. „ chancellor Clarendon 
 
 95. „ the duke of Ormond . 
 95-6. ,, the earl of Southampton 
 96-7. „ the earl of Shaftesbury 
 
 97. „ the earl of Anglesey . 
 97-8. „ lord Holies 
 
 98. The presbyterians and the Restoration 
 
 98. Character of Monk, duke of Albemarle 
 
 99. „ secretary Morrice 
 99. ,, secretary Nicholas . 
 99. ,, the earl of Arlington 
 99. ,, the earl of Falmouth 
 
 100. „ the duke of Buckingham . 
 
 loo-i. „ the earl of Bristol . 
 
 107. The citadels in Scotland 
 
 107-8. Lauderdale and presbytery . 
 
 128-30. Middleton goes to court ; his proceedings 
 
 130. Argyll's estate 
 
 130-4. Restoration of episcopacy 
 
 134-8. Bishop Leighton^s character and career . 9-15,30 
 
 139-43. Settlement of episcopacy in Scotland . . 
 
 143-6. A Scotch session : (i) Ecclesiastical affairs 
 146-7. » (2) The act of indemnity and the 
 
 renunciation of the Covenant 
 147-8. „ (3) The second draught of the act of 
 
 indem.nity 
 148-9- !, (4) Condemnation of lord Lorn 
 
 I49-50' ,, (5) The 'billeting' 
 
 151-2. The king and the incapacitating act 
 
 152-5. The ecclesiastical revolution in Scotland 
 
 47 
 
 48-50 
 
 64-5 
 
 53-6 
 
 60-2 
 
 56-8 
 
 58-60 
 
 62 
 
 63 
 55,62 
 
 S3 
 
 66 
 
 66 
 
 66-7 
 
 65 
 
 63-4 
 
 64 
 
 5 
 
 7-8 
 
 4-5 
 
 5-7 
 
 7-9 
 
 461-2 
 
 15-7 
 17-8 
 
 21,24 
 
 22-3 
 
 23-4 
 
 24 
 
 25-6 
 
 26-8 
 
Parallel References 
 
 xxxvu 
 
 Hist. I. 
 
 155- 
 156-7. 
 157-8. 
 
 158. 
 
 159- 
 
 159-60. 
 
 160-1. 
 
 164-5. 
 
 165. 
 
 167-8. 
 
 168-70. 
 
 170-1. 
 
 171. 
 1 7 1-2. 
 173-4. 
 
 174. 
 
 175- 
 
 175- 
 
 176. 
 
 177. 
 
 178. 
 
 178. 
 178-9. 
 
 179. 
 
 179. 
 
 179-81. 
 
 182-4. 
 
 185. 
 
 188. 
 
 191. 
 
 192. 
 
 192. 
 
 193- 
 193-5- 
 
 194-5. 
 195-6. 
 
 196. 
 196-7. 
 
 197. 
 
 198. 
 
 200, 
 
 Bumet is offered a benefice . 
 
 Character of the Presbyterian niinisters 
 
 Their political opinions .... 
 
 Prejudices infused against episcopacy . 
 
 Burnet's first introduction to English politics 
 
 Moderation of Clarendon .... 
 
 Venner's rising; the guards 
 
 Murmurs of the cavaliers .... 
 
 Clarendon^ Southampton, and the king's mistress 
 
 Incorruptibility of Clarendon 
 
 Character of the duke of York 
 
 Character of the duke of Gloucester 
 
 Character of the princess royal (princess of Orange) 
 
 Reflections upon the deaths in the royal family 
 
 Dunkirk, and Tangier . 
 
 The king's marriage ; his wife 
 
 I/is mistress 
 
 The settlement of Ireland . 
 
 Characters of Anglesey and Orrery 
 „ Sheldon and Morley 
 
 The question of toleration : Clarendon's view 
 
 „ „ Southampton' s view 
 
 „ „ the bishops' view 
 
 „ „ the king's view 
 
 „ „ the papists' view 
 
 and 
 
 papist 
 
 The Savoy conference . 
 The new terms of conformity 
 The presbyterians anxious to conform 
 The name ' latitudinarians ^ ' . 
 Lloyd's influence on Burnet's style 
 Sheldon undertakes to fill the pulpits 
 St. Bartholomew's day . 
 Character of Robert Boyle . 
 Schemes of the dissenters, protestant 
 
 trigues of the earl of Bristol 
 The act concerning the king's religion 
 Observations of Peter Walsh . 
 The parliament is against toleration 
 Wild schemes of the earl of Bristol 
 Repeal of the triennial act . 
 Arrest of W arris ton . 
 Burnet and English affairs . 
 The account of them given in the History does not appear. 
 
 PAGES 
 
 28, 466 
 
 31-2 
 
 32 
 
 39 
 
 47,76 
 
 76,78 
 
 58, 76-8 
 
 55 
 64-s 
 
 54-5 
 50-2, 78 
 
 75 
 75 
 75-6 
 78-80 
 54.74 
 73 
 61 
 62-3 
 67-8 
 56 
 57.71 
 68-9, 71 
 
 71 
 
 72 
 
 68-9 
 
 69-72 
 69 
 46 
 487 
 28 
 73 
 
 464-5 
 
 73 
 139 
 
 72-3 
 11 
 
 73-4 
 73 
 41 
 47 
 
XXXVlll 
 
 Hist. I. 
 200-3. 
 
 203. 
 203-s. 
 
 205. 
 
 206. 
 
 206. 
 
 207. 
 
 208. 
 
 215. 
 
 215. 
 215-6. 
 
 216. 
 
 217. 
 
 217. 
 
 219. 
 
 220. 
 
 221. 
 
 221. 
 
 227. 
 
 227. 
 
 228. 
 
 242. 
 
 247. 
 
 248. 
 
 249. 
 
 251. 
 
 260. 
 
 265. 
 
 266. 
 
 273- 
 
 273- 
 
 274. 
 
 276. 
 
 276. 
 276-7. 
 
 279. 
 280-1. 
 287-8. 
 298-9. 
 300-1. 
 
 302-3- 
 310. 
 310. 
 
 /. Synopsis of 
 
 90, 93. 95 
 
 ;eris 
 
 2 (see also 
 
 Fall of Middleton ' • 
 
 Execution of Warriston . . . 1 . 
 
 A Scotch session 
 
 Lord Lorn restored to his honours and estates . 
 
 Lntrigues among the Scotch statesmen at Whitehall 
 
 Character of archbishop Btirnet 
 
 Btcrnet travels 
 
 Burnet returns 
 
 Nairn declines a bishopric 
 
 Character of Nairn 
 
 Character of Charteris . 
 
 Burnet's obligations to Nairn and Chan 
 
 Conduct of the Scotch bishops censured 
 
 Burnet's memorial to them . 
 
 Death of the earl of Falmouth 
 
 Character of John de Witt . 
 
 Errors of the town of Amsterdam 
 
 De Witt and the navy 
 
 Conduct of the earl of Cassillis 
 
 Intrigues of Henry Sidney . 
 
 Licentiousness of the duke of York 
 
 A saying of the earl of Northumberland 
 
 Religious state of the western parts 
 
 Pessimistn of Mr. Charteris 
 
 Death of the earl of Southampton 
 
 Clarendon and the king's marriage 
 
 Marvell and Parker 
 
 Burnet and Wilmot, earl of Rochester 
 
 Character of Orrery 
 
 The p7'ince of Orange visits England 
 
 Religious condition of the west of Scotland 
 
 Proposals of Leighton .... 
 
 Hutcheson, by marriage a cousin-germane to Burnet 
 
 Religious opinions of the duchess of Hamilton . 
 
 Violence of the presbyterians .... 
 
 Nisbet's character 
 
 Burnet, being at Hamilton, writes an important letter 
 
 Burnet and the divinity professorship at Glasgow 
 
 Burnet and the Hamilton Memoirs 
 
 Intrigues between the English and French courts 
 
 Intrigues of the French court .... 
 
 The Anglo-French intrigue bears fruit . 
 
 First crisis of the protestant religion 
 
 PAGES 
 
 41-3- 
 80-1 
 
 81-3 
 
 83-4 
 
 90 
 
 90 
 
 ;, 467-8 
 
 98, 468 
 
 461 
 
 460-1 
 
 462 
 
 86-9) 
 
 472 
 
 472 
 
 65 
 
 179-81 
 
 199-201 
 
 1 80 
 
 18 
 
 284 
 
 51 
 
 78 
 
 476 
 
 41 
 
 58 
 
 54 
 
 215-6 
 
 486-7 
 
 63 
 
 181-3 
 
 476 
 
 16 
 
 4 
 
 475 
 
 476 
 
 82 
 
 476 
 
 476-7 
 
 479-80 
 
 481 
 
 246 
 
 481 
 
 172 
 
Parallel References 
 
 xxxix 
 
 Hist. I. 
 
 31 1 -3. Third crisis of the protestant religion 
 
 314. Fourth „ „ 
 
 314-8. Dissensions in the United Provinces 
 
 319-20. De Witt's administration 
 
 320-1. Youth of the prince of Orange 
 
 321-2. Invasion of the United Provinces . 
 
 322-3. Negotiations 
 
 323-5. Desperation of the Dutch 
 
 325-6. Murder of the De Witts 
 
 326-7. Elevation of the prince ; his heroism 
 
 327-8. Character of Fagel 
 
 328. Waldeck's character 
 
 328. Dyckveldt's character . 
 
 328-9. Halewyn's character 
 
 330. Van Benning's character 
 
 330-1. Errors of Amsterdam . 
 
 332-3. The French king returns ;• the French garrison the 
 fortresses ; character of Luxembourg 
 
 334. Character of lord Ossory 
 
 338-9. Burnet's relations with the Lauderdales in 1672 
 
 354-6. Burnet in London, 1673 
 
 356-60. His court favour .... 
 
 359. Toleration and the duke of York . 
 
 360. His memoirs . . •. 
 360. His immorality .... 
 360. His despotic temper and treatment of enemies 
 
 362-3. Breach between Burnet and the Lauderdales 
 
 368. Early popularity of the- second duchess of York 
 
 372. The duke of York warns Burnet, who resigns his post 
 373, 379, I Burnet betrays Lauderdale's confidence, and is lost at 
 
 380. ) court ; his reflections on this 
 
 380. He obtains the preachership at the Rolls 
 
 389. Burnefs intercourse with sir Thomas- Littleton 
 
 391-2- Montagu and the French subsidies 
 
 392. Character of Crew, bishop of Durham 
 
 395. The Coleman conference .... 
 
 395-6. The publication of the Hamilton Memoirs, Burnet 
 urged to write the ' History of the Reformation 
 
 408-10. Marriage of the prince of Orange 
 
 434. Burnet is offered the bishopric of Chichester 
 
 438, A saying of Charles II 
 
 45S"-9- The exclusion bill . . . 
 
 461-2, Controversy in 1679 
 
 PAGES 
 
 172, 174 
 
 174-S. 177 
 
 • 178-9 
 
 . I 80-1 
 
 i8i, 183 
 
 177,181 
 
 184-5 
 
 184-6 
 
 186-7 
 
 187 
 
 197 
 
 385 
 197-8 
 
 198 
 201-2 
 8-201 
 
 184 
 
 62 
 
 481-2 
 
 482 
 
 482-3 
 
 52,72 
 
 50 
 
 51-2 
 
 51 
 483 
 IS3 
 483 
 
 484 
 
 483-4 
 485 
 
 227-8 
 212 
 
 485-6 
 
 486 
 
 187-9 
 
 488 
 
 50 
 
 99-100 
 
 100 
 
xl 
 
 Hist. I. 
 462-3. 
 470-1. 
 472. 
 478. 
 481. 
 482. 
 483- 
 
 485. 
 
 487. 
 
 , 496. 
 
 499- 
 
 499-500. 
 
 500. 
 
 500-1. 
 
 507. 
 
 523- 
 540. 
 
 543- 
 
 544- 
 544-5- 
 
 546. 
 
 546. 
 
 546. 
 
 546-7. 
 
 547-50. 
 
 548. 
 55°-3. 
 
 553-8. 
 558-9- 
 
 559-60. 
 
 561. 
 
 562. 
 569-70. 
 
 575- 
 576. 
 583. 
 585. 
 590. 
 592. 
 
 /. Synopsis of 
 
 III- 
 
 PAGES 
 IOI-2 
 103-4 
 108 
 104 
 
 99 
 105 
 
 105-6 
 
 351-2 
 
 136-8 
 
 100 
 
 106 
 
 489 
 
 107 
 
 106-7 
 
 107-8 
 
 108 
 
 The bishops and the earl of Danbfs trial 
 Murder of archbishop Sharp 
 Reflections on the duke of Lauderdale . 
 Character of Godolphin .... 
 
 Exclusion intrigues 
 
 The prince of Orange and the bill of excbision 
 Burnet receives thanks for his ' History of the Reforma' 
 
 tion ' ; Dr. Sprat's sermon and character . 
 Passing of the Habeas Corpus act 
 The duchess of Portsmouth and the exclusion bill 
 
 The regency project 
 
 Dissolution of the Oxford parliament . 
 Burnet applies himself to chemical experiments 
 Burnet's devotional retirement, 1681 . 
 A declaration and addresses thereupon 
 Burnet refuses offers of preferment 
 Censures upon Hatton 
 
 Burnet's attitude towards resistance, as subsequently 
 described 
 
 The ' Rye House ' assassination plot {imperfect) 
 Treachery of Keeling 
 
 The story concocted by West and Rumsey . 
 
 The story gets abroad 
 
 Major Wildman's cannon .... 
 
 Lord Howard's protestations 
 
 West and Rumsey arrested .... 
 
 The king summoned; various arrests 
 
 Trenchard and the plot .... 
 
 Arrest and conduct of Russell ; Howard's behaviour ; 
 
 arrest of Hampden and Essex s suicide of the latter 118-20 
 
 RusselVs trial and conduct after conviction [imperfect) 1 26-3 1 
 
 Confession of Walcotj fate of the inferior con- 
 spirators log. 
 
 The two plots confounded .... 
 
 Russell and the popish plot .... 
 
 Burnet charged with Russell's last speech . 
 
 The Braddon affair 
 
 An anecdote of Charles H . 
 
 HoUoway's confession 
 
 The duke overshadows the king . 
 
 Burnet has declined compromising confidences 
 
 Dolien's character 
 
 A jest of Halifax ... . . 
 
 109 
 
 109-10 
 
 III 
 
 IIO-I 
 
 "3 
 no 
 
 IIO-I 
 
 2, U3-6 
 382 
 
 119. 
 
 123-6 
 III 
 
 131 
 489 
 121-3 
 302 
 109 
 
 133 
 488-9 
 
 2 1 4-5 
 145 
 
Parallel References xli 
 
 Hist. I. pages 
 
 596-7. Bumet dismissed from the Rolls ; he resolves to go 
 
 abroad 490 
 
 S98-9. Roswell's trial {imperfect) 132 
 
 599-600. Hayes' trial 132 
 
 600. The St. John trial 140 
 
 600-1. The Clancarty marriage '34-5 
 
 601-3. Sunderland's Irish policy ; affair of Col. Maccarty . 133-5 
 603-4. The affair of the Siamese missionary . . . . 138 
 604-5. Intrigues at the duchess of Portsmouth's s her as- 
 cendency 133, 135 
 
 605. The marquis of HaHfax and the earl of Rochester . 134 
 
 606. The king's health 138 
 
 606-9. The king's ilhiess . . 140-1 
 
 609. His private hoard 140 
 
 609. His death 141 
 
 609-10. Suspicions of poison; his funeral .... 143-4 
 
 611-4. His character 48,141-2 
 
 614-5. His posthumous papers 1 70- 1 
 
 (Reign of James II.) 
 
 618. The earl of Northumberland's care of James when 
 
 duke of York 78 
 
 620-1. Proclamation of James II ; his first speech ; addresses 142-3 
 
 621. The new ministry 144-5 
 
 621-2. The customs 147-8 
 
 622-3. Reception of the Whigs 145 
 
 623. Apparent opposition of James II to France . . 145, 146 
 
 623. Character of Skelton 161, 256 
 
 624. The king's reputation rises ; his course of life . . 146 
 
 624. The prince dismisses Monmouth 145-6 
 
 625. Burnet d^courages Monmouth's partisans . . . 1 5 1-2 
 625. Preparations for the coronation 150 
 
 625-6. Parliamentary elections 148-9 
 
 627. Opinions on foreign policy I49~5° 
 
 627. The breaking of the officers in Holland . . ■ 146-7 
 627-8. Views on the domestic crisis 15° 
 
 628. Coronation -15° 
 
 628-9. Burnet's own contemporary fortunes . . . 151-2,490 
 
 629-30. The preparations of Argyll 155-7 
 
 630-1. The preparations of Monmouth 161 
 
 631. Burnet leaves England for Paris . . . 157 
 
 631-4. Rebellion of Argyll 158-60 
 
xlii 
 
 Hist. I. 
 
 634-7. 
 
 637-8. 
 
 638-40. 
 
 640-1. 
 
 641. 
 
 641. 
 
 641. 
 
 642. 
 
 642. 
 642-3. 
 
 643. 
 643-6. 
 
 646. 
 
 646. 
 
 647-51. 
 
 651-2. 
 
 652-3. 
 
 654. 
 654-5. 
 
 655. 
 
 655. 
 655-6. 
 
 657-8. 
 658-60. 
 
 660. 
 661-2. 
 
 663. 
 
 663, 
 
 664. 
 
 664. 
 
 665. 
 
 665-7. 
 
 668-9. 
 
 669-71. 
 
 671. 
 
 672. 
 
 672. 
 673-4- 
 674-5. 
 675-6. 
 
 676. 
 
 /. Synopsis of 
 
 Scotch politics 
 
 Fate of Oates and Dangerfield 
 
 A session in England . 
 
 Monmouth starts, and lands 
 
 His attainder 
 
 His manifesto 
 
 His first steps 
 
 Cowardice of Grey 
 
 Conduct of Ferguson 
 
 The dttke delays; result 
 
 The preparations of the king 
 
 Question of the generalissimo ; Sedgemoor ; fate of 
 
 Monmouth .... 
 Fate of Grey .... 
 Brandon's trial .... 
 The ' campaigns ' of Kirk and Jeffreys 
 Business of the Test 
 
 Conversion of Perth and Melfort ; fall of Queensberry 
 Fall of Halifax .... 
 Fall of Ormond; affairs in Ireland 
 Burnet in France 
 He converses with Montagu 
 Revocation of the edict of Nantes, and fifth crisis of 
 
 the protestant religion 
 Mission of Ruvigny the elder to England 
 
 The dragonades 
 
 Burnet leaves Paris 
 
 He travels to Italy with Stoupe 
 
 Fate of the principality of Orange 
 
 Some refugees come over 
 
 This affects public opinion here . 
 
 A session of parliament in England . ' 
 
 North and Jeffreys .... 
 
 The session continued, and closeting . 
 
 Trial of Delamere .... 
 
 The Hales trial, and character of chief justice Herbert 209-10 
 Conduct of admiral Herbert . , . .210, 280-1 
 
 The tests set aside 210 
 
 Character of Petre 259 
 
 The religious controversy, and the proselytes . . 210 
 
 The Sharp affair 211 
 
 The ecclesiastical commission appointed . , . 211 
 Character of the bishop of Durham . . . . 212 
 
 PAGES 
 154-5, 160 
 164 
 163-4 
 160, 161-2 
 164 
 
 157, 
 
 164 
 162 
 167 
 162 
 162 
 162-3 
 
 165-6 
 
 167 
 
 208-9 
 
 167-9 
 
 169-70 
 
 170-1 
 
 170 
 
 170 
 
 227, 490 
 
 136, 227 
 
 172, 229, 
 
 172 
 202-3 
 
 203-4 
 
 204-5 
 247, 490 
 
 205-6 
 
 207 
 
 172, 207 
 
 207-8 
 169 
 208 
 209 
 
Parallel References 
 
 xtiii 
 
 Hist. I. 
 
 676. 
 
 676-7. 
 
 677-8. 
 
 678-9. 
 
 679-81. 
 
 681-3. 
 
 682-3. 
 
 683. 
 
 684. 
 
 684. 
 684-s. 
 685-6. 
 686-8. 
 
 688, 
 
 689. 
 689-90. 
 
 690. 
 
 691. 
 
 691- 
 691-2. 
 
 692. 
 
 692. 
 692-3. 
 693-4- 
 694-5- 
 695-6. 
 696-7. 
 697-9. 
 699-701. 
 701-2. 
 
 703. 
 
 704, 
 
 707-8. 
 
 708. 
 
 708-12. 
 
 712-4. 
 714-20. 
 
 fate of the two 
 
 PAGES 
 
 Death of archbishop Dolben 214 
 
 Trial of the bishop of London 
 Sentence ; the princess intervenes 
 
 divines 
 
 Marriage of lord Perth ; a riot in Edinburgh 
 A parliament in Scotland ; firmness of all parties 
 
 Ireland 
 
 Ill-health of the queen 
 
 Attempts at conversion ; Mulgrave's retort 
 
 Norfolk's firmness .... 
 
 Rochester's favour ; its cause (the loan) 
 
 His fall, as described by his enemies . 
 
 The loan spent on the fleet j consequent rumours 
 
 Burnet's travels j his reflections on the state ofprotestani 
 
 piety 227, 247-9, 490-1 
 
 250, 308, 491 
 
 191 
 
 190-3 
 
 194-6 
 
 207 
 
 250 
 
 223, 491 
 
 213 
 1 7 1-2 
 254 
 225,255 
 
 152-3 
 
 220 
 
 220 
 
 220-1 
 
 223-4 
 
 221 
 
 Burnet settles at the Hague ; his reception 
 
 The prince's courage, and predestination 
 
 His character ..... 
 
 Character of the princess 
 
 The king's parsimony towards her 
 
 Burnefs love of toleration . 
 
 The hundredth penny . 
 
 The princess hesitates to interfere re bishop of London 213, 491 
 
 The king warns the prince and princess against Burnet 250, 491 
 
 Burnet advises the princess re the crown matrimonial . 308-9 
 
 Penn's embassy 218-9, 226, 227 
 
 Deaths of Pearson and Fell ; character of Pearson 
 
 Cariwright, Parker, and Massey 
 
 Death of the president of Magdalen College 
 
 Attack on the university of Cambridge 
 
 „ Magdalen College 
 
 The king breaks with the church and courts the dis- 
 senters j characters of the dissenting bodies 
 
 The condition of the army 
 
 Petre and the cardinal's hat 
 
 White [D'Albeville'l succeeds Skelton .... 
 
 Burnet is forbidden the society of the prince and 
 princess 
 
 The negotiations of Dyckveldt and D'Albeville ; the 
 
 Li&ge letter 256-8, 494 
 
 The Scotch indulgence 253-4 
 
 The English indulgence, and addresses on it ; the king 
 designs a progress ; the nuncio received ; events of 
 
 214-5 
 
 215-7 
 
 217 
 
 214 
 
 217-8 
 
 218-20 
 
 226-7 
 
 260 
 
 255-6 
 
 251 
 
xliv 
 
 /. Synopsis of 
 
 Hist. I. 
 
 720. 
 720-6. 
 
 726-7. 
 
 728. 
 
 728-31. 
 
 731-3- 
 733- 
 733- 
 
 733-4- 
 
 734-5- 
 
 735-6- 
 736-45- 
 
 746. 
 
 746. 
 
 746. 
 
 746-8. 
 
 748. 
 748-9. 
 
 749- 
 749- 
 749- 
 749- 
 749- 
 749-5°- 
 750. 
 750. 
 
 750-1. 
 
 751-2. 
 752. 
 753- 
 
 753-4- 
 754- 
 
 754- 
 754- 
 
 PAGES 
 the progress ; a pamphlet war ; changes in the 
 magistracy ; electors questioned ; the king's resolu- 
 tions 263-5 
 
 Firmness of princess Anne 153 
 
 Polemical correspondence between the king and the 
 
 princess Mary 266-8 
 
 Proceedings against Burnet j his second marriage 251-3, 492 
 D'Albeville and the business of Bantam . . . 268 
 Further proceedings against Burnet .... 268-9 
 The Fagel-Stuart correspondence .... 258-9 
 The king will have all or nothing .... 226 
 
 Influence of Petrej the fesuits and the secular priests 259-60 
 
 Folly of D'Albeville 
 
 Publication of the Fagel letter ; recall of the six regi' 
 
 ments 
 
 Arrogance of Petre 
 
 The second declaration of indulgence, and its results 
 
 up to the acquittal of the bishops ; further citations 
 Mission of Edward Russell . . . . 
 
 State of the country and army .... 
 The prince's answer ; Burnet's observations 
 Death of the elector of Brandenburg ; his character 
 
 succession of his son . 
 The queetts ill-health .... 
 Her jealousy ; its political result . 
 Her dislike of Fitz-James ; his character 
 The queen's movements 
 The \Lorett6\ vow 
 
 Precautions observed .... 
 Reticence of the queen .... 
 Suspicions expressed ; the queen's retort 
 Her supposed disappointment 
 Story told by lady Clarendon 
 Movements of the princess Anne . 
 Birth of the child ; the queen's reserve 
 The story of Chamberlain . 
 Health of the infant .... 
 Burnet's authorities ; he alludes to various reports 
 Strange conduct of the court ; coldness of the people 
 
 reception of the news by the prince and princess 
 
 Anecdote of the princess 
 
 Prayers for the infant countermanded ; preparations 
 
 feeling of the nation and forces 
 
 271-3 
 288 
 
 277, 494 
 289-90 
 
 260-1 
 
 269-70 
 270-1 
 
 276 
 195 
 
 276-7 
 
Parallel References klv 
 
 H'ST. I. PAGES 
 
 756. Supposed collusion between Sunderland and the prince 295 
 
 756. Soft counsels the more insidious 277 
 
 756. Conduct of the judges 278 
 
 757-61. Conduct of.the German princes ; death of the elector 
 
 of Cologne and subsequent intrigues . . . 279-80 
 
 762. Herberts mission and character 280-2 
 
 762. Mordaunt's character 287-8 
 
 762-3. Shrewsbury's character 288 
 
 763. RusseUs character and Tnission 288-90 
 
 763-4. Henry Sidney's character and importance . . 284, 494 
 
 764. Johnstone and the Revolution 415 
 
 764. Halifax declines 291 
 
 764. Danby and Compton concur 290 
 
 764. Nottingham's character and conduct .... 290-1 
 764-5. Adhesion of Churchill, Kirk, and the Trelawneys . 291 
 
 765. The Churchills 291-2 
 
 766. Churchill answers for the prince and princess of Den- 
 
 mark 291 
 
 766-7. Fidelity of the conspirators ; France gives the alarm ; 
 
 mutiny in Berwick's regiment 282 
 
 768. The French offer ships 282 
 
 768-9. Folly of D' Albeville J the French proclaim an alliance; 
 
 Skelton's disgrace 282 
 
 769. Episode of sir William Trumball 377-8 
 
 769-74. Strange conduct of France; she declares war ; marshal 
 
 Schomberg 283 
 
 774-6. Final arrangements ; the declaration . . . 284-5, 495 
 
 776. Burnet's ' Enquiry ' ; he will accompany the expedition 286 
 
 776. Burnet's reason's for declining premature confidence . 287 
 
 776-8. Advice from England; views oj the prince and Herbert 292 
 
 778-9. Affairs in the United Provinces . . . 292-3, 494-5 
 
 779. Herbert's orders 285 
 
 780-1. Disputes concerning the declaration . . . 294, 495 
 781. Secrecy at the Hague ; the fleet shipped ; relations of 
 
 the prince and Bentinck 294, 196 
 
 782-90. The prince takes leave of the States ; the first abortive 
 start ; state of affairs in England ; inquiry into the 
 birth of the infant ; course of the expedition up to 
 
 the disembarkation 294-8 
 
 790. Reception at Exeter 298 
 
 790. Conduct of the clergy 495 
 
 790-1. Combury deserts 298-9 
 
 791. The king's spies 299 
 
xlvi 
 
 Hist. I. 
 
 791. 
 
 791-2. 
 
 792. 
 792. 
 
 792-3- 
 793- 
 793- 
 793- 
 793- 
 
 793-4- 
 794- 
 
 794-6. 
 
 796. 
 796-802. 
 
 803-4. 
 
 804-5. 
 
 805-9. 
 
 809-19. 
 
 819. 
 820-1. 
 821-5. 
 
 825. 
 
 Hist. H. 
 2-3 
 3 
 
 3' 
 
 3-4. 
 
 4 
 
 4-5 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 S 
 
 5-6 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 /. Synopsis of 
 
 302, 
 
 queen's flight 
 
 The rising of the North 
 
 Desertion of Churchill and Grafton, of prince George 
 
 and others . . ... 
 Flight of the princess Anne \ Lilibulero- 
 All Devonshire comes in to the prince 
 The association .... 
 Oxford congratulates the prince . 
 The prince's plans for the West . 
 The kingh preci'pitate return 
 The earl of Bath's adhesion . 
 The forged declaration . 
 The prentices rise 
 A treaty advised and inaugurated ; the 
 
 the king follows her ; reflections 
 Orders for the disbanding of the army 
 The king stopped ; events until the prince's arrival at 
 
 St. James's ; the beginnings of discontent ; good order 
 
 kept in London 301-3 
 
 Consultations concerning the settlement ; a convention 
 
 summoned ; second flight of the king 
 
 Affairs of Scotland 
 
 „ Ireland 
 
 Preparations for the convention ; its proceedings 
 Danby's letter to the princess 
 The prince declares himself; Burnet intervenes 
 Further discussions in the convention . 
 Proclamation of William and Mary . 
 
 PAGES 
 299 
 
 299 
 299 
 299 
 302 
 
 495 
 299 
 299 
 
 299 
 
 299-300 
 
 299 
 
 300-1 
 302 
 
 496 
 
 303-4 
 304-5 
 305-6 
 306-8 
 
 310 
 
 308-10 
 
 310-1 
 
 3" 
 
 (Reign of William and Mary.) 
 
 The king's health and behaviour . 
 
 A new ministry ; the earl of Shrew sbicry 
 
 The chancery is put in commission 
 
 Nottingham 
 
 The earl of Danby and the marquis of Halifax 
 Lord Mordaicnt and lord Godolphin 
 Prevalence of the Whigs .... 
 
 Judicial appointments 
 
 Herbert and the admiralty .... 
 The convention turned into a parliament 
 Eight bishops withdraw .... 
 The movement in favour of comprehension . 
 Nottingham had prepared the toleration bill and 
 comprehension bill 
 
 312, 496 
 312, 313 
 - 381 
 312, 314 
 312, 313 
 312, 313 
 312, 313 
 382 
 312 
 315 
 315 
 317 
 
 the 
 
 317 
 
Parallel References xlvii 
 
 Hist. II. pages 
 
 7-8. The bill of oaths 315-6 
 
 8. Burnet is made bishop of Sarum ; queen Mary's com- 
 ments 326-7, 497 
 
 8. Burnet in the house of lords ; hjs views on the situa- 
 tion 316, 327, 498 
 
 8-9. Discussion concerning the bill of oaths . 316,327,498 
 
 10. Alteration in Burnet's view on that subject . . . 327 
 10. The toleration act ; Burnet is for it . . .317,327,498 
 
 10. His views as to Church reform and convocation . . 498 
 
 10. Subscription to be modified 317 
 
 lo-i. The posture of kneeling and the cross at the sacraments 317 
 
 11, Disingenuousness of the High Church party . . 317-8 
 II. The Jacobites against the toleration .... 318 
 II. Disingenuousness of the extreme Whigs . . 318, 495 
 
 11. Animosity of the clergy to the dissenters . . . 317 
 
 12. Views of the wiser part and of the king . . . 317 
 12-3. Revenue matters ; the chimney money . . . . 318-9 
 
 14. The militia bill ; the Dutch costs 319 
 
 14-5. The act of indemnity 319 
 
 17. Intrigues at the French court 365 
 
 17-8. Officers and money sent over to Ireland . . . 320 
 
 18-9. Advice offered concerning siege of Derry . . 320 
 19. Treachery of Lundy ; its result ; resolution of the nieti 
 
 of Derry and Inniskilling J their relief . . . 320-1 
 
 19-21. Schomberg's campaign ; affairs at sea .... 321-2 
 
 21-3. Scotch affairs ; the settlement and claim of rights . 322-3 
 
 23. Montgomery and Hamilton 323 
 
 24-5. The ministry in Scotland ; a faction formed ; Hamilton 
 
 and presbytery ; Burnet intervenes in vain . . 323-4 
 26. Burnet blamed for Scotch ecclesiastical policy by the 
 
 episcopal party 327 
 
 26-7. The question of the judges ; Killiecrankie . . . 324-5 
 
 28. Affairs at sea ; foreign affairs 325 
 
 28-9. Affairs of the clergy ; the latitudinarians charged with 
 
 Socinianism ; the filling of vacant sees . . . 326 
 
 29. A defence of the king's ecclesiastical policy in Scotland ; 
 
 violence shown by Melville and Crawford ; censures 
 
 on this 328-9 
 
 30-4. A comprehension designed ; the preliminary confer- 
 ence ; the convocation meets; the matter is dropped ; 
 reflections on this 331-3, 494. S°3-4 
 
 34-8. A session of parliament ; Montgomery's plot ; it is dis- 
 covered ; the revenue 333-7 
 
xlviii 
 
 Hist. II. 
 38-40. 
 
 40-2. 
 42-6. 
 
 46-8. 
 
 48-9. 
 49-55- 
 
 5S-6. 
 56-9. 
 
 59- 
 
 59-60. 
 
 60-1. 
 
 61-S. 
 65-6. 
 
 69-71. 
 
 71. 
 71-3- 
 
 74-5- 
 75-6. 
 76-8. 
 
 78. 
 78-9. 
 80-1. 
 
 81. 
 
 81. 
 81-2. 
 82-5. 
 
 /. Synopsis of 
 
 PAGES 
 
 337-9 
 
 339-40 
 
 340-3 
 
 The struggle between Whig and Tory over the corpora- 
 tion act J effects on the king; he resigns his schemes 
 for Holland, resolves for Ireland, and dissolves the 
 
 parliament 
 
 The elections ; changes in the lieutenancy of London ; 
 
 parliament meets ; ' recognizing ' bill 
 Revenue debates ; the act putting queen in administra- 
 tion ; the lieutenancy address ; the abjuration act ; 
 Shrewsbury resolves to retire ; the second abjuration 
 bill ; city of London bill ; Jacobite intrigues . 
 The king's sense of affairs ; his tenderness of king 
 James ; he goes to Ireland ; events to the eve of the 
 
 battle of the Boyne 343 
 
 The queen in the administration 343 
 
 Progress of events until the queen hears of the battle of 
 
 the Boyne ; the king pressed to return . . . 344-6 
 The king in Ireland ; supposed assassination plot . 348 
 Narrow escapes of the king; Irish affairs till the 
 
 termination of the siege of Limerick . . . 348-50 
 
 Depressing effect of this failure 350 
 
 The king's stoicism 350 
 
 Marlborough's proposal ; the king returns ; Marl- 
 borough's campaign ; state of Ireland . . . 350 
 
 Scotch affairs ; foreign affairs 346-7 
 
 The king's plans ; session opens ; debates on arbitrary 
 
 imprisonments 351 
 
 Debates on Irish affairs ; on lord Torrington's business ; 
 
 on impeachments 352-3 
 
 Failure of the attack on the marquis of Carmarthen ; 
 
 the Preston filot ; treatment of those implicated . 353-5 
 The king Mid the vacant sees 355 
 
 Congress at the Hague ; affairs on the continent 
 
 Mons falls ; a scheme settled for the war 
 Scotch affairs. .... 
 The sees of the deprived bishops filled 
 Affairs in Flanders 
 
 Affairs at sea 
 
 The campaign in Ireland 
 
 Limerick surrenders 
 
 The articles of Limerick, and end of war 
 
 The king's motive 
 
 Indignation of the English ; GinkeVs reward 
 Affairs abroad ; Hungary, Germany, Savoy, Flanders 
 
 355-6 
 
 357 
 
 358-60 
 
 360, 366 
 
 361, 366 
 361 
 
 364 
 365-6 
 
 362 
 365-6 
 366-7 
 
Parallel References xHx 
 
 Hist. II. pages 
 85. Opening of the session ; complaints of the standing 
 army and the king's Dutch proclivities ; the king's 
 
 conduct 367-8 
 
 85-90. Condtict of Marlborough ; unpopularity of the Dutch ; 
 events to end of session ; parliament in Ireland ; 
 
 Scotch affairs aftd Glencoej an inquiry ordered . 36S-73 
 
 90. Result of the inquiry 415 
 
 90. Marlborough's disgrace . .... 373 
 
 91. His wife's power over Anne 373 
 
 91. Quarrel between the sisters 373-4 
 
 92-102. Naval affairs; the campaign on sea, including La 
 Hogue ; the assassination plot ; campaign on land ; 
 Trumball's advice ; affairs in Piedmont ; great earth- 
 quakes ; general corruption of manners . . . 374-9 
 
 102-7. The session 379-81 
 
 107-8. Ministerial changes; the chancery ; appointtnenis of 
 
 Somers and Trenchard alone mentioned . . .381-2 
 
 109. Character of Foley 402 
 
 1 10-3. The war by sea and land to the end of the battle of 
 
 Landen 382-5 
 
 1 13-4. Fall of Charleroi ; sufferings of France ; peace overtures 394 
 1 14-7. Events at sea ; jealousies, especially of Rochester . 3S5-6 
 1 1 7-8. Censures of Rochester on the government of the Church ; 
 intrigues against Tillotson ; criticisms on the bishops 
 and Burnet; apprehensions concerning the impend- 
 ing session 3S6-8 
 
 118-20. Affairs oi Ireland ; the William and Mary College .388-90 
 
 120-2. State of Scotland 391-3 
 
 122-3. MiddletorC s errand J a new declaration fro7n king James 393 
 123. French overtures to Spain ; a change of ministry, due 
 
 to Sunderland ; his arguments 394 
 
 124-5. The Whigs in power; a session ; visit of the prince of 
 
 Baden 394-5 
 
 125-6. Attacks on the judges and bishops .... 395-6 
 
 126-32. The Norfolk divorce ; the campaign ; peace overtures . 396-9 
 
 132-3. Opening of the session; supply; the triennial bill 399-400 
 
 133-4. Virtues of the queen 39° 
 
 134-8. Deaths of Tillotson and Bancroft; appointment of 
 
 Tenison ; the queen's sickness and death . . 404-5 
 
 138. The king's grief ; and good resolutions . . . 406 
 
 1 40- 1. State of the coin; complaints 401-2 
 
 141. The bill of treasons introduced 401 
 
 I41-4. The Lancashire plot ; complaints of the bank . . 401 
 
1 /. Synopsis of 
 
 Hist. II. pages 
 
 144-7. Inquiries into corruption; Foley Speaker; the East 
 
 India company scandals ; close of session' . . 402-3 
 
 149, Appointment of seven lords justices .... 408 
 149-50. Deaths of Hafnilion, Queensberry, and Halifax . . 407-8 
 
 150. Nature of the commission granted to the lords justices . 408 
 
 1 50. The campaign begins 408 
 
 150. Death of Waldeck 385 
 
 150-6. The history of the campaign 408-10 
 
 156-60. Affairs of Scotland and lrt\3in^; factions everywhere. 410-2 
 
 160-2. The preparations for the session in Englandj itseventsj 
 the Darien outcry j the king's action; change of 
 
 ministry in Scotland j indignation there . . . 412-5 
 
 210-1. Burnet and the household of the duke of Gloucester . 493 
 
 227. Burnet keeps his work on the Articles for some years 
 
 by him 507 
 
 228. His reasons for writing it 507 
 
 228. Answers are made to it 508 
 
 237. An attack on Burnet in parliament fails . . . 508 
 
 245-6. Death of the duke of Gloucester 508 
 
 284-5. The work on the Articles attacked in Convocation . 507-8 
 
 292. Courage of James II 51 
 
 292. Character of his intellect 51 
 
 292. His good qualities 50-1 
 
 293. His immorahty 51 
 
 304. Imperfect education of WiUiam III .... 190 
 
 304. His reticence . 190 
 
 304. His memory and judgement 190 
 
 304-5. His courage ....'..... 191 
 
 305. His love of building 192 
 
 305. His resentments 191 
 
 305. His religious views 192 
 
 305. His belief in predestination 191 
 
 305. His zeal for toleration 192 
 
 305. His hatred of France 193 
 
 306. His affection for Portland 196 
 
 306. Reticence of the latter 196 
 
 (Reign of Anne.) 
 
 337. Motives for the occasional conformity act . . . 502 
 
 364. Burnet's opposition to the same ..... 502 
 
 505-11. Events of the campaign in 1708 from the battle of 
 
 Oudenarde to the investment of Ghent . . . 416-7 
 
Parallel References 
 
 li 
 
 bill ; an act 
 
 Hist. II. 
 
 511. Providential weather at siege of Lisle . 
 5 1 1-2. Siege and fall of Ghent ; a severe winter 
 S12-6. Campaign elsewhere; death and character of prince 
 George; ministerial changes; parliament meets 
 
 choice of a Speaker 
 
 S 16-7. English business of the session .... 
 517-9. Scotch business ofthe session (to Queensberry's appoint- 
 ment) 
 
 520-4. A trial in Scotland ; consequent treason 
 of grace ; the bank ; our trade . 
 525. Miseries of France .... 
 525. Lord Halifax and his address 
 
 525-6. Convocation 
 
 526-8. Negotiations s Townsend's appointment 
 528-30. The preliminaries ; the negotiation fails ; French minis 
 terial changes ; Chamillard retires . 
 
 531. The miseries of France 
 
 531. The war resumed ; campaign in Spain . 
 531. Campaign in Dauphin^ and Germany ... 
 532-3. Campaign in Flanders ; Malplaquet ; Mons invested 
 
 533. Mons falls 
 
 533. Policy of the Pope 
 
 533. Mission of Albano 
 
 533-6. Affairs in Spain and Sweden ; character of the king 
 (For the guarantee see p. 430-1) 
 536. State of the North of Europe .... 
 536. Position of Charles XII of Sweden 
 536-7. Affairs in Hungary ..'... 
 537-48. Naval matters ; a parliamentary session ; Sacheverell 
 change in the ministry; Burnet remonstrates with 
 
 the queen 
 
 548. Marlborough goes beyond sea ; his schemes . 
 548. Operations in Flanders, up to the siege of Douay 
 548. Fall of Douay and Fort Escarp . 
 
 548. Burnet's reason for continuing his narrative 
 
 549. Negotiations between Paris and the Hague 
 
 550. The French appeal to the States . 
 
 550. The French equivalent . 
 
 551. Conferences at Gertruydenberg 
 
 552. The negotiations fall through 
 552. French motive for continuing war 
 
 552-4. Further ministerial changes; Sacheverell's progress 
 
 additional removes 
 
 d a 
 
 PAGES 
 418 
 418 
 
 417-8 
 419 
 
 418,419 
 
 419-20 
 
 420 
 
 421 
 
 422 
 
 421-2 
 
 422-3 
 423 
 423 
 423 
 
 423-4 
 425 
 425 
 425 
 424 
 
 425 
 
 425 
 426 
 
 426-8 
 
 428 
 
 428-9 
 
 429 
 425 
 428 
 428 
 428 
 428, 430 
 430 
 428 
 
 431 
 
lii 
 
 /. Synopsis of 
 
 Hist. II. 
 
 554- 
 
 554- 
 554- 
 SS5- 
 555- 
 55S- 
 555- 
 556. 
 
 556-7- 
 557- 
 557- 
 557- 
 557- 
 557-8. 
 558-63. 
 
 563. 
 563-7- 
 
 567. 
 
 567-8. 
 
 568-9. 
 
 569-73- 
 
 573-4. 
 
 574-80. 
 
 581-9. 
 
 590-611. 
 
 612-7. 
 
 617-23. 
 628-32. 
 633-69. 
 
 Viciosa 
 
 The queen's sense of these changes 
 
 Parliamentary elections ; the lieutenancy of London 
 
 Comments on the situation . 
 
 State of public credit 
 
 Language of the new ministry 
 
 King Philip confronts king Charles 
 
 The battle of Almanara 
 
 Subsequent situation in Spain 
 
 Staremberg's campaign ; battle of Villa 
 
 Intrigues of Medina Celi 
 
 Bethune, Aire, and St. Venant taken 
 
 Success of the czar 
 
 The guarantee .... 
 
 The session of parliament up to the recess 
 
 The session after the recess, up to the passing of the 
 
 lottery bills .... 
 Results oj the lottery bills 
 The duke of Marlborough still commands ; events up 
 
 to Guiscard's attempt, and its effect on the queen 
 King William's grants 
 
 Inquiries into the accounts 
 
 PAGES 
 432 
 431 
 431 
 432 
 432 
 429 
 429 
 429-30 
 
 432-3 
 429 
 
 430 
 
 430 
 
 430-1 
 
 432 
 
 433-4 
 435 
 
 434-5 
 435-6 
 
 436, 437-8 
 
 Deaths of the dauphin and emperor ; foreign affairs . 436 
 
 A convocation 436-7 
 
 The South Sea trade ; accounts investigated . . 437-8 
 
 Affairs abroad, and events to dismissal of count Gallas 438-9 
 
 Townsend recalled ; events to introduction of new peers 440-1 
 Remainder of session; negotiations, and general events 
 
 to the cessation 441-5 
 
 Elections to the order of the Garter ; and events to the 
 
 imprisonment of Charles XII 445-7 
 
 Signature of the treaty ; it is discussed in parliament . 447-8 
 
 Events to termination of session 449 
 
 The conclusion 449-50 
 
 (For the abuses of patronage, censured on p. 646, see 
 also p. 331 ; for the good address of Charles II 
 and James II, mentioned on p. 661, see also p. 48) 
 
 Life in 
 Hist. II. 
 
 671. How Burnet followed the example of Thuanus . . 451 
 
 671. Burnet's Autobiography a rough draft only . . . 451 
 
 671. Reasons why Burnet' s life should be written . . 451 
 
 672. Character of Robert Burnet the elder , father of the bishop 452-3 
 
Parallel References 
 
 liii 
 
 672. 
 672-3. 
 
 673-4- 
 674. 
 
 674. 
 674. 
 674. 
 674. 
 
 675. 
 
 675. 
 
 675. 
 
 675. 
 675-6. 
 
 676. 
 
 676. 
 
 676. 
 676-7. 
 
 their 
 
 Life in 
 Hist. II. 
 
 672. His intimacy with Grotius .... 
 Character of the bishop's mother . 
 Character of Warriston ; his severity . 
 Gilbert Burnet's education .... 
 He passes his trials as expectant preacher; 
 
 character 
 
 His father becomes a judge .... 
 
 Burnet is offered a living j he refuses it 
 
 Death of the elder Robert Burnet . 
 
 Death of the younger Robert Burnet ; Gilbert's family 
 
 recommend the law ; he declines . . . . 
 His friendship with Nairn, who instructs 
 
 preaching, and advises him to read the 
 
 ists 
 
 Burnet's debt to Hooker 
 The Scotch bishops go North 
 Burnet's debt to Leighton . 
 Burnet's obligations to Charteris . 
 His gifts of education . 
 
 „ nature 
 
 His visit to England in 1663 
 His introduction to sir Robert Fletcher, 
 
 a benefice 
 
 His travels in 1664 
 
 PAGES 
 
 • 458 
 
 459 
 
 453.459 
 
 454-5 
 
 456-7 
 457 
 458 
 458 
 
 677. 
 
 677-9. 
 
 679. 
 
 679-81. 
 
 •who 
 
 him in 
 
 Platon- 
 
 2, 460- 
 
 4,460 
 
 470 
 
 460 
 
 • 17,461 
 
 ■II, 30,461-2 
 
 . 2, 462 
 
 . 468-9 
 
 455-6,468-9 
 
 43-7, 463-6 
 offers hitn 
 
 85, 89, 466 
 90-8, 467-8 
 
 681-2. 
 682. 
 
 683. 
 
 684. 
 685. 
 
 He settles at Saltoun; his labours there; the Memorial 469-72 
 
 A change of ministry in 1668 475 
 
 His introduction to the Hamiltons; he is appointed 
 divinity professor at Glasgow ; his discomforts there, 
 and his professorial labours ; he writes the Hamilton 
 Memoirs and is summoned to London by Lauderdale ; 
 
 he is offered a bishopric 476-80 
 
 His first marriage ; intercourse of lady Margaret and 
 
 the duchess of Hamilton 475, 480-1 
 
 His intercourse with Lauderdale in 1672 . . . 481-2 
 „ „ „ 1673, and hisfavour 
 
 at court 482-3 
 
 The breach with the Lauderdales ; Burnet loses favour 
 at court ; kindness of the duke of York ; he resigns 
 
 his chair 483-4 
 
 He obtains a settlement at the Rolls chapel . . . 484 
 He studies the Roman controversy ; the Coleman con- 
 ference 485-6 
 
liv /. Synopsis of Parallel References 
 
 Life in 
 Hist. II, 
 685. 
 685. 
 685-6. 
 689. 
 690. 
 6gi. 
 691. 
 
 692. 
 
 692. 
 
 692-3- 
 
 693-4- 
 695. 
 696. 
 
 70s. 
 706-7. 
 
 707. 
 
 707. 
 707-8. 
 708-9. 
 
 709. 
 
 7x0. 
 71 1-2. 
 
 712. 
 716-7. 
 716-7. 
 
 718-9. 
 719-20. 
 721. 
 721. 
 722. 
 722. 
 
 723- 
 724. 
 
 724. 
 
 PAGES 
 He writes the ' History of the Reformation ' . . . 486 
 Acts as spirihial adviser to Wilmot, earl of Rochester 486-7 
 Is offered the bishopric of Chichester .... 488 
 Is offered the mastership of the Temple . . . 108 
 
 His reasons for undertaking a course of chemical studies 489 
 
 Is offered a living by lord Essex 488 
 
 His prudence in the year 1683, and his views of resis- 
 tance (as subsequently stated) . . . .130, 488-9 
 His answer to the apprehensions of his friends . . 489 
 He is dismissed from the Rolls chapel .... 490 
 Goes abroad, and lives at Paris in retirement ; goes to 
 
 Italy ; his conduct at Geneva . . 157,205,247,490-1 
 His reception in Holland; the king's resentment. 250-1, 491 
 
 His second jiiarriage 251,492-3 
 
 The affair of the bishopric of Durham ; he is appointed 
 
 bishop of Salisbury 326, 496-7 
 
 He forms a plan of his episcopal duties . . 329,497 
 His view of confirination ; and his visitation tours 
 
 329-30, 498-500, 506 
 
 He preaches constantly 498, 506 
 
 Attempts to reform the consistorial court . . 331, 503 
 Ordination examinations ..... 330, 502-3 
 
 His theological college . 
 
 His views on phcralities 
 
 His toleration of the nonjurors 
 
 His relations with the dissenters 
 
 The prebendary bonds . 
 
 The ecclesiastical commission of 1695 
 
 His appointment to the preceptorship of the duke of 
 
 Gloucester 
 
 His third marriage 
 
 His work on the Articles 
 
 His constant health 
 
 He supervises the religious studies of his children 
 His affectionate care of lady Margaret . 
 The education of his children .... 
 He founds a charity school ..... 
 He does not enrich himself by the property of the see 
 His generosity in the matter of fines . 
 
 329, 500-1 
 
 SOI 
 
 502 
 
 501-2 
 
 504-s 
 
 406 
 
 493-4 
 
 508-9 
 
 507-8 
 
 456 
 
 Sio 
 
 481 
 
 510-2 
 
 500 
 
 SOS 
 500 
 
II. SYNOPSIS OF SUBJECTS PECULIAR TO 
 THE EARLY DRAUGHTS. 
 
 I. The Memoirs. 
 
 (Events previous to Restoration.) 
 
 PAGES 
 
 Character of Cromwell ; his early career 230-1 
 
 England's true policy on the American continent .... 236 
 A reflection of Macchiavelli applied to Cromwell .... 239 
 Burnet describes his character of Cromwell as the first accurate 
 
 one 242 
 
 (Reign of Charles II.) 
 (1660-4.) 
 
 Character of Mr. Hutcheson 3-4 
 
 Primrose advises Middleton to attack Lauderdale .... 26 
 Personal fortunes of Burnet, 1662-3 ; his friendship with lady 
 
 Balcarres 28-31 
 
 The Scotch presbyterians and the doctrine of political resistance ; 
 
 Burnet defends the principle of passive obedience (1683) . 32-9 
 
 Burnet's conduct, winter of 1662-3 39-41 
 
 Burnet's friendship with Mr. Drummond ; character of the latter 44-5 
 Burnet's cause for reticence concerning the king and the duke of 
 
 York {1683) 47 
 
 Burnet's reflections upon the order of the succession to the crown 
 
 (1683) 75-6 
 
 Characters of Mr. Pierrepoint and the earl of Northumberland . 77-8 
 
 Character of lady Margaret Kennedy (Burnet's first wife) . . 84-5 
 
 Character of sir Robert Fletcher S5-6 
 
 The story of Thauler's conversion, as told by Charteris ; its effect 
 
 on Burnet 86-9 
 
 Burnet's censure of men in power go 
 
 His detailed account of his stay in Holland (1664) . . . 90-5 
 
 „ „ „ France (1664) .... 95-8 
 
 Lauderdale intrigues against Hyde 98-9 
 
 (1678-81.) 
 
 Burnet reflects on the clergy loi 
 
 He condemns episcopal interference in politics .... 102-3 
 
Ivi //. Synopsis of 
 
 PAGES 
 
 He again reflects on the clergy ... ... 104-5 
 
 He refuses a City living worth ^500 a year 108 
 
 (1683.) 
 
 His intercourse with Cochrane, when the latter absconds in 
 
 1683, after the Rye House plot .... .112 
 
 The arrests of ' commissary ' Munro and Mr. Shepherd . . 114 
 Armstrong absconds in Southampton house; fortunes of Walcot, 
 
 lord Delamere, lord Brandon, and major Bremen . . . 115 
 
 The character of lady Russell 1 17-8 
 
 Attempts to make political capital out of the death of lord Essex . 120-2 
 
 Implication of Speke and Atkins in the Braddon affair . . . 122-3 
 
 Reflections upon Walcot's confession 124-5 
 
 Burnet describes his own faculty of abstraction .... 126 
 
 (1684-5.) 
 
 The duchess of Portsmouth's medal 136 
 
 Lord Halifax and the religion of Charles II 138 
 
 General reluctance to believe in the perversion of Charles II . 141 
 
 (Reign of James II.) 
 
 Burnet's reason for doubting the intentions of the new king . . 143 
 
 Halifax discusses the situation 149-50 
 
 Illness and death of lady Margaret Burnet 151 
 
 Burnet's fear lest lady Russell should be compromised by the 
 
 adherents of Monmouth .151 
 
 Reasons for an optimistic attitude in 1685 152 
 
 Contemporary belief in the probability of the queen's continued 
 
 childlessness (presumably early in the year 1687) . . . 152-3 
 Apprehensions lest the princess Anne should turn papist and 
 
 supplant her sister prove to be groundless . . . 153 
 
 Insinuations against the memory of Argyll . . 1 k6-Q iiasstm 
 
 Mention of Monmouth's success at Philip's Norton . . . 167 
 
 James II desires the arrest of Ferguson i58 
 
 Remarks on the political functions of the English house of 
 
 commons jgjj 
 
 Insinuations against Des Marets of Groningen . . . 186-7 
 
 The quarrel between Montagu and Danby . . . 189-90 
 
 The character of Mr. Bentinck . . .... ig5 
 
 The ascendency of Amsterdam discussed igS-Q 
 
 Reflections upon the political position of an English common- 
 wealth, made by Burnet and Cardinal Mazarin . . 1 99-200^ 
 
Additional Subjects {Memoirs) Ivii 
 
 Error of the States in not exacting a parliamentary ratification of 
 the Anglo-Dutch alliance 
 
 Additional reflections upon the invasion of the principality of 
 Orange, and upon king James's parsimonious treatment of his 
 daughters 
 
 Additional reflections on the dissolution of James II's first parlia- 
 ment 
 
 Additional anecdotes concerning the bishop of Durham 
 
 Supposed destination of the temporalities of York 
 
 Burnet's polemical relations with Parker and Cartwright 
 
 Rivalry of the Dutch and English at Bantam 
 
 Herbert and the state of the English fleet .... 
 
 Comparison of James II's treatment of lord Rochester to 'the 
 Italian's revenge' 
 
 Supposed intrigues in favour of Berwick's succession . 
 
 Supposed attempts to invalidate the king's first marriage 
 
 Proposals of compromise rejected by the king 
 
 Characters of Louis XIV and madame de Maintenon . 
 
 Burnet declines to write the life of Louis XIV 
 
 Reflections of the count of Dohna on European revolutions . 
 
 Burnet has learnt from marshal Schomberg a strange anecdote of 
 the Portuguese court 
 
 Burnet's anonymous letters concerning Italy .... 
 
 Further reflections on the state of religion at home and abroad 
 
 Character of Burnet's second wife ; account of his naturalization 
 
 Burnet comments on the negotiations of Albeville and Dyckveldt 
 on the English situation ; on the dilemma of the prince of 
 Orange ; on the report that the queen is with child 
 
 Additional reflections, St. Stephen's day, 1687 
 
 Further comments on the trial of the bishops 
 
 Suggestions as to the parentage of the Pretender . 
 
 Henry Sidney is regarded as the future favourite . 
 
 Burnet's reflections before leaving the Hague, Oct. 3, 1688 . 
 
 His qualifications for narrating the history of the Revolution de 
 scribed 
 
 Reflections on the date selected for the proclamation of William 
 and Mary 
 
 PAGES 
 200-1 
 
 205-7 
 
 208 
 212 
 21S 
 216 
 221-2 
 225 
 
 224 
 
 225, 
 225-6 
 
 226 
 228-9 
 
 229 
 242-4 
 
 244-6- 
 
 247 
 
 248-50 
 
 251-2 
 
 261-2 
 265-6 
 
 273-4 
 276 
 284 
 286 
 
 287 
 311 
 
 (Reign of William and Mary.) 
 
 Reflections upon the appointment of Nottingham . . . . 314-5 
 
 Dr. Walker and the siege of Londonderry 321 
 
 Ecclesiastical inconveniences involved in a union with Scotland . 322 
 
Iviii //. Synopsis of Additional Subjects 
 
 Queen Mary's views as to the conduct of clergymen's wives 
 
 Reflections on the laxity of the English clergy 
 
 Burnet's negotiations with the Dutch clergy before leaving 
 
 Holland 
 
 Bentinck in favour of the prerogative . 
 
 His extreme unpopularity 
 
 The king's opinion of the Whigs and Tories 
 
 Fuller and Crone 
 
 The king and the marquis of Carmarthen 
 
 Character of the duke of Bavaria . 
 
 Advancement of the dijke of Leinster . 
 
 Beveridge and the see of Bath and Wells ; various appointments 
 
 Reflections on the European situation, August, 1691 . 
 
 The errors of the French in the war . ... 
 
 A mediation proposed 
 
 Ability of the elector of Hanover 
 
 Why the rank and file of the English army hate the Dutch . 
 Various Scotch appointments .... 
 
 Character of secretary Johnstone . .... 
 
 Johnstone and ^ih^ first Glencoe inquiry (of 1692-3) 
 Additional reflections'on the prevalent corruption of manners, 1693 
 
 Intrigues of the Halewyn brothers 
 
 Observations on the situation (end of the campaign, 1693) 
 Burnet's ecclesiastical activity ; the pastoral letter 
 His veneration for queen Mary 
 Johnstone and the Scotch session of 1693 
 Reflections dated September 9, 1693 
 Comments upon the conduct of Sunderland 
 Popularity of the prince of Baden . 
 Eulogy of lord Somers . 
 Burnet's grief for queen Mary 
 
 (Reign of Williaji III, 1695-6 only.) 
 
 Additional details concerning the king's resolutions 
 
 Lord Portland and the massacre of Glencoe 
 
 Additional reflections on the elections of 1695, and on the re- 
 coinage bill 
 
 Reflections on the fall of secretary Johnstone . . . . 
 
 (Reign of Anne, 1708-13 only.) 
 
 Censures passed on Marlborough's campaign of 1708 . 
 Reduced state of France in 1709 
 
 PAGES 
 
 327 
 330 
 
 331 
 
 334 
 
 335 
 
 338 
 
 342-3 
 
 353 
 
 356 
 
 356 
 
 359 
 
 362-3 
 
 364-S 
 
 366 
 
 367 
 369 
 369 
 370 
 372 
 379 
 383 
 385 
 
 387-8 
 390 
 
 391-2 
 
 393 
 395 
 395 
 396 
 405 
 
 406 
 411 
 
 413 
 
 415 
 
 418-9 
 420 
 
(Memoirs and Autobiography) lix 
 
 PAGES 
 
 Additional details concerning the state of Hungary . . 426 
 
 Censures passed on king Charles of Spain .... 429 
 
 (CONCLU.SION.) 
 
 Burnet's experience of a blessing on his prayers before preaching 449 
 
 A decline of the judicial spirit in parliament 449 
 
 Lord Somers and the codification of the English law . . . 449-50 
 
 II. The Autobiography. 
 
 Burnet gives his motive for writing his own life . . . . '451 
 Points wherein he {a) resembles Thuanus, and (b) diverges from 
 
 that historian's method 452 
 
 Description of the elder Burnet in his retirement .... 453 
 
 His affectionate rigour 454 
 
 His desire to have three sons in three professions .... 454 
 
 His advice to Burnet concerning the clerical function . . 455 
 
 Burnet's early delight in scholasticism 455 
 
 The reasons for his good health 45^ 
 
 Speech of the elder Burnet on taking his seat as a lord of session 457 
 His eagerness for his son's immediate settlement ; Burnet reflects 
 
 on his own prudence in declining it , . . . • 457-8 
 The elder Burnet's view of the situation, ecclesiastical and political, 
 
 in 1660-1 458 
 
 His deathbed .... 458-9 
 
 Political errors of Warriston 459 
 
 The occasion for Burnet's insight into presbyterianism ; his view 
 
 of contemporary sermons 460 
 
 Nairn's love of epistolary literature ... . 461 
 
 Burnet's mathematical studies 461 
 
 The sermons of Mr. Charteris ... ... 462 
 
 Characters of Baxter and Manton ... . • 4^3 
 
 Censure on Dr. Bernard .... ... 464 
 
 Burnet's opinion of the English universities . ... 464 
 
 The aims of Robert Boyle 464 
 
 Friendship between Burnet and Mr. Drummond . . . 465-6 
 Burnet's good resolutions upon taking orders ; his mathematical 
 
 work interrupted by the death of sir Robert Fletcher . . 468-9 
 
 Burnet's devotional studies 469-70 
 
 Results of his catechetical exercises .... .471 
 
 His method of studying scripture 47 1 
 
Ix //. Synopsis of 
 
 PAGES 
 
 He abandons the pursuit of abstract learning .... 472-3 
 He studies the mystics, but realizes the connexion between apparent 
 
 ecstasy and morbid physical conditions ; an instance of this 
 
 comes before him ; his asceticism and its spiritual results . 473*5 
 Burnet is the more unpopular in Glasgow from his friendship with 
 
 Leighton 477 
 
 His initial reason for an interest in the elder duke Hamilton . 479 
 
 Clarendon's History and the character of Charles I . . • 479 
 The motives and clandestine circumstances of Burnet's first 
 
 marriage 480-1 
 
 His marriage becomes public concurrently with his appointment 
 
 to the Rolls ; his account of his ministry there . . . 484-5 
 Wilmot lord Rochester's censure on clerical ambition ; he repeats 
 
 to Burnet a saying of Charles H 486 
 
 Burnet's amenability to criticism ; popularity of his pamphlets . 487 
 
 A saying of Charles II concerning Burnet, and Burnet's retort . 488 
 A providential windfall comes to Burnet in 1683 through the 
 
 Russell family 489 
 
 He writes a book on the evidences of religion .... 489-90 
 
 His sentiments on the death of Charles II 49° 
 
 His first wife's illness and death 49" 
 
 Additional reflections on the state of religion at Geneva and in 
 
 Switzerland 491 
 
 The circumstances of his second marriage, with two anecdotes of 
 
 successful fortune-telling 492-3 
 
 Details relating to his second wife, and to her death . . . 493 
 
 His relations with the Churchills 494 
 
 Bentinck and the English malcontents in 1687-8 .... 494 
 
 Burnet in 1688 doubts the liberality of the Church party . . 495 
 
 The irreligion of the ultra-Whigs 495 
 
 Censures passed on the prince's retention of Dutch ecclesiastical 
 
 forms, on his way to London 495 
 
 Danger of a reaction in 1688-9 ; unpopularity of the prince and 
 
 Bentinck 495-6 
 
 Burnet offends the new king by his remonstrances . . . 496 
 
 Compton and the bishopric of Durham 496-7 
 
 Burnet's good resolutions on the eve of consecration . . . 497 
 
 Queen Mary and Mrs. Burnet 497-8 
 
 Burnet's opinion of synodical meetings 498 
 
 He finds his diocesan conferences of little effect .... 499 
 
 His unpopularity with his clergy 499 
 
 The clergy and confirmation 499 
 
 He inspects his charity-school at regular intervals . . . 500 
 
Additional Subjects (Autobiography) Ixi 
 
 PAGES 
 
 University opposition compels him to disband his theological 
 
 college 501 
 
 Unpopularity of his opposition to pluralities 501 
 
 His popularity with the dissenters 501-2 
 
 Scriptural ignorance of candidates for ordination .... 502 
 
 He urges devotional preparation on candidates for ordination . 503 
 Uselessness of testimonials to character ; defectiveness of the best 
 
 methods practicable for the conduct of ordinations . . 503 
 He bewails the scanty result of all his efforts .... 503 
 Remarks upon the appointment of Tillotson and Sharp ; unfavour- 
 able comments on the latter 504 
 
 Final reflections of Burnet on his episcopal labours . . . 505 
 
 Attendance in parliament a load on the episcopate . . . 505-6 
 His treatise on the ' Pastoral Care ' ; reflections on charges of heresy 
 
 brought against those who are in earnest for reform . . 506 
 
 Leslie and ' Tempora Mutantur ' 506-7 
 
 Absurdity of the Arminian outcry against Burnet's work on the 
 
 Thirty-nine Articles 508 
 
 Additional details concerning Burnet's third wife and her ' Method 
 of Devotion'; he admits that he 'dictated,' in great part, Dr. 
 
 Goodwyn's account of her 509 
 
 His children do him credit 510 
 
 His special motives for care of his children and for treating them 
 with indulgence ; his reasons for educating them at home ; 
 
 details of their literary education 5 10-2 
 
 He dilates on the promise shown by the youths . . . . 512 
 
 His untoward interference in the Salisbury election, anno 1 705 . 512-3 
 
 He concludes with a catalogue of his [more important] works . 513-4 
 
ADDENDA 
 
 THE ELLIOT-LESLIE EXTRACTS 
 
 While this work was in the Press, the editor's attention was called 
 (by the courtesy of Mr. W. H. Allnutt) to certain Burnet entries in 
 the newly published Catalogue of Rawlinson MSS. D. Among the 
 papers there described is a MS. copy of the Elliot extracts and 
 comments, which may be confidently identified as Elliot's own 
 draught ; and attention is drawn to a duplicate (Rawl. B. 453, f. 45) 
 which is probably his fair copy. These identifications derive stress 
 from the fact that the text, in certain trivial instances, is that of 
 Leslie, who used Elliot's papers, and not that of the anonymous 
 editor (17 15), who employed his own transcript. How Rawlinson 
 became possessed of the papers does not appear; himself a non- 
 juror, he had facilities for acquiring such MSS. The title differs 
 entirely from that adopted in 1715 ; it runs as follows : 'A Sample 
 or Proof sheet Being a Collection and faithful relation of a few 
 passages taken out of a Voluminous History written by Dr. 
 Gilbert Burnet, representing the Affairs of Church and State 
 within Britain and Ireland in his time, and design'd to be published 
 for a postumus {sic) work, with some Remarkes upon them [by a 
 hater of lies and falshood ^]. Dedicated to all true Churchmen of 
 England.' (The mottos are, Hor. Car. III. vi. 45-7; Ps. lii. 3 
 et seq.) 
 
 The following variations from the edition of 1715 (quoted on 
 pp. 98-109) affect the actual quotations : — 
 
 P. 100, 1. 3 from bottom, read 'these and the present time '; last 
 line, /or ' ran ' read ' run.' 
 
 P. loi, 1. 8, for 'either' read 'neither'; and adopt all Leslie's 
 readings. 
 
 P. 102, 1. ?>,for 'with' read 'in'; 1. 18 transpose 'only' to after 
 'lords.' 
 
 ^ Added, as an afterthought, in the fair copy only. 
 
ixiv Addenda 
 
 p. 103, 1. i?>,for 'were' read 'was.' 
 
 P. 104, I. 10, for ' a ' read ' the ' ; de/ore ' fate ' insert ' dismal.' 
 (N.B. 'on' /or 'in' (1. 9) and the omission <?/ 'passing into • 
 before 'an unchangeable' (1. 12) are slips of the present editor >i 
 
 P. 106, 1. 8, omit 'house.' 
 
 P. 107, 1. 4, after 'fulsome' Insert 'stuff'; 1. 9, before 'health' 
 insert 'good'; 1. xZ,for 'as he should' read 'which he would ever.' 
 
 P. 9, n. I, add ' A generous recantation of his censures on 
 Leighton will be found in Hickes' unpublished retort to Burnet's 
 Vindication (Bodl. MSS. Rawlinson D. 841, p. 48).' 
 
 Pp. 40-1, ' Burnet's projects of reform,' add reference to Hist. ii. 
 ^69. 
 
 P. 108, 1. 4 from bottom, add ' (see however supra, p. vii, n. 4).' 
 
ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA 
 
 Introduction, p. viii, 1. 8. The Editor learns that since Dr. Ro'uth's 
 time, the 'Autobiography' has been used by Mr. H. W. C. Davis, 
 M.A., Fellow of Balliol College, Oxford, in a Lecture on Bishop 
 Burnet, delivered at St. Margaret's, Westminster, during the early 
 part of the year 1901, and printed (pp. 147-91) in Typical English 
 Churchmen, published in 1902 by the Church Historical Society 
 through the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge. 
 
 Text, p. 91, 11. 12- IT,, for 'Ahoab and Musaphia [? Mustapha] ' 
 read 'Aboab and Musaphia,' and add this note: — 
 
 ' Isaac Aboab de Fonseca (Isaac Avu haf), a Portuguese Jew, 
 b. 1 606, was carried to Amsterdam in his seventh year. He migrated, 
 about the year 1642, in the capacity of Rabbi, with a band of Jewish 
 colonists to the Dutch possessions in Brazil; where he remained till 
 the discreditable abandonment of those colonies in 1652, — for which 
 see Burnet, Supplement, infra, p. 199. He became one of the heads 
 of the Jewish community at Amsterdam (in which capacity he helped 
 to excommunicate Spinoza), and was a leading light of the great 
 Jewish college in that city ; where he died in 1693. He left behind 
 him a few translations from the Spanish into Hebrew, and vice versa ; 
 with some 886 sermons. Graetz describes him as a distinguished 
 and popular preacher, but as very deficient in originality of concep- 
 tion and force of character ; and stigmatizes his influence over the 
 Jewish community in Amsterdam as little less than disastrous. 
 
 'Dyonis (Benjamin) Musaphia, b. 1616, d. 1675, a physician, 
 scientist, and lexicographer, spent some years in the service of the 
 Danish king. Christian IV. He had philosophic leanings ; allowed 
 himself some heterodox doubts; and was regarded as "half a 
 Spinozist.'' None the less he engaged in active controversy with 
 Christians ; figured at Amsterdam, in later life, in the character 
 of Rabbi; and about the time of Burnet's visit fell, together with 
 the above-mentioned Aboab, under the spell of the pseudo-messias 
 Sabbatai.' 
 
 For the sources of this correction and note (Jocher ; Allgemeines 
 Gelehrtenlexicon, i, p. 670, and Continuation, v. 243 ; Graetz : 
 Geschichte der Juden, x. 9, 11, 24, 27-8, 129, 175-7, 202, 226-7, 
 243-4), the editor is obliged to the courtesy of a learned correspondent. 
 
 SupplemenI to Burnet. 
 
PART I 
 
 REMAINING FRAGMENTS OF BURNET'S ' 
 ORIGINAL MEMOIRS 
 
 (From Harl. MSS. 6584 ; the Specimens of Robert Elliot ; and 
 Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 21) 
 
 INTRODUCTORY NOTE 
 
 [Since the opening 47 folios — amounting, on a rough calculation, 
 to about 47,000 words — are missing from the initial ' Number ' of the 
 Harl. MSS. 6584, the first portion of Burnet's original Memoirs, ex- 
 tending from his birth in 1643 to about the year 1661, is not available. 
 We may however conclude, with little fear of error, that ff. 195-9 of 
 the Autobiographical Appendix, printed in Part 11, give a fairly repre- 
 sentative, though very much condensed rendering of the more personal 
 details contained in the lost fragment. This . fragment must almost 
 certainly have further included some form of Preface ; a ' Summary 
 recapitulation of the affairs in Scotland ... to the Restoration of King 
 Charles II ' (see printed History, i. S-21, 26-45, 49-65, 83-9 ; nearly 
 all the passages omitted in this list emerge at a later stage in the 
 original Memoirs) ; with the characters of the leading Scottish statesmen 
 at the time of the Restoration (see ibid. 101-5) and the career of the 
 'Drunken Administration' (ibid. 105-7, 108-28). 
 
 The earliest portion of the original Memoirs which is yet extant, and 
 which is printed below, is contained in the initial folios of the existing 
 . Harleian MSS. 6584. It forms part of Transcript A (see Preface), and 
 represents 'No. i' of Dr. Gifford's eight sections ; beginning abruptly with 
 p. 94, and concluding abruptly with p. 179 of the original pagination 
 (ff. 3-45 of the present enumeration). The leaves are written on both 
 sides, in a neat clerical hand, corrected throughout by Dr. Burnet himself 
 (see Preface). Incidental allusions to the recent marriage of the Princess 
 Anne, with the impending sixth anniversary of her sister's wedding, 
 restrict the period of composition within the terminal dates July 28 and 
 Nov. 4, 1683 (O.S.) ; but an explicit statement on f. 38 (a) that a certain 
 brief passage at that point was added after the doctor's return from 
 France, which took place about Oct. 20 {Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. vii. 
 291 b) in that year, suggests that the bulk of the narrative was actually 
 written during the early part of August, 1683, at the end of which month 
 he had started for France {ibid. 289 b, 366 a, 290 b). The most probable 
 inference would seem to be that Burnet commenced his Memoirs after the 
 
2 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1661 
 
 execution of Lord Russell, July 21, 1683, perhaps in consequence of the 
 satisfaction expressed by the dead man's family with the terms of the little 
 ' Journal ' of Russell's last days, which Burnet had drawn up for them. 
 It is, however, possible that the initial and now missing portions of 
 the Memoir, though certainly composed in 1683 (see Hist., ed. Airy, ii. 
 474), may have been written earlier in the year. Roughly speaking, the 
 contents of the present fragment fall within the years 1661-4, and 
 correspond, though with innurnerable variations as well in substance as 
 in arrangement, to Hist. i. 93-101, 128-208. The first imperfect sentence 
 alludes to the benefits Burnet had derived from his introduction to Nairne 
 and Charteris.] 
 
 HARL. MSS. 6584, f. 3. 
 [Obligations to Nairn and Charteris; the Edinburgh ministers^ 
 
 [That I fell into such hands after I had so long cast off] 
 " all restraint \ and was now beginning to take my ply, was 
 so great a blessing to me" and had such effects on me, that 
 to this day I count myself bound in my daily thanksgiving 
 to God to thank him for the happy providence of my falling 
 into their acquaintance and friendship ; and though I had 
 but two or three days' conversation with Mr, Charteris at 
 this time, yet the impressions that it made were very deep. 
 For the other ministers of Edinburgh, I neither admired their 
 persons nor their sermons, and much less their conversation 
 which was all made up of news. Their sermons were subtle 
 divisions of very ordinary matter hung full of quotations of 
 Scripture, but there was nothing in them that struck either 
 on my fancy or reason, or that went to my heart ; they were 
 plain dull things sometimes set off with an appearance of 
 quickness and wit, which made them rather worse than better. 
 
 [Characters of Douglas and Hutcheson.'] 
 The two eminentest of them were Mr. Douglas ^ and 
 Mr. Hutcheson ; ""the former was a bastard of a bastard, but 
 
 " Cf. Hist, fo. ed., i. 216 (Airy's ed. i. 386). ^ Ibid. 34. 
 
 ' In the History, Burnet introduces 17 (4) ; Article on Robert Douglas (by 
 
 his obligations to these two divines A. C. Bickley'), Did. Nat. Biog., where 
 
 sub anno 1665, in connexion with the the Harl. MS. is quoted ; Mr. Airy's 
 
 later intimacy which resulted from notes on Hist. i. 34, 109 (fol. pagina- 
 
 his settlement at Salton, in their t\on); Lauderdale Papers,\. ^j&ni'mtro- 
 
 common neighbourhood. duction ; also Lauderdale Papers, i. 34, 
 
 '■' For Robert Douglas see itt/ra, f. 36, 54-90 {passim), 29a, 295, Ixxxii. 
 
i66t] Harleian MSS, 6584, ff. 3 (a)-3 (<5>) 3 
 
 it is believed his father was Mary queen of Scotland's son, 
 for he was born soon after she was conveyed out of the castle 
 of Lochleven, and was educated with great care by the gentle- 
 man that helped her away, so that it was believed there 
 were more than ordinary endearments between them, and 
 that this son was the fruit of these. It is certain Mr. Douglas 
 was not ill-pleased to have this story pass ; he had something 
 very great in his countenance, his looks showed both much 
 wisdom and great thoughtfulness, but withal a vast pride; 
 he was generally very silent, I confess I never admired any- 
 thing he said. I wondered to see him express such mean 
 compliances with some silly women of their party, as I have 
 seen him do to my own mother and sister. He went over 
 when he was a young man chaplain to a regiment in 
 Germany, where, for want of other books, he got the 
 Scripture so by heart that he could not only repeat any 
 part of it but could have readily quoted chapter and verse 
 for every passage in it " ; and this was his great faculty in 
 preaching, that he laid all the Scriptures relating to any 
 point together, but it was a skeleton of bones, for he neither 
 connected them well nor made he lively reflections on them ; 
 his chief excellence in preaching was that he would have 
 made his matter look towards the present times with such 
 dexterity that though it was visible what he meant, yet he 
 could not be questioned upon it. He was a man of great 
 personal courage [/. 3 (^)] which he shewed often in Germany 
 more signally than became his profession, yet he was a very 
 mild good-natured man (though that did not appear much 
 in his countenance) and he was of an unblamable conver- 
 sation as to all private matters. The other ^ has written 
 many books ; as, on Job and St. John's Gospel two folios, and 
 
 » Hist. i. 34. 
 
 » For George Hutcheson, by mar- to ibid. 51, 109, 276, 281 ; Lauder- 
 
 riage Burnet's cousin-germane, of dale Papers, i. 4, 34, 77, 83, 295; 
 
 whom, in the printed History, no Pearson, Life of Leighlon {Works 
 
 character is given, see Hist. i. 276, of Leighton, 1835, i. 36 and note). 
 a8i, 390-1, 295-7 ; Mr. Airy's notes 
 
 B 3 
 
4 Burnefs Original Memoirs [1661 
 
 3 books in octavo on the 12 lesser prophets; he had a great 
 subtlety in his preaching and drew out one thing very in- 
 geniously from another, vi^hich I thought was like wire 
 drawing and ever despised it; he affected great mirth and 
 was much given to raillery, but it was neither grave nor 
 witty and he seemed to be a very proud man. * He married 
 my cousin-germane * so that I was well acquainted with him, 
 but could never have any great value of him ; yet the duchess 
 of Hamilton ^, and some others whom I esteem very much, 
 have told me that he was a much better man than he appeared 
 to be upon a general acquaintance, and that the more any one 
 knew him, they would value him the more. 
 
 \Burnet''s family recommend the /aw.] 
 
 This is all that is particular to myself that fell out this 
 year, only in the beginning of the next year '(my brother 
 Robert dying of a fever) all our family set on me to return 
 to the study of the law ; they flattered themselves and me 
 so as to think that I might grow eminent in that profession ; 
 and they, being zealous presbyterians, were afraid of my 
 conforming and so desired to see me in another employ- 
 ment, but I thank God their importunities had no effect 
 on me, so I went on. But now I will give an account of 
 public affairs. 
 
 \Middleton goes to Court.] 
 
 Cf. Hisl., fo. ed., i. 128-30 (Airy's ed. i. 230-2) {from 'Middleton went 
 up' to 'unusual and so unreasonable'). 
 
 After 'pride' add 'he reckoned that Lauderdale and Crawford could not 
 stand long before him, and^' 
 
 \f. 4 (a)] For • The earl of Crawford still pressed ' read ' Crawford, who 
 told me all this story, pressed.' 
 
 Om. ' The earl of Crawford was glad . . . excuse him.' 
 
 For ' prison ' read ' the castle of Edinburgh.' 
 
 Om. ' that was not a time . . , insist on it.' 
 
 For ' as fully satisfied the king' read 'that nothing could be made of them.' 
 
 " Cf Bist. i. 276. •> Cf. Life (appended to Hist, ii), p. 674. 
 
 • See Hist. i. 295. ' Cf. Lauderdale Papers, i. 105. 
 
i66i] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 3 {b)-^ {b) 5 
 
 For 'he was set at liberty ' read ' he was confined to his house' which lasted 
 till the next sessions of parliament ' ; and om. next sentence. 
 
 After ' because ' read ' a few days before he left Scotland.' 
 
 After 'from Tweeddale' add 'at his house of Pinkey, 4 miles from Edin- 
 burgh' ; and om. ' upon the complaint . . . ready at hand.' 
 
 For 'Middleton was now raising the guards . . . granted by the parliament' 
 read ' Middleton was made general of the forces that were now a raising (for 
 the English garrisons were removed, and the citadels which they had built in 
 Scotland were slighted) ' (cf. Hist. i. 107). 
 
 After 'himself as general' add 'and delivered by them to the paymasters of 
 the army.' 
 
 [/ 4 {by] After ' opposed this' add ' (and was seconded in it by Lauderdale).' 
 
 Om. 'with great advantage . . . treasury.' 
 
 For ' and as to what .... king was master ' read ' that the ;^40,ooo was the 
 best and surest branch of the revenue, that though a great part of it was to go 
 to the establishing of the forces, yet it was not able to be so employed.' 
 
 After 'to the treasury' add 'for the payment of the guards and preferring 
 them to other' payments ' ; and om. ' But the earl of Middleton knew . . . 
 year's end.' 
 
 For 'unless . . . masters of the army' read 'except in time of war. These 
 things were unanswerable.' 
 
 After ' unreasonable ' add ' for it had been a much easier thing for him to have 
 got himself made treasurer than to have gained such a point.' 
 
 [Lord Lorn's estate.l 
 
 " The next particular brought in debate was concerning the 
 estate of Argyll. The king had great inclinations to restore 
 the lord Lorn, so that much pains was taken to persuade 
 him that all the zeal that he had expressed for his service 
 was only an artifice between his father and him to secure the 
 estate, which way soever the world might turn ; but in 
 managing this they committed great errors, for it was said 
 that Lorn had searched the king's pockets and locked him 
 up as a prisoner while he was in Scotland ; this the king 
 knew to be so false, that it made the other things laid to his 
 charge to be the less believed. So they, finding that this 
 was not like to take effect, betook themselves to another 
 method that was likely to be more effectual. The late mar- 
 qufs of Argyll had designed to raise his family to an absolute 
 
 » Hist. i. 130. 
 
 ' For the reason of this see Lau- ' house at Bothans,' not the ' house of 
 derdale Papers, i. 102. This was the Pinkey' specifically mentioned below. 
 
6 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1661 
 
 power over the Highlands ; and the marquis of Huntly being 
 the next in power to him, he intended to take his estate into 
 his own hands, which he eiifected in this manner. The 
 marquis of Huntly had married his sister, so during their 
 friendship he was bound with him for some of his debts. 
 Afterwards Huntly both neglecting his affairs and engaging 
 in the king's service, (by which he was likely to be ruined 
 considering the violence of that time) Argyll pretended that 
 for securing himself he was forced to buy in prior debts and 
 mortgages, for which he said he had paid great sums of 
 money, but it was said by others that he had them almost 
 for nothing ; it is like he never paid so much himself as he 
 said, nor so little as his enemies gave out, but in conclusion 
 he transacted for about ;£"20,ooo of his debts, and made his 
 son bind with him for the payment of these debts. So now 
 it was moved that the king ought in honour and justice to 
 restore the marquis of Huntly, and then they reckoned 
 those debts [/. 5 («)] of his for which the lord Lorn was bound 
 would sink him. Lorn upon this offered to clear the accounts 
 between his father and Huntly, and that he would not pretend 
 to a farthing, but that which he should prove his father had 
 in effect payed for Huntly's debts, but that was not much 
 considered. So Huntly had a grant given him of all that 
 part of Argyll's forfeiture that concerned his estate, by which 
 he was neither liable to his own grandfather's debts, nor to 
 those for which Lorn was engaged ; and this was the true 
 occasion of all the hardship that Lorn was afterwards put on 
 which raised such a clamour against him ^- After this Mont- 
 rose put in his claim upon this account ; when the late marquis 
 of Montrose was in armes his men had wasted and burnt 
 Argyll's estate, upon which Argyll got Montrose's estate 
 to be charged with that damage, and possessed it till his son 
 compounded with him for it, so he now pretended that Jie 
 ought to have all that restored to him and got a grant of 
 a part of Argyll's estate to reimburse him worth between 
 
 ' See infra J i. 120 (a). 
 
i66i] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 4 {b)-^ (b) ^ 
 
 5 or ;^6,ooo. After that a great many others put in their 
 claims, pretending their estates had been ruined by Argyll's 
 means for their adhering to the king's service, and it being 
 easy to swell up an account of losses, they put in such pre- 
 tensions that all Argyll's estate could not have satisfied 
 them. To all this Lorn answered that if the king intended 
 any grace for him, a stop must be put to all further grants 
 out of his father's estate, otherwise it would be quickly out of 
 the king's power to give him anything, especially considering 
 the great debts that lay on it ; so a stop was put, and Middle- 
 ton saw it was in vain to press the matter further. 
 
 Consultations concerning episcopacy. 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 130 ijrom ' The point of the greatest importance ' io p. 132, end 
 of paragraph). 
 
 Out. ' and honester.' 
 
 Insert ' that ' before ' one synod ' and ' many others.' 
 
 Om. ' Sharp assured . . . indemnity passed.' 
 
 For ' and that the supporting it . . . engaged in ' substitute the following 
 passage (ef. with Hist. i. 107-8) : ' and that after that the keeping of Scot- 
 land quiet would be all that the government there could do ; whereas if the 
 king w^ould let them alone with their beloved presbytery, he might have the 
 hearts and affections of the nation entirely united to his service in all other 
 things ; and that Scotland being a poor kingdom, all that the king could expect 
 from it was the hearts and hands of so many people ; [/ 5 (A)] this Lauderdale 
 made his constant topic to the king, that whatsoever he intended to do at any 
 time in England, he might govern Scotland so as to have them all sure to assist 
 him in it ; and showed him how certainly his father might have made himself 
 master of England if it had not been for the trouble he brought on himself from 
 Scotland.' 
 
 Om. ' The king went . . . design '.' 
 
 For ' and having called . . . the way of that nation ' read ' and was only appre- 
 hensive of some disorder that might follow on the change.' 
 
 After ' inclinations of the nation ' insert the episode of the letter in while ink 
 {Hist. i. 108); reading instead of ' a daughter of the earl . . . among her papers' 
 only ' her whom I afterwards married which I have in my hands ^ ' ; and for ' he 
 saw the king was indifferent ' io the end of the passage, reading ' pressing her to 
 take care to have many of the presbyterians to signify to the king their aversion 
 to episcopacy and their firmness to him in all other things if he would not 
 
 ' The passage is also omitted in ff. 208-9. Burnet's assertion there- 
 
 Airy's edition. fore, in the published History, that he 
 
 ^ Lady Margaret was living when found the letter after her death must be 
 
 Burnet wrote this, though in a state of a slip of the pen, unless we suppose 
 
 imbecility ; for she died early in 1685 ; the anecdote to be a subsequent in- 
 
 see infra, f. 117, and Autobiography, sertion. 
 
8 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1661 
 
 touch them in that point; but he pressed her to engage them to make full 
 declarations of their affection in all other things ; so that in this letter it both 
 appears that he had at that time a great zeal for presbytery, and that he was 
 beginning to possess the king with that which he esteemed afterwards his 
 masterpiece, that the chief use the king ought to make of Scotland was to 
 engage them to assist him in any design that he might come to have in 
 England.' ' 
 
 Then resume p. 1^2 from ' The result of the debate.' 
 
 For ' that might have such effects . . . affairs ' read ' in so important a thing.' 
 For ' the main body of read ' the whole.' 
 
 [Men sought mti to be bishops^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 13S-4 {to ' dealt falsely in the covenant '). 
 
 Begin 'And thus was the matter concluded. [/. 5 («)] So nothing remained 
 but the calling up such a number of men as might be first consecrated in 
 England and then sent down to consecrate the rest ' ; then {omitting from 
 ' Sheldon and the English bishops ' to ' that matter wholly to him,' p. 133) 
 proceed ' Sharp now took off the mask and owned,' &'c. 
 
 After ' love and moderation ' return to p. 132, ' There was but one of the old 
 bishops,' dr=c. , and after ' Galloway ' insert (cf. Hist. i. 26) ' that was a very 
 learned and good man and one on whom old age had a very extraordinary effect, 
 for he who was hot and fierce beyond expression in his youth, was now become 
 very mild and gentle in his old age, but he was always more a scholar than 
 a wise man, and he was now under some of the ill effects of age, for he was 
 beginning to sink much.' 
 
 Om. ' he had come up . . . primacy of Scotland.' 
 
 After ' episcopally ordained ' insert ' and the bishops required some uneasy 
 conditions of those whom they ordained.' 
 
 Om. ' with others . . . about him.' 
 
 After ' of ordaining ' read ' in his chamber.' 
 
 For from 'and that without demanding ' to end of following paragraph read 
 ' without requiring any conditions of them ; for all that he took was fees. This 
 was so foul a thing, so like simony, and so contrary to all ecclesiastical orders, 
 that nothing but regard to his old age, and the merit of his former life and his 
 sufferings, kept them from proceeding against him ; so it was resolved [see -p. 133] 
 that he should only be made bishop of Orkney which has a good revenue, and 
 it was intended he should never go thither.' 
 
 For ' The former of these . . . own function ' read 'The former was a prudent 
 and good-natured man, very facetious, and of a most obliging behaviour; he 
 was also a very good physician, which gave him a great interest in the country 
 where he lived, but it was never thought he had a deep sense of religion, nor 
 was his life exact.' 
 
 Om. ' very good.' 
 
 [/ 6 (i)] For ' he, who had passed his whole life . . . almost a changeling ' 
 read ' he very soon lost both his understanding and his memory. Whether it 
 was that he was falling under the infirmities of old age, or that he indulged 
 himself too freely in eating, drinking, and sleeping, I know not ; certain 
 it is, that he became very soon the object of all people's scorn or pity.' 
 
 After ' himself from suspicion ' insert ' and to keep his benefice.' 
 
i66i] Had. MSS. 6584, ff. 5 (^)-7 {d) 9 
 
 After ' sacrament ' insert ' he used to renew it, with this ceremony.' 
 After ' falsely in the covenant ' add ' He was designed to be bishop of 
 Galloway, and it was thought the respect to his birth would make him the 
 better received there ; he was also a good plain preacher and a man of estate. ' 
 
 Bishop LeightorCs character. 
 " But there was another Scotch clergyman ^ then in England 
 who for his health had gone to The Bath, on whom, because 
 I have known him so particularly and esteem him beyond all 
 the churchmen I ever yet knew, I will dwell a little longer. 
 He was son to Dr. Leighton, a Scotchman that lived in 
 England, and was censured in the Star-chamber for a seditious 
 book that he had writ against the bishops of England: he 
 was sent by him to be educated in the college of Edinburgh, 
 because he looked on the English universities as much cor- 
 rupted ; so "^ he was bred under all the prejudices to episcopacy 
 and the church of England that a father of hot principles and 
 inflamed by ill-usage could infuse into him. " He was a man 
 of a most quick and piercing apprehension, he had a life in 
 his thoughts and expressions that were inimitable, * only his 
 language was too fine, too much laboured, and too full of 
 figures and sentences : this was the effect of study in his 
 youth, and became a habit, or rather nature, in his old age. 
 * He spoke Latin with a readiness and purity that I never knew 
 in any except sir James Langham ^, and he was a great master 
 of the Greek, \_f. 7 (a)] and had almost all their poets by heart ; 
 he had the Hebrew very well, so that I have met with many 
 curious criticisms from him which I have found never in any 
 
 • Cf. Hist. i. 134. '' Ibid. 135. " Ibid. 134. d Ibid. 135. 
 
 ' Ibid. 134. 
 
 ' It will be remembered that when the world during Burnet's lifetime in 
 
 this was written Leighton, who died the Preface to the Life of Bedel 
 
 June 28, 1684, was still alive. To Mr. and the Pastoral Care, drew upon him 
 
 Ally's note. Hist, in loco, we may add, the bitterest censures of the Jaco- 
 
 that traces of correspondence between bite High-churchmen, who regarded 
 
 Burnet and Leighton survive in Hist. Leighton as a fanatic (see Some dis- 
 
 MSS. Com. Rep. xi. pt. 6, p. 148, Brit. courses on Dr. Burnet and Dr. Tilloison 
 
 Mus. Add. MSS. 23135, f. 96, and [1695], by [George Hickes, D.D.], pp. 
 
 Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 23, if. 34-54, of 23-4). We see trace of a desire to de- 
 
 which the two latter are shortly to be precate such a view, in the variations 
 
 published by the Scottish Historical betwe'enthe original and laterversions. 
 
 Society; and that Burnet's enthusiastic ' See Hist. i. 267, and Mr. Airy's 
 
 admiration of Leighton, intimated to note on that passage. 
 
lo Burnet's Original Memoirs [i66r 
 
 author ; » he spoke French Hke one born in France ", though 
 it is now 45 years since he came out of it. He had read the 
 fathers so exactly that *> I never happened to talk with him of 
 any particular relating to ecclesiastical learning, but he was 
 as ready at it as if he had just come from studying it *> ; and 
 he was most conversant in the lives of all the devout men 
 that have been of all religions, and out of them all he formed 
 the highest idea of devotion that I ever yet met with ; for he 
 had laid together with great judgement all the extraordinary 
 passages of bishops and churchmen, and had read most of 
 the lives written in the latter ages, and had picked out of 
 them what was most remarkable and imitable among them, 
 and used to say that when he met with a good passage, he 
 did not much care whether it was true or not, so that it raised 
 in him some good thoughts. He was sent again by his 
 father into Scotland in the year [i6]38 [?], and was at the 
 assembly of Glasgow ; he told me he was even then dis- 
 gusted with their heats and the manner of their proceedings, 
 but these prejudices were not yet strong enough in him to 
 overcome education. Some time after that ■= he took presby- 
 terian ordination" and signed the covenant, '^and was minister 
 at Newbottle within four miles of Edinburgh, " where the earl 
 of Lothian dwelt. * He led so exemplary a life, that it was 
 rather like a pattern framed out of fancy, than what a man 
 could really attain to. He entered upon a course of ^ almost per- 
 petual fasting s, for though he had a quick and craving appetite, 
 he never eat above what seemed necessary to keep him alive ; 
 he never allowed himself any sort of diversion, except riding 
 abroad ; ^ he was never merry, nor familiar with any, but 
 lived in a perpetual reserve and silence, and every word he 
 spoke had an impression of religion on it. Those that knew 
 him before me and ' I that have now lived one and twenty years 
 in greater intimacy with him than he has been ever observed 
 to live in with any person, must say this of him, ''that I 
 
 " Cf. Hist. I. 135. •> Ibid. 134. <> Ibid. 135. =1 Ibid. 
 
 • Ibid. 136. ' Ibid, supra. ^ Ibid. 134. •> Ibid. 135. 
 
 i Ibid. 135, 138. k Ibid. 135. 
 
i66i] Harl. MSS. 6584, J. T (a^T (b) 11 
 
 never saw him angry at anything, « nor ever perceived in him 
 any concern for anything in this world, or the least appearance 
 of pride or vanity ; ^ and I scarce ever heard him speak an 
 idle word '', and never once found him in any other temper, but 
 such as I would wish to be in when I were to die. He has 
 a heart the fullest [/. 7 (3)] of all the melting affections and 
 devotions in religion, and yet has nothing of enthusiasm, or 
 of a schismatical temper under it ; ''he had the most universal 
 charity for persons and things that I ever knew in man. ^ He 
 had such a way in preaching that I [n]ever knew any come near 
 it ; his thoughts were the most ravishing, his style the most 
 beautiful (if not too fine), but his way of uttering them so grave, 
 and so tender together, that I never heard him preach without 
 trembling for one great part of the sermon, and weeping for 
 another ; and I confess his way of preaching was so much above 
 all others that I had ever heard, or anything that I could ever 
 hope to attain to, that for some time after every sermon that 
 I heard of his I both preached myself and heard all others 
 with a sort of indignation ; and yet he really seemed so to 
 undervalue himself that he always chose to preach to mean 
 auditories, and when he was tied to a charge he used to 
 employ every man he could get to preach for him*. And 
 though he never made any so much his own friend as he 
 did me, yet he was a friend to a great many, and was very 
 full of tenderness and Christian concern for them, and I see 
 it still lives with him, * He soon came to see the follies of the 
 presbyterians ; he hated their covenant and their rebellion 
 against the king, their imposing of oaths, and their fury 
 against all that differed from them, and their rough sourness 
 and narrowness of soul, and he openly preached up an uni- 
 versal charity ; he would never meddle in their matters, but 
 withdrew from them, and only minded his pastoral care in his 
 own parish °- They saw he grew to hate their ways, but the 
 reputation he was in was such that they durst not let it be 
 thought that he was against their courses; ^'yet he openly 
 
 » Cf. Hist. i. 134. ' Ibid. 135. « Ibid, infra. ^ Ibid, infra. 
 
 « Ibid. 135-6. ' Ibid. 136. 
 
12 Burnefs Original Memoirs [i66r 
 
 declared himself for the engagement in the year [i6]48 that 
 was made for delivering the king ; and when after the defeat 
 of that army some that were in it came to profess their repen- 
 tance for it, in his church, according to the order of the 
 general assembly, he, being to exhort them to a true repen- 
 tance, told them they had been in an expedition in which he 
 was afraid they had been guilty of much swearing, drunken- 
 ness, oppression and other sins, besides the neglect of God 
 and religion, and charged them to repent seriously for those 
 things, but did not say one word of the unlawfulness of the 
 expedition. He likewise openly owned his esteem of all the 
 episcopal party*, and when my father was absconding [/. 8 (a)] 
 for refusing to swear the covenant ^ he visited him often ; he 
 wished that the presbyterians would have questioned him for 
 these things or put him again to renew the covenant that 
 so he might have found a fair colour for breaking with them, 
 but they thought it more advisable to let him alone. ''At last 
 he grew so weary of mixing with them that he left his 
 charge, and retired into England ; he would never engage in 
 janglings, so he would not declare against them, but thought it 
 was better to leave them''. He likewise found that his English 
 accent, and that politeness to which he had accustomed 
 himself, made him less capable of doing good among the 
 commons ; and so he thought he could not hold a living 
 with a good conscience, where he was as a stranger and 
 almost a barbarian to the greater part. " Soon after that the 
 mastership of the college of Edinburgh fell vacant, and that 
 being in the town's gift the offer of it was made him. It was 
 an employment separated from all ecclesiastical matters, so 
 he accepted of it " ; but though the heads of the college were 
 generally considered as members of the presbytery, yet he 
 never went to their meetings, and continued to live in great 
 reservedness with all people. The English judges and 
 officers then in Scotland courted him much, and endeavoured 
 
 ° Cf. Hist. i. 136. li Ibid, infra. " Ibid, infra. 
 
 ^ His reasons for doing this will be found in Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 23, flf. 124-5. 
 
i66i] Harl. MSS. 6584, J. T (bya (b) 13 
 
 often to hear him preach ; upon that he gave over all preach- 
 ing in the pulpits of Edinburgh (for which "the lowness of 
 his voice furnished him with a very good excuse), but ''he 
 preached often within the college, and did it for the most 
 part once a week ; but finding crowds break in upon them 
 from the 1;own '', he ordered that the gates should be shut when 
 he preached ; yet the judges were too great to be shut out, 
 so once when he came into the pulpit, and saw them there, 
 •^ instead of preaching in English he did it in Latin ", and so was 
 delivered from their company. * He went often into England 
 in vacation time, and once or twice over into Flanders ; 
 he grew a little acquainted with all the great preachers about 
 London and the high-flown men about Cromwell's court ; 
 but he often told me, he could never be taken with anything 
 he observed among them, and that all he heard from them 
 was dry unsavoury bombast stuff. He was much taken with 
 some religious men he saw in FlandSrs ; some of them were 
 Jansenius's followers, and he thought they were men of 
 extraordinary tempers ; he did not stick to declare himself 
 freely against the humour of magnifying and widening con- 
 troversies * of all hands, not excepting those with the papists, 
 and did often preach up a greater largeness of charity \ [/. 8 (5)] 
 ^ Thus he had lived above twenty years in Scotland, and was 
 the most admired man that was in that kingdom. He had 
 a brother, sir Elisha Leighton, very like him in face and wit, 
 but the most unlike him in better things that could be, for 
 though he will talk of the highest notions of religion, and 
 heat himself with them as if he were in a rapture, yet he is 
 a very bad man in all respects =. He has a vast deal of wit, 
 but by his rambling way of discourse he will sometimes run 
 out into great impertinences, pursuing wit when he cannot 
 
 • Cf. Hist. i. 135. " Ibid. 136. ° Ibid. ^ Ibid. 137. ° Ibid. 136. 
 
 > Burnet, in his published History Leighton met for the last time, a few 
 
 (see i. 137), has somewhat extenuated months after this passage was wntten, 
 
 Leighton's complacency towards the Burnet had found his old friend much 
 
 Church of Rome as suggested above more strongly impressed with the 
 
 and on f. 8. It must however be errors of Popery. See Htst. 1. 138-9, 
 
 remembered, that when Burnet and 589. 
 
14 Burnet's Original Memoirs [i66r 
 
 hit on it ; he is an eternal talker, and will often say as lively 
 things as ever I heard ; I will set down at present, for a taste, 
 one of the best of his sayings that occurs to me. "He is 
 a papist — that is to say he goes to mass — (having declared 
 himself one when he thought it was his interest to do so), 
 *but he believes nothing of popery. " So one askecj him once 
 if he believed transubstantiation ; he answered, he did not 
 know whether he himself believed it or not, but he was sure 
 the king believed it ; and when the king asked him how he 
 came to think that, he said, ' Sir, you believe Christ is present 
 in an unconceivable manner ' ; to which the king assenting, 
 he said, ' Then you must believe transubstantiation, for that 
 is the most unconceivable manner that ever was yet hit on.' 
 He was a man of a facetious conversation, ^ and was much with 
 the earl of Bristol and the lord Aubigny, and knew the 
 secret of the duke's being a papist, for he was his secretary ; 
 ®but his great design Vas to raise himself °; for he had no 
 spite nor ill-nature in him, and thought of nothing but plenty 
 and pleasure, and would have stuck at nothing that could 
 have procured him these. ' He, seeing that his brother was 
 not only episcopal, but had tender and favourable thoughts 
 of many things in the church of Rome, resolved that he 
 would get him to be made a bishop, and fancied he would 
 soon be the eminentest man in Scotland, and this would help 
 to support him at court. So he pressed my lord Aubigny 
 and all the popish party to put the king on making him 
 a bishop. His brother was truly the most averse from it that 
 could be ', for he hated both pomp and business, and was often 
 running away from London, having come thither from The 
 Bath in his way to Scotland. 
 
 Sir Elisha at first thought this was only a shyness of his 
 brother's, but when he saw how positive he was in it, he was 
 almost mad at it, and got it to be so much pressed on him 
 by all hands that he at last yielded to it. ^The English 
 clergy found him more learned and [/. 9 («)] more thoroughly 
 
 ' Cf. Hist. i. 136. t Ibid. 137. <> Ibid. 138. « Ibii. 136. 
 
 e Ibid. 137. ' Ibid. e iJ^id. 138, 
 
i66i] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 8 {b)-^ (b) 15 
 
 theirs in the business of the common prayer than any other 
 of the Scotch clergy, and though they did not much Hke his 
 strictness, yet they thought that such a man as he was might 
 give a credit to episcopacy at its first entry into Scotland. 
 Lauderdale was not much concerned, only he saw he did not 
 love Sharp whom he hated, and so he hoped he would balance 
 him. "Leighton, seeing what the state of the bishoprics of 
 Scotland were, found that Dumblane was a very small diocese 
 consisting of about 24 parishes, that the revenue of it was 
 very low (not ;^2oo a year), and the deanery of the king's 
 chapel was united to it ; so he made choice of that, and 
 resolved to have set up common prayer in the chapel'*. 
 This made Middleton very desirous of engaging him to it, 
 for he could not find any of the rest that were willing to 
 undertake so hard a province. Thus he was pressed to it on 
 all hands. '' The secret of this matter was never known, and 
 is not too honourable for his memory, yet I set it down 
 frankly as I had it both from himself and his brother, but it 
 will soon appear how much they were mistaken in him that 
 pressed his advancement in hopes of his favouring popery, 
 " The truth on it is he was much charmed with his brother ", 
 and it was long before he thought he was so ill a man as he 
 afterwards to his great grief knew him to be. 
 
 [ TTie Scottish bishops consecrated^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 139-40 {to ' new modelling of a church '). 
 
 for ' Sharp was very uneasy at this' read 'Sharp seemed to resent this very 
 much and spoke big, as if he would never submit to it.' 
 Om. ' who thought it went too far , . . fierceness.' 
 
 For 'The English bishops did also say' read' To this it was answered.' 
 [/ 9 (*)] Om. ' thrown off that order . . . greater matters.' 
 Om. ' He did not think orders . . . being of a church. But.' 
 
 \LeightorCs schemes?^ 
 
 ^ After that he had some private discourses with Sharp, 
 
 about the method in which they intended to proceed; but 
 
 he was surprised to find that he had laid down no scheme at 
 
 all, but only this, that they should be established by next 
 
 * Cf Hist. i. 138. * Ibid, infra. ' Ibid. 137. •* Ibid. 140. 
 
i6 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1661 
 
 sessions of parliament, and so be lodged in their bishoprics, 
 and then every man must do the best he could. "As for 
 Fairfoul he could never endure to talk with him, for he had 
 always some merry tale ready, and this was all he could ever 
 get of him. So he found the two things that he designed 
 were never like to take effect ; '' the one was to set a higher 
 spirit of religion and devotion on foot ^ both among the clergy 
 and laity, and to look well to the universities, particularly to 
 the professions of divinity, that so those who were trained up 
 for holy orders might be well formed and prepared, whereby 
 the nation might see they were like to be the better for that 
 order ; "= the other was that some reasonable terms might be 
 offered to such of the presbyterians, who could not be induced 
 to submit to that order, '^that so they might not be turned 
 out but suffered to die out, and so in little more than twenty 
 years most of them would be gone off the stage, and they 
 dropping thus one after another, if care was taken to have 
 worthy men ready to put in their rooms, he thought the 
 change would be more insensible to the nation, whereas if 
 they went more violently to work it would raise a great 
 fermentation, which perhaps would never be quite laid to 
 sleep. But all that he proposed signified nothing. 
 
 [Leigkton loses heart.l 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 141 (' By these means ' to end of paragraph). 
 
 After ' that affair ' add ' and in all that has been done since.' 
 
 For ' and that they were not . . . church' read ' in the way in which [/ lo (a)] 
 they set it up.' 
 
 For 'He who . . . hand in if read 'The churchman that managed the 
 design (Sharp) ' ; am. 'and the rest. . . selfish.' 
 
 [Tke meetings of the firesbyteries forbidden^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 1 41-2. 
 
 For ' were of a piece with this melancholy beginning ' read ' helped to fix this 
 melancholy prospect in his mind.' 
 
 For ' openly ' read ' more openly ' and om. ' and to prepare . . . against them ' ; 
 and for 'Some were ' talking ' read ' a.ni [Sharp] fear[ed] lest in presbyteries 
 they might have entered.* * 
 
 For ' since the king . . . episcopacy ' read ' a letter might be sent from the 
 king to the council ordering.' 
 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 141. •> Ibid. 140. ' Ibid, supra. i Cf. with this, 
 
 ibid. 273-6. 
 
1661-2] Had. MSS. 6584, f. 9 {b)-ii (a) 17 
 
 For ' the ministers ' mad ' some of them (i.e. the presbyterians). ' 
 
 for 'once' «arf' secretly.' 
 
 For ' without any advice ' read ' without so much as communicating it with 
 the other bishops.' 
 
 Before ' when king James' insert ' if, as ' ; and for ' some of them protested 
 ... no remedy ' read ' they would have sat still, pretending that their sitting 
 there with a bishop was but like a submission granted in civil things to an 
 usurper.' 
 
 Om. ' by a sort of connivance . . . legal authority.' 
 
 Om. from ' which was too great a turn ' io end of paragraph. 
 
 1662. Episcopacy settled in Scotland. 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 14a ('The bishops came down' to p. 143, 'end of paragraph). 
 
 For ' soon after their consecration ' read ' in March.' 
 
 For ' a few days before them ' read ' privately, only with his man. ' 
 
 [/. 10 (fi)] For ' and was not easy . . . forced it on him ' read ' nor would he 
 ever go before men of quality.' 
 
 After ' function ' add ' and I was full of many sad thoughts upon it. ' 
 
 After ' arrival' add ' Middleton came down and.' 
 
 Before ' Sharp hoped ' insert ' Lauderdale told me that. ' 
 
 Om, 'but he would enter . . . one Wishart,' and read 'Afterwards one 
 Wishart, a weak and insignificant but candid and good-natured old man, was 
 preferred to it.' 
 
 For ' that it seemed but justice ' read ' so Middleton thought it was but 
 justice ' (cf. Mr. Airy^s edition'). 
 
 [They were brought into parliament^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 143 ('The session of parliament ' to p. 144, end of paragraph). 
 
 Om. ' by the earl of Middleton ' and ' the king ... so much.' 
 
 For ' something before them . . '. or to the church ' read ' some extraordinary 
 occasions.' 
 
 Om. the siutile of the harpies. 
 
 Om. ' This was plainly . . . negative voice upon them ' (M« sentence inserted 
 is merely repetition). 
 
 For ' Nor did it escape censure ' read ' Others made a more pleasant but 
 malicious observation.' 
 
 Om.from end of sentence to ' imposing upon conscience.' 
 
 [/ II (a)] For' had never carried ... by this act' «arf' thought the clergy 
 ought to have their share in the exercise of all ecclesiastical authority, and 
 that therefore it ought not to have been vested singly in the bishop.' 
 
 For ' and submitting ' read ' the government as it was established by law, since 
 that was an. approving of the bishops having the sole power of jurisdiction.' 
 
 For ' All the bishops ... fit to assume ' read ' even when the bishops them- 
 selves intended not to pretend to anything more than a negative vote.' 
 
 [Scruples concerning the oath of allegiance.\ 
 Cf. Hist. i. 144 {Jrom 'Soon after' to 'and supremacy'). 
 Om. ' for their words . . . senses.' 
 
 FOXCROPT C 
 
i8 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1662 
 
 [Conduct of the earl of Cassillis^.] 
 »In the former session of parliament the acknowledging 
 the king's supremacy in ecclesiastical matters was added to 
 the oath of allegiance, and not kept a distinct oath by itself 
 as it is in England ; upon which the earl of Cassillis, when it 
 was tendered to him, desired to have leave to offer an explana- 
 tion of it, which should be no other than that which was 
 established by law in England. Middleton was willing to 
 let him say what he pleased, but would not suffer him to put 
 it in writing. He said he could not swear it except he were 
 suffered to make the one as lasting and as public as the other 
 was, so he rose and left the parliament, and went and resigned 
 his places to the king, *" but gave [him ?] positive assurances 
 of his constant fidelity, and so got under his hand an order that 
 no oaths should be put to him ; and he, perceiving the change 
 that was like to be made in the church, got likewise licence to 
 keep what chaplain he [/. 1 1 (3)] pleased for himself and his 
 own family. 
 
 [T/te act explanatory rejected.^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 145-6 ('The ministers to whom . . . denied allegiance to the 
 king,' omitting end of paragraph). 
 
 Om. 'This was the first time that.' 
 
 Om. ' He said the land . . . taken. ' 
 
 For ' and he thought . . . offenders for a word ' read ' he thought that this 
 nation, as they took the expressions from England, so ought to shew rather 
 more tenderness on this occasion than had been shewed to papists in England.' 
 
 Om. ' it ill became ... all his party ' ; and for ' for they designed ' read ' for 
 he designed.' 
 
 Om. ' So the ministers' . . . sense upon it. ' 
 
 After ' king ' add ' though they declared they were ready to swear that part 
 of it which concerned their allegiance." 
 
 Some passages relating to the lord Balmerino's trial. 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 21-5. 
 
 Begin ' Upon this invidious mixing things of different natures together 
 I will set down a long story, which I had from the duke of Lauderdale *, who 
 
 " Cf Hist. i. 144-5. " Ibid. 227. 
 
 > Cassillis, it will be remembered, ^ In the printed History, i. 25, the 
 
 was the father of Burnet's first wife, story is said to be derived from Bur- 
 Lady Margaret Kennedy. net's father (to whom the above saying 
 
1633] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. n (a)-i2 {a) 19 
 
 assured me that there was not any one thing that had a greater influence on 
 the disposing people's minds to the late wars than it had. When the late king 
 was in Scotland in the year [i6]33 an act of parliament was brought in from 
 [the lords of] the articles,' &c. 
 
 Before ' the royal prerogative ' insert ' several branches of ; om. • as it had 
 been . . . 1606,' and ' passed in tlie year 1609,' ""d ' with their own consent." 
 
 After 'thing to king James' om. to 'drawn into one'; and read 'and was 
 now declared to be perpetually inherent in the crown, so all the puritan party 
 resolved to oppose it' 
 
 Afier ' Rothes, who ' read ' spake first when it came to his turn to give his 
 vote, and said he voted to the act in all its points, except the last, which he 
 thought belonged to the church ; and so he desired it might be divided from 
 the rest, and put in an act by itself, for otherwise it would be given out that 
 those who voted against the act were enemies to the prerogative, though it was 
 only upon the account of that single clause [/ 12 (a)] that they were against 
 it ; but the king himself answered him that it was all but one act, and he must 
 either give his consent to it or deny it as it stood ; so after some hot words had 
 passed about it, he declared that though he voted against it, it was only upon 
 the account of that addition.' 
 
 After ' Some few lords ' add ' of that party. ' 
 
 I-br ' Almost . . . negative ' read ' So then all the puritans voted against it ; 
 they were inferior in number till it came to the gentry and burgesses, but it 
 was carried in the negative.' 
 
 After ' Rothes ' add ' who had also taken notes' ; and after .' negative ' add 
 ' and desired a second scrutiny. ' 
 
 After ' venture on that ' add ' for if upon a second calling of the roll any 
 had retracted their votes, and given them otherwise than they had done before, 
 then he was gone.' 
 
 After ' was published ' read ' and it was given out that all the puritans had 
 voted against the prerogative ' ; and om. ' The king . . . opposition.' 
 
 After ' the lords ' add ' and other heads of the puritan party.' 
 
 for 'if the clerk of register might declare' read 'if it was in the clerk of 
 register's power to make an act of parliament by declaring' ; and om. 'and 
 that no scrutiny was allowed.' 
 
 For ' a zealous . . . party ' read ' a great puritan.' 
 
 for ' setting forth . . . redress ' read ' representing to the king all the hard 
 and illegal things that he had been put on \_sic'] against them, and all the patience 
 and duty with which they had borne them ; and concluded with a prayer that he 
 would rightly consider what their laws were, and not suffer himself to be 
 wrought on by the ill advices of wicked men.' 
 
 is ascribed) in consequence of his in- in the textual notes to Mr. Airy's 
 timacy with the father of Duke Lauder- edition respectively, that Burnet re- 
 dale ; Dr. Burnet having at the time vised the whole on obtaining, after the 
 when he rewrote his History no desire second version had been written, the 
 to lay stress on his own intercourse copy of the original record {Hist. i. 
 with the duke. It is also clear, from 26). The great difference in detail 
 a comparison of the narrative as it between the three versions and the 
 appears in Harl. MSS. 6584, in the greater vividness of the present nar- 
 ordinary text of Burnet's History, and rative render it of interest, 
 
 C a 
 
20 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1634 
 
 For from ' he shewed this ' to ' from whom he had it ' (p. 23) '"f"'' 
 only 'he put it in the lord Balraerino's hands, who gave it to the earl of 
 Rothes, [/. 12 (A)] and he shewed it to the king, but after the king had read 
 a few lines in it he flung it away. The party were resolved not to let it go so, 
 and intended to get many hands to it, and so to send it after the king ; yet the 
 thing cooled, and perhaps would have gone no further ; but the next winter, 
 Balmerino being in his own house, a neighbour of his,' &c., as in Mr. Airy's 
 edition, i. 34, note b, with these variations : for ' kindly received by him ' 
 read ' entertained without any witness of him ' ; om. ' not suspecting . . . 
 neighbour ' ; for ' The Petition . . . Act ' read ' A petition to the king' ; for ' and 
 the other . . . fair ' read ' and made haste to be gone.' 
 
 After ' St. Andrews ' add ' who hated Balmerino ' ; and om. ' who . . . 
 alarmed at it, and ' ; also ' beginning . . . within this act.' 
 
 Om. ' so it was thought . . . parliament.' 
 
 After ' In Scotland ' add ' a peer is tried as a commoner ; only.' 
 
 Om. 'At this time . . . the lord Balmerino's trial.' 
 
 Om. ' The court was created . . . poor.' 
 
 After ' jury' add ' there lie challenges in that kingdom against all, peers as 
 well as commoners, but the prisoner must give the reason of every challenge, 
 and must prove it instantly ; so a list was made of such peers as they thought 
 would be very pliant, but because he might give reasons for his challenging 
 some, the old earl of Lauderdale was a peer that they had in reserve to be one 
 of the jury, since ' ; and om. ' in which so great ... of that title ' ; and after 
 ' yet' add ' after he had challenged some and got them cast.' 
 
 After ' exceptione major ' add ' As for the seven gentlemen, they were so 
 chosen that he had nothing in particular to object to them.' 
 
 Om. '.It was long considered . . . counsel.' 
 
 For ' So it was settled . . . insist only on this ' read ' In his indictment it 
 was set out.' 
 
 For ' The court . , . was clear ' read ' And the lord Balmerino was 
 either the contriver, or assistant in the contrivance, or was the divulger, or was ' 
 the concealer of it, and which of these soever were true he was guilty of 
 death ; but [Haig's confession considered] there was no proof of the first 
 of the branches of the crime ; upon which the king's advocate fixed on 
 the last.' 
 
 After ' discover him ' add ' since he ought to have brought it to some privy 
 councillor or magistrate ' ; and for ' He pleaded . . . court gave it in their 
 favour ' read only ' He answered he had delivered it to Rothes, who was by 
 inheritance sheriff of that county, and that he had shewed it to the king ; but 
 this was not admitted, because it ought to have been brought to some legal 
 magistrate. There was also great arguing upon the substance of the paper to 
 prove that it did not fall within those statutes ; but all [/ 13 (a)] that was 
 overruled by the court.' 
 
 For ' forty-three years before ' read ' in his youth ' ; for ' in the murder . , . 
 Murray ' read ' the marquis of Huntly in the turning of Dunnibrissel, where 
 the earl of Murray was killed.' 
 
 For ' in being ' read ' that so mean a man should be/ 
 
 For 'and they would feel . . . lived' read ' and therefore he must tell them 
 what the horror was that followed innocent blood.' 
 
1662] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 12 {a)~i^ {a) 21 
 
 Before 'blood' add 'innocent.' 
 
 For ' but it cost ... day and night ' read ' yet the terror of that pursued him 
 continually.' 
 
 After ' Traquair ' add ' who was then treasurer and was one of the jury, 
 though it was known that he had undertaken to get Balmerino condemned.' 
 
 After ' argument ' read ' vehemently ; [though !] the proof was one single 
 testimony of a base man that had found it on his table, and that the paper looked 
 like his hand ' ; and om. ' and said . . . paper or not.' 
 
 After ' argument against him ' add ' and though he had then a business of 
 great consequence lying before the king, yet he resolved rather to put all to 
 hazard than be wanting to his duty ' ; and om. ' and urged . . . Upon those 
 heads.' 
 
 [f. 13 (6)] Om. ' some undertaking . . . houses. 
 
 After ' pardon' add 'after a while's imprisonment'; om. 'with which . . . 
 ingratitude ' ; and for ' but he thought . . . account ' read ' but he never 
 considered the king's pardon as either mercy or kindness to him, but as done 
 to preserve his own party ; for there were no guards then in Scotland, and the 
 nobility was still powerful.' 
 
 For ' My father . . . curious matter' read 'This is the true account of that 
 matter as I had it, and I hope this is neither an. impertinent nor unpleasant 
 digression.' 
 
 TAe acl of indemnity^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 146 ('The main business' to p. 147, end of paragraph^). 
 
 Begin ' But I now return to the parliament of Scotland. All that now remained 
 was to pass,' &c. 
 
 For ' or to other punishments . . . life ' read ' and so to clog the indemnity 
 with it. Lauderdale understood the meaning of this well enough, that,' &c. 
 
 For ' This matter was debated . . . argued against it. They ' read ' so he 
 opposed it much in council, and one day, he being sick, the debate lay upon 
 Crawford. It was.' 
 
 For ' that had . . . suffered much for it ' read ' [that] had been beforehand with 
 England in redeeming all past offences ; they had sent an army in [i6]48, for the 
 delivering the late king ; they had called home the present king, and had lost two 
 armies for him at Dunbar and Worcester, and had been enslaved ten years ; 
 they had all as one joined with Monk in hopes that he would declare for 
 the king.' 
 
 Om. ' since made lord Tarbot' 
 
 For 'vivacity of parts' read 'quickness of apprehension and of extra- 
 ordinary parts.' 
 
 For ' who has had the art . . . fifty years ' read ' and set on raising himself by 
 all [/ 14 (a)] means possible. He has talked often to me as if.' 
 
 For ' but they are only ... at all times ' read ' but whenever they are put to 
 any trial it appears that interest is above all things with him. He was con- 
 sidered by Middleton as the most extraordinary man of Scotland, and.' 
 
 After ' cautious ' add 'and not being able to drink hard he could not preserve 
 his interest ' ; om. remainder of paragraph and first sentence of next. 
 
22 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1662 
 
 // was desired that some might be incapacitated. 
 
 Mackenzie " proposed to Middleton to send up another 
 draft of an act of indemnity, in which, besides the fining of 
 many, a clause was put of incapacitating twelve from public 
 trust ; '' so two drafts were made ; the one, according 
 to the king's instructions, containing exceptions only of 
 persons to be fined ; the other had the additional clause for 
 incapacitating. They were both carried up by Mackenzie, 
 and laid before the king as the drafts agreed to by the 
 parliament ; and when Lauderdale objected the difference 
 between them, Mackenzie said the parliament would be satis- 
 fied with the one, which was all that Middleton had power to 
 grant, but they desired the other, to which Middleton could 
 not give way till he knew the king's pleasure in it. So 
 Lauderdale, never imagining that it was designed against 
 himself, neither objected against it nor proposed any restric- 
 tions to it ; but in general drew an instruction allowing 
 Middleton to consent to the incapacitating of twelve'' Mac- 
 kenzie told me afterwards that he was surprised to see Lau- 
 derdale pass that so carelessly and without any limitations ; 
 and said to the English chancellor (then present) that he 
 wondered to see him consent to so large an instruction who 
 had so much provoked the parliament of Scotland. But in 
 this Middleton and Mackenzie committed a strange error; 
 for there had been no such desire made by the parliament, 
 which yet was so entirely in their hands that they could have 
 procured it for a word. " Middleton afterwards pretended that 
 many members of parliament had made that desire to him in 
 private", and yet when that came to be examined he could 
 find but twelve that would own it. ^ Mackenzie was at that 
 time much considered at court, for Lauderdale was much 
 ^hated, and everybody looked on him as one that was come 
 to accuse him, and indeed Lauderdale's interest then was so 
 
 » Cf. Hist. i. 147. l> Ibid. 148. ' Ibid, supra. <^ Ibid, infra. 
 
1692] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 14 (a)-i5 («) 23 
 
 low, and he had so few friends, that nothing but the method 
 Middleton took afterwards to ruin him could have preserved 
 him. 
 
 Om. from ' So lord Tarbot ' to ' reputation.' 
 
 \Condemnation of lord Lorn.l 
 
 Hist. i. 148-9 {to ' though he had no instruction for it '). 
 
 For ' One instance of unusual severity was . . . parliament, and complained of 
 as ' read ' While Middleton was gone from the court, Lorn thought it was now 
 a fit time to reckon his own pretensions, so he took care to find out by what 
 means he could get chancellor Hyde to be his friend, or at least not to be his 
 enemy. The earl of Berkshire, who was poor and made great court to the 
 chancellor, [/ 14 (A)] undertook to soften him ; for which he was to have 
 a thousand pound. Upon this Lorn, being pressed by some of his friends in 
 Scotland to let them know the state of his affairs, writ a very indiscreet 
 letter, full of reflections on his enemies, and said he had already convinced the 
 king of many of their lies, and hoped to. do it more efifectually now that he 
 had gained him upon whom the chief of them depended. This letter was 
 intercepted and complained of in parliament as,' &c. 
 
 Om. 'since ... to the king.' 
 
 After 'tried upon it' read 'and sent up the copy of his letter to court. 
 When Mackenzie brought it to the king.' 
 
 After ' parole' add ' (and, as I remember, Lauderdale was bound for him).' 
 
 For ' the execution . . . against him ' read ' execution, as he would be answer- 
 able for it.' 
 
 For ' upon his appearance . . . prisoner ' read ' came to Edinburgh, some 
 days vrithin the time assigned him, and entered [? rendered] himself a 
 prisoner.' 
 
 .4/?«»' ' leasing-making ■ arfrf ' and his letters (I think that were intercepted) 
 were brought for evidence.' 
 
 After ' speech ' add ' which he showed me.' 
 
 After 'provocation' add 'and much affliction.' 
 
 Before ' printed ' add ' writ and some.' 
 
 Om. ' some of these . . . the king's own hands. ' 
 
 Ont. ' passed on him . . . tragical conclusion ' .' 
 
 For ' in this age ' read ' that ever was.' Om. 'or rather of the mockery ' ; and 
 after 'justice ' add ' I never spoke with any of those that judged him, but 
 such as abhorred it.' For 'All that was said . . . proceeding' read 'That with 
 which they covered themselves. ' 
 
 [f. 15 («)] After ' news ' add ' if the particulars in it proved not to be true. 
 Lauderdale took advantages against Middleton for suffering the day of execution 
 to be left to him ; whereas it ought to have been left to the king. Yet in this 
 
 ' Argyll, be it remembered, at the date when Burnet first wrote was alive, 
 though an exile. 
 
24 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1662 
 
 he aggravated the matter too much, for the leaving it to him, as the king's 
 commissioner, was upon this matter the leaving it to the king.' 
 
 After ' attainted ' for 'hy parliament . . . unhe{ird-of ' read ' this gave Lauder- 
 dale another advantage against Middleton, since it was the laying ' ; and om. 
 ' This the earl . . . extend to life.' 
 
 {Further proceedings concerning the indemnity^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 149 {from 'A committee ' to end of -p. 150, 'in this form'). 
 
 For ' A committee . . . fines ' read ' The act of indemnity came in the last 
 place to be finished, in which there was an exception put both for the persons 
 that were to be fined, and for those that were to be incapacitated, which was 
 to pass in two different acts. For the former.' 
 
 For ' had been abroad ' read ' were men of known loyalty.' 
 
 Om. ' for the meaning . . . paid the fine,' and ' which [or that] was . . . hurry.' 
 
 For ' carried further . . . designed it ' read ' tenderer ' ; and then insert (cf. p. 
 148) ' The duke of Richmond and the earl of Newburgh came down during that 
 session, and never was there seen a time of more extravagant madness and 
 drinking ; every night produced some new disorder or other ; but the turn 
 that was to be served by them was the possessing of all people with an opinion 
 that the king was weary,' &=c., as on p. 150. 
 
 For ' falling upon a minister ' read ' tearing a minister from him without a 
 trial or any sort of form.' 
 
 After ' expedients ' add ' and indeed his strength lies in the finding out 
 dexterous methods.' 
 
 For ' by ballot' read 'in a billet.' 
 
 [/ 15 (6)] After ' in a paper ; and that ' add ' all those being gathered in a box ' ; 
 and for ' three ' read ' two ' ' ; and for ' and that they, without making . . . 
 indemnity ' read only ' and to draw out of them the names of those upon whom 
 most votes should fall.' 
 
 After ' any one had voted ' add ' I was told some of the billets were not 
 unpleasant ; no man was required to sign his billet, nor to show it ; so some 
 put in white paper, others disguising their hands excepted twelve of the 
 bishops, others were for incapacitating Middleton and twelve of his chief 
 friends. ' 
 
 Om. ' By this means . . . list, that so ' ; also ' might be three . . . majority 
 they.' 
 
 For ' The earl of Middleton . . . form ' read ' and with [the above proviso] 
 Middleton thought he would be in no danger by giving the royal assent to it, and it 
 was done, and upon that the parliament was adjourned for some months.' Then 
 add (cf. Hist. i. 146, paragraph on the subject) 'Another act passed for a test or 
 declaration (to be signed by all that were in any public trust) for renouncing both 
 the national covenant and the league and covenant, and the doctrine^ of the 
 lawfulness of resistance. This was particularly levelled against Crawford for 
 the turning him out of the treasury, in case the act for incapacitating should 
 miscarry.' 
 
 ' ' Two ' is the reading also of Mr. Airy's edition. 
 ' See infra, p. 32, note 2. 
 
1662] Harl MSS. 6584, J. 15 {a)-i6 (b) 25 
 
 The king- was displeased with the incapacitating act. 
 
 Cf. Hist, i.from beginning of ^. 151 /o p. 152 ('of all [that] he had done'). 
 
 For ' for they reckoned ... or his party. So they * read only ' so that Lau- 
 derdale's friends could not give him notice of it so early as was to be wished. 
 And Middleton." 
 
 For 'sent one . . . Durh&m' read only 'got one to provide himself of a very 
 good horse, that held out with him till he got into Yorkshire, and then he took 
 post' ; andom. ' three days.' 
 
 After ' court ' add ' to give the king an account of the business and to put the 
 act of incapacity in his hands. If. 16 («)] They carried up likewise a letter 
 signed by ten of the bishops ' {see p. 151, infra ; only for ' and his care of them 
 all ' read ' both in what he had already done, and in what he was then going 
 about to do' ; and after 'minister' add 'for Middleton saw the step he made 
 was so bold that it must either ruin Lauderdale, or turn upon himself and be 
 his own ruin ' ; tken return supra to where the narrative broke off at ' got to 
 court '). 
 
 For ' He carried it presently to the king, who ' read ' As soon as Lauderdale 
 got the news he was surprised, and the king having gone that day to dine at a 
 house of the earl of St. Albans some miles from London, he took sir Robert 
 Moray with him and went to find him out, and taking him aside after dinner, 
 he gave him an account of what had passed in Scotland. The king at first.' 
 
 After ' Middleton ' add ' for Lauderdale, reckoning himself safe, saw this was 
 the best opportunity he could ever expect of ruining his enemy, and in that he 
 was never cold nor slack.' 
 
 For 'From him, by his orders, he' read 'In conclusion the king ordered 
 him to give an account of it to the chancellor, and to bring him his sense of it ; 
 so Lauderdale returned in a much easier temper than he was in when he went 
 out Chancellor Hyde was then out of town, and came not in for two days. As 
 soon as he came Lauderdale.' 
 
 For ' was amazed . . . and said ' read ' at first said it was not possible ; then 
 he said pleasantly.' 
 
 For ' he was sure ' read ' he hoped ' ; and for ' otherwise no man could serve 
 him ' read ' and all his ministers must agree in it ' ; and after ' suffer him ' add 
 [/ 16 (6)] ' So far had Lauderdale engaged Hyde. That very night the duke 
 of Richmond and Mackenzie came to London. As soon as Hyde saw them 
 he asked them if they were mad, and plainly told them that they had changed 
 the scene now, and that instead of attacking Lauderdale they must now betake 
 themselves to a defensive ; for all that could now be done was to set out 
 Middleton's zeal and services so advantageously as to obtain a pardon for this 
 last error ; but they had now established Lauderdale ; so with this melancholy 
 prospect of ill success they came to wait on the king. He received them,' 
 &c., as in concluding sentences ofy. 151, whence continue. 
 
 After ' incapacity ' add ' sealed ' ; and after ' he ' add ' laid it down, and.' 
 
 Om. ' both,' also ' safety and his,' and ' the incapacity act . . . judgement ' ; and 
 read after ' honour' 'The king's way is not to speak much upon such occasions ; 
 [so because],' and om. ' and, without . . . dismissed them ' ; and for ' they hoped ' 
 read 'Mackenzie thought'; and after 'mollified him' add 'but he quickly 
 found that he was mistaken.' 
 
26 • Burnet's Original Memoirs [1662 
 
 Otn. ' the earl of Middleton and.' 
 
 For ' even the Athenians were ashamed of it ' read ' and it appeared what 
 a way of proceeding it was ' ; and om. ' and they . . . after.' 
 For ' studied ' read ' took another way.' 
 Before ' The change ' read ' He laid before the king [that].' 
 
 [Primrose advises Middleton.'] 
 [/. 17 («)] Primrose told me that he advised Middleton to go 
 up immediately and to attack Lauderdale with courage and 
 force, and he drew up for him an accusation, of which he told 
 me the heads. The preamble was reflecting on his family, par- 
 ticularly his unclcj secretary Maitland ; who was not only 
 attainted, but the very name Maitland was condemned in an 
 unprinted act of parliament that passed during the minority 
 of king James. Then followed an enumeration of all the 
 violences he had been guilty of during the rebellion^, with 
 this conclusion, that his turning to the king was not an effect 
 of loyalty, but of resentment for an affront put on him by 
 some independents in the army. From that it went to shew 
 his enmity to all the king's friends, and his protecting his 
 enemies ever since his restoration. But when Mackenzie 
 came down they were forced to lay all these thoughts aside ; 
 and Middleton was advised to stay in Scotland as long as he 
 could ; and though Lauderdale got " the king to write to 
 him to come up, and give an account of affairs there, yet he 
 found new excuses still for delaying his journey ; and it was 
 hoped that a little time would serve to weather this storm *. 
 So he continued in Scotland some months ; but at last he 
 went up about Christmas. 
 
 A general character of the presbyterian ministers and an 
 account of their ruin in Scotland^. 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 152 {from ' One act ' to near end of ^. 155, 'and in good repair'). 
 
 Begin ' I am next to tell what all this service was for the church in which 
 he was now so much employed ; for opening which I must let the reader know 
 that the presbyterians were great enemies to all lay patronages, but the 
 
 « Cf. Hist. i. 152. 
 
 * See Lauderdale Papers, i. 125, " The marginal heading in the History 
 
 127; also Hisl., Mr. Airy's edition, runs: 'The presbyterian ministers 
 i. 359, note 2. silenced.' 
 
1662] HarL MSS. 6584, ff. 16 (5)-i8 {b) 27 
 
 nobility and gentry were so much concerned in them that, till the parliament 
 
 in the year [i6]49 came, they could not obtain their desire of having them 
 
 put down, and then was the election of ministers put,' Qfc. 
 
 Om. ' only it . . . past,' and 'who was obliged . . . demanded.' 
 
 For ' One clause . . . declared ' read ' In this last sessions of Parliament an act 
 
 passed declaring.' 
 
 [/ 17 (*)] Om. ' This took ... hot men : so,' and ' had many ... in which 
 they.' 
 
 Om. 'whereas . . . part were' ; and om. 'main body of the.' 
 
 For ' and to look on, and ' read ' and all men were in expectation to.' 
 
 For ' and that was heightened . . . law' read ' and it was the great argument 
 now used for his preservation at court, that he was carrying on the service of 
 the church with such zeal (for that is always the name that every party 
 bestows on the violence of those that support it) ; this it is likely sharpened 
 him more at that time.' 
 
 Om. ' and all about him,' and put rest of sentence in singular. 
 
 For 'the heads of the presbyterians ' read 'Douglas, and the other heads 
 of the party at Edinburgh.' 
 
 Om. ' if there were such . . . service in it.' 
 
 Om. ' all the wiser of.' 
 
 For 'was, that the bishops . . . room' read 'as the more dangerous method, 
 was that some few eminent men would be silenced, and that the state would 
 go on by degrees still singhng out a few.' 
 
 Retain the reading ' insensihle,' and add '[and] which would have been the 
 surer way,' omitting rest of sentence, 
 
 Om. ' and do their duty . . . connived at.' 
 
 For ' and according . . . received ' read ' and the nobility and gentry that were 
 well affected to them gathered such companies as they could bring together 
 about them, to give them public receptions, of which they were generally very 
 fond.' 
 
 Om. 'before Michaelmas' ; after ' privy council' add 'at Glasgow.' 
 
 Om. ' or serving . . . immediately.' 
 
 For ' This was opposed . . . William Lockhart ' read ' Duke Hamilton and 
 sir James Lockhart, father to the famous sir William Lockhart, who was a 
 judge and a privy councillor, and had, especially in his old age, [/. i8 (a)] great 
 inclinations to that party, opposed this much.' 
 
 For ' had come . . . [i6]49 ' read ' fell within the act.' 
 
 For 'but the immediate . . . law ' read ' but the law, and the meritoriousness 
 of a zealous execution of it.' 
 
 For ' So the proclamation . . . out ' read ' So it was carried, and next day it 
 was printed.' 
 
 After ' turned out ' add ' on another act.' 
 
 Om. ' considering the consequence of it, or.' 
 
 After ' Sharp said' add ' often.' 
 
 After ' print ' add ' and said he was struck with it ; and he used always to 
 lay the load of all the disorders that followed afterwards upon that rash act ; 
 but I ever thought that was only because.' 
 
 Om. 'and all that sort of people.' 
 
 After 'honour' add ' So that I could never see why that law might not have 
 
28 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1662 
 
 been executed as well as others ; and I make no doubt, but if he had been 
 present that council day, he had not only concurred in this act, but had set it on ' ; 
 and for ' The earl . . . submission of the presbyterians ' read ' The obedience 
 given to this act put Middleton to new measures.' 
 
 Om. ' and that some . . . preserve the church.' 
 
 After ' shewed ' add ' about a month before.' 
 
 After ' executed ' add ' but that he undertook to fill the churches of London 
 better than ever' (cf. Hist. i. 193). 
 
 For ' From thence ... at nothing ' read ' So they resolved to follow that 
 pattern.' 
 
 Om. {for the moment) 'and among others . . . protection.' 
 
 For ' well endowed ' read ' of the value of ;^6o a year.' 
 
 {Personal fortunes of Bicrnet, 1662-3.] 
 
 "■At that time Glencairn sent for me, and obliged me to be 
 oft with him ; he also made me acquainted with Mackenzie " 
 (known best in Scotland by the title of lord Tarbot, for he 
 was a judge, or, as we call them, a lord of the session). He 
 was a man of fine notions, and had the beginnings of very 
 valuable parts of learning ; so I delighted much in his com- 
 pany ; but I soon grew weary of Glencairn, '^ for he was dull 
 and haughty. " They both pressed me much to have accepted 
 [/. 18 (b')\ a benefice in the west" ; but I thank God that pre- 
 served me from it, the reasons of which will appear afterwards. 
 
 Now I began to be known to great men, and have ever since 
 been much in their company, which has brought much envy 
 and censure on me from other clergymen, who fancied that I 
 used odd arts to compass it. But I can give no other account 
 of that matter but this ; I never sought the acquaintance of 
 a great man in my whole life, but have often declined it ; 
 many loved me for my father's sake ; and I had a facetiousness 
 and easiness in conversation that was entertaining ; I had 
 read a variety of things, and could dress them in easy words, 
 so that many liked my company. I never imposed it on any ; 
 but I do not deny that I had great vanity in finding my com- 
 pany so much desired ; I talked much, and was in many things 
 very foolish and very faulty ; yet I began early to set myself 
 to serve all people that were low or in affliction. I waited often 
 
 » Cf. Hist. i. 155. b See ibid. 58. <: Ibid. 155. 
 
1662-3] Harl. MSS. 6584, J. 18 (a)-i8 (b) 29 
 
 on Lorn ^ this winter [1662-3] in the castle of Edinburgh, 
 and conversed much both with him and Swinton '^ ; that which 
 carried me into Lorn's acquaintance was a friendship into 
 which the countess of Balcarres received me, who was then 
 a widow 3 ; both her lord and she had a great value for my 
 father ; and she, having heard no ill things of me, sent for me, 
 and we grew soon acquainted. I found her a woman of 
 great piety and worth * ; she was not bigoted to presbytery, 
 though she liked it better than episcopacy ; she has a fine 
 understanding, a pleasant temper, and having lived almost ten 
 year in the court ', she could talk of many things that were 
 quite new to me. In short, though I have found since that 
 she was mistaken in many things, yet the great conversation 
 I had with her this winter was a very good preparation for my 
 journey to London next year. From an acquaintance we en- 
 tered into a very great friendship (if this is not too proud and 
 too levelling a word) ; and it continues to this day very great, 
 though she has thought fit sometimes to let it fall ; yet when- 
 ever we meet it is the same it was.; and it would be greater 
 now than ever it was, both because she is now in affliction ", 
 and in her last troubles by the attainder of the earl of Argyll 
 
 ' Lord Lorn (condemned to death Robert Moray (who had married her 
 
 Aug. 26, 1662) was not released from husband's sister), as well as with 
 
 prison till June 4, 1663. In October, Baxter, Cowley, &c. How well she 
 
 1663, he was restored to the family deserved the esteem accorded to her 
 
 title as ninth Earl of Argyll. by these distinguished men is shown 
 
 " See Lauderdale Papers, i. 64 ; and in Lord Lindsay's charming Memoir of 
 
 Mr. Airy's notes to i. 194, 229 of the Lady Anna Mackenzie. See also Lau- 
 
 Hist. in his edition. derdale Papers, i. 28, Mr. Airy's note ; 
 
 ' Anna Mackenzie, daughter of Colin Hist., Mr. Airy's edition, i. 104, note. 
 Earl of Seaforth, married first Alex- * Baxter says 'her great wisdom, 
 
 ander second Lord Lindsay, afterwards modesty, piety, and sincerity made her 
 
 first Earl of Balcarres ; and secondly, accountedthesaintattheCourt'(quoted 
 
 in 1670, two years after the death of in Lord Lindsay's Memoir, pp. 52-3X 
 his first wife, that Earl of Argyll to 'From 1653, when, with her husband, 
 
 whom, as Lord Lorn, she had intro- she joined the exiled Court, to 1662, 
 
 duced Burnet. At the time we are w^hen she left London,whither she had 
 
 now considering, she had just settled returned on the Restoration pp. 32, 59 
 
 as a widow of a little over forty at ifbid."). 
 
 Balcarres ; her first husband, a mode- ' The second attainder of Argyll, 
 
 rate Presbyterian, or ' Resolutioner ' in 1681, reduced her and her children 
 
 loyalist, having died in 1659 in exile. almost to starvation ; and in Dec. 1683 
 
 She was related by birth or marriage she was questioned before the Privy 
 
 to the leading Scottish nobility of Council for corresponding with her 
 
 the day ; being very intimate with Sir husband {ibid. p. 124). 
 
30 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1662 
 
 (whose wife she is now) I interposed to serve her with much 
 zeal, though not with equal success ^- Her friendship not only 
 led me into Lorn's acquaintance, but likewise opened a way 
 for me to some very useful friendships when I went to Eng- 
 land. » But that which of all my other friendships has proved 
 the greatest blessing of my life, was begun this summer 
 with bishop Leighton". I had heard him preach and was 
 ravished with him ; it was beyond all that I had ever heard, so 
 I found a way to be admitted into his [/. 1 9 (a)] acquaintance, 
 and I can truly say it, I never was with him but ''I felt 
 within me a commentary on these words, ' Did not our hearts 
 burn within us, while he talked with us ? "^ ' He led me into 
 higher thoughts than I had formerly known, both of a more 
 total deadness to the world, and of a more entire dedication 
 of my whole life to the service of God and to the good of 
 souls ; he quite emancipated me from the servility I was yet 
 somewhat in to systems and received opinions, and spoke 
 always of religion as a thing above opinions and parties, and 
 that these things were of no great consequence. He also 
 spake much to me of humility, of abasement, of being nothing 
 in one's eyes, and of being willing to be nothing in the eyes 
 of all the world ; these discourses of his, and the sad scene 
 that the country presented by the revolutions of affairs in it, 
 filled me with many serious thoughts. I had some uneasiness 
 at home, for my mother and all our family (being highly and 
 indiscreetly presbyterian) were much troubled to see me 
 episcopal, though I did not make haste to declare myself; 
 all these things cast me into a deep melancholy. I spent 
 whole days in silence and devotion, and the nights were 
 tedious to me. I set myself to study mathematics that 
 winter, and made a considerable progress with the help of 
 George Keith ^ that is now a quaker ; he is a great mathema- 
 ' Cf. Hist. i. 138. ' Ibid. 135. 
 
 ^ Hist. i. 520-1. matical and oriental learning. De- 
 
 ' Keith, who had been a class- signed for the Presbyterian ministry, 
 
 fellow of Burnet's at Aberdeen between he became a Quaker between 1662 and 
 
 1653 and les'j, had distinguished him- 1664, but in 1700 finally seceded to 
 
 self there by his attainments in mathe- Anglicanism, and, becoming a mis- 
 
i662] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 18 (6)-i9 {b) 31 
 
 tician, and a very extraordinary man, only too fanciful and 
 enthusiastical. He was then a presbyterian, and I took him 
 off from that, but he never settled to anything till he turned 
 quaker, yet in many things he differs from them. 
 
 \The presbyterian ministers described.^ 
 
 But now I return to the public. " The presbyterian ministers 
 were now turned out ; they ^ were generally a grave and sober 
 sort of men ; ^ they had little learning among them " but that 
 of systems, commentaries ", and the Aristotelian philosophy ; 
 the reformers were the ancientest authors they read. ^ They 
 had much of the Scripture by heart ^ ; and their sermons were 
 full of quotations out of them, though they were seldom 
 critical in the application of them ; their ° way of preaching 
 was plain and intelligible, but very dull ; it went generally 
 on [?] doctrine, reason and use, only those of a more exalted 
 ■ form ran out much into subtilties, about scruples which they 
 called cases of conscience "- They prayed long and with much 
 fervour ; they preached twice on Sunday, and for most part 
 once on a week-day ; they catechised all their people at least 
 once a year before their communions, ^and they used to visit the 
 families in their parishes oft, and to pray to them, and exhort 
 them in secret. They had also frequent private meetings 
 where those that were of a higher dispensation than the rest 
 .[/■ 19 W] "^^t' sometimes without the minister and sometimes 
 with him, and used to propose their cases and discourse about 
 them, and pray concerning them ; and by these means the 
 people (especially in the west where those practices were 
 frequenter) grew to that readiness both in discoursing about 
 sacred things and in praying that it has astonished me oft to 
 
 • Cf. Hist. i. 156. »" Ibid. 157. ' Ibid. 34. ^ Ibid. 156. » Ibid. 
 
 156 and 34. ' Ibid. 156. 
 
 sionary of the S. P. G., died in 1716, but able work, A modest and free 
 
 almost his latest published work bear- Conference betwixt a Conformist and 
 
 ing upon mathematical subjects (Rev. a Nonconformist about the present 
 
 Al. Gordon in Diet. Nat. Biog. xxx. distempers of Scotland, published by 
 
 318-21 ; Hist. ii. 348-9). him anonymously in .1669 at the age 
 
 ' With this passage should be com- of twenty-six. This early estimate is 
 
 pared pp. 12-29 °f Burnet's youthful of course far less judicial in tone. 
 
32 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1662 
 
 overhear them at these exercises; not but that they had 
 many impertinences among them, yet it was a wonderful thing 
 to me, and perhaps not to be paralleled anywhere, that the 
 generality of the commons should have been able to pray 
 extempore sometimes for a whole hour together. "Besides 
 this there was great severity in punishing some sins, such as 
 whoredoms, drunkenness, swearing, and breach of sabbath ; 
 and the church session and the pillar of repentance were 
 great terrors. For fornication one was to make public pro- 
 fession of repentance for three several Lord's days *, and this 
 was executed on all without respect of persons ; the present 
 duke Hamilton submitted to it before his marriage. ''They 
 were held in great esteem with the people ; they were likewise 
 for [the] most part men either of birth themselves, or had 
 married with gentlemen's families ; and they lived very 
 decently in the country. By all these things they had so 
 great an interest both with the gentry and commonalty, " that 
 it was no wonder if the turning out so many all at once made 
 great impressions on them. •* Their faults and defects were 
 not so conspicuous ; they were generally little men that had 
 narrow souls and low notions; many of them were fawning 
 and servile, especially to the ladies that were much esteemed 
 for piety ^ ; they were affected in their behaviour, and ex- 
 tremely apt to censure all that differed from them, and to 
 believe and report everything they heard to their prejudice, 
 and were a sour and supercilious sort of people. 
 
 Their opinions concerning civil governments ''- 
 
 ®The greatest part of them had very ill principles as to 
 civil government ", of which there were two classes. The one 
 was of those that thought the people had an unalienable right 
 to them to assert their liberty and religion, in opposition 
 
 • Cf. Hist. i. 157. t Ibid. 156. = Ibid. 158. * Ibid. 157. • Ibid. 
 157-8. 
 
 ' This clause was omitted in the A note on this subject, too long to be 
 
 final revision only ; see Mr. Airy's inserted here, will be found among 
 
 edition, i. 273, note a. the Appendices to this volume. 
 
 • Burnet's views on non-resistance. 
 
1662] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 19 {b)-2.o {a) 33 
 
 both to king and parliament, and to all the laws that could 
 be made ; and ever after the rising of the western counties in 
 the year [i6]48 against the parliament and their committee all 
 the high men amongst them have been forced, in order to the 
 justifying of that, [/. 20 (a)] to assert this principle, which 
 seemed ever to me the most destructive to the peace of man- 
 kind that could be. For if such a number of people as 
 find themselves in a capacity to resist the government may 
 lawfully do it then all governments are left to an eternal 
 danger ; since it is not possible to govern so, but very many 
 will be dissatisfied ; and these will think the ends of govern- 
 ment are broken by every ill administration. And as for 
 religion (that is of a spiritual nature, in which we are to ex- 
 pect only such rewards as are in this life internal and spiritual 
 and that will be eternal hereafter), it is certain we are to cast 
 that care on Him whose providence governs all human affairs, 
 and are to think it enough if we are truly religious ourselves, 
 and diffuse it among such as are about us ; but there being 
 such a vast difference of opinion concerning religion it is 
 certainly inconsistent with the peace of mankind (the pre- 
 serving which must be a great part of religion) that men 
 should raise commotions on that account. And this is yet 
 much clearer in the Christian religion ; in which, as we have 
 the declaration of our Saviour that his kingdom was not of 
 this world (for otherwise his servants would have fought for 
 him), and his practice likewise in reproving St. Peter when 
 he drew his sword in his defence, so it is also plain (both from 
 St. Paul's Epistle to the Romans and St. Peter's first Epistle) 
 that the. Apostles condemned all resistance ; for indeed words 
 can scarce be found out that are more express and plain than 
 theirs are upon the subject. The nature of the Christian 
 religion proves this yet more fully than any particular text 
 can do ; it is a doctrine of faith, patience, humility, self-denial, 
 contempt of the world, and resignation to the will of God ; 
 we are called in it to bear crosses, to suffer persecution, and 
 to be ready to offer up our lives with joy for it ; so that I 
 much less wonder to find men that are very serious Christians 
 
 FOXCROFT D 
 
34 Burners Original Memoirs [1662 
 
 to be against all wars whatsoever than to see them led into 
 opinions about the lawfulness of resistance on that account. 
 
 It is also clear from the practice of all nations and from 
 what is set down both in the Old and New Testaments that 
 a state of slavery is neither contrary to laws of nature, nor re- 
 ligion, nor to the Christian doctrine ; for in the New Testament 
 masters are nowhere charged to [manumit] ^ their servants 
 but only to use them well, and St. Paul thought himself 
 obliged to send Onesimus back to Philemon, for a servant 
 having by a fair bargain given up his liberty was ever there- 
 after subject to his master; and by a greater congruity of 
 reason, if a nation had chosen representatives who had con- 
 sented to laws that gave away their liberty in the matter of 
 resistance [/. 3o (i5)] the thing is done, and can never be 
 reversed but by the same authority that established it. So 
 far I have given my sense of this very dangerous opinion that 
 many of them hold. 
 
 A .digression concerning government. 
 
 The second opinion was that the king and the law were 
 never to be resisted — that is, the king [and] ^ parliament, or 
 the king governing according to law — but that laws were the 
 measures of subjects' submission as well as of their obedience, 
 and that the king was as much bound to his people by his 
 coronation oath, as they were bound to him by the oath of 
 allegiance ; and therefore when he brake the one they were 
 absolved from the other and might defend themselves, par- 
 ticularly if there were any provisos in the law that seemed to 
 reserve this right to them. This becomes a question of law : 
 Whether the king is the head of the government or is only 
 trusted with it as the chief minister in it. In our case this 
 seemed to me to be out of doubt ; for a king among us has 
 his full power before he is crowned, so that, whatever coro- 
 nations might have been anciently, they are now only the 
 
 ' ' Emancipate' is the original reading ; corrected by Burnet to 'manumit.' 
 ' This seems preferable to the ' or' of the MS. 
 
1662] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 20 (a)-2i (a) 35 
 
 pompous declarations of his power and not the investitures 
 by which he receives it ; and therefore his oath is only an 
 obligation on himself to God. And since by plain and express 
 laws all the power of the militia is vested singly in the king 
 (with as positive exclusions of the subjects using force against 
 him as can be contrived in words) all this falls to the ground ; 
 and whatever power of self-preservation may be supposed to be 
 in men before such laws were made, yet, these being once made, 
 all that ceases and the liberty of the subject is in so far given 
 up. This has been always my opinion in this matter ; yet I do 
 not deny, but the thing will bear a great debate from the 
 nature and ends of government, in cases where they are visibly 
 violated by high degrees of rage and cruelty. But all I can 
 say in that case is, that it is certain a madman ceases to be 
 a man and naturally falls under guardians and tutors, and 
 every man has a right to stop him, if he runs about to do 
 mischief ; so the rage of a monstrous tyrant may be presumed 
 to be really phrensy, and in that case he may be restrained 
 and the next heir is guardian ; not so much because his 
 people cease to be subjects as because he ceases to be a man. 
 But this falls out so seldom that it signifies nothing to the 
 debate as it is stated amongst us. I will go a little further 
 on this head because I studied it much with Mr. Nair[n ?] 
 [/. 31 («)] at this time and have since that time applied my 
 thoughts so much to it that if I am able to search any one 
 thing to the bottom, I have done it in this matter ; and indeed 
 my aversion to the ill conduct of affairs, and somewhat of 
 natural heat and carelessness in my temper, has given me the 
 bias rather in favour of resistance than against it ; so that 
 nothing but the force of reason and conscience has determined 
 me against it. I confess I could never understand what they 
 meant who settled monarchy or the power of princes upon 
 a divine right. Indeed, under the Mosaical dispensation (in 
 which the Jews had the land of Canaan by an immediate 
 grant from Heaven) God did reserve the supreme civil 
 government to himself, and by prophets (solemnly authorized) 
 he declared on whom he would have it fall. So it was done 
 
 D a 
 
36 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1662 
 
 in the cases of Saul, David, Jeroboam, and Jehu ; therefore 
 all that is in the Old Testament concerning civil government 
 belonged only to the policy of the Jews and signifies nothing 
 to the present matter. But in the New Testament there are 
 no particular forms of government prescribed, only general 
 rules both for governors and subjects are given. The Roman 
 government was then in one person, not only by conquest, 
 but by the surrender the senate had made to Augustus, which 
 gave him and his family a good title. I was for sometimes 
 \sic] pleased with Dr. Hammond's notion ^, that the power of 
 the sword must be from God since the people could never 
 devolve it, for no man can give that which he has not ; since 
 then no man has a right either to kill himself, or to kill 
 another, the right of killing can only come from God. This 
 looked fine and plausible, but I thought it too fine and at 
 last found the flaw in it. In order to the opening this, I shall 
 give the best account I can of the beginning and nature of 
 government. Certainly every father had an absolute power 
 over his children, but upon his death they were all free ; for 
 primogeniture cannot be supposed by the law of nature to 
 give the elder brother any sort of authority over his younger 
 brethren. So upon the multiplication of mankind (their first 
 seats growing too narrow for them) we cannot but suppose 
 that they hived \sic\ out to the next fields, and countries ; 
 and the first possession gave a man as much right to any 
 fields as he that came "first could employ or manage ; and he 
 that came next had a right to sit down at a competent dis- 
 tance from him. Now self-preservation being a part of the 
 law of nature, every man has it entire that is a free man ; and 
 such were all men upon the death of their father. There are 
 two branches in self-preservation ; the one is a right [/. 21 (b)^ 
 to beat off a violent and unjust aggressor ; the other is a 
 right to take reparation of any sudden or violent invasion ; 
 and without the second the first cannot effect its end (which 
 
 ' The allusion is probably to the tract by Hammond, Of resisting the 
 famous Practical Catechism, Book II, lawful magistrate under colour ^ reli- 
 sect. V. There is, however, also a gion, published at Oxford in 1644. 
 
1662] Had. MSS. 6584, ff. 21 (a)-2i {h) 37 
 
 is self-preservation) ; and a man's whole property comes 
 under the general notion of himself. Every man likewise 
 owes his neighbour assistance in the case of invasion, both as 
 it is an act of humanity to another and as it is a mean to 
 cover himself; for he cannot expect that another should assist 
 him but as he is ready likewise to give him assistance when 
 he needs it. Now, government or civil society is nothing, 
 but a compromise for the use of this second branch of self- 
 preservation (that is the taking just revenge, or reparation) 
 in which men reserve the first part entire still of covering 
 themselves from an unjust aggressor (for that will not admit 
 of delays nor stay for forms) ; but they resign up the other. 
 Therefore I think, with reverence to Dr. Hammond (whose 
 memory I highly honour '), that every man had a right to the 
 sword against his neighbour that invaded him, both for self- 
 defence and for just revenge ; and that government is the 
 resigning up the second of these to be managed in such a 
 method as shall be agreed on. Now the first occasion of 
 these compacts seems to have risen from the loose companies 
 of robbers who lived on spoil and entered into combinations 
 for the managing their designs and dividing the spoil ; and as 
 they prevailed over the weaker and more industrious part of 
 mankind, that gave themselves to agriculture, so conquest and 
 absolute monarchies did grow and spread itself \sic\ by those 
 troops of successful robbers ; and the combination[s] of the more 
 industrious seem to have given the beginnings to common- 
 wealths which [oft times or at times ^] were eaten up by con- 
 querors. Another beginning of governments seems to have risen 
 out of the industry and success of some and the laziness and 
 unsuccessfulness of others, who were thereby reduced to such 
 extremities, as to sell themselves to the others ; and by this 
 means a rich man like Abraham came to have a great family, 
 and with his 318 males he must have grown up quickly to a 
 vast empire, since we see to what a number seventy-two souls 
 
 1 For Burnet's high sense of Ham- ed by Burnet, in correction of the 
 mond's virtues see Hist. i. 177. words ' at time ' written by the tran- 
 
 " The phrase in brackets is insert- scriber. 
 
38 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1662 
 
 increased in Egypt in 400 years' time. So it is probable that 
 those masters of numerous families took large countries and 
 gave their servants a great deal of their liberty again ; but 
 retained still a dominion over their properties or lives though 
 they did not always use it ; and out of this the more regular 
 and lasting monarchies seem to have risen. [/. 11 («)] But 
 upon the whole matter, since property and liberty are things 
 alienable, we are not now to examine what were the first 
 fountains or beginnings of this power, but must take things as 
 we now find them. Those who assert a divine right had best 
 shew where God has declared it, how it has come into such 
 a family, how it comes to go in some governments to the 
 heir general, and in others only to the heir male, besides 
 many other vast diversities that are in government ; and how 
 to derive all these from God, is that which I could never con- 
 ceive. But on the other hand, though I do not derive my 
 property to my goods from the law of God but hold it only 
 by the law of the land where I live, yet having this property 
 once vested in me, the law of God sets a fence about it and 
 binds up all men's consciences, so that they cannot break in 
 upon this property without sinning against God. So likewise 
 though I can see no -divine right on which the king can found 
 his title (there being no declaration made by God — unless it 
 be in his supernatural curing the king's evil on which I 
 believe he would not willingly ground his title — ) yet he has 
 otherwise a very good right. First, a long and immemorial 
 possession which is the first title to any property ; this has 
 been often confirmed in his ancestors and in himself by plain 
 and express laws, and is more particularly bound upon the 
 consciences of his people by the oath of allegiance, all which 
 are indeed human titles, but they vest in him the same right 
 to the crown, and to all the prerogatives of it, and in particular 
 to that of the militia, that any other man has in his property ; 
 and as the law of God secures every man in his property 
 so that it is theft or robbery for another to invade it, so the 
 same rule secures the king in his, so that it is usurpation and 
 rebellion to invade any part of it. And thus I have taken 
 
1662-3] Harl. MSS. 6584, f. 21 (Z>)-22 (b) 39 
 
 occasion to give this full and plain account of my opinion as 
 to civil government and all rebellion against it ; which I 
 have so openly and frequently declared both in books, in 
 sermons, and in familiar discourses, that if I had not seen too 
 much of the injustice and baseness of the world to wonder at 
 anything I should wonder much to find myself aspersed as 
 a favourer of rebellion ; whereas I think there is no man 
 living whose principles determine him more steadily against 
 it. But I leave this digression and return to the change 
 now made in Scotland. 
 
 [Prejudices infused against episcopacy I\ 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 158 (' The people were much troubled . . . before he died '). 
 
 For ' infusing . . . both in public and private ' read ' preaching to the people.' 
 
 For ' was to destroy . . . vice ' read ' flowed from an enmity to Christ and to 
 the power of religion.' 
 
 [/ 22 (fi)] For 'aimed . . . immoral' read 'were to be raised above their 
 brethren ; and so they made their hearers believe that all zeal and strictness 
 in religion was \sic\ to be borne down among them.' 
 
 After 'northern parts' add 'such as had only taught schools there, and 
 many of them could not get so high.' 
 
 Otn. ' the most concerned ' ; and from ' I have thus opened ' to end of para- 
 graph. 
 
 \Burnefs own conduct {winter of 1662-3),] 
 I was all this winter at Edinburgh, and went very little 
 abroad ; I read besides mathematics ^ several of the fathers, 
 and went through the tomes of the Councils in a series, till 
 I came down to the second Nicene Council ; and out of the 
 canons that I found there I formed an idea of church 
 government that quite spoiled me as to all preferment. 
 I made a large abstract of what I liked best in all those 
 ages, and I took up then such notions as I could never since 
 that time lay down. I grew to hate all opinions that tended 
 to raise the wealth and the secular power of the clergy, and 
 insensibly came to love a monastic state of life.' I hated our 
 contentions at home, and my melancholy prevailed so upon 
 me, that nothing but clear and strong principles could have 
 preserved me from going over to the church of Rome, and 
 
 See ante, p. 30. 
 
40 Burnefs Original Memoirs [1662-3 
 
 entering into a religious order. I writ an unsubscribed' 
 letter to. Sharp, setting before him the miserable state [/. 23 (<«)] 
 in which we were falling, and begged him to think on some- 
 what to heal our breaches, and to settle us again. I sent it 
 by my man, who did not come away so quick but he was 
 examined and owned that he came from me. Sharp bid him 
 tell me that he would be glad to speak with me, so two days 
 after I went to him. I had never seen him before ; I kneeled 
 for his blessing, so by that he saw I was episcopal. He 
 treated rqje roughly, and asked me what I had to propose for 
 the settlement of the government or church. I told him 
 remedies could be easily found out, if there were once 
 a disposition to seek for them ; but being pressed by him 
 to offer somewhat, I proposed the suffering all the presby- 
 terians to return to such churches as were not yet planted, 
 and then seeking expedients for keeping matters in some 
 unity till they should die out, and in the meanwhile to be 
 taking care of a good breed ^. He grew a little calm at last, 
 and told me that young men understood not government and 
 ought not to meddle in it ; he believed I had good intentions, 
 but charged me not to talk of that that passed between us to 
 any person ; and so dismissed me with some civilities. I con- 
 fess a disease had now got into my mind which held me above 
 ten years. It was an opinion that I had that mankind was 
 capable of amendment, and that churches and churchmen 
 could be reformed, and that abuses might be so laid open that 
 they should grow generally odious to all the world. With 
 these things I pleased as well as I vexed myself very long, 
 and I made it my chief business in the study of antiquity 
 to pick up everything that might fortify these notions ; and 
 I have had many discourses with bishop Leighton concerning 
 
 '■ This ' letter ' which was ' unsub- which was not known to exist, has 
 
 scribed' and written before Burnet's been found among the Burnet MSS. 
 
 introduction to Sharp (see f. 23(a) iK/ra) in the Bodleian (Add. MSS. D. 23, ff. 
 
 must not be confounded with the 103-10), and will be published by the 
 
 signed 'Memorial' sent by Burnet in Scottish Historical Society in their 
 
 1666 to all the bishops of Burnet's ac- next Miscellany, 
 
 quaintance (see Hist. i. 217, and Mr. ^ This was Leighton's scheme ; see 
 
 Airy's note in loco, i. c. vol. i. p. 387 supra, p. 16 ; and Hist. i. 274-6. 
 of his edition). A copy of the latter. 
 
1662-3] Had. MSS. 6584, ff. 22 (3)-23 {b) 41 
 
 them, who had heat enough that way. *Mr. Charteris had 
 always the true notion of this matter, that it was a vain thing 
 to dream of mending the world" (and chiefly that which is 
 generally the worst part of it, I mean churchmen) ; so that 
 all that a wise or good man ought to do was to possess his 
 own mind with good notions and to infuse them in some few 
 individuals that were prepared for them, or were capable of 
 them ; and that it was a fruitless labour to hope to propagate 
 them to the world, or to do any good on great numbers. But 
 these things did not cool me ; time and experience have at 
 last done it ; for I have now for many years laid down all 
 these thoughts upon which I had formerly raised many 
 schemes and formed many models. 
 
 In the beginning of the next year 1663 ''a plot was dis- 
 covered in London, and one that was taken for it said to 
 the king that if he would save his life he would tell him 
 where the lord Warriston was ; upon which it being found 
 that he was at Rouen, one was sent to the court of France for 
 a warrant to seize him ; and that being granted, he was taken 
 and brought over to [/. 33 {b)'\ the Tower of London ''. When 
 the news of this came to Scotland my mother (who loved her 
 brother to a very high degree) desired me to go to London to 
 be assistant to his lady, hoping that I might have easy access 
 to Lauderdale ; so I went thither. It fell in an ill time ; for 
 Lauderdale, being then in his struggle for mastery with 
 Middleton, would not meddle in any sort to do us any service. 
 We solicited all the hungry courtiers ; many that had a great 
 mind to our money tried what could be done ; but they all 
 found it was a thing too big for them to meddle with ; so after 
 five months' fruitless attendance ''he was sent down to Scot- 
 land, but the end of his business shall be told in its proper 
 
 place ". 
 
 Middleton disgraced. 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 200 {from ' But now I return ' io p. 203, ' for all his high character '). 
 
 For ' But now I return . . . received by the king ' read ' At this time several 
 
 papers passed between Lauderdale and Middleton, for as soon asthe latter came up.' 
 
 For ' The lord Clarendon . . . fortnight ' read only ' which was done about 
 
 a fortnight after.' 
 
 » Cf. Hist. i. 248. '■ Ibid. 198. Ibid. 
 
42 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1662-3 
 
 Aftey ' writing ' add ' that so he might prepare an answer for them. Lauder- 
 dale sent his paper to him within two days.' 
 
 For ' all on design . . . they had done ' read ' Clarendon advised his delaying 
 it as long as could be.' 
 
 For ' Sheldon . . . errors ' read ' both Sheldon, who was then in high favour, 
 and Monk were set on the king, to mitigate his displeasure against Middleton.' 
 
 For ' who knew Scotland . . . service ' read ' said it would discontent all the 
 cavalier interest.' 
 
 Om. (for the time) ' And to support all this ... go up ' ; reading only ' During 
 this contest. Sharp came up.' 
 
 Om. ' and that he would lay . . . advice sent to him.' 
 
 For ' When he reproached . . . denied all ' read ' He protested to him he had 
 opposed the billeting ', and had put in a billet of white paper.' 
 
 After ' shewed it to Sharp ' add ' written all with his own hand, and signed 
 by him and nine other bishops.' 
 
 For ' in a most abject manner' read ' like a child that was to be whipped.' 
 
 After ' power ' add ' and they that were not yet well settled and knew they 
 had so many enemies durst not provoke him and his friends, which was all 
 the party they had.' 
 
 Om. ' would forgive . . . past, and ' ; also ' So Sharp . . . wholly his.' 
 
 [/ 24 (a)] After ' the next day ' insert ' for he grew very soon to put some 
 confidence in me, and to speak to me of public affairs.' 
 
 For ' Sharp . . . well ' read ' So that Sharp began to think it might be more 
 for their interest to have Middleton changed than continued ; he found.' 
 
 Om. 'which he was uneasy . . . resist it ' ; and 'for the lord Lauderdale . . . 
 readily do.' 
 
 Om. ' desiring him . . . kept down.' 
 
 After ' king's hand ' add ' and signet.' 
 
 After ' mind in the matter ' add ' Lauderdale represented this to the king as 
 a strange piece of insolence.' ' 
 
 Om. 'when his head , . . mind it ;' and for 'bid him . , . master of him- 
 self read 'said somewhat, which he fancied amounted to a warrant to recall 
 his letter.' 
 
 Om. ' The queen-mother . . . end of May ' and substitute ' Middleton gave 
 in his answer [cf. Hist. i. 200] in which he laid all upon the parliament, and 
 said he thought he had taken the safest way, by which, as he gratified so loyal 
 a parliament, so he kept the thing entire to the king to do with it what he 
 pleased. Within two or three days after he had given in his answer [/ 24 (6)] 
 Lauderdale had a reply ready, which was soon put in his hands ; and he took 
 as much time to answer that, as he did for the former. In the meantime 
 many letters came from Scotland [cf. ibid, infra'] of the insolencies of the 
 presbyterian party, and that the churchmen who built all their expectations 
 on Middleton's zeal and steadiness were quite discouraged ; all the cavaliers 
 and the clergy about the court had this in their mouths perpetually, and Lauder- 
 dale expostulated with Sharp, as giving the credit, if not the being, to these 
 discourses ; and he knew him too well to believe his protestations to the 
 contrary for his own vindication. At last, in the beginning of May, Middleton 
 
 ' Cf. Lauderdale Papers, i. 112 3. 
 
1663] Harl. MSS. 6584-, ff. 23 {by-z^ {a) 43 
 
 gave in his second paper of answers, and so they both left the matter before 
 the king, and on the 22nd of May.' 
 
 After ' trust ' add ' in which Monk spake the most.' 
 
 Om. ' Yet he promised . . . honest man.' 
 
 After ' after that ' add ' on the agth of May.' 
 
 For ' after a sort . . . injustice ' read ' [his] greatness overset him.' 
 
 Om. ' He and his company . . . anything like it, so.' 
 
 For ' great magnificence . . . many ' read • the highest magnificence of any 
 commissioner I ever saw in Scotland.' 
 
 Om. 'and he was a firm . . . enemy.' 
 
 For ' trust him ' read ' trust him too much ; ' and for ' and kept . . . high 
 character ' read ' for holding another session of parliament. Crawford also 
 resigned up the treasury, and Rothes was made treasurer. Sir Robert Moray 
 was appointed to officiate as secretary in Lauderdale's absence \' 
 
 [Burnet in England, 1663".] 
 But now I shall give some account of myself during my 
 stay at London. I contracted two friendships that proved 
 of great use to me ; " one was with sir Robert Moray * and 
 the other with Mr. Drummond, and they were both of that 
 importance that in the daily enumeration I make in my 
 thanksgivings to God for the signal blessings of my life I 
 never forgot \sic\ them. Sir Robert Moray ^ was a wonderful 
 composition [/". 35 (a)] of a man ; there was nothing of art or 
 form in him, all was simple and natural. "" He had a great 
 strength of apprehension and vivacity of mind '' in pursuing 
 lively notions ; he knew mankind well, and though he never 
 spake hardly of any man, yet when he gave characters of 
 men to a friend, it appeared he did it with great judgement. 
 He was not imposed upon by vulgar opinions or prejudices, 
 but had a most unclouded clearness of mind. " He had 
 studied Epictetus much and had wrought up his mind to 
 all his maxims, so that things without him seemed to make 
 no impressions on him, and he was ever the same, so well 
 poised that I never saw him in different tempers ". He could 
 pass from business to learning, from that to pious discourses, 
 
 « Cf. Life {Hist, ii), p. 676. >> Cf. Hist. i. 59. = Ibid, supra. 
 
 1 See Mr. Airy's notes, Hist, in loco. ^ The reader should compare the 
 
 " ForthisepisodeseeaK/^,p. 41; Au- characters of Moray given in Hist. i. 
 
 tobiography, infra, ff. 199, 200 ; the Life 59 ; Life {Hist, ii), p. 676 ; Auto, infra, 
 
 by Thomas Burnet(appended to //«<.ii), f. 200 ; and Scottish Review, Jan., 1885 
 
 p. 676 ; Hist. i. 200, and Routh's note. (Mr. Airy). 
 
44 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1663 
 
 and then go into familiar prating, and go round again, with 
 that easiness that it was visible nothing went deeper into his 
 thoughts than as he had a mind it should go. " He had noble 
 and generous thoughts of God and religion*. The chief 
 exercise of his devotion was every night to review what he 
 had seen that day, with acts of adoration, celebrating such 
 of the divine attributes as appeared to him in the new 
 occurrences of providence ; and this he did commonly in an 
 audible discourse which he said heated his fancy and fixed 
 his thoughts. He had some favourable characters written to 
 him of me by the countess of Balcarres ^, and after a whiles 
 general conversation, he took me into his bosom, and carried 
 me always about with him ; so that I spent the half of the 
 day in his company ; and he gave me more good rules for 
 human life than I had ever heard before. One thing in him 
 was quite new to me, which was the receiving all that came to 
 him with an open and cheerful visage as if he had known 
 them long, and his talking of indifferent things frankly to 
 them ; this was very obliging, and took off that restraint 
 of bashfulness that is on modest men. '^ His greatest act 
 of kindness was to me in reproving what he saw amiss in 
 me * ; which was, too much talk, and a bold way of speaking ; 
 a readiness to censure others, and to set a value on myself, 
 and to affect to talk eloquently ^ ; of this last he cured me 
 quite, and shewed me how far plain simple reason was 
 beyond all laboured stuff; but my other faults were too 
 deeply rooted to be soon cured. My other friend was 
 Mr. Drummond ^, who had lived above ten year in London, 
 and had done great services to many of his countrymen 
 
 " Cf. Hisl. i. 59. I- Ibid, and Life {Hist, ii), p. 676. 
 
 ' See ante, p. 29, note 3. correspondent of Sharp (see Lauder- 
 ^ Cf. with tiiis frank self-condemna- dale Papers, i. 3, 36, 41-56, 60, 64-90, 
 tion the very amusing and garrulous 93, 94^. A Presbyterian minister 
 reminiscences of Cockburn, who had ■ Uving in London, he had acted as a 
 known Burnet in early youth, and channel between Sharp, before his de- 
 speaks much of his self-conceit (A fection, and the English Presbyterians ; 
 specimen of some free andinipartial re- andalsoservedoccasionallyastheinter- 
 marks . . . occasioned by Dr. Burnet's mediary between Sharp in Scotland 
 'History,' Remark II, pp. 27-30). and Lauderdale in England {ibid. 79, 
 'i.e. Mr. Patrick Drummond, the 88, 90, and see Auto. !"/)•«, f. 200;. 
 
1663] Harl MSS. 6584, J. 25 (a)-25 (b) 45 
 
 (especially to Lauderdale and Crawford in their imprison- 
 ment) and had been Sharp's particular friend and confidant. 
 He lived then in sir Thomas Viner's house ^ as his friend, 
 and was very low in a consumption ; it was believed he had 
 an ulcer in his lungs, and it was not thought he could have 
 lived a month to an end ; but [/ 25 (3)] a chemical medicine 
 had a wonderful effect on him, for it recovered him so that he 
 lived ten years after, but he had never perfect health. He 
 was a generous and worthy man, and set himself much to 
 do good ; his heart was full of religion ; he was free of all 
 superstition and bigotry, and saw through the errors and 
 follies of all parties. He was a man of great understanding 
 and of a true judgement. He likewise took me to task, for he 
 was morose and used to chide me for my faults a little too 
 much ; but between him and sir Robert Moray I had many 
 a severe chiding ; and though I mended but slowly upon it, 
 yet they found I took all in such good part that they were 
 much encouraged to go on with me ; and indeed they both 
 took as much pains on me to form me right as if I had been 
 their brother, which was an invaluable blessing to me. For 
 now I was all in a fermentation ; my devotion was much 
 rubbed off, and I was swelled up with pride and vanity ; so 
 mercifully did God deal with me in providing me with two 
 such faithful friends and prudent monitors. I made at this 
 time great acquaintance among all sorts of people. I resolved 
 to know some of the more select of all parties, as Thurscrosse^ 
 and Thorndike ^ among the high episcopal men ; " Wilkins *, 
 
 » Cf. Life {Hist, ii), p. 676. 
 
 ' One of Sharp's letters is addressed note; see also Auto, infra, f. 199). 
 to him 'at Mr. Thomas Viner, his ' Herbert Thorndike (1598-1672), 
 
 shop in Lombard Street, London.' the distinguished scholar and divine 
 
 ' Dr.Timothy Thurscrosse (or Thirst- (whose works have been republished in 
 
 crosse), a fellow of Magdalen College, theLibraryof Anglo-CatholicTheology, 
 
 is mentioned in the Life of Barwick as and whose views on the Eucharist 
 
 a person of great piety, who in 1660 were regarded by Newman, after his 
 
 was living in Westminster. He sub- secession, as essentially orthodox), was 
 
 sequently (?) became Prebendary of a fellow of Trinity, Cambridge, and 
 
 York, and is said to have had some con- spent the years 1662-6 in the Uni- 
 
 nexion with the Charterhouse ; in versity (see Did. Nat. Biog. and 
 
 1670 he was a fellow of Eton (note Auto, infra, i. 199). 
 communicated by Mr. Doble, from * John • Wilkins (1614-72), who 
 
 Fasti Oxonienses, ed. Bliss, col. 408, under the Commonwealth had been 
 
46 
 
 Burnet's Original Memoirs 
 
 [1663 
 
 Whitchcot ^ Tillotson 2, and Stillingfleet ^ among the moderate 
 episcopal men, " who were then called Latitudinarians ^ ; and 
 Baxter * and Manton ^ among the presbyterians ; •" and I went 
 to both universities. At Cambridge I conversed most with 
 Dr. More ^, whose candour and philosophic temper charmed 
 me much '' ; I went also to Dr. Gunning '', but could not bear 
 with his disputations and scholastical way. The new philo- 
 sophy was then much in all people's discourse and the Royal 
 Society was much talked of, and I knew enough of those 
 matters to make some appearance * ; and indeed I concealed 
 nothing I knew. ° At Oxford I found ecclesiastical learning 
 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 188. •> Cf. Life {Hist, ii), p. 676. <= Cf. ibid. 
 
 successively Warden of Wadham and 
 Master of Trinity, Cambridge, had 
 been deprived of the latter ofSce at 
 the Restoration ; and was at this 
 time Secretary of the Royal Society 
 (incorporated, principally at his in- 
 stance, a few months earlier). About 
 four years after this date he became 
 Vicar of St. Lawrence, Jewry, and 
 shortly after was raised to the See 
 of Chester {Diet. Nat. Biog. ; Hist. i. 
 186-7, 3i^d Mr. Airy 's note; Auto. infra, 
 f. 199). 
 
 ' Benjamin Whichcote (1609-83), 
 distinguished under the Common- 
 wealth (as Vice-chancellor of Cam- 
 bridge and Provost of King's) for his 
 moderate conduct and ' Rational ' 
 theology, had been ejected on the 
 Restoration ; but on complying with 
 the Act of Uniformity he had been 
 appointed, a few months before this 
 date, to the cure of St. Anne's, Black- 
 friars {Diet. Nat. Biog. ; Hist. i. 186-7, 
 and Mr. Airy's note ; and Auto, infra, 
 f. 199). 
 
 ' John Tillotson (1630-94), sub- 
 sequently Archbishop of Canterbury, 
 had been ejected in 1660 (in favour of 
 Gunning, who is said to have been 
 himself previously ejected) from a 
 fellowship at Clare Hall, Cambridge. 
 He then took orders, and conformed, 
 and was at this date Rector of Ke- 
 dington, Suffolk {Diet. Nat. Biog. ; 
 Hist. i. 189, and Mr. Airy's note ; Auto. 
 infra, f. 199). 
 
 ^ Edward Stillingfleet (1635-99), 
 at this time Rector of Sutton 
 
 and subsequently Bishop of Wor- 
 cester, was already, despite his 
 youth, known on account of his Ireni- 
 cum (1659) and Origines (1662) as 
 a man of learning and original ability 
 {Diet. Nat. Biog. ; Hist. i. 189, and Mr. 
 Airy's note ; Auto, infra, f. 199). 
 
 * Richard Baxter (having been driven 
 from the Church by the Act of Uni- 
 formity) was at this time living in 
 retirement at Acton, Middlesex {Diet. 
 Nat. Biog., and Auto, infra, f. 199). 
 
 ^ Thomas Manton (1620-77), the 
 ' Prelate of the Presbyterians,' had 
 left the living of St. Paul's, Covent 
 Garden, rather than conform ;^and had 
 apparently by this time opened a con- 
 venticle {Diet. Nat. Biog. ; Hist. i. 
 259, 308 ; Auto, infra, f. 199). 
 
 ' Henry More, the famous ' Christian 
 Platonist ' (1614-87), was a fellow of 
 Christ's, Cambridge (Diet. Nat. Biog. ; 
 Hist. i. 187-8, and Mr. Airy's note ; 
 Auto, infra, f. 199). 
 
 ' For Peter Gunning (1614-84), 
 afterwards Bishop of Ely, see Hist. 
 i. 181, 436 (and Mr. Airy's notes in 
 lods), 590. He was at this time head 
 of St. John's, Cambridge, and Regius 
 Professor of Divinity. His high 
 Royalist and Anglican views, and his 
 opposition to Baxter at the Savoy 
 conference, are well known {Diet. 
 Nat. Biog. ; Auto, infra, f. 199). 
 
 ° Cf. A Discourse on the Memory 
 of . . . Sir Robert Fletcher of Saltoun 
 . . . 1665, p. 65 ; Hist. i. 500 ; Life 
 by Thomas Burnet, appended to Hist. 
 ii. 690, and the Auto, infra, f. 209. 
 
1663] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 25 (6)-26 (a) 47 
 
 more in request ; and there my study of antiquity (I being 
 then so young) did me some service *, or rather it advanced 
 my vanity. I was much dehghted with the spirit I saw in 
 Dr. Fell ^ and Dr. Allestry ^, who were two of the devoutest 
 men I saw in England ; they were much mortified to the 
 world and fasted and prayed much ; only they were too 
 hot as I thought in some little matters. My declaring for 
 Lauderdale and ^ my being much with Dr. Wallis ** (to whom 
 sir Robert Moray recommended me) made me pass for 
 a presbyterian '^ with them ; so they were reserved to me 
 [/. 26 [d)\ ; or perhaps they looked on me as a vain confident 
 boy, who had a little knowledge and a vast deal of pride. 
 " From the universities I returned to London ", where I needed 
 some of the mortifications that my two friends there gave me. 
 ^ But now I came to understand a little the state of the court 
 and church of England, and I shall give a true account of it 
 all, ' in which the reader is not to expect things so punctual 
 as he found concerning Scotland ^. 
 
 I begin with a character of the king and the duke, but 
 I must give these at present very imperfect, otherwise 
 what I write may happen to be seized on, and I know not 
 what may be made of that ^ ; but I will venture on a good 
 deal now, and if ever I outlive them I will say the rest then 
 when it will be more safe. 
 
 " Cf. Life {Hist, ii), p. 676. •> Cf. ibid. « Cf. ibid. ^ Cf. Hist. i. 159, 
 
 200. ® Ibid. 91. 
 
 1 John Fell (1625-86), expelled as Duty of Man (see Did. Nat. Biog., 
 
 a student from Oxford for his fervent and Mr. Doble in Academy for Nov. 
 
 royalism, had taken orders in 1647 and 1884 ; Hist. ii. 644 ; Auto, infra, i. 199). 
 
 writh Dolben, Allestree, &c. kept up the * John Wallis (i6i6-i703\ the 
 
 Anglican tradition at Oxford. At the celebrated mathematician, Savilian 
 
 Restoration he became Canon and Professor of Geometry at O.xford from 
 
 Dean of Christ Church and chaplain 1649, and a founder of the Royal 
 
 to the king; and was Bishop of Society, had been ordained in 1640, 
 
 Oxford 1675-86 {Did. Nat. Biog. ; had held livings under the Common- 
 
 Hist. i. 601, 694-5 ; Auto, infra, f. 199). .wealth, had acted as secretary to the 
 
 ^ The learned Richard Allestree Westminster Assembly, and bore the 
 
 (1619-81), a friend and associate of title of D.D. {Diet. Nat. Biog., and 
 
 Fell's, became on the Restoration Canon Aato. infra, {. 199% 
 
 of Christ Church and Regius Professor. * He evidently alludes to the pos- 
 
 He was subsequently Provost of Eton ; sibihty of his own arrest, in conse- 
 
 and has been now identified with the quence of his connexion with Russell 
 
 anonymous author of the Whole some weeks before; there can be no 
 
48 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1683 
 
 The kings character *: 
 
 * The king is certainly the best bred man in the world * ; for 
 the queen-mother observed often the great defects of the late 
 king's breeding and the stiff roughness that was in him, by 
 which he disobliged very many and did often prejudice his 
 affairs very much ; so she gave strict orders that the young 
 princes should be bred to a wonderful civility. '' The king is 
 civil rather .to an excess and has a softness and gentleness 
 with him, both in his air and expressions, that has a charm 
 in it. " The duke would also pass for an extraordinary civil 
 and sweet tempered man if the king were not much above 
 him in it", who is more naturally and universally civil than the 
 duke. The king has a vast deal of wit (indeed no man has 
 more), and a great deal of judgement when he thinks fit to 
 employ it ; he has strange command of himself, he can pass 
 from business to pleasure and from pleasure to business in 
 so easy a manner that all things seem alike to him ; he has 
 the greatest art of concealing himself of any man alive, so 
 that those about him cannot tell when he is ill or well pleased, 
 and in private discourse he will hear all sorts of things in such 
 a manner that a man cannot know whether he hears them or 
 not, or whether he is well or ill pleased at them. ^ He is very 
 affable not only in public but in private, only ' he talks too 
 much and runs out too long and too far. He has a very ill 
 opinion both of men and women, and so is infinitely distrust- 
 ful ; he thinks the world is governed wholly by interest ", and 
 indeed he has known so much of the baseness of mankind that 
 no wonder if he has hard thoughts of them ; but when he is 
 satisfied that his interests are likewise become the interests of 
 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 612 ; ii. 66i. >> Ibid, and i. 93. " Cf. ibid. ii. 661. 
 
 * Ibid. i. 93. " Ibid. 94 and 612-3. 
 
 specific reference to the papers of vol. vii, Appendix II, p. i8g. The 
 
 Algernon Sidney, unless this passage reader should compare, not only the 
 
 was added after his trial in Nov., portraits mentioned by Mr. Airy in 
 
 1683. his note to Hist. i. p. 166 of his edi- 
 
 ^ Printed previously by Von Ranke, tion, but the admirable character of 
 
 EngUsche Geschichte, ed. Leipzig, i868, Charles II by the Marquis of Halifax. 
 
1683] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 26 (a)-26 ip) 49 
 
 his ministers then he delivers [/. 36 (3)] himself up to them in 
 all their humours and revenges : for excusing this he has often 
 said, that he must oblige his ministers and support their credit 
 as necessary for his service ; yet he has often kept up differences 
 amongst his ministers and has balanced his favours pretty 
 equally among them, which (considering his temper) must be 
 uneasy to him, except it be that there is art necessary and he 
 naturally inclines to refinings and loves an intrigue. * His love 
 of pleasure and his vast expense with his women*, together with 
 the great influence they have had in all his affairs both at home 
 and abroad, is the chief load that will lay on him ; for not only 
 the women themselves have great power, but his court is full 
 of pimps and bawds, and all matters in which one desires to 
 succeed must be put in their hands. ^ He has very merciful 
 inclinations'" when one submits wholly to him, but is severe 
 enough on those that oppose him, and speaks of all people 
 with a sharpness that is not suitable to the greatness of 
 a prince. He is apt to believe what is told him, so that the 
 first impression goes deepest, for he thinks all apologies are 
 lies. ■= He has knowledge in many things, chiefly in all naval 
 affairs ; even in the architecture of ships he judges as critically 
 as any of the trade can do, and knows the smallest things 
 belonging to it ; he understands much natural philosophy and 
 is a good chymist ; he knows many mechanical things and 
 the inferior parts of the mathematics, but not the demonstra- 
 tive ; *he is very little conversant in books, and, young and old, 
 he could never apply himself to literature*. He is very kind 
 to those he loves, but never thinks of doing anything for 
 them, so that if they can find things for themselves he will 
 easily enough grant them, but he never sets himself to find out 
 anything for them ; and I never heard of above three or four 
 instances of any places that he gave of his own motion, so 
 that those who have received most of his bounty think they 
 owe the thanks more to their instruments than to himself. 
 'He never entefs upon business with any himself, but if his 
 
 » Cf. Hist. i. 94. •> Ibid. 612 contradicts this. ■= Ibid. 94. « Cf. 
 
 ibid, and 611. " Cf. ibidg^. 
 
 POXCROFT E 
 
50 * Burnet's Original Memoirs [1683 
 
 ministers can once draw him into business, they may hold him 
 at it as long as they will. * He loves his ease so much, that 
 the great secret of all his ministers is to find out his temper 
 exactly and to be easy to him. ^ He has many odd opinions 
 about religion and morality ; he thinks an implicitness in 
 religion is necessary for the safety of government, and he 
 looks [y; 27 («)] upon all inquisitiveness into those things as 
 mischievous to the state ; " he thinks all appetites are free 
 and that God will never damn a man for allowing himself 
 a little pleasure", and on this he has so fixed his thoughts that 
 no disorders of any kind have ever been seen to give him any 
 trouble when they were over, and in sickness (except in his 
 ague in [16] 7 9'^) he seemed to have no concern on his mind. 
 ■^And yet I believe he is no atheist"^, but that rather he has 
 formed an odd idea of the goodness of God in his mind ; ®he 
 thinks, to be wicked and to design mischief, is the only thing 
 that God hates, and has said to me often, that he was sure he 
 was not guilty of that". I think I have gone pretty far, and 
 scarce know how I should scape under the present chief 
 justice^, if this should happen to be seized on. 
 
 The duke's character^. 
 
 I go next to the duke ; he has not the king's wit nor quick- 
 ness, but that is made up by great application and industry, 
 ^ insomuch that he keeps a journal of all that passes, of which 
 he shewed me once a great deal, and he had employed the late 
 duchess to write it out in the style of a history, for she writ 
 very correctly, and he intended to have made me prosecute 
 what she had begun, which he shewed me. ^ He has jiaturally 
 a candour and a justice in his temper very great, and is a firm 
 
 » Cf. Hist. i. 93. b Ibid. « Ibid. d Ibid. ' Ibid. 438. 
 
 ' Ibid. 168, 170. E Ibid. 168-9 and "• 292-3. 
 
 * See Hist. i. 474. vacant from June 19, 1683, till Jeffreys' 
 
 ' Qu. Pemberton, C.J. Common appointment, Sept. 29, 1683. 
 
 Pleas, who had sentenced Russell, or " Printed by Von Ranke, vii, Ap- 
 
 Jeffreys! The King's Bench was pendix II. p. 191. 
 
1683] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 26 {b~2^ (b) 51 
 
 friend, but a heavy enemy, and will keep things long in his 
 mind and wait for a fit opportunity. "He has a strange 
 notion of government, that everything is to be carried on in 
 a high Way and that no r.egard is to be had to the pleasing the 
 people ; and he has an ill opinion of any that proposes soft 
 methods, and thinks that is popularity * ; but at the same time 
 he always talks of law and justice. He is apt enough to re- 
 ceive an enemy upon an absolute submission, but ^ he will strain 
 hard to ruin an enemy that stands out, and when I knew him 
 he scorned to use arts to take them off (as the phrase at court 
 was of bringing over leading men in the house of commons to 
 their party ''), nor will he receive any upon half submissions, 
 and " he thinks that all who oppose the king in parliament are 
 rebels". He understands business better than is generally be- 
 lieved, for ^ though he is not a man of wit nor fancy, yet he 
 generally judges well when things are laid before him, except 
 when the violence of his spirit gives him a bias, which it does 
 too often. ° He is a prince of great courage" and very serene 
 in action, and naturally hates a coward, unless it be to make use 
 of him in the conduct of his amours ; he abhors drunkenness, 
 he never swears nor talks [/. 37 (^)] irreligiously ; ' he has pur- 
 sued many secret pleasures, but never with an open avowing 
 them, and he does condemn himself for it, but yet he is ever 
 going on from one intrigue to another, 8 though it is generally 
 thought that these have been very fatal to him and that the 
 death of so many of his children is owing to that. ^ He is 
 a zealous and hearty papist, of which he gave me this account : 
 when he was in Flanders, being in a nunnery, a nun pressed 
 him much about religion, and begged him to use this prayer 
 every day to God, that if he was not in the right way he would 
 bring him to it ; which he said sunk deep in his mind and 
 raised scruples in him ^ I asked him, if he was in love with 
 the, nun, but he assured me, she was no tempting object. He 
 was reconciled to the church of Rome » while he was in 
 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 169, 360. •> Ibid. 169. " Ibid. 360. ^ Cf. Hist. ii. 292. 
 
 • Cf. ibid. i. 168 ; ii. 292. ' liid. ii. 293 ; i. 169, 228. ' Ibid. i. aa8. 
 
 >» Ibid. 169. ' This conflicts with Hist. i. 169. 
 
 E 2 
 
52 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1683 
 
 Flanders, " but he dissembled the matter long after that. ^ The 
 truth was, he had some tinctures in his education that disposed 
 him the more to this ; he was bred to believe a mysterious 
 sort of real presence in the sacrament, so that he thdught he 
 made no great step, when he believed transubstantiation, and 
 there was infused in him very early a great reverence for the 
 church and a great submission to it * ; this was done on design 
 to possess him with prejudices against presbytery (for that was 
 the thing of which the clergy was then most afraid), but it had 
 this ill effect, that " he came to think, if a church was to be sub- 
 mitted to, it was more reasonable that it should be the church 
 of Rome than the church of England. He is very firm in his 
 persuasion, but he has not inquired much into it and is very 
 much devoted to his priests, ^ yet when I knew him he seemed 
 very positive in his opinion against all persecution for con- 
 science sake, but I looked on that only as a thing put in his 
 mouth by his priests, for certainly he must be of another 
 mind, if he comes to have power in his hands ^; yet I have 
 wondered much at one thing, that being so firm as he is in his 
 religion, he left his daughters so entirely in the hands of the 
 divines of the church of England that he never made any 
 attempt on them to persuade them to change, of which the 
 princess of Orange assured Dr. Lloyd when he waited on her 
 over into Holland. It is very hard to reconcile this with so 
 much zeal as he has expressed for that religion. " He had 
 indeed an answer ready to another thing, which I took the 
 freedom to object to him, which was, that the rest of his life 
 was not so exact that so high a zeal as he has shewetMn 
 his religion could be believed to flow from an inward sense 
 of his duty to God, otherwise that would appear in [/. a8 (a)] 
 other things. His answer was, that a. man might have a per- 
 suasion of his duty to God so as to restrain him from dis- 
 sembling with God and man In professing himself to be of 
 another religion than that which he believed was true, though 
 it did not yet restrain all his. appetites. He was so far from 
 
 ° Cf. Hist. i. 170. i" Ibid. 169. ■= Ibid. * Ibid. 179, 339. 
 
 " Cf. ibid. 360. 
 
i683] Harl. MSS. 6584^ ff. 27 {b)-2& (a) 53 
 
 being displeased with me for the freedom of speaking to him 
 upon so tender a point, that he not only seemed to take it 
 well from me but he has spoken very kindly of me to many 
 others upon that very account. 
 
 Monk's character i. 
 
 * As for Monk he deserves not a character so much for his 
 own merit, as for the luck he had, to be so great an instrument 
 in the bringing home the king ". He was a good officer, had 
 much desperate courage, but was an illiterate and injudicious 
 man, and was neither a man of religion nor strict virtue ; ''.he 
 was by force put on a glorious action after he saw there was 
 nothing else to be done, for the stream run so strong for bring- 
 ing home the king, that it could not be resisted *", so sir Tho,. 
 Clarges and his wife ^ put him on to that noble resolution 
 " which brought so much wealth and honour on him while 
 alive, and has left so much fame on his name. The king car- 
 ried himself always with great respect to him, but he had no 
 value for him in his heart. 
 
 The earl of Clarendon's character'^ - 
 
 * The great man with the king was chancellor Hyde, after- 
 wards made earl of Clarendon *. He had been in the beginning 
 of the long parliament very high against the judges upon the 
 account of the ship-money and became then a considerable 
 man ; he spake well, his style had no flaw in it, but had a just 
 mixture of wit and sense, only he spoke too copiously ; he 
 had a great pleasantness in his spirit, which carried him some- 
 times too far into raillery, in which ^ he sometimes shewed more 
 wit than discretion. ^ He went over to the court party when 
 the war was like to break out, and was much in the late king's 
 councils and confidence during the war *■; though he was always 
 
 • Cf. Hist. i. 89. " Ibid. ' Ibid. 98. ^ Ibid. 94. » Ibid. 95. 'Ibid. 94. 
 
 1 Printed by Von Ranke, vii, App. II. in the interval between the date when 
 
 p i„3 Burnet first composed, this character 
 
 ^ But see Hist. i. 99, where this (1683) and that at which he revised it 
 
 advice is ascribe'd to Morrice. (1705) Clarendon's own History had 
 
 3 Printedby Von Ranke, vii, App. II. appeared (i'302> 
 p. 193. It should be remembered that 
 
54 Burners Original Memoirs [1683 
 
 of the party that pressed the king to treat, and so was not in 
 good terms with the queen. The late king recommended 
 him to this king as the person on whose advices he wished 
 him to rely most, and » he was about the king all the while 
 that he was beyond sea », except a little that he was ambassador 
 in Spain ; he managed all the king's correspondences in Eng- 
 land, both in the little designs that the cavaliers were some- 
 times engaged in, and chiefly in procuring money for the king's 
 subsistence, in which Dr. Sheldon was very active ; he had 
 nothing so much before his eyes as the king's service and 
 doated on him beyond expression : he had been a sort of 
 governor to him and had given him many lectures on the 
 politics '' and was thought to assume and dictate too much *•. 
 He was in ill terms with the duke in Flanders [/. a8 (3)], but 
 the duke's marrying his daughter took all that away ; " he 
 seemed to be wholly a stranger to all that affair, when it broke 
 out ", though that was not generally believed ; but after that was 
 done it was a great error in him to have any meddling in the 
 matter of the king's marriage, and it being easy to persuade 
 the world that men do those things on design that turn to be 
 much for their interest, ^ it was generally cast on him that he 
 made the king's match upon some informations he had that 
 the queen was not like to bring any children, yet that must 
 be false '^, for Dr. Willis said to a friend of mine that the queen 
 had no visible cause of barrenness about her, and that all the 
 stories that were spread of her person were false ; " he also told 
 Dr. Lloyd that the queen once miscarried of a child that was 
 so far formed that if it had been carefully handled the sex 
 might have been distinguished, ' and I saw a letter that the 
 king writ the day after their marriage to Clarendon, in which 
 he seemed wonderfully well pleased with her and by which it 
 appeared that the marriage was consummated ^. But to pursue 
 Clarendon's character: he was a man that knew England 
 well, and was s lawyer good enough to be an able chancellor, 
 and was certainly a very incorrupt man. In all the king's 
 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 94. n Ibid. ■: Ibid. 168. ■> Ibid. 251. » Ibid. 174. 
 
 ' Ibid, supra. e Ibid. 95. 
 
1683] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 28 (a)-29 {a) 55 
 
 foreign negotiations he meddled too much, for I have been 
 told that he had not a right notion of foreign matters, » but he 
 could not be gained to serve the interests of other princes ^ 
 Mr. Fouquet sent him over a present of 10,000 pounds after 
 the king's restoration and assured him he would renew that 
 every year, but though both the king and the 'duke advised him 
 to take it he very worthily refused it ». He took too much upon 
 him and meddled in everything, which was his greatest error. 
 ''He fell under the hatred of most of the cavaliers upon two 
 accounts. The one was the act of indemnity which cut off all 
 their hopes of repairing themselves of the estates of those that 
 had been in the rebellion, but he said it was the offer of the 
 indemnity that brought in the king and it was the observing ■ 
 of it that must keep him in, so he would never kt that be 
 touched, "and many that had been deeply engaged in the late 
 times having expiated it by their zeal of bringing home the 
 king were . promoted by his means, such as Manchester, 
 Anglesey, Orrery, Ashley, Holies, and several others. * The 
 other thing was that, there being an infinite number of pre- 
 tenders to employments and rewards for their services and 
 sufferings, so that the king could only satisfy some few of 
 them, " he upon that, to stand between the king and the dis- 
 pleasure which those disappointments had given, spoke slightly 
 of many of them ° and took it upon him that their petitions 
 [/. 29 («)] were not granted ; and some of them having procured 
 several warrants from the secretaries for the same thing (the 
 secretaries considering nothing but their fees), he who knew 
 on whom the king intended that the grant should fall, took all 
 upon him, so that those who were disappointed laid the blame 
 
 ' Cf. Hist. i. 167. t Ibid. 165. " Ibid. 98. A lud. 164. 
 
 " Ibid. 165 and 95. 
 
 ' ' The description given in the levity in his wit, and did not always 
 
 printed text is nothing but an ill- observe the decorum of his post." I 
 
 natured excerpt from this; it runs thus : think the original is much better in this 
 
 " he never seemed to understand case also. The really instructive part 
 
 foreignaffairs well, andyet he meddled is dropped in the later form' (note 
 
 too muchinthem." (The "meddled " of translated from Von Ranke,vii, App. II. 
 
 the original refers to his interference in p. 194). 
 personal matters.) "He had too much 
 
56 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1683 
 
 chiefly if not wholly upon him. * He was apt to talk very 
 imperiously and unmercifully, so that his manner of dealing 
 with people was as provoking as the hard things themselves 
 were * ; but upon the whole matter he was a true Englishman 
 and a sincere protestant, and what has passed at court since 
 his disgrace has sufficiently vindicated him from all ill designs. 
 In one thing it appeared that he had changed his mind much ; 
 he penned the declaration at Breda, in which the king 
 promised indulgence and ease to tender consciences, and pur- 
 suant to that ''he penned a long declaration concerning eccle- 
 siastical affairs after the king was restored, which was drawn 
 up with that prudence and temper, that by all appearance, if 
 the king had stuck to it, both church and state had been 
 very quickly happy ; but it was observed that immediately 
 after the duke's marriage broke out Clarendon changed his 
 measures, and set on his own creatures to arraign that declara- 
 tion in the house of commons, of which this account was 
 given me : the bishops had stuck to him in the matter of 
 that marriage, by letting the king know, that it could not be 
 broken neither by the laws of God nor man, that he there- 
 upon delivered himself up to their counsels in the affairs of 
 the church and so did whatever they had mind to do. This 
 gave his friend the earl of Southampton much trouble ^, whose 
 character I shall next give. 
 
 The earl of Southatnpton^s character'^. 
 He was a high assertor of the rights of his country in the 
 business of the ship-money, and in the beginning of the long 
 parliament was a leading man in the house of lords, but 
 after the king had passed the bill for triennial parliaments 
 (together with some other things), he with a great many more 
 peers turned about and declared as highly for the king as 
 they had done before for their country. "= When the war brake 
 out he followed the king to the last " without making one false 
 » Cf. Hisi. i. 94. t> /^^ J ^8. « Ibid. 95. 
 
 ' Printed by Von Ranke, vii, App. II. p. 195. 
 
i683l Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 29 (a)-29 {b) 57 
 
 step, and was always one of those (or rather the head of them) 
 that were driving on a treaty. He was with the king in the 
 Isle of Wight, and was one of those that after the dismal 
 murder of that blessed prince waited on his body and saw it 
 buried at Windsor. He lived private during the usurpation, 
 but "was still sending over large supplies to the king beyond 
 sea ; so his great parts together with his great merit made 
 him be now considered as one of the first men of England. 
 He was made treasurer", and Clarendon was proud of his 
 friendship and valued himself upon it. '' He scorned to make 
 those advantages of his place that others had done, and so 
 came to an agreement with the king, that he should [/. 29 {b)] 
 have ;^8,ooo a year for the place, and that all the offices that 
 used to be given, or to speak plain, that were sold by the 
 treasurer, which was the chief advantage of that place, should 
 be given by the king ; this he observed during his life, but 
 since that time the treasurers or commissioners have both 
 :£'8,ooo and likewise do really dispose of these places, though 
 they pass through the king's hands. " He quickly grew dis- 
 gusted of the way in which he saw matters were carried at 
 court, and scarce minded business, ^ but turned over the affairs 
 of the treasury on his secretary sir Philip Warwick, who, though 
 he was a weak man and by being a pretender to wit^ he 
 appeared much weaker than he would have otherwise been 
 thought, yet was a generous and worthy man, and in the seven 
 years in which he governed the treasury, though it was then 
 very full of money, he made not so much advantage as others 
 have done since that time in one year. ® Southampton was 
 for healing the church by concessions ^ on both hands, but when 
 he saw that all that affair was put in Sheldon's hands, he with- 
 drew from the meetings that were held about it and declared 
 against their methods. The bishops laid the blame of this 
 on the great ascendant that Ashley was observed to have over 
 
 ' Cf. Hist. i. 95. •> Ibid. 96. " Ibid. 95. ^ Ibid. 96. ° Ibid. 178. 
 
 ' Notice the absence of an allusion subsequenfly inserted in the History 
 to Warwick's memoirs (printed in when revised. 
 1 701, see Mr. Airy's note in loco) 
 
58 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1683 
 
 him, and were much troubled to see so unexceptionable a man 
 as he was displeased with their maxims. I have heard it also 
 said that ' he was sorry when he saw the king raise so many 
 guards ^ and that the parliament was pouring all things into 
 the hands of the court, *and that if he had not prevailed with 
 Clarendon not to set on these things further, he would have 
 openly stood up for the interests of his country. " But he with- 
 drew himself much from affairs, for which he had too visible an 
 excuse, for he fell under most terrible pains by a confirmed 
 stone in his bladder, * of which he died afterwards *. 
 
 The earl of Shaftesbury's character'^. 
 
 But since I have named ^ the lord Ashley, afterwards the 
 earl of Shaftesbury (that had married his niece and was much 
 in his favour), and since he has made such a figure in the 
 world, I shall enlarge more on his character ; because I knew 
 him well ° and so build not on what I have heard from others, 
 as I did in the former ones. He was a man of much wit, and 
 ' as long as the conversation run in a general ramble he was 
 very entertaining company, s He knew England well and all 
 the interests in it s, and had a competent skill in law, ^ but as to 
 all matters of knowledge the quickness of his thoughts was 
 such, that he never went to the bottom of anything, but 
 snatched at some hints, which he improved by his fancy, and 
 so he committed vast errors when he talked of matters of 
 learning. ' As to religion he was a deist ', and seemed to be- 
 lieve [/30 (fl)] nothing of Christianity, but onlythat it contained 
 good morals ; he was against bringing in religion to the state 
 or imposing it on any ; he had odd notions of a future state 
 ''and thought that our souls went into stars and animated them. 
 He would have talked pleasantly of those things but without 
 any strength of reason, for he never spake closely to anything, 
 
 ° Cf. Hist. i. 161. " Ibid. 89. ' Ibid. 95. ^ Ibid. 249. » Ibid. 96. 
 ' Ibid. 97. e Ibid, infra. •" Ibid, supra. ' Ibid. 96. ' Ibid. 97. 
 
 ' Printed by Von Ranke,vii,App. II. was written Shaftesbury had been 
 p. 197. At the time this character dead about six months. 
 
1683] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 2.<) (^)-3o {a) 59 
 
 but always shifted that and got into a loose ramble. His 
 morals were of a piece with his religion. * He was esteemed 
 a veiy corrupt man and false to all degrees, and that he had 
 no regard to anything but his own interest or rather his 
 vanity ", which was the most fulsome thing I ever saw ; he 
 turned the discourse almost always to the magnifying of him- 
 self, which he did in so gross and coarse a manner that it 
 shewed his great want of judgement ; he told so many in- 
 credible things of himself that it put me often out of patience ; 
 he was mightily overcome with flattery ; and that and his 
 private interests were the only things that could hold or turn 
 him. '' He had likewise a great dexterity of engaging plain 
 and well meaning men that had no depth of understanding to 
 admire him and to depend on him, " but even these were often 
 disgusted with his vanity and indiscretion. He had turned 
 often, but done it with dexterity and success and was proud 
 of that, so that he would often set out the art that he had 
 shewed in it and never seemed to be ashamed of the mean- 
 ness or levity of shifting sides so often ° ; he pretended, that 
 * in the beginning of the civil wars he had offered to do great 
 service to the late king and to put two counties wholly in his 
 hands, and that he was going about it, but prince Maurice not 
 observing articles he went over upon that to the parliament* ; 
 then he was much courted by Cromwell and said he did him 
 great service in some of his parliaments, insomuch that he 
 told some ^that Cromwell offered once to make him king", 
 but he never offered to impose so gross a thing on me ; he 
 pretended he had a main hand in all the confusions that 
 followed after Cromwell's death, for he knew these frequent 
 revolutions must end in restoring the king, and he always 
 assumed to himself and the lord Holies the merit of forcing 
 Monk to declare himself ^ He was certainly very active in 
 bringing home the king, and he made him an early present 
 of money, and that, together with his parts and Southampton's 
 
 « Cf. Hist. i. 97. " Ibid. 96. ' Ibid. 97. <> Ibid. 96. •> Ibid. 97. 
 
 See Hist. i. 85, 98. 
 
6o Burnet's Original Memoirs [1683 
 
 kindness to him, was to be considered ; he was made a baron 
 and chancellor of the exchequer, and that put him in the 
 way to all that followed. He lived too long, for he lost that 
 only part of reputation of which he was fond, which was the 
 being a man of interest and understanding ; * but he died in 
 good time for his family, '' in which astrology deceived him, 
 [/. 30 (3)] if he told me true, for he depended much on what 
 a drunken physician ^ had predicted, and said it had held 
 exactly true through the former parts of his life * ; he did not 
 tell me what was to befall him at last, but " he believed he 
 should be yet a greater man than he had ever been ". So 
 much I have said of him in this place, but I shall hereafter 
 have occasion to name him often. 
 
 The duke of Ormond's character ^. 
 As Clarendon and Southampton were the great men in 
 England, so the duke of Ormond was the only man in Ireland 
 and had likewise a large share of the affairs in England. He 
 was one on whose friendship Clarendon likewise valued him- 
 self as having been all along so faithfully and eminently 
 employed in the king's affairs. ^ He is a man of a pleasant 
 conversation and has ever lived high and at a vast expense * ; 
 he writes the best of any man that has no learning that I ever 
 knew. His friends have all of them complained much of him, 
 that he is a very cold friend and will neither put himself in 
 danger nor to trouble for them, and that he thinks it enough 
 to be civil and kind to them himself ; and it has been said by 
 many^that in the government of Ireland he has considered 
 the public good very little ; so that many have complained 
 that he was neither generous nor grateful. ^The affairs of 
 Ireland were very unsuccessful in his hands during the wars 
 ever after he began to treat with the Irish °, and both sides 
 complained much of him ; though it is generally a very good 
 argument for a man, when both extremes are displeased at 
 
 » Hist. i. 97. " Ibid. 96. ■: Ibid. 97. d Ibid. 95. " Ibid. 
 
 1 The &i/ory says 'a Dutch doctor'; 'and to espouse the EngHsh ' only) 
 see Christie's Shaftesbury, i. 19-20. has been printed by Von Ranke, vii, 
 
 ^ This character i^as far as the words App. II. pp. 198, 199. 
 
1683] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 30 (a)-3i (a) 61 
 
 him. " The Irish complain that he has broke his faith to them, 
 for when they treated with the king through his hands many- 
 articles were granted them about their religion and estates 
 and the government of Ireland, upon which they performed 
 their parts and put themselves in his hands and raised a great 
 army, which was so unexpectedly dispersed ; now they have 
 said upon the king's restoration those articles ought to have 
 been made good to them ", for though they were beaten they 
 could not answer for success, but they had lost their lives and 
 estates on the king's account and had been kept under great 
 slavery for twelve years. '' They had likewise another thing 
 to depend on when they treated with Ormond : the king was 
 then a prisoner,, so that he could not ratify the articles that 
 were granted them ; upon that the queen, being then at Paris, 
 got the crown of France to interpose and give their faith for 
 the performance of the treaty, upon which they build their 
 hopes to this day*", and this will furnish that crown with a 
 good colour for invading Ireland whenever they are on other 
 accounts resolved on it ' ; " but the king was bound by his 
 declaration from Breda to make [/. 31 (a)] good the present 
 settlement of Ireland, and the earls of Anglesey, Orrery, and 
 some others engaged the duke of Ormond to desert the Irish 
 interest and to espouse the English ". For which this was all 
 that he had to say for himself, that the popish bishops in 
 Ireland broke all terms with him and at last excommunicated 
 all that adhered to him, upon which he was forced to leave 
 Ireland ; so that the treaty failing on their side the king 
 could not be bound by it " ; and for their blood that was spilt, 
 and the miseries that came upon the nation, that did not. 
 follow upon their adhering to the king, but on the first 
 rebellion and massacre. Thus did Ormond justify his for- 
 saking the Irish, of which they made great complaints, and 
 said plainly that he had sold them ; yet on the other hand 
 the care he took to preserve some particular families of the 
 
 ' Cf. Hist. i. 17s, 95. " ^bid. 175. " Ibid. 
 
 ' See Hist. i. 250. 
 
 ' Here the extracts of Von Ranke abruptly conclude. 
 
62 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1683 
 
 Irish has made the English likewise displeased at him. I have 
 conversed more v^^ith his enemies than his friends, so perhaps 
 this may be too severe a character of him, for I have very- 
 little acquaintance with iiim myself, and it never went further 
 than very general civilities. He was very happy and very 
 unhappy, first in having and at last in losing such a son as 
 the earl of Ossory was, who had indeed no extraordinary 
 parts, and was too much set on some forbidden pleasures, but 
 was in all other respects * the bravest man and the generousest 
 friend that was at court ; and was indeed a great pattern 
 both of honour and worth "■, and was beginning in the last year 
 of his life to have deep reflections on religion, which seemed 
 strongly rooted in him during his sickness, so that it is very 
 likely if he had recovered he would have been a very good 
 Christian, and then he would have been one of the greatest 
 men in the nation. 
 
 The earl of Anglesey's character. 
 
 I have named the earl of Anglesey, and so shall say 
 somewhat of him ; * he is a man of great knowledge, he under- 
 stands all the parts of the law and the government of this 
 nation beyond any man of quality I know, and has great, 
 quickness of apprehension, and a faculty of speaking indefatig- 
 ably, but he speaks very ungracefully, and loves to rally often, 
 but does it in such a manner that it is insupportably odious 
 and dull, for raillery is a sort of poetry, and must either be 
 very fine or it is intolerable. He is looked upon as a very 
 corrupt man, as one that sticks at nothing and is ashamed of 
 nothing ^ and that will turn from one side to another so nimbly, 
 that he has often begun a speech in parliament all one way, 
 and (upon some secret look that wrought upon him) has 
 changed his note quite and concluded totally different from 
 his beginning. "He was very active in bringing home the 
 king, ■* and has gone through very eminent employments since 
 that time, but I never saw any one man that either loved him 
 or trusted him. 
 
 » Cf. Hist. i. 334. t' Ibid. 97 and 176. " Ibid. 98. * Ibid. 97. 
 
1683] Harl. MSS. 6584, J. 31 {ay^i {b) 63 
 
 Orrery's character. 
 
 [/. 31 [b)] Orrery pretended to knowledge, but was very 
 ignorant, and to wit, but it was very luscious ; to eloquence, but 
 had the worst style in the world ; and to religion, but "was 
 thought a very fickle and false man, and was vain "to the pitch 
 of the earl of Shaftesbury. 
 
 Holies' character. 
 
 * Holies was a man of great courage and a high spirit ; he 
 had much knowledge and was very well acquainted with all 
 parliamentary records ; he had a sound judgement and a noble 
 sense of honour and gratitude ; he was a kind friend, and was 
 one of the sincerest and steadiest men in the nation ; but he 
 had with this a vast pride and could not bear contradiction, 
 so that he was not a fair arguer, and his friends knew it. He 
 never changed his principles for above sixty years, in which 
 he made a considerable figure in the world, and had the soul 
 of an old stubborn Roman in him ; and as far as was con- 
 sistent with that temper he was a very sincere and devout 
 Christian, allowing somewhat for pride and passion. 
 
 The duke of Buckingham's character. 
 
 "And now I have done with the men of business of that 
 time I will speak somewhat of some others that were Clarendon's 
 great enemies. The first of these that occurs to my thoughts 
 is the duke of Buckingham, a man of noble presence and that 
 has an air that at first strikes all that see him ; he has a flame 
 in his wit that is inimitable ; he has no manner of literature, 
 and all he knows is in chemistry, for he has sought long for 
 the philosopher's stone and with the ordinary fate of all that 
 have pursued it, for he has often thought he was very near 
 the finding it out, but has been as often deceived. He has no 
 sort of principle either about religion, virtue, or friendship ; 
 pleasure, wit, and mirth is all that he has ever laid to heart ; 
 he had a great ascendant over the king, but has provoked 
 
 " Cf. Bisi. i. 266 and 176. " Ibid. 98. "= Ibid. 100. 
 
64 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1683 
 
 him out of measure by talking in a style of him that has 
 shewed equal degrees of contempt and hatred, and he is not 
 to be trusted with any secret ", for if he meets with a man that 
 happens to heat his fancy and seems to have the same notions 
 that he has he will pour out everything to him. ^ He was 
 never true either to things or persons, but forsakes every man 
 and departs from every maxim, sometimes out of levity and 
 an unsettledness of fancy and sometimes out [of] downright 
 falsehood ; he could never fix himself to business, but has 
 a [/. 3a («)] perpetual unsteadiness about him''. He is revenge- 
 ful to all degrees, and is, I think, one of the worst men alive, 
 both as to his personal deportment and as to the public. 
 He had conceived a mighty contempt of Clarendon, but he 
 was then so low in the king's thoughts that he could not 
 hurt him. 
 
 The earl of Bristol's character. 
 "^Another of Clarendon's enemies was the earl of Bristol, 
 a man of great courage and considerably learned ; he had 
 much more wit than judgement ; he was too fine a speaker, 
 and abounded too much both in words and fancy, which is an 
 odious thing in public councils. He was a papist after a form 
 of his own and so was incapable of business, but was ever 
 forming projects ; he was a great dealer in astrology, and 
 had a great measure of other knowledge ; he intended to 
 make himself considered as the head of the popish party, 
 and was much the best speaker they had in parliament, but 
 was an inconsistent man and had too great a levity in his 
 thoughts. He had been in ill terms with Clarendon at Oxford 
 (being then the chief man of the queen's party) and was now 
 forming many cabals against him. 
 
 The duchess of Cleveland's character [with the 
 earl of Falmouth' s^. 
 
 ^But the strength of the opposition that was made to 
 Clarendon lay in mistress Palmer, since that time made first 
 countess of Castlemaine and then duchess of Cleveland^. 
 
 " Hist, i, 100. " Ibid. <: Ibid. loo-i. « Ibid. loo, 165. 
 
1683] Hart. MSS. 6584, f. 31 {by^z (b) 65 
 
 I love not to give characters of women, especially when there 
 is nothing that is good to be said of them, as indeed I never 
 heard any commend her but for » her beauty, which was very 
 extraordinary and has been now of long continuance. In 
 short, she was a woman of pleasure, and stuck at nothing that 
 would either serve her appetites or her passions ; she was 
 vastly expensive, and by consequence very covetous ; she 
 was weak, and so was easily managed. '' He that had the 
 secret of this business was a young man of no extraordinary 
 parts, but of a generous and noble disposition ; he was the 
 second son to sir Charles Berkeley (afterwards made viscount 
 Fitzharding) ; he grew mightily into the king's favour, was 
 made earl of Falmouth ^, and was upon the point of being made 
 a duke and declared the favourite, when he " was lost at sea ; 
 * he had the luck to be almost equally dear both to the king 
 and duke'', and those that knew him well told me that they 
 believed he would have proved one of the best favourites that 
 ever was, that he would have promoted men of merit and have 
 *set the king on to great and worthy things **, and that he 
 would not have been insolent nor assumed much to himself, 
 but that he knew his own defects, and would have depended 
 on wiser men's counsels. 
 
 [Conduct of Clarendon and Southampton?^ 
 
 [/• 32 (^)] Clarendon and Southampton were much 
 troubled to see the king so possessed by this fair mistress, 
 but .° resolved never to make application to her nor to let any- 
 thing pass in which her name was mentioned " ; so that when 
 she resolved to have a title of honour she was forced to get 
 her husband to be made an earl in Ireland, which was a 
 device of Orrery's (as this earl of Clarendon has told me) ; 
 "nor was there ever a precept brought to the treasury in her 
 name during Southampton's life °, so that all the money that 
 she -got from the king was out of the privy purse. This was 
 noble in both these lords, but it was a greater thing in 
 Clarendon ; for Southampton was not much concerned whether 
 
 • Cf. Hist. i. 94. » Ibid. loo. " Ibid. 219. ^ Ibid. 100. « Ibid. 165. 
 
 FOXCROFT F 
 
66 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1663 
 
 he lost his white staff or not, nor had he such powerful 
 enemies ,- but Clarendon was both more pushed at and was 
 more concerned to preserve himself, so that his firmness in 
 that matter was truly heroical. 
 
 {Characters of Nicholas and Morricei\ 
 
 * Nicholas and Morrice were secretaries of state, both 
 virtuous men but very weak ; and it may be gathered from 
 this one saying what a Judgement Monk had in those matters, 
 when, being told that the court was weary of his cousin 
 Morrice and thought him not able enough for his office, he 
 said he did not know what they required in a secretary, but 
 his cousin could both speak French and write shorthand * 
 I have observed that the court can bear with one indifferent 
 secretary, and seem to be pleased to have one that is weak 
 and tractable (which will appear to every one that considers 
 what men Morrice, Williamson, and Jenkins have been) ; but 
 they hardly bear two very weak ones at a time; though it 
 seems when they were served by Jenkins and Conway at once 
 that this rule admits of an exception. 
 
 The earl of Arlington's character. 
 
 ^ But at this time one was to be changed, and since Monk 
 was too great to let it fall on his kinsman Nicholas was 
 removed, and sir Henry Bennet (since made earl of Arlington) 
 was put in his room ; that was brought about by the interest 
 of the popish party, foY^ he has been much suspected in his 
 religion. He is no quick man, but has great knowledge of 
 the affairs of Europe, and was ever cautious and fearful ; he 
 quickly found out the king's temper and has been observed 
 to be very dexterous in managing it ; he is proud and insolent, 
 yet he has been generally firm to his friends, and so they 
 have stuck very firmly to him ; he has been a man of great 
 vanity and vast expense. He quickly took up this maxim, 
 [/• JiZ (^)] that the king ought not to shew any favour to 
 
 » Cf. Hist. i. 99. ' Ihid. 
 
1663] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 32 {by^-^ (a) 67 
 
 popery and that nothing would spoil all his other affairs so 
 much as that would do; so that he soon lost the popish 
 party, and has been considered by them an apostate and 
 as a betrayer of their interests. 
 
 The characters of Sheldon and Morley. 
 
 There were two churchmen so considerable at this time that 
 I shall add somewhat of them. The one was * Sheldon, made 
 at first bishop of London, that had the greatest hand in all 
 that passed concerning the church ; for '' Juxon, archbishop of 
 Canterbury (to whom he succeeded in that see), was super- 
 annuated. " Sheldon was a man of great pleasantness of 
 conversation and cheerful rather to excess, considering his 
 character ; he had much wit, and was very well turned for 
 a court, if not too well ; he had great quickness of apprehen- 
 sion and strength of judgement ; he was considerably learned 
 before the wars and perfectly understood all he pretended to, 
 but the politics had worn learning out of his thoughts. He 
 was a generous and charitable man, he lived splendidly, and 
 had an art peculiar to himself of treating every one that came 
 to him with some particular and distinguishing civilities ; 
 but he seemed to have no great sense of religion, nor of the 
 true concerns of the church, of which he spoke commonly 
 rather as of a matter of policy than of conscience, and he was 
 thought to have allowed himself in many indecent liberties ; 
 he was civil to all, but friendly to very few. The other bishop 
 was Morley, made at first bishop of Worcester, and soon 
 after (upon Duppa's death) translated to Winchester. He is 
 a man of a lively wit and great openness of heart, and is both 
 a learned and devout man, and is now perhaps one of the 
 perfectest men of his age in the world. He was at first 
 known to the world in Falkland's company, and was thought 
 favourable to the puritans before the wars ; but he has given 
 such demonstrations to the contrary that, though he is a 
 Calvinist in the matter of decrees and grace, yet no man is 
 more zealous for the church of England than he is. He is 
 
 » Cf. Hist. i. 177. ' lUd. 176. ■= Ibid. 177. 
 
 F 2 
 
68 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1661 
 
 a very bountiful and generous man, and has no other fault 
 but that he is too credulous and too passionate, and will be 
 soon possessed with prejudices which cannot be easily rooted 
 out. He was more particularly in Clarendon's favour, having 
 been his chaplain, but Sheldon was thought the abler man". 
 
 The settlement of ecclesiastical 7natters in England. 
 
 [/ ?>'i ('^)] The first thing proposed after the king's restoration 
 was the settlement of the church. This was not to be ventured 
 on till that parliament that had called home the king was 
 dissolved, for they were for [the] most part presbyterians ; 
 and there was a particular reason given why that parliament 
 ought to be dissolved, for it was said that the essential nullity 
 of their being without the king's writ was such a defect, that 
 neither their merit in bringing home the king nor his ratifying 
 their actions could remove it, so that it was necessary to have 
 a parliament legally called ; upon which that was dissolved, 
 and ''a new one was summoned to which scarce any but those 
 that- were cavaliers or the sons of cavaliers (this was the 
 distinguishing name of all that had been of the king's party) 
 were chosen, so it was resolved to procure from this an act of 
 uniformity. But to prepare matters for this " a conference 
 was appointed to be held at the Savoy, between some of the 
 chief divines of both persuasions (I think they were six of 
 a side) in the presence of some privy councillors. ^ There 
 were unhappily two men of that number who were much 
 better fitted to widen old differences and create new ones 
 than to find out a temper in them ; these were doctor 
 Gunning, now ^ bishop of Ely, on the one side, and Mr. Baxter 
 on the other ; " men of such metaphysical heads and so very 
 disputatious that they were the best to spoil so good a design 
 of any I ever knew, ' and they spent often whole days in their 
 disputes, as if the whole business in hand had been to try 
 their skill at that fencing work^.' It appeared plain enough 
 
 » Cf. Hist. i. 177. ' Ibid. 178-9. ■> Ibid. 179. d md. 181. 
 
 » Ibid. 180-1. ' ibid. iSr. 
 
 • He died July 6, 1684 (Mr. Airy's note). 
 
i66i] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 33 (a)-34 («) 69 
 
 that the presbyterians had a great mind to have conformed, 
 for "they generally excepted more to the expediency than 
 to the lawfulness of the terms of communion with the 
 church of England, and *> if the terms in the king's first 
 declaration concerning ecclesiastical affairs had been adhered 
 to it is very probable that not a fifth part of those that were 
 turned out would have left their livings. <= But I have been 
 told that Sheldon ^ was afraid of nothing more than their 
 conformity upon two reasons. 
 
 They were possessed of most of the great livings in England, 
 and though all those that had taken the sequestered livings 
 of such as had been turned out for adhering to the king 
 during the late wars were thrown out, as having no titles in 
 law to them, yet many other benefices were still in their 
 hands, chiefly the pulpits of London, [/. 34 («)] they had many 
 headships in the universities, and most of the corporations 
 were stocked with them, so Sheldon thought it necessary to 
 have all these turned out. Those of London had likewise 
 merited so much in the matter of the king's restoration that 
 if they had conformed they must have been rewarded with 
 dignities, so in hatred to them ^ he thought that instead of 
 finding ways to bring them into the church, ways were to be 
 contrived for throwing them out of it ^. 
 
 His other reason, which I have perceived was likewise 
 Dr. Morley's, was that nothing had ruined the church ^ in the 
 late times so much as the lecturers and other churchmen 
 that were only so far conformable that the law could not 
 reach them, and were by little indirect ways still alienating 
 the people from the church and making divisions everywhere °, 
 so that Morley has set this up for a maxim that ^ it is better 
 to have a schism without the church than within it. « There- 
 fore it was resolved not only not to abate anything of the 
 conformity that was required before the wars, but to add some 
 
 • Cf. Hist. i. 181. " Ibid. 178, 185. ' Ibid. 178. i Ibid. 179. 
 
 « Ibid. 178. ' Ibid, supra. « Ibid. 182. 
 
 ' The History lays the blame on ' the bishops and their party.' 
 
70 Burnetts Original Memoirs [i66i-a 
 
 new tests, that so none might be capable of any ecclesiastical 
 preferment that was not hearty hy everything. * It was made 
 necessary that all ordained without bishops should come and 
 receive orders from them. Of this the presbyterians have 
 complained much, pretending that it had not been the practice 
 of the church of England formerly, and that the English 
 bishops had looked on the presbyterian ordinations in other 
 churches as valid * ; but the answer to this was obvious and 
 hinted at before i, that great difference was to be made between 
 imperfect churches that were under defects which they could 
 not remedy, and a set of men that threw off their bishops and 
 set up in a schismatical and rebellious way a new form of 
 ordination, not only without any necessity, but against the 
 laws then in being. 
 
 '' To this the bishops added another test in a declaration of 
 an assent and consent to everything contained or prescribed 
 in the book of common prayer and ordinations which every 
 man in any office in the church was to read before the con- 
 gregation. Upon this great objections were raised. It was 
 said that many things might be submitted to for peace sake 
 to which men could not assent or consent, for that seemed to 
 import a previous approbation of those things. Others, again, 
 understood this assent and consent as importing only an assent 
 and consent to the law then made, so that it went no further 
 than to profess a bare submission and obedience to it. To 
 these another declaration was added " condemning all resisting 
 of the king by arms, upon what pretence soever, as unlawful, 
 together with a [/. 34 {b)] renunciation of the covenant as 
 unlawful in itself as well as imposed against law, and asserting 
 that there lay no obligation on any by virtue of that oath to 
 endeavour any change or alteration in the government either 
 in church or state ; but this concerning the covenant was 
 only to continue for twenty years. This pressed the presby- 
 terians ^ hard, for they, having not only sworn the covenant 
 
 » Cf. Hist. i. 183. »- Ibid. 182. <^ Ibid. 182-3. 
 
 ' See Hist. i. 140 ; and ante, p. 15. » The History says ' the old men.' 
 
i66i-2] Had. MSS. 6584, ff. 34 (a)-34 [b) 71 
 
 themselves but having persuaded other people to it, were now 
 required to renounce it openly before their congregations", 
 which was a great exposing of them. It was visible that the 
 design of the bishops was to put the strongest bars that could 
 be thought on in their way to hinder their conforming, 
 against which ''Southampton declared openly. Clarendon 
 was not pleased with it, yet he left it in Sheldon's hands. 
 The king himself did not like it at first, and thought it 
 would drive things too high, but I was told that Sheldon 
 persuaded him to it by letting him see that, the house of 
 commons being composed for the greatest part of citizens and 
 burgesses, nothing had spoiled the late king's affairs so much 
 as the credit that the factious lecturers had in all corpora- 
 tions, for this had so great an influence on their elections that 
 he ascribed all the war to that half-conformity, and therefore 
 he said ° it was necessary in order to the having a good par- 
 liament that all the clergy should be hearty conformists ; and 
 no wonder if this satisfied the king, for it was very plausible ^. 
 
 ''There were some small alterations made in the book of 
 common prayer, together with some additions; ^the most 
 important was that concerning the kneeling in the sacrament, 
 which had been put in the second book of common prayer set 
 out by Edward the 6th, but was left out by queen Elizabeth 
 and was now, by bishop Gauden's means, put in at the end of 
 the office of the communion ^ Sheldon opposed it, but Gauden 
 was seconded by Southampton and Morley. ' The duke com- 
 plained of this much to me as a puritanical thing ', and spake 
 severely of Gauden as a popular man for his procuring it to be 
 added (though I have been told that it was used in king James's 
 time). 8 Another addition has occasioned much raillery », and 
 I have also heard that the king has often wished it had never 
 
 • Cf. Hist. i. 183. " Ibid. 178. ° Ibid. 178-9. <» Ibid. 183. 
 
 Ibid, infra. ' Ibid. ' Ibid, supra. 
 
 ' Burnet subsequently made large which appeared in 1696, and Calamy s 
 
 additions to his account of these Abridgment (1702). See Mr. Airy's 
 
 matters, to some extent no doubt on note to vol. i. p. 322 in his edition, 
 the authority of Baxter's Reliquiae, 
 
72 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1661-2 
 
 been made " in the collect during a session of parliament. The 
 king is prayed for by the title of our religious king, which 
 had not been used in the former king's time ; now how this 
 addition should have fallen on this king is too liable to censure, 
 [/ 36 («)] and he has heard enough of it by those of his bed- 
 chamber that have taken the liberty to be merry with him. 
 Thus was ""the act of uniformity prepared for the parlia- 
 ment ''. The book of common prayer was ordered to be read 
 over in the house of commons, but they resolved to debate 
 no part of it \ but to take it in the lump as it had been pre- 
 pared by the clergy ; only it was thought too implicit to pass 
 it without reading it, so it was read over for form's sake ; but 
 what opposition it met with in either house I do not know, 
 for I have never taken the pains to go over the journals of 
 parliament, not intending to write an exact and particular 
 history, but only to .give such general views of things as I have 
 laid up in my own thoughts, and which may perhaps be use- 
 ful to others and will give some light to a more particular 
 history. 
 
 The designs of the popish party. 
 
 Cf. Hist, i. 195-6 (confidences of Peter IValsk, from ' I knew all this ' to end 
 of paragraph^ ; ibid. 193-5 (intrigues of Bristol) ; ibid. 174-5 (intervention of 
 Lady Castlemaine) ; ibid. 197 {action of the Parliament) ; ibid. 196-7 (niad 
 schemes of Bristol). 
 
 For ' I knew all this ' read ' One secret I must add here that I had.' 
 
 For 'who was the honestest . . . Franciscan order' read 'well known by 
 many books that he has published.' (This occurs later, onf. 35 (A)). 
 
 Om. ' and he said . . . come over. ' 
 
 Om. ' and knew well . . . missionaries.' 
 
 For ' and that the more . . . them the less' read ' and likewise they hoped that 
 if the terms of our communion were made narrow then there would be many 
 dividers from it, and upon this they thought it would be plausible to plead for 
 indulgence and toleration and so they might be covered from any perse- 
 cution [cf. Hist. i. 179], and that might pass under the pretence of granting 
 some liberty to tender consciences. This agreed exactly with what I heard 
 oft from the duke, who was always much for a toleration [ibid. 359] but could 
 not speak with any patience of comprehending the dissenters \ilHd. 179]. 
 That same priest upon that told me that.' 
 
 » Cf. Hist. i. 183. » Ibid. 184. 
 
 ' See Speaker Onslow's note to Hist. 1. 184. 
 
1662-3] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 34 (^)-36 (a) 73 
 
 Om. ' prosecution . . . harsh word of.' 
 
 After ' persecution ' add ' as the likeliest way to procure the other.' 
 
 For ' that censures ... at Rome ' read ' that the Jesuits, finding themselves 
 shut out by such a test, would easily have procured censures from Rome.' 
 
 [/35 (*)] Om. 'But he found ... at court.' Then return to p. 193, 'After 
 St. Bartholomew's day," substituting for opening sentence 'Upon the passing the 
 act of uniformity and the turning out near 2,000 ministers by St. Bartholomew's 
 day in the year [i6]62 it began to appear how great the party of the dissenters 
 was like to prove, particularly in the city of London, where many,' &c. 
 
 Om. ' and settling . . . plantations.' 
 
 For 'a meeting' read 'some meetings.' 
 
 After ' secrecy ' add ' (as the lord Stafford told me in the Tower).' 
 
 For ' seconded the motion ' read ' did great service in this matter.' 
 
 Om. ' He said, it was so visibly . . . the design.' 
 
 For 'Bennet . . . meddling' readonly 'and Bennet set it likewise forward.' 
 
 Om. ' but it had a deeper root . . . king himself.' 
 
 Om. from ' The wiser of the nonconformists ' to p. 195, ' proposed in 
 council.' 
 
 For ' But there was nothing . . . passed ' read ' [it] was the first public dis- 
 covery that was made of the court's kindness to papists.' 
 
 After ' victory ' insert ' and reckoned that Clarendon would certainly fall 
 upon it. Staflferd told me he saw it was an intrigue of Bristol's to raise 
 himself as the head of their party, and said that he and many others 
 thought if it miscarried it might draw a storm on them, who were then easy 
 and in no danger except they brought it on themselves; so they left him.' (Vide 
 p. 194.) 
 
 Om. ' But the poor priests . . . betray them.' 
 
 Then return to pp. 174-5 {.Lcdy Castlemain's affairs), from ' For some time ' 
 to ' solemn manner,' reading instead of that passage [/. 36 (a)] ' My lady 
 Castlemaine was now become very insolent, for though upon the queen's 
 first coming over, the king's courtship of her was carried very secretly, yet 
 she would not rest satisfied unless she were publicly owned. So that was 
 done this winter, and she, finding that Clarendon would not so much as be 
 civil to her, much less depend on her, was easily persuaded to set forward 
 everything that might ruin him or Southampton.' 
 
 Then proceed to p. 197, 'The parliament expressed . . . uniformity'; and 
 ' The parliament did pass ' to end of paragraph ; reading instead of these 
 passages ' But in the next session of parliament the members being still high 
 for the church, as they obliged the king by the repeal of the act of triennial 
 parliaments, which had lodged a vast power in the people of choosing a 
 parliament every third year in case the king should not call one, so they broke 
 all those designs for toleration.' (^Cf. with this also p. 196, ' The church party . . . 
 pointed at.') 
 
 Then revert to p. 196 {BristoVs wild schemes), from. 'He had great skill,' 
 beginning thus : ' Here a passage has been told me which perhaps is of too 
 great importance to be put in writing, nor is the conveyance of it to me so 
 sure that I can depend much on it, for the earl of Rochester said (but not in 
 his latest and best days) that he had it from the duke of Buckingham, and 
 they were men that stuck so little at telling a made story that pleased them, 
 
74 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1660-3 
 
 whether true or false, that nothing is to be much built on what comes by 
 such a conveyance. The story was this : Bristol dealt much in astrology,' &c. 
 
 For ' opinion of it ' read ' opinion of his skill in that art, of which many 
 instances have been told me.' 
 
 For 'he was to fall' read 'he was in great danger of falling,' and om, 
 ' means, if not by his.' 
 
 After 'provoke him' add 'and so would be more governed by him and his 
 father-in-law than ever.' 
 
 Om. 'and the duke of Buckingham . , . carried it to the king,' reading 
 ' I tell this story as I had it, though I give no credit to it. When the parlia- 
 ment met in the year [i6]63, Bristol and his party found the king intended to 
 leave them, so he acted a mad part, he expostulated very insolently with the 
 king.' 
 
 For ' forsook him ' read ' forsook them.' 
 
 For ' who said . . . room ' read ' thought that he was mad, and once intended 
 to have sent him to the Tower, but he turned away from him.' 
 
 Om. ' It is very probable . . . fearful.' 
 
 For ' a very mixed nature . . . lords, in which ' read [/ 36 (fi)] ' a very 
 extravagant crime to be cast on him by a papist, that he was engaged in a 
 design to introduce popery, and had sent one sir Richard Belhngs ' to Rome 
 upon that negotiation [and].' 
 
 For ' Proclamations . . . over' read ' I left England while this was in agitation, 
 so I must leave this matter, for I know no more of it, but that it came to 
 nothing, and the earl of Bristol absconded for some time.' 
 
 Tke king was married by Aubigny. 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 174 {from ' When the queen ' to ' witnesses to prove it '). 
 
 Begin ' But since I have sometimes named Aubigny, I shall tell one secret 
 of him. When the queen,' ^^c. 
 
 Om. 'The king . . . 1662.' 
 
 Before ' bigoted ' insert ' then.' 
 
 For ' Upon this . . . given. But ' read ' All this did not satisfy her, for she 
 would needs be married according to the Roman ritual, and the king was not 
 so scrupulous in this matter as she was. So.' 
 
 A/ter ' told me ' add ' as a great secret, when I was talking to him concerning 
 the design of putting away the queen, for which this was one main thing 
 pretended, that the king and she were never lawfully married.' 
 
 For ' before he told me this ' read ' before I spake of this to him.' 
 
 Om. at this place all after ' witnesses to prove it.' 
 
 [Deaths in the royal fa7nily.1 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 170 ('The king's third brother' to end of paragraph). 
 Begin ' But now that the queen brought no children, a great change appeared 
 in all the court, for the duke was much looked at. 
 
 ' See Mr. Airy's note to i. 303 of Shaftesbury, ii. 16-9, and the curious 
 his edition, 307 same edition ; Christie's Italian publication there quoted. 
 
1660-3] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 36 (a)-37 (a) 75 
 
 'What are all the most promising hopes of a very flourishing family? This 
 has appeared very signally in the elector of Palatine's family, where of six 
 brothers (all graceful and personable men) there is no succession sprung but 
 the present elector, who has no children '. So here in England what hopes 
 had we of spreading a family when we had three such young princes and 
 two princesses, that in the world the like was not to be seen [cf. Hist. i. 1-7 1]. 
 The duke of Gloucester died soon after the king's coming over of the small- 
 pox." 
 
 For ' The king's third . . . acceptable ' read only ' He was a prince of great 
 parts.' 
 
 After ' the duke of York ' add ' but had he lived the court had very likely 
 been broken into great factions, for he, ' &c. 
 
 For ' But he told him ... by the king who ' read only ' and Clarendon had 
 much ado to divert him from it. His spirit was restless ; [/ 37 («)] so that 
 after the entertainments and jollities that followed upon the king's coming 
 in had been over, it was expected that he would be earnest for somewhat, but 
 he died very soon after, and the king.' 
 
 Om. ' Those who would not . . . balance him.' 
 
 For ' died likewise . , . lamented ' read only ' came over.' 
 
 Om. 'who had the art . . . queen-mother of France.' 
 
 For ' On that . . . lived in ' read ' That journey, and many unhappy accidents 
 in it, as it run her out of all her estate, so it engaged her in some things that 
 did not please the king, so when she came to die, he bore it very easily.' Otn. 
 remainder of paragraph. 
 
 [State of the succession in 1683.] 
 
 *Thus were two branches of this family cut off, and only 
 the prince of Orange left by the princess royal. The king 
 has no issue by the queen. The duke has had many chil- 
 dren ", but has buried nine or ten, of whom five were sons, so 
 that two only live. The eldest has been now almost six years 
 married to the prince of Orange ^ and no issue is come yet. 
 The second is just now married to prince George of Denmark ^, 
 by whom I pray God send us issue, for it is a melancholy 
 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 170. 
 
 ' By his marriage with Elisabeth leaving three daughters (see note 5, 
 
 ofEngland, Frederic V, Elector Palatine p. ']6,infra). Of the King and Queen 
 
 and King of Bohemia, had six sons, of of Bohemia's five daughters, moreover, 
 
 whom four (Frederic Henry, Rupert, four were childless ; the only one who 
 
 Maurice, and Philip) died unmarried bore issue being (the Electress) Sophia, 
 
 before the end of 1682. The two excep- for whom see note 6, p. 76, infra. 
 
 tions were, (1) Charles Levris, who '' The Princess Mary was married 
 
 diedin i68o,leavingasonandsuccessor to the Prince of Orange, Nov. 15, 
 
 (see note 3, p. 76, infra) and a daughter 1677. 
 
 Charlotte Elisabeth (see note 4, p. 76, ^ The Princess Anne espoused Prince 
 
 infra); (2) Edward, who died in 1663, George of Denmark, July 28, 1683. 
 
76 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1661 
 
 thing to think that our crown should go to the queen of 
 Spain, that is the eldest daughter of the princess Henrietta, 
 the king's younger sister, that was married to the duke of 
 Orleans ; but though she has been five years ^ married there 
 is no issue by her. * Her younger and only sister is, as it is 
 thought, to be married ^ to the duke of Savoy ^ After these 
 comes the prince elector ^ as the next heir ; and if he has no 
 issue, then his sister that is now duchess of Orleans* and her 
 son must succeed, and after them comes prince Edward's 
 daughters ^ and after them the family of Lunenburgh 
 Hanover ^ So far have I run out in a melancholy specula- 
 tion of the witherings of this family that put forth so fair and 
 promising a blossom. 
 
 The king lost the hearts of his subjects. 
 
 '' But now I shall give some account of the civil part of the 
 government as far as I understand it. When the king came 
 first over there was a springtide of joy in all people's hearts, 
 and in that first run out of it the court might have had what 
 they had asked either as to revenue or power; "but;£^i,2oo,ooo 
 a year was thought enough for revenue. ^ Soon after that the 
 mad rising of Venner and his followers broke out, " upon which 
 
 » Cf. Hist. i. 171. •> Ibid. 159. <^ Ibid. i6o. ^ Ibid, infra. 
 
 " Ibid. 161. 
 
 ' Burnet is in error by a year; second wife, Philip, Duke of Orleans; 
 Marie Louise, elder daughter of Philip her son was the Regent Orleans. 
 Duke of Orleans and his first wife ° Edward, Count Palatine (for whom 
 Henrietta of England, had become the see note i, p. 75, supra), became a 
 first wife of Charles II of Spain in the Roman Catholic, died in 1663, and left 
 summer of 1679, and had thus been three daughters, who became re- 
 married, by the summer of 1683, four spectively Princess of Salms, Princess 
 years. She died childless in 1689. of Conde, and Duchess of Brunswick 
 
 ^ Th-e marriage of Anne Marie Lunenburg (by marriage with John- 
 
 (younger sister of the above) with Frederick, brother of Ernest Au- 
 
 Victor Amadeus II, Duke of Savoy, gustus, and a Roman Catholic). In 
 
 actually took place April 10, 1684. consequence of their faith, they were 
 
 * i.e. Charles, son of Charles eventuallyexcludedfromthesuccession. 
 Lewis (see note i, p. 75, supra) ; he " Sophia, daughter of Frederic V, 
 died s. p. in 1685. Elector Palatine, and his wife Elisabeth, 
 
 * Charlotte Elisabeth, daughter of married in 1658 Ernest Augustus, 
 Charles Lewis, Elector Palatine(note i, Duke of Brunswick, and subsequently 
 p. 75), had become a Roman Catholic Elector of Hanover ; by whom she 
 in 1671, when she married, as his was mother of George I, 
 
i66r] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 37 (a)_37 {b) 77 
 
 the king begun to form troops of guards \ This passed then 
 well enough ; only some men of greater spirit begun to object 
 against it that it was a new thing and looked like the distrust 
 of the nation, and that the guards which they raised were 
 enough to give jealousy, but not enough to give security. 
 He that spake the most of this strain was the old earl of 
 Northumberland \ who was a man of a great spirit [/. 37 {b)\ 
 and of a high sense of honour, that lived with all the greatness 
 of the ancient nobility, and under much form and high civilities 
 kept himself on the reserve with all people. He was not a man 
 of much knowledge, but he had the luck to have a great 
 friend that was one of the knowingest men of the nation, 
 Mr. Pierpoint^, who knew the laws and understood the interests 
 and constitution of this nation beyond most I ever knew. He 
 was likewise a man of great form and method, and as to the 
 discreet and cautious part of wisdom I thought him one of 
 the most extraordinary men I ever saw, if he was not too full 
 of jealousy and foresight ; he indeed thought that nothing 
 was to be done for mending matters, for the nation could not 
 be ripe for that in a whole age, so all that he thought on was 
 how to stop the progress that the crown was like to make at 
 that time. But to return to Northumberland : he had a cloud 
 now upon him, for the late king had taken all possible ways 
 to gain him, and had made him both admiral and general ; 
 but he went in to the parliament's side, which the court called 
 high ingratitude, but he pretended it was love to his country, 
 for he had a high sense both of public liberty and of the 
 
 « Cf. Hist. i. 161. 
 
 ' Algernon Percy, tenth Earl of 'deep foresight and prudence.' For 
 
 Northumberland, is never described at the career of this remarkable man, 
 
 length in the printed History ; but is whose character does not appear in 
 
 cursorily mentioned on pp. 40, 41, 169, the printed History, but whose name 
 
 242. occurs incidentally on pp. 16, 44, 267 
 
 ^ William Pierpoint ('wise Wil- of vol. i, the reader is referred to 
 
 liam '), 1607 (?)-i678, second son of Mr. Firth's article in the Dictionary 
 
 the Earl ofKingston, the distinguished Nat. Biog. IJis daughter Gertrude 
 
 Parliamentarian described by Mrs. married George, Viscount and after- 
 
 Hutchinsonas 'oneofthevrisestcoun- wards Earl and Marquis of Hahfax, 
 
 sellors and most excellent speakers in who had been associated with Pier- 
 
 the House,' by Cromwell as ' my wise point on the ' Brook House ' Com- 
 
 friend,' by Whitelocke as being of mission of 1667. 
 
78 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1661-2 
 
 dignity of peers. He had merited much at the duke's hands, 
 » by the care he had of him when he was put under his govern- 
 ment by order of parliament, for he had treated him with all 
 the nobleness and greatness that was due to his birth " ; but 
 though he was not in such terms with the court as to be ad- 
 mitted into the secret of their councils, yet they used him with 
 a respect beyond what they gave to any of the nobility, and 
 he distinguished himself in his manner as much from the rest 
 as his birth set him above them. He was one of the first that 
 began to complain of the guards, and ^ used to say it was good 
 for the nation that the luxury of the court increased ; for it 
 was better to have the treasure melt away, than to see the 
 king raise and pay a military force with it. " Southampton 
 looked on when the first guards were raised with more in- 
 differency, and thought it was only a piece of state and for 
 the king's personal safety ; but when he saw the growth 
 of that force he begun to apprehend it much and com- 
 plained of it severely to Clarendon, and told him plainly 
 that a white staff could not corrupt him and make him serve 
 in designs that tended to the subduing his country and the 
 governing it by a military power " ; and asked Clarendon, what 
 did he think that he or the law would signify if these guards 
 should increase into an army. Upon this it is said that 
 ^ Clarendon made a stop, and did not set on the designs of 
 increasing the king's revenue and power so much as he might 
 have done, for the house of commons was then so well dis- 
 posed, that there was scarce anything that the court could 
 [/• 38 (^)] have asked which might not have been obtained. 
 
 [The sale of Dunkirk. '\ 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 172-3. 
 
 Postpone opening passage {see infra, p. 79) and begin ' One of the first public 
 things that was much cried out on was the sale of Dunkirk. The Spaniards 
 pretended,' iSr^f. 
 
 Om. ' The king was in no sort ... or sold ? ' 
 
 For 'who were believed . . . France' readonly 'that were there.' 
 
 After ' Clarendon ' add ' as his son has told me. ' 
 
 For ' To make . . . easier ' read ' and that the rather because.' 
 
 » Cf. Hist. i. 169. i" Ibid. 342. " Ibid. 161. 4 Ibid. 160-1. 
 
1662] Harl. MSS. 6584^ ^ 37 (^>)-38 {b) .79 
 
 After ' occasions ' add ' and was, if I remember right, to be made the founda- 
 tion of a bank ' ; then go straight to ' it was sold.' 
 
 Om. ' among . . . venal. ' 
 
 Om. ' though . . . entirely.' 
 
 Then insert those parts of the paragraph relating to Schomberg, which seem 
 to have been a subsequent addition ; since the passage begins with the words ' The 
 marshal de Schomberg told me when I was with him last at Paris that,' and 
 concludes with the sentence ' This is added by me after my return from France ' 
 (i.e. after the visit Burnet paid to that country towards the end of 1683). The 
 variations are as follows : — 
 
 For 'As the treaty . . . from England ' read only 'he waited of the king in 
 his way to Portugal, not long after his restoration, and had much free discourse 
 with him about Dunkirk and several other things.' 
 
 After ' Paris ' add ' during the king's exile, where they had been mutual con- 
 fidants in some of their loose amours ' ; and omitting ' but had so great . . . 
 general they had,' continue 'so he now used great freedom with the king.' 
 
 Om. ' It would keep . . . affairs.' 
 
 Before ' wild ' read ' raw.' 
 
 After ' Dunkirk ' proceed to ' Schomberg advised.' 
 
 .^Z'^'' ' thoughts of it ' flrfrf 'and when I objected what I have heard some 
 military men say concerning the place's not being tenable, he assured me that 
 those vyere but made stories to cover the infamy of that action, that.' 
 
 For ' could never be taken ' read ' would never have been besieged, much 
 less taken.' 
 
 For ' But he was singular in that opinion ' read \J. 38 (A)] ' and [he] told me 
 that the king's selling it was the first thing that made his reputation sink all 
 Europe over. He was also very free with the king as to his pleasures, not that 
 he talked to him as a divine on that head, in which he has been too much 
 a libertine himself, but he was troubled to see that these things possessed the 
 king's spirit too much.' 
 
 \Tangieri\ 
 
 The Spaniards were highly dissatisfied with the court, 
 both for this and for the king's marrying the infanta of 
 Portugal, but Clarendon thought that* Tangier, which was given 
 as a part of the queen's portion, would wash off the blot of 
 Dunkirk ; and considering more its general situation as it lies 
 in the map than the true value of the place, either as it might 
 be a station for ships or a foundation for subduing as much 
 territory as might defray the cost of keeping it, he set the 
 king on a vast charge about it, and for building a mole for 
 
 » Cf. Hist. i. 173. 
 
 ■ See note b to p. 4, vol. ii. of History (in Mr. Airy's edition). 
 
8o Burnet's Original Memoirs [1663 
 
 ships before it. It has hitherto been a great and constant 
 charge, and has involved the king in some little wars with the 
 Moors, but has not yet turned to any account, nor is there any 
 probability that it can ever be made an important place. Yet 
 I remember, when I knew the court first, it was talked of at 
 a mighty rate as the foundation of a new empire, and he 
 would have been a very hardy man that would have ventured 
 to have spoke slightly of it ; but men have been more liberal 
 of their discourse since that time, and it is generally believed 
 that, after near two millions of charge, *the king is now 
 resolved ^ on blowing it up and bringing over his garrison *. 
 And thus I have given a very copious account of all that I 
 learnt of the state of the court at that time. I understood 
 not all this then, but have picked up much of it since that 
 time. I will not say but in many things (especially in the 
 characters that I have given upon hearsay) I may have been 
 mistaken, but I think I have writ of all men and things with 
 a due caution and exactness. 
 
 A session of parliament in Scotland; [death of Warriston}. 
 
 I went down to Scotlemd in summer [i6]63, where ''one of the 
 first things that was done was the execution of my unfortu- 
 nate uncle. He was much disordered both in body and mind ^ 
 and he shewed it too much before the 'parliament ; his head 
 was much turned, for by unskilful physicians and excessive 
 bleeding he was brought so low [/. 39 (a)] that " he had lost his 
 memory and sense, so that he did not so much as know his 
 own ^ children ". I heard his speech, with great confusion ^ ; 
 
 » Cf. Hist. i. 174. i" Ibid. 203. " Ibid. 
 
 ' Secret instructions for its abandon- to kneel at' the hearing his sentence, 
 
 ment had been actually signed (July which he did, and I must confess I 
 
 2, 1683") about a month before this never saw so miserable a spectacle, 
 
 was written, but Lord Dartmouth, sent I have often heard of a man feared out 
 
 to execute them, did not return till of his wits, but never saw it before; 
 
 April, 1684 ; cf. His/., Airy's edition, yet, what he said was sense good 
 
 i. 306, note I ; ii. 437, with note 2 ; enough, but he roared and cryed and 
 
 and Reresby, Memoirs, April 15, 1684. exprest more feare than ever I saw' 
 
 " Lauderdale Papers, i. 135, 144. {Lauderdale Papers, i. 145. See also 
 
 ' Lauderdale says, 'The prisoner ibid. 155, 163, 175; and Hist., Mr. 
 
 was bro[u]ght ; he was commanded Airy's edition, i. 364, notes). 
 
1663] Harl MSS. 6584, f. 38 (^)-39 (a) 8i 
 
 * there.was a visible disorder in him, but he set it out with so 
 much passion that no wonder if it was not much believed nor 
 considered. So he was sentenced to die. Many presbyterians 
 came about him, and prayed for him in a style, as if he had 
 merited strangely at God's hands, and as if he had been 
 a martyr. He was very unequal in his deportment ; some- 
 times it was composed and at other times he was much out 
 of order, yet when the day of his execution came he was very 
 serene*- In Scotland the executions are after dinner. I dined 
 with him that day ; he eat cheerfully, and I remember he 
 called upon me twice to eat. I stayed with him, and was 
 now and then leaving him and returning after short intervals. 
 One thing I thought strange ; when I cited some passage of 
 scripture for his meditation not a quarter of an hour before 
 he was led out, he would know the chapter and verse and 
 turn to it, which he needed not to have done had he been 
 entire, for he had the whole scriptures almost by heart. I 
 walked with him to the scaffold (for all go to their execution 
 on foot in Scotland). *• He read his speech twice, which I am 
 sure was all of his own composing* ; then he prayed long, and 
 after being twice or thrice in his private devotions he was 
 executed ^. I have already given his character ^ ; I shall add 
 nothing here ; but by this relation the reader will see that I 
 am not biassed much by kindred. I am afraid friendship may 
 mislead me more, yet I shall watch over myself the best I can 
 even in that. 
 
 [TAe session continued; Nisbet's character^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 203 (' The business of the parliament ' to p. 205, ' the effects they 
 
 might have ') and p. 279 {Nisbefs character^. 
 After 'laid open' read ' Mackenzie laid it all upon Middleton.' 
 After ' the putting ' insert ' Mackenzie and Fletcher and ' ; and for ' all ' read 
 
 ' most of. ' 
 
 • Cf. Hist. i. 203. ^ Ibid. 
 
 Bumet had ' forced ' Lauderdale to family, which Burnet was safe-guard- 
 write a few lines in his favour (Lau- ing {Letters from Lady Margaret 
 derdale Papers, i. 156), and Lady Bumet, Bannatyne Club, 1828, p. 
 Margaret Kennedy, whom Bumet 31). 
 
 eventually married, pleaded earnestly ' See Morison'sfFfl;-mto«, pp. 148-9. 
 
 with the Secretary for the material ^ See Hist. i. 28; and cf. Autobio- 
 
 interests of the unfortunate man's graphy, infra, f. 197. 
 
83 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1663 
 
 After ' employments ' msert Sir John Nisbets character {Hist. i. 279) ; read- 
 ing thus : ' Sir John Nisbet was made king's advocate ; he was a man of a slow 
 apprehension, but of a deep judgement ; and very learned, not only in the law, 
 but in all the other parts of learning, particularly in the Latin and Greek 
 tongues, and was a great lover of justice ; he had been always of the king's 
 side, yet his great love of money (which is his only blemish) has so entangled 
 him that he will never put much to hazard. But this change fell .out some 
 months after this ' ; then revert to p. 204, ' So an act,' omitting all about English 
 Conventicle Act. 
 
 [/• 39 (*)] For ' So an act . . . terms ' read ' In parliament there were two 
 acts passed that related to the church ; by one of them the government by 
 bishops was more fully confirmed, and all the subjects were required to keep 
 their parish churches, and fines were set upon transgressors. ' 
 
 For ' zeal for the church ' read ' zeal for episcopacy ; but this did not 
 work much on the bishops, who thought that all this was only a little court 
 artifice.' 
 
 Om. 'There was some . . . majority.* Om. 'of all deans.' 
 
 After ' Trent ' add ' so that things could not be so much as complained of 
 without leave from the king, and in cases of heresy, or any disorder whatsoever, 
 that might at any time be supported by the court, the church's hands were 
 bound up.' 
 
 After ' irregular ' add ' Sharp's taking it to himself was thought very insolent.' 
 
 After 'told him of it' add 'two or three days after ^' 
 
 For ' The inferior ... a person ' read ' Others also said that there was no 
 shadow of liberty left to this national synod, since the one half of the com- 
 missioners was to be.' 
 
 Om. ' The act . . . constituted ' ; and after ' Two other ' add ' considerable.' 
 
 For ' and not having . . . goods as might ' read ' it [being] thought necessary 
 to do somewhat in Scotland for excluding the English commodities till they had 
 repealed that act, and (so).' 
 
 After ' to him ' ' add ' by which the trade of that kingdom, and the customs 
 arising out of it, are now wholly in the crown.' 
 
 Om. ' and so it passed . . . opposition.' 
 
 \_f. 40 (a)] For ' Nobody dreamt ... of this ' read ' Nobody dreamt ever how 
 to raise, to march, or to command this army.' 
 
 Om. ' to let the king . . . England.' 
 
 For ' they had not much treasure to offer him . . . good army ' read ' which 
 he said was neither by their treasure, nor good government, but by the 
 threatening of an army.' 
 
 Om. ' And of this . . . ends.' 
 
 [Conduct of Glencairn.l 
 "When the business of the parliament was over, it was 
 dissolved ». Rothes dismissed them with a dull speech that 
 was penned by Sharp and had figures in it that looked like 
 
 » Cf. Hist. i. 205. 
 ' Lauderdale was at Edinburgh. ' Mr. Airy's ed. reads ' to the king.' 
 
i663] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 39 (a)-4o (a) 83 
 
 a schoolmaster ; the chief thing he recommended to their 
 care was the executing those laws to which themselves had 
 consented that related to the church. When Rothes and 
 Lauderdale went back to court to give an account of affairs, 
 "the government of Scotland was left chiefly in Glencairn's 
 hands * ; he was too proud to stoop to Lauderdale ^, but on the 
 other hand it was not easy to find matter to turn him out ; 
 yet he expected it, and both Primrose and he apprehending 
 that they would be turned out of their places, set themselves 
 much to recover the favour of the people, which they had 
 formerly lost so much. The first thing in which Glencairn 
 shewed these inclinations was in my uncle Warriston's 
 concern ; for though he hated him out of measure, yet he was 
 very friendly to him and procured him the favour of much 
 time, and put it on the parliament as much as decently he 
 could to recommend hirn to the king's mercy; and after the dis- 
 solution of the parliament ""he was always moving in council for 
 the moderating of Sharp's violent conditions and propositions. 
 
 Argyll restored. 
 
 While the parliament of Scotland was almost at an end, 
 Lorn's business was despatched at court*; he was set at liberty 
 before Lauderdale came to Scotland, and went up to court 
 with very earnest recommendations both from Rothes and 
 Lauderdale ; and (that summer happening to be a time of 
 little business at court) sir Robert Moray ^ laid hold of the 
 conjuncture and pressed the king so in it that " he restored 
 him to his grandfather's title " ; so that he was the first earl of 
 Scotland, and by not being made a marquis he only lost the 
 precedence- of Montrose. * The king also gave him i,5co 
 pounds sterling a year clear out of the estate *, and gave to his 
 brother and sisters all that their father had settled on them ; 
 and for the rest of the estate he ordered it to be first charged 
 with that debt in which Lorn had been bound with his father 
 
 » Cf. Hist. i. 205. " Ibid. " Ibid. ^ Ibid. 
 
 ' Lauderdale Papers, i. i66. _ 
 
 " Who acted as Secretary this year during Lauderdale s absence. 
 
 G a 
 
84 . Burnet's Original Memoirs [1663 
 
 (for if that had not been done all the king's favour to him 
 would have signified little, for he was liable to so much debt 
 as must have eat up his estate). [/. 40 (^)] And when that 
 was done * the overplus of the estate was ordered to be divided 
 for the payment of all the other debts proportionally; but 
 that was so little that presently a great outcry was raised, 
 which has pursued Argyll ever since " ^ ; it being said that he 
 was restored to his father's estate without paying his debts, 
 so that really the attainder has fallen on the creditors ; but 
 this was occasioned by the restoring Huntly without making 
 him liable for his just debts. So the affairs of this year are 
 at an end. Now I return to my own private ones. 
 
 My own concerns. 
 
 I was not a little lifted up this summer with the civilities 
 that Lauderdale shewed me, and I waited on him perpetually, 
 so there I began to have a great acquaintance with our 
 nobility and gentry ; and when he was one day sick (a great 
 court of ladies being about him), I was first acquainted with 
 her whom I have since married ^. She was his great friend, 
 a zealous presbyterian, and a woman of so great intrigue that 
 though I was nearly related to her and had been invited to 
 her acquaintance by several obliging messages from her, yet 
 I had still declined it. For I dislike all meddling women ; 
 
 ° Cf. Hist. i. 205. 
 
 ' See supra, pp. 5-7 ; and infra, her and give an attractive present- 
 
 p. 158. ment of thehigh-minded, high-spirited, 
 
 " For Lady Margaret Burnet see witty, and accompUshed woman, with 
 Mr. Airy's article (under her married aiTections as strong as her intelligence ; 
 designation) in Diet. Nat. Biog. ; his who, when reproached by her friends 
 note to Hist, in his edition, i. 196; for an unconventional intimacy with 
 Burnet's own account of their mar- Lauderdale, her own cousin- germane 
 riage and her death, infra, Autobio- (whose coldness towards his own 
 graphy, ff. 206, 208, and Harl. MSS. wife was notorious), gave ' no other 
 6584, f. 118(a) ; CocWoum, A specimen answer, than that her virtue wa? 
 of some free and impartial remarks, above suspicion ; as really it was ' 
 pp. 46-7 ; and last, but not least, the (adds our informant Mackenzie), ' she 
 valuable collection of her letters to being a person whose religion ex- 
 Lauderdale (published in 1828 by the ceeded as far her wit. as her parts 
 Bannatyne Club, and edited by Mr. exceeded others of her sex' (Mac- 
 Airy) with the Introduction. These last kenzie's Memoirs, p. 165, quoted in 
 entirely confirm Burnet's character of p. ii of the Preface to her Letters), 
 
1663] Harl. 71/55.-6584, ff. 40 (a)-4i (a) 85 
 
 upon which I said once to the duchess of Lauderdale [some- 
 what?] that was not ill-turned: I thought there were two 
 sorts of persons that ought not to meddle in affairs, though 
 upon very different accounts, these were churchmen and 
 women ; we ought to be above it ^, and women were below it. 
 But from a general acquaintance with my wife there grew a 
 great friendship between us. She was a woman of much 
 knowledge, had read vastly ; she understood both French, 
 Italian, and Spanish ; she knew the old Roman and Greek 
 authors well in the translations ; she was an excellent historian 
 and knew all our late affairs exactly well, and had many things 
 in her to furnish out much conversation. She was generous 
 to a high degree, and was a noble friend and a very tender- 
 hearted woman to all in misery ^, and sincere even to a nicety. 
 In a word she had many rare qualities, but she had some bad 
 ones ; she was apt to mistake little things, and to fancy that 
 her friends neglected her, and upon these jealousies she was 
 peevish and bitter ; but it was long before I observed these 
 defects in her. 
 
 At this time I grew acquainted with Mr. Scougall^^ after- 
 wards the pious and worthy bishop of Aberdeen ; he took 
 a great liking to me, and as I was one day standing with him on 
 the streets of Edinburgh, a gentleman of a pale countenance and 
 in a very plain garb came to us and made me a great compli- 
 ment " in acknowledgement of the kindness he had received 
 from my father at Paris*- I thought he was some ordinary 
 man, and did not much mind his compliment, but we went oa 
 in our discourse, [/. 41 («)] and he happened to say some 
 things that discovered both great learning and much sense. 
 So I asked who it was, and found it was sir Robert Fletcher * ; 
 
 » Cf.- Life (Hist, ii), p. 676. 
 
 > The ludicrous discrepancy be- = See Hist. (Airy's ed.), i. 387-8 ; 
 
 tween Burnet's doctrine and practice Diet. Nat. Biog. ; and Specimen, &c., by 
 
 on this point furnished a not unfair Cockburn (Scougall's nephew), who 
 
 topic for the bitter sarcasms of Hiclies gives a most amusing account of Scou- 
 
 {Some Discourses, p. 4). gall's sentiments concerning Burnet, 
 
 ^ Her letters to Lauderdale consist both. at this date and as subsequently 
 
 largely of urgent appeals in favour of developed (pp. 28-43, SQ-Ss)- 
 
 persons in distress. ' See Burnet's anonymous Dis- 
 
86 Burnefs Original Memoirs [1663 
 
 thus did I stumble on my first patron. We had a great deal 
 of discourse, and I had the luck to please him ; at which I 
 wonder much, for he was one of the humblest and modestest 
 men in the world, and I was then one of the vainest and 
 insolentest. His genius lay to mathematics and philosophy, 
 and he wanted a friend and companion in study, so he began 
 to resolve on having me about him. I was at this time very 
 uneasy at home ; for my mother and the rest of our family 
 were much troubled to find that I was resolved to conform 
 to episcopacy. So I had many sad [hard?] things said to 
 me on that subject ; and my mother laid it so to heart that 
 it put her into fits so that we thought she would have died 
 of them ; therefore to give her some content I promised not 
 to take orders yet for a year, and so we were more at ease. 
 
 The story of Thauler's conversion had a great effect on me. 
 At Christmas I went to the earl of Tweeddale's house in 
 the country, where I had much conversation with Mr. Charteris 
 that was his minister, and Mr. Nairn, that had retired to a 
 living in the country that was in Lauderdale's gift. I preached 
 there, and it was the first time that Mr. Charteris had ever 
 heard me. He is a very modest man, and was sorry to find 
 that some good things which he fancied he saw in me were 
 like to be spoilt with pride and arrogance ; and being resolved 
 to say something to me and yet being restrained by his 
 modesty, he did it in a more effectual way by telling me the 
 story of Thauler's ^ conversion, which I heard with such atten- 
 tion that I think I remember yet the very words he used. 
 The stops he made, his looks to me and gesture are yet fresh 
 in my thoughts ; and it had such an effect on me that I must 
 say there was never any one thing befell me in my whole life 
 that touched me more. And because this may be read by 
 such as cannot find Thauler's life^, I shall set it down in 
 
 course on the memory of this ex- ^ A life which Burnet may have seen 
 
 cellent man; Cock bum's Specimen, is ihe D. loannes Thauleri . . . sermoMes 
 
 PP- 30, 32, and infra, Autobiography, . . . Historia et ennarratio vHae . . . D. 
 
 pp. 200, 202. loamtes Thauleri, Coloniae, 1603. 
 ' J, Tauler, the Mystic. 
 
1663] Harl MSS. 6584, f. 41 (a)-4i (b) 87 
 
 a few words. Thauler was the most celebrated preacher in 
 his time, and many came from divers places to Cologne to hear 
 him preach. Among others a country boor came once and 
 desired him to preach a sermon of perfection, which he did ; 
 and when the boor gave him thanks for his sermon he seemed 
 to be much pleased with it. So the boor told him though he 
 preached of perfection to others he was far from it himself, 
 otherwise he would not be so delighted with the praises he 
 gave him ; at which, when Thauler grew angry, he told him 
 that was a further proof how little he [/. 41 (3)] had attained 
 to perfection, otherwise he would not be much concerned in 
 his opinion of him nor be displeased if he thought ill of him. 
 He further told him he had lewd thoughts in his mind at the 
 time of his sermon ; with this Thauler was struck, and said he 
 looked on him as sent to him of God and so surrendered 
 himself up to his conduct. The boor told him he must give 
 over preaching till he had mortified the vain temper in him- 
 self; upon which he gave himself wholly to devotion and 
 fasting and to everything that might mortify his vanity ; and 
 after some time his boor desired him to try how preaching 
 would do. So he went to the bishop's vicar and asked leave 
 to preach, which was granted, and a great assembly was 
 gathered in the cathedral upon the expectation of him ; but 
 as he went up to the pulpit he found his old vanity returning 
 upon him ; so (being resolved never to preach while he was 
 under the dominion of that temper) he wept and came down, 
 saying only a few words tending to the abasing himself. 
 Upon this he was generally looked on as an hypochondriacal 
 man ; but his boor was well pleased with what he had done, and 
 after some more time was spent by him in that course of intro- 
 version (as the mystics express it), the boor called on him to 
 preach again ; but the vicar would not suffer him to preach in 
 public till he heard how he performed in a private chapel. So 
 he preached in the Dominicans' chapel (being himself one of 
 that order), but it was not so privately carried, but that many 
 of the town heard of it, and came thither. His text was, 
 ' Behold, the Bridegroom cometh, go ye out to meet him ' ; he 
 
88 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1663 
 
 turned the words to a mystical sense, and preached in such 
 a manner that all who heard him were so struck with the 
 impressions that his sermon made on them, that they seemed 
 ravished, and one died in a transport ; and so his boor told 
 him he saw what effects his preaching had when he set about 
 it with' a right spirit. This story went to my heart, and 
 I have been often since that time at the point of coming 
 down out of the pulpit or of breaking off in the middle when 
 I have felt violent temptations to vanity seize on me ; and I 
 have seldom preached on extraordinary occasions before 
 which I have not very heartily prayed that if the rubbing 
 shame on me by my miscarriage in it might contribute more 
 to the honour of God than my performing well, that God's 
 will might be done. I confess I have had another notion of 
 preaching ever since that time than I had before ; till then 
 I had only thought on a laboured and adorned discourse for 
 which I might [/. 4a («)] be much applauded, but from hence- 
 forth I have conceived that the true end of preaching was to 
 give men plain and easy notions of religion and to beget in 
 them tender and warm affections. And I went on in my 
 former method of accustoming myself to an extemporary way 
 of preaching. While I was at the earl of Tweeddale's sir 
 Robert Fletcher (that lived but four miles from him) came 
 over to see him ; and finding me there, * he invited me to 
 come see him at his house before I went out of the country. 
 So I waited on him ; and a Sunday falling to be in the time 
 of my visit he heard me preach .twice, and then determined 
 to present me to his church ». When he promised it first to 
 me, I was much surprised at it^ It was one of the best 
 benefices of those parts (but that had never great weight 
 with me) ; the parsonage house was not only convenient but 
 noble ; it was near all my friends ; but the gentleman's own 
 conversation was more than all these. He was an humble, 
 good, and worthy man ; he had a great love of learning, and 
 " Cf. Life {Hisi. ii), p. 676. 
 
 ' See Cockburn, p. 30. 
 
1663-4] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 41 (Z>)-42 {b) 89 
 
 had made considerable progress in it ; and his two eldest 
 sons ^ were then under a very exact education and in the 
 years most capable of it, so he intended that I should live in 
 the house with him, and assist both himself in his own studies 
 and his sons' tutor in instructing them. But that which 
 seemed to me the most considerable thing in that matter 
 was that which I ever endeavoured to follow as the safest rule 
 for the conduct of one's life ; and it was that from first to last 
 it seemed to be carried on by a series of providences. No 
 person had ever proposed it to the patron ; on the contrary, 
 I had moved the earl of Tweeddale to propose Mr. Nairn 
 to him, and then I resolved to have come in Mr. Nairn's 
 living ; but he declined the notion ; at which Tweeddale was 
 amazed, for there was not such another as Nairn to be found. 
 The excuse he made was he knew Mr. Nairn would be quickly 
 pulled from him, so that he should be put to choose again ; 
 but he did not at first speak of me (for he had not then heard 
 me preach) ; and when I pressed him further for Nairn, he 
 repeated what he had told Tweeddale, and added that my 
 inclinations to philosophy ^ and mathematics made him prefer 
 me. * I told him I intended to travel ; he said it was so much 
 the better ; I would be the more improved by it, and bishop 
 Scougall was not yet to remove for six months, so I might 
 accomplish it * I had designed this year a short ramble over 
 Holland, Flanders, and France; [/. 4a (p)'\ and on [Pin] 
 February I went to London, where I was received by sir 
 Robert Moray with more kindness than formerly. I grew 
 likewise to be engaged into great intimacies both with Argyll 
 and Tweeddale ; * and then I was carried by sir Robert to the 
 Royal Society and chosen a fellow ^ of it >> ; which was a new 
 increase to my vanity that indeed needed no addition. 
 
 " Life {Hist ii), p. 677. •■ Ihid. 
 
 • One of whom was afterwards 65 ; Hist. i. 500 ; infra. Autobiography, 
 
 famous as Andrew Fletcher of Saltoun f. aos, where he gives some account 
 
 {Hist. i. 630-1, 642, and, infra p. 161). of the mathematical studies he under- 
 
 ' i.e. the New or Experimental took with Sir Robert Fletcher, and 
 
 Philosophy of which both Burnet and their fatal results. 
 
 Fletcher were devotees. See the " Mr. Burnet's Life of his father 
 
 memorial Discourse on Fletcher, p. states(followingtheAutobiography,on 
 
go Burnet's Original Memoirs [1664 
 
 The ill state of the church in Scotland. 
 
 Hist. i. 206-7 (' He moved that a letter ' to 'given him very easily '). 
 
 Begin ' Lauderdale spake then more freely of the affairs of the church to me 
 than he had done formerly ; he told me all Sharp's past life,' &tc. 
 
 Om. ' for he had not . . . stop him.' 
 
 Om. 'Things would run to a height . . . jealous of me,' and revert to 
 ' [Sharp] moved that a letter might be writ,' &=c. 
 
 For ' for in Scotland . . . person ' read ' in the procuring of which Lauderdale 
 confessed he was not backward, for he knew they would fall out about it.' 
 
 After ' church ' add ' He said the privy council was very remiss in looking to 
 these things, so that it was necessary to lodge it with a commission for whose 
 zeal he could be answerable.' 
 
 Om. ' though much . . . ruin them ' ; and proceed to ' Fairfoul.' 
 
 For ' near kinsman ' read ' cousin-germane ' ; for ' lord Rutherford ' read 
 ' earl of Teviot ' {see Airy's note a, in loco). 
 
 For ' who, from being . . . Moors ' read only ' who was soon after killed by 
 the Moors at Tangier.' 
 
 Om. 'and knew . . . Scotland' and 'but was . . . genius.' 
 
 Om. ' I was much . . . principles.' 
 
 [Burnet and his namesake."] 
 
 He and I, though of the same name, were not akin, and 
 were not at all of a temper ; for he yielded to everybody, and 
 I had it always in my nature to oppose everything that was 
 uppermost. The truth is, I never saw any in power but they 
 abused [/. 43 (a)] it to such a degree that a man who exercised 
 a due freedom in the conduct of himself (and that did not con- 
 sult his interests in the judgements that he made of them) 
 could not comply with them or approve of them. So much 
 of our Scottish affairs. 
 
 My stay in Holland. 
 
 " Now I went beyond sea ^ ; and after I was surfeited with 
 the intolerable peevishness and ill-nature that I saw among our 
 exiles ^ at Rotterdam, and '' had run through Holland, I settled 
 
 • Cf. Hist. i. 207 ; Life, by Thomas Burnet, in Hist. ii. 677 ; and Auto- 
 biography, infra, f. 200. '' Life {Hist, ii), p. 677. 
 
 which it is founded) that the election 226, 227, 340 ; and more especially 
 
 took place on his return from the 117, with Mr. Airy's note (i. 213 in his 
 
 continent. edition). 
 * For these exiles see Hist. i. 214, 
 
i664l Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 42 {b)-^-^ {d) 91 
 
 for six weeks at Amsterdam ». Many wondered what I meant 
 by my stay there. The truth was I did not admire the learn- 
 ing of Holland ; I found little spirit among the professors at 
 Ley den. I could not bear the peevishness of Voet^ and his party 
 at Utrecht; and though I liked Des Mares ^ at Groningen better 
 than any of them, yet I did not admire him. There was some 
 philological and rabbinical learning among them, but that 
 made but a dull conversation. A few Cartesian philosophers 
 were more entertaining ; "^ but my chief business at Amsterdam 
 was to be well acquainted with all the several religions there. 
 I conversed much with the Jews, and was two hours a day 
 with a master there ^, and had much discourse with Ahoab and 
 Musaphia [? Mustapha], that were esteemed very learned ; 
 but I could not converse with Ahoab except by an interpreter, 
 for he understood not Latin. I heard him preach, and had an 
 interpreter sit by me that explained the remarkablest passages 
 of his sermon. I shall never forget one thought which was 
 indeed a noble one: he was preaching on our conformity 
 to the nature of God, and said that God made man after 
 his own image, or to be a shadow to himself (according to 
 the Hebrew word) ; now a shadow had no substance in itself, 
 and was only a ruder draught of the body whose shadow it 
 was, and moved always as the body moved. So he applied 
 it thus : that a man was to have no will of his own, but that 
 in all things he ought to follow God, and be a sort of a repre- 
 sentation (though but a rude one) of his perfections. '^ I was 
 well acquainted with the Lutherans there " ; some of them were 
 
 » Cf. Life {^Hist. ii), p. 677. •> Ibid. " Ibid. 
 
 ' Gisbert Voet (1588-1676), pro- ^ Samuel des MarSts (Maresius) 
 
 fessor of theology and oriental Ian- (1599-1673), a Frenchman, settled at 
 
 guages at Utrecht from 1634 ; head of Groningen in 1643, where he held a 
 
 the Calvinists at the synod of Dort ; theologic chair till his death thirty years 
 
 the persecutor of Descartes, and the later. Bayle admired him ; Burmann 
 
 fierce opponent of Cocceius, with described him as a man of keen in- 
 
 whose followers his disciples for a telligence and profound learning, but 
 
 hundred years disputed theologic of a violent and arrogant temper. He 
 
 pre-eminence in Holland. He was a left more than a hundred works {Biog. 
 
 voluminous writer (Biog. Universelle ; Universelle ; Paquot, Hist. Lift, des 
 
 Van der Aa, Biographisch Woordenboek Pays-Bas, i. 274-283 ; Van der Aa, xii. 
 
 der Nederlanden, xix. 296-303). 198-212'. 
 
92 Burnefs Original Memoirs [1664 
 
 fierce and untractable, but one of them, Hoppius \ was one 
 of Calixtus's disciples ^ and was both moderate in his opinions 
 and had truly elevated thoughts of God and religion. For I 
 made ever this observation, that [/. 43 (^)] the moderate men 
 had larger and nobler thoughts of God and of the design of 
 the Christian religion than the zealots have ; who are often 
 strict indeed in their lives, and very exact to a superstition 
 in all outward performances, but they seem still to serve God 
 rather as a severe master than as a merciful Father. » I was 
 well acquainted with the Remonstrants", particularly with 
 Poelenburgh ^ ; their professors [••.•*]• They were the 
 men I saw in all Holland of the clearest heads and the best 
 tempers ; they had an excellent sense of the practical parts of 
 religion (particularly of love and peace), and expressed great 
 readiness to reunite with the Calvinists whenever they should 
 come to cease from their imposing of their doctrines upon 
 them ; and thought that in these and many other points there 
 ought to be more mutual forbearance. This they extended 
 even to the Socinians ; but they assured me they were not 
 Socinians themselves, yet they did not like the subtleties of 
 the fathers and schoolmen in mysterious points. ^ I was 
 likewise acquainted^ with the Socinians ^ in particular 
 with Zuicker ^, the author of Irenicon Irenicorum ; he was 
 
 " Cf. Life {Hist, ii), p. 677. "= Ibid. 
 
 ' Evidently the ' C. Hoppe ' whose page following p. 56 and numbered 
 
 works on the ' Sacrament des Avond- 53-4 ; Van der Aa, xv. 370-1.) 
 
 maels' (1667) and on ' de Heylige * Something is here missing. 
 
 Doop ' (1669) are in the Library of the '■• Dr. Cockburn (p. 59) says Burnet's 
 
 * Evangelisch-Luthersch Seminarium * intimacy with Socinians in Holland 
 
 at Amsterdam (Catal., 1876, p. 139). gave great offence to the orthodox 
 
 ^ George Calixtus(i586-i656), pro- divines, both Dutch and English; it 
 
 fessor of theology at Helmstadt, ' gave explains the subsequent charge of 
 
 his name to a sect of Lutherans, who Socinianism brought against Burnet, 
 
 imagined they could reconcile the ' Daniel Zwicker (1612-78). A 
 
 various sects cf this faith, and bore physician, he soon plunged into 
 
 also the title of Syncretists.' theological investigations, with the 
 
 ^ Arnold Poelenburg (1628-66), object of reconcihng the various 
 
 minister successively at Home (1653), Christian sects. He is said to have 
 
 Rotterdam (1653), Amsterdam (1659), become successively a Socinian, an 
 
 was a copious writer oftheArminian or Arminian, and a Moravian; and died 
 
 Remonstrant party, with a reputation disappointed, and in estrangement 
 
 for learning (Paquot, ed. 1770, iii, from all recognized bodies. The 
 
1664] Harl. MSS. 6584, J. 43 (a)-44 (a) 93 
 
 a man of clear thoughts and very composed, and was indeed 
 by far the devoutest man I saw in Holland. He was much 
 for a community of goods and for reducing Christianity in 
 all things to what it was in the Apostles' days ; he said it 
 was not a religion that could bear great multitudes, and 
 thought that whole nations turning Christians by the lump 
 had made that there were no true Christians almost left now in 
 the world. He was against the doctrine of the Trinity, but 
 did believe that Christ's death was a sacrifice for our sins. " I 
 knew likewise the Brownists, and Menonists or Anabaptists *, 
 who were subdivided into many little fractions ^ ; they were 
 very strict in their lives, but had narrow thoughts. The city 
 ministers were good, plain men. Langelius was a strain above 
 them all in my opinion ; they made great use of the Eng- 
 lish practical books in their sermons, which were very 
 methodical and dull. ^ One thing I drank in at Amsterdam 
 (which sticks still with me and is not like to leave me), which 
 is never to form a prejudice in my mind against any man 
 because he is of this or that persuasion ; for I saw so many 
 men of all persuasions that were, as far as I could perceive, so 
 truly religious that I never think the worse of [/. 44 («)] a man 
 for his opinions ^ Education is all, to men of weak heads ; 
 they never examine the first principles that were infused in 
 them, nor were it fit to put them upon it ; for they, believing 
 all alike, if they began to doubt of some things, that would 
 carry them to doubt of others, and so they would not stop 
 perhaps till they might run too far. ° I became likewise much 
 in love with toleration by what I saw in Holland, for there 
 was only a difference of opinion among them, but no heat nor 
 anger raised by it, every one enjoying his own conscience 
 without disturbance " ; and this has ever since given me a great 
 
 ' Cf. Life {Hist, ii), p. 677. " Ibid. ' Cf. Hist. i. 207 ; and Life 
 
 as above. < 
 
 Irenicon was written in 1658 ; his Anabaptists that Leighton found the 
 
 Irenomastix Victtts in 1661 {Biog. supreme instance of the spirit of 
 
 Univ. ; Van der Aa, xxi. 86). sectarianism ? 
 '■ Was it not among the Amsterdam 
 
94 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1664 
 
 bias for toleration, for real arguments are to me much stronger 
 than speculative motions [? notions] can be. 
 
 After this I ran round all the provinces except Zealand, and 
 stayed some time both at Leyden and the Hague, and (being 
 set on it by sir Robert Fletcher) I observed all their mechanical 
 arts and the peculiar engines and instruments they made use 
 of, and took notes of all these things, which has since furnished 
 me with a great deal of forwardness in discourse, and has 
 helped me to much idle talk. I also looked into as much of 
 their government as I could observe, and I do not deny but 
 it gave me some tincture of a commonwealth ; yet when I 
 understood the English constitution right I thought it was a 
 much perfecter one, where there is as much both of monarchy 
 and commonwealth mixed as may give all the advantages 
 together which are to be found in either of these governments 
 apart ; only the danger of a jealousy and struggle may give 
 us disquiet, as it has done now for some years ^. But of all 
 the parts of the Dutch government there was nothing that 
 delighted me so much as the care that was taken of the poor 
 in so liberal and plentiful a manner, and the method in which 
 this was managed, without partiality or regard to men's 
 religions. In fine^, I liked many things that I saw among 
 them ; but the rudeness of their behaviour, particularly to 
 strangers (even their learned men and clergymen not excepted), 
 was a very odious thing. Golius, the Arabic professor at 
 Leyden ^, was the only civil man I met with, for travelling 
 had polished him. Their divines did generally dictate, and 
 did not easily bear contradiction ; and they laid great stress 
 upon very inconsiderable things. The way of private colleges 
 
 ' This passage bears a curious re- a Dutch embassy, in Morocco (1622). 
 
 semblance to a passage in the charac- There he collected valuable Arabic 
 
 ter of a 'Trimmer' (written about a MSS. ; became on his return Arabic 
 
 year later), and is probably derived professor ^t Leyden ; during 1625 
 
 from conversations with Halifax. travelled again in the Levant, and 
 
 2 Transcriber wrote 'some,' Burnet died at Leyden as professor of 
 
 corrects to ' sum or fin.' mathematics. His works, highly es- 
 
 ^ James Golius (1596-1667), pupil teemed during his own age, are said 
 
 in Arabic of Erpenius, travelled first to be still in repute {Biog. Univer- 
 
 in France, and then, as interpreter to selle ; Van der Aa, vii. 270-3). 
 
1664] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 44 (a)-44 (b) 95 
 
 in their universities is an excellent method foi: giving an intro- 
 duction to learning, [/. 44 (3)] or for a superficial view of things ; 
 in which, for an hour a day, in one or two months' time, the 
 professor gives (to such as come by an appointment together 
 to his chamber) a general idea and short system of his science, 
 or of any part of it in which they desire to be informed. So 
 much of my travels in Holland. 
 
 My jottrney to France. 
 
 * I went from thence through Flanders to France ". I only 
 saw things, but knew no considerable persons, in Flanders ; 
 and I was under a great constraint by reason of the company 
 of many Scotchmen that travelled with me from Holland to 
 Paris, and I was afraid that they might have made stories in 
 Scotland if I had conversed much, or freely, with any papists 
 as we passed through Flanders. But at Paris I was more at 
 liberty. I was recommended very particularly by sir Robert 
 Moray to Mr. Morus *, and he made me '' acquainted with 
 the lord Holies (then ambassador at Paris), who used me 
 kindly and continued to be a faithful and useful friend to me 
 to his death. He stood too much upon the points of an 
 ambassador, and considered more what an ambassador ought 
 to be than what this age can bear or that court did like ^ ; so 
 he was looked on there as a sort of a stubborn hero, but 
 as a very ill courtier. He gave me many good directions 
 and charged me to come oft to him. " I was once a day with 
 Mr. Morus ", who was a man of a great vivacity of spirit, and 
 had life in his conversation ; but I thought he had not deep 
 
 ' Cf. Hist. i. 207 ; Life {Mist, ii), p. 677 ; and infra, Autobiography. ' Cf. 
 Hist. i. 207 ; and Life as above. " Cf. Life as above. 
 
 * Alexander Morus (1616-79), born coup d'^rudition et d'esprit, peu de 
 
 in languedoc of Scotch parentage, held religion et de jugement. II est mal- 
 
 various theologic chairs, and died propre, ambitieux, inquiet, changeant, 
 
 minister of Charenton ; where his hardi, pr^somptueux, et irresolu. II 
 
 sermons attracted crowds, less on sait le latin, le grec, I'hebreu, I'arabe ; 
 
 account of their eloquence than of the et ne sait pas vivre.' He was engaged 
 
 sarcasms and witticisms interspersed. in acrimonious controversy with Milton 
 
 His orthodoxy was much questioned ; {Biog. Universelle). See also /,««</*>-- 
 
 and Bayle says : ' M. de Morus a beau- dale Papers, i. 28. 
 
96 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1664 
 
 impressions of religion, and we were often of different minds. 
 He said I was too enthusiastical and would turn hypochon- 
 driacal ; and I was afraid that he had too much levity in hia 
 mind and was too near a libertine. Mr. Daillie ^ and he; 
 were then in ill terms, which perhaps made Daillie less civil 
 to me, for I had but one long * conversation with him. I saw 
 in him a great genius % but too much heat in the matter of 
 Morus, who was certainly a very indiscreet man ; but I believe 
 he was very innocent of those things that were laid to ■ his 
 charge. I heard him preach twice ; '' he was much admired 
 for the fire and spirit with which he adorned and expressed 
 his matter, but his sermons, when stripped of that garniture, 
 would have appeared to be very ordinary things ''. The truth 
 was, the great thing that made sir Robert Moray put me 
 so much on going to France as he did was that I might ob- 
 serve their way of preaching and learn to speak my sermons 
 with more advantage ; for he thought if our English sermons 
 were pronounced as the French did theirs, the business of 
 preaching would be at great perfection [/. 45 («)] among us ; 
 and I observed this carefully. I heard many sermons of the 
 popish clergy ; I did not like the way of the Jesuits and the 
 friars, and thought it had too much of the stage in it ; too 
 much art and too much acting spoiled it ; but the secular priests 
 pleased me more, who preached more staidly and more like 
 men that were all the while thinking of what they were saying. 
 I took a good tincture of their way — indeed more than Scot- 
 land could well bear and much more than England could 
 endure ; but I have worn off some gestures that looked too 
 like acting, and yet the way of preaching in which I still hold 
 is (as some that have observed it well have told me) very like 
 the way of the secular clergy of the Port Royal. 
 
 While I was at Paris I could not get into the acquaintance 
 of any of the Jansenists ; they were then run down, and 
 were very reserved, so that it was not easy to get into any 
 
 • » Life (Hist, ii), p. 677. ^ Ibid. 
 
 ' Jean Daille (1594-1670), minister at Saumur (1625) and Charenton (1626). 
 
i664] Harl. MSS. 6584, ^ 44 {b)-4s {b) 97 
 
 familiarity with them. I confess I thought the French pro- 
 testants had no great sense of devotion, and did not imagine 
 that they would have stuck much to their religion. I made 
 some acquaintance in many religious houses, for I had then 
 a great inclination to that state of life ; but their worship 
 appeared to me to be so plainly idolatrous in many parts, and 
 superstitious in most other parts, that I could not bring iriyself 
 so much as to endure it, though I thought very well of those 
 who, by their education, were blindfold engaged in their 
 church. I did not at all like the Jesuits, but I admired the 
 methods of their order and their way of training up youth, 
 which has ever since run much in my mind. For themselves, 
 I knew indeed but few of them ; yet I saw a vast pride and 
 vanity among them, and a most horrid rage against all that 
 they looked on as enemies of their order. I saw nothing 
 among the Carthusians but dulness and stupidity. They were 
 overgrown with fat ; some were full of phlegm, and others 
 were hypochondriacal ; and no wonder, considering what 
 a violence it is to a Frenchman's nature to be in perpetual 
 silence. The Benedictines seemed a plain, honest sort of 
 people. They were very rich, and much despised ; but they 
 spoke of all orders with great contempt in comparison of their 
 own. The unrefoi-med Cordeliers seemed to have no sense of 
 religion. I was not acquainted with any of the Recollets, but 
 knew many Capuchins, who were much better than the un- 
 reformed Franciscans, but they had much wild-fire among 
 them. In short, the two points that most of all the [/. 45 {d)] 
 disputing men insisted on with me were the two least things 
 like to have wrought on me, which were the authority of the 
 church and the presence in the host. The notion I had of 
 Christianity made me incapable of admitting the one, and I 
 was too much a philosopher ever to let the possibility of the 
 other enter into me. But I looked often to find out some 
 that understood the mystical divinity, and that followed the 
 rules of it ; but I could never fall on any. I was told they 
 were persons who would not be seen ; so whether this was 
 only an excuse, or if there were really any such among them. 
 
98 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1664 
 
 I do not know. I had also much conversation [with] several 
 nuns at grates, particularly with my lady Balcarres' daugh- 
 ter ', who I found had more of the mystical notions than any 
 I spoke with ; but I saw she was very weary of the house in 
 which she lived. There were many boarders in it, by which 
 the abbess made great advantages ; and she being concerned 
 to raise her nephew was so much set on that matter that she 
 looked very little after the strict government of the house ; 
 and upon that a faction was formed against her, of which my 
 friend was said to be the chief, and was much complained of 
 as very seditious. She had a warm fancy, and was enticed to 
 go over to them as thinking a nun's life was but a little Iow;er 
 than an angel's, and was very uneasy when she found it not 
 so. The abbess was so severe to her that she laid many 
 projects to get out to leave that house ; not that she intended 
 to change her religion, but she was weary of her prison and 
 of her jailor ; but none of her projects could take effect. At 
 last she thought of an escape. I was to have assisted her in 
 it, but that could not be compassed neither. 
 
 * Aftersix weeks' stay in Paris ^ I came back to England * ; 
 and as I had made some improvement by this short ramble, 
 so I did not stick to talk of it enough to weary those that fell 
 in my way. I stayed three months longer in England. I saw 
 the war with Holland was going on, at which Lauderdale was 
 very glad, for he hoped it would ruin chancellor Hyde, who 
 he believed did not understand foreign affairs. But (that he 
 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 208 ; Life (in Hist, ii), p. 677. 
 
 ' Lady Anne Lindsay, converted to testimony of a Scots minister (who 
 
 Romanism by Jesuits about the English had seen her?) that 'she was' (still; 
 
 Court during the close of the year ' a knowing and virtuous person, and 
 
 1660, at the age of sixteen, and in the had retained the saving principles of 
 
 absence of her mother, was a few our religion ' {Memoir of Lady Anna 
 
 weeks later ' stolen away secretly from Mackenzie, pp. 53-6 (quoting Baxter), 
 
 hermoth"erinacoach,'carriedtoFrance, 139-40). 
 
 and placed in a nunnery, where before ^ Notice that three passages on p. 
 
 the end of the year she took the veil, 207 of the printed History (' I was much 
 
 under the name of Sistef Anna Maria. . . . principles,' ' an universal industry 
 
 Her mother retained to the last a ... satisfaction in that matter,' and 
 
 pathetic conviction of her daughter's ' This established . .. absolute power') 
 
 sincerity, and thankfully recorded the are later additions. 
 
:679-8i] The Elliot-Leslie Extracts 99 
 
 himself might have some secret advices to give the king) he 
 sent over to Holland for doctor Macdonal ^ (a Scotch physiciaa 
 then in good employment there) and promised him great 
 matters. [Here the fragment ends abruptly with the folio, 
 ' desunt ' being written in a hand which resembles that of 
 
 /> 2-] 
 
 [CONNECTING NOTE. 
 
 The first fragment of the Harleian MS. ending thus abruptly at this 
 point, a very large portion of Burnet's early narrative (corresponding 
 on a geneial estimate to pp. 208-310 and 333-543 of Burnet's first volume, 
 and including the events of the years 1665-82) is unfortunately missing; 
 with the exception only of the few fragmentary passages relating to the 
 years 1679-81, preserved by Leslie and Elliot, as explained at length 
 in the preface. These are here given entire. See also infra, Autobiography, 
 ff. 202-7'.] 
 
 THE ELLIOT-LESLIE EXTRACTS, 1679-81 « 
 
 [Extract I : The exclusion intrigues (1679-81^).] 
 
 '■^ He doth acl<nowledge himself to have been for the bill of 
 exclusion, and writes, that he travelled much among noble- 
 men in negotiating this affair. '' And here he shews that the 
 country party . . , ^ was broken in pieces ; for nothing less would 
 satisfy Shaftesbury than a total exclusion. Halifax would not 
 hear of this, but was as tenacious for a limited power as the 
 other was for exclusion ; so the party was divided. ° Burnet 
 shews us that he endeavoured much to reconcile them, and 
 
 » Cf. Hist. i. 459 and 481. " Ibid. 455-9- " Ibid. 459, 481. 
 
 1 Jan. 21 [i66-i], Rothes writing to of York that he found means of in- 
 
 Lauderdale says he has shown to forming his royal highness very early 
 
 Argyll the ' double ' (duplicate or of that design in agitation against him ; 
 
 copy) of Mackdonnill's letters {Laud. and thereby came into his good graces. 
 
 Pap. i. 207). Q. is this the man ! or it though it is at the same time ' apparent 
 
 may be ' my lord MacDonald ' {Ibid. from his history ' that he drove on 
 
 201). with the faction against him'; and 
 
 » Elliot, pp. 13-4. For comments [adds Leslie] ' If he has forgot . . . sir 
 
 see i')id. pp. 45-6 ; and [Leslie in] J. B. can refresh his memory.' 
 
 New Association, ii. 23; Cassandra, =' For so he frequently distinguishes 
 
 ii. 22-4, where [Leslie] makes the between the king and his loyal sub. 
 
 curious assertion that ' the author of jects, for the one party, and the 
 
 the New Association ' [himself] has factious plotters agamst the king and 
 
 recently discovered ' the author of th« government for the other ; calhng the 
 
 Secret History' to have been ' so far first the court party, and the other 
 
 against the bill for excluding the duke the country party ' [Elliot]. 
 
 H % 
 
100 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1679E 
 
 particularly that he took pains upon Halifax to make him; 
 comply with Shaftesbury's designs, but in vain. In the end, 
 » he tells us the project that he fell upon, which he thought 
 might please both parties, and this was a guardian-regent ta 
 be set over the king in case he were a Roman Catholic. This 
 project of his, as he writes, was generally applauded » by thgr 
 whole party ; wherewith he seems to be so well pleased that 
 he falls in love with' himself, and doth commend and admire 
 himself for this, as if he had found heaven upon earth. •> But 
 the mischief on't was, these castles in the air of his were soon 
 blown down '' ; for when this project of his came to be proposed- 
 by the whole party to the king and parliament, the king very 
 briskly crushed it in the head, would not hear of it, and so 
 sent it packing out of doors ^. 
 
 [Extract II : Action of the clergy in 1679. 
 
 Upon the earl of Danby's trial Burnet explains that] 
 <= ' Many books came out likewise against the church of 
 England. This alarmed the bishops and clergy much, so they 
 [Leslie reads " so that they "] set up to preach against rebel- 
 lion and the late times in such a strain that it was visible they 
 meant a parallel between those and the present times [Leslie 
 reads " these . . . present times "] ; and this produced at last 
 that heat and rage into which the clergy has ran " so far that it 
 
 ■ Cf. Hist. i. 496. " Ihid. 498. " Ibid. 461. 
 
 ' The reverse of this is insinuated time '). For the furious indignation esc- 
 
 in Hist. i. 496, 498. Elhot probably cited by these and similar strictures 
 
 misunderstood the passage. upon the clergy, see Elliot, pp. 30-8; 
 
 * Given verbatim by Elliot, pp. 10- Cassandra^ ii. 27 ; and Speculum 
 
 I. Quoted previously in [Leslie's] Sarisburianum, pp. 13, 17 (' This 
 
 Cassandra, No. ii, published 1704, author ... by his intemperate and 
 
 pp. 26-7 ; and (down to the words contemptuous expressions for a long 
 
 ' are in the nation ' only) on the time, but more especially of late, uni^ 
 
 title-page oS Speculum Sarisburianum, verso clero helium indixerii'). That 
 
 by ' Philoclerus,' published in 1714 these animadversions had some 
 
 (by the latter of which it is ascribed effect on Burnet may be concluded 
 
 to a 'MS. History representing the from the transformation which the 
 
 affairs of Church and State within passage has undergone in the printed 
 
 Britain and Ireland in the author's version ; and from Hist. i. 3 {bis). 
 
1679] ^^^ Elliot Leslie Extracts loi 
 
 IS like to end very fatally. They on their part should have 
 
 ■ shewn more temper, and more of the spirit of the gospel ; 
 
 whereas, for the greatest part, they are the worst natured, the 
 
 •fiercest, indiscreetest, and most persecuting sort of people that 
 
 are in the nation. There is * a sort of them do so aspire to 
 
 ■preferment, that there is nothing so mean and indecent that 
 
 they will not do to compass it » ; and when they have got into 
 
 •preferments, they take no care either of themselves or of their 
 
 ■flocks committed to their charge, but do generally neglect 
 
 their parishes. If they are rich [Leslie reads " rich enough "] 
 
 they hire some pitiful curate at as low a price as they can, 
 
 and turn all over on him ; or, if their income will not bear out 
 
 that, they perform the public offices in the slightest manner 
 
 -they can, but take no care of the [Leslie reads " their "] people 
 
 in the way of private instruction or admonition, and so do 
 
 nothing to justify the character of pastors or watchmen that 
 
 feed the souls of the [Leslie reads " their"] people, or watch over 
 
 [th]em ; and they allow themselves many indecent liberties 
 
 of going to taverns and alehouses, and of railing scurrilously 
 
 against all that differ from them ; and they cherish the pro- 
 
 'faneness of their people if they but come to church, and rail 
 
 with them against dissenters, and are implacably set on the 
 
 ruin of all that separate from them if the course of their lives 
 
 were otherwise never [Leslie "ever"] so good and unblamable. 
 
 In a word, many of them are a reproach to Christianity and 
 
 to their profession, and are now perhaps one of the most 
 
 corrupt bodies of men in the nation.' 
 
 - [Extract III: On bishops voting upon capital cases^. 
 
 •■ Upon the debate on Danby's trial. Whether the bishops 
 ;ought to sit in parliament to vote in trials of life and death H] 
 
 " Hist. i. 462. '' Cf. ibid. 462-3. 
 
 ' Given verbatim by Elliot, pp. 11- virhich (from 'Their unacquaintedness ' 
 3. [Leslie, in] New Association, ii to ' act against it ' only) is also cited 
 <i703), 2$, refers to the passage; verbally at p. 27 of the same work. 
 
I02 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1679 
 
 " ' Thus was the matter argued on both sides, and upon thts 
 occasion doctor Stillingfleet gave an astonishing proof of his 
 great capacity and how he can make himself master of any 
 argument; for, after the lawyers and others versed in parlia- 
 mentary records had writ of these matters, he undertook it, 
 and shewed so much more skill and exactness in searching 
 and judging of records than all the rest that had meddled 
 with it had done, that he indeed put an end to the contro- 
 versy in the opinion of all wise and impartial men. He was 
 for the right of the bishops, and made it out, in my opinion, 
 beyond contradiction from the ground of the laws of 
 England *. 
 
 ' But to give my sense upon the matter^ separated from the 
 particular constitution of this government : I cannot but look 
 upon the bishops' meddling in all parliamentary matters 
 (except when the consultations of religion are on foot) as 
 a thing very unsuitable to their profession, so that I wish 
 they only sat in the house of lords as the judges do, who 
 only give their opinion in matters of law when they are asked- 
 So if bishops had no other share in those consultations, it 
 would be better both for themselves and the church ; for 
 they are considered as so many sure votes to the court, which 
 must always go as the king would have them ; and being 
 generally men of weak minds, they do very probably comply 
 with the king's solicitations often against their own reasons. 
 '' Their unacquaintedness with the law, and the wrong notion 
 they generally have of civil society'', make them very unfit for 
 those consultations ; and their voting as they commonly do, 
 creates a very ill opinion of all clergymen, which fortifies 
 atheism mightily, and gives all, that are concerned for public 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 463-4. i- Cf. Life (in Hist, ii), p. 673. 
 
 Comments on the sentiments expressed charge of inconsistency levelleU 
 
 will be found in Elliot, pp. 42-5, who against Burnet, with respect to the 
 
 makes considerable capital out of vexed question of clerical interference 
 
 Burnet's own Parliamentary activity in general politics, see Hickes, Some 
 
 in his episcopal capacity ; with special discourses upon Dr. Burnet, &c., p. 4 f 
 
 reference to his conduct in the matter Harl. MSS. 6584, f. 40 (b),ante; Hist, 
 
 of Sir John Fenwick, 1697 (consult i. 380. 
 here Hist. ii. 193 and notes). For the 
 
1679] The Elliot- Leslie Extracts 103 
 
 liberty, an aversion to them as a set of men that will ever vote 
 and act against it. 
 
 ' And indeed, when I consider the general corruption of the 
 clergy that has been now for many ages over all Christendom, 
 I know not where to lay the first source and spring of it.' 
 ^ The source and spring which he fixeth as the common cause 
 of the corruption of the clergy is too great livings ; he wishes 
 they had a more precarious dependence upon their people, 
 and that they were only to have their gratuities and benevo- 
 lences instead of a settled living. This, says he, would make 
 them more strict in their lives, and more diligent in the 
 exercise of their ministerial function and office. 
 
 [Extract IV: Murder of archbishop Sharp, May 3, 1679 ^] 
 
 ' But now they began with a man of another figure ; they 
 looked on Sharp as the man that set on all the hard things 
 that were done against them : so some of them lay in his way 
 * as he passed through a moor within two miles of St. Andrews. 
 '' The company that were with him had rid before to order 
 dinner ; others were sent about by him with some civil mes- 
 sages to some persons of quality, near whose houses he had 
 passed ; so that he was alone, without any to defend the coach, 
 when six or seven assassinates espied the coach and stopped 
 it. One of them fired a pistol at him, which burnt his coat 
 and gown, but the shot did not go into his body ; upon which 
 a report was afterwards spread that he had purchased a magical 
 secret for securing him against shot ^. ^And his murderers gave 
 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 470. " Ibid. 471. 
 
 ' Elliot, p. 13. It seems to be an 33-6, which refers to The Spirit of 
 
 abstracted continuation of the pre- Popery speaking out of the mouths of 
 
 ceding verbatim passage. fanatical Protestants . . . 1680 (p. 58}, 
 
 ' Elliot, pp. 9-10 ; it had been the Presbyterian Narrative of the oc- 
 
 previously quoted [by Leslie] in Cas- currence, in which Burnet would seem 
 
 Sandra, No. ii. (1704), pp. 33-6. For to have been mentioned ; and eulogizes 
 
 vituperative comments on it, see the True Account (1679) of the 
 
 EUiot, pp. 17-30. He suggests that murder, and the Narrative appended 
 
 Burnet may have obtained his materials to the above Spirit of Popery. 
 from 'Mess. John Welsh' (who after ^ The following sentence is probably 
 
 Bothwell-Bridge lived principally with the 'line' referred to by Airy, Htst. 
 
 Shaftesbury). See too Cassandra, ii. in loco, note a. 
 
jo4 Eurnefs Original Memoirs [167$ 
 
 out that there were very suspicious things found in a purse 
 about him. But it was no wonder to find those that murdered 
 his person endeavour to blacken his reputation. He begged 
 his life ^ in a very abject manner of them, and was in 
 great disorder: ^they murdered him very barbarously, and 
 repeated their strokes till it was sure he was dead, and so rid 
 away*. Some of them have since given it out that they had 
 not resolved on doing this any time before that ; ^ but, seeing 
 his coach appear alone on the moor, they took their resolu- 
 tion all on a sudden. And this was the fate of that unhappy 
 man ^, who certainly needed a little more time to have fitted 
 him for an unchangeable state ^. But I would fain hope that 
 he had all his punishment in that terrible conclusion of his 
 life 3.' 
 
 [Extract V ; Godolphiti in 1679 ; general character 
 of the clergy *.] 
 
 '='And now the governing men were Sunderland, Hyde, 
 and Godolphin. The last of these is a very silent man ; he 
 has a great deal of wit and sense, and is esteemed a virtuous 
 man ", but I know him not. I have heard different characters 
 of him ; but I always believe well of laymen till I see cause 
 to change my mind ; though as to churchmen, it is quite 
 otherwise with me, for I have seen so much amiss in that 
 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 471. •> Ibid. 470-1. <■ Ibid. 478-9. 
 
 1 [Leslie in] Cassandra denies this * Elliot, p. 11. The sentences from 
 
 on the authority of the official Nar- ' I always beUeve well ' to end of ex- 
 
 ratice, and says the archbishop died tract had been previously quoted 
 
 with 'Christian courage and resolution. in The New Association, ii (1703), 23;. 
 
 ... No history since St. Stephen and in the Preface to Three Short 
 
 can shew a greater example of com- Treatises now again published by Dr. 
 
 posure ofmind.' George Hickes . . . 1709, from one 
 
 ' This clause was only expunged of which we may no doubt derive the 
 
 in the final revision; see Airy, Hist., paraphrase given by Swift, Works, ed. 
 
 note c, (« loco. 1824, iv. 167, as a notorious saying of 
 
 This sentence probably answers to Burnet's. For comments see Elliot, 
 
 Airy s illegible line referring to Burnet pp. 34-41 ; the other tract mentioned 
 
 himself in the Bodleian autograph of loc. cit. 
 the History. 
 
j68o] The Elliot-Leslie Extracts 105 
 
 profession that I am always inclined to think ill of them till 
 I see cause to think otherwise.' 
 
 [Extract VI : The prince of Orange and the exclusion bill 
 in 1680'.] 
 
 Of the prince of Orange he writes : ■' That minheer Fagel, 
 to the best of my remembrance, who was sent over from the 
 States of Holland to the king at that time, when the bill of 
 ■exclusion was in agitation, had particular instructions from 
 the prince of Orange to deal with the leading members of the 
 house of commons to promote the passing of that bill. 
 
 ■ [Extract VII: Reception of his History of the Reformation'^^ 
 
 Upon his finishing his History of the Reformation of the 
 Church of England [vol. i] he informs us : ''That he had such 
 thanks returned in a compliment from the parliament of 
 England ""j that never any had the like in such a case bestowed 
 Upon them. 
 
 [Extract VIII : Reception of his sertnon and Dr. Sprat's 
 before the house of commons '.] 
 
 * Upon Dr. Sprat's sermon and his, before the house of 
 commons, he says : That his sermon had both the applause 
 and thanks of the house. But of Dr. Sprat's sermon he gives 
 this account : That it was indeed the worst sermon that ever 
 
 • Cf. Hist. i. 482. " Ibid. 483. " Ibid. 
 
 ' Elliot, p. 17; previously quoted in that Burnet had perhaps ' blabbed ' the 
 
 Cassandra, ii. 40. For comments, see secret, because, despite his great 
 
 Elliot, p. 61, who not only speaks of services, he was postponed to Tillot- 
 
 Burnetasprivy to this 'early plot,' this son and another at the Revolution. 
 
 'great secret' of the prince's, but For the history of this episode the 
 
 adds the scurrilous suggestion that editor may be permitted a reference 
 
 he was also privy to the murder plot to the Life of Halifax, i. 235, 237, 
 
 of the 'Rye House' ; and Cassandra 264-5, 267, 285-6, 306-9. 
 
 (as above), whence the sinister sug- " Elliot, p. 15 ; for his comments see 
 
 gestion originally emanates. Leslie ibid. 47-8. 
 
 lays great stress on this ' underhand ' Elliot, p. 14 ; previously cited in 
 
 attempt ' of the prince ' against his Cassandra, ii. 24, where Sprat's name 
 
 father ' ; and maliciously insinuates, is suppressed in favour of the de- 
 
io6 Burnet's Original Memoirs [leso 
 
 he heard him preach » ; and adds this character of the doctor, 
 That he is a man that has little knowledge of divinity, and as 
 little sense of it, and *> describes him to, be a man, that is much 
 addicted to pleasures. 
 
 [Extract IX: Dissolution of the Oxford parliament; 
 a declaration J and addresses ^.] 
 
 " He writes of the king, at the dissolution of the Oxford 
 parhament : That he came to the parliament house in a very 
 indecent manner, being carried in a chair to the house of 
 lords, with the crown between his legs ; and having sent for 
 the house of commons, he pulled it out from thence — i. e. from 
 his codpiece, as the factious party made the story pass — and 
 put it on his head, and so dissolved the parliament. 
 
 ■^ After the dissolution of the Oxford parliament, the king emits 
 a declaration, in which he endeavours to satisfy all his subjects 
 with his proceedings, and shews how insolent the parliament 
 had been in their doings ; and withal signifies to all his sub- 
 jects that he would ever adhere to and defend the protestant 
 religion, and would call parliament as often as his subjects 
 could desire, when he found them inclined to make a right use 
 of them. 
 
 The archbishop of Canterbury advised in council that this 
 declaration or manifesto of the king's should be read by the 
 clergy from their pulpits upon a Sunday ; whereupon Burnet 
 reflects severely upon the archbishop for giving this advice, 
 and the clergy for reading this declaration, as a thing whereby 
 they became heralds to the king, which was unsuitable to their 
 office : and as if it had been some horrible wickedness, or at 
 least some disorderly practice, he would fain persuade us that 
 such a thing was never done before. He says the declaration 
 
 - Cf. HUt. i. 483. i> Ibid. " Ibid. 499. ^ Ibid. 500. 
 
 cription 'a reverend and learned a good living ;' which the king said was 
 
 divine of the first figure, now living, as good as thanks of the house of 
 
 . . . who has the reputation of as commons.' 
 
 ingenious a man as any in England.' ' Elliot, pp. 15-6; see his comments, 
 
 For comments see Elliot, pp. 46-7, pp. 49-55. It was previously quoted, 
 
 who gives the further detail, that with comments, [by Leslie] in Cos- 
 
 Charles II recompensed Dr. Sprat's sandra, ii. 37. 
 sermon, which was full of loyalty, with 
 
i68i] The Elliot-Leslie Extracts 107 
 
 had that effect, that the whole people of England addressed 
 the king from all places, signifying their resolution to stand 
 by the king and the hereditary succession in the true line. 
 
 * These addresses he calls fulsome, and again flies in the 
 face of the clergy, •• as being the contrivers or penmen of these 
 addresses ; and takes occasion often to renew his repeated 
 accusations against the clergy '', saying they were men of loose 
 lives, going to taverns, and their business there was ° to drink 
 the duke's health, and confusion to his enemies. 
 
 [Extract X : Burnet's retirement front politics in 1681 '.] 
 ^ He writes of himself that, after the dissolution of the 
 Oxford parliament, he did betake himself to a more strict 
 course of life ^ than he had formerly accustomed himself to ; 
 he had formerly been too much elevated and carried away by 
 the applause of men, and had been given to a looseness in his 
 life ; and though he does not particularly mention what his 
 crime was, yet in general terms he does acknowledge himself 
 to have been an ill man, and guilty of such things as he should 
 for the time to come remember with sorrow of heart, as he 
 expressly words it. ® He writes that now he gave himself to 
 fasting and prayer °, and he doubts not but the fruits of it will 
 ever remain with him. It has made him more humble, more 
 watchful, more charitable to the failings of others, and many 
 such like words to this purpose. 
 
 [Extract XI : He declines preferment'^ i\ 
 ^ He says that he might several times have been preferred 
 
 * Cf. Hist. i. 500-1, 509. '' Cf. ibid. 501, 509. " Cf. iUd. 509. 1 Cf. 
 
 ibid. 500. ^' Ibid. ' Ibid. 507. 
 
 ' Elliot, pp. 16-7 ; previously cited, in a man of Elliot's profession. It 
 
 with comments, [by Leslie] in the must however be admitted that Elliot 
 
 New Association, ii. 24 ; Cassandra, is not the only offender in this respect. 
 
 il. 27. Elliot's own remarks (pp. 55- ^ Elliot, p. 15 ; previously quoted 
 
 60) are peculiarly virulent, and tlie [by Leslie] in Cassandra, ii. p. 28. 
 
 disgraceful manner in which he dis- The comments of Elliot are on pp. 48- 
 
 torts a general confession of penitence 9 of his tract ; those of Cassandra {in 
 
 into an admission of concealed infamy, loco) are rather pertinent. He asks, 
 
 of 'some extraordinary lewdness or for instance, why the Temple should 
 
 wrickedness in his private conversa- lie less heavy on Burnet's conscience 
 
 tion,' with the disgusting insinuation than any other cure ; have lawyers no 
 
 on p. 55, seem specially discreditable souls ? 
 
io8 Burnet's Original MeMoirs [1681 
 
 to considerable ^ livings % and in particular that the dean and 
 chapter of St. Paul's offered him a living within the City of ;^5oo 
 per ann., but he would not embrace it, because he could not 
 in conscience exoner himself of the vast charge which did 
 belong to it '^- ^ But the Temple, in appearance, being to fall 
 vacant at that time, he was rather desirous of that''; and so 
 much the rather, because he was averse to mingle himself 
 •with the church and clergy. 
 
 [Extract XII : Burnet reflects on the Maitlands ^.] 
 
 " He reflects severely upon the duke of Lauderdale, and 
 scribbles much of his insolencies '^ and the brutalities of Hatton ; 
 so he is pleased to express the actions of that lord, who was 
 brother-germane to duke Lauderdale. 
 
 CONNECTING NOTE. 
 
 [The next fragment of the original version preserved in the Harleian 
 MS. relates to the ' Rye House' conspiracy, and was composed (to judge 
 by internal evidence) between June 20, 1684, when Sir Thomas Armstrong 
 was executed (see infra, f. 97 {a)), and Dec. 23 in the same year, when 
 BaJUie (Jerviswood) suffered (see f. 95 [b)). It occupies ff. 93-106 of the 
 MS. and represents ' No. 3 ' in Dr. Gifford's arrangement. Though in 
 a different hand from the first fragment, it evidently formed part of the 
 same transcript ; the paper employed bears a close resemblance to that 
 in use for the former specimen ; and both have been corrected by 
 Dr. Burnet himself. On f. 92 we find a few notes by Dr. Gifford, relative 
 to the principal divergences between the MS. and the printed version ; 
 and at the bottom of the first and last sheets, in a writing which resembles 
 that of f. 2, 'Desunt' (which has been erroneously entered, and then 
 obliterated at several other points) is inscribed. On f. 93 is pasted 
 a minute scrap of paper, apparently employed as a marker ; it bears 
 a few words in the same hand, of which ' Russel's tryal ' are alone 
 decipherable. As the fragment begins abruptly, and as the opening 
 sentence corresponds with nothing in the printed History, an introductory 
 heading is conjecturally supplied, on the strength of James Ferguson's 
 Ferguson the Plotter, pp. 422-37 ; Sprat's Rye House P/^/, Appendix, p. 42.] 
 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 507. i' Ibid. " Ibid. 472. A Ibid. 523. 
 
 ' See Life (in Hist, ii), p., 691 ; Life early intimacy with Lauderdale. Hat- 
 
 of Halifax, i. 230, note 4. ton he is said to have hated as being-' a 
 
 2 Leslie's paraphrase in Cassandra true friend to the episcopal church of 
 
 runs, ' taken upon him so great a cure Scotland.' The context of Burnet's 
 
 of souls.' disparaging remarks is of course merely 
 
 ^ Elliot, p. 17. His remarks, pp. 62- conjectural ; he gives a veiy unfavour- 
 
 ■6, are .sufficiently vituperative, and re- able view of Hatton, Hist. i. 299. 
 vive all the old scandals of Burnet's 
 
1683] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 93 {a)-{b) 109 
 
 HARL. MSS. 6584; SECOND FRAGMENT: 
 THE 'RYE HOUSE PLOT ' 1 
 
 \^The duke of Monmouth and the king's murder f] 
 
 [/■ 93 (^)] Some had offered to him to do it, but he seemed 
 to abhor it, as Essex did extremely. " West and Rumsey did 
 speak often of it, as both Walcot and Holloway have confessed 
 at their deaths ; ^ some indeed talked of killing the king, and 
 not the duke, and spoke to Hone to engage him in it ^ but it 
 is hard to know what to make of this unless they were dis- 
 guised papists. " Others, as is said, and with more probability, 
 were for killing the duke, and it is not unlike that Rumbold 
 might have proposed his house, as a fit place for executing so 
 black a design, but I cannot think that it was ever laid <', much 
 less that it was so near as has been given out. 
 
 Keeling discovers all. 
 
 a. from beginning of Hist. i. 544 to ' contradict one another.' 
 
 For ' who was sinking . . . better trade ' read ' who was broken in his fortune ; 
 he was become desperate and run in with great fury into all the violent things 
 that could be proposed to him.' 
 
 . For ' often to try . . . brothers ' read ' he was engaged in these designs of 
 inflaming the city, but he found the turning a witness was like to be a safer 
 and more profitable operation.' 
 
 For 'Legge made . . . witnesses' read 'At first there was no great account 
 had of him and his story ; he had no other witnesses to make it out, and none 
 appearing to be engaged in it but a mean sort of persons, it was not much 
 considered ; yet he was encouraged, and bid to lay the matter so as to be sure 
 of another witness.' 
 
 For ' So Goodenough . . . would do ' read ' and then Goodenough, not being 
 distrustful of him, talked freely to him ... of seizing the Tower and many 
 other extravagant wicked things, which struck a horror in this other Keeling, 
 that had never heard such discourse in his whole life.' 
 
 [/ 93 (*)] Om. {at this point) 'but stopped at Whitehall' ; and for 'drew 
 him on and ' read ' engaged him, so that he could not easily get away from him ; 
 he stopped the hackney coach in which they went at Whitehall gate, and 
 pretending business with one there.' 
 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 558-9, 576. ^ Ibid. 559. " Ibid. 543. 
 
 ' It has been thought advisable in the modified wording of the final 
 this section to record even slight varia- rendering with a distinct, if restricted, 
 tions of expression, where these appear belief in the existence of an important 
 at all significant ; the general tenor of conspiracy ; though not in the justice 
 the language in the earlier version of all the convictions, or in the corn- 
 being decidedly more compatible than plete veracity of the witnesses. 
 
no Burnet's Original Memoirs. [1683 
 
 For ' His brother . . . heard ' read ' So the secretary took his deposition. 
 Upon this the secretary ought either to have kept up the witnesses, or have 
 sent to seize on Goodenough and the others against whom Keehng swore 
 treason. But.' 
 
 Before 'phlegmatic' read 'cold and"; and for 'such = work' read 'such 
 quick work as the discovery of a conspiracy.' 
 
 For ' and all . . . way' read ' and he both withdrew himself, and some others 
 went from their houses, upon advices given as is most likely by him.' 
 
 For ' and apprehending . . . contradict one another,' read only ' and so had 
 the conveniency of laying their story ; and they both went away.' 
 
 [Discourse on the subject^ 
 
 '■^Within three days the plot broke out, and was the whole 
 discourse of the town : there were many examinations taken * ; 
 but people had become so much accustomed to discourses of 
 sham plots and false witnesses, that there was no great regard 
 had to it. * Some came to me and assured me there was 
 a reality in it. [/. 94 («)] Col. Fitzpatrick ^ and Mr. Brisbane ^ 
 told me the evidence was clear and undeniable. Among others, 
 Howard came to see me the next day, and talked of it so much 
 in his spiteful way of raillery that he possessed me really with 
 a belief that he knew nothing of it. He said now that the 
 court had got sheriffs of London and, by consequence, juries 
 in their hands, we would not be long without false witnesses ; 
 and he believed many honest men would be taken off. He 
 wished himself beyond seas, and spake terribly of the duke 
 as one that would not be only worse than queen Mary, but 
 worse than Nero*". But I was so full of the impressions that 
 were given me of the truth of the plot, that I said I should be 
 very sorry if there had been anything of that sort among any 
 of them ; for I believed it would tend more to the bringing iil 
 of popery among us than all things else whatsoever. <= So he 
 lifted up his hands and eyes to heaven, and vowed to me that 
 he knew of no plot, and that he believed nothing of it. Two 
 days after that a proclamation came out for the discovery of 
 the con.spirators who had left their houses, and Rumsey and 
 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 546. I' Cf. ibid, infra. <= Ibid. 
 
 ' Hist. i. 266 ; Dalrymple, ed. 1790, Halifax, ii. 209. 
 part i. bk. v, App. p. 66; Portland ^ See Life of Halifa.v, i. 178 ; Hist., 
 
 MSS. (H. M. C), iii. 553 sq. ; Life of ed. Airy, ii. 153, note. 
 
1683] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 93 {b)-f)^ (b) m 
 
 West were named among them ; but that very night West 
 rendered himself, and Rumsey came in next day. " And then 
 they told a long story of an insurrection that Shaftesbury had 
 been managing, and that had been carried on so far after he 
 went out of England that they came to debate whether it 
 should begin on the seventeenth day of November, the day of 
 queen Elizabeth's coming to the crown, ^ or the Sunday there- 
 after. " Rumsey also told of that meeting at Shepherd's, 
 ^and both of them related a long story of the design of 
 assassinating the king and duke at Rye. 'They had like- 
 wise got a hint of the meetings of the six persons formerly 
 named, and of a treaty in which they were engaged with the 
 Scots ". It is not yet understood how they came to know any- 
 thing of this, whether it was [/. 94 (b)'\ by the Scottish men 
 that Ferguson knew it, and that he trusted it to them ; or 
 whether Monmouth had trusted it to Armstrong, and he had 
 trusted it to Rumsey and Ferguson ; ' but all that they knew 
 of this was only from second-hand ^ and upon report, so that 
 the discourse at Shepherd's was all that affected any of the 
 lords. sXhis gave the greatest advantage to the duke and 
 his party that was possible, for now they twisted the design 
 of murdering the king with the other consultations that were 
 among the lords, and made it all appear as one complicated 
 thing, and so the matter went over England and over all 
 Europe. 
 
 [ Various arrests.] 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 547 {/mm ' When the council found ' to p. 548, ' his life waa a 
 burden to him '). 
 
 After ' lord Russell ' add ' and Grey.' 
 
 For ' They would not . . . leave ' read ' The king's tenderness for Monmouth 
 was the cause of this, for they would not seize on him till they knew the king's 
 mind.' 
 
 After ' go out ' read ' but he was ordered not to go into the house. ' 
 
 For ' He heard that Rumsey ... his own mind ' read ' but though there was 
 ^ great difference among his friends concerning his stay or his going, yet he 
 was positive himself in his resolution of staying. He knew he had never 
 trusted Rumsey with any .secrets ; he thought that discourse at Shepherd's was 
 
 » Cf. Hist. i. 544, 536-7. ^ Ibid. 545. <^ Ibid. 547. ^ Ibid. 543. 
 
 " Ibid. 547. ' Ibid. ^ Cf. Hist, i, end of p. 559 and beginning of p. 560. 
 
112 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1683 
 
 so honest and well-meant, that it could be no more at worst than a conceal- 
 ment. So.' 
 
 For ' till the king was come : and then ' read ' and as he was at dinner.* ^ 
 
 [/ 95 {")'] -^fter ' examined ' adil ' only.' 
 Om. from ' and said to the last ' to ' prisoner to the Tower.' 
 For ' but his examination . . . maxim ' read only ' who in his rough way 
 refused to answer the questions that the lord keeper put to him.' 
 
 For ' There was at that time . . . against law' 7-ead ' By what has appeared 
 since it seems his imprisonment was illegal, for unless the lord Howard ha4 
 at that time secretly made oath against him nobody else had done it except 
 from second-hand. Now though a man may be examined and keeped in a 
 messenger's hands upon such a remote evidence, yet no man can be imprisoned 
 according to the law but upon a positive evidence against him.' 
 
 For ' while the town . . . fermentation ' read ' often and kept much out of th? 
 way.' 
 
 For ' examined them ' read ' took a subtle method in examining them.' 
 A/ier ' his person ' add ' in which he believed they had no share.' 
 Om. ' or others in England.' 
 
 Affer ' Scotland ' add ' and concerning their commerce with Argyll.' 
 [/• 95 (*)] Aft^>' ' answers ' add ' against himself or others.' 
 For ' and he seemed . . . against him ' read ' and he shewed too rough a 
 neglect of all that could be done to himself, and acted the part of a philosopher 
 rather than of a prudent man.' 
 
 Before ' Baillie was loaded' insert ' Upon this occasion the king told him he 
 would order garters for his legs, which was carried about as if the 'king had 
 threatened him with the boots ; but that was false ; yet upon it.' 
 
 After ' burden to him' add ' But the ill usage he met with, though it brought 
 diseases upon him, of which he is now dying in Scotland, yet could draw 
 nothing from him.' 
 
 [Faie of others ijnfilicaied.l 
 ^ Sir John Cochrane had spoken too liberally of the duke's 
 government in Scotland, in the hearing of some who carried it 
 to court ; so the king bid the secretary for Scotland write 
 to him to come to court, and it was intended to have given 
 him a reprimand, and to have ordered him to go presently to 
 Scotland. But he, knowing that this was coming to him, left 
 his lodging % and so the letter did not find him. I, in the sim- 
 plicity of my heart, sent and advised him to go to court, an^ 
 to ask pardon if he had spoken anything indecently ; for I 
 thought the king's ordering him to be thus writ for looked as 
 if he had been in no danger ; but I did not know that he had 
 been engaged in more dangerous intrigues. He hid himself for 
 some time in London, ''and got beyond sea"^ before the ports 
 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 548. ^ Ibid. 549. 
 
1683] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 94 {by^<o {a) 113 
 
 were stopped upon the breaking out of the plot, and so he 
 escaped a long imprisonment and the boots perhaps by this 
 time. Munro^ had been sick all the while, so he had no 
 meetings with any English men ; only he was once with Shep- 
 herd, which has brought him into a great deal of trouble. 
 Shepherd (being named by Rumsey) was seized on, but some 
 of his friends undertook he should tell all he knew, and so he 
 was let go again in a [/. 96 («)] few days. 
 
 * Major Wildman was also seized on. He is a great common- 
 wealth's man, and as both Sidney and he had appeared very 
 resolutely against Cromwell when he began to set up for him- 
 self) so he was kept in prison many years after the king's 
 restoration. He is very learned both in law and physic *, and 
 has a great quickness of apprehension, but has a heat in his 
 temper, and though it is a more governable thing than Sidney's 
 was yet [it] is very apt to break out. "^ In one of his cellars 
 there was two small guns found that had belonged to the earl 
 of Northumberland and were left by him in York house when 
 he removed out of it ; so the duke of Buckingham, that was 
 the owner of that house, kept them and put them in Wildman 's 
 hand, who had laid them on wooden carriages to save them 
 from spoiling on the ground ; but as they were too small for 
 service, so the carriages, not being fortified with iron, were 
 only fit to bear them but not to draw them. Yet it was said, 
 here was cannon found on new carriages ; and so they were let 
 stand some days in the court of Whitehall to affect the un- 
 thinking multitudes that ran thither to see them ; and while 
 others laughed at this, the rabble looked on it as an undeniable 
 evidence of the plot. 
 
 ° As soon as the council rose after Russell had been sent to 
 the Tower the king went to the duchess of Monmouth ", and 
 was an hour with her ; and immediately after that the duke 
 of Monmouth left his house, so those who came to seize on 
 him looked for him in vain ; but all people believed this was 
 - Cf. Hist. i. 546. " Ibid. ' Hid. 549. 
 
 ' Munro is the ' Commissary Monro ' of the Scotch Plotters), and Appendix, 
 of Sprat's Rye House Plot, p. ^s (List p. 125, Carstares' confession. 
 
114 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1683 
 
 done by the king's direction, for Rumsey had accused him 
 the day before, so it had been easy to have taken him had not 
 the king resolved to preserve him. "Yet Monmouth himself 
 told Mr. Cutts a strange passage relating to his escape, which 
 Cutts told me. The king said to the duchess of Monmouth 
 that, though some were to come and search her house, he 
 should give them a strict order not to search her apartment, 
 and so encouraged her to conceal him in her chamber ; but 
 Monmouth said he knew him too well to [/ 96 {b)'\ trust him, 
 so he went out of the house : and it seems he judged right, 
 for when those came who were ordered to search for him, the 
 first place they searched for him was the duchess' own rooms *. 
 So that he had certainly been taken had he trusted to what 
 the king promised to his wife ; and indeed this is one of the 
 most unaccountable passages of the king's life, since, notwith- 
 standing all the love he bore Monmouth, yet he laid a snare 
 for catching him ^. ^ This gave Monmouth the justest grounds 
 possible of suspecting him ever afterwards in everything that 
 he either did or said ; since, if this is true, it was one of the 
 foulest things that could be. An order was sent to bring up 
 the lord Grey, which found him on the way coming up to 
 town ; he might have gone away easily if he had intended 
 it ; yet he came along with the messenger, and carried himself 
 with great presence of mind before the council, but he was 
 sent to the Tower. It was too late to get in when he was 
 sent away, so the jnessenger was to keep him all night and to 
 deliver him next morning to the lieutenant of the Tower. 
 In the night he sent for some of his friends, and furnished the 
 messenger so liberally with wine that he was dead drunk, so 
 that he could have got out of his hands for four hours together 
 in which he lay fast asleep, but he would not do it. Next 
 morning by six o'clock the messenger and he went alone in 
 
 » Cf. Hist. i. 549. b Ibid. 
 
 ■■ In all probability the king, having turbed during the formal search which 
 
 arranged with the duchess that the was inevitable ; by mistake his orders 
 
 duke should abscond, promised her may have been ignored ; and the 
 
 that her rooms should not be dis- duke misinterpreted the incident. 
 
1683] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 96 (a)-97 (a) 115 
 
 a hackney coach to the Tower. The messenger fell again 
 asleep ; so when they came to the Tower, Grey went out of 
 the coach, leaving the other asleep in it, and knocked at the 
 gate and bid the sentinel within call the lieutenant to come 
 and receive a prisoner ; but then he bethought himself of his 
 danger. There was already one witness against him, and 
 another would do the business, so he stept down to the water- 
 stairs and called a boat. A soldier walking a little way off 
 spied it and followed him, but he called him to him and took 
 him into his service ; and so they went away together, and 
 when the Tower gate was opened they found none but the 
 messenger drunk ^ and asleep ''. Armstrong went out of the 
 way, and when all places came to be [/. 97 (a)] strictly searched 
 he wa5 lodged some days in Southampton house ^, and was 
 then so oppressed with fear that those who saw him at that 
 time did not think that he could have met death with so much 
 courage as he has done since. Walcot was shifting about, and 
 wrote a letter to secretary Jenkins, in which he promised 
 a great discovery if he might have his pardon ^, but he was 
 taken sonie days after that ; he suspected that Shepherd had 
 betrayed him, but I have been told that in that particular he 
 was in the wrong to him. Mr. Booth, now lord Delamere, 
 was also brought up and accused of a design to raise Cheshire, 
 and one had sworn that he was to be a captain ; but that was 
 so far below his quality that it made the other story look 
 ridiculous. The lord Brandon, son to the earl of Maccles- 
 field, was clapt up upon the same suggestions. Major Bremen *, 
 of Chichester, that was an ofificer in the civil wars and retained 
 his inclinations to a commonwealth, and had been a parliament 
 man of late, was also put in the Tower. '' Warrants were sent 
 
 "■ Cf. Hist. i. 549. " Ibid. 
 
 ' The reader cannot fail to remark his wife's dower as coheiress of the 
 
 how considerably Burnet's omissions Southampton estate, 
 
 in the printed version have impaired ' See Sprat's Rye House Plot, Ap- 
 
 the force and coherence of this pendix, pp. 86-7. 
 
 dramatic episode. See Swift's note, * See ibid. p. 73, and Appendix, p. 
 
 Hist, in loco. 68. He was acquitted. 
 
 ^ Lord Russell's town house, part of 
 
 1 % 
 
ii6 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1683 
 
 out for some others who went out of the way^ Charlton \ 
 with the wooden leg (who is a great enemy to the court and 
 was devoted to Shaftesbury, and is a hot, indiscreet talker), 
 after he had kept out of the way for some weeks, delivered 
 himself; it was given out that he had confessed all and made 
 great discoveries, but on the contrary he denied everything. 
 
 There were at that time some letters of Argyle taken in the 
 post-house, but nothing could be made of them. The witnesses 
 were Keeling, Rumsey, West, and one Lee that pretended he 
 was also engaged by Goodenough in the design ; he chiefly 
 accused one Rouse that had belonged to sir Thomas Player, 
 chamberlain of London. 
 
 ^ In the examinations of those that were seized on, and of 
 the witnesses, the king valued himself much upon the method 
 he took ; for as the witnesses were kept from coming at one 
 another, so the king had led them into no accusations by 
 previous [_/! 97 [bj] questions, but bid them tell on their story; 
 and also he told them he would not have a growing evidence 
 (as he said Oates' had been), so he bid them say at once all 
 that they had to say, for he would hear no new stories. He 
 only asked if Oates was in their business, but they said they 
 all looked on him as such a rogue that they would not trust 
 him. The king also said that he found Howard was not 
 trusted with it on the same account '' ; and he said the same 
 of Mr. Montagu, now lord Montagu by his father's death. 
 " But there are many particulars (besides those set down in the 
 trials) in West's Narrative, which has never yet been printed, 
 and it is certain with all fair readers it will rather destroy the 
 belief of the plot than establish it °. 
 
 As soon as Russell was put in the Tower I went to his lady 
 and offered my service to her ; for as I loved her lord much, 
 so I was particularly obliged by him ^- Before this time I 
 
 " Cf. Hist i. 549. ^ Ibid. " Ibid. 549-50. 
 
 ' Mr. Charleton of Totteridge, a wooden leg is mentioned, ibid. Ap- 
 
 cousin cf Lord Shaftesbury {Ferguson pendix, p. 49. See also ibid. Appendix, 
 
 ike Plotter, pp. 422-3). Taken in dis- pp. 72, 74, 85, 133. 
 
 guise but acquitted (Sprat, p. 73). His ^ j^-j-^ ofHalifa.x, i. 230, note 4. 
 
1683] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 97 (a)-98 {a) 117 
 
 knew his lady so well as the general conversation at table 
 amounted to, but now I came to understand her better ; and 
 indeed she has acted so noble a part in this matter, and has 
 earned so great a character, that I will stop to give a particular 
 account of her ^. 
 
 The lady RusselPs character. 
 She is a mixture between English and French, for her 
 mother was Mr. de Rouvigny's sister 2, and the earl of 
 Southampton was her father. In her the vivacity of the 
 French temper and the solidity of the English have produced 
 a very rare mixture, for as she has a quickness of thought 
 that makes her see very soon through things, so she is cor- 
 rected with a true judgement. Her thoughts furnish so fast 
 for her in discourse that she is sometimes as it were choked 
 with them, and can scarce fetch them all out ; but her style 
 in writing is extraordinary, and if she had all the little rules of 
 grammar as well as her thoughts are great and beautifully 
 expressed, her writing would be one of the perfectest things I 
 know ^- The whole course of her life has been very exemplary ; 
 she has been always of the church of England, but has much 
 charity for the dissenters, [/. 98 {aj\ and has her father's 
 notions both of that matter and of the business of civil govern- 
 ment. She has naturally a great edge upon her temper *, but 
 better principles have softened that much ; yet though the fire 
 of her passions is much extinguished, the heat and tenderness of 
 them is still such that, as it has made her one of the best wives I 
 ever knew, so it has sunk her into an extreme sorrow upon her 
 lord's death ; which yet she governs so, that though it must 
 appear much to her friends, she sets it off with no affectation to 
 
 ' This charming portrait was no p. 17 (Burnet to Lady Russell, Feb. s, 
 
 doubt eventually omitted out of defer- 168J). Her letters in that collection 
 
 ence to the feelings of Lady Russell, have been slightly revised, as regards 
 
 who survived Burnet, dying in Sept. grammar and punctuation ; those sub- 
 
 1723, at the age of eighty-six; having sequently published by Miss Berry 
 
 remained Lord Russell's widow for a answer to Burnet's description, 
 period of forty years. For her cor- * ' Some account ... of Rachel . . . 
 
 respondence with Burnet, see the Lady Russell' (prefixed to a collec- 
 
 first collection of her letters. tion of her Iptters by Miss Berry), ed. 
 
 ^ Strafford Correspondence, i. 337. 1819, p. 148. 
 
 ' Cf. Letters, seventh ed. (1809), 
 
ii8 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1683 
 
 others, and indeed I have scarce seen one freer of all the exterior 
 parts of pride than she is. So that I account her among the 
 perfectest pieces of her sex. 
 
 [Lord Russell in prison; Howard turns king's evidence ; 
 arrest and suicide of Essex.\ 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 550 {to p. 553, ' aspera arteria must have been cut '). 
 
 After ' another world ' add ' and spoke of it with so much composure that all 
 
 who saw him were struck with it.' 
 
 For ' and said . . . objected to him ' read ' and in general terms.' 
 
 After ' nothing from him ' add ' till he were brought to his trial. ' 
 
 After ' well assured ' add ' that though this is a common artifice to draw out 
 
 confessions, yet he thought some Scottish men were engaged to come and 
 
 witness against him. So.' 
 
 For ' but this appeared . . . was gone ' read ' I met with Munro, who had 
 
 been taken up but was let go (though he has been taken up again upon 
 
 Shepherd's evidence) ; I asked him only with relation to my cousin Baillie ; 
 
 and he told me sir John Cochrane was out of England ; he also assured me 
 
 [/ 98 (*)] that it would be found there had been no treasonable consultations 
 
 among them.' 
 
 Om. 'and Baillie . . . admitted to him.' 
 
 For ' prison ' read ' Gatehouse, where my cousin was kept. ' 
 
 For ' I also . . . done by ' read ' In this some thought I was too bold, but the 
 
 doing to others what I would have others do to me was ray rule. I sent him 
 
 some books to entertain him ; but when he was threatened with a trial he sent 
 
 me word to come and stand by him in it ; I thought that was not decent for 
 
 one of my profession ; so I excused it.' 
 
 Om. 'From what I found . . . friends' ; and read instead 'All this while it 
 
 was given out that there was a witness that would appear against Russell that 
 
 was beyond exception, which gave occasion for many suspicions.' 
 
 After ' knevf of none ' add ' He did it solemnly at the earl of Bedford's to 
 
 the earl of Anglesey ; he did it also to the earl of Clare, the lord Paget, and 
 
 to two brothers of the earl of Berkshire ^.' 
 
 After ' as with any man ' add ' so that Russell believed he was possibly engaged 
 
 in the design of killing the king, and to save himself he had discovered all he 
 
 knew of others ; which he made up, with a good many additions of his own.' 
 After ' that might happen ' to him ' inseii ' It has been since thought that he 
 
 was then secretlyjat court giving information, but I do not believe that, for.' 
 After ' spoke of him ' add ' as Arran told me.' 
 [/• 99 Wl ■4/'^'' ' the court ' add ' otherwise he would not have blasted his 
 
 credit so much^as he did.' 
 
 Om. ' as he^said,' and after ' all he knew' tnseii ' I incline always to judge as 
 
 fairly as I can, so the true account of this matter as I believe was this.' 
 
 For 'West and Rumsey . . . some things' read 'West in his evidence had 
 
 spoken of all persons except the lower sort of people very sparingly, and 
 
 thought that the story of the Rye plot would have served their turn at court. 
 
 Vide trials of Russell and Sydney. ^ Airy reads ' come.' 
 
i683] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 98 (a)-ioo (a) 119 
 
 But the court looked for greater game ; and a contradiction was found between 
 him and Ramsey.' 
 
 For ' and perhaps more than he knew . . . very credible ' nad ' and amongst 
 others he accused Howard ; for in his written Narrative he plainly says.' 
 
 For ' As if it had been ... a service ' read ' So this agrees with Russell's 
 conjecture.' 
 
 After 'design' inserl ' (or rather his folly).' 
 
 After 'the city' add 'and of the misunderstanding between him and Mon- 
 mouth and his own being employed to take it up.' 
 
 For ' but he knew of nobody . . . more home was, that ' read ' which was a 
 ridiculously made story, for nothing can be so near that it comes under debate 
 on what day it is to be executed, till great numbers are engaged, and that there 
 are great preparations made both of horses, arms, and ammunition, [/ 99 (A)] 
 and that officers are named ; and if any such thing had been, it is not to be 
 imagined but many more witnesses would have come in.' 
 
 After 'Aaron Smith' insert 'a hot and factious solicitor'.' 
 
 Om. 'and more of that matter . . . saw him very little.' 
 
 For 'when examined ' read 'answered the king very decently, but.' 
 
 For ' did not imagine . . . vsrould not stir ' read ' to whom he had communi- 
 cated nothing of the whole affair, believed there was nothing in it. He both 
 eat, and slept, and entertained himself in his ordinary manner ; and when 
 a neighbour of his advised him to go out of the way, he refused to do it.' 
 
 For ' His tenderness . . . care of himself read ' The reason of this tenderness 
 both in him and Mr. Hampden (after they knew that the court had got hints 
 of their meddling with the Scots) was their care to preserve Russell, for whose 
 trial the day was now set ; for they thought that if they had gone out of the 
 way, it would have been made use of to possess the jury against him ; and 
 I believe if his trial had been over, they would have withdrawn themselves. 
 But it seems Essex had ill spies in London ; for he might have had the news of 
 Howard's being taken, and his confessing all he knew, many hours before the 
 party came to take him.' 
 
 [/ 100 (fl)] For ' he was in much confusion ' read ' he expressed no presence 
 of mind ; yet the natural coldness of his temper made that to be the less 
 regarded.' 
 
 After ' the Tower' add ' next morning.' 
 
 After ' with more violence ' add ' He had some notions [cf. Hist. i. 570] of 
 the lawfulness of a man's delivering himself a httle sooner when he saw death 
 was inevitable ; he spake of this once to me, but it was in case a man was to die 
 a cruel lingering death ; and perhaps the remembrance of his wife's great- 
 grandfather, who, to preserve his family, shot himself dead in the Tower in 
 queen Elizabeth's time, might have come fatally into his thoughts.' 
 
 For ' He sent by a servant . . . sent back the servant ' read only ' His lady 
 understood he was much cast down, and that the greatest part of his trouble 
 was for the ruin that would come on her and on her children ; so she writ 
 twice to him.' 
 
 ' After the Revolution he was He acted as pubhc prosecutor, and 
 
 solicitor to the Treasury from April 9, seems to have deserved Mr. Seccombe s 
 
 1689, to July, 1696, when he was dis- epithet of ' disreputable {Lhct. Nat. 
 
 missed on a charge of peculation. Btog. liii. i). 
 
J20 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1683 
 
 For ' and desired him . . . come to him ' read ' and to get through his present 
 trouble, of which she gave him good hopes ; his servants were suffered to 
 be about him.' 
 
 After ' day' or two ' acid ' for which she was constantly soliciting at court. 
 He sent a message to Bedford, to assure him that he was in no less concern 
 about his son than he himself could be, and I believe that went much to his 
 heart ; for he had imposed Howard upon Russell much against his mind.' (Cf. 
 Burnet's Diary in Russell's Russell, 3rd ed., ii. 263.) 
 
 After ' message ' add ' having obtained leave from the king.' 
 
 After ' council ' add ' concerning Walcot, that lived in Ireland when he was 
 there.' 
 
 [/ 100 (6)] After ' told me ' add ' and had no apprehension of that which 
 followed next morning, which was the day of Russell's trial.' 
 
 Om. ' His lady . . . other things.' 
 
 Om. 'very nicely . . . amusement.' 
 
 After ' as well ' add ' and went into the closet within his chamber, and there 
 cut his throat.' 
 
 For ' as was given out . . . ordnance ' read ' upon another occasion.' 
 
 For ' said he looked . . . dead ' read ' came to look to him and was struck 
 when he saw the blood.' 
 
 For ' he was found dead ' read ' he called out ; upon which many came to 
 look on so astonishing an object.' 
 
 Om. ' I shall afterwards . . . himself. ' 
 
 After ' must have been cut' add ' and that part of his thumb with which he 
 held the razor was also cut, which shewed clearly he had done it himself; his 
 sending so oft for the penknife, the great oppression of his spirits, and some 
 other more certain indications, which are not yet publicly known, made it but 
 too evident that it was his own act.' 
 
 Om. ' But to go on . . . world.' 
 
 [Tke rumour that Essex had been ?nurdered.^ 
 
 His lady was terribly struck with this, as may be easily 
 imagined ; it put her into such rages of sorrow at first, and 
 has since so sunk into her mind, that it will press her down as 
 long as she lives. The king sent back all his cabinets and 
 papers ; and whereas by this fact all his personal estate was 
 forfeited (which was very considerable), the king ordered 
 a grant to be made of it to his lady ; but she refused to take 
 anything but what her lord had given her by his will, which 
 was not the tenth [/. loi (a)] part of the whole. So she 
 obtained a grant in the same terms in which he had made 
 his will. 
 
 But while she lay under this burden another storm rose 
 against her ; some stories came to be set about that her 
 
1683] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 100 (a)-ioi {h) 121 
 
 lord's throat was cut by others. » A boy and a girl who had 
 been that morning in the Tower to see the king came down 
 and reported to the families to which they belonged that they 
 had heard cries at Essex's lodgings, and that they saw a bloody 
 razor cast out at the window, and that a woman came out 
 from the house to take it up. The boy was son to a waiter 
 at the custom house, and as he was the first person that gave 
 the rise to all the discourse, so he has since that time gone 
 often backward and forward in his story ; he is about ten or 
 twelve years old. What his qualities are I do not know, only 
 I have been told that he is a notorious liar. When the matter 
 was brought to a trial, he denied it in full court ; but the girl, 
 which is also about his age, affirms it still. They differed in 
 some circumstances but agreed in the main parts of the story, 
 and their age made many inclined to believe that what they 
 said must have some truth in it ^ ; for though a man may trust 
 himself to another man and hire him to swear falsehoods, yet 
 none will employ or trust a child. I indeed think the chil- 
 dren made the story themselves ; but they having once made 
 it, the thing took some wind, and was presently set about and 
 taken up by the whole party. Some weeks passed before the 
 countess of Essex was let know anything concerning it. At 
 last I writ of it to her, and ^ she ordered presently a strict 
 enquiry to be made into every particular, and sent me all the 
 account she could gather together ; which was so slight that 
 I was positively of opinion that there was nothing in it to 
 justify her engaging into any prosecution of it ''. And indeed 
 the certainty she had was such, that no person that made 
 conscience of what they did could pursue a matter of which 
 she knew the [/. loi ((5)] falsehood but too evidently, so she was 
 advised to sit still and h& quiet. This raised a great clamour 
 against her from the party, who thought her too remiss in 
 prosecuting her husband's blood ; and it was said the king's 
 kindness in the grant of the personal estate had taken her off. 
 But they knew her little who said this of her, for « if she had 
 seen anything on which she could have fastened a legal prose- 
 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 569. " Ihid. " Ibid. 
 
122 
 
 Burnefs Original Memoirs [1683 
 
 cution, she would have ventured * not only the personal estate 
 but her life, rather than have failed in so essential a point of 
 her duty. But as she preferred the following her conscience 
 before the humouring a party, so she resolved to bear all their 
 censures rather than own those secret grounds that determined 
 her belief of her lord's sad fate (since that could not be done 
 ''without bringing a prejudice upon some other persons''); so 
 she resolved to bear all that could be said of her, and commits 
 herself to God, who knows how unjustly she was censured, 
 and she has endured it all with a patience and silence that 
 cannot be enough commended, especially considering her 
 temper, that is perhaps too tender in such points ; and indeed 
 the censure is so foul that any person whatsoever would be 
 very uneasy under it. 
 
 " There was one Braddon, whom I have known for some 
 time, that heard of the discourses of these children, and he 
 (either being set on by others or from an enthusiastical heat 
 in his own temper, to which I am more inclined to impute it) 
 went in very warmly and officiously to enquire into this matter ". 
 He came to me about it, and shewed me the examinations he 
 had taken of those who had heard the children report their 
 story, which they had done several days before he meddled in 
 it or so much as knew of it. I read them and wondered much 
 at it ; I wished him not to meddle in it, for I was persuaded 
 there was no truth in it ; and when I found that he was resolved 
 to go [/. 102 (a)] on, of which he spake very enthusiastically to 
 me, ^ I desired he would come at me no more*^. But he had 
 heard some reports of discourses that had been made in the 
 country concerning Essex's death before it was possible for 
 them that reported it to know it from London, upon which 
 he inferred that it had been laid some time before ; and so he 
 went to hunt after these stories, and carried a letter from one 
 Speke, recommending him to sir Robert Atkins, a great 
 lawyer that had been a judge and was turned out, since 
 which time he has set up in a high opposition to the court. 
 He is a very learned man, but he is very hot and indiscreet. 
 " Cf. /fis^. i. 569. I" /W. 570 ('suppressed passage'). ' Ibid. $io. ^ Ibid. 
 
1683] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff, loi (Z>)-io2 {h) 123 
 
 While Braddon was in pursuit after these stories, and before 
 he had delivered his letter, * he was taken up " by order from 
 the council ; and both he and Speke have been prosecuted ^ 
 for the endeavouring to spread false news, and to practise 
 ^\-ith witnesses ; and to end all this matter at once, they have 
 been both tried. There was nothing against Speke but his 
 letter, which imports only the spreading the news ; but the 
 matter was carried higher against Braddon. ^ He brought the 
 boy and the girl into the court, who both confessed what they 
 had reported ; only the boy said he had lied, and the girl stood 
 still to it. Braddon proved that he knew not of it for several 
 days after they had told it, and that when he came to enquire 
 into it he charged the boy as well as the girl not to lie, and 
 cited passages of scripture to shew God's judgements against 
 liars ; and then, when they had repeated their stories to him, 
 he pressed the boy to sign a written relation of it ^ It was on 
 this last point that hold was laid against him, as if he had 
 suborned the boy; though he instructed him in no part of 
 that which he was to say, but only pressed him to set his hand 
 to that which he had reported by word of mouth, which 
 though it is against the civil law, yet it is an ordinary thing 
 in England ; for witnesses are got to make affidavits of the par- 
 ticulars that they are afterwards to swear in judgement when 
 there is occasion for it. "Yet this officiousness of his was 
 [/. I03 (^)] called a subornation, and so he was judged and 
 fined in 2,000 lib.", and Speke in one, for which they both lie 
 prisoners ^. But I now return to trials of another nature. 
 
 \Trials of the Rye House plotters^ 
 
 At the sessions in the Old Bailey, ^ Walcot was first tried. 
 
 Rumsey and West swore full against him, and his letter to the 
 
 secretary was likewise very clear '^- He made a very slight 
 
 defence to prove he was ill of the gout at those times in which 
 
 » Cf. Hist. i. S70. *■ Ibid. " Ibid. ^ Ibid. 559. 
 
 ' Hilary Term, 1683-4. Speke was afterwards nptorious as 
 
 '■ For these events see the report the author of the forged Third De- 
 
 of the trials {State Trials, ed. Cobbett, claration published after the landing of 
 
 ix ; see also Diet. Nat. Biog. art. Speke). the Prince o f Orange. 
 Sentence had been given in Feb. i68|. 
 
124 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1683 
 
 they said he met with them, ^ so he was cast. Hone was tried 
 next morning, and was cast upon the same evidence, Lee 
 coming also in against him. Rouse was tried next ; Lee and 
 Keeling swore against him ^ Lee also swore against one cap- 
 tain Blage ^ that he was in a design of seizing on the Tower ; 
 but said he had only talked of the weakness of the Tower, 
 and how easy a thing it might be to seize on it. There was 
 but one witness against him, so he was acquitted ; '' but the 
 other was cast, and a week after they all suffered together. 
 Walcot positively denied that he had been in any design of 
 cutting off the king ; and whereas the witnesses had sworn 
 that he had declined to kill the king or the duke but had 
 undertaken to fight the guards, he positively denied that, 
 and said he looked on that as the same thing with the other. 
 He said, indeed, that West had often said to him that he 
 thought the surest way was the lopping, but that he had 
 always said he would not meddle in that, it was so infamous 
 a thing, and that he was confident the duke of Monmouth 
 would revenge his father's blood''; so that, as he confessed 
 he knew of West's wicked designs, it is plain he rather dis- 
 approved of the assassinating of the king as being a mean 
 and a dangerous thing than that he any way abhorred it ; 
 and it seems he would not have been ill-pleased if others had 
 done it, so he had not been engaged in it. Now when a man 
 confesses so ill a thing of himself, it is reasonable to believe 
 that he tells all ; for if he made no conscience of lying, it were 
 as easy to deny the whole as deny any part ; and the sin is 
 the same. I should not indeed be determined by a man's 
 positive denial of the whole matter laid to his charge, because 
 either some false [/. 103 («)] principles of religion or the being 
 so atheistical as to be raised above all checks or remorse, may 
 carry a man to a simple denial to cover his party or to raise 
 a reputation to himself after death, of which some men retain 
 their fondness to the last minute of their lives. Yet when 
 ■^ Cf. Hist. i. 559. 1= Ibid. 
 
 ^ For Captain William Blague, see Cobbett's State Trials, vol. ix, cols. 653-6. 
 
i683] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 102 (6)-io4 {a) 125 
 
 a man confesses some foul and ill things, and stops there, and 
 denies all the rest, I am very much inclined to believe him to 
 be sincere in it. So that Walcot's confessing so much as he 
 did, and denying the rest, did in my opinion very much over- 
 throw the credit of the witnesses. There was one particular 
 in Walcot's paper on which the scribblers at that time laid 
 great hold. He said the plot was laid deep, and many were 
 concerned in it ; and so he over and over again wished that 
 the king might grant an act of indemnity. It is probable 
 he meant this of the numbers of those who were malcontented, 
 and might have talked of making resistance, of whom no doubt 
 there are great numbers ; but it is not like there were such 
 numbers concerned in this plot. That part of his paper that 
 concerns religion was writ in such a canting strain that it was 
 not easy to find out his meaning in it. * Hone died confessing 
 that he had been spoke to in general to assist in a design of 
 killing the king and the duke, but there was no particular 
 time marked out, so he knew nothing more of the plot*. He 
 said at the place of execution (when this was drawn out of 
 him not very decently by Dr. Cartwright, dean of Ripon, who 
 expected a bishopric by this excessive zeal of his) that '' they 
 thought there was less danger from the duke, who was a known 
 papist, than from the king. The third seemed to be more 
 affected with the sense of those courses than the other two 
 were ; he said he was never in any design against the king's 
 life, but the witnesses against him had let fall many wicked 
 things to him, and he was resolved to have discovered them, 
 and was only waiting till he might find out the bottom of the 
 design and have a consisting story to carry with him to 
 [/. 104 (a) ^] Whitehall ; but they had prevented him. He 
 vindicate'd all his other acquaintances'", and in particular sir 
 Thomas Player, and wished that all men would give over 
 factious and seditious discourses and study to be more quiet 
 and more dutiful to the king, for whom he prayed very 
 
 » Cf. Hist. i. 559. '' Ibid. 
 
 * f. 103 (i) is a blank. 
 
126 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1683 
 
 earnestly. * These executions did so much disgrace the wit- 
 nesses that there has been no further use made of them * ; for it 
 appeared that as they had drawn others into those treasonable 
 discourses, so they had swelled them in evidence that they 
 gave much above the truth. 
 
 [Lord RusselPs irial.] 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 553 {to p. 556, 'than that of his execution would be '). 
 
 For ' was fixed for that day ' read ' was a more important thing. ' 
 
 For ' They were picked ... of that side ' read ' [being] men that, as was 
 generally believed, were resolved to give a very implicit obedience to all that 
 the king's counsel should dictate to them.' 
 
 For ' to the seizing on the guards ' read ' to that which was proposed at the 
 meeting ' ; and om. ' so that here . . . treason only.' 
 
 Before 'As lord Howard' inseri ' Howard delivered his evidence with much 
 artificial malice ; for.' 
 
 After ' defended himself add ' chiefly ' ; and after ' designs ' add [/ 104 (6)] 
 ' but there was no great force in this ; for if a man has an opinion of the law- 
 fulness of resistance, his entering into such consultations was not contrary to 
 that character in which he was held.' 
 
 For ' Some others . . . testified ' read ' There was more force in what Anglesey, 
 Mr. Edward Howard, and I declared.' 
 
 After 'at first' add ' and all witnesses in plots might be thus discredited.' 
 
 After ' of less moment' read ' for then it might have been said, that he only 
 denied it to preserve himself and his friends.' 
 
 After ' offered ' add ' (and [he] had in particular said he was confident there 
 was nothing against Russell). This unnecessary lying.' 
 
 'For 'words to that effect: and' read 'since in trials for words witnesses 
 must swear either to some determined words, or words to such eSect, for a 
 man's being present in a company does not prove that he hears all that is said 
 in the conversation. I have been often myself so engaged in the pursuit of 
 one thought that has been started, that for some time I have not known what 
 was said about me ; though I have seemed to make general answers of smiles 
 and half words ; and silent men, such as Russell was, are more apt to run out 
 into such thoughtfulness, therefore.' 
 
 Om. ' They could not rely . . . discourses : so.' 
 
 [/ 105 (o)] Afler 'and Hale' add 'a.nd many other great lawyers ' ; and for 'and 
 gave . . . for it ' read ' and the reason given for it is plain ; the law makes actions 
 criminal according to the danger that may be in them : now, since it is in any 
 one man's power to murder the king, therefore it is reasonable to make every 
 step towards it treason, but a war not being so easily levied, every discourse 
 concerning it is not of such dangerous consequence.' 
 
 After ' during that reign' add 'so they are prosecuted within six months.' 
 Om. ' None of the witnesses . . . king's person.' 
 
 For ' So that ' read ' Here was only a constructive treason brought against 
 him' ; and om. 'the court ... in their way.' 
 
 > Cf. Hist. i. 559. 
 
1683] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 104 (a)-io6 (a) 127 
 
 [/ i°5 (*)] Om. ' as the witnesses had sworn it.' 
 
 After 'of treason' add ' (the punishment of which is a praemunire).' 
 
 After ' distinguished ' add ' (and I beheve they were in the right).' 
 
 After ' suggested to him ' add ' He also shewed how unlikely it was that any 
 
 man could now raise a country ; for so great an interest as was now requisite 
 
 for that was now fallen with the greatness of the nobility, and was no more 
 
 known in England '.' 
 
 Om. 'shew his zeal and' ; and for 'but it was only . . . invectives' read 
 
 'and aggravated matters with much insolence and spleen.' 
 After ' soon after ' add ' Russell was cast, and received sentence the next day.' 
 For 'Lord Russell's behaviour. . . of the matter' read 'During his whole 
 
 trial he had expressed so just an indifference, that as there was no affectation 
 
 in his behaviour, so those who only saw him could not have imagined from 
 
 anything that [/. io6 (a)] appeared in him, that he was the person concerned.' 
 For ' He was a man . . . fact ; for ' read 'He spake indeed but little ; his talent 
 
 lay not in a quickness of thought, much less in a readiness of speaking ; and he 
 
 was a man of such unblemished candour.' 
 
 For 'so he left ... He said' read 'He reckoned the conclusion of his 
 
 business was resolved on before it was begun, so that he gave his thoughts 
 
 very little trouble about it ; though he told me.' 
 
 [ne last days of lord Rtisselli] 
 * After sentence, both his lady and father set on foot all 
 possible methods for mollifying the king and duke. All that 
 had interest with either of them were tried, and if money 
 could have done it there was nothing that could have been 
 asked that would not have been laid down. At first it was 
 said that nothing could be hoped for unless as he petitioned 
 the king he would likewise write to the duke ". He was averse 
 to anything of that kind, and nothing but his kindness to his 
 wife and his submission to his father could have prevailed with 
 him to have made any attempts for a pardon ; yet he was 
 overcome to write to the duke^. In his letter he acknow- 
 ledged that he had appeared so much against his interest that 
 he was out of countenance to ask any favour by his means ; 
 but he protested he had done nothing out of any personal ill- 
 will to [? against] him. ^ He offered to give his faith, that in case 
 
 » Hist. i. 556. » Ibid. 
 
 ' This passage is very curious. In ' falling into blunders for the sake of 
 
 the reports of Russell's trial occurs effect') has amplified in melodramatic 
 
 a condensed version of it; which fashion (AfewoaVs, ed. 1790, pt. i. bk i. 
 
 Dalrymple (always, as Lord [John] p. 44). 
 
 Russell, Life of William Lord Russell, " Russell's Russell, 3rd ed., ii. 79, 
 
 3rd edition, ii. 60, happily observes, 262. 
 
128 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1683 
 
 the king should think fit to pardon him, that he should live 
 in any place beyond sea which the king should name, and never 
 meddle any more in English affairs. This was also the sub- 
 stance of his petition to the king ^, but all was to no purpose ; 
 for it was determined he should die the same day sennight 
 after his sentence, and it is said that the duke moved that 
 the place of his execution should be the square before his 
 own house ; but that was thought cruel, and I have been told 
 that the king himself [/. 106 {b)] rejected that proposition as 
 inhuman. So Lincoln's Inn Fields was named. '^ He only 
 wished for two days' delay that he might have time enough to 
 finish a paper that he was writing, but that was denied. This 
 gave him some little trouble, but it went off in a moment, and 
 he returned to his ordinary temper. •> I waited upon him for 
 a great part of the afternoon every day of that last week, and 
 was with him the last night of his life, and went with him in 
 his coach and saw the last part of this tragedy ; but it was 
 indeed a triumph over death. There was no vanity, nor 
 affectation, nor sharpness, nor resentment in his discourses or 
 deportment ; on the contrary he was so serene and composed, 
 and "upon occasions, as at table or when his friends came 
 to see him, so decently cheerful, that it amazed me. There 
 was a Hfe in his thoughts and conversation that was very 
 extraordinary. I was with him when the sheriff[s] came and 
 shewed him the warrant for his execution ; he read it as he 
 would have done any other paper ; and when they went away 
 he said he thought it was not decent to be merry on such an 
 occasion, otherwise he would have said to sheriff Rich (who 
 had been a member of the last parliament, and had given his 
 vote for the bill of exclusion, but was now turned about) that 
 they would never sit again in a house of commons to vote on 
 that bill any more. The day before his death he was taken 
 twice with a bleeding at his nose, upon which he said to me, 
 smiling, ' I shall not need to let blood, that will be done to- 
 
 " Cf. Burnet's Diary, Russell's Russell, ii. 270. i' Cf. Hist. i. 556. <; Ibid. 
 557- 
 
 ' Russell's Russell, 3rd ed., ii. 78. 
 
1683] Harl MSS. 6584, ff, 106 (a)-io7 (a) 129 
 
 morrow ' ; and at supper it rained hard, upon which he said 
 if that rain continued it would spoil a sight to-morrow, for 
 a show in a rainy day was a very dull thing. » He composed 
 himself to die » with the devotion of a serious Christian, as well 
 as with the courage of a great man. He had lived for many 
 years under a great sense of religion, and in a very innocent 
 course of life. . *• He said the sins of his youth lay heavy upon 
 his thoughts ; but he hoped God had forgiven them, for he was 
 sure he had forsaken them. He had acted with relation to 
 the public very sincerely, and had neither private designs nor 
 resentments to prompt him. It was his zeal for the protestant 
 religion and his love to his country (which he valued much 
 above his own life) that had act[uat]ed him. He had done 
 nothing for which his conscience reproached [/. 107 («)] him, 
 for he thought that, as the king was limited by law, so when 
 that was broke in upon the subjects might restrain him "'. He 
 had lived out the best part of his life, being then forty-four, 
 ■= and he looked upon this death that was before him as a much 
 easier thing than the dying of a colic or some other painful 
 disease. He found himself now in a good temper, whereas he 
 was much sunk with sickness, so that ''he thought this the 
 more eligible way of dying : it was but to be exposed for 
 a while to be gazed at, and to endure a moment's pain, which 
 was not so great as the drawing of a tooth. ^ And then he 
 comforted himself with the hope that was before him. He 
 said often, ' What a sort of change is this 1 ' He had been 
 told how some that were born blind were ravished when (by 
 the couching their cataracts) their sight was given to them ; 
 but he thought how much greater would the transport be if 
 the first object that one saw was the rising sun ®. He had a very 
 firm assurance of his happiness in the next state, though ^he 
 said he had none of those transports that perhaps others ha.d. 
 He was much concerned at the cloud that seemed set over his 
 country, but he hoped his death should do more service to the 
 public than his life could have done. 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 556. " Ibid. 557. " Cf. Burnet's Diary, Russell's 
 
 Russell, ii. 264-5. ■• Cf. Hist. i. 557. « Cf. Diary (as above), ii. 274. ' Cf. 
 Hist. i. 557. 
 
 TnYrRnFT J^ 
 
130 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1683 
 
 This was the substance of his discourses both with me and 
 with the dean of Canterbury, Tillotson, who had been his 
 friend fonnerly, and was much with him that week ». As to the 
 public, he said often that, as he would wrong no man by dis- 
 covering the freedoms they had used with him, for which some 
 that then were in very great favour with the duke owed him 
 more thanks than perhaps most others did (by which it was 
 plain that Sunderland %as the person he meant), yet ''he assured 
 me there was never anything among them but embryos of 
 things that never came to anything nor were like to come to 
 anything, and had then no sort of being. " He said Howard 
 had sworn falsely in several particulars <=. But as to those affairs, 
 I not only led him into no discourse concerning them, but I 
 avoided it and desired his lady to tell him not to engage into 
 freedom in those matters with me ; for I was not willing to 
 have the load of such a concealment upon my conscience, so 
 I desired to decline the temptation to lying which the know- 
 ledge of their secrets and the questions that afterwards might 
 [/. 107 ((5)] be put to me would draw upon me. ''Both Til- 
 lotson and I took much pains on him to persuade him of 
 the unlawfulness of taking arms against the king* in any 
 case ^ ; but though we shook him a little, we could carry him 
 no further than to say if it was a sin that he prayed God to 
 forgive him for it ; and so he put somewhat in his paper to 
 that purpose, but it was so cold, and seemed put in only 
 to justify us, that Tillotson thought it better to leave out that 
 part, which he did. As for the paper that he left behind 
 him, " he told me, at my first being with him, the substance of 
 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 557. " Ibid. " Cf. Diary, Russell's Russell, ii. 263, 
 
 <" Hist. i. 557. - Diary, p. 266. 
 
 ' This curious charge must refer to able intrigue ; see however the strange 
 
 some proposition made by Sunderland story of Monmouth's confession in 
 
 during his alliance with the Exclu- 1685, with the authorities quoted, ir\ 
 
 sionists in 1680-1 ; at least, it is the Life of Halifax, i. 446, note 3. 
 
 hardly possible to suppose that '^ The reader will notice the signifi-. 
 
 Sunderland, after his reconciliation cant alteration in the printed version ; 
 
 with the Court in July, 1682, should see also infra, App. I ; Ranke, vii. 
 
 have committed himself to any treason- App. II. 166. 
 
1683] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 107 (a)-io7 {b) 131 
 
 it ; for he had turned it much in his thoughts, expecting from 
 the first day of his imprisonment that .it would have this con- 
 clusion, for he did not doubt but the sheriffs would pack a jury 
 for him. » He desired me to lay his matter in a method, for 
 he was not so well acquainted with forms ; so I laid before him 
 the scheme of the heads that he had named in their right order * ; 
 only I suggested one particular to him '' concerning the suborna- 
 tion of witnesses in the matter of the popish plot, from which 
 he cleared himself, not only of any accession to it, but of any 
 suspicion of it. " He set himself to write Wednesday and 
 Thursday morning, for * he desired to see no company before 
 one o'clock^. In writing it he went on with the plain parts of 
 it quite through as it is printed, but when he came to the 
 tenderer points (such as that concerning' the bill of exclusion, 
 the part that related to the dissenters, and two or three other 
 particulars) ° he writ on other pieces of paper that which he 
 intended to say concerning them, and shewed them to me 
 before he filled up the void spaces that he had left for them °- 
 In some particulars I had different apprehensions from him, 
 but h[e] was settled in his thoughts, so that though he was 
 wrought to soften some expressions ^ he could be carried no 
 further. *' His lady saw his paper as it grew under his pen, and 
 the void spaces, toge[ther] with the blotted draughts of that 
 with which he afterw[ards] filled . . . \End of folio and 
 fragment\, 
 
 CONNECTING NOTE. 
 
 [At this point there is another gap in the narrative, of which the portion 
 containing events from July, 1683, to Oct., 1684, and corresponding to 
 the remainder of pp. 558 and 560-98 in Burnet's first published volume, 
 is missing. From Oct. 1684, however, to the beginning of 1696 (vol. i. 
 p. 598 to vol. ii. p. 163 in the printed History) the original narrative 
 remains unbroken; certain parts being preserved in duplicate, while 
 others are extant only among the fragments of one or other transcript. The 
 scheme placed at the beginning of the present volume gives a complete view 
 
 • Htst. i. 558. " Cf. ibid. 561. ' Cf. ibid. 558. " Cf. 
 
 ibid. 556- ° Ibid. 558. ' IHd. 
 
 1 ' But' is here erroneously inserted by Burnet himself. 
 K 2 
 
132 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1684 
 
 of these details and of the dates at which the various portions were written. 
 Here it will suffice to say, that the part which contains the account of 
 events from Oct., 1684, to the end of the reign of Charles II was written 
 before the close of the year 1686 (see note, p. 141, infra) ; while the events of 
 the reign of James 1 1 till the conclusion of 1687 were chronicled at intervals 
 before Dec. 27 in the latter year. They are thus preserved ; Oct., 1684- 
 Sept., 1686 in fif. 109-46 (Transcript A), ff. 148-218 (Transcript B| ; 
 Sept., 1686-Dec., 1687 in ff. 219-46 (Transcript B only). As stated in 
 the preface the pagination of Transcript A is alone quoted in duplicate 
 passages. On ff. 108, 170 {a), 211, 263 are a few remarks by Dr. Gifford.] 
 
 [Fragment concerning RoswelVs iria!.] 
 
 [/. 109 (a)] Cf. Hist. i. 598-9 {from ' could remember so long a period '). 
 
 for ' I set down . . . such a defence ' read ' Here [or there] was too much 
 evidence to overthrow their testimony,' and om. ' urged . . . vehemence. He.' 
 
 For ' And there was a shameful rejoicing upon this ' read ' And many of our 
 clergy were both so wicked and so foolish as to rejoice at this, because.' 
 
 For ' since . . . might be ' read ' and they did not see that here a precedent 
 was made, that might quite ruin the church, when infamous persons were 
 received as sufficient evidence over against all the contrary proofs that were 
 brought [cf. Hist. i. 599]. Yet the court was ashamed of the thing, though 
 Jeffreys had a great mind to have him hanged.' 
 
 Om. ' though that . . . censured.' 
 
 Om. ' The impudence . . . clergy. 
 
 [Hayes' iriai.] 
 
 Cf. Htst. i. 599. 
 
 For 'The other trial was' read 'The day after this there was another trial.' 
 
 For ' that whole cabal of men, that, it seemed ' read ' the club-men ', that.' 
 
 Be/ore 'and they hoped ' add ' for it was taken for granted that all went 
 through his hands.' 
 
 After ' Armstrong' for ' but to another . . . had it ' read ' by his own name, but 
 by another name. So he said if it were his (which he still denied) yet it was 
 addressed to [/ 109 (i)] an innocent person, and if that person had given 
 it to ArmstrongjSO that it was found in his pocket, that was no proof against 
 him. But his main defence was that there was no entry,' &=€. 
 
 After ' in upon it ' add 'which shewed that this letter could not be imputed 
 to him* ; and for 'But . . . defence was' read 'And in fine he said.' 
 
 After ' as they were desired ' add ' AH that was urged by the king's counsel 
 was that in the letter he had writ advising Armstrong not to spend too lavishly, 
 which was more than a simple letter of credit ' ; and om. ' The little difference 
 , . . more guilty.' 
 
 For ' which mortified ' read ' [Hayes] behaved himself so well, both in his 
 imprisonment and at his trial, that this raised him as much as it mortified ' ; 
 and om. 'for they had reckoned . . . directed." 
 
 ' i. e. the members of the King's bers. See Life of Halifa.t, i. 389, note 
 Head or Green- Ribbon Club, of which 2; Sitwell's First Whig, pp. 74-93, 
 the Rye conspirators weie all mem- 123-7, 197-203. 
 
i684] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 109 (a)-io9(Z>) 133 
 
 A new intrigue with the duchess of Portsinouth. 
 "There was this winter a new intrigue carried on at the 
 duchess of Portsmouth's, to which it was believed that none 
 was admitted but Barillon and Sunderland ^ The duke 
 of Monmouth came over secretly, and though he saw not 
 the king, yet he went away extremely well satisfied with 
 his journey. [Whether]^ he engaged in this intrigue at 
 the duchess of Portsmouth's or not I cannot tell, but it is 
 certain the duke was shut out of it. Halifax saw it go 
 on, but he told me ''he knew nothing^ of it. "The king was 
 pressing the duke to make haste in his journey to Scotland, 
 and when the duke answered how that affairs there did not 
 require it so much, the king said to him that either he must 
 go or he himself would go c. The queen seemed to re[s]ent * 
 highly the dependence that was upon the duke, and the 
 general forsaking of the king ; for '' often in the king's 
 bedchamber there were not above three or four persons 
 besides those that were in waiting; and even the duke's 
 antechamber was crowded *. On several occasions the queen 
 seemed concerned in the duke of Monmouth and in all his 
 friends ; so that there was a visible coldness between her and 
 the duke. Now though she was not considerable enough 
 by her interest in the king to give any apprehensions, 
 yet she could still deliver him letters, and procure secret 
 audiences ^ 
 
 The affairs of Ireland. 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 6oi (' The earl of Rochester ' to p. 602, ' afflicted him so much ). 
 For ' The earl of Rochester . . . method in the government of Ireland ' read 
 
 " Hist.i. 604. •> Ibid. 605. •= Ibid, infra. " Cf. ibid. 583. 
 
 ' The History also mentions Godol- " The whole of this curious passage 
 
 phin. concerning the queen has been printed 
 
 /■The 'whatever' of both tran- by Miss Strickland, j2«<'e«so/^£«^/«Krf, 
 
 scripts is an obvious error. ed. 1851-2, v. 667. See also Life of 
 
 ' The reader is referred to the Life Halifax, i. 423 ; Longman's Magazine, 
 
 of Halifax, i. 422-7, for the reasons March, 1899, pp. 435-438. The queen, 
 
 which suggest that Burnet was excep- though she had bitterly opposed the 
 
 tionally ill-informed on this point, and recognition of the boy, showed ' in- 
 
 that Lord Halifax was unwilling to variable kindness' to him (Strickland, 
 
 confide in him. ed. 1851-2, v. 545, quoting Brit Mus, 
 
 * The original has 'repent'; an Lans. MSS. 1236 (77), f. up), 
 obvious error. 
 
134 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1684 
 
 ' Rochester was every day [sinking in] ' favour, and was to go to Ireland more 
 limited than any lord lieutenant had ever done.' 
 
 [/ no (a)] For 'as well . . . kingdom' read 'and they gave all the commis- 
 sions. It is true they gave all considerable employments, according to the 
 directions they had from the king ; but still.' 
 
 After ' secretaries ' add ' In short, the disposing of the places in the army was 
 the best perquisite of the lord lieutenant's place.' 
 
 For ' and therefore he proposed . . . check upon him ' read ' and that 
 therefore it were better to keep the army in an immediate dependence on 
 himself.' 
 
 Before ' When there were ' add ' In this Sunderland was in the right ; for it 
 was too great a trast to put a whole kingdom in one man's hands ; and though 
 anciently.' 
 
 Before ' In this the earl of Sunderland's ' add ' But ' ; and after ' himself add 
 'and the profits of those commissions ^' 
 
 For ' Yet little regard ... so much ' read ' Yet in this, as in everything else 
 that was proposed by him, the king seemed to take a pleasure in humbling him ; 
 and everybody concluded that he would be no sooner in Ireland than he would 
 be disgraced.' 
 
 [T/ie treasury iooks.] 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 605 (' He complained . . . turned out of all '). 
 
 Begin ' But his misfortunes grew upon him ; for a discovery was made to 
 Halifax.' 
 
 After ' of those books ' add ' and these were in matters of great consequence. ' 
 
 0»i. ' if not . . . way ' ; and read only ' but the king's illness took him that 
 daj', and so this was prevented.' 
 
 [T^e affair of col. Maccartyi\ 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 602 {from ' The first instance ') ; and ibid. 600-1 {marriage of lord 
 Clancarty). 
 
 For ' The first instance . . . acceptable ; for it was that ' read ' Sunderland 
 began to shew the world how he intended to model the Irish army. It was raised 
 as a security to the English protestants, and paid out of funds given by the 
 parliament of Ireland for that intent, to secure the nation from the insurrections 
 of the Irish papists. Yet now it was resolved on to put Irish papists in 
 command.' 
 
 For ' in which ... at an end ' read ' [he] was now pitched on for the first 
 person in whose favour the law was to be broke. And he, to insinuate himself 
 into Sunderland's favours, undertook to make a match between Sunderland's 
 daughter and his nephew, whom his mother had put in the bishop of Oxford's 
 hands to breed a protestant, all his family before him having been papists. 
 So the king writ by Maccarty to the bishop,' &'c. as in p. 601. 
 
 For ' at [of] the age of consent ' read ' but sixteen.' 
 
 ' Transcript A has originally' speak- = i. e. of the commissions issued 
 
 ing in,' corrected by Burnet to 'speak- direct from the king, through the 
 
 ing for' : the above is no doubt the real Secretary of State's Office, 
 reading. 
 
1684] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff, 109 (6)-iio {b) 135 
 
 Oni. 'and so . . . papist' ; and for 'Thus' read 'This was strangely cried 
 out [/ no (6)] on, when.' 
 
 After ' very effectually ' return to p. 602, ' The king intended.' 
 
 After 'Halifax' add 'and told him that since Maccarty had lost a good post 
 on his account, he was resolved to make it up to him in Ireland ; but Halifax 
 told him that might be made up by pensions without breaking of a law ' (cf. 
 Hist. i. 602 infra'); and om. ' and he . . , according to law.' 
 
 Om. ' he said . . . interest.' 
 
 Om. ' Lord Halifax replied . . . jealousy.' 
 
 For ' who came ' read ' So that Maccarty (who had married Halifax's cousin- 
 germane') came.' 
 
 After ' lord ' add ' for opposing his preferment.' 
 
 Ont. ' when he crossed . . . inclinations.' 
 
 {Conduct of ike duchess of Porismouihl\ 
 
 " The secret at the duchess of Portsmouth's went still on ; 
 ^ the king seemed fonder of her than ever ^, though an intrigue 
 had been discovered between the grand prior of France and 
 her, in which it was said that the king (coming himself in 
 a little abruptly on them, where they were together in her 
 closet) saw more than he himself had a mind to see. Upon 
 that the king ordered the grand prior to go out of England 
 immediately '' ; but he, that had all the insolence of his country 
 about him (without the spirit that generally accompanies it), 
 began to pretend that by the laws of England the king 
 could banish nobody, and that therefore he would not obey 
 his order. But the king let him understand that the laws of 
 England could only be claimed by Englishmen, and so, if he 
 did not obey his orders in twenty-four hours' time, he would 
 make him feel what he could do to him. Upon this he went 
 away ^ ; but this, instead of diminishing the king's kindness 
 for the duchess of Portsmouth, as everybody expected it 
 would have done, increased it to that pitch, that " after this the 
 king kissed her often before all the world, which he was never 
 observed to do before this time °- 
 
 • Cf. Hist. i. 605. ' Ibid, supra. ' Ibid. 
 
 1 Lady Arabella Wentworth, dau. Anne Wentworth, sister of Lord 
 
 of the first Earl of Strafford, and Strafford). . ^. „ 
 
 consequently cousin-germane to the ' Lord Ailesbury, m his Memoirs, 
 
 father of Lord Halifax (Sir William traverses this (p. 86). 
 
 Savile, son of Sir George Savile and ' See Routh, Htst. tn loco ; Klopp, u. 
 
136 Burnefs Original Memoirs [1684 
 
 The duchess of PortsmoiMs medal j [and her political intrigties.\ 
 And there was a medal struck for her ; her face was on the 
 one side, with ' Lucia Duchessa Portsmouthensis' about it ; and 
 on the reverse a Cupid was sitting on a globe and about him 
 'Omnia Vincit ^' This was insolent to all degrees, the medals 
 being exposed to sale by the goldsmiths. One that happened 
 to go by a goldsmith's shop bought one of them for me, which 
 I happened to shew that evening to some of the court that 
 came to see me ; with those reflections upon it that such an 
 affront done the king drew from me. Whether this was told 
 again or not I cannot tell, but the very next day all the 
 medals were called in and were never seen any more ; so 
 that I never saw any of them but my own, which is in silver 
 and of the size of half a crown. This I thought deserved 
 to be put in history to shew how far [/ i t i («)] the insolence 
 of a whore can rise. But what the design between her and 
 the French ambassador was at this time is not yet perfectly 
 known ; yet it may be guessed at by this, which I go to set 
 down : that was told me by my lord Montagu, with whom 
 I conversed much at Paris in summer [i6]85. '^ He made me 
 first understand the secret of her being so much for the bill 
 of exclusion ; and he told it to me so particularly, that 
 I believe he himself had a particular hand in it. 
 
 Her design in the business of exclusion. 
 
 It was then proposed to the earl of Sunderland and her in the 
 year [i6]8o, that if the king would agree to the exclusion, an 
 
 " Hist. i. 487. 
 
 422, 483; Hist. MSS. Com. Rep.\i\. bury' medal in 1681, two medals in 
 
 368a;L>/e o/Halifa.v,'nog; Forneion, honour of the Seven Bishops, &c., 
 
 Louise de Keroualle, 208-15. as well as a large number of ofScial 
 
 ' The British Museum has both commissions, including a satirical me- 
 
 bronze and silver specimens of this mento of the Rye House Plot. We 
 
 raremedal, which is by George Bower, can see however no reason for the 
 
 appointed in 1664 one of the en- supposition (advanced in the Medallic 
 
 gravers of the Royal Mint and em- Illustratiotis of the History of Great 
 
 bosser in oidinary. Bower, who died Britain and Ireland, Hawkins, ed. 
 
 before March, 1689-go, worked indis- Franks and Grueber, 1885, vol. i. p. 554) 
 
 criminately for Court and Opposition, that the intention of the medal is 
 
 having executed the famous ' Shaftes- sarcastic. 
 
i68o] Harl. MSS. 6584, _f. no (b)-iii (a) 137 
 
 act might be obtained like that which had been granted to 
 Henry the Eighth, by which the nomination of the successor 
 should be left to the king ; and this would extremely raise 
 the king's reputation and authority and oblige all that could 
 pretend to it to depend on him, and even the prince of Orange * 
 would not be made desperate, since the king, who was so 
 good at promising as he was bad in performing, would not 
 have been wanting to give him all the assurance that words 
 could contain. Now the duchess of Portsmouth was made 
 to apprehend that '' the duke of Monmouth would certainly 
 set on such an act by all possible means, since it was only on 
 such a bottom that he could found his hopes ; and he would 
 no doubt assure himself that if the nomination were left to 
 the king, he would certainly be the person. And the 
 duchess of Portsmouth made herself believe that she was 
 so far master of the king's spirit as to engage him to name 
 her son. Thus the duke of Monmouth and she went into the 
 same game, but with very different prospects, both of them 
 hoping that they should have outwitted one another. And 
 it was thought that her journey over to France the year 
 following was chiefly intended to engage that court in her 
 interests, and to make a match between her son and 
 a daughter of the king's by madame de Montespan that- 
 is now duchess of Enghien. But Montagu added to this, 
 that she had brought the king so far on in the exclusion, 
 that she herself told him the king would pass it if the 
 house of commons would have given 600,000/. for it"*; but 
 if they would have raised it up to 8oo,occ/. the king would 
 be so well pleased that they might promise themselves every- 
 thing that they could desire from him upon it. The same 
 was confirmed to me by c[olonel] Titus ; but they both said 
 to me, that c the distrust of the king was then so great <= and 
 the jealousy of some of the members going into the court 
 to make bargains for themselves grew to be so universal, * that 
 none of those who led the party durst move for money, 
 fearing that upon that they should lose their credit '^. There- 
 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 487. " Ibid. " Ibid. * Ibid. 
 
138 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1680-4 
 
 fore they pressed the duchess of Portsmouth to prevail with 
 the king once to pass the bill and after he might have as 
 much money as he would desire ; ^ but the king would not 
 trust them. And so that business fell when it was brought 
 so near a point '^ ; so great a transaction having failed only 
 upon the distrust that the king and the parliament had one 
 of another. Whether something like this was now again on 
 foot or not is that which I cannot affirm. 
 
 The state of the king's health. 
 Cf. Hisi. i. 606 (' All this winter . . . hold up with him '). 
 
 Discourses of his being a papist. 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 603-4. 
 
 \_f.i\x (6)] For ' There was a great ... of France ' read ' There were many 
 discourses fell out this winter.' 
 
 For 'They did not . . . from Paris' read 'and one was more remarkable 
 because.' 
 
 For ' The occasion . . . better known ' read ' No doubt the duke set this on 
 all he could, that so the king and he might be more inseparably united in their 
 interests.' 
 
 For ' one of the missionaries of Siam ' read ' a secular priest from Siam.' 
 
 For ' who was a man. . . talked of his having' read 'whohad, as was given out.' 
 
 For ' He was well received . . . desired ' read ' He had much heat in him ; 
 and he [was] admitted to the king in.' 
 
 After ' in which ' add ' as was said.' 
 
 For ' The confessor . . . convert him ' read ' But that priest unhappily exposed 
 himself so that he was quickly sent out of England. He went to see Halifax.' 
 
 Om. 'he was so vain . . . man' ; 'such' {before 'simple ') ; and 'as furnished 
 . . . men.' 
 
 After ' thigh ' add ' (and) he had greater occasions to use his leg.' 
 
 [/.112(a)] For ' a miracle' >-cnrf ' the half of a miracle.' 
 
 For ' and lord Halifax . . . contempt that ' read ' which Halifax carried further ; 
 for he not only told it to the king, but told it to the duke in the king's presence 
 before a great company, [so].' Om. ' and the priest ... no more.' 
 
 Halifax discovered the king's inclinations to popery so 
 plainly that I saw he was in great apprehensions. Many 
 but little things began to break out which gave great 
 suspicion ^. One * sir Allan Brodrick, who had been brought 
 up by chancellor Hyde and was much trusted and much 
 employed by him, became the two last years of his life 
 
 " Hist. i. 488. ^ Cf. il/id. 74. 
 
 ' Cf. the remarks of Halifax in his'Character of Charles \\,^ Life and fFoj'fo, ii.347. 
 
t68o] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. m (a)-ii2 (a) 139 
 
 a strict and a religious person : he had been very atheistical 
 and vicious, but was as great an example as ever I knew of 
 an eminent conversion before his death ^ He had opposed 
 the court much in parliament, which was generally imputed 
 to his revenge because of his patron's disgrace ; yet, coming 
 to die some time before the king, '' he told to one or two the 
 secret of the king's religion on his deathbed ; and I had it 
 from one of them. He said that both the brothers changed 
 when they were in Paris ; that " cardinal de Retz reconciled 
 them to the church of Rome ^at Fountainebleau'', and that after 
 that the king gave assurances to both the crowns at the time 
 of the treaty of the Pyrenees that he would declare himself 
 openly a catholic. He added that " chancellor Hyde knew 
 this * and did what he could to divert the king from it, but 
 that the king always denied it to him and hid it from him ; 
 ^yet after the king's restoration the c[ardinal de] Retz 
 came over incognito and pressed the king to declare himself, 
 and that upon all these considerations the chancellor got 
 that act of parliament to pass by which it was declared 
 capital ^ for any to say that the king was a papist ^. And 
 that in doing this he had two ends ; the one was to restrain 
 all who might either know or suspect the secret from talking 
 of it (for he saw well how hurtful such jealousies and dis- 
 courses would be to the public peace) ; but ^ his main end 
 was to let the king see the aversion that his best friends 
 had to popery when they made so severe a law against such 
 discourses. For it was at least to infer that they who could 
 not bear the discourses of the king's being a papist could 
 less bear the thing itself s. This act indeed had all the effect 
 that Clarendon designed by it ; for as the king would never 
 declare himself, so all people were very shy of talking of this 
 matter ; yet the priests beyond sea talked so freely of it in all 
 other places that such as travelled in foreign parts came home 
 very full of suspicions. 
 
 " Hist. i. 74. '' Ibid. ' Ibid. 73- ^ Il"'d- 74- " Ib'd. i94- 
 
 ' Ibid. e Ibid. ^__ 
 
 ' Cf. Mr. Airy's edition, i. 347, note a. 
 
140 Btirnefs Original Memoirs [1684-5 
 
 The king's readiness to pardon murders. 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 600 {from ' A trial in a matter ' to end of paragraph.) 
 
 For 'A trial . . . aftei: this' read ' The last act^ of the king's reign was of 
 a piece with all that had gone before it.' 
 
 [/ 112 (i5)] After 'appearing' add 'they having gone in friends to eat 
 together.' 
 
 After ' prevailed en ' add ' by some of the court.' 
 
 After ' do so ' add ' and only submitted himself to the king's mercy.' 
 
 After 'defence' add ' So he_ followed this advice rather than that which was 
 given him by his friends.' 
 
 Om. ' It was rich . . . court. So.' 
 
 After 'cost him' add 'as I was assured by those of the family'; and after 
 ' of which ' add ' I was told.' 
 
 Otn. ' the other half. . . favour.' 
 
 For ' which cries for vengeance . . . criminal ' read ' for thereby the prince 
 draws still upon himself the guilt of the unrevenged blood ; yet, on the other 
 hand, the importunities of courtiers and ladies are such things to a tender- 
 hearted prince, that there will be no quiet in a court unless a prince declares 
 it ill if any speaks to him on such a subject. And indeed pardons for murders 
 ought never to be granted, unless the judge that tried the cause make such 
 a report of the. case that it. appears by the circumstances that there is room 
 for mercy without going too much against justice.' 
 
 For ' and that not . . . innocent ' ' read ' The king, that was very ready 
 [cf. Hist. i. 612] to pardon all other crimes, was inexorable in matters of 
 treason, though, these being against himself, he was more at liberty in them 
 than in any other. The king [cf. Hist. i. 609] had by some such methods got 
 a little secret treasure of about 80,000 guineas, in the disposing of which he 
 was so shy, that even his mistress never knew anything of it.' 
 
 The king's sickness. 
 
 Cf. Hist, i. 606-9. 
 
 Begin 'Thus matters went on at court till,' and proceed as in Hist, from 'On 
 the first of February.' 
 
 Om. 'he eat little . . . httle of it, and.' 
 
 For ' a physician ' read ' who was now become a very good.' 
 
 After 'wait on him' add 'The king was at this time carrying on a progress 
 [sic\ in his laboratory for the fixing of mercury [cf. Hist. i. 606, SHpra\i and it 
 was believed that this was the occasion of his sending for Dr. King.' 
 
 For ' All the king's . . . amazed at this * read ' who found him in so much 
 disorder, that he did not seem neither to know what he said himself, nor what 
 the doctor answered him. The doctor.' 
 
 For ' humour . . . staring ' read only ' confusion.' 
 
 For ' fell down . . . sudden in ' read ' sat down, and fell immediately into.' 
 
 For ' like ' read ' of ' ; and after 'head ' add ' and the veins of his head swelled,' 
 
 After ' and so ' add ' having a lancet in his pocket.' 
 
 After ' blood ' add ' All the court ran together presently upon this alarm.' 
 
 [/. 113 (a)] For 'and that it would . . . off; so they' read 'It was indeed 
 
 See Mr. Airy's note in loco. ^ Qr ' accounts ' (Airy's ed.). 
 
1685] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 112 (a)-ii4 (a) 141 
 
 given out and printed by order of council that he was out of danger, yet those 
 Vvho understood better." 
 
 Om. ' partly . . . partly' and 'as too busy . . . popery.' 
 
 Om. ' that had a great hand . , . against priests.' 
 
 For 'the lodgings . . . bedchamber' rea«; ' Mr. Chiffin[ch]'s lodgings' ; aitd 
 om. 'and when he was told . . . with fear.' 
 
 For ' according to the relation . . . superficially ' read ' went over some 
 devotions with the king, and then gave him all the sacraments ; so it seems 
 the king's confession was very general and short '.' 
 
 Om. ' It was given out . . . sufiered to come in.' 
 
 For 'and knew .. . efiect of that' read 'and -it made some conclude that 
 there was a great charm in what had passed between the priest and him, since 
 it gave him so much quiet ; which was very extraordinary after a life led as 
 his had been : and it was unaccountable how a man of the king's under- 
 standing could satisfy himself with so slight a matter. It was given out that 
 the turning all out of the bedchamber was in order to the king's signing his 
 testament ; and after that appeared to be false, then it was said he had then 
 signed a farm of the excise for three years ; and there were such numbers over 
 England that seemed resolved not to believe him a papist that this was 
 generally received as the occasion of that putting out the company. When 
 the door was opened that the company was suffered to come in.' 
 
 Om. ' with a great . . . expression ' and ' as those . . . told me,' and ' who 
 seemed . . . answers to it.' 
 
 [/lis (6)] For ' nor any purpose . . . said to him ' read ' [so] that this looked 
 like the casting of pearls before swine." 
 
 For ' some that were in the room ' read 'some abject flatterers. ' 
 
 For ' which was the only word . . . attention ' read ' After this he spoke 
 pretty long to the duke ; all hearkened when he came to this, and fancied ie 
 would have spoke of religion to him, and that he would have recommended his 
 people or his friends and servants to him, or that he would have spoke of the 
 payment of his debts, or that he would have told somewhat of his own ill-life ; 
 but there was nothing of all this in his discourse.' 
 
 After ' of the queen ' add ' though she had expressed a most violent concern 
 for him," and om. remainder of paragraph. 
 
 His death and character^- 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 609; 61 1-2 {to 'at his restoration') ; 613 ('His person . . . made 
 for him ') ; 614 (' No part . . . parts of his '). 
 
 Om. (at this place) from ' There were many very apparent suspicions of 
 his being poisoned ' to the end of^. 610. 
 
 p. 611. Om. ' did not only . . . digestion, but ' and ' though a feeble one.' 
 
 [/ 114 (a)] For ' a good round pension ' read ' a pension of ;f 100,000 a year.' 
 
 Om. ' He spent little . . . thinking." 
 
 1 The mention of Howard's informa- written abroad 1686 {Hist. ed. Airy, 
 
 tion in the original narrative proves ii. 474), with that written in England 
 
 that this part cannot have been com- 1683, ere the king's death {supra, pp. 
 
 posed till after the autumn of 1685, 47-5°); noting p. 47, 11. 19-24, p. 50, 
 
 when Burnet was in Italy. II. 18-21. 
 
 ' Cf. this posthumous character. 
 
142 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1685 
 
 For ' and he had so ill . . . mistrustful of him ' read ' and he took no greater 
 pleasure in anything than in the deceiving of people.' 
 For ' scarce any virtues ' read ' no virtues '.' 
 A/ier ' laws, yet ' insert ' he was both lazy and fearful, so that. ' 
 For ' but he seemed . . . became ' read ' but was really very ' ; and om. ' He 
 was apt . . . itself yet ' and ' after his first . . . mercy.' 
 
 For ' even from the consideration . . . pursued by him ' read ' and it was believed 
 that the nearest relations in blood, even that of a daughter, made no difference 
 in his esteem, who allowed of all appetites to all women ; and even a modest 
 whore was unacceptable to him, for studied brutalities were the only things 
 that recommended women long to him.' 
 Om. ' as he was certainly . . . age,' 
 
 Om. ' He loved to talk over , . . condescension in a king'.' 
 [/. 114 (6)] After 'Borghese' add '[who] took me with him to see those 
 statues.' 
 
 Om. ' Few things ever went ' top. 614, ' insolent subjects,' 
 For ' as well as meaner than that he was ' read ' [than] the end [of it] ; for ta 
 see a man." 
 
 Om. ' expressing both . . . affection to it' and ' thus mocking , , , prevarica- 
 tion.' 
 
 Om. from 'The two papers ... be forgotten' {at this place"), and the 
 remainder of p. 615 altogether. 
 
 \Reign of James //.] The new kmg proclaitned, 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 620 (to ' never yet broken '). 
 
 Begin ' The duke was presently proclaimed king with the heaviest solemnity 
 that ever was.' 
 
 Om. 'and much liked' and 'to his parliament and.' 
 
 After ' occasions ' add ' I have it not now by me, otherwise I would insert it 
 here.' 
 
 For 'but with that he promised' read 'but he used more caution in the 
 promise he made.' 
 
 [Addresses presentedj Burnet's forebodings^ 
 * And upon this there came up a set of addresses from all 
 the parts of England, in which the highest praises that could 
 possibly be set forth in words were offered up to the memory 
 of the dead king, and the new king had assurances of 
 obedience given him *, in such excessive terms, that I have 
 often wondered that the papists have not made more use 
 of these to reproach the church of England with them ; 
 chiefly of ""that from the university of Oxford, in which they 
 promised to obey the king without restrictions and limita- 
 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 620. " Ibid. 
 
 ' See Mr. Airy's note c in loco. 
 
1685] Harl. MSS, 6584, #114 (a)-ii5 (a) 143 
 
 tions. Some magnified the king's promise as if it had been 
 the freest concession that ever prince made ; and they were 
 thought ill courtiers who put in their addresses these words, 
 ' our religion established by law ' ; as if these had pretended 
 that the king was bound by law to maintain the established 
 religion*. I, that knew the king looked upon queen Elizabeth 
 as an usurper that had no more authority than Oliver Crom- 
 well (which he had once said to myself), saw well enough how 
 far [/. ii5(«)] the king thought himself obliged by his promise; 
 for he looked on all these laws that established our religion 
 as null and void of themselves, since they were made by one 
 that was an usurper, in his saying. So I knew well enough 
 how little hold was to be laid on this general promise, with 
 which the nation and the church of England were then so 
 lifted up ; but as this was an effect of the king's confidence 
 in me, that he spoke so freely to me, so that I could not 
 decently talk of it ; so (though I had spoken of it) it would 
 not have signified much ; for all people took up this for 
 a maxim that they must trust the king, and they resolved 
 to go in headlong, and to give him the revenue for life, and 
 everything else that he could ask, in the confidence that they 
 had of his keeping his word. 
 
 T/te late king's funeral. 
 
 The body of the late king was quickly buried. The king 
 ordered his body to be '' opened in the presence of many 
 physicians *. I saw Dr. Lower that night, who was excessively 
 dissatisfied with the court, and seemed to have some jealousies 
 during the king's illness; but he told me that all was so 
 sound within that not only there appeared no marks of any 
 poison in any of his vitals, but that if he had let blood in 
 • time, he might very probably have lived to a great age. 
 It is true "the veins that had broke in his head had put 
 his brain into such a disorder, that he could make no judge- 
 ment of it ; and it was upon this that some have since that 
 time grafted a suspicion that the king, who took much snuff, 
 
 • Cf. Hist. i. 620. * Ibid. 609. " Ibid. 6io. 
 
144 Burnet's -Original Memoirs [1685 
 
 had poison given him that way *. This was said by those who 
 were resolved to say somewhat, and they said this because 
 this was all that could be said ; for they first believe that 
 the king was poisoned, and therefore they fastened it upon 
 his snuff; but all this seemed to me to be mere malice. 
 '' The king's inwards were looked after with too little care, and 
 some parcels of fat were left in the water in which they were 
 washed, with great parcels of his entrails, all which were so 
 much neglected, that the water being poured out at a scullery 
 hole that went to a drain, in the mouth of which a grate lay, 
 these were seen for many days lying upon the grates ; and it 
 was thought somewhat extraordinary to see so little care 
 taken about the body of so great a king. His funeral was 
 also extremely mean ; he did not lie in state and no mourn- 
 ings were given ''- The rooms in Westminster where his body 
 lay for a week were furnished only with coarse cloth, and the 
 candles that burned about him were of tallow. So that 
 his funeral, as was believed, did not cost ;^ioo. Those 
 that were sharp upon his memory, said it was such as he 
 <ieserved ; others "reflected on his brother's ingratitude for 
 doing so little honour to his dead body ". But now I return 
 to the new king. 
 
 The eiiiployments given by the king. 
 
 ^ All employments being ended of course with the king's 
 life, the present king renewed them all, excepting those 
 employments that he had about himself as duke of York ; 
 for his master of the horse, groom of the stole, and the 
 rest of his family held now the same places about him as 
 king. Halifax had a secret audience three days after he 
 came to the crown ; in which he made some excuses to 
 the king for the distance in which he had [y. 115 (5)] lived ' 
 with him of late ; which the king put by handsomely enough, 
 telling him that he would remember nothing that was past, 
 except his behaviour in the business of the exclusion ''. To 
 this Halifax replied that the king knew upon what bottom 
 » Cf. Hist. i. 610. " Ibid. ' Ibid. « Ibid. 621. 
 
1685] Harl MSS. 6584, J. 115 {ay 115 (b) 145 
 
 he stood ; and that as long as the king exacted no other 
 service of him than that which was consistent with the law 
 no man should serve him with more zeal. *' The king pre- 
 pared him for the exaltation of Rochester, and told him that 
 since he had suffered on his account he must consider him ; 
 and the next day he declared him treasurer ; and his brother 
 Clarendon was made privy seal, and Halifax was made 
 president ". So his own jest was now turned upon himself ; 
 for ''when Rochester was turned out of the treasury and 
 made lord president of the council (which was a higher 
 place as to precedence, but much lower as to interest) he had 
 said he had known many kicked down stairs, but he never 
 knew any kicked up stairs before '' ; so now this returned upon 
 himself, since he was raised from being privy seal to be 
 president. Rochester was considered as the favourite, and 
 carried himself like one, for ^he was insolent to all degrees "=. 
 Sunderland was looked on as a man lost at court, but " he 
 found a way to engage " both France and <= the queen « so 
 entirely in his interests, that he was quickly more in 'favour 
 than ever. It is said that he had promised to change his 
 religion, but he delays this as much as is possible. 
 
 {Reception of the Whigs j king's attitude towards France.'] 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 622 (' Persons of all ranks ' to p. 623, ' with the prince of Orange'). 
 
 Om. 'in such crowds' and 'that it was not easy . . . all.' 
 
 For 'the Whigs' read ' those that were called Whigs.' 
 
 For ' some . . . access ' read ' some cf them he would not see ; to others 
 he spoke so sharply that they wished rather that he had refused to see them.' 
 
 After 'to say ' add ' [to] many of the family and others that were in employ- 
 ments.' 
 
 For ' though it proved . . . donfe formerly ' read ' for he seemed to be animated 
 against the French.' 
 
 For ' of another spirit . . . had done ' read ' that the king would not give 
 himself up to the French councils as his brother had done.' 
 
 After ' prince of Orange ' om. ' and the States of Holland.' 
 
 [The prince of Orange dismisses Monmouth^ 
 ■^So soon as the news of the king's death came to the 
 Hague, the prince saw the necessity of dismissing the duke 
 of Monmouth, and so he resolved to prevent the king's 
 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 621. ' Ibid. 592. "^ Ibid. 621. * Ibid. 624. 
 
 FOXCROFT ^ 
 
146 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1685 
 
 asking it *. He had a long conversation with him, upon which 
 they parted ; I have not yet asked in what terms they 
 parted ; but a friend of Monmouth's complained highly to 
 me of the prince's abandoning him ; and ''pretended to justify 
 all that Monmouth did after that against the prince's right, 
 since he said the prince brake first to him. [/. 116 (a)] But 
 it is certain ''the prince must either have done it thus of 
 himself or he would have presently been so pressed by the 
 king that he must have broke upon it " ; and in all this the 
 world would have condemned the prince, as wanting both 
 in duty to the king and in prudence, if he had given the 
 king, who he knew sought advantages against him, so just 
 a one as this would have been of not dismissing him. But 
 I do not yet know how the prince gilded this pill to Mon- 
 mouth, who '' went presently to Brussels ; but he was quickly 
 made to understand that as soon as the return of a courier 
 could come from Spain he would be ordered to leave that 
 place* ; so that he did not know whither to go, since the 
 expectations and apprehensions that all Europe had of the 
 king made that few princes would have willingly received 
 him. 
 
 [7%« king's course of life.'\ 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 624 (' The courtiers now said everywhere . . . fair appearances '). 
 
 For ' who would bring , , . court ' read ' [who] would not go into that 
 dependence on France which had been the reproach of the former reign.' 
 
 Om. 'the queen and his priests.' 
 
 For ' (by whom . . . children) ' read ' whom he has since made countess of 
 Dorchester.' 
 
 After ' orders were ' add ' publicly." 
 
 For 'yet the king' read ' yet I knew, for all that, he.' 
 
 [Relations with Spain and the States.] 
 
 ^ He gave also very good words to the Spanish ambas- 
 sador, and writ very kindly to the prince of Orange, ' though 
 he imposed a hard thing upon him, which was the cashiering 
 some of the English and Scotch officers, that were suspected 
 
 » Cf. Hist. i. 624. " Ibid, infra. <' Ibid, supra. ^ Ibid. 
 
 " Ibid. 623. ' Ibid. 627. 
 
1685] Harl MSS. 6584, #. 115 {b)-ii6 (b) 147 
 
 to be in Monmouth's interests », though they had never 
 declared it, and the suspicion was only founded on some 
 malicious suggestions of Mr. Chudleigh, that had been 
 envoy in Holland. These officers had served the States 
 well during the wars, and the cashiering of brave men upon 
 little stories was a hard thing. The prince saw well that 
 this would bring the regiments under a great dependence 
 on the English envoys, if he should cashier the officers upon 
 every tattle that they writ over to the king. '' Yet he resolved 
 for once to gratify the king, and to recompense the hurt that 
 was done to those officers ^ by secret favours, for it was not 
 advisable for him, neither in his own particular nor as he was 
 at the head of the government of the States, to give the king 
 a colour to complain of him ; "with all which the king was 
 so well pleased, that he said to the bishop of Ely, who was 
 then in great favour, that it was absolutely necessary upon all 
 accounts for him to be extremely well with the prince, and 
 therefore he refused to do an indiscreet thing that the bishop 
 proposed to him, because he said he knew it would offend the 
 prince. This was set about « as one of those secrets that are 
 intended to be made known to all the world, and the clergy 
 were so lifted up with hopes, that the king gave them, of his 
 supporting them, [/ 116 (d)] and his bearing down the dis- 
 senters, that I never saw a tide go so high. It was not safe 
 to express the least fear or distrust, though there appeared 
 very quickly grounds for jealousies. 
 
 [Customs and excise levied.'] 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 621-2 {from ' But before ' to ' talk of those matters '). 
 
 For ' But before the earl of Rochester . . . passed upon it' read ' The parlia- 
 ment had, as in all former times, granted the custom to the late king for life.' 
 
 For ' Yet the king . . . excuse for it, that ' read only ' For.' 
 
 For ' But in answer . . . pass ' return to ' Yet the king declared . . . new 
 grant ' (ok p. 622, supra). 
 
 After 'Endeavours were used' add '[by] the party that opposed the 
 court.' 
 
 Om. 'The earl . . . others.' 
 
 For 'Such beginnings. . . matters' read only 'and it did not look like a 
 prince that intended to govern by law.' 
 
 « Cf. Hist. i. 627. ^ ibid. " Ibid. 
 
 L 2 
 
148 Burnefs Original Memoirs [1685 
 
 \Practices in elections^ 
 
 Cf. Hist i. 625 {from ' At the same time ' to p. 626, ' on all occasions '). 
 
 Begin ' But that which came next was beyond all the rest. For.' 
 
 After ' neglected ' insert ' In above three parts of four of the boroughs of 
 
 England, the elections had been always made by the whole inhabitants, but.' 
 After ' corporation men ' add ' these were all named by the king in the new 
 
 charters.' 
 
 After ' in some of these ' add ' where even these could not be found.' 
 For ' by the earl of Bath ' read ' by the treachery of the earl of Bath.' 
 
 [I^aie of the earl of Bath; refleciions.l 
 
 [/: 117 (a)] And yet though he did what in him lay to betray 
 his country, he lost his place ; for Peterborough, that had 
 been in that place about the king while he was duke, carried 
 it from himj at which all people were glad, not so much out of 
 their love to the one, as out of their hatred to the other. 
 " Now this method of choosing parliament struck at the whole 
 constitution and liberty of England ; for the house of com- 
 mons being the fence of liberty the freedom of elections is 
 that upon which all depends. And if the king can by his 
 charter take away the right of elections from the body of 
 a town, and put it in a smaller number of one and twenty, 
 who are all named by himself, it is plain that a parliament so 
 made up is rather made by the king than chosen by the 
 people. All the inhabitants of the towns were extremely 
 troubled when they saw their birthright thus taken from 
 them ; for this to them was not only a point of honour and 
 of liberty, but was really a main point of interest ; since all 
 the gentry that lay about these towns, and that courted 
 them that they might be favoured by them when elections 
 to parliament came about, and that feasted them after, and 
 made constant presents to them, would now give over all 
 that courtship, so that they saw that hereafter there would 
 be no difference between parliament boroughs and every 
 market town. Upon this the discontent was very universal ; 
 yet in the beginning of a reign that was like to be severe, 
 nobody durst speak out that which he had in his heart upon 
 this occasion ^ But the court was mightily lifted up with 
 
 » Cf. Hist. i. 626. 
 
1685] Harl. MSS. 6584, /: 116 {byiij (a) 149 
 
 their success in carrying the elections as they had a mind 
 to it. * The king said there were not above forty men here 
 chosen other than as he had wished for ; and that which gave 
 the saddest view of this whole matter was that the members 
 that were chosen were neither men of parts nor of estates ; 
 so that it was not easy either to convince their understandings 
 or to make them see their interest, since they had none unless 
 it were to recommend themselves to the king. ''Thus all 
 thinking men looked on England as lost, and believed that 
 this parliament would certainly be the ruin of the nation. 
 ° For it was expected that they would not only give the king 
 the whole revenue for life, and not from three years to three 
 years " (which wise men had projected, and were resolved to 
 move if the elections had given any good prospect), but that 
 which was yet more apprehended was that "^ they would confirm 
 all their own elections ; for since the member that is returned 
 sits till his election is questioned, then it was not to be 
 doubted but upon the first questioned election, all the other 
 questionable members, who were much more than the 
 majority, would have voted in favour of the elections, since 
 that indeed was to vote for themselves; and if the house 
 had once confirmed this method of restraining elections by 
 new charters, this was the sacrificing of all the liberties of 
 England. " So that men began to be very , sad ; for a blow 
 given to the constitution of the government by a parliament 
 cannot be recovered but^ by a rebellion", and a disease is 
 justly accounted desperate when the remedies are likewise 
 
 such. 
 
 \Opinions of NaHfaxi] 
 
 Halifax told me^ there were two things which only could 
 save us. The one was '' that perhaps the king would declare 
 
 ' Hist. i. 626. " Ibid. ' Ibid. '" Ibid. 627. » Ibid. 626. 
 
 ' Ibid. 627. 
 
 ^ This we see was written between forecasts. We notice, however, that, 
 
 thesuinmerofi686andtheendofi687. in the interval between 1686 and the 
 
 2 It is difficult to see why Burnet death of the marquis in 1695, relations 
 
 in his printed History deprives Lord between Burnet and Halifax had 
 
 Hahfax of the credit of these sagacious become strained. 
 
150 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1685 
 
 himself against France, and for bringing the state of Europe 
 to a Tighter balance. He told me that [/. 117 (5)] both the 
 court of Spain and the States would certainly make such 
 addresses to the king that he would have all the offers made 
 him that were possible, if he would depart from the French 
 interest, "and by this we would be quickly able to judge 
 whether bigotry or a desire of glory wrought most powerfully 
 on the king. 
 
 [Same subject coniintied^ 
 
 Cf. Hist, i. 627 (^from ' since if he did not ' to p. 628, ' judge of any election '). 
 
 For ' The season . . . short ' read ' The other was that he hoped . . . since it 
 was to be in summer.' 
 
 Om. ' but that . . . winter session.' 
 
 For ' they might come . . . and either see ' read ' there would still be hopes ; 
 since after members had been once together and they begin to see.' 
 
 For ' and so ' read ' they would be the more easily prevailed on at least to.' 
 
 For ' sparing' read ' so sparing ' ; and after ' bounty ' add ' that the court 
 might have frequent occasions of bringing them together.' 
 
 Om. ' which they had learned . . . setting out.' 
 
 For ' resolved' read ' generally resolved.' 
 
 For ' but to keep . . . parties ' read ' but the giving the revenue entirely to the 
 king for life was so sure, that it was not safe to oppose it.' 
 
 [The coronatio?i^ 
 When the elections were over, ^ the next care of the court 
 was to order the coronation ; for both king and queen were 
 to be crowned, and so the peeresses as well as the peers were 
 to bear a share in the solemnity. This was done with great 
 order and magnificence ^, and the court was so possessed with 
 this matter^that it lessened the king in manypeople's thoughts, 
 who saw him more intent upon the ceremony of the splendour 
 of that day than became a man of his age. ■= Yet the crown 
 was so ill fitted to his head, that it hung over his face, so that 
 he made but an ill figure that day ; and that very morning 
 his son by Mrs. Sedley died, the pall that was carried over 
 his head broke, and some other small accidents happened 
 from which foolish people that looked at those trifles drew 
 ill auguries. 
 
 » Hist. i. 627, infra. '' Ibid. 625. c Ibid. 628. 
 
 ' See Strickland, Queens of Eng., ed. 1851-2, vi. 164-5. 
 
1685] HarL MSS. 6584, ff. 117 («)-ii8 {a) 151 
 
 [Bttrnet goes abroad ; a rebellion projectedi] 
 
 " But the discontent that was over England made some 
 hot men in London, such as major Wildman and Charleton, 
 fancy that it might be a fit time now for the duke of Mon- 
 mouth to raise a rebellion"- I knew they met often together, 
 and were bften shut up in little cabals ; * some of them came 
 to see me, and talked in general ^ of what might be expected 
 from this parliament ; for "= the king had put me in great 
 credit with them ; since Halifax desired leave to present me 
 to the king, that I might kiss his hand, which all people did. 
 The king not only refused it, but spake sharply of me. Upon 
 which I desired Halifax to ask the king's leave for me to go 
 beyond sea ; which the king said he agreed to o with all his 
 heart. Yet I could not execute this as soon as I intended, 
 for my wife was languishing and likely to die every day ^ ; so 
 that I stayed two months longer than I intended. Yet seeing 
 the parliament draw near, I satisfied her friends in Scotland 
 [/. 118 (a)] so well, with the method I had settled for looking 
 after her, that they all consented to my leaving her. So I 
 resolved to go out of England in the beginning of May, and 
 she died about the end of the month. ^ Thus I was in great 
 credit with all the party that were against the court ^ ; but 
 they were in no credit with me, for I knew that all the men 
 that were for the duke of Monmouth were factious and 
 ■wicked people. So I would have nothing to do with them. 
 I was afraid they would have insinuated themselves into my 
 lady Russell, who as she had great resentments for her 
 husband's death, so was mistress of a great estate, and by 
 that means could raise much money, which was the thing 
 they wanted most ; but I prevailed so effectually with her, 
 that she resolved not to enter into any communication with 
 them ; and this reservedness of hers was imputed to me, and 
 
 ■^ Cf. Hist. i. 626, 625. " Ibid. 625, 628. " Ibid. 628-9. '' Ibid. 
 
 629. 
 
 ' See Autobiography, infra, ff. 208-9. 
 
152 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1685 
 
 I was severely railed at for it by these men ^ ; we see 
 clearly that there was somewhat among them. * I spoke 
 earnestly to my lord Delamere to keep himself from all 
 designs of that kind, and he assured me he was resolved not 
 to embark in them ; yet I suspected him extremely. Mr. 
 Hampden gave me also the same assurances. *" That which I 
 proposed to them was that I did not yet think the king had 
 done enough to justify any such extreme counsels ; a raw 
 rebellion would be either presently crushed, and so raise the 
 power of the court and give them a colour for keeping up 
 a standing army, or, on the other hand, if it grew sti'ong it 
 would throw us into a commonwealth or lasting civil wars, 
 and either of these would be the ruin of the nation, and 
 would drive the king to bring over a French army. "Yet 
 I saw many consider the nation as already undone by this 
 election of parliament-men, so that they were disposed ta 
 put all to hazard ; but nobody that I saw thought it was 
 near °. And the king repeated so frequently the assurances 
 that he had given concerning religion, that even those who- 
 did not depend much upon his word yet fancied that the 
 impossibility of the thing might perhaps keep him from 
 attempting that in which he was not like to succeed ; and the 
 church of England had done him so great service not only 
 during the business of the exclusion, but now in the procuring 
 the elections of parliament to go everywhere as the court 
 desired, in which they had behaved themselves like men that 
 had neither any regard to public liberty, nor any sort of dis- 
 trust of the king. All this concurring, many flattered them- 
 selves with hopes that at least some considerable time would 
 pass before such things could be forgotten ; and time was 
 all unless the king had sons, or could prevail on the princess 
 of Denmark to change her religion. For the former, ''the 
 queen was not like to bring more children ; ^ but her very 
 
 » /f/i/. i. 629. ^ Ilnd.,a.nA62S. " Ibid. 62g. •' /ferf. 683. <> Ibid. 682. 
 
 1 For Lady Russell's expressed Doctor Fitzwilliam, Letters (First 
 sentiments on Monmouth's rebellion, Collection, seventh ed., 1809), pp.. 
 see her letter of July 21, 1685, to 74-5. 
 
i685l Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 118 (a)-ii8 {h) 153 
 
 ill-health made many fear she could not be long-lived ; yet 
 she recovered out of a languishing which almost all people 
 thought would be fatal to her. But if she recovered her 
 health, " she quickly came to lose the esteem and love of the 
 nation, which she had possessed hitherto to a high degree '^. 
 She began to grow so very haughty and ill-natured and so 
 bigoted and fierce in matters of religion that she is as much 
 hated since she was queen, as she was beloved whilst she 
 was duchess ; [/ ii8 ((5)] yet she lives still, and by that she 
 does the protestant interest more service ^ than all her ill- 
 affects can do it a prejudice. •> She has had many little quar- 
 rels with the king about his amours, which, as some say, have 
 been carried by her to great excesses. " But if the king doth 
 her wrong one way, he doth all he can to make it up another 
 way ; for he treats her with great respect, so that it is believed 
 she has a great stroke in the councils "- She has gone in 
 wholly into the French interests, and has espoused all the 
 concerns of her religion with a violence that very ill becomes 
 her sex. As for the princess of Denmark, she has disap- 
 pointed all the people as much the other way ; for it was 
 generally thought that she would be so complaisant to the 
 king as to let herself be instructed in her religion ; yet as she 
 has begun very early to declare to the bishops and several 
 others that she was resolved never to change, so ^ she seemed 
 to apply herself more to devotion, and to be more serious in 
 receiving the sacrament than formerly, and has ever since that 
 time behaved herself so worthily in all respects * that now all 
 people trust as much to her as ever they were afraid of her ; and 
 this in her is so much the greater virtue, that no doubt a thing 
 which is obvious has been suggested to her, that if she would 
 turn she should be put in a condition to succeed even in 
 a preference in her elder sister. For she being upon the place, 
 
 " Hist. i. 368, 618. "^ Ibid. 682. " Ibid. 748. ^ Ibid. 720. 
 
 1 This phrase shews that the whole lief in the probability of her continued 
 
 of the passage was written before the childlessness. Miss Strickland {op. cil., 
 
 first report of the queen's pregnancy, 1851-2, vi. 161), quoting Fox, gives a 
 
 in the winter of 1687 ; and is there- very bad account of her health in 
 
 fore full proof of a contemporary be- 1685. 
 
154 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1685 
 
 if her creatures were all over put in the government, this, 
 together with the assistance of France, might make a danger- 
 ous competition between her and her eldest sister. But it is 
 visible she hearkens to none of those things. So that we are 
 now out of that danger which I confess I apprehended more 
 than all other when I came out of England. 
 The affairs of Scotland. 
 A few days before I left London ^ the marquis of Queens- 
 berry and the earl of Perth came up from Scotland ; the 
 former was made a duke, ''and the king declated him his 
 commissioner for the parliament that was summoned in Scot- 
 land ; but upon this, Queensberry told the king that if he 
 had any thoughts of changing the religion, he himself could 
 not make one step in that project, and therefore the king 
 would do better to employ another. The king received it so 
 well from him, and gave him such ample assurances in his 
 speech to the parliament of the king's resolutions to maintain 
 the established religion [. . .] ^ ; but he got likewise instructions 
 to enact what laws might be necessary for the further securing 
 of it ; <> and because the law concerning the test was [■ . ■] -^ not 
 only in order to having of public employments but whensoever 
 it should be presented to them by order of council, and that 
 under the pain of treason. He had also instructions for many 
 other severe laws, by which he, who was naturally violent 
 and imperious, thought to make his court so dexterously 
 to the king that even his firmness to the protestant religion 
 should not do him hurt. But he found afterwards that he 
 reckoned wrong <= ; the king made use of him to get the 
 revenue confirmed, and to do some other odious things ; 
 ''but what has fallen out since that time has showed that 
 the king has been strangely prevailed on by his priests * to 
 do the things that are the most contrary to his disposition. 
 For there is scarce any virtue more rooted in the king's 
 nature [/. 119 («)] than sincerity; and yet by the many 
 promises that the king made then, and his strange way of 
 
 " Hist. i. 634. " Ibid. 635. " Ibid, infra. ^ Ibid, supra. 
 
 ' Some words have evidently dropped out here. See Hist, in loco. 
 
1685] HarL MSS. 6584, ff. 118 {b)-ii^ {a) 155 
 
 observing them since that time, it must be acknowledged that 
 either he then made promises with an intention to break 
 them, or that having found a favourable conjuncture since 
 that time, he has thought it below him to be a slave to his 
 word ; and either of these two is so bad, that it is hard to 
 tell which of them is the worst, and the least suitable to so 
 sublime a dignity. I went out of England in the beginning 
 of May, so that I cannot since that time prosecute matters 
 so particularly, as I have hitherto done ; yet I shall give so 
 distinct a view of the state of affairs as shall still let my readers 
 see the errors that have been made of all hands, both by the 
 people on the one side and by the government on the other. 
 
 ArgylFs rehellioti in Scotland. 
 * Argyll had lived near two years secretly in Friesland ; 
 but he came often over into Amsterdam, and met there with 
 the rest of the Scotch exiles, the chief of whom were sir 
 Jo[hn] Cochrane and sir Patrick Hume". They all knew how 
 odious the king's person, as well as his religion, was in 
 Scotland ; and they reckoned that those who had felt his 
 severity so much when he was only a subject would very 
 probably apprehend it much more now that he was a king. 
 '' Argyll believed that if he had but money to buy a stock of 
 arms and ammunition he might venture into Scotland without 
 taking any precaution for the preparing people to it; he 
 thought his own interest would bring all his Highlanders 
 together, and he fancied the western and southern counties 
 were under such apprehensions, both for religion and liberty, 
 that they wanted nothing but arms and a head. And a rich 
 ^ widow in Amsterdam '', who was a zealous lover both of 
 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 629. ^ Ibid. 
 
 ' InTranscriptB,f.i64(o), 'English' hand of Dr. Gifford, in these words, 
 
 is inserted before 'widow.' In the ' I knew her well— A. G.' [Dr. Andrew 
 
 margin opposite are two notes : (a) Gifford (Baptist minister, numisma- 
 
 one in the same hand as that of f. 2 tist, and assistant librarian at the 
 
 (see Preface), ' Her name was Smith. British Museum from 1757 to his 
 
 She had a share in a sugar House [?]. death in 1784), born August-17, 1700, 
 
 She was ofan Anabaptist congregation. the son and grandson of Baptist 
 
 She lent money [?] to l[o]rd Mel- ministers at Bristol •^Dkt. Nat. Biog.)\ 
 villa'; {b) and the second, in the 
 
156 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1685 
 
 presbytery and of a commonwealth, » hearing that it was 
 believed ten thousand pound sterling might compass this 
 great design, laid down the money -^ Argyll now fancied 
 Scotland was his own, and was very insolent in all his 
 discourses with the other gentlemen, who really thought his 
 brain turned. Hume ^ knew the state of the southern and 
 western counties much better than he did, for many had 
 that opinion of Argyll that if at any time the king had . 
 offered him his estate again he would have made his own 
 peace and have betrayed all his friends ; but they had trusted 
 themselves to Hume, so that he was sure of above 4,000 
 persons, and they had engaged above the half of the garrison 
 that was in the castle of Edinburgh ; so that here would have 
 been a formidable rebellion if Argyll could have managed 
 it. ^ He went about the business of buying arms and his 
 vessel to carry them over with so much dexterity that this 
 passed as if it had been for the service of the Venetians. But 
 when he and the rest came to reason about the methods of 
 carrying on their business they differed in every point. Hume 
 was for the shortest passage, and for landing in the south. But 
 Argyll thought the fastnesses of his own country made that 
 it would be properest, since he reckoned the country would 
 gather to him safer there, and in short he rather dictated to 
 the rest than [/. 119 (^)] advised with them^ Hume thought 
 often to have left him, and would never trust him with the 
 secrets of those who he knew were waiting for a fit oppor- 
 tunity ; nor would he trust it to Cochrane. Monmouth hearing 
 of all this came to them, and though he did not like the 
 business and thought it was too early, yet "= he studied to make 
 them allfriends,and shewed great temper in his way of managing 
 them. He had such inclinations tohave set himself at the head 
 
 " Cf. Hist, i 629-30. '" Ibid. 630. " Ibid. 
 
 ' On comparing Burnet's eventual after the failure of the expedition. If 
 
 account of Argyll's rising with that so, however, Burnet's record is in some 
 
 printed above it is difficult to avoid the respects mistaken ; compare his ac- 
 
 conclusion that his original version is count of AyloiTe's capture, jk/ra, p. 158, 
 
 founded entirely upon the verbal with Hume's own narrative printed 
 
 reports of Sir Patrick Hume, who, as in Rose's Observations, pp. 1-67, and 
 
 is well known, escaped to Holland in the Marchmont Papers, iii. 1-66. 
 
1685] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 119 (a)-ii9 {b) 157 
 
 of them, that if Argyll had offered it to him, he seemed ready 
 to have accepted of the command ». But Argyll was strangely 
 blown up, and, as it appeared afterwards, he seemed guilty of the 
 folly of fancying that he could make himself king of Scotland. 
 He had provided all things with so much secrecy that *> the 
 king had not the least suspicion of him, till he heard he had 
 set sail ; which he knew the day before I left London, for 
 Arran, that came to see me in the night, told me this, and said 
 he had it from the king's own mouth ; so that I saw it was 
 time for me to be gone, since if risings were once begun I had 
 all reason to expect that I should be used as a suspected 
 person '' ; and if Argyll was gone to Scotland, it was reasonable 
 enough to imagine that the duke of Monmouth would be 
 quickly in England. « I went first to France, because I knew 
 that if I had gone to Holland some of the duke of Mon- 
 mouth's party would have perhaps found me' out, and have 
 either made me guilty by communicating somewhat to me ", 
 or at least have made me seem guilty by their having been 
 with me; and as things were then between the prince of 
 Orange and the king I could not expect to have any counten- 
 ance from him. ^ So France was at first my safest retreat, and 
 Mr. Barillon told me that I might assure myself I should be 
 safe there ; for he had asked the king if he was satisfied with 
 my going out of England and with my going to him in 
 France, and the king told him he was. Mr. Barillon gave 
 me else all the assurances that I could expect of an am- 
 bassador, that as soon as he perceived that the king had 
 any design to demand me from the court of France he should 
 presently give me notice of it, that so I might have time 
 to retire myself from thence. So I went to Paris ; where, 
 that I might be quiet and less suspected, I took a house 
 and lived by myself^- But before I enter upon the secrets 
 that I have discovered beyond sea I will carry on the recital 
 of English affairs, which I have gathered partly out of the 
 letters that have been writ me and partly from the persons 
 whom I have seen. 
 
 ° Cf. Hist. i. 630. " Ibid. 631. " Ibid. 655. '» Ibid. 
 
158 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1685 
 
 [^ArgylPs expedition.^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 631 {from ' Argyll had ' to p. 632, ' by more of his Highlanders '), 
 
 After ' voyage ' add ' and some few English went with him [see p. 632], 
 in particular Mr. Ayloffe and one Mr. Rumbold * (and then continue as on p. 633, 
 from 'that dwelt' to 'present king'). 
 
 For ' this had no effect . . . sail away and' read ' but went away in such haste 
 [as to],' and for ' to mercy' read 'to be made prisoners.' 
 
 After ' very few days ' add ' after he sailed from Holland.' 
 
 For ' Hume ' read ' the other Scotch gentleman.' 
 
 [f 120 (a)] Om. ' who were setting . . . liberty.' 
 
 For ' he found that the early notice . . . got above ' read ' he was much 
 surprised to find that almost all of the gentry of the country had been called to 
 Edinburgh ; for the king sent the advertisement that he had received from 
 Holland with all haste to Scotland, upon which the privy council had sent fof 
 all the most considerable gentlemen of his country. He had not behaved 
 himself in his prosperity like a man that thought he might at some time or 
 another need the affections of his people ; and he felt that now, for though he 
 always reckoned that he was sure he could raise 5,000 men in his country, yet 
 he could not bring together,' 
 
 For ' Bit last , . . sea and ' read ' And when at last he should have crossed the 
 arm of the sea, and come to the western counties, instead of landing in them, he.' 
 
 After ' Bute' add ' a poor little island.' 
 
 [Conchisioft of the attempt !\ 
 * He had also left his arms behind him in a castle, with 
 a body of men to guard it ; who were routed by a party of the 
 king's ^ and run away. So all his arms were taken, and then 
 his design was lost ; and in the whole progress of the matter 
 it appeared that ""he had lost both head and heart ''. His 
 men were now got out of the island, but a rebellion that 
 begins to go backward is quickly at an end ; *= he put himself 
 in a poor man's habit, and had almost got out of their hands ; 
 but at last he was shamefully taken. Yet a body of his men 
 stuck together and fought, so that though in that feeble 
 opposition which the king's troops gave them some were 
 wounded, others taken (amongst these were Cochrane, Ayloffe, 
 and Rumbold) <=, sir Patrick Hume with '^ several others fought 
 out their way '^ and got clear of their enemies. But now all 
 those in the western and southern counties who had re- 
 solved to rise were still in the same mind, and upon the first 
 news of the duke of Monmouth's success there would have 
 been a second and much more considerable rising. So they 
 lay in the way where the packets passed from London to 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 633. •' Ibid. <: Ibid. ^ Ibid. 
 
1685] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff, 119 (Z>)-i2i {a) 159 
 
 Edinburgh and took two or three of them, which gave those at 
 the council at Edinburgh no small disorder, since there passed 
 so many days without their hearing any news from England. 
 
 \Fate of the prisoners?^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 632 {from ' Argyll was 'top. 634, ' suffered with the rest ') {the 
 order differs^ but is immaterial). 
 
 After ' Edinburgh ' add ' so were the other prisoners.' 
 
 0))i. ' he expressed . . . misfortunes.' 
 
 [/. 120 (6)] For ' so it was justice . . . taken from him ' read ' so that he 
 thought all that he did was but a just revenge.' 
 
 After ' the oath ' add ' to defend the protestant religion.' 
 
 After ' dignity ' add ' by which he concluded that a papist who could not take 
 the oath could not be the legal king of Scotland. He expressed a great zeal for 
 the protestant religion, and a very serene constancy of mind at his execution. ' 
 
 Om, ' He desired . , . firmness '.' 
 
 For ' He said, he had not laid . . . administration ' read ' He discovered the 
 whole secret of his affair, and how he had got his money with which he bought 
 the arms, so he died generally pitied of all men, but esteemed by few. ' 
 
 Om. ' When the day . . . serenity.' 
 
 Om.from 'at parting' to 'designs of this kind.' 
 
 For ' several stabs ' read ' 6 or 7 ' ; and om. ' it being believed . . . discoveries.' 
 
 For ' was he that dwelt . . . king ' read ' suffered next ; he shewed a wonder- 
 ful resolution.* 
 
 For ' the truth of that conspiracy ' read ' absolutely the Rye conspiracy,' 
 and om. ' He did not deny . . . resolved on.' 
 
 After ' Cochrane' insert ' was to go next, but.' 
 
 After ' made. But ' insert ' because it would look a little odd to suspect 
 [?see such] an eminent rebel pardoned.' 
 
 .4/??>- ' pardoned him' insert 'Everybody expected to see him set up for an 
 evidence to hang other people, but when nothing of that appeared, then.' 
 
 After ' negotiations with ' add ' foreign princes in particular with.' 
 
 For ' The secret . . . after ' read ' I have since understood the true secret of 
 this matter.' 
 
 Om. ' but could draw . . . repartee.' 
 
 For 'nephew . . . children ' frarf ' cousin-germane to the duchess.' 
 
 For 'which would . . . with the rest' read ' [but] he suffered at Tyburn '.' 
 
 [Few suffer in Scotland; insinuation against Argyll?^ 
 [/. 121 (a)] *And thus was the rebellion in Scotland dis- 
 sipated with the effusion of very little blood either in the field 
 or on the scaffold. The greatest number of those who joined 
 
 » Hist. i. 632, 
 
 1 As Charteris did not die till 1700 Argyll's last hours. . , , „ 
 
 (Hist i 216), it is probable that ^ Original note (qu. in hand of 
 
 Burnet after his return from Holland f. 2 ?), ' Mistake, it was over agamst the 
 
 obtained from him the account of Temple ' (Transcript B, f. 167 (a)). 
 
i6o Burnetts Original Memoirs [1685 
 
 with Argyll were Highlanders, whose following their lord 
 was so suitable to their way of living that the government 
 thought it fit to be gentle to them'\ And for the other 
 gentlemen, they had got away, so that none were taken that 
 could make any great discoveries. And the truth was the 
 council fancied that Argyll must needs know all. And so 
 when they saw by him that he had no correspondence with 
 any in Scotland upon that matter, they concluded that there 
 was nothing in it ; so that many men's lives and estates were 
 saved who would have been very probably ruined if Argyll 
 had drawn all Hume's secrets out of him. 
 
 A parliament in Scotland. 
 
 Cf. Hist. 636-7 {from 'The parliament' to end of paragraph). 
 
 Oin. ' no opposition was made ' and ' and was looked on . . . church of Rome.' 
 
 For ' This put men . . . pleased ' read ' by which any man may be taken up 
 and examined upon oath to any matters of which he may be suspected.' 
 
 After ' Campbell ' add ' of Cesnock ' ; and after ' Melfort ' add ' Perth's brother.' 
 
 Om. ' of about ,f i,ooo a year.' 
 
 For ' any of the ' read ' two [of the].' 
 
 After 'attainted ' add ' without any further process. ' 
 
 For ' four ' read ' two.' 
 
 After ' Carstares' deposition ' add ' (though it was not mentioned).' 
 
 i^oy ' Upon this . . . executed' read only 'Upon this they were both con- 
 demned but not executed, for ' ; and om. ' then near eighty,' ' and that he 
 was condemned . . . manner,' and ' upon this . . . upon all this.' 
 
 [/. 121 (i)] For 'So it was pretended . . . pardoned' read 'Upon his con- 
 fession he had his life and liberty.' 
 
 For ' and very probably . . . conclusion of read ' which was certainly pre- 
 cipitated by his long and hard imprisonment.' 
 
 For ' which was so universally . . . believe it possible ' read ' A man must 
 be presented with a very hard opinion of a government before he can believe 
 it capable of such acts of tyranny. An agreement is made with a man in torture 
 to persuade him to tell all he knows, and one part of it is that he shall never be 
 brought to be a witness against any person. And yet so barbarous an act of 
 parliament is made to bring about that under the colour of law, which is so 
 plainly contrary to all law. And thus a noble family and one of the ancientest 
 and worthiest gentlemen of Scotland was destroyed, though he was not 
 executed upon it. ' ( This passage, as it precedes the two last, will be found on 
 f "I («).) 
 
 The duke of Monmouth's t-ebellion. [i. His preparations^ 
 Cf. Hist. i. 640 (' As soon as lord Argyll . . . ill-designed invasion '), reading 
 for this [/ 121 (6)], ' But now I return to the affairs of England, and to the 
 duke of Monmouth's business. As soon as Argj'll was gone he set about his 
 
 '>■ Cf. Hist. i. 632. 
 
1685] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 121 (a)-i22 (a) 161 
 
 voyage with all the haste possible ; he wanted money extremely, and none was 
 remitted to him out of England, from which some about him endeavoured 
 to convince him that things could not be so ripe as some hot people that came 
 over studied to persuade him.' 
 
 Then return to Hist. i. 630 (' He had been indeed much pressed ' to p. 631, 
 ' freighted for Spain ') '. 
 
 For ' He had been indeed much pressed ... to venture ' read ' The lord Grey, 
 Mr. Wade", and Ferguson pressed him vehemently to venture ; and some others 
 that were poor pushed him on.' 
 
 JTor ' He could not have two armies . . . equal terms ' read ' They reckoned 
 that if the king sent forces against him, the city, being thus left to itself, would 
 rise ; and with these imaginations they pleased themselves ; all which they 
 enforced the more since Argyll and his friends were gone to try what could 
 be done in Scotland ; so that they thought it unworthy of the English nation 
 to see such an attempt made by the Scotch without vying with them in the like 
 gallantry.' 
 
 .<4/?«'»' ' Fletcher ' add ' of Saltoun, a Scotch gentleman of great parts, but very 
 hot and violent, and a most passionate and indiscreet assertor of public liberty 
 [cf. Hist, i. 630, supra'], was now much in his favour. I, that bred Fletcher^, 
 should have expected that he should have driven him on to the mad attempt 
 he made, but I know the contrary.' 
 
 After 'much against it' add 'both in private with Monmouth and in their 
 little councils.' 
 
 After ' reason ; but ' add ' he told him ' ; and om. ' in his enthusiastical way.' 
 
 Afier ' subject ' add ' So Fletcher told him he would run fortunes with him, 
 though he could not hope for great matters.' 
 
 For ' But Argyll's . . . Spain ' read ' Then Monmouth pawned all his jewels, 
 and raised a stock of about 10 or 12 thousand pounds. He bought his arms 
 and provided himself of a ship.' 
 
 [2. He sazls.] 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 640 ('The whole company' to p. 641, 'brought from the 
 Hague '). 
 
 After ' eighty-two persons' add ' a small number to conquer a kingdom.' 
 
 /or 'some spies . . . arms' read 'yet Argyll's business had given such an 
 alarm, that Skelton, the king's envoy in Holland, got some hint of this. He was 
 a very insignificant minister, who, notwithstanding his long practice in foreign 
 affairs, had as little capacity for them as he had either good judgement or probity.' 
 (Cf. Hist. i. 623.) 
 
 [/ 122 (a)] Om. ' those on board . . . favouring them ' ; and for ' got . . . 
 Texel' read ' sailed away.' 
 
 • The reader will observe how very pears both on p. 631 and p. 640. 
 carelessly Burnet's revision has been ' Nathaniel Wade's confession 
 made at this point. A passage which (Harl. MSS. 6845, ff. 260-74) 's one 
 should have been continuous is not of the best and most trustworthy con- 
 only divided in the printed version, temporary versions ofthe affair. He was 
 but in so hasty a manner that a passage alawyer,who had been implicated in the 
 concerning the sale of Monmouth's Rye House Plot and had fled to Holland, 
 jewels and the purchase of arms ap- ^ See p. 89, supra. 
 
 M 
 
i62 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1685 
 
 After ' Hague ' add ' Thus the ignorance of the king's minister exposed his 
 master to all the danger that he run in this matter, which was much greater 
 than could have been imagined.' 
 
 [3. His first stefs^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 641 (' Upon the duke of Monmouth's landing ' to p. 643, ' acknow- 
 ledgement and kindness'). 
 
 For ' He had quickly . . . arms ' read ' He found that if he had brought ten times 
 so many arms as he had, he would have found men for them. Many blamed him 
 for not going straight to Exeter or Bristol, where he would have found much 
 wealth [cf. Hist. i. 643], and if he had been master of those places he would 
 very probably have been able to have made a war of it. ' 
 
 Om. ' as lord lieutenant of Devonshire.' 
 
 After ' deserted ' add ' others went over to the enemy.' 
 
 For ' that he was master . . . possible ' read ' and if it is certain he erred 
 extremely in the main of his conduct yet the de[tail] ' was admirable. He 
 shewed much temper and a good judgement in all he did.' 
 
 After ' rigour ' add ' and [what it was] to be alone, without officers, arms, 
 ammunition, or bread ; and (which was the cause of all the rest) without 
 money.' 
 
 Om. the greater part of p. 643, from ' Soon after their landing' to ' preserved 
 for that time,' being the episodes of Grey {given later) and Fletcher {omitted 
 entirely). 
 
 For ' enraged man, that affected . . . dry ' 7'ead only ' enraged preacher,' 
 
 After ' error, was that' insert ' seeing so few of the gentry come in to him.' 
 
 For ' and then march , . . Lime ' read ' and that he did not fight those that 
 were gathering the militia against him, for the beating of them would give him 
 a great reputation ; and being spread abroad might induce many to come to 
 him that would not declare till they saw some probability. He might well have 
 ventured countrymen that had made themselves desperate against other country- 
 men that were less zealous for their side than his men were. His lingering 
 ruined him ; for [by this means] the king,' i^c. 
 
 Before ' English and Scotch ' add ' six.' 
 
 For ' and offered . . . necessary ' add ' [and] sent over Mr. Bentinck 
 to offer his person, and everything that depended on him, to the king's 
 service.' 
 
 [T/ie king's dilemma^ 
 
 "And no doubt the king was then in great straits in his own 
 thoughts ; for if Monmouth had got any advantage, so that it 
 had gone to a formed war, the king must either have taken 
 help from the prince of Orange or the French. If the former 
 had once been at the head of his troops he would have been 
 master of his councils, and been able to have set laws to him, 
 
 » Cf. Hist. i. 643. 
 ^ Both transcripts read, erroneously, ' debate.' 
 
i68s] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 122 (a)-i23 (a) 163 
 
 and in that case the French no doubt would have supported 
 Monmouth. But on the other hand, though no doubt the 
 king's heart lay more to take help from France, yet by doing 
 so he would have lost the whole English nation. It was 
 visible enough that the king was all this while in great dis- 
 orders, for how high soever he affects the reputation of an 
 extraordinary courage, all that have been about him in great 
 dangers have assured me he [/. 122 {b)'\ was as fearful as 
 other men. 
 
 \Parliament in England.'] 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 638 {from ' At last ' to p. 640, ' certainly passed '). 
 
 For • At last ' read ' Some weeks before Monmouth's landing.' 
 
 For ' term of years ' read ' from three years to three years,' 
 
 Ottt. ' the revenue was granted . . , public treasure.' 
 
 Ow. ' and the tide . . . opposition.' 
 
 For ' and set up . . . commons ' read ' and was in full hopes of succeeding the 
 earl of Sunderland, whose disgrace was still looked for, resolved to merit the 
 king.'s favour.' 
 
 For ' even , . . matters ' read ' even for their religion, which was dearer to 
 them than their lives.' 
 
 For ' court flatterers ' read ' other flatterers.' 
 
 For ' So in ... to them ' read ' and the house went into it ; so that both the 
 revenue that the late king had and some other additional revenues were given 
 to the king [vide Hist. i. 638, supra], and no new law was asked for religion, the 
 house in their address of thanks for his speech having declared that they would 
 rely upon his word.' 
 
 For ' When this ' read ' When the main business.' 
 
 Om. 'He said, it concerned . . . would not do.' 
 
 For ' This had no effect , . , debate ' read ' So here was a brave attempt made 
 but spoiled in the management, so that it had no effect.' 
 
 For ' The courtiers . . . designs ' read only ' There were several other laws 
 proposed.' 
 
 For 'by which words. . . modelled' read 'The main point was whether 
 words should be made treason or not. L'Estrange, and all the violent men, 
 pressed this most vehemently ; but.' 
 
 Om. ' and were apt . . . variation.' 
 
 For ' in drink ' read ' rashly.' 
 
 For ' therefore he hoped . . . intentions ' read ' therefore nothing ought to be 
 made high treason, but that in which a man's mind did evidently appear.' 
 
 After ' insisted ' add ' that words discovered men's thoughts, and.' 
 
 For ' he brought . . . words ' read ' he told them he would convince them more 
 fully out of a book which perhaps these gentlemen did not much study, but yet 
 it had a good authority in the world ; the title of it was. The New Testament ,- 
 in it they would find that by a very small alteration treason was made out of 
 our Saviour's words ; when it was sworn that he had [/ 133 (a)] said.' 
 Om. ' pronouncing it . . . imperceptible.' 
 
 M 2 
 
164 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1685 
 
 After ' criminal ' add ' among the Jews,' and om. ' This made . . . time.' 
 Foy ' But if the duke of Monmouth . . . certainly passed ' read ' But if the 
 parliament had got time to sit, the act would have passed ; and as it was 
 drawn it would have brought everything that any man had said against any 
 of the king's proceedings within its compass.' (Cf. Hist. i. 639, supra.) 
 
 {Proceedings relative to the popish j>lot^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. \: 640 (' The most important . . . Stafford '). 
 
 For ' The most important . . . lords ' read ' Another thing that was set on 
 foot.' 
 
 After ' lord Stafford ' add ' which was so prepared as to carry it in [? in it] 
 a total discovery [? discrediting] of the whole popish plot. For Oates had 
 been attainted,' d^c, as from Hist. i. 637, 'Oates was convicted,' to p. 638, 
 ' hanged for it.' 
 
 After ' formerly. So ' add ' a most terrible sentence was laid upon him. ' 
 
 Om. 'he was condemned . . . from him.' 
 
 After ' rigour ' add ' the hangman being no doubt ordered to lash him to 
 purpose.' 
 
 After ' guilty ' add ' which I doubt [i. e. fear] he was. ' 
 
 Om. ' and was illegal ... a precedent.' 
 
 Om. ' that I may join . . , distance of time.' 
 
 After ' And the king ' add ' resolved to shew an equahty i n his justice, for he.' 
 
 Revert to Hist. i. 640 (' It was said for it . . . session to a conclusion '). 
 
 For ' said for it ' read ' said.' 
 
 For ' house of lords ' read ' house of commons,' and om. ' that they might . . . 
 house of commons.' 
 
 After 'liberty' add ' (so easily are great matters brought to a conclusion at 
 one time which cannot be compassed at another).' 
 
 For ' the lords had no mind' read 'there were many in both houses would 
 have been much troubled if they had been put.' 
 
 [ T/i£ duke of Monmouth's manifesto^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 641. 
 
 Om. 'which was both . . . fulsome' and 'that the king's religion . . .. 
 crown.' 
 
 Om. 'very odiously . . . of style.' 
 
 [y! 123 (6)] Om. 'both in temporals and spirituals.' 
 
 \His attainder?^ 
 
 Ibid, supra. 
 
 Begin ' Upon this the parhament passed an act of attainder,' and om. 'both 
 houses . . . one day.' 
 
 Om. ' Some small opposition . . . severe a sentence.' 
 
 For ' which was no small . . . hurt' read {and cf. Hist. i. 639-40) ' which was 
 so great a happiness to the nation that some will ever reckon Monmouth's landing 
 to have been our preservation ; for it was plain that in the first heats of the 
 parliament's loyalty it would have been hard to have stemmed the tide for any- 
 thing the king would have asked.' 
 
1685] Harl. MSS. 6584, f. 123 (a)-i24 (a) 165 
 
 [TAe command of the ar»iy.\ 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 643 (' Prince George . . . army lay divided '). 
 
 Before 'Prince George' read 'In a fewweeks' time the king had an army 
 ready to send against Monmouth ; and he gave the command of it to the earl 
 of Feversham.' 
 
 After 'neglect' ««Wand indeed.' 
 
 Om. ' who was a Frenchman . . . conceived.' • 
 
 After ' service ' add ' but the greatest of all was that when he was within a 
 few hours of Monmouth,' and om. ' and was almost . . . disorder,' reading only 
 ' so that the duke of Monmouth had almost,' &■€. 
 
 Monmouth's defeat [and death]. 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 643 (' He now saw his error' to p. 646, ' and to favourites '). 
 
 Begin ' I am not well enough informed to describe the particulars of the 
 action, and I will never forget an advice which the marechal de Schomberg,' &=€. 
 as Hist. i. 49. 'AH that I will say is that the duke of Monmouth saw now his 
 error,' (fc. 
 
 For 'and to be so straitened that' read 'and so could not keep his men 
 together long. Therefore.' 
 
 For ' and when he came near . . . ditch ' read ' and he could not get his men 
 to venture the passing of a very inconsiderable ditch.' 
 
 For ' that the officers . . . dressed ' read ' otherwise by all appearance he had 
 quite surprised the king's army and routed it ; but.' 
 
 For 'longer . . . expected' read 'long and fought well.' 
 
 For 'upon the first charge . . . Grey' read 'which some imputed to the lord 
 Grey's treachery, and others to his ignorance and cowardice.' 
 
 Before ' About a thousand ' add ' yet above.' 
 
 After 'prisoners' add 'the rest dispersed themselves.' 
 
 For 'between five . . . thousand' warf' about 5,000 foot and 1,000 horse' 
 (this sentence occurs further on uponf. 124 (4)). 
 
 For ' a man of courage ' read ' a man of his courage,' and omit remainder of 
 sentence. 
 
 Om. ' whom . . . him.' 
 
 [/ 124 (a)] After 'posture' «(W This was a great fall from having a few 
 days before suffered a foolish pageantry of a coronation made, and had assumed 
 the title and state of a king.' (Cf. Hist. i. 644, supra.) 
 
 For 'and his mind . . . low, that' read 'and this perhaps made him sink so 
 much in his courage, for.' 
 
 For ' The king's temper . . . letters ' read ' It was a great weakness in him if 
 he fancied his life was a thing that could not be attained, and it was as great a 
 meanness in him to ask that which could not be expected. In the injurious 
 manner in which he treated the king, and after the rebellion that he had raised, 
 he had put himself beyond mercy, even though the king's inclinations had been 
 more gentle than they were.' 
 
 Om. ' But he called . . . Tenison.' 
 
 After ' his mother. This' arfrf' when they desired him.' 
 
 For ' He shewed . . . duchess and ' read ' It is not likely that he considered 
 
i66 Burners Original Memoirs [1685 
 
 his wife much in anything that he did ; for as he had for some years lived in a 
 scandalous familiarity with lady Henrietta Wentworth, the heiress of the lord 
 Wentworth's family, so he and she had been long in ill terms ; and upon this 
 occasion either'; om. 'her sex and'; and after 'circumstances' add 'or she 
 ■was very careful to preserve herself.' 
 
 For 'would have witnesses to hear' read 'brought the earl of Clarendon 
 along with her to be the witness of.' 
 
 For ' to justify . . . family ' read ' She desired him likewise to declare if she 
 had been anyways privy to the' last attempt of his ; in this he vindicated her ; 
 but since he saw she was more concerned [/ 124 (6)] in herself than in him, 
 the conversation was soon at an end.' 
 
 For 'very coldly' read 'a little too indifferently on both hands.' 
 
 For ' They next charged him with ' read ' They fell upon another head that 
 was no less unpleasant to him.' 
 
 After ' consent ' add ' so he did not think himself tied by that marriage.' 
 
 After • as they did ; for' add ' though we do not practise confession, yet after 
 all.' 
 
 After ' as little in him ' read ' for they refused to give him the sacrament, 
 since he expressed so little repentance for two such heinous sins as rebellion 
 and adultery ; but they prayed oft with him.' 
 
 Om. ' He was much better pleased . . . dying man.' 
 
 After ' begged ' add ' them to move the king for. ' 
 
 After 'that ' om. 'as,' avid for 'so it gave . . . anything' read ' and it was 
 thought he owed so much to his brother as to oblige him to grant this small 
 favour to one that had been so near and so dear to him.' 
 
 Om. ' He prayed . . . unknown.' 
 
 After 'nation' arfrf' He also said somewhat in justification of lady Henrietta.' 
 
 [^ 125 (a)] For ' and understood . . . too much given ' read ' but if he had 
 obtained what he aspired to he would have given himself up.' 
 
 {Reflections on his fate?\ 
 
 If he had not been hurried on to this business by the lord Grey 
 and Mr. Wade, and forced to it at this conjuncture by Argyll, 
 so that he not only came to England unprovided of men, arms, 
 and money, but came at a time when, by reason of a session of 
 parliament and the term that was sitting, most of those who were 
 inclined to run fortunes with him were at London, and so were 
 clapt up (the court having good hints of his design both by what 
 Argyll was doing in Scotland and by some other discoveries), 
 this fire had not so easily been quenched. He also com- 
 mitted great errors ; * his landing in daylight discovered the 
 smallness of his company " and made it contemptible, whereas 
 if he had landed in the night, as his true number would not 
 
 " Cf. Hist, i. 641. 
 
1685] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 124 (<:!!)-i25 (a) 167 
 
 have appeared, so fear arid darkness, that multiply their objects, 
 Would have given the first impression of this matter with 
 more advantage ; " and if he had marched straight either to 
 Exeter or Bristol he would have been soon out of those ex- 
 tremities that lay so heavy upon him ". If he had fought the 
 trained bands, or had his men pursued the advantage that they 
 had at Philip's Norton, matters had gone much otherwise; 
 but, above all, if he had not been so extremely deceived as he 
 was in his opinion of the lord Grey, whom he took to be 
 a man of courage, and '' to whom he gave the command of his 
 horse ^ this flame had not been so easily extinguished as it 
 was. ■= He sent out Grey with the first party that he ordered 
 and composed of some horse and foot, but Grey ran away 
 as soon as he saw the enemy, and was with the duke of Mon- 
 mouth the first of all ; he told him a false story, that their men 
 were defeated and had run for it ; but when it appeared after- 
 Wards that the foot had stood, and beat off the enemy, and that 
 he only out of fear had run away, Monmouth was strangely con- 
 founded when he saw that he was such a coward ". Afterwards, 
 in the engagement at Sedgemoor, he shewed that he had neither 
 courage nor conduct, and not only lost the whole business, but 
 came and persuaded Monmouth that all was gone, so that it 
 was necessary for him to study to preserve himself, in which 
 he prevailed upon the easy nature of the other ; so that it was 
 no wonder * he got his pardon ^, for his cowardice did the king 
 more service than the courage of any of his own officers had 
 done him. 
 
 The executions of prisone7's. 
 
 C£ Hist. i. 647 (' The king was now ' to p. 648, ' into those indecencies '). 
 
 For 'The king. . . beginnings' read 'Now the rebelhon was subdued, and 
 the court was so lifted up upon it, that by their way of managing the advan- 
 tages that they now had they lost the hearts of the nation, and quite spoilt 
 their design of changing their religion and subverting the government of 
 England ; for.' 
 
 For 'execution' r««rf ' prosecution in the way of justice.' 
 
 For ' such persons as ' read 'those few that. ' 
 
 After ' examples ' add ' while the thing was yet warm in the spirits of the 
 nation.' 
 
 ' Cf. Hist i. 642. " Ibid. " Ibid. <' Ibid. 646. 
 
i68 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1685 
 
 For ' and if he had but covered . . . designs ' read ' this had given such an 
 impression of the king and of the counsels, that it might have produced very 
 fatal effects to the nation.' 
 
 For ' But his own . . . him lose ' read only ' But the king's temper appeared 
 too visibly upon this occasion, so that he lost ' ; and for ' that were . . . recovered ' 
 rrarf 'which it is not like he will [/ 125 (4)] ever recover.' 
 
 Om. 'The army . . . counties where' ; and for 'lived as in' rearf ' committed 
 such violences even upon those who were no way guilty as if they had been. ' 
 
 For ' and treated . . . violence ' read ' and no complaints were so much as 
 heard that were carried to the superior ofBcers.' 
 
 After ' of law' add ' I haye been told they were above twenty whom he thus 
 murdered ; and to add to the barbarity of this fact, which was never before 
 practised in England, he did it at the door of the room in which he received 
 an entertainment.' 
 
 For ' and they were so brutal . . . called for ' read only ' and all the while 
 that those miserable people were thus destroyed he was in riot within, and 
 had his music about him.' 
 
 For 'And it was said' read 'Russell', that was once a bedchamber man to 
 the king, assured me.' 
 
 After ' manner of it ' add ' It is hard on the one hand to believe that the 
 king should have given him such an order ; yet on the other hand it is no less 
 hard to imagine how a chiding was all the displeasure that was expressed upon 
 it, if it was done without any order.' 
 
 Om. ' (Some particulars . . . mentioned by me.) ' 
 
 After ' sent ' add ' two months after.' 
 
 For ' His behaviour . . . nation ' read ' [He proceeded] in a way little less 
 barbarous than Kirk's had been ; no judge behaved himself in such a manner.' 
 
 Om. ' liker a fury . . . judge.' 
 
 For ' he shewed no mercy ' read ' [he] threaten[ed] the juries [for not 
 bringing prisoners in guilty] when they saw such clear proofs.' 
 
 After 'distinction' read '[These] were all originals, and things which posterity 
 will hardly believe.' 
 
 Om. ' The impieties . . . treated them and ' and ' that were well affected 
 . . . prisoners.' 
 
 Oni. ' England . . . reckoned up.' 
 
 For ' But that which . . . and he ' read ' But that which brought this matter 
 near home to the king, was that he.' 
 
 For ' that he wondered . . . indecencies ' read ' to his great regret.' 
 
 Om. remainder of paragraph. 
 
 Two women executed. 
 
 Cf Hist. i. 648-50. 
 
 For ' The king apprehended . . . those who had served ' read ' The king had 
 a great mind to catch some prisoners that had escaped, and in particular 
 Ferguson and some other preachers who he thought might be able to make 
 great discoveries of those that had correspondence with Monmouth ; for though 
 the court had occasion enough to satiate [/ 126 (o)] themselves with a great 
 
 Mr. Russell, afterwards admiral. 
 
1685] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 125 (a)-i27 (a) 169 
 
 deal of blood, yet all this brought in no booty to them ; for there were no men 
 of estates found to be engaged in it, yet it was thought the preachers could make 
 great discoveries of some rich citizens. ' 
 
 Om. ' He went about . . . king had said. ' 
 
 For ' her maid . . . house ' read ' [there were] some other presumptions.' 
 
 Om. ' But though . . . criminal part.' 
 
 For ' as the law directs . . . treason ' read 'but she was first strangled.' 
 
 Om. ' as well as faith . . . enemy.' 
 
 For ' And behaved . . . manner that ' read ' [and] he never saw so much com- 
 passion in the looks of the spectators as appeared upon that occasion for.' 
 
 Om. ' desperate ' and ' hoping . . . fortune ' and 'into France.' 
 
 For ' piety and charity ' read ' charity, and by consequence much esteemed 
 in her country, so ' ; /or ' Hickes . . . Nelthorp ' read ' two that had been in the 
 rebellion.' 
 
 For ' She knew Hickes . . . Monmouth ' read ' One of them was a preacher ; 
 their names were put in no proclamation, so she knew nothing of their guilt ; 
 but after supper they ventured to talk of it indiscreetly.' 
 
 After ' begged it ' read ' and because her husband's guilt was like to lie 
 heavy upon her, proof was offered that she had expressed as great horror of 
 the old king's murder as any in England had done ' ; and for ' so ' read ' yet. ' 
 
 [/ 126 (6)] Om. ' and though . . . guilty yet.' 
 
 Before ' not guilty ' read ' twice,' and after add ' because there was no evi- 
 dence to prove that she knew anything of their crime ' ; for ' But the judge . . . 
 attaint of jury ' read only ' upon which Jeffreys threatened the jury so heavily. ' 
 
 [The behaviour of others.\ 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 650-1 {to ' impetuous and cruel temper '). 
 
 For ' most of those ' read ' And indeed all those many hundreds.' 
 
 Om. 'and such a zeal . . . danger.' 
 
 Om. ' who had been . . . sheriff,' and after ' Cornish ' add ' that had been 
 sheriff of London.' 
 
 Om. ' and also said that.' 
 
 After ' temper ' add ' who soon after had that reward of it to which he had so 
 long aspired ; for lord North, whose spirit as well as his credit at court was 
 much sunk [cf. Hist. i. 665], died, and Jeffreys not only had the great seal, but 
 was made both lord chancellor and a peer ^ of England [cf. ibid.'], and this was 
 the price of all the blood he had shed.' 
 
 Preparations for a new sessions of parliament. 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 651 {from ' The king had raised ' to p. 652, ' so the motion fell '). 
 
 Begin ' But I must now turn from this dismal scene to give an account of the 
 session of parliament that came on in November.' 
 
 For 'raised . . . and' read 'during the rebellion.' 
 
 [/ 127 («)] For from ' the first ' to p. 652, ' it was said to be,' read only ' that 
 it was.' 
 
 ' Original note on f. 181 (6) (in illegible].' See also Routh's Burncfs 
 the same hand as f. 2?), 'A mistake; James II, p. 99, note. 
 he was a peer before [two words 
 
170 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1685 
 
 After ' idolatrous ' add ' these were the commonplaces of all the flatterers at 
 court.' 
 
 Om. entirely ' On the other hand . . . much altered.' 
 
 For 'did move ... or not' readonly 'spake of it twice at the council board.' 
 
 Om.from ' so the motion ' to end of paragraph. 
 
 {Same subject continued^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 654 (/row ' The king after he had declared ' to p. 655, ' pursue 
 them too far '). 
 
 For ' called for the marquis . . . turned out ' read ' and because Halifax waS 
 the man of the greatest weight that was like to be on the contrary side, the 
 king pressed him to give assurances of his concurrence ; and upon his refusing 
 to do it, he was turned out ; yet the king did it with as great a grace as the 
 matter could bear, and assured him he would never forget his past services.' 
 
 Om, 'And the earl of Sunderland . . . isle of Britain.' 
 
 For ' The Irish . . . household ' i-ead ' It was expected that Ormond should 
 be turned out next, but the recalling him out of Ireland was thought disgrace 
 enough, so he continued still lord steward, and this was left him in considera- 
 tion of his old age and his great services. ' 
 
 For ' So sir Charles . . . pursue them too far' read 'And so one Porter, who 
 had got into some practice in the chancery in England, and was a fupjous man 
 for the court, w^as of a sudden made lord chancellor, and was generally looked 
 upon as a person raised to this height on design to destroy the settlement of 
 Ireland, in which he has since that time disappointed the expectations that were 
 had of him. But at this time the king said he would maintain the settlement 
 of Ireland ; though his promises now began less to be built on than they had 
 been formerly.' 
 
 Tke affairs of Scotland; \king Charles' paper s\ 
 
 And that all his three chancellors might be of a piece, "the 
 chancellor of Scotland came up at this time ; he had fallen 
 out with Queensberry, who is indeed naturally very insolent, 
 and they came both up together to complain of one another. 
 It appeared clearly that Queensberry had the better in all the 
 points upon which they had quarrelled"; but upon that 
 Perth and his brother Melfort resolved to have the better of 
 him in one point, by which they reckoned they would carry 
 all the rest. ^ The king began now to shew two papers that 
 he had found in his brother's strong box, '^ all writ with his 
 o.wn hand °, in which the necessity of an infallible judge was 
 argued upon the common topics, but in very few words and 
 very well expressed. '' It was plain enough to all that knew 
 the late king that there was too much art and too much 
 
 ° Cf. Hist. i. 652. " Ibid. " But see ibid. 615. ^ Ibid. 
 
1685] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 127 (a)-i27 {b) 171 
 
 scripture in these to be of his production"; and they had not 
 the natural [/. 127 {V)\ nor lively way in them in which he used 
 to express himself. "^ He had to myself in discourse mentioned 
 several arguments that I find there almost in the same words '' ; 
 he proposed them to me as objections to our doctrine, and he 
 liad seemed satisfied with the answers I had made to them. 
 I fancy "^either Bristol or Aubigny writ them, and that they 
 prevailed with the king to copy them in order to his consider- 
 ing them well, since it might have been made a great crime if 
 such a paper had been found about the king writ in any other 
 man's hand. ^ But now the king began to shew them, and 
 Perth and his brother resolved to shew a new strain of court- 
 ship, and seemed to be converted by the force of those papers, 
 which drew a repartee from Halifax that became very public. 
 It happened that at the same time he was falling in disgrace, 
 and that Queensberry was found to have the better of Perth in 
 their contest ; so Perth, meeting Halifax, made him a compli- 
 ment as if they two were like to suffer both at the same time ; 
 but Halifax answered him, ' No, my lord, your faith will make 
 you whole,' and it proved so. 
 
 \Fate of Queensberry ^ 
 
 Cf. Hist, i. 653 (' Before he declared . . . made him a sacrifice '). 
 
 For ' So well satisfied with ' read ' more inclined to ' ; oiii. ' that he was 
 resolved . . . dismiss him.' 
 
 Om. ' not to be too much ... at once.' 
 
 For ' between . . . Melfort ' read only ' [with] Perth.' 
 
 After 'sacrifice' for 'This sudden hatred . . . relation to religion' read 'So 
 far does the king depart from a branch of his brother's character, as Shaftesbury ' 
 expressed it in one of his speeches ; that under him the unfortunate fell gently.' 
 
 [Remarriage of the earl of Perth; a tumult at Edinburgh,^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 678 {from 'The earl of Perth prevailed' to p. 679, 'as much 
 ■detested '). 
 
 Begin ' Perth's lady died about this time ' ; and for ' The earl of Perth . . . 
 dying to change ' read ' And they forced from her, while she was in her last 
 agonies, a declaration of her changing.' 
 
 For ' for many years ' read ' they being both in a married state. [He] was 
 resolved to legitimate that matter ; for both were now in widowhood.' 
 
 Om. ' The pope said . . . such importance. .So.' 
 
 « Cf. Hist. i. 615. ' Ibid. ' Ibid. <> Ibid. 653. 
 
 ' Original note on/ 181 (4) (same hand as f. 2 ?), ' Anglesea, qu.' 
 
172 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1546-1685 
 
 [/ laS (a)] For ' The earl of Perth set up . . . alarmed at this. And ' read 
 only ' Some time after this Perth, being at mass, very publicly.' 
 
 For ' Mr. Macom . . . weak man ' read ' The minister is to my knowledge 
 a very honest man, but, as it will appear by the management of this matter, he 
 is a very weak man.' 
 
 [A fatal year to the p-otestant religion.} 
 
 CI Hist. i. 655 {from 'This year' to -p. 656, 'fifth great crisis of the protestant 
 religion'). 
 
 Preface it thus : ' But here I leave the affairs of Scotland and return back to 
 England ; the parliament was now to be opened [cf. Hist. i. 663], and the 
 popish party was so confident that I saw by some long letters writ to cardinal 
 Howard, and which he shewed me, for I was then at Rome, that they reckoned 
 the matter sure [cf. ibid. 661]. Yet a remarkable revolution fell out in France 
 that contributed not a little to the bringing the English nation back to their 
 wits again [^ibid. 664].' 
 
 After ' of Nantes ' add ' and began that terrible persecution which has made 
 so much noise in the world.' 
 
 TAe several critical times for the protestant religion"^. The first. 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 310 ('The first crisis'). 
 
 Begin ' And I hope the reader will pardon my digression if I lead him to 
 look back on the former four.' 
 
 The second crisis ''. 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 311 {from the words ' the third crisis' to end of p. 313). 
 
 [/ 128 (S)] For ' And Spain . . . stead ' read ' And the conquest of England was 
 then looked on as assured. For the opening of this I will acquaint my reader with 
 some very curious transactions relating both to Scotland and England. The 
 house of Guise and the king of Spain both agreed in their design of destroying 
 queen Elizabeth and of setting up the queen of Scots, who was niece to the 
 great duke of Guise ; and as queen Elizabeth gave the chief support both to 
 the protestants in France and to the States, so it was equally the interest of the 
 king of Spain and the house of Guise to destroy her, and to set up Mary of 
 Scotland that was the heiress.' 
 
 After ' invincible armada' insert the following : — 
 
 * It was of great consequence to this design to engage the 
 king of Scotland in it, so his cousin, whom he afterwards 
 made duke of Lennox, was sent out of France to insinuate 
 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 6. 
 
 1 It is a curious testimony to the this part of the History (Burnet being 
 
 carelessness of Burnet's revision, that no authority with regard to it) slight 
 
 while, on p. 656 of the first volume, differences of statement are here 
 
 Burnet's original computation is pre- ignored. 
 
 served, and the year 1685 represents ' On p. 311 of the printed History, 
 
 the fifth crisis ; yet in an earlier part the second crisis is placed in the reign 
 
 of the work a different division is of Mary I of England ; the second crisis 
 
 adopted ; and on pp. 310, 321 the year of the original forming the third of 
 
 1672 begins the fifth crisis. Throughout the revised version. 
 
1586-8] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 128 (a)-i29 {a) 173 
 
 himself into his favour and to engage him into the project. 
 He and the French ambassador » were always representing to 
 him the barbarous usage of his mother, and how much it was 
 against nature for him to be in the interest that had first 
 defamed and then dethroned her, and that kept her now for 
 so many years a prisoner * ; they offered to assist him not 
 only with great pensions from France, but to engage his 
 mother to receive him next to herself, both in the crown of 
 Scotland and England ; and by these things they prevailed 
 so much upon him, that was always easy to favourites and 
 flatterers, that I find the '' court of England were very appre- 
 hensive of his being prevailed on at last ; " and in a paper of 
 Walsingham's I find they thought he was likely to turn papist 
 or to fall into a contempt of all religion ; upon which queen 
 Elizabeth took very subtle methods to give him so much work 
 at home that he should not be able to hurt her. She employed 
 both instruments and pensions to alarm all the most zealous, 
 both of the nobility and clergy, with the prospect of their 
 danger, *So that all that insolence of the assembhes and 
 ministers of Scotland which archbishop Spottiswood sets out 
 as the effect of their violence flowed from queen Elizabeth's 
 agents, and the great jealousies the king's conduct gave this 
 nation, as if he had been going into the interests [/. 139 («)] of 
 the house of Guise, and gives another view of all that matter **. 
 But queen Elizabeth was not satisfied with this. " There was 
 one sir Rich[ard] Wigmore, an English gentleman that was 
 a lover of hunting and a man of honour [? humour], so that 
 it was likely he might insinuate himself into king James. He 
 was neglected and ill-used by the queen, so that he, pretend- 
 ing discontent, went and lived in Scotland ; but all this was 
 artifice, for he was underhand sent by the queen and received 
 a long paper of instructions from secretary Walsingham «, of 
 which I have a copy ^ ; which are indeed liker a book for their 
 length than a memorial of instructions, and in these all this 
 
 « Cf. Hist. i. 6, supra. " Ibid. 7. ' Ibid, infra. * Ibid. 8. » Ibid. 7. 
 
 1 It is among the Burnet Papers flF. 213-22. (For other copies, see 
 in the Bodleian, Add. MSS. D. 23, Mr. Airy's note m loco.) 
 
174 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1586-8 
 
 design is very plainly opened. I have also the copies ^ of 
 most of the French ambassador's letters (which it seems some 
 of the court of Scotland that were in pension to queen Eliza- 
 beth opened and copied for Walsingham) ; by these I see " the 
 court of France kept king James long from marrying ^ Both 
 queen Elizabeth and his own subjects pressed his marriage, 
 hoping that if he married to some protestant this would fix 
 him the more to that interest. But the French, as they saw 
 they could not engage the king to take a wife of their nomina- 
 tion and religion, so they resolved to divert him as long 
 as they could from marrying, which was all that could be 
 done at that time. Yet the French were still distrustful of 
 the king, for he complied sometimes with so good a grace 
 with the creatures of the court of England that they thought 
 they had lost him, ''of which the ambassador gives this instance 
 in one of his letters. 
 
 Here insert anecdote of Stewart, Hist. i. 312 (' king James sent . . . bedchamber,' 
 omitting 'But in one . . . resolutions'); and then revert to p. 311 ('AH Europe') 
 and proceed to ' fatal to the queen of Scots ' [/ 129 (6)] ; and continue from p. 313 
 ('As for the pompous embassy') to 'he would do nothing upon it,' and from 
 ' But the court of England ' to end of p. 313 ; aiit/i these alterations on p. 313 : — 
 
 After ' so powerful a fleet ' add ' though after all it was built with very little 
 judgement, since it was to be sent into these narrow seas ; the ships being 
 extreme heavy, so that it was not possible to ■work them.' 
 
 After ' London ' add ' who had a vast trade in Spain.' 
 
 For ' undertook it ' read ' brought this about in so ingenious a manner that it 
 is a pity that his name is lost ', which indeed deserves to be immortal.' 
 
 [/ iS"^ (")] ^0'' ' with which the great designs of Spain fell to the ground' 
 read ' and established the liberty of the protestant religion ; the duke of Parma 
 made no progress after this time, and prince Maurice, though but a very young 
 man when he was set at the head of the States, quickly changed the scene.' 
 
 [T/ie third crisis.] 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 314 ; ibid. 12, 13 ; ibid. 314; ibid. 48-g. 
 
 Begin from Hist. i. 314 ' The 4th [3rd] ^ crisis was from the battle of Prague 
 
 "■ Cf. Hist. i. 7. " Ibid. 312. 
 
 1 Copies of papers in the State ^ Routh, note to Hist, in loco, identi- 
 
 Paper Office relating to Queen Eliza- fies him with Thomas Sutton, founder 
 
 beth's intrigues with Scotland are in of the Charterhouse, 
 
 the Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 23, ff. 202-7. ' See p. 172, note i, supra. 
 
1613-30] Harl. MSS. 6584, f. 129 (a)-i3o (b) 175 
 
 to the year 1630,' and thett revert to the affairs of the elector palatine, p. la 
 ('[King James] married his only daughter') to p. 13, 'without any assistance ' ■ 
 teith these alterations : — ' 
 
 (p. 12) Om. ' one . , . sincere[st, but] ' ; retain Airy's ' one of the weakest 
 . . . all.' 
 
 Om. < The eldest branch . . . joined to advance ' ; and for ' the son of Charles 
 . . . king ' read ' usurped the crown without an election.' 
 
 Om. ' But his governnftnt . . . protestants.' 
 
 (p. 13) Om. ' first to the duke ... and then.' 
 
 After ' elector palatine ' om. ' who accepted of it . . . establishment,' and read 
 ' Never was any design better laid. The cause of the Bohemians was just in 
 itself, for they were an elective and free kingdom.— And at the same time and 
 almost upon the same reasons Hungary also revolted and chose the prince of 
 Transylvania their king. The elector palatine was son-in-law to the king of 
 England and nephew to the prince of Orange, who was then the greatest general 
 in the world, and had raised himself to a great height of power over the States. 
 — And the protestant cantons were very much in [the] interest [of the newly 
 elected king].' {These sentences are not continuous in the MS.) 
 
 Om. 'The English nation . . . support it.' 
 
 For ' was so possessed . . . dignity ' read only ' hat[ed] anything that looked 
 like a rebellion.' 
 
 for ' The jealousy . . . towards him ' read ' The electors grew jealous of the 
 greatness of the palatine family, since it had now two voices in the election of 
 the emperor,' and return [/ 130 (6)] to Hist. i. 314 (' not only the elector palatine 
 fell . . . Austrian yoke ') ; om. ' All attempts ... his people ' ; and after 
 'Breda was taken ' add 'and the Rhine was in the hands of the Spaniards. 
 At the same time the war of the Rochelle broke out in France, upon which 
 I must make another digression.' Then revert to Hist. i. 48, as follows : 
 
 When the duke of Buckingham went over to France to end 
 the match for the queen of England, *he made his addresses 
 so secretly and successfully to the queen of France " that he 
 obtained all favours of her, of which I know some particulars 
 that are not modest enough for me to write. '' This being dis- 
 covered, he was not suffered to return again as he intended ^, 
 who, what out of vanity, what out of amour, had resolved to 
 continue that intrigue ; and though he was in the chief 
 ministry, and in high favour in England, yet he had a mind 
 to have returned into France, but the court of France would 
 not suffer it, and pretended some other reason for the refusal. 
 *= This enraged him so much that he got all the queen of Eng- 
 land's French servants to be sent away. But he resolved to 
 
 » Hist. i. 48. f Ibid. ' Rid. 
 
176 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1625-7 
 
 carry his revenges further ; he shewed the king of England 
 how much it was his interest to make the town of Rochelle 
 rebels and to form itself into a commonwealth under the 
 conduct of the duke of Rohan and the protection of Eng- 
 land. It had anciently revolted from England to France, 
 and so it was but just to try if it could be brought to revert 
 again. This seemed easy to be effected ; France had then 
 no fleet, and if this could be done the king would have 
 France open to him, and the whole protestants to depend 
 upon him. The design was great, and might have been easily 
 executed if the king of England had been a vigorous prince. 
 ^ The duke of Rohan was sent to ^, who had all the qualities 
 necessary for such an undertaking, being one of the greatest 
 men of this age, both for the councils of peace and war ; and 
 all the protestants of France, who began to be ill-used, de- 
 pended on him. So he, who was then living in his country 
 house and dreamt of no such thing, was easily engaged by the 
 messenger that the duke of Buckingham sent to him to go into 
 so great a design ; ■= but when the court of France saw this, 
 cardinal de Richelieu, who was the master of the king's spirit, 
 persuaded him to order the queen to write a cajoling letter to 
 the duke of Buckingham, telling him that if he would let the 
 business of the Rochelle fall, the court of France would enter 
 into great confidences with him, and he should be suffered 
 to come over'^ as oft as he pleased to the court of France. 
 This letter had so powerful an effect on him that he not only 
 suffered some of the king's best ships to be hired by the 
 French, but ^ he went on so slowly and feebly that he did 
 nothing considerable the first year ; but finding that the 
 cajolery of the court of France was intended only to deceive 
 him, he resolved to have followed that design with more 
 vigour next year, but was prevented from executing it 
 [/. 131 (a)] by being stabbed at Portsmouth*; and so that 
 business of the Rochelle miscarried, and they were forced to 
 make the best terms they could with the crown of France, by 
 which they not only lost their own liberties, but by this rash 
 
 - Cf. Hist. i. 48. "> Ibid. ' Ibid. d Ibid. 
 
I620-30] Harl MSS. 6584, /. 130 {b)-i^i (b) 177 
 
 undertaking the whole protestant party was now so exposed 
 to the indignation of the court, as well as become destitute of 
 all means of defence, that it is very probable the matter would 
 have been carried further against them if the exaltation of 
 the house of Austria and their successes had not determined 
 cardinal Richelieu, who was no bigot, to settle all matters 
 in France by a new confirmation of the edict of Nantes, 
 that so he might apply himself wholly to the affairs of 
 Germany. Thus it appears that there was at this time 
 a great crisis upon the reformation, but all this went off by 
 a hand whence it was least looked for : ^ the great Gustavus 
 came in * with a very small but very good army, and as he 
 had great successes (most of the German princes declaring for 
 him), so if his own unhappy fate had not cut him off while he 
 was in so triumphant a progress he would very likely have 
 given matters a great turn the other way ; yet he did enough 
 to break this whole storm, so this crisis went over very happily. 
 One great design did indeed miscarry by the king of Eng- 
 land's feebleness. 
 
 Heie give the episode of the Spanish Netherlands from p. 48, ' When Isabella 
 Clara Eugenia,' to p. 49, ' lost his head for it.' {The details are a Utile different.) 
 
 For ' stolen from him ' read ' stolen out of his pocket or cabinet (which befell 
 him often, and which I am apt to believe is the truth of the matter).' 
 
 After 'head for it ' arfrf' and the king of England's honour suffered extremely 
 in that matter ; and so far have I carried my reflections on the third crisis.' 
 
 [The fotirtk crisis j passage introductory to it}] 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 321 ; 314-6; 14; 316-7 ; 15 ; 317-8. 
 
 Begin ' I now come to the fourth, which was in the year 1672 [cf. Hist. i. 
 321], when the crowns of France and England were united for the destroying 
 the protestant religion [f. 131 (A)], first in Holland, and then both in France 
 and England: I have said^ so many things concerning this formerly that I 
 may have seemed to have satisfied my reader about it ; yet I have still a 
 reserve of many particulars for a new digression : I will not run so far back as to 
 mention things so well known as the wars of Holland, and the character of 
 
 * Hist. i. 314. 
 
 ' The fourth crisis of this version includes however much that was sub- 
 
 (1672) is the first part of the fifth sequently ranged under the fourth 
 
 crisis in the printed History, vol. i. crisis of the printed i/w/o^', 1620-30. 
 
 p. 321. As material prefatory to ' i. c. sub anno 1672, in the lost 
 
 the fourth crisis, the original version portion of the original narrative. 
 
 FOXCROFT N 
 
178 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1620-30 
 
 William, prince of Orange' ; and then revert to Hist. i. 314 and proceed from 
 'AH agree ' to p. 316, ' predestination firmly,' omitting ' but as he left . . . popery.' 
 
 Om. ' It seems he designed . . . prince's hands.' 
 
 For ' This was much opposed . . . methods ' read ' There is a strange thing 
 in the spirit of churchmen of what side soever they may be, for they go always 
 into violent and cruel methods '. ' 
 
 Om. ' Their ministers . . . write afterwards.' 
 
 For ' When the queen . . . Leicester ' read ' So, since the earl of Leicester was 
 so much in queen Elizabeth's favour that it even gave matter to censure, they 
 offered him a new power which began and ended with him.' 
 
 Be/ore ' he as . . . landed' add [/. 133 (o)] ' He came over ; and though he 
 was known to be a very atheistical man ' ; om. ' went . . . counsels, and ' ; for 
 ' people' read ' [ministers].' 
 
 After ' Holland and Zealand ' add ' before [Leicester] got to the Hague. 
 This was not inconsistent with the charge of supreme governor, though it was 
 a great check upon it ; and as Dudley was soon after as hateful as he was 
 popular at first, so prince Maurice became the most celebrated captain of his age.' 
 
 Om. rest of paragraph and ' Prince Maurice was for . . . political views.' 
 
 For ' Prince Maurice in private . . . Arminians ' read ' Prince Maurice, that 
 leaned more to Arminianism, headed the Calvinists ; at least he was as long 
 a trying which of them upon the division was like to be the strongest, as the 
 States had been in the beginning of their reformation in deliberating whether 
 they should authorize the Calvinist or the Lutheran confession.' Then revert to 
 Hist. i. 14 {Fabriciui story, derived from Charles Lewis, elector palatine) . 
 
 Om, 'the wisest . . . among them.' 
 
 For ' This that elector . . . himself had ' read only ' So little do most princes 
 consider religion any other way, than as it may serve to advance their own 
 ends.' Then return to Hist. i. 316, 'I will go no further,' to end of f. 318. 
 
 \^f. 132 (6)] For ' He hated Barneveldt . . . hands,' insert the whole story as given 
 in Hist. i. 15 ('The States having borrowed . . . wisdom''') ; in vihich for ' Soon 
 after . . . secret article, he ' read only ' Barneveldt.' 
 
 For ' and he came over . . . proposition ' read ' The sum and the interest of it 
 was vast ; and king James' courtiers were glad to have so much money to be 
 dealt among them. But his councillors thought there was no danger in a civil 
 offer of delivering up those places when the money should be ready, for they 
 fancied it would not be possible for the States, that were so deep in debt, to 
 raise it.' 
 
 For 'an action . . . wisdom^' read 'but as soon as ever king James found that 
 this had drawn on him, not only the contempt of all foreign princes, but of all 
 his own subjects ' {then return to p. 317, ' according to the nature,' &-■€.). 
 
 After ' carry it much further ' add ' whether it was because ' ; after ' horror ' 
 for ' He studied . . . free state ' read ' or because the great business of 
 Germany was overturned (for though he had an ascendant over his nephew 
 the king of Bohemia in everything, yet he could neither infuse his own sense or 
 his courage into him), or whether he really had no further designs, I cannot 
 determine.' 
 
 Airy's ed., i. 565, note a. 
 
 Ed. 1833 gives last clause wrongly to Onslow. 
 
1650-72] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 131 {b)-is3 (b) 179 
 
 Om. • quickly settled . . . tenets. He,' and [/. 133 (a)] ' The States . . . rich.' 
 Om. ' much to the honour . . . myself have to it.' 
 
 For ' It was a common ... his widow was ' read ' which did not at all please 
 the princess royal, for she had no mind to make way for the widow." 
 Om. ' and it struck his fancy . . . stadtholdership.' 
 
 [Passage prefatory to the fourth crisis continued; 
 John de IVitt.] 
 
 a Upon the prince's death, those who had been sent to 
 Loevestein had so great credit that the government fell into 
 their hands, and De Witt the father got [/. 133 (b)] his second 
 son John, who was then a young advocate of twenty-five years 
 of age, made at first pensioner of Dort, and after little more 
 than a year made pensioner of Holland ", who continued for 
 twenty-two years in the ministry with the greatest applause, 
 but ended it with the greatest misfortunes possible. 
 
 De Witt's character. 
 I will give his character as I had it from Mr. Halewyn, 
 who knew him well and valued him highly. His being so 
 early brought into the government gave him not time for 
 making any great compass in learning, so that as he had not 
 travelled in his youth ''he had never time enough to read 
 history '', and even in his own profession he rather ° knew the 
 practice of the law "^ than the principles and history of it ; so 
 that as to all acquired dispositions for the chief ministry, he 
 was as ill furnished as ever man was. ^ His strength as to 
 learning lay in the mathematics, in which he was one of the 
 greatest men of the age, and made a progress in them which 
 astonishes all those who have been able to understand his 
 Elementa Curvaruvi^, and his Loca Geometrica; for it passes 
 imagination to see a man in the midst of so many affairs 
 carry his thoughts so far into abstruse matters. But to 
 balance all his defects he had a vivacity of apprehension and 
 a strength of judgement that were indeed amazing ; °he made 
 himself quickly master of everything that was laid before 
 him, and scarce ever took things by the wrong handle ; he 
 had much patience in hearing everything" that was said to 
 
 « Cf. Hist. i. 220. " Ibid. ' Ibid. ^ Ibid. " Ibid. 
 
 N a 
 
i86 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1650-72 
 
 him, and was neither guilty of pride, passion, nor revenge ; he 
 was not corruptible, neither by money nor other artifices ; and 
 he was a man of undaunted courage, even in military matters, 
 which is not ordinary for a man of the robe. " He showed this 
 in his going to sea in the year [i6]65 and [i6]66, where Mr. de 
 Ruyter confessed* that he taught him many things in his 
 own art^, in particular a new method of drawing up the fleet 
 in bataglia ; and '^ as he had himself examined and sounded 
 the sea near the Texel, he discovered so many new channels, 
 that the ships could go out with many more winds than they 
 thought they could have done formerly ^. He laid the design of 
 burning the English fleet at Chatham, in which he reckoned he 
 was so sure, that in the orders that were to be opened at sea for 
 executing it, the matter was not referred to a council of war. 
 He was for many years as much the master of the govern- 
 ment of Holland as any stadtholder had ever been, but he 
 built his whole administration upon a very weak bottom. 
 
 [His eri-ori] 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 319 {to ' immediately to the States'). 
 
 [/ 134 («)] -^fler ' the States themselves ' add ' of whom the greater part does 
 not understand them.' 
 
 [Rejections on this topic^ 
 
 Now this seems to be the most essential error in the whole 
 Dutch constitution ; for, as I have often seen it in a house 
 of commons in England, '^a great body is the most improper 
 subject of power in their hands" ; and the more numerous the- 
 body is the state is still the safei-, there being less room Tor 
 corruption in such an assembly ; for our house of commons 
 acts and deliberates wisely, when they examine the conduct 
 of the ministry, and upon that enter into the consultations either 
 of making laws, raising money, or of examining the grievances 
 of the nation; but whensoever the king thought fit to ask 
 their advice, it was apparent how poorly they consulted if 
 they happened to descend to more particular propositions. 
 " Cf. Hisf. i. 221. b lUd. <: Ibid. 319. 
 
 ' See Hist. i. 220. 
 
1650-72] Had. MSS. 6584, ff. 133 (6)-i34 ip) 181 
 
 \De Witt's errors resumed^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 319 (' It had been happy . . . miscarriages on him '). 
 
 After ' of the courts ' add ' of justice.' 
 
 For ' This raised . . . hands ' read ' Another great error in his ministry was 
 that he engrossed the secret of all affairs, especially of foreign negotiations, 
 wholly to himself.' 
 
 After ' miscarriages ' add ' in [i6]72.' 
 
 [De Witfs character resttiiied.'] 
 There was no part of the ministry in which he was so 
 exact as in the conduct of the revenue ; for * he had digested 
 that into a little table-book, that he carried always about him, 
 so, exactly that upon all emergencies he knew what the 
 state could do ; and how far their revenue would carry them 
 in any proposition that was made to him ". Having given 
 De Witt's character so largely I will not enter further into 
 the particulars of his ministry, neither will * I say anything 
 of the war with Cromwell, nor of the peace made upon it, nor ^ of 
 the exclusion of the prince of Orange, and the perpetual edict 
 made against having any moi'e stadtholders ^ ; nor will I say 
 anything more of " the war that he managed with the late 
 king of England, in which he acquired so much reputation 
 both as a statesman and as a commander, that the war ending 
 with [/. 134(3)] so much advantage and honour to the States, 
 all this raised his credit extremely, which was then so much 
 shaken by the factions that were formed against him •-■, that 
 a misfortune in that war had certainly sunk him. 
 [Neglect of the prince of Orange.] 
 All the world was "'amazed to see the court of England 
 take so little care of the prince of Orange's interests, as never 
 to interpose for him : ^ for the Triple Alliance gave England 
 a great credit in the Dutch counsels as long as our court was 
 true to it; and that the prince was then growing near his 
 majority, yet no endeavours were used to open a way for 
 his coming into the government of Holland. ^The prince 
 went over in person to try what could be hoped for from the 
 court of England; he had also a private business to solicit, 
 
 » Cf. i/«/. i. 220. "/Wrf. 326. 'Ibid. 319. <> Ibid. 320. "Ibid.zzi. 
 
 < Ibid. 273. 
 
i82 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1670 
 
 which was the payment of that great debt which the king 
 owed him % which amounted to some millions; but he suc- 
 ceeded equally ill in both. It seemed very strange, to all that 
 observed this coldness of the court of England in his concerns ; 
 for it was certainly very much the king's interest to raise one 
 to the government of Holland, who, as might be naturally 
 imagined, must needs continue still in a great dependence 
 on him, and need his assistance very much ; since this one 
 thing must have raised the figure that the king made in the 
 affairs of Europe more than all the other projects that he 
 ever engaged in. I have often talked of this matter with 
 those who were then in the ministry and could not wonder 
 enough at the king's not seeing his own interest in this matter. 
 I knew his majesty's temper too \\ell to wonder at his want 
 of natural affection to his nephew, or at his want of gratitude 
 for all the obligations that had been put on him by the 
 prince's father and mother during his exile; in such things 
 the king had taken such care to let his nature be known, that 
 nobody could be surprised with new discoveries of it. But 
 here his interest lay so visibly that it was indeed strange to 
 see him mind it so little ; but all the answer that was made 
 to me upon this question was that the king's recommending 
 the prince to the States would rather have set him backward 
 than forward ; for if the States intended to bring him into 
 the government, they would make it their own act, and have 
 him beholden for it to them only, and not be contented that 
 he should owe any part of the obligation to a foreign prince. 
 This looked rather like an excuse than a reason ; for though 
 it is very probable that a public recommendation might have 
 been a prejudice to him, yet secret and vigorous offers under- 
 hand could not have hurt him. But the true reason was that 
 France, that still had its eje upon the conquest of Flanders, 
 saw that nothing could oppose them in that but the exalta- 
 tion of the prince of Orange, which would naturally put the 
 land army of the States in another posture, and have animated 
 them into a more martial disposition. And since it was the 
 
 » Hist. i. 273. 
 
1670-2] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 134 (6)-i35 {b) 183 
 
 interest of France to have this so laid that it might not be an 
 obstacle to their designs, our court resolved to sacrifice the 
 interests of a nephew to so [/. 135 {aj\ dear a friendship ^ 
 =' Perhaps the prince's firmness to the protestant religion had 
 a share in this aversion ; '' for he told me himself that when 
 he was first in England, the king discovered very plainly 
 to him that he was a papist, and insinuated to the prince 
 his advice to him to be of the same religion, which surprised 
 the prince extremely; and he has often wondered how the 
 king came to trust so young a person with so important 
 a secret^. As for his debts, our court, that was so lavish in 
 all its expense, never troubled itself with such matters ; for 
 though a recommendation of that to the parliament for manj' 
 years together would have easily procured a much greater sum, 
 yet our court had still so much occasion for all the money 
 that could be raised from a house of commons that they were 
 never in a condition to do justice to any or to pay their debts ; 
 so that the prince was abandoned by his uncle, and therefore he 
 was to try how to insinuate himself into the hearts of the Dutch. 
 \Youih of the frince of Orange^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 320 ('The prince was left much to himself to end of paragrapir . 
 
 For ' yet as his natural . . . recommended him much to ' read ' yet he behaved 
 himself so discreetly in his youth that he gained great ground, especially with.' 
 
 For ' to raise . . . happy ' read only ' for the making a party to him.' 
 
 \T}ie fotcrth crisis; elevation of the jirince j invasion of the p-ovinces.] 
 Cf. Hist. i. 320 {from ' When he was of full age ' to p. 322, ' Pomponne and 
 
 Louvois '). 
 
 For ' When he was of full age ' read ' At last the wars with France came on, 
 
 and then.' 
 
 Om. 'could only be meant . . . army; but/flKrf 'The court of England . . . m 
 
 their affairs.' 
 
 For ' cold . . . depend upon him' read ' civil and cold ; so that he saw his 
 friendship was no more to be depended on.' 
 
 After ' age ' om. ' and he believed . . . faithfully,' and add ' Soon after that 
 followed the vast progress that the French made ; for whereas.' 
 
 [/ 135 (*)] ■f"'"' ' "or practice . . . spirit nor courage left ' read only ' and 
 a long peace at land had put them out of all practice.' 
 
 After 'to be done' add 'but their delivering themselves so shamefully as 
 • Cf. Hist. i. 273. " Ibid- supra. 
 
 1 His interests were not ignored in the Treaty of Dover. 
 
184 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1672 
 
 they did brought not only infemy on themselves, but the greatest danger 
 possible to the States, for all was set open to the king of France, who,' &^c.. 
 
 For ' the Dutch with so ... up to him ' read ' such a terror in the country, 
 that their not being wrought on by that panic fear to deliver all up to him is one 
 of the wonders of the age, and the driving back such a torrent looked like the 
 effect of some happy star that was over the prince of Orange.' 
 
 For ' than to his own conduct ' read ' than either [to] his own valour or 
 conduct.' 
 
 For ' that, when that year . . . may be ' read ' that I make no doubt to make 
 it appear when I have memoirs to enable me to write more particularly of 
 that matter.' 
 
 After ' preserve himself ' insert ' If he had either followed the prince of Conde's 
 or Mr. de Turenne's advice the thing had been sure ; but he would examine the 
 matter rather with the ministers than with those two great captains. His army 
 was indeed reduced to a small number by his keeping so many places which he 
 ought to have dismantled' (cf. Hist. i. 332). Insert capture of Noerden and 
 Muyden (cf. Hist. i. 323, ' The French,' to p. 32.4, ' preserved Amsterdam ') ; 
 then return to p. 322, ' When he came.' 
 
 For ' Pomponne and Louvois ' read ' Louvois,' and add ' and the king was im- 
 patient to return to Versailles' (cf. Hist. i. 332 to ' preparing for him there ') ; and 
 proceed ' He left behind him the brutalest man and the most unfit for softening 
 the spirits of his newly conquered places that could be found, in Mr. de Luxem- 
 bourg' (cf. Hist. i. 333). 
 
 ^Despair at the Hague; mission sent to Englatid.'] 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 323 (' It may easily be imagined ' to p. 325, ' gained the court '), 
 
 Om. ' The French possessed . . . extremities of despair ' (see supra, 11. 16-7). 
 
 Aftei' ' garrisons in them ' add ' so that they had not above 7,000 men left for 
 their defence.' 
 
 Om. ' and the bishop . . . spirit was left.' 
 
 Before ' Montbas' insert ' [It] gave some ground to [these] jealousies that.' 
 
 For ' married . . . sister ' read ' [was] brother-[/. 136 (a)] in-law to Mr. de 
 Groot (or Grotius), who had been ambassador in France the former winter.' 
 
 Om. ' which was to defend . . . sanctuary,' and for ' and the States were so 
 puzzled . . . and followed it ' read ' and cried out for a peace ; and since it 
 might be hoped that the setting up the prince would separate England from 
 France, which was the only thing in which they could trust.' 
 
 Om. ' And the morning in which they were dispatched away.' 
 
 For ' the prince . . . stadtholder ' read ' the raising the prince of Orange.' 
 
 Om. ' lord Arlington . . . doing it, that.' 
 
 After ' press that on them ' read ' They were ordered to see what it was that 
 would content the king ; but they had no power to conclude anything. Mr. de 
 Witt, who did not take so much care as was necessary to have good intelligence, 
 fancied that the court of England would insist on making the prince stadtholder.' 
 
 For ' When they came over . . . gained the court ' read ' And when Boreel 
 came first to them he seemed likewise assured of it ; but he quickly found his 
 mistake ; and indeed the ambassadors were amazed when they found that the 
 court of England was not concerned at the prince's interests, and that it was 
 not possible to separate them from France.' 
 
1672] Harl. MSS. 6584, # 135 (6>-i36 (a) 185 
 
 7'/ie States treat with France. 
 * So the States were forced to treat with the king of France ; 
 but the debate faUing out between Mr. Pomponne and Mr. de 
 Louvois \ the last carried it, very happily for the Dutch. The 
 former proposed the danger of making the Dutch desperate, 
 and of engaging all Europe and perhaps England at last 
 in the war (since the people of England were against them, 
 though the king was for them). He therefore '' moved that 
 the king should restore all that belonged to the seven 
 provinces, and only ask the places that they had out of 
 them "^ ; that the States being brought so low, and without an 
 army as well as without all places, they would no more 
 provoke the king, who might by that means c easily make 
 himself master of the Spanish Netherlands, and after that 
 the States would be at mercy. If the king had followed 
 this counsel it is not likely that the Dutch would have 
 refused to comply with it ", and it would have certainly turned 
 to their utter ruin within a few years. But Mr. de Louvois 
 drew up the most extravagant terms that could be imagined, 
 in which he complied both with the bigotry and the vanity of 
 the French king ; for * besides the public exercise ^ that he 
 asked for the popish religion, he moved that the States should 
 send once a year an ambassador to the court of France with 
 a great medal acknowledging the protection that they had 
 received from thence. The extravagance of this'^ made both 
 it and the king as ridiculous as the other articles were 
 insupportable to the States: for they would not have been 
 a people if they had accepted them. But now the aversion 
 that the Dutch had to the De Witt family and their inclina- 
 tions to the prince came to a crisis. For the populace began 
 everywhere to make tumults and to complain of the govern- 
 ment, and this at last produced that great change which has 
 been so copiously set out that I can add nothing to that which 
 is generally known concerning it. 
 
 » Cf. Hist. i. 322. ^ Ibid. " Ibid. * Ibid. 
 
 ' A glance at Mr. Airy's note. Hist. version is here more accurate than 
 «■« /oco, will shew that Burnet's original the revision. ; 
 
i86 Burners Original Memoirs [1672 
 
 The prince of Orattge's exaltaiion, 
 Cf. Hist. i. 326 (' I need not relate . . . carry it any further'). 
 For ' I need not relate . . . bound by it ' read ' The government of the towns 
 
 was changed, and the prince of Orange was declared stadtholder, and this 
 
 dignity was to descend to his posterity by inheritance'.' 
 
 After ' their town ' add \_f. 136 (A)] ' which was carried to him by Ho[o]ft ; 
 
 and no doubt it would have been followed by all the other towns.' 
 
 \^Rettirn of the Jtiission sent to England.^ 
 Cf. Hist. i. 325 (' The Dutch . . . agitation '). 
 
 Begin ' The ambassadors that were sent to England, finding that they could not 
 prevail with the court, returned ^ ; but.' 
 
 For ' ran together . . . numbers ' read ' above 200 men got together.' 
 For ' for they heard . . . Brill ' read ' which had been infallibly executed.' 
 For ' the next day ' read ' that very day.' 
 
 [Mwder of the De IVttts.] 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 325-6 (to ' greatest horror possible '). 
 
 Begin ' I love not ... so often printed (as on p. 326) ; then proceed (as on 
 p. 325) to the accusation of Cornelius, for ' At the same time . . . prince. There 
 were ' reading ' The barbarous ^ accusation against Cornelius de Witt had ' ; 
 for ' which was supported . . . circumstances ' read ' that I have heard many say ' ; 
 and for ' Yet Cornelius . . . innocence ' read ' though he was a violent obstinate 
 man, who had neither his brother's abilities nor virtues. ' 
 
 Revert to the attack on fohn de Witt (p. 325), for ' De Witt was once . . . 
 spectators ' reading 'The attempt made on his brother's person, who showed as 
 much personal courage as presence of mind in defending himself from it, was 
 too severely punished, for though the crime deserved death, yet De Witt ought 
 to have considered better than he did what the time would bear; for the 
 execution of that assassin inflamed the people more against him ' ; then proceed to 
 ' De Witt's going ' (p. 326). 
 
 For 'the prince spoke of it' read 'he speaks of it.' 
 
 Conduct of the preachers. 
 *Some of the ministers shewed upon this occasion that 
 violence which belongs to their character*- Des Mares of 
 Groningen^ in some printed theses insinuated that the 
 
 "• Cf. Hist. i. 326. 
 
 ' This statement, erroneous as to Samuel des Marets of Groningen, who 
 
 date, was corrected in the final re- died there May 18, 1673. Seea«fe,p.9i, 
 
 vision ; see Airy, note a, Hist, in loco. note 2. He is said to have written 
 
 '' The History says they were sent a Catechesis PtMica which appeared 
 
 back. at Groningen in 1672, and a Brevis 
 
 " Qu. ' barber's ' ? Disctirsus, dated August 23, 1672. 
 
 ' i. e. their function ; see supra, Query if these are the works men- 
 
 p. 178. tioned? As regards responsibility for 
 
 ■' This probably refers to the famous the republication, Burnet clearly con- 
 
1672-7] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 136 (a)-i37 {b) 187 
 
 judges had been corrupted who had not carried the judge- 
 ment against Cornehus de Witt further, and spoke so in 
 a sermon that he preached soon after at the Hague ; he 
 insulted upon their death, and compared them to Haman ; 
 and though it was too much to have said this at that time, yet 
 he has carried [/. 137 («)] this further, and has not struck out 
 the virulent expression, but has printed it among his sermons 
 a year ago. 
 
 \Heroisni of the prince^ 
 
 Cf. tiist. i. 326 {from 'The prince's advancement put new life' to p. 327, 
 end of paragraph). 
 
 For ' The prince's advancement ' read ' The state of affairs in Holland took 
 another ply ; all that were in the former administrations had lost their credit 
 with the people ; but the great confidence that they all put in the prince.' 
 
 For ' tried to bring . . . very little ' read ' were sent over to mediate the peace. ' 
 
 After ' so high ' insert ' and the English were so true to him. ' 
 
 For ' That duke ... as of his own ' read ' Buckingham told a passage relating 
 to the prince to a friend of mine that cannot be enough commended ; he said 
 that when he was once pressing him to come into the French project, by shewing 
 him the advantages that he himself might find in it.' 
 
 For ' and he would never ... of his own ' read ' and he would only consider 
 their concerns, and not make so infamous a bargain as to sell them for his own 
 ends.' 
 
 After ' ditch ' add ' This had indeed much of the hero in it. I will not carry 
 this matter further, my design in all this digression having only been to shew 
 how that by so unpromising a revolution as the exaltation of the prince of 
 Orange this great crisis that was at that time upon the protestant religion 
 went over.' 
 
 [^Excursus on\ the prince's marriage. 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 408 ' ([Danby] got the prince of Orange ' to p. 409, ' very ill conse- 
 quences '). 
 
 For ' He got . . . campaign ' read ' But the afiSnity of the matter leads me to 
 set down here the secret of the prince of Orange's marriage, since upon it 
 the next probable revolution of Europe is like to turn ; and it was told me in 
 all its circumstances by Montagu, who was upon the secret of it {see p. 411]. 
 After the campaign in the year 1677 broke up Danby advised the prince to 
 offer to come over to satisfy his uncle of his conduct, who was highly dis- 
 satisfied with him for opposing the peace.' 
 
 After ' marriage ' add ' and sent [/ 137 (6)] over an express to divert the king 
 from it, at least to keep him to that of giving the prince the hopes of the marriage 
 only after the peace was made.' 
 
 fuses Samuel with one of his sons, 89, and a favourite of the Prince of 
 presumably Daniel, the younger, who Orange (see Van der Aa, xu. 21a.) 
 was a preacher at the Hague 1662- 
 
i88 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1677 
 
 Om. ' The campaign . . . over.' 
 
 For ' But they could not . . . left to him ' read ' Danby had desired him never 
 to move the marriage, but to leave that wholly to his care. The prince, after he 
 had stayed some weeks in England, seeing no fruit of his journey neither as to 
 public nor private concerns, began to grow impatient ; at last Danby took his 
 opportunity.' 
 
 For 'after he had taken . . . directed' read 'he told the king that all his 
 friends over England had signified to him that the king had now an occasion of 
 getting out of all his troubles, and that if he let it slip cut of his hands, he 
 would hardly ever recover it again.' 
 
 For ' the king would lose . . . thanks of it ' read ' the prince vvould owe the 
 obligation to the parliament.' 
 
 For 'even . . . consequences' read 'it would give greater jealousies than 
 were at present, and would spoil all the king's affairs.' 
 
 [^Danby urges an immediate marriage?^ 
 
 * In short he pressed this with so much force on the king, 
 that he agreed to it *. Upon that Danby insisted, and shewed 
 the king that if he intended to do it, the best and easiest way 
 was to declare it immediately; otherwise both the court of 
 France and his brother's priests would use all possible means 
 to obstn.ict it. Now an easy way of doing a thing had 
 always a charm in it to gain the king. Perhaps another 
 consideration that Danby offered had great weight, because 
 there was somewhat like art and artifice in it ; he said that 
 as the king's doing it before a session of parliament would 
 prepare a way to compass all his other designs, so he added 
 that he saw the prince was of a temper not to be wrought on 
 by ill-usage ; but if he used him kindly the king might gain 
 such an ascendant over his spirit, as to govern him, and by 
 that means he might govern all Europe. To all this the king 
 yielded so frankly that he resolved to put an end to it before 
 anybody thought that it was begun, so ^ he presently sent for 
 the duke, and told him that the treasurer had proposed 
 a matter to him that he saw was extremely for both their 
 service, that therefore he expected that he would concur 
 heartily with him in it, and that he would give him in this 
 a mark of his friendship in agreeing with him. The duke, 
 who did not know where all this would end, said that the 
 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 409. 
 
1677] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 137 (^)-i38 (a) 189 
 
 king knew how ready he was to obey him in all things, so 
 that he needed not use so much preamble with him ; upon 
 which the king named the marriage. Danby saw a concern 
 in his looks ; » yet he complied in words heartily enough how 
 averse soever he might be inwardly to it. Upon this Danby '^, 
 who would not trust the king by himself till this was past 
 recalling, since the miscarriage of it would have been infallibly 
 his own ruin, *• sent for the prince of Orange ^, who was surprised 
 at this proposition, which was now [/. 138 («)] further advanced 
 than he could have imagined. " Danby put the king further, 
 and moved that an extraordinary council might be presently 
 called, which was done ; '^ and there the king declared his 
 designs, and then carried the prince to St. James' and pre- 
 sented him to his niece. 
 
 [French receptioti of the news.} 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 410 (_/rom ' Barillon was amazed' to p. 411, 'above two hours'). 
 
 For ' had ordered . . . husband ' read only ' besieged him so that it was im- 
 possible.' 
 
 For ' when was the marriage . . . forsaken him ' read ' If he had no news 
 from England? And when Montagu told him he had none, the king told him 
 the news.' 
 
 For ' on the duke's part ' read ' of the duke's failing to him, and of his 
 ingratitude.' 
 
 For ' The prince had no mind . . . satisfied with them ' read only ' though the 
 last was but a general compliment.' 
 
 Om. 'As he would have done . . . army; and.' 
 
 After 'two hours ' add ' and so he told him how he managed it ' ; and out. 
 remainder of paragraph. 
 
 [Montagu accuses Daniy.] 
 
 A few months after that Montagu and Danby fell out 
 most mortally ^ ; and in an expostulation that they had 
 together in the king's presence, Montagu thought to' give 
 Danby a severe blow by telling the king that he had not 
 misrepresented himself worse to the king than he had done 
 the king to himself; since he assumed to himself the whole 
 praise of that marriage by which the king ought to have been 
 
 » Cf. Hisl. i. 410. ' Ibid. ' Ibid. '■ Ibid. 
 
 For this affair see His/, i. 391, 422, 439i and Mr. Airy's notes in locis. 
 
igo Burnet's Original Memoirs [1686-7 
 
 recommended to the affections of his people ; but he told me 
 the king was no more affected with it than if it had not at all 
 concerned him. I have told this story more particularly than 
 perhaps was necessary, but my design is to shew that the 
 greatest affairs upon which the greatest consequences depend 
 are sometimes brought about with less labour than perhaps 
 would have been needful for the procuring the smallest office 
 in the court. But having said so much of the prince of 
 Orange, and it being likely that if I have long to continue 
 this work ^ I may have occasion to say much more both of 
 him and the princess ■'', I will here give their characters. 
 
 The character of the prince of Orange '. 
 
 The prince has shewed by his conduct and action that not- 
 withstanding all '' the defects of his education '', and his total 
 want of literature, nature is capable of producing great 
 matters, even when she is not at all assisted by art. ° He 
 has a great application to affairs °, and turns them much in 
 his thoughts, and indeed perhaps too much ; for his slowness 
 in coming to a resolution is much complained of; but if he 
 is slow in taking up a resolution he is as firm in adhering 
 to it. ^ He has a vast memory, and a true judgement*, for 
 he [/. 138 ((5)] sees presently the critical point of any matter 
 that is proposed to him. " He is the closest man in the 
 world °, so that it is not possible so much as to guess at his 
 intentions, till he declares them : he is extreme calm both 
 in council and actions, and hears very gently things that 
 are said to him, even when he is not pleased with them^; 
 
 » Cf. Hist. i. 691. ^ Ibid. 68g ; and ii. 304. " Ibid. i. 689. ^ Ibid. 
 
 ii. 304, » Ibid. ; and i. 689. 
 
 1 This character, which from its date ''■ The reverse is asserted in Hist. ii. 
 (1686 or 1687) is of particular value, 304 ; the fact no doubt being that 
 should be compared not only WxVa. the William after the Revolution openly 
 tvifo characters mentioned above, but resented Burnet's interference (see 
 virith the additional passages quoted in infra\ Cunningham distorts this love 
 Dr. Routh's Burnet s History of James of intermeddling into a restless ' pur- 
 //, p. 147 note. Those features were suit of dignities,' and aflSrms that he 
 probably deleted, simply to avoid blackened William's character in re- 
 repetition, as they occur in the more venge (i 254). 
 elaborate character sub anno 1702. 
 
1686-7] Had. MSS. 6584, ff. 138 (a)-i38 {b) 191 
 
 but he has the haughtiness of a great mind »not to forget 
 too soon injuries done him, but he has never been observed 
 to affect revenges*, only he does not easily return to con- 
 fidences witli those that have offended him. '' His courage '' 
 is indeed greater than it ought to be, and though it was 
 very fit for one that had the ambition of arriving at the 
 reputation of his ancestors to hazard his person sometimes, 
 that so it might appear that he was a soldier as well as 
 a general, yet his great carelessness of all personal danger 
 both in time of peace and war has been censured as exces- 
 sive ; for to " see him go about with a footman or two " when 
 so much depends on his life has been called rather a tempting 
 of providence than a trusting to it. This some have * ascribed 
 to his belief of predestination, as if that pushed him on head- 
 long in this confidence that all things will be as God will have 
 them. But though ' he is firmly persuaded of predestination *, 
 yet he said to me, he never reflected upon it in any of his 
 counsels before things fall out ; but he owned to me, when 
 things fall out, the belief that God would have them so 
 quieted his mind much, and has helped him to bear many 
 misfortunes and disappointments very easily. This is his 
 peculiar carriage and the nature of his courage, that it does 
 not sink with misfortunes ; for when things have miscarried 
 in his hands, he has been observed to have the same calm 
 equality that he had upon happier occasions. He under- 
 stands the government of Holland exactly, and if he does 
 stick in some things too close to his rights as he is stadtholder, 
 yet he has often assured me that he has never gone beyond 
 them. He has great virtues ; he is temperate and sober ; 
 if ^ he has been guilty of any of the disorders ^ that are too 
 common to princes, yet he has not practised them as some 
 to whom he is nearly related have done, but ^ has endeavoured 
 to cover ^ them ^ ; though let princes be as secret as they will 
 
 • Cf. Hist. ii. 305. " Ibid. 304. = Ibid. i. 689. " Ibid, infra. ° Cf. 
 ibid, and ii. 305. ' Cf. Hist. i. 690. ^ Ibid. 
 
 1 Burnet's clumsy endeavour to ing portion of the printed History has 
 soften this charge in the correspond- laid him open to the most sinister 
 
192 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1686-7 
 
 in such matters, they are always known. But a sincerity and 
 a round plainness is of all his virtues that upon which he values 
 himself most ; and that justly, for he is very eminent in it 
 even for a private man ; and this is so extraordinary a virtue 
 in a prince, that it is the more singular in him, since. he has 
 very little of it round about him. ^ He seems to have a real 
 sense of religion, and looks like a man that is in earnest when 
 he is worshipping God^ He is a hearty enemy to popery, 
 and in particular to the cruelty of it ; for "^ he is a great 
 enemy to persecution on the account of religion. "He thinks 
 the church of England ought to be maintained, but softened 
 a little both with relation to the nonconformists at home and 
 to the foreign churches beyond sea ". He has a coldness in his 
 way that damps a modest man extremely, for he hears things 
 with a dry silence that shows too much of distrust of those to 
 whom he speaks. He seems to have made it a maxim to be 
 slow in everything of resolution he takes, and this he carries 
 too far, that he makes those to whom he intends to shew 
 favours wait on so long that the grace of giving them is much 
 lost by the slowness ; and he does not seem enough to con- 
 sider the sourness of spirit under which men languish that are 
 perplexed with incertainty and want. '^ He has a true notion ^ 
 of government and liberty '', and does not think that subjects 
 were made to be [/. 139 (rt)] slaves; but after the laws and 
 foundations of government are overturned by those who 
 ought to maintain them, he thinks the people may assert 
 their freedom. He is a close manager of his affairs, and 
 though ''he spends much in building", yet he is not thought 
 
 " Cf. Hist. ii. 305. •= Ibid. <= Cf. ibid. i. 691. <i Ibid. 
 
 ' Cf. ibid. ii. 305. 
 
 misconstructions. He has been sup- ever shews that he had in view the 
 
 posed to insinuate a secret love of prince's intrigue with ElizabethVilliers. 
 
 dram-drinlting, while yet darker in- See Onslow's note to Hist. ii. 240. 
 
 terpretations have been freely haz- ' This seems to mark again a con- 
 
 arded by political partisans (as for siderable alteration in Burnet's views 
 
 instance by Swift, ed. 1824, iv. 218 ; since the year 1683 ; though it is not 
 
 A Short Review on. .. Burnet's Hisioiy, by any means so strong as Burnet's 
 
 by a Gentleman, 1724, p. 35; Cunning- subsequent version of his own views 
 
 ham, i. 254). The context here how- .nt the time, Hisf. i. 691. 
 
1686-7] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 138 (6)-i39 («) 193 
 
 so -free-hearted and generous as a great prince ought to be. 
 His martial inclination will naturally carry him, when he 
 comes 1 to the crown of England, " to bear down the greatness 
 of France » ; and if he but hits the nature of the English nation 
 right at first he will be able to give laws to all Europe ; for in 
 this single point the greatness of England may appear, that 
 not only it is full of wealth and people, but that in time of 
 war the only expense to which the nation is put is the 
 keeping a great fleet at sea, by which the money circulates 
 within the kingdom ; but the defensive part costs the nation 
 nothing, no garrisons nor strong places being necessary. So 
 that a king of England that governs well at home may make 
 war against all Europe together, and neither be exhausted 
 nor endangered by it. But if the prince does not in many 
 things change his way, he will hardly gain the hearts of the 
 nation ; •> his coldness '' will look like contempt, and that " the 
 English cannot bear ; and they are too impatient to digest 
 that slowness" that is almost become natural to him in the 
 most inconsiderable things ; and his silent way will pass for 
 superciliousness. But that which is more important, he will 
 be both the king of England and stadtholder; the Dutch 
 will perhaps think a king of England too great to be their 
 stadtholder, and the English will hardly be brought to trust 
 a prince that has an army of 30,000 men at his command so 
 near them. If this matter is not settled upon the first opening 
 his succession to the crown of England, there will arise a train 
 of jealousies upon it, that being fomented (as they will 
 certainly be) from France, may throw us into a mistrust 
 that will perhaps never be healed. This and another par- 
 ticular, that is too tender to be put in writing^, are the only 
 things that can hinder him from being the greatest king that 
 has been for many ages. 
 
 » Cf. Hist. ii. 305. •> lUd. i. 690. ' Ibid. 
 
 ' i.e. in due course, as husband of ^ The allusion may be to the Villieis 
 the heiress-presumptive. intrigue ; see p. 191 and note, supra. 
 
194 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1686-7 
 
 The princess's character. 
 
 The princess was born with all the advantages of nature, 
 * [? dignity] ^ and sweetness mixing almost equally in every- 
 thing that she did or said. ^ She has a vivacity of thought, 
 a liveliness of apprehension, and a correctness of judgment 
 that surprise all that see her ; " she has all the cheerfulness in 
 her that becomes her age ^, but tempered with such an exact- 
 ness of decency ° that those who had observed her deportment 
 long, with a sort of malicious criticalness, wishing to find 
 somewhat to censui'e, have protested they could never find 
 it. * In her devotions there is a solemn gravity that edifies 
 all that see her ; there is no sort of affectation in it, but yet 
 there is an exactness both in her secret and chapel devotions 
 and at sacrament that shows that she does not think the 
 sublimity of her rank exempts her from the strictest duty 
 of Christianity. "She has accomplished herself by reading 
 a great variety of books, both in divinity, history, ^ and poetry, 
 and she forgets very little of whatsoever she reads, s She has 
 a modesty and humility in her that wants a name, and that 
 gentleness with which she charms all people is of so peculiar 
 a composition, that at the same time she seems to invite them 
 to a familiarity, she inspires them with respects s. She is much 
 animated against popery, '' and seems to have a true notion 
 of government, that the chief end of power ought to be the 
 doing [/ 139 (^)] of good. ' She is certainly in all respects 
 the best wife that ever was \ the most united to the prince 
 in friendship, confidence, and affection, and if she governs as 
 well as she obeys, her reign will be the happiest that ever 
 was. In short, considering her age, her education, and the 
 company that has been always about her (who have never 
 been able to exalt her), she seems to be a person raised and 
 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 690. iJ Cf. ibid.; and Essay on the . . . late Queen (1695), pp. 
 
 71-3. " Essay, 6r. <i Cf. ibid. 97-9. <> Hist. i. 6go ; Essay, 73, 78, 79. 
 
 ' Essay, 79, 80. f Ibid. 68-71. "i Ibid. 92. ' Ibid. 125. 
 
 ^ Aword seems to have been omitted to Dr. Fall, which must belong to 1686 
 
 liere. -'jj Burnet describes her as ' the most 
 
 ^ She was then about twenty-six. wonderful person that I ever knew ' 
 
 In an undated and unpublished letter (Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 23, f. i). 
 
1686-7] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 139 («)-i39 {b) 195 
 
 prepared by God Almighty to make the nations happy ; of 
 which she herself thinks so little, that one ^ having " presumed 
 to ask her if she knew her own mind so far as to apprehend 
 how she could bear the king's having a son, she answered ^, 
 she did not care to talk of these things, lest it might seem an 
 affectation ; but she believed she should be very little troubled 
 at it, for in all these things the will of God was to be con- 
 sidered, and if it were not for the doing good to others, she 
 said for her own particular it would be perhaps better for her 
 to live and die what she was. ^ She is hearty to the church 
 of England, but will never be drawn in to like the superstition 
 and fierceness of some of our divines ; for she thinks we have 
 aggravated too much the matters of conformity^. All that 
 I can possibly set against this character is that "she is the 
 most reserved person alive, unto whose thoughts no creature 
 can enter further than as she discovers them " ; and that her 
 goodness is too general without carrying her into the particu- 
 larities of friendship with any person. Her closeness is the 
 strangest thing that ever was seen in one of her age and sex, 
 and gives some colour to fear there may be something under 
 all this secrecy. Her engaging into no friendships may be 
 justly enough resolved in this, that she has not yet had any 
 ladies about her that were capable of it ^, otherwise it looks 
 like a mind too much recollected within itself, when it does 
 not flow out into some vigorous friendship. '^ I am sensible 
 I have not set faults or defects ^ enough in opposition to all 
 the princess's virtues ; but I protest I have taken all the 
 pains I could to seek for them ; for I know the good I say 
 of her would be the better believed if I had mixed more 
 ill things with it, but it will appear almost incredible that 
 one of her birth and way of breeding should have come into 
 « Hist. i. 754. " Cf. Essay, 74. " Ibid. 61. * Ibid. 55-6, 89. 
 
 ' Burnet himself : he ascribes the ' Her principal ladies so far had 
 
 incident to the year 1686— at a time included Elizabeth Villiers, her hus- 
 
 when the queen had no expectation band's mistress from 1680 onwards; 
 
 ofoffspring(seei/^/. i. 754)- and Jane Wroth, who became the 
 
 2 Compare Lettres et Memoires de mistress, and was at this time the 
 
 Marie Reine d' AngUtetre, 1880, p. 62. wife, of Count Zulestein. 
 
 o a 
 
196 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1686-7 
 
 a strange country when she was but a little past fifteen, and 
 that "■ during her ten years' stay in it she has never said nor 
 done the least thing that has given any offence » to any one 
 person whatsoever, and that neither the difference in religion 
 nor the sorriness of the ministers or of some of the sects here, 
 nor the factions that are against the prince, have produced 
 the least censure of any of her actions. ''When one talked 
 once to her of this, she said it was a particular blessing of 
 God to her, for she was confident there were many others that 
 had fallen under much censure, that had as little deserved it ^. 
 I have been a little longer than ordinary on their characters, 
 but the great figure that they are like to make in the world 
 will well justify it. But to this I will add a short character of 
 those who have the greatest share in the prince's confidence. 
 
 Bentinck's character. 
 Mr. Bentinck was bred about the prince, and he observed 
 in him that application to business and those virtues that 
 made him think fit to take him into ^his particular confidence, 
 and to employ him in the secretest of all his concerns « as well 
 as the looking to all his private affairs. He is a man of a great 
 probity [/ 140 («)] and sincerity, and ''is as close as his master 
 is '^- He bears his favour with great modesty, and has nothing^ 
 of that haughtiness that seems to belong to all favourites. He 
 is a virtuous and religious man, and I have heard instances 
 of this that are very extraordinary, chiefly in a courtier. He 
 has all the passion of a friend for the prince's person, as well 
 as ^ the fidelity of a minister in his affairs ", and makes up the 
 defects of his education in a great application to business ; 
 and as he has a true and clear judgement, so the probity of his 
 temper appears in all his counsels, which are just and moderate; 
 and this is so well known, that though commonwealths can 
 very ill bear any inequality of favour that is lodged in one 
 person, yet I never heard any that are in the government of 
 the towns of Holland complain of him ; nor does he make 
 those advantages of his favour which were ordinarily made by 
 
 ' Cf. Essay, 122-4. '' Ibid. 87-8. ■= Hist. i. 781 ; ii. 5, 306. * Ibid. 
 
 306. " Ibid. 
 
i686_7] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 139 (6)-i4o (a) 197 
 
 those that have access to princes, by employing it for those 
 who pay them best. I do not know him well enough to say 
 much concerning him ; but though I naturally hate favourites, 
 because all those whom I have known hitherto have made 
 a very ill use of their greatness, yet by all I could ever 
 discern, the prince has shewed a very true judgement of 
 persons in placing so much of his confidence on him. 
 
 Fagel's character. 
 " The pensioner Mr. Fagel is profoundly learned in the law, 
 and has quick apprehensions of things, and dispatches 
 matters with great easiness * (which he had needs do, for he 
 has a great load of affairs on him, and is very ill furnished 
 with secretaries). "^ He has a very copious, popular eloquence, 
 and. is a very fit person for carrying matters before him in a 
 great assembly, which made Mr. de Witt take great notice of 
 him and bring him up from being pensioner of Haarlem to 
 be the greffier or secretary to the States General, which is 
 one of the best places in Holland. He continued long in 
 a great confidence with him, and he concurred with great zeal 
 in the making the perpetual edict, for he negotiated that 
 business with those of Friesland, who opposed it most '° ; yet 
 he turned to the prince's interests, and has served him ever 
 since his elevation with great fidelity and zeal. « He is a pious 
 and virtuous man, only he is thought too eager and violent ■=, 
 and one that pushes matters with too much force. He has 
 not great notions, nor has he studied to raise men of merit so 
 much as he ought to have done, but ^ he is too partial to his 
 family and kindred '', who, being numerous, are raised up by 
 Jiim to the best employments of the state. 
 
 Dyckveldt's character. 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 338. 
 
 For ' Dyckveldt . . . interest lay ' read only ' Mr. Dyckveldt was a man much 
 trusted by Mr. de Witt, but upon the French progress in the year [i6]7s he.' 
 
 Before ' Upon the French ' insert ' Yet after all that compliance lessened him 
 «o much that ' ; and for ' left out ' read ' turned out.' 
 
 After 'temper' add 'he being perhaps the smoothest man that ever was 
 bred in a commonwealth.' 
 
 » Hist. i. 327. '' Ibid. ' Ibid. 328. ■> Ibid. 
 
198 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1686-7 
 
 Om. 'and he had a great share . . . deserved it.' 
 
 After ' Europe ' add ' and a long practice in the government at home.' 
 
 For ' and great practice . . . embassies ' read ' He is very fit for embassies, 
 and it is believed that he loves them.' 
 
 For ' He spoke . . . He was ' read ' He speaks long and slow, but with great 
 weight ; he is a man of a [/ 140 (6)] good understanding, and.' 
 
 Halewyn's character '■■ 
 Cf. Hist. i. 328-9. 
 Om. ' a man . . . Dort, and.' 
 P/ace ' was the person . . . most ' in present tense and om. ' and was next . . . 
 
 confidence'; and continue in present tense. 
 
 For ' but most particularly . , . authors ' read ' and understands the state 
 
 of Greek and Roman commonwealths beyond any man I ever knew, except 
 
 Algernon Sidney; so that the Roman authors, being equally dear to us both, 
 
 have afforded us much matter of discourse.' 
 Om. 'He spoke . . . life.' 
 
 For ' the best models . . . authors ' read ' the ancient Romans.' 
 After ' justice ' add ' I believe his natural temper carries him to have quick 
 
 resentments of auguries ; yet he governs this so, that I could never perceive it, 
 
 though I have put him upon subjects to fish it out.' 
 
 After 'notions' insert 'of public liberty,' and om. 'Christian.' 
 
 After ' and went in' insert '[to] the common maxims of that time [and].' 
 
 After ' yet he ' insert ' has told me that he ' ; and after ''error' insert ' in their 
 
 present constitution.' 
 
 After ' sovereign power ' insert ' together with the whole legislative power.' 
 
 For ' must be ' read ' can never be upon a sure bottom till it is.' 
 
 For ' He thought it ' read ' And therefore he told me that it was.' 
 
 After 'affairs' add 'and his own unacquaintedness with them.' 
 
 After ' rank ; yet ' add ' he told me.' 
 
 For ' He observed . . . always in ' read ' He also told me that he came to 
 
 observe in the prince's whole conduct that he was in.' 
 
 [/. 141 («)] After ' themselves' add 'and therefore, though he was one of the 
 
 latest that engaged in his interests, yet he seems to be the most convinced of all 
 
 that I see, that the interests of the prince and the country are now the same.' 
 
 {Introduction to the character of Van Betming\; the error 
 C07nmitted by the town of Amsterdam. 
 
 " Mr. Van Beuning has appeared so oft in all the courts 
 of Europe, and has been so long in England, that his character 
 is much known. '' He bore a great stroke in the affairs of 
 Amsterdam for many years •= ; but before I speak of him^ I will 
 give some account of the interests and maxims of that great^city, 
 where the security of harbour and its being so uneasily come 
 at has brought together an infinite wealth, which is generally 
 
 • Cf. Hist. i. 330. n Ibid, infra. 
 
 1 See p. 383, infra. 
 
1652-8] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 140 (a)-i4i {a) 199 
 
 accompanied with much city pride, which is one of the haugh- 
 tiest and most ungovernable things that can be imagined. It 
 was their adhering so long to the Spanish interest in the first 
 formation of the States that had almost crushed them in their 
 first beginning. Since that time, as the vast disproportion of 
 their wealth to all the other towns must needs give them 
 a great share in the counsels, so their want of men who have 
 studied or travelled enough to be statesmen, and whose views 
 are wide enough for government and that are not measured 
 by the small regard to a present interest of saving of expense, 
 has been the cause of many great errors in the conduct of 
 affairs, of which I will mention some. The West India 
 company was one of the best stocks of Holland: they had 
 sixty good ships, and had procured a good establishment in 
 Brazil. All the towns of Holland had a considerable share in 
 this, but because the ruin of this company was the raising the 
 East India company, of which Amsterdam had the half, and 
 was the depressing of many other towns, they would not 
 concur in the preserving it when the Portuguese, upon their 
 revolt from the Spanish yoke, studied to recover Brazil and 
 to drive the Dutch out of it ; so * the company, not being sup- 
 ported by the States, fell to nothing*, and Brazil was abandoned 
 in the year 1652, to the great prejudice of the States. After 
 the peace of Munster the town of Amsterdam forced the States 
 not only to an excessive diminution of their land forces, but 
 to such a neglect of the fleet that many of their men-of-war 
 were sold. After that, when the late king went to Scotland, 
 though it was visibly the interest of Holland to keep England 
 embroiled at that time, and not to suffer it to form itself into 
 a commonwealth ; yet they pressed that which is upon all 
 such occasions the worst counsel, which was a neutrality in 
 that quarrel, whereas it is plain that they should have either 
 entered into an alliance with the new commonwealth or they 
 should have openly supported the king against it, whereas they 
 did enough to provoke England, but not enough to depress or 
 weaken it. And upon this occasion I call to mind a severe 
 
 » Hist. i. 221, 330. 
 
200 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1658 
 
 passage that is in a letter of cardinal Mazarin's, of which 
 Mr. Brisbane^ shewed me the copy. It was writ from 
 Bayonne when he was concluding the peace of the Pyrenees, 
 and addressed to Mr. Dehorne. He tells him that he had 
 held some conferences with the king of England and his 
 ministers, for he had gone thither to get himself to be in- 
 cluded in that peace. The cardinal writes that his ministers 
 were a [_/! 141 {b)\ set of men who, if he had a kingdom, could 
 well help him to lose it ; but he saw none of them that had 
 any views to help him to get it. Yet he adds that he was of 
 opinion that it would be the interest of both crowns to concur 
 in procuring his re-establishment, for if England could once 
 form itself into a commonwealth it would soon draw all the 
 trade and the wealth of the world to it, and therefore it was 
 the interest of the crowns to take care to hinder that ; and it 
 seems he thought there would be no great danger of that if 
 the king were put in possession. And according to this 
 maxim it was the interest of the States above all others to 
 hinder the forming of the commonwealth of England. But 
 now I return to the errors that the managery of Amsterdam 
 has made the States commit. 
 
 \Error with regard to Munster.] 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 221, 'When the bishop ... up to the States,' omitting reference 
 to Westphalia, and adding ' so this was brought under debate ' ; then revert to 
 P- 330, ' It was then demonstrated . . . many milHons.' 
 
 For ' in Westphalia ' read ' if they should happen to need them. ' 
 
 [Error with regard to the barrier.\ 
 Cf. Hist. i. 331 ('Another error . . . Amsterdam made to it'). 
 Om. ' as Halewyn '' . . . Holland over.' 
 Om. ' and have become . . . conduct.' 
 
 ^/ter ' made to it ' add ' though the advantages of this to the States are too 
 visible that they need to be insisted on.' 
 
 Error with regard to the English alliance. 
 And in [i6]73 their haste to make a peace with England 
 on any terms made that they would not insist on de- 
 manding a ratification from the parliament of England, which 
 had been a thing often practised in the alliances that were 
 
 ' See ante, note 2, p. no. - See Mr. Airy's note a in loco. 
 
1673] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 141 {ci)-i^ (a) 201 
 
 made between the crown of England and the house of Bur- 
 gundy. This was much desired by all in England that wished 
 well to the States, for if the king had been held to that of pro- 
 curing a ratification from the parliament, so that the session 
 of parliament had been continued a little longer, they had 
 engaged him much further, and would have carried the king 
 not only to a peace with the Dutch, but to an alliance with 
 them against France. And after the peace of Nimeguen, wheii 
 the court of England proposed a new alliance with the States, 
 it was then moved that a ratification in parliament should be 
 demanded, but those of Amsterdam would not concur in urging 
 it. It must be confessed that the States had the more reason 
 to insist on this, since the attempt made on the Smyrna fleet ^ 
 had shewn them how little reason they had to depend on the 
 king's word. It would have indeed been a great diminution 
 to the king, and would have shewn too plain a distrust of him, 
 since [though]the parliament did confirm our treaties anciently, 
 yet it is near 200 years since the practice was discontinued ; 
 but if a king will break his faith, it is [/. 142 («)] no wonder if 
 his neighbours ask a greater security than his own word. " But 
 after all this it does not appear that those of Amsterdam have 
 the ambition of making themselves the Rome or Venice of 
 the country". They do not seem to have such an elevated 
 ambition ; and during De Witt's government, when several of 
 the towns of the smallest interests and that had the fewest good 
 heads among them were for diminishing the authority of the 
 courts of the Hague, '' they of Amsterdam were not at all guilty 
 of it '', though the depressing of those courts is the readiest way 
 to make them the Venice of all the provinces. But I now 
 return from all this digression to Van Beuning's character. 
 
 Van Beuning's character; [conclusion of fourth crisis]. 
 <= He has great notions and talks perpetually. He can never 
 be convinced by others, because he hears nobody speak but 
 himself ; but at the same time there appears too much levity 
 
 ■ Cf. Hist. i. 221. " Ibid. " Ibid. 330. 
 
 " See Hist. i. 307. 
 
202 Burnefs Original Memoirs [1685 
 
 ia all his own thoughts. He has changed so often, and failed 
 in so many of his promises, that either it flows from a great 
 inconstancy of temper or [a] falsehood in his nature ; though 
 I believe it flows rather from the former " ; but by this he is 
 become now as much despised as he was once esteemed by his 
 countrymen. I will go no further in the character of men in 
 Holland, but will now return to the thread of my history, from 
 which I have wandered so long upon the occasion that the 
 fourth crisis that befell the protestant religion gave, which was 
 when the king of France was at Utrecht, and that was so 
 happily dissipated by the exaltation of the prince of Orange. 
 
 The fifth crisis of the protestant religion; [Ruvigny's errand; 
 persecution in France]. 
 
 I go next to the fifth, under which we are at present. The 
 court of France was not sure which way the king of England 
 would turn him, with relation to the affairs of Europe. Upon 
 which I will set down a great secret. Mr. de Ruvigny had 
 been, as was told, in England for many years during the war, 
 and no doubt he had got all possible engagement from the 
 king, while he was duke, to be always true to the interests of 
 France ; he had also penetrated so far into the duke's thoughts 
 that it was believed no man knew him better than he did. So 
 the king of France intended to send him over ; but he, who 
 at 82 years of age was the closest man in Europe, resolved 
 to manage this so artificially that the true design of his 
 journey could not at all appear. '' He writ to his niece the 
 lady Russell, and told her that, he having writ a letter of 
 congratulation to the king upon his coming to the crown, he 
 had received so obliging an answer that he saw the king 
 desired an occasion of shewing his kindness to him, and there- 
 fore he intended to come over in person to beg of him the 
 restitution of her son to his father's honour. " Halifax presently 
 took the thing right, that this was only a blind art « ; to come 
 over in person at that age and to ask a favour that required 
 no haste was such an extravagant piece of friendliness that 
 
 » Hist. i. 330. " Ibid. 657. » Bid. 658. 
 
1685] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 142 (a)-i42 {b) 203 
 
 he was persuaded there was a mystery in it. So I being 
 then going over, » the answer was referred to me. I pressed 
 Mr. de Ruvigny not to think of it ; I told him that in such 
 a matter as her husband's life his niece had indeed begged 
 of him to undertake the journey, but that a title for her son 
 was too inconsiderable a thing for her to venture a life that 
 was so dear to her in order to the obtaining it. I pressed 
 this often on him, but found him always so fixed on it that 
 it was easy to discern there was somewhat under it [/. 14a {b)\ 
 I knew he had an audience of the king of France of above 
 two hours before he went away, and in England he had some 
 very long audiences of the king. But though all the voyage 
 passed on the account of the lady Russell's son, yet a general 
 promise, without specifying the time when, was all that could 
 be obtained ; upon which nothing has followed since that time. 
 So that the true secret of the matter was his searching "into 
 the king's designs ^ ; and immediately upon the assurances 
 that the king of France received of his adhering firmly to his 
 interests* he went to finish that great design which he had 
 been carrying on so vigorously for several years, but which 
 was not yet I'eady to be finished, if the affairs of England had 
 not seemed to offer so promising a conjuncture. ^ For several 
 months the dragoons had orders to go through Beam and 
 Languedoc, and to live upon free quarters on those of the 
 Religion *", committing all possible insolencies, till they should 
 force them to abjure their religion. This was so violent and 
 so unlooked-for a method that the surprise of it, as well as 
 the rages that the dragoons broke out into everywhere, " had 
 a terrible effect on all ; [the] people, some few generous con- 
 fessors only excepted, complied. The court, animated by this 
 success ", and set on always by the assurances that they had 
 from England, gave now the last blow and ^ repealed the edict 
 of Nantes, that had passed with so much solemnities that it 
 was made a perpetual and irrevocable edict *, that the king had 
 
 « Cf. Hist. i. 658. •> Ibid. " Ibid. * Jbid. 659. 
 
 ' The revised version of this inci- doubt obtained, after the Revolution, 
 dent, given in the History, vfas no from the Ruvigny's themselves. 
 
204 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1685 
 
 sworn to maintain at his coronation, and that he confirmed in 
 almost all the edicts that he put out against the Religion, 
 which at the same time that they enacted the most visible 
 infractions of that edict that were possible, yet contained 
 plain and positive confirmations of it in clauses that were 
 as formal and express as words could make them. This 
 was done with a boldness of impudence that no former age 
 had ever seen ; and because that king will be an original in 
 assurance, *there was a clause put in this new edict giving those 
 that were of the Religion a positive promise that they should 
 not be disturbed in the secret exercise of it *, nor forced to any 
 exercises that were contrary to it ; '' and yet at the same time 
 troops were ordered to march into all the parts of France 
 where any of the Religion were to be found, and to quailer 
 upon them till they had eat them up ^ ; and then they were 
 to be thrown into prisons, where great numbers of them have 
 •continued ever since, firm under a course of miseries that 
 •cannot be matched in history. 
 
 [Further cruelties^] 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 660 {from ' such as endeavoured' to end of paragraph). 
 Om. ' (for guards . . . France).' 
 
 After ' monasteries ' add ' and for such as had abjured they were required to 
 •assist oft at mass, and at the other functions of that reHgion ; and -when they 
 ■were sick, they were required to receive the sacrament under the pain of death 
 if they should recover.' 
 
 After ' bodies should be ' add ' dragged through the towns and.' 
 For 'and it gave ... let fall' read 'and is the maddest part of this whole 
 persecution.' 
 
 For ' even with more . . . felt ' read only ' with horror.' 
 For ' with a sort of contagion ' read ' in all the parts of the kingdom. ' 
 For ' seemed now to have laid . . . humanity ' read ' received such directions 
 from the court, and saw how much a rigorous diligence would recommend 
 them, that all France seemed a scene of brutal and barbarous fury.' 
 For ' The great part . . . especially ' read only ' The clergy.' 
 
 [Burner's own exj>ericitce.'\ 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 660-1 {to 'journey together'). 
 
 [/ 143 («)] Begin ' I saw much of this myself; I stayed at Paris only till,' iS^c. 
 For ' Barillon . . . myself read • Mr. Barillon sent me three several advertise- 
 ments during the duke of Monmouth's business, advising me to go from Paris.' 
 
 » Cf. Hist. i. 659. '' Ibid. 658. 
 
1685] Had. MSS. 6584, ff. 142 (<^)-i43 {a) 205 
 
 For ' some . . . suspicion ' read ' fall such suspicion ' ; and after ' business ' add 
 
 ' that he thought I would do well to look to myself.' 
 Be/ore ' Whether ' insert ' Whether this was sincerely meant or.' 
 For ' for in that time . . . managed. But ' read ' Therefore I writ answer that.* 
 For ' of concealment ' ivad ' in my thoughts, would do nothing that looked like 
 
 guilty.' 
 
 For ' examined and tried ' read ' taken, that so it might appear that I was 
 afraid of no discoveries.' 
 
 For ' Stoupe, a brigadier . . . journey together ' read ' I came by a secret way 
 to know certainly that « persecution was coming on ; so I was not unwilling to 
 take an occasion of travelling into Italy with colonel Stoupe.' 
 
 [Fate of the pri7icipaHty of Orange^ 
 Cf. Hist. i. 663 (Jrom 'And then I went through ' to ' possession of the prince 
 
 of Orange'). 
 
 For 'And then' read 'And at my return.' 
 
 For ' I intended . . . neighbouring places ' read ' That which was the strangest 
 
 of all was that many that were in the neighbourhood of the principality of 
 
 Orange.' 
 
 For ' who commanded . . . parts ' read ' a colonel of dragoons.' 
 
 After ' into the town ' add ' and [quartered them] upon all of both religions, 
 
 but most heavily on the protestants.' 
 For 'and they plied . . . done' read 'and [they] were forced to abjure.' 
 
 [Reflections on the same.l 
 ' This was not only a plain infraction of an article of the 
 treaty of Nimeguen, in which the principality of Orange was 
 comprehended, and for the observation of which the crown 
 of England was guarantee ", but it was such an indignity to 
 the king to treat his son-in-law and his next heir in such 
 a manner, that '' many have concluded that the French would 
 never have adventured on it without they had first obtained 
 the king of England's leave ^ ; and in this no doubt the 
 French had a. deeper design than barely to rob the prince 
 of Orange and to ruin the principality. It is probable that 
 they expected that the prince, finding that the king of 
 England would not execute the treaty of Nimeguen in this 
 article, would have made great complaints of it in all the 
 courts of Europe, and that this might have made a breach 
 between them, which it was their interest to promote by all 
 means possible. But the prince proceeded more moderately, 
 and behaved himself so prudently on this occasion, that if 
 
 » Hist. i. 663. ^ Ibid. 
 
206 BtirneVs Original Memoirs [1685 
 
 a breach comes he will have this advantage in the dispute, 
 that he can say he sacrificed his own concerns [/. 143 (^)] 
 and made no complaints (but to the king himself) upon his 
 abandoning him in his own particular. The king seemed to 
 resent the thing, and '^ ordered his envoy at Paris to give in 
 a memorial complaining of the invasion of Orange '^, to which 
 the answer that was given was that the French ambassador 
 had orders to satisfy the king; but no satisfactory answer 
 being made, the envoy had orders to put in '' a second 
 memorial, which was conceived in very high terms '' and 
 setting forth the importance of the invasion contrary to 
 the peace of Nimeguen, which the French king was at so 
 much pains to procure ; and of which the king of England 
 was guarantee, besides the near relation that was between 
 him and the prince of Orange. This was like a memorial 
 preparatory to a denouncing of war ; but all the answer that 
 was obtained was that the king of France had taken his 
 measures in that matter which he could not alter, and with 
 this the king of England was satisfied, and upon it « writ to 
 his daughter that he could do no more in that matter, unless 
 he could make a war upon it ; and he did not think it of that 
 importance". And thus, after two threatening memorials, 
 he quitted this matter so poorly that he laid himself open 
 either to the suspicions of having consented to it at first, which 
 was indeed a betraying of his son-in-law, or of a strange 
 lowness of spirit in submitting to whatsoever France should 
 impose upon him, which was an open declaration for the 
 French interests as well as a partial injustice [query ' parti- 
 cular injury or injustice'?] to the prince. 
 
 \The king's parsimoniotis treatment of the princess i\ 
 He committed another great error with relation to the 
 prince; his brother had settled on him and his posterity 
 for ever an estate that was now above ;^i 20,000 sterling a 
 year ; and if one brother took such care of another, it might 
 have been expected that a father would not be less kind to 
 his own children, but that he should have divided the estate 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 663. t Ibid. Ibid. 
 
1685] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 143 (a)-i44 (a) 207 
 
 that he had as duke of York between his two daughters. 
 *Yet as he never set off any appanage for the princess of 
 Orange ", so the princess of Denmark has but thirty thousand 
 pounds a year, which is so exhausted by a great establishment 
 that she is really extreme poor for one of her rank. If the 
 king had settled good appointments for the princess of 
 Orange, as the kindness of it must have made some im- 
 pression, so '' it would have given the nation a great jealousy 
 of the prince, as if the king and he had still understood one 
 another ; whereas the king looking on and seeing him robbed, 
 and assigning him nothing for supporting the princess's 
 dignity with more lustre, was an open declaration to the 
 world that the king had no regard to him '' ; which was 
 the worst of all the maxims that a king who was not like 
 to retain the affections of his people long could possibly take 
 up. For this naturally leads all his subjects to look to the 
 rising sun ; and animated them with much more spirit than 
 they could have ever had, if the king had managed the prince 
 more artificially. 
 
 [Effect of the persecution on English opinion.] 
 
 "= But to return to the parliament of England. The French 
 refugees were coming over in great multitudes for a month 
 together before the parliament met ; which tended not a little 
 to alarm the nation ", and both to let them see what a standing 
 army was, and what account was to be made of all the oaths 
 and promises of a prince of the Roman religion, how soon 
 they were broken, and ^ how much violence and cruelty was 
 to be expected as soon as it should have [/ I44 («)] the 
 upper hand : these were sensible arguments that could neither 
 be denied nor resisted. 
 
 A session of parliament. 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 664 (^from ' When it was opened ' to p. 667, ' dissolved the 
 parliament '). 
 
 Om. ' how happy . . . appeared ' and ' for all . . . security.' 
 
 4/fe»- 'commission' arfrf ' who had not taken the tests.' 
 
 Om. ' He told them . . . promised.' 
 
 » Cf. Hist. i. 690. *■ Ibid. ' Ibid. 663-4. ^ Ibid. 664. 
 
2o8 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1685 
 
 For ' pressed by the courtiers ' read ' understood by some.' 
 
 Om. ' The lord Guilford . . . original in everything ' {/or this see supra, p. 169). 
 
 yifier ' told ' acid ' [by] those who had procured the thanks only as a matter of 
 respect.' 
 
 Om. ' with indignation . . . reason for it.' 
 
 Om. ' above all . . . incapacity ' and ' the government . . . absolute ' and ' that 
 how furiously . . . tyrant, yet.' 
 
 For •' But as the scene . . . important ' read ' In the house of commons they 
 proceeded in the same method.' 
 
 Om. ' But to oppose . . . rebellion.' 
 
 Om. ' whereas others . . . court.' 
 
 Om. ' The reasoning . . . him and them.' 
 
 For ' So the whole house . . . vote for an ' read ' And to this the whole house 
 went in so unanimously that the court would [/! 144 (6)] not make a division, 
 fearing that by this the weakness of their party should be too sensibly dis- 
 covered ; so it was carried to make an.' 
 
 Om. ' and were ready . . . give. ' 
 
 For ' one Cook said ' read ' one Cook studied to inflame them by telling them.' 
 
 For ' And now those ... it was probable, they ' read ' which were so laid 
 open, that though it was the interest of the greatest part of the house to 
 maintain them, yet they were resolved to.' 
 
 Om. ' By this means . . . voted out.' 
 
 For ' unless he would . . . place. So ' read ' so within a few days.' 
 
 For ' had served . . . zeal ' read ' were formerly most in favour, [and] had done 
 him the best services in adhering most steadily to him.' 
 
 Om. ' upon which . . . tossed about,' and ' others, though . . . steady.' 
 
 \Reflections on the dissolution.\ 
 [This] was much such a stroke in politics as his brother's 
 dissolving the Long Parliament ^ had been. The surprises and 
 violences used in the election of this had brought together 
 such a pack of men that " it was scarce possible to name five 
 hundred worse men in all England than they were. And when 
 men so weak, so poor, so devoted to the court *, so void of all 
 religion as they were, could not be brought to agree with the 
 court, it was not probable that the king should succeed so 
 well in any new choice that could be made. 
 
 Lord Brandon tried. 
 
 Soon after the parliament was dissolved two famous trials 
 were brought on : the one was of the lord Brandon's, ^ who 
 was convicted by the testimony of the lord Grey ^ and Rumsey, 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 667. ^ Ibid. 646. 
 
 ' i. e. the parliament which sat from 1661 to 1678. 
 
1685-6] Had. MSS. 6584, ff. 144 (a)-i45 ip) 209 
 
 -''■with some others"', to have been ia those consultations that 
 the duke of Monmouth had two years ago ; but he had kissed 
 the king's hand, all that was past had been [/. 145 (a)] 
 forgiven him, and he had not at all meddled in this late 
 business; so, though ''he was condemned ^ and that for a 
 great while it was doubted whether he should, be pardoned 
 or not, yet the court found that the nation was weary of the 
 many executions it had seen ; he had his pardon, but was kept 
 long in prison after that ^ 
 
 The lord Delamere's trial. 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 668 {from ' Soon after the prorogation ' to end of page). 
 
 Om. 'that he had designed . . . Monmouth.' 
 
 Om. ' The witness, to gain . . . destroyed the evidence.' 
 
 For ' pursuant . . . violent declamation ' read ' made a very ill use of his 
 eloquence.' 
 
 After 'acquit the lord' add 'and the witness was attainted of perjury and 
 both set in the pillory and whipped. ' 
 
 [T/te law officers cJiangedj the Hales trial.'\ 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 669-71 (to ' cause of course '). 
 
 Om. ' So that trial . . . for it,' and begin ' [Finch] had opposed the court in the 
 business of the test in the house of commons [see p. 668], and was continued,' &'c. 
 
 Om. ' and he acted . . . vehemence ' and ' who was . . . ill-natured man.' 
 
 For 'Now the posts . . . year began' read 'And now the judges began to be 
 examined, that so they might by a judgement declare in favour of the king's 
 power of dispensing with the law.' 
 
 Om. ' a gentleman . . . concerned. He' ; ' and to claim . . . turned out ' ; ' and 
 others of more pliable . . . scandal ' ; ' and feeble.' 
 
 Om. {at this point) ' There was a new chief justice ... on design to expose 
 and betray it.' 
 
 [/ 145 (*)] ■4fl(>' 'dispense with them' add 'And whereas an act of parlia- 
 ment was alleged, it was shewed [that].' 
 
 For ' it was said . . . town ' read ' it was to be [said].' 
 
 Om. ' both constituted and.' 
 
 For ' laws, made . . . dispensed with ' read ' all penal laws, which were the 
 security of the people as well as the crown, [especially] the act for the test.' 
 
 For ' but to the informer - . . because his ' read ' but one part went to the 
 informer and another to other uses.' 
 
 Om. 'and take away property.' 
 
 Om. ' for the intention . . . law.' 
 
 For ' should be made so precarious a thing ' read ' should be thus dissolved by 
 a decision of the judges. ' 
 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 646. " Ibid. 
 
 The History ascribes his reprieve to a stipulation made by Lord Grey. 
 
 ^vrROFT ^ 
 
2IO Burnet's Original Memoirs [1686 
 
 Om. ' It was said, that, though this was now . . . mouths were now filled.' 
 For 'even by the strongest . . . cause of course' read 'arguments; nor 
 indeed were these alleged with that force that will be perhaps made use of when 
 these judges come to be tried for this decision; which they all (one only 
 excepted) gave as frankly as if it had been a matter of no sort of difficulty ; 
 though the same grounds upon which this sentence was founded will bear 
 a much more extended one, and give the king an absolute disposal of the life 
 and properties of all his subjects [cf. Hist. i. 671, supra]. And now the books 
 of policy writ by some of our clergy concerning the imperial crown were turned 
 upon them.' 
 
 \Character of ihe chief justice J conduct of his brother j views 
 of the papists J the king proselytizes^ 
 
 "The chief justice at this time was sir Edward Herbert", son 
 to the lord keeper Herbert and '' brother to admiral Herbert, 
 who has shewed much greater sense both of law and religion 
 by leaving all his employments rather than promise to give 
 his vote in parliament for that which his brother did now 
 destroy in a much more irregular manner. "Yet the chief 
 justice is a virtuous man of an obliging temper and a true 
 protestant ; but he has very high [/. 146 («)] principles 
 concerning the prerogative, and is very ignorant in the law. 
 ^ Upon the decision many papists were brought into employ- 
 ments "^ ; yet some of them that have great estates do still avoid 
 them, for they know that they may be brought to a severe 
 reckoning for that in another reign. The king declared himself 
 now highly zealous for his religion, and great pains were taken 
 to make many converts. 
 
 \The controversial war.] 
 
 Cf. Htst. i. 673 ('And upon that there followed . . . books'), ivhere add ' upon 
 the point of controversy ' ; then proceed to p. 674, ' There were but very few prose- 
 lytes . . . church of Rome ' ; then revert to p. 673, and for ' Many of the clergy 
 acted . . . They examined ' read ' Upon this the English clergy began to declare 
 highly against the church of Rome, and both in their sermons and writings they 
 managed ' ; and for ' The truth is ' to end of paragraph read ' So that it was 
 scarce possible to be so partial but that upon the reading of the books of both 
 sides, every one must acknowledge, that, of which side soever the truth lies, yet 
 there is a dull flatness in the one, and a life and beauty in the other, ^vhich 
 gives a strange [strong?] prejudice for the cause that is so well defended.' Then 
 return to p. 674 ('The popish priests , . . contempt'), and for 'made by the 
 clergy . . . despised ' read ' and at the advantages that all the nation observed in 
 the books that were writ against them.' 
 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 669. ^ Ibid. 671. Ibid. 669. ^ Ibid. 673. 
 
1686] Harl MSS. 6584, J. 145 (^>)-i46 (b) 211 
 
 [£>r. Sharp in trouble.] 
 
 Cf. Hisl. i. 674-5 {to ' for contempt '). 
 
 Before ' If was resolved ' insert ' And because some in their sermons pressed 
 these matters home.' 
 
 Om. ' was the rector . . . zeal. He.' 
 
 Om. 'as he believed' and 'touched. by him . . . sermons' and 'not knowing 
 . . . answer' ««rf 'and, after . . . concluded.' 
 
 Om. ' as he himself assured me.' 
 
 Om. ' immediately . . . matter.' 
 
 Om. 'yet, he said, he would . . . better understood.' 
 
 For ' Sharp went to court . . . read it ' read ' yet he did all he could do ; for 
 he advised Sharp to give over preaching for some time, and to go to court to 
 justify himself.' 
 
 [/ 146 [by] For ' yet he was let . . . contempt ' read ' Upon this the king, who 
 had for a great while looked upon the bishop of London with a very ill eye, 
 resoh'ed to lay hold on this matter.' 
 
 [An ecclesiastical commission set up.] 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 67s ('Jeffreys . . . first sacrifice'). 
 
 For ' to recommend himself . . . with full power ' read ' made a proposition 
 that recovered him his favour. He said the king, as supreme head of the church, 
 could erect a court that night take cognizance of all ecclesiastical matters ; and 
 though the excess of the High Commission Court in king Charles the First's time 
 had drawn a law upon them extinguishing that or any such court in all time to 
 come (so that now the clergy were only liable to the court of the King's Bench, 
 as all the rest of the subjects are, to be tried there according to law), yet it was 
 resolved now to erect a new court.' 
 
 For 'without limitations , . . proceedings' read 'The patent that constituted 
 them gave them a full power clogged with no limitations.' 
 
 For 'so contrary to law' read 'as contrary to law as it was to religion.' 
 
 Om. ' for they would trust . . . management.' 
 
 [Conduct of Sancroft^.] 
 Yet the authority of this court received a great blow in 
 this, that " the archbishop of Canterbury refused to come and 
 sit in it ; which though he did not do with that vigour that 
 became his post in going to the court and declaring the 
 reasons for which he could not come and^ [/. 219 («)] sit 
 among them*, yet still his refusing to act did very much 
 derogate from the credit of this new court. 
 
 » Cf. Hist. i. 676. 
 
 '■ The alterations in the correspond- which Burnet, after the Revolution, 
 
 ing passage of the printed History give conceived for Sancroft. 
 
 the first hint of the strong antipathy " At this point there is a lengthy 
 
 P 2 
 
212 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1686 
 
 [ Trial o/] the bishop of London ; \Jie\ is suspended, 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 676-7 {from 'The bishop of London was the first' to end of 
 paragmpli). 
 
 Om. 'was the first person that.' 
 
 For ' He was attended . . . oifence ; and ' read ' was accompanied with such 
 numbers of his clergy and other persons of quality, that it seemed rather to 
 shew the great interest he had in the nation than to lessen him in any manner.' 
 (N,B. This occurs lateron in thefolioi) 
 
 For ' that brutal . . . natural to him ' read ' in his abuseful way, very rudely.' 
 
 Om. 'said, here . . . nothing; so he.' 
 
 Om. 'hoping that the king . . . fall, at last' our/ 'all secret methods . . . 
 ineffectual.' 
 
 Om. ' poor spirited ' and ' There was not so much .... given.' 
 
 [Character of the bishop if Durham^ 
 
 This last, though " descended from a puritan family % and 
 though the lord Crew, both father and son (his father and his 
 brother), were two very worthy persons, yet he is in all 
 respects a reproach to his birth and family ; he is a very weak 
 man, '' has no learning and less virtue, and 4s a fawning abject 
 flatterer*. He was raised by the king's^ favour in the former 
 reign ; but he found quickly that he was an insignificant man ; 
 he desired me in the time of his favour to go much to the 
 bishop of Durham to make somewhat of him. I went once 
 or twice, but I found him so excessively weak that I told the 
 duke that nothing could be made of him, so I gave over 
 all further commerce with him. He waits only for a fair 
 opportunity to declare himself a papist ; for he has no religion 
 at all. Yet when the business of the exclusion was on foot 
 the earl of Essex assured me that they knew if it had come 
 near an equal division that he would have voted for it. 
 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 392. " I hid. 39s, 676. 
 
 hiatus in Transcript A ; no. 4 (in Dr. supra. We therefore give from this 
 
 GiiTord'sarrangement) ending abruptly point forwards, till further notice, the 
 
 at the middle of the sentence, half- rendering and foliation of this inferior 
 
 way down f. 146 if). In Transcript version ; which, as the reader will 
 
 B, f. 218 {b), there is also a break at notice, has required much emendation, 
 
 exactly the same word; but fortunately ^ He apparently means by the 
 
 for us, there is no lacuna ; the narra- favourof the actual king (James), while 
 
 five being continued on f. 219 (a) by Duke of 'S'orl: ; see below, next sen- 
 
 the hand of a fresh copyist (see Introd. tence. 
 
1686] Harl MSS. 6584, #219 (a) -219 {h) 213 
 
 The bishop of London is suspended. 
 Cf. Hist. i. 677 (' But the king . . . legality and justice of the sentence '). 
 /or 'But the king . . . point and ' r««rf ' When the king found that he was like 
 to be baffled in the business of the bishop of London, he,' ^c. 
 
 The princess of Orangf intercedes for the bishop of London, 
 hilt n'ithoHt success. 
 
 [/..219 {V)\ "While it uas in dependence the princess of 
 Orange writ earnestly to the king in his favours ^ He had 
 instructed her in her \-outh, ^ he had confirmed her and had 
 married her''; the matter for which he was accused was no 
 great crime. ° Both tlie prince and princess writ to himself 
 expressing the share they took in the trouble that was then 
 given him. And the princess also writ to the king " : it was 
 the first intercession she had ever made in a thing of this 
 consequencej and it deserved well she should begin with it. 
 ''She was for some days in doubt whether she should write or 
 not, fearing that instead of doing him service it might do 
 him hurt ; yet she ventured on it. " But the king was not 
 wrought on by her intercession, unless it were to write her an 
 answer that was very sharp on the bishop of London, and not 
 very obliging to herself. 
 
 YFate of /he two divinesi] 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 677 {from ' Dr. Sharp was admitted' to p. 678, ' lay still on him '1 
 
 Before ' Dr. Sharp ' add ' Some months after this.' 
 
 Om. 'dismissed with a gentle reprimand and.' 
 
 /or 'only the suspension lay still . . . eighty-seven' read 'and so this matter 
 stands to this day. The bishop does no act of jurisdiction ; but really his clergy 
 depend more on him than ever' {cin'th the substance of the sentence of f. 677, 
 ' His clergy . . . before,' in present tense'^). 
 
 \Reflei tions on the king's policy^ 
 It was presently given out, upon the suspension of the 
 bishop, [that] this new court would proceed to many high 
 things, and all the clergy feared this was to be carried much 
 further than has been done since that time ; for there have 
 been but two matters of any consequence before them, in both 
 
 " Cf. /f«i/. i. 677. ^ Ibid. ■^ Ibid. ^ Ibid. 692. "• /Airf. 677. 
 
 1 For a strong letter of remonstrance bishop in petitioning, see Life of 
 against the course pursued by the Halifax, i. 472-3. 
 
214 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1686-7 
 
 which ''they have shewed the weakness of the counsels by 
 which they are governed. For whereas in all countries the 
 rights of colleges are such sacred things that these are never 
 disturbed* even when other things are- broke in upon, and 
 Oxford and Cambridge are two such vast bodies, in which the 
 whole nation is so much concerned that one would have 
 thought that these should have been the last of all to whom 
 this new commission should have given any trouble, yet ^ they 
 have begun just where they should have ended. 
 
 {Nature of the attack on the universities. I. Cambridge.^ 
 
 Cf. Hist, i. 697 {from 'The Jesuits fancied ' to p. 699, ' greater effects'). 
 
 Before ' The Jesuits ' insert ' Cambridge was first tal^en to task. It was re- 
 solved to have a college in every one of the universities ; for.' 
 
 \f. 220 (a)] Om. ' who were certainly too remiss.' 
 
 For ' which needed not ... to work ' read ' [to do ?] which both in Oxford and 
 Cambridge would [not ?] have raised [the king's charge ?] to above ;^5oo a year.' 
 (The words in brackets are conjectural; the passage is evidently con-upt ; and the 
 sums given in the MS. and History do not correspond.) 
 
 For ' or his priests . . . great bodies ' read ' or his inclinations carr[y] him 
 naturally to violent counsels.' 
 
 Om. ' Which yet would have made . . . rest.' 
 
 Om. ' which might occasion . . . contention among them.' 
 
 [/. 220 (A)] Om. ' He was treated . . . person of that body.' 
 
 For ' either of their weakness . . . talked so much about it ' read ' of their 
 weakness ; for a prince ought never to begin a hard thing unless he is either 
 sure of the justice of it, or that he is resolved to go through with it right or 
 wrong ; since nothing diminishes him more than the beginning such a thing and 
 then the letting it fall. The beginning It shews his ill intentions, and the letting 
 it fall his feebleness.' 
 
 For ' And now all people . . . taken ' read ' And in this I find that I took ' ; for 
 ' they thought ' read ' I thought.' 
 
 For ' that might attend them ' read ' (for he himself does not see the con- 
 sequences of many propositions that are made him).' 
 
 After ' by yielding to it ' add ' Yet I see in a great many instances that the 
 power which his priests have over him is such that they make him venture on 
 many things which he quits a little too poorly when he meets with a vigorous 
 opposition.' 
 
 For 'lasted longer . . . effects' read 'has made more noise.' 
 
 [Preface to the attack on Oxford; ecclesiastical vacancies filled.'\ 
 
 ''The bishop of Oxford and the learned bishop of Chester 
 
 died both in i. little time one of another, ^ as Dolben, archbishop 
 
 of York, had died the year before. ° Dolben was highly 
 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 697. " Ibid. " Ibid. 694. * Ibid. 676. « Ibid. 590. 
 
1686-7] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 219 (6)-22i {a) 215 
 
 esteemed in the north, for he performed his office very 
 worthily" and he had appeared in the parliament with great 
 vigour, so that his death was a very considerable loss to the 
 church. *> Pearson, bishop of Chester, was the learnedest man 
 of the age ; he was likewise a man of a very good lifcj and of 
 a gentle, sweet temper; but though he reasoned very well 
 of all things in general, yet he understood not the governing 
 part of his function ; and was so [? too] easy *> and credulous, 
 and too much in the power of those whom he trusted. " The 
 archbishopric of York is still vacant "=, and it is believed the 
 revenue is sent over to cardinal Howard ; though others 
 believe that the Jesuits have it put in their hands ; which is 
 more credible than the other, for the king is wholly guided by 
 their counsels in all matters that relate to religion. ''Cart- 
 wright was made bishop of Chester, who is a man of parts, and 
 had [/. 331 {a)\ good beginnings of learning, but he is a most 
 illi[beral] ^ person, and a brutal, ill-natured man. He has 
 valued himself now for many years upon his carrying the 
 king's authority above all the restraints of law, which, according 
 to his divinity, are only rules to which the king submits 
 himself as long as he thinks fit ; but the divine authority that 
 is lodged in him is above all law, and can warrant him to 
 break through all them when he thinks fit to exert his 
 authority to the full ^ This is good for the present occasion, 
 so it is no wonder, though it recommends him now at court. 
 He is an exact flatterer, and though it is not likely that he, 
 being a married man, will change his religion, yet °he will 
 contribute as vigorously to advance popery as if he were one 
 of that religion. The other vacancy in Oxford was filled by 
 Dr. Parker, who was at first an independent ; but on the king's 
 restoration he found his account in changing and striking up. 
 to the violentest form of the church of England. ^ He is a 
 
 " Hist. i. 590. "° Ibid. 694-5. ' Ibid. 676. <i Ibid. 695. » Ibid. 
 
 6g6. f Ibid. 260. 
 
 ' The readingofthe MS. ('illiterate') above; and 'illiberal' in the sense of 
 seems incompatible with even the ' miserly ' seems the simplest emenda- 
 ' beginnings of learning' mentioned tion. 
 
2i6 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1686-7 
 
 man that has no regard either to religion or virtue, •'' but will 
 accommodate himself to everything that may gratify either 
 his covetousness or his ambition. He has writ many books ; 
 there is a liveliness in his style that is more entertaining than 
 either grave or correct" He has raised the king's. authority 
 in ecclesiastical matters and depressed it by turns, as he was 
 pleased or displeased with the court ; for though '' once he 
 carried the king's power to that height of impiety as to say in 
 so many plain words that the form of naming the king in our 
 prayers as under God and Christ our supreme governor in all 
 causes was a cursed ^ and a profane expression (since he said 
 that though the king was indeed under God, yet he was not 
 under Christ, but above him), yet, not being preferred as he 
 expected, he has writ many books to raise the power of the 
 church to an independence on the civil authority. " His 
 extravagant way of writing gave occasion to the wittiest books 
 that have appeared in this age, for Mr. MarvelP undertook 
 him and treated him in ridicule in the severest but pleasantest 
 manner possible ", and by this one character one may judge 
 how pleasant these books were ; for the last king, that was 
 not a great reader of books, read them over and over again. 
 ^ These twin instruments, who were picked out of the body of 
 the English clergy to betray and destroy it'', deserved not that 
 a character should be given them, if it had not been that they 
 are likely to do things that may be remembered by posterity ; 
 so that I thought it worth the while to dwell a little upon 
 them, though I thought to have avoided it, for they are 
 persons that have upon all occasions done me all the ill offices 
 that were in their power. On my part, though I have no 
 acquaintance [/. 331 {b)} with either of them, yet I look on 
 them both as [such?] very ill men that I am perhaps so [? too] 
 easily carried to say the worst of them that is possible ". 
 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 696. " Ibid. " Ibid. 260. " Ibid. 696. 
 
 The History reads ' crude. ' that an insinuation against Sancroft was 
 
 " In the History ' the liveliest,' &c. subsequently inserted in the narra- 
 ' Here again the reader will notice tive. 
 
1687] Harl. MSS. 6584, J. 221 (a)-222 [b) 217 
 
 [Attacks oil Christ Church and Magdalen College.] 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 696-7 (' The deanery . . . into their lands'). 
 
 Begin ' But though Parker ' was made bishop of Oxford, yet." 
 
 O711. ' Massey.' 
 
 For ' not long after this ' read ' a year after this.' 
 
 For ' That is esteemed . . . wonder that ' read ' so that being the second place 
 of importance in the university.' 
 
 Next proceed from Hist. i. 699 (' The presidentship of Magdalen ') to p. 701 
 ('And all the temporalities of the church'). 
 
 After ' of Magdalen was ' inseii ' not simply at the king's gift as the deanery of 
 Christ's Church was, but.' 
 
 Om. ' Mandamus letters . . . such a letter.' 
 
 For ' so that matter . . , settled ' irad ' for the endowment having been given 
 by one of his predecessors, the college was tied to a great dependence upon 
 that see.' 
 
 For ' It was said . . . pleasure ' read ' for though the king's recommendation 
 did not so bind them that it was a punishable thing to disobey it, yet that respect 
 had always been paid to it, that colleges did not proceed to elections till they 
 had so represented the matter to the court, that by the intercession of their 
 chancellor the mandamus was withdrawn. And.' 
 
 For ' and was declining . . . country ' read ' and this was a point too big for 
 any man's credit ; so it was resolved to carry the matter very fair.' 
 
 Om. ' both in their addresses . . . uncontrollable tyranny.' 
 
 [/ 222 (a)] After ' contempt of it ' insert ' and therefore.' 
 
 For 'that the design . . . papist' read 'that the proceedings might have 
 some colour as if the point that was carried on had not been so much a matter of 
 religion as of maintaining the king's authority.' 
 
 After ' in some court of law ' read ' For a statute passed by the commissioners 
 was not [of] strength enough to divest a man of his freehold ; and.' 
 
 Out. ' in the year 1687 ".' 
 
 For ' ill-suited to ' read ' that shewed more the heat of an impotent passion 
 than.' 
 
 Om. ' though with a humility . . . mollified him.' 
 
 Om. 'as sir Charles Hedges . . . matter.' 
 
 For ' acted . . . manner ' read ' behaved himself on this occasion with that 
 obsequious servility ' ; and for ' to the king's pleasure ' read ' to his interest.' 
 
 For ' were all turned out ' read ' are now all turned out.' 
 
 For \ So it was expected . . . that house ' read [/ 222 (6)] ' So that that house 
 will be in a very little time very probably.' 
 
 For ' The nation ... It was thought an open ' read ' It is said that Hough 
 intends to plead his rights in the court[s] of justice against this.' 
 
 For ' when men ' read ' for it can be esteemed no other in law. Upon this, 
 and the decision that the court[s] in Westminster give in, the whole legal settle- 
 ment of the church of England will depend; for if commissioners'; and for 
 
 1 An ostensible Protestant. this passage therefore was written 
 
 2 It took place in September, 1687 ; towards the close of that year. 
 
2i8 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1687 
 
 'came' and 'turned' read 'can come' and 'turn'; and after 'freehold' read 
 ' then the present constitution will subsist only upon the king's pleasure.' 
 
 After ' making ' inserl ' both in his private discourse and in his public declara- 
 tions,' and om. ' for this struck . . . temporalities of the church.' 
 
 [The king's advances to the dissenters.] 
 
 But I turn next to open a new scene of politics, by which, 
 as it has appeared on the one hand that the king has not that 
 steady firmness to which he has pretended, so he has dis- 
 covered great weakness in it. In England, as the main body 
 of the nation was that of the church of England, so there 
 were great numbers of dissenters that were " formed into four 
 bodies ; presbyterians, the independents, the anabaptists, and 
 the quakers. The two former, not [maintaining ?] ^ the usual 
 distinction of different [rites?] ^, and their depressed estate keep- 
 ing them from the dispute of the constitution of the church, 
 upon which they had broke in the year 1645, were generally 
 considered as one body, and- made above two- thirds of the 
 dissenters "- They were not numerous in the country or in the 
 small towns, but their interest lay chiefly in the great towns. 
 ^ The anabaptists and quakers were not very numerous, but 
 they were more united ; the former [were] men of great virtue 
 and of a universal charity ; and the latter had so many little 
 distinctions in their whole deportment that they were every- 
 where known '' ; they lived in great simplicity and equality 
 among themselves so, and [and so?] were all as one man. 
 "Among them William Penn, son to the vice-admiral, had 
 great credit. He is a man of good parts, but extremely 
 vain ; he loves mightily to hear himself talk "= ; he has 
 a flourishing of learning, and with it a copious fancy; and 
 his head is much turned to the notion of government. ^ He 
 has been long and much in the king's confidence, which has 
 brought great suspicion as if he were secretly a papist "^ ; but 
 I have known him long, and I think myself bound to acquit 
 him as far as one man can judge of another. He has pro- 
 tested to me that the foundation of the king's kindness to 
 
 • Hist. i. 701, infra. " Ibid. 702. " Ibid. 693, 702. * Ibid. 693-4. 
 ' The MS. reads ' notwithstanding.' a The MS. reads ' rules.' 
 
168,] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 222 (^)-223 {a) 219 
 
 him was the sense that he retained [/. 323 (a)] of some 
 services that his father^ did him when he went to sea in 
 [i6]65, and from whom he learned much as to naval affairs. 
 Penn has been likewise a zealous promoter of liberty of 
 conscience, which was all that the popish party thought fit 
 to pretend to at first ; and since he was considered as a man 
 that had the conduct of the whole party of the quakers, and 
 had likewise great credit with some of the leaders of the 
 other sects, the king made great use of him, and seemed to 
 depend much on his advice. * So a design was laid for inviting 
 all the nonconformists to join interests with the papists for 
 perceiving [? procuring] a general liberty to be established with 
 all the solemnities of a perpetual law, as the Magna Charta 
 had been ; by which not only all penal laws in the matters 
 of religion should be for ever repealed, but public employ- 
 ments should be opened to men of all persuasions without 
 requiring any tests or oaths of them* relating to opinions 
 in matter of religion^. And this was thought so plausible 
 ' a thing at court that they did not doubt but their offer of 
 liberty of conscience would take the effect that they desired ; 
 '' though it was somewhat unnatural to the king '', who had 
 made the presbyterians the chief subject of his anger and 
 raillery for his whole life, to turn all of a sudden and become 
 so very tender of them. " Nor was it very likely that a body 
 of men who had broke with the church of England for some 
 small approaches to popery in a few ceremonies should go 
 into a design that would naturally carry us to popery ", and 
 they that had been always so jealous of the extent of the 
 prerogative must have very much changed their nature before 
 they could be brought to concur with the designs of the 
 court, which were become now very visible. Yet here was 
 a new game to be played. The king saw that nothing could 
 be done with the men of the church of England and the old 
 
 " Hist. i. 70a. " Ibid. ' Ibid. 
 
 1 For Admiral Sir William Penn = This was the scheme against 
 
 see his Memorials by G[ranville] which Halifax directed his Anatomy 
 PFennl. of an Equivalent. 
 
220 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1687 
 
 royalists ; and resolved to turn himself to gain the favour 
 of a party that had been so long despised and ill-used 
 by him. 
 
 [Firmness of ike nobility^ 
 
 ''All the nobility was tried if they could be engaged to 
 change their religion », so that popery might begin to make 
 a better figure in the nation. * The firmness the duke of 
 Norfolk, the earl of Shrewsbury, and the lord Lumley 
 shewed surprised many. They had changed their religion^ 
 during the late heats that had been against popery ^, so that 
 it was generally believed that they would be the first that 
 would return ; but they, on the contrary, declared that they 
 had forsaken popery upon a full intention not to return, and 
 that the court might endeavour to make \f. 223 (^)] them change 
 their religion, but without effect ; and that, as they had been 
 the last that had left it, so they would be the last that should 
 return to it. " The earl of Mu[l]grave, that was made lord 
 chamberlain, and was believed so compliant that, having 
 little or no religion of his own, he might the more easily 
 accommodate himself to the king['s],made a lively answer to 
 the priest that [came] to instruct him. He said he had with 
 a great deal of difficulty brought himself to believe that God 
 had made man ; but it would be much harder to bring him 
 to think that man was equal with God and that he made 
 God ''. The salt that was in this expression made it go far, and 
 be in all people's mouths ; and there are times in which an 
 apt answer has a greater effect than volumes of controversies, 
 for every one understands and remembers it. 
 
 [Lord Rochester is tempted; his former services in jiiobilizing the fleet j 
 object of this move j our cause of quarrel against the States.] 
 
 ••But the business of the earl of Rochester made more noise '\ 
 He was become extreme insolent, and so was much hated ; 
 yet he had established himself so well in the king's favour ° by 
 
 "• Cf. Hist. i. 683. !■ Ibid. 684, 762, 763. <= Ibid. 683. d Ibid. 684. 
 
 « Ibid. 684 and 685. 
 
 ' Cf. the account of Norfolk and Shrewsbury given (with Dartmouth's note) 
 in Hist i. 762. 
 
1687] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 223 (a)-224 {a) 221 
 
 his borrowing ;£"400,ooo upon a [?the] credit or [?of] some 
 branches of the revenue "that both he and his brother seemed 
 to be confirmed in their employments. ''The use for which 
 that money was raised was for putting the fleet in a [good ?] 
 condition ; for both the several stores were unfurnished and the 
 vessels themselves were in a decay ; and the king gave orders 
 to put the whole fleet in a condition to go to sea. This made 
 noise all Europe over, since the king was in full peace with all 
 his neighbours, so that his preparations seemed to have some 
 great design under them ; and the priests said everywhere, but 
 chiefly in Rome, that the designs were against the States, and 
 that both France and England would make war upon them all 
 of a sudden, for it was generally [known] that the Dutch fleet 
 was in no good condition. In this both the interest of France 
 and that of the priests concurred ; for as they had the prospect 
 of an advantageous war against the Dutch, so the embroiling 
 the king with the prince of Orange was the main point that 
 France drove at ; since that quarrel might probably have 
 such effects that if the war proved successful, the king might 
 have been carried to set on a new [expedient ? or exclusion ?^] ''. 
 The pretence the king had for a war was the business of 
 Bantam, in which there was a great deal to be said on both 
 hands ^. The old king of Bantam had resigned his crown to 
 his son, who was acknowledged king by the king of England 
 [/. 234 {<'^\ for he received an embassy from him. This young 
 king happened to fall into the hands of some that were 
 governed by the Du[tch] ^ of Batavia ; so that the English 
 began to fear that he would use them ill. Now our company 
 had hopes of making themselves more considerable by this 
 means, and that he would have sold Bantam or some other 
 place to them to be fortified by them. They had also some 
 prospect of getting into the trade of Japan by his [? this] means ; 
 and the old king had been always so much in their interests that 
 
 « Cf. Hist. i. 684 and 685. " Ibid. 685-6. 
 
 'Conjectural emendation of ' ex- affair from the Dutch standpoint quoted 
 pedition.' '" Story's Carstares, pp. 112-3. 
 
 2 There is a curious account of this = The MS. reads ' Duke.' 
 
222 Burnefs Original Memoirs [1687 
 
 they hoped to have met with the same favour from his son. 
 But finding that they were mistaken, and that the practices 
 and presents of the Dutch were like to be too hard for them, 
 they set on the old king to come and reassume the govern- 
 ment, and promised to assist him effectually ; and the son 
 having failed in some things to [his] ^ father, this was the 
 more easily effected. So the old king came to Bantam, being 
 assisted by the English ; he drave out his son, but the Dutch 
 being much more powerful than the English they put the 
 young king again into possession, who was no sooner at 
 Bantam than he drove out all the English, pretending that 
 they had rebelled against him whom they had acknowledged 
 for the lawful king of that place. No doubt the Dutch set 
 on this, for the footing that the English had got in Bantam 
 had been long very uneasy to them ; so it was not doubted 
 but that underhand they had engaged the king of Bantam to 
 banish the English. Yet it went as his own act, in which 
 the Dutch seemed to have no other share but that they 
 acted as auxiliaries to the young king. And when he had 
 banished the English they offered them harbour, and carried 
 away both their effects and their persons to Batavia till 
 English ships came to carry them elsewhere. And they pre- 
 tended to have acted in this matter as good and friendly 
 neighbours. So that though it was sure enough that they 
 had procured the banishment of the English out of Bantam, 
 yet they had done it in such a manner that it was hard to 
 make it appear, or to found a breach or a war upon it ; unless 
 it were resolved to follow the pattern of [i6]73. But this has 
 drawn on a long negotiation between the companies, which 
 is still in dependence and is so kept up by the king that it is 
 plain he intends [/. 2124 (5)] to make a quarrel of it as soon as 
 his affairs put him in a condition to begin a war. The French 
 were at the same time making preparation at Toulon, and it 
 was generally believed also [that ?] the two kings were resolved 
 again to fall upon the States. I do not yet certainly know 
 
 ' The MS. reads 'this.' 
 
1687] Harl. MSS. ff. 6584, 224 {ayz^j, (b) 223 
 
 whether the king ever intended it ; it is generally believed he 
 did, and that he spake to some of the sea officers concerning 
 it, but the answer was melancholy ; for Herbert and some 
 others told him that the seamen were generally so ill-affected 
 that there was no trust[ing] them in a case in which they 
 might believe that religion was concerned ; for they who sailed 
 up and down the world, and so knew more of that religion 
 than the rest of the people of England did, had so great an 
 aversion to popery that there might be reason enough to fear 
 a revolt of the whole fleet, which is very easily done by sea- 
 men when they are unanimous. Whether this diverted the 
 king, or if the concurrence of other things mixed with it, I 
 do not know ; but after a very vigorous preparation of the fleet 
 all was let fall of the sudden. But these discourses had a 
 very good effect in Holland, and made the States reflect so 
 seriously on the condition in which their fleet was, that * they 
 consented to the new levying of the aoo[th] penny *, by which 
 their fleet is like to be put in so good a case that they will 
 be no more in danger of being surprised. I made all this 
 digression upon the mention of the money that the earl of 
 Rochester borrowed [for] setting forward the king's prepa- 
 rations. He upon that reckoned himself very sure in the 
 king's favour. Yet he was soon after surprised with '' an in- 
 formation that was brought him that he was to be turned out 
 of the treasury ; upon which his enemies say that his lady 
 let some words fall to the queen intimating that he was tract- 
 able in matters of religion. " So the king spoke to him of it 
 and proposed it to him, the suffering himself to be instructed ; 
 he desired a conference ", and it was appointed that it should 
 be in the king's presence. ^ All conferences are thought to be 
 intended only to give the party to which one is resolved to 
 go over a greater triumph *, as if the change had been an effect 
 of the victory that was gained ; this was also managed with 
 all possible disadvantage on the side of -our church, [since] ^ 
 
 » Cf. Hist. i. 692. ^ Ibid. 684. " Ibtd. supra. ^ Ibid. 685. 
 
 » The MS. reads 'svire.' 
 
224 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1687 
 
 the king's presence was as great a restraint upon our divines, 
 as it gave on the other hand great courage to his priests ; so 
 Rochester [/! 3^5 («)] was looked on as lost to us. The king did 
 in this matter great honour to my two friends * Tillotson and 
 Stillingfleetjforhe excepted against them. So Rochester pitched 
 on Jane and Patrick '■^ ; on the other side their [? there were] two 
 priests, whose names I have forgot ', to manage the debate. 
 This dispute was not at all to the advantage of the priests, 
 for '' Rochester himself answered all the priests proposed, and 
 treated them with so much neglect, that he would scarce suffer 
 the doctors to speak ; for he said he found himself strong 
 enough against all that was offered to him, so that he needed 
 not the assistance of the divines. - Rochester's enemies say 
 that he was to be turned out whether he changed or not "=, so 
 he chose rather to go out with [the] honour of being dis- 
 graced for his religion than to be turned out after the infamy 
 of giving it up to preserve his white staff. ^ The king broke 
 up the conference decently enough, but charged all parties to 
 make no noise of what had passed in it *. So I do not know 
 the particulars of it ; yet the conclusion of it was, that 
 Rochester stood firm. And a few days after, ®the treasury 
 was put in commission and Rochester was dismissed with 
 a great pension ". The king said that he had resolved long 
 before the conference to put the treasury in commission ; 
 so the pains that was taken to make him change, when his 
 disgrace was resolved on before, was compared to the Italian's 
 revenge, who having got his enemy in his power, made him 
 first renounce God, and then murdered him, that so he might 
 kill both soul and body. The king said he found the treasury 
 was too great a post for one man, so he put it in commission. 
 Others believed that this was set on by those that intended 
 to carry the king to an exclusion. It could not be thought 
 that Rochester could be engaged in that matter, and a 
 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 684. " Ibid. 685. •= Ibid, supra. d Ibid, infra. " Ibid. 
 
 ' Leyburn and Godden ; see Routh's note {Hist, in loco, and Burnet's James II 
 in loco). 
 
1687] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 224 (^)-225 (b) 225 
 
 treasurer, who pays all the pensions of the court, naturally 
 finds out all the secrets that are in it, and therefore he could 
 not be trusted with such a post. 
 
 [C^ang'es in the government of Ireland.^ 
 
 Soon after this " Clarendon was recalled out of Ireland and 
 Tyrconnell was sent in his place. Porter was also turned out 
 from being chancellor, and Fitton, an English papist that 
 was not at all skilled in the law, succeeded him *, which put all 
 the protestants in Ireland under no small apprehensions. 
 
 {Political position of Fitz-James^ 
 
 All the papist party begin to look on Fitz-James, that 
 was the king's son by Mrs. Church[ill], as their chief hope^. 
 The king sent him '' for two campaigns into Hungary, to gain 
 honour there. He is a soft good-natured youth, but either 
 he or his governor took greater care of his person than of 
 his honour ; for notwithstanding all the occasions that the 
 siege of Buda offered him of [distinguishing himself?] 
 [/. 225 {b)\ yet he appeared in none of them ; nor did he 
 so much as keep a table, but did eat always at other men's 
 tables, though an allowance was given him by the king. Yet 
 his governor found it more convenient for himself to put it in 
 his own purse j and his brother is a Jesuit that is [in] the 
 secret, so he knew that all things would be excused to one 
 that had so sure protection. The queen declares herself 
 wholly against Fitz-James, who is now made duke of Ber- 
 wick ; and that'' [and ?] his own weaknesses are like to "keep 
 him from making any great figure ". 
 
 \The king's first marriage questioned?)^ 
 The priests also began to call in question the validity of the 
 king's first marriage with the duchess, but Dr. Crowder that 
 ' Cf. Hist. i. 682. " Ibid. 749- " ^'^'<f- 
 
 1 See for this Macaulay, ed. 1858, Story's Life of Carstares, p. 152, note 
 
 iii 64 (quoting Bonrepaux's despatch (quoting McCormick's Carstatrs Papers, 
 
 of July \i, 1687) ; the Marchmont pp. 27-8, and Fountainhall, p. 842). 
 Papers, iii. 71-2 (letter of Jan. 1627) ; 
 
 FOXCEOFT '^ 
 
226 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1687 
 
 married him being yet alive, Rochester got a new attestation 
 of the marriage to be signed by him. Yet the French 
 ambassador seemed once to fancy that he had good proof 
 to invalidate the marriage. 
 
 [Proposals of compromise rejected?^ 
 
 The eyes of all England were now turned towards the 
 princess of Orange, and the popish party having broken so 
 many of the laws and caused themselves to lie under a hard 
 fate if a revolution should happen before they can procure 
 some abatement of the laws, or at least an indemnity for 
 what they have done against law, began now to try what 
 could be done for bringing matters to some agreement ; and, 
 if some small mitigation of the rigour of the penal laws would 
 have contented the court, many were brought to think that 
 it might be a wise bargain to give the king somewhat in 
 favour of his party, provided he would be contented with 
 that; but, on the other hand, *the coui't resolved to have all 
 or nothing % and would not accept of the repeal of some of 
 the penal laws unless all were taken away, and the tests also 
 abolished. 
 
 \The king and his army.^ 
 
 The king tried unsuccessfully how far he might trust his 
 army ; *• he brought it together into a camp both in [i6]86 and 
 [i6]87 ; but the aversion to popery appeared as eminently 
 amongst them as it did amongst all other ranks of people ; 
 and though the king set up mass in it, yet so few went to 
 it, and those who went were treated with so much scorn by 
 the rest, that the king saw there was no trusting to them 
 in that quarrel ; for the papists that were in the army were 
 an unequal match to the rest, and the heats concerning 
 religion put them so near a mutiny >> that it soon appeared 
 how far they would be from assisting the king if he should 
 go about to change the religion. All these things concurred 
 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 694, 733. b Ibid. 703. 
 
1685-6] Harl. MSS. 6584,^ 225 (6)-226 (a) 227 
 
 to put the king upon this new project of balancing the 
 [/. 2%6 {djl church of England by setting up the dissenters 
 against them. 
 
 [Penn's emdassy.] 
 
 But before this was opened » Penn was sent over to Holland 
 to try how the prince of Orange would resist the proposition. 
 So he, who is a man of many words and much vanity in his 
 discourse, had a long conversation with the prince ; * who 
 answered him very frankly that he himself was as great an 
 enemy to persecution upon the account of religion as any 
 man could possibly be, and therefore he should be very glad 
 to see such methods taken that none should be disturbed for 
 his conscience ; but at the same time he showed as great an 
 aversion to the admitting of papists into any share of the 
 government ; and all that Penn could say did not carry him 
 further''. This fell out soon after I was come into Holland, 
 and was the first piece of "confidence which the prince 
 honoured me with ", and ever since that time I have known 
 a good deal that has passed between the prince and the court 
 of England. 
 
 [Burnet's own experience,'] 
 
 But this leads me back to my old [? own] story, and to give 
 an account of all that I had met with in ^ the year of ramble that 
 I made between my coming out of England and my coming 
 to settle in Holland. " I avoided the making much acquaint- 
 ance in Paris °, for the king had expressed to Mr. Barillon how 
 ill he took the kindness that had been shewed me by Mr. de 
 Schomberg and some others in France, so that I did not 
 think it expedient to converse with any but men of learning. 
 ^ I spent much time with my lord Montagu, and by his 
 means I knew many of the secrets of the court of England ^, 
 and was confirmed in almost all things that are in the former 
 part of this work ^. ^He told me that during his embassy 
 
 » Cf. Hist. J. 693. ^ Ibid. 693-4. « Ibid. 693. •>■ Ibid. 686. » Ibid. 
 655. ' Ibid. 5 Ibid. 391. 
 
 ' It certainly does not add to the that it should have obtained the iinpri- 
 authenticity of Burnet's information matur of so accomplished a liar ; a 
 
 Q3 
 
228 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1685-6 
 
 he could never enter into the secret of the money that the 
 king had underhand from France, " for that was all managed 
 by the duchess of Portsmouth. He often tried the king upon 
 that head, and said that he would undertake to procure him 
 the double of all that he had from thence. Yet the king was 
 so ashamed 'of it that he would never own it to him ; so he 
 believed all that was given came as a present to the duchess 
 of Portsmouth =*. 
 
 [Characters of Louis XIV and madame de Mainienon.^ 
 
 Both he and Mr. de Schomberg told me many things of 
 the king of France, by which I saw how little he deserved 
 the great character that is generally given of him ; for, as his 
 extraordinary ignorance makes that he knows nothing but 
 the present course of his aifairs, so there is no way of dealing 
 with him [/. 2,26 {b)] but by most abject flattery. Nor has 
 he a true judgement. Schomberg told me that when he was 
 called to speak to him of matters of war, he saw that he 
 understood them not. The chief maxim he has is to put 
 nothing to hazard ; he chooses always the way of corruption 
 before gallanter methods ; and in all his undertakings he will 
 play at small game that is sure rather than at any great 
 project ; and yet he is so ignorant of history that he believes 
 himself to be the greatest hero that ever was. Madame de 
 Maintenon, that is a person of much wit and of a good pro- 
 portion of beauty for her age, has risen up by many steps. 
 First, from being a poor young gentlewoman, she got to be 
 Scarron's wife ; who was a true Esop, and had the most wit 
 with the worst and most misshapen body that ever met 
 together. After his death she became so celebrated for her 
 wit that she was made gouvernante to the king's daughters 
 by madame de Montespan, and this gave her frequent 
 opportunity of speaking with the king ; and she, who has 
 a tone of flattery that is fine as well as bewitchingj got so 
 
 °- Cf. Hist. i. 392. 
 
 very flagrant instance of whose habitual mediately and confidently quoted by 
 mendacity is, in point of fact, im- the ingenuous doctor. 
 
1685-6] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 226 (a)-227 (a) 229 
 
 much into his favours, that notwithstanding all the decay of 
 her beauty, and of his age, she now governs him more 
 absolutely than all his mistresses or ministers ever did. He 
 spends many hours a day with her, and she employs all her 
 wit in making him fancy that he is in all respects the greatest 
 king that ever reigned. The matter is gone so far between 
 them that it is generally believed that she not only hinders 
 the king from marrying, but that there is a secret marriage 
 or at least an engagement between them'. The king's life 
 is writing by Mr. Racine and Mr. Despreaux (or Boileau) ; the 
 [latt]er^ has a good judgement, and the [form]er^ a great 
 life and diversity of thoughts ; so that between them they are 
 very likely to compose a work that will have as much beauty 
 and force as is consistent with those schemes of flattery that 
 must run through it. It is believed that mad. de Maintenon 
 has her share in this work, and that she reads it to the king. 
 It seems they design to have the king's life writ in all 
 languages ; for a creature of the archbishop's of Paris came 
 to me and told me if I would undertake to write the king's 
 history in English [/. 227 («)] I might have what rewards 
 I pleased. But I cut off the proposition very abruptly ; 
 I said the religion that I professed made that I could not 
 employ my pen for the honour of a prince that was employing 
 his whole force for the destruction of it. 
 
 [Burnet becomes acquainted with Stoupe.'] 
 
 I made another acquaintance in Paris with "col. Stoupe^, 
 *that was once the minister of the French congregation in 
 London, and that was much employed and trusted by 
 Cromwell ''j but upon the king's restoration he, refusing to 
 receive the communion in the Walloon church, was informed 
 
 • Cf. Hist. i. 65, 660 ; ii. 692. ' Ibid. i. 65. 
 
 1 The king's marriage to her is sup- transposed these words in the MS. 
 
 posed to have taken place soon after " Mr. Airy's note in vol. i. pp. 115-6 
 
 the queen's death, July 30, 1683. In of his edition gives a long list of 
 
 any case, she was almost.certainly his authorities concerning this unprin- 
 
 wife by 1685. cipled intriguer. 
 
 ^ The transcriber has accidentally 
 
230 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1620-9 
 
 against as a man dangerous to the state; so he was forced 
 to go out of England. After some years' stay in Paris he 
 quitted his first employment and turned a soldier, and he is 
 now both colonel of a regiment of Switzers and "a brigadier ^ 
 He is a man of pleasure and expense, and of such morals that 
 everything goes easily down with him in which he finds his 
 advantage. '' He hath loose opinions in matters of religion, 
 and is rather no papist than a good protestant ^. He has been 
 long in affairs, and has a searching curiosity after secrets ; so 
 <= I learnt many things from him relating to Cromwell's maxims 
 and designs^ 
 
 \Crom'weU's character and career?^ 
 
 Cromwell was a man of a str[a]ng[e] ^ composition, and 
 there was in him as great a mixture of good and bad as 
 perhaps ever met together in one man. He lived long 
 a private gentleman, upon a small estate, in a high strain 
 of strictness and piety ; and was for about ten years together 
 thought by all his neighbours the best and the wisest man 
 that was in all that country. He had scarce any knowledge 
 of affairs, except what related to the constitution of the 
 English government and the temper of the nation. He had 
 also read the Scriptures and the books of practical divinity 
 with so much care that he was able to run out both in 
 prayers and discourse on these heads without bounds. ^ He 
 had a very hot and enthusiastical temper *, and could have 
 prayed himself into so much warmth that he seemed to 
 melt away in tears ; and if he had found that which they 
 of that time called an enlargement of heart, then he reckoned 
 that God was well-pleased with him, and that he heard his 
 prayers and would answer them ; but if his spirits continued 
 still cold and oppressed in prayer, then he reckoned that God 
 was not pleased with him and that which he offered to him 
 in prayer. He got into the house of commons by the credit 
 which the opinion of his party had procured him ; and being 
 
 » Cf. Hist. i. 65. iJ Ibid. " Ibid. i Ibid. 79. 
 1 The transcriber has written 'strong.' 
 
1643-57] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 227 (a)-227 (b) 231 
 
 Hampden's near kinsman, he was by his means made a colonel 
 in the army that was raised against [/. 327 (^)] the king. The 
 parliament's army went on very ill the first year ; they had 
 entertained many officers that had been in Gustavus's army, 
 for that alone served then to raise a man ; but these being 
 accustomed to the German way of plunder, thought more 
 of their own advantages than of the services. So after 
 a . conversation that was between Hampden and Cromwell 
 upon the misfortunes that they had met with, and their 
 forces not being able to stand before the king's (which seemed 
 to flow from this, that the king had the gentry on his side 
 who were pressed on by a principle of honour, whereas the 
 commons that were with them had not such elevated 
 thoughts), Cromwell set himself to model his own regiment, 
 so that they should be all saints. He set on among them 
 much praying and discoursing of spiritual matters, and he 
 used to go up and down among them himself, leading them 
 on to those exercises, with which they became so acquainted 
 that upon all occasions his regiment distinguished itself from 
 all the rest. This led others to follow his example, and by 
 this means that army was wrought up to a pitch of zeal, that 
 nothing could stand before them ; and he himself quickly got 
 up to be lieutenant-general, and upon Hampden's death he 
 became the head of the party. ' In the matter of the king's 
 death he was rather pushed on by Ireton (that was his son-in- 
 law and a severe bloody commonwealth's man) than by his 
 own inclinations "■ ; for it is said that he had once made his own 
 bargain with the king, and was to be made earl of Essex, and 
 to have a considerable estate given him in recompense of the 
 service which he undertook of setting the king again upon the 
 throne. But he durst not go on in his design when he saw 
 that Ireton would not agree to it. Fairfax sooa after that 
 quitting his employment of general of the army, '' Cromwell 
 was set at the head of a great but a very factious army*. The 
 disputes that he had with the Long Parliament and with the 
 other parliaments that he called are generally known. It 
 » Cf. Hist. i. 46. " Ibid. 65. 
 
232 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1657 
 
 appeared what a [stubborn ?] thing the English [temper ?] ^ is 
 during his government ; for though he had a great and a brave 
 army and was successful in all his foreign affairs, yet he could 
 neither form [? force] a parliament to that point of delivering 
 up the government to him, nor could he bring the army to 
 concur with him in the design, though invited to it by the 
 hopes of a share in the spoil. * They had filled their heads 
 so with the notion not only of a commonwealth, but of Christ's 
 coming to reign his reign of a thousand years % and was [?were] 
 so sensible of the oaths they had made to be true to the 
 commonwealth of England, that all he could say in those 
 '' long [/. 228 {a)\ and dark speeches that he often made to 
 them * could not work upon them. " The lawyers that were 
 among them told them that they could never be secured 
 from what they had done, nor covered from the bloodshed 
 that was during the war, nor from the king's death, * nor be 
 assured of the crown lands, and the church lands that were 
 divided among them ^, nor the settlement of Ireland, " without 
 an act of parliament passed by the king, lords, and commons ^ ; 
 and therefore it was necessary to place the shadow at least of 
 kingship somewhere. And this was that at which Cromwell 
 aimed ; he knew well that the name of a king would in 
 a course of some time fetch the power after it, and this 
 would set the nation once again upon the old loyal constitu- 
 tion ; and if that were done, there was no great reason of 
 apprehending more danger from the old royalists, since the 
 nobility and gentry, whose interest made them desire a kingly 
 government to distinguish them from the commons, would be 
 in a great measure satisfied when they saw a king and a court 
 again, and would lose their affections to the race of the 
 Stewarts. The fifth-monarchy men (the chief of whom were 
 Lambert, Harrison, and Overton), that were in the best posts, 
 stood firm to their resolutions and oaths, and entered into 
 
 « Cf. Hist. i. 67, 68. 1= Ibid. 65. " Ibid. 68. d Ibid. 69. « Ibid. 68. 
 
 ' Some words have evidently been omitted by tlie transcriber, and are 
 here conjecturally restored. 
 
1657] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 227 (6)-228 {b) 233 
 
 consultations of dismounting Cromwell ; but though he turned 
 them out and clapt some of them in prison, the common- 
 wealth humour was sunk too deep into the hearts of the 
 whole army ever to endure that he, who had preached and 
 prayed so much against tyranny, should be in a capacity of 
 assuming that dignity » which he ^ had often declared to be 
 the great obstacle to the kingdom of Christ*. And all the 
 offers he made of limiting the royal power so that the king 
 should be a duke of Venice were looked on as the acts of an 
 ambitious usurper; and though he did often in his family 
 devotions, which he performed commonly himself, and in his 
 household fasts protest to God ** with many tears that he would 
 choose a shepherd's staff rather than a sceptre, and that he 
 had nothing before his eyes but the settlement of the nation *, 
 yet all this passed for hypocrisy. And when he argued with 
 any of these people to show them the necessity of having 
 a king for settling the nation, they re[ject ?]ed ^ all that, and 
 " said he was looking to the arm of flesh ", whereas they ought 
 to trust to the living God. ^ Yet after all it is probable that 
 if he had lived to another sessions of parliament he had carried 
 his point "* in the army as well as he had already done it in the 
 parliament, for ^ the kingship was offered him ®, though it was 
 carried against a vigorous [/. aaS {b)\ opposition that was 
 made to it. ''He hid his mind so artificially in that matter*', 
 that though it was so plain that he desired it, because all 
 that were in his particular confidence set it on ^, yet 8 there 
 fell not a word from himself intimating his inclinations ^ to 
 accept of it ; for he always said in his canting way that he 
 would seek the Lord, and that his mind was not yet opened 
 to him. ""But that which determined him not to adventure 
 
 » Cf. Hist. i. 68. ^ Ibid. ' Ibid. 69. * Ibid. 70. ' Ibid, supra. 
 
 ' Ibid. 6 Ibid. 1 Ibid. 
 
 » The //istoo' gives this to Goodwin. any lesser title was written before 
 
 2 The MS. has ' recited.' the Revolution had made the question 
 
 ^ It is curious to realize that the once more acute {Hist. i. 813, 814) ; 
 
 whole of this passage on the motives and that the preceding clause may 
 
 which might induce a successful soldier have been deliberately deleted, on ac- 
 
 to assume the title of king (when count of the curious parallel it suggests 
 
 offered it by Parliament) rather than to the incidents given in iSfi?. 818, 820. 
 
234 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1654-8 
 
 on the accepting the crown was that the morning in which 
 he was to give his answer to the parliament, both Fleetwood 
 and Desborough (the one being his son-in-law and the other 
 his brother-in-law) came to him, and after they had expressed 
 their great aversion to the design, they offered up their com- 
 missions to him; for they said they could no longer serve 
 him''. The one was lieutenant-general and the other major- 
 general, so this affrighted him, since ^ he saw he was like to 
 be deserted by those who above all others were most con' 
 cerned in his exaltation ^. While he was managing [this] ^ great 
 project, death surprised him and put an end to it. ' 
 
 {Cromweirs foreign policy ; its problem.^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 72 {from ' The greatest difficulty ' to p. 73, ' correspondence witH 
 him '). 
 
 After ' Spain ' add ' for they both courted him.' 
 
 For ' The prince of Conde . . . Cardenas : he ' read ' and as Spain by a solemn 
 embassy congratulated him on his being made protector, so both the courts 
 allowed the same rank and precedence to his ambassadors that had ever been 
 given to the ambassadors of the kings of England [cf. Hist. i. 80] ; nor would he 
 be contented with the honours given to commonwealths. Spain.' 
 
 For ' if he could restore . . . French ' read ' if he could again be master of that 
 key into France and of the channel.' 
 
 ' Mazarin . . . character ' is omitted, apparently by the transcribe}' s error. 
 
 After ' Conde ' add ' that was then in the Spanish service.' 
 
 For ' he would make a descent . . . dictate ' read only ' to set himself at the 
 head of that party.' 
 
 Om. ' to talk . . . men ' and ' the oppressions . . . everjrwhere.' 
 
 For ' for Mazarin . . . particular ' read ' and enjoyed the protection of the edicts 
 in so ample and undisturbed a manner that there was no reason to expect they 
 would interrupt their own peace, or so far trust the prince of Conde as to 
 declare for him.' 
 
 For ' He also ' read ' Stoupe added to me that Cromwell,' &^c. 
 
 If. 229 (rt)] After ' on that prince ' add 'and [that he] was so little careful of 
 his secret or sure of those about him ' ; and om. ' he said upon that . . . cardinali.' 
 
 [The deciding motives^ 
 
 Cromwell saw well enough that in the balance of Europe, 
 
 France was become already too hard a match for Spain ; yet 
 
 as he hoped his having once footing in Flanders would put 
 
 him in condition to turn the balance which way he pleased, 
 
 so " some private considerations of his own determined him to 
 
 » Cf. Hist. i. 70. I' Ibid. Ibid. 73. 
 
 ' 'The' in the MS., corrected by a later hand. 
 
1654-8] Harl. MSS. 6584, J. 228 (6)-229 (b) 235 
 
 side with the French ; the royal family was then in France, 
 so if he had broken with that crown, it was in a condition 
 to assist the king in making a descent in England, which 
 would have put Cromwell's affairs in great disorder ; for not 
 only the royalists would have gone to him, but even " many 
 of the commonwealth's men were so irritated against him, 
 seeing the steps he was making for his own advancement, 
 that they began generally to say that if they must return 
 back to a monarchy, it was better to call in the righteous heir *. 
 Cromwell saw this danger well, '' and he knew, on the other 
 hand, that the Spaniards were in no condition to support the 
 king in so great a design. So that this particular interest of 
 his own was so suitable [? sensible] to him that he sacrificed the 
 interest of the nation to it ^. " But while he was balancing all 
 those matters, Gage, a priest (that had been for many years in 
 the West Indies) •=, being struck, as he said, with an accident by 
 a mouse's carrying away the sacrament, was upon that moved 
 to doubt of his religion ; and, he having obtained leave to 
 come over to Spain, when he was there he goes on board 
 an English ship, and so came over to England. ^ He gave an 
 account to Cromwell of the feebleness of the Spaniards in 
 America, and showed him how easy a conquest that would be. 
 Cromwell saw well that if he succeeded in this he would have 
 such a treasure in his hands that he could carry on all his 
 designs without needing the assistance of a parliament "*- This 
 would also raise his fame and recommend him extremely to 
 the English nation. So this determined him to join with the 
 French against the Spaniards, which was the greatest error 
 he committed in his whole conduct ; for as [/. 229 (iJ)] "his 
 design of Hispaniola failed *, so the [Biscainers] ^ and the 
 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 69. ' Ibid. 73. c /i,y. 74. d /forf. » Jbic/. 76. 
 
 ' This passage was probably sug- or Biscaniers ' is filled in by another 
 
 gested, not by Stoupe's reminiscences, hand. ' Biscainer ' or ' Biscayneer' (an 
 
 but by the Character of a Trimmer,pub- obsolete synonym for Basque or Bis- 
 
 lished in 1684 ; see Life of Halifax, cayan) is evidently the true reading ; 
 
 jj_ gg. the inhabitants of the province of Biscay 
 
 '" The -vtoxA was omitted by the beingnotedseamen and privateers: see 
 
 original transcriber and ' Buckaniers Dr. Murray's New English Dictionary. 
 
236 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1654-5 
 
 Ostenders * took so many of the merchant ships, that by this 
 means he lost the hearts of the city of London. 
 
 \Stoupis anecdote concerning the Hispaniola affair^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 74 {from 'Stoupe, being on another' to p. 76, 'esteemed so much 
 as he had been '). 
 
 Begin ' Stoupe told me a curious thing concerning the design of His- 
 paniola.' 
 
 For ' in measuring distances ' read ' which he continued to examine very 
 exactly for some time after Stoupe was admitted.' 
 
 After ' Mexico, and ' insert ' having a good sight.' 
 
 For ' some fancied . . . element ' read only ' some said it was to take Cadiz ; 
 others that it was to land either at . Naples or Ostia, to job the churches 
 of Italy.' 
 
 After ' ambassador ' add ' Don Alonzo de Cardenas.' 
 
 For ';£^io,ooo' read 'ten thousand pistoles.' 
 
 For 'Stoupe owned . . . secret, and' read only ' but though Stoupe was not 
 trusted with this secret, yet he was so true to Cromwell that he.' 
 
 For ' nor did he think . . . Brussells about it ' read ' finding the offer of such 
 a sum could draw no discovery from him.' 
 
 For ' Stoupe writ it ' to end of incident readonly ' Yet Stoupe writ it to the prince 
 of Conde, with whom he had kept a correspondence ; and when the event dis- 
 covered that he had guessed right, this raised his credit so with the Spaniards 
 that he had many good presents after that from them ; and the ambassador was 
 disgraced for not being able to penetrate into the secret.' 
 
 [^England's Atnerican policy i\ 
 ^ Thus it appeared that so indifferent a thing as Cromwell 
 looking upon a map might have discovered the great secret 
 which Cromwell kept even from the French; "for if he had 
 succeeded in it, this would have put them upon new measures, 
 since it would have raised England so high''. And indeed 
 the beating of the Spaniards out of America is as [? so] easy 
 a thing for a king of England (who has so many of [his] 
 subjects already in the northern parts of that new-found world) 
 that, as they will [/. 230 («)] very willingly change their states 
 to go into richer countries, so the feebleness of the Spaniards 
 appears so evidently in the faint resistance that they make to 
 the pirates called Buccaniers, that it is plain they could not 
 stand before those armies that could be drawn out of our 
 plantations. But this is a great thing that perhaps is reserved 
 for a high-spirited king of England. 
 
 - Cf. Hist. i. 76. ^ Ibid. c Ibid. 
 
1654-5] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 229 (6)-23o (a) 237 
 
 {Cromwell and the foreign proiesiants.'\ 
 Cromwell made it the first article of his alliance with 
 France that the protestants should be maintained in the full 
 enjoyment of all their edicts, which he took care to see so 
 well observed, that " they, finding the happiness of the protec- 
 tion that they enjoyed by his means, were very naturally 
 caused [? carried] to speak well of him that had procured it 
 for them. This increased very much the prejudice that our 
 princes had to the protestant religion ; for the king that now 
 reigns told myself that he saw all the protestants of France 
 were rebels in their hearts, and gave this their kindness to 
 Cromwell as the chief evidence of it. Cromwell not only 
 protected the protestants in France, but ''he interposed so 
 [Pas] effectually for those in the valley of Piedmont. The 
 duke of Savoy set on a violent persecution against them ; and 
 he obliged the court of France to put a stop to it ''; and he 
 was so lifted up with the acknowledgements that these things 
 drew to him from beyond sea, that <= he projected the setting 
 [up] of a council that should watch over the interest of the 
 protestant religion everywhere, that should be like that at 
 Rome, de propaganda fide. He had marked out a fund of 
 ;£'20o,ooo ^ per ann. to be disposed of by them as their service 
 should require it. They were to have correspondents in all 
 the places of consideration where the protestant religion was 
 settled. Stoupe was to have been their secretary for France, 
 Switzerland, Geneva, and those of Piedmont ^ ; and Cromwell 
 seemed to reserve the settling of it to his exaltation, for 
 if he had been made king he resolved to have begun his 
 government with this •=, which would have raised its credit very 
 much both at home and abroad. 
 
 [Stottpe's anecdote concerning Thurloe.'] 
 Stoupe told me another particular, that though in itself it 
 does not deserve to be mentioned in history, yet the specula- 
 tions that arise out of it make me judge it worth the setting 
 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 73. ^ Ibid. 76. ■= Ibid. 77. 
 
 ' The History says ;£'io,ooo.. 
 
 » The distribution in the History differs. 
 
238 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1656 
 
 down. * Stoupe received an advertisement from him by whose 
 means he kept correspondence with the prince of Conde at 
 Brussells, that an Irishman was gone over with a design to 
 assassinate Cromwell, and that he was to lodge in King 
 street. ^ Cromwell had often said that he abhorred [/. 230 (5)] 
 assassination, and therefore, though it was in his power to 
 destroy the king and both his brothers, yet he would never 
 hearken to so base a proposition ; but he said withal that if any 
 of the royal family began with him and set on men to murder 
 him, he would then reckon himself absolved from all measures, 
 and that he would take care to have the whole race murdered, 
 for he would consider that step as a state of war. It was wisely 
 done of him to declare this so publicly, for that restrained 
 many ^ brutal men who otherwise might have set on a practice 
 which cannot be enough detested, since it tends to the 
 destruction of mankind. Yet this Irishman resolved to un- 
 dertake the business, though it seems he could not keep his 
 own secret. <= Stoupe went with this notice to Cromwell, who 
 happened then to be shut up with his council. Stoupe writ 
 him a note that he had a matter of great consequence to 
 communicate to him that did not admit of delays ; yet 
 Cromwell, fancying it was only a piece of news relating to 
 the foreign protestants, sent his secretary Thurloe to see 
 what it was. Stoupe shewed him his letter, but to his great 
 amazement Thurloe took little notice of it, and said such a 
 general story could lead them to no discovery ; the searching 
 of so great a street could not be managed secretly, and if 
 there were a guilty man in it he might make his escape, and 
 the Protector's enemies would say that he was either haunted 
 with needless fears and feigned plots to cover his designs. 
 And Thurloe made so little account of this that he did not 
 so much as speak of it to Cromwell. Stoupe was mortified 
 to see so little notice taken of his news, and spoke of it to 
 the earl of Leicester ", who was then of Cromwell's council and 
 hated Thurloe. Some weeks after this, Syndercomb (for 
 this was the Irishman's name) watched his opportunity and 
 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 78. " Ibid. 65. Ibid. 78. 
 
1656] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 230 (a)-23i (a) 239 
 
 had laid it so well,- that [he had very near succeeded in it ; 
 but *he being discovered^ so critically'], Cromwell considered 
 his preservation as a great stroke of Providence. ''When 
 Syndercomb was examined, it appeared he was the person 
 concerning whom Stoupe had received the advertisement ; so 
 that Leicester said this was the same man that had been 
 marked in Stoupe's letter. Cromwell was amazed to find that 
 Stoupe had given him no notice of this matter ; so he sent for 
 him and began to expostulate with him upon it. But when 
 Stoupe put him in mind of the note that he had writ him and of 
 his sending Thurloe to him, he was yet more surprised to find 
 that Thurloe had not said a word [/. 331 (a)] of it to himself, 
 tie sent for him in Stoupe's presence to see if he owned that 
 which Stoupe charged him with ; he confessed the matter was 
 true, but he did not think the matter of so much consequence. 
 Cromwell told him sternly enough that he ought to have 
 acquainted him with it ^ ; but added that he saw that adver- 
 tisements that related to his life were of no consequence. "^ So 
 Stoupe came away concluding that Thurloe was ruined °, and 
 that his credit with Cromwell would be greater than ever it 
 was ; but he found Macchiavel's reflection prove true in this 
 case, which is, that a man must be perfectly a good man or 
 perfectly a wicked man, and that many ill men spoil their 
 designs because they have some reserves of goodness which 
 restrained them from some ill actions which their other wicked 
 actions had rendered necessary. In this case "^ Cromwell had 
 trusted ^ this great secret concerning the kingship to ^ Thurloe, 
 So that it was not safe to disgrace him without murdering 
 him " • and therefore Cromwell, not being bad enough for that, 
 saw that it was necessary both to forgive and to employ 
 Thurloe. 'And Thurloe (re-established in his favour) made 
 it his business to lessen Stoupe so much in Cromwell's opinion, 
 that he told me he was never used by him after that as he 
 had been formerly K So that Stoupe found that a discovery 
 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 78. " lUd. ' Ibid. * Ibid. « Ibid. ' Ibid. 
 
 1 The passage in brackets (probably placed by the transcriber supra, be- 
 a marginal insertion) is erroneously tween ' Thurloe ' and ' Some weeks,' 
 
240 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1654-8 
 
 which he hoped would have raised his fortune extremely, 
 set him so far back that he was almost forgot ever after 
 this. 
 
 {Cromwell and the cavaliers^ 
 
 * Cromwell had found a way to corrupt him that had the 
 secret of all the king's correspondency in England, who was 
 one sir Richard Willis, that was particularly trusted by 
 Clarendon and had the management of all the consultations 
 that were among the royalists ^- The corruption was some- 
 what extraordinary, and deserves to be mentioned. Cromwell 
 had no mind to have any of their lives, but only to traverse 
 all their designs, so that they should be in no condition to do 
 him any hurt, and that they should fall in such jealousies one 
 of another that without any violent remedies all their counsels 
 should be defeated. '"Willis had assurances given him that 
 no hurt should be done to any of the party ; and upon this 
 he entered into a secret commerce with Thurloe "" ; so that the 
 royalists found that everything that they did or said was 
 discovered ; and when they were near the executing of any 
 project, "^some of the chief of them were put in prison, but 
 let out within a few days ". So that they suspected there were 
 [/. 231 (5)] some imperfect discoveries made, and this kept 
 them from suspecting Willis ; for they knew that he could 
 have made a more ample discovery. Thus Cromwell was 
 often putting them in prison and letting them out again, 
 which made those that did not know his secret aifairs con- 
 clude that these were the effects of his fear and his hearkening 
 after little whispers ^. 
 
 {Final reflections on Cromwell^ 
 
 Thus [?But] Cromwell saw that ''his bearing up the 
 honour of the nation '' and his supporting of the protestant 
 religion were so ° apt to give him the hearts of the English ", 
 
 » Cf. Hist. i. 65. ^ Ibid. ' Ibid. ^ Ibid. 80. " Ibid. 
 
 ' The reader will notice how greatly History, which continues the career 
 this anecdote is amplified in the of Willis after Cromwell's death. 
 
1654-8] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 231 (a)-232 (a) 241 
 
 that he reckoned that if he had but life enough before him 
 he must at last overcome all the opposition that was made 
 to him ; and in this appears the greatness of the English 
 nation (when it is in the hands of one that can manage it 
 right), that though Cromwell had the whole Scottish and 
 Irish nation[s] and both the royalists and the commonwealth's 
 men against him, yet he was clearly the master of the sea. 
 He beat the Dutch severely ; he was the umpire of the Baltic 
 Sea and * the terror of all the Mediterranean "" \ he made the 
 two great crowns court him by turns in a most abject manner, 
 and had the luck to die in the midst of all his success, when 
 •"he had brought his matters to an issue either of setting 
 himself on the throne or of losing all, by a general revolt.''; 
 so that since Caesar's days no man has appeared that had 
 the true genius of a wise usurper so much as he had. He 
 was very false, but he managed very artificially ; and in the 
 midst of all his exaltation, "when he was in private with 
 his old acquaintances he conversed with them in the old 
 familiarity, making them sit down and be covered by him, 
 reasoning with them in all the freedom of an equality ". He 
 had two notions that supported him against all the accusations 
 of conscience that returned oft upon him ; the one was * that 
 he that was once a child of God was always a child of God ; 
 so he reckoned that having been once in a state of grace, he 
 could not perish ^ ; and it appeared on many occasions, but 
 chiefly in his last sickness, that "no doctrine was so clear 
 [dear?] to him as that of the perseverance of the saints". 
 The other thing was that ' he thought in extraordinary cases 
 men were dispensed with, even from the laws of God, which 
 he thought were rules only [/! lofl («)] for ordinary cases ^. 
 By this he excused both the putting the king to death and 
 the falsifying his oaths in so many instances, and gave himself 
 a sort of quiet ; since the necessity of affairs and the public 
 good required that things should be done which could not 
 be justified in calmer times. Thus I have given a larger 
 
 - Cf. Hist. i. 81-2. ' Ibid. 70. " Ibid. 68. « Ibid. 67. 
 " Ibid. ' Ibid. 46, 79. 
 
242 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1621-87 
 
 character of Cromwell than I intended, but "having learnt 
 a great deal of his private concerns, not only from Stoupe but 
 from the earl[s] of Carlisle and Orrery", who were trusted 
 much by him, I thought this account of him might be no un- 
 pleasant entertainment to the reader. Yet notwithstanding 
 all his crimes he will make such a figure in history, that (since 
 none that I know of have yet given a true representation 
 of his spirit and designs) this must needs be very acceptable 
 to those who desire to know the truth of history ^- 
 
 {ReflecHons of the count of Dohna on European revolutions.] 
 
 And upon the great figure to which he raised England 
 all Europe over, and the low one to which the two lawful 
 kings that have come since have let it sink, I will here 
 set down a pleasant reflection that the old count of Dohna 
 (whom I knew at Geneva^) ma[d]e^ on the revolutions that 
 had fallen out in Europe in his time ; he having seen all the 
 states of Europe have their turns of being both very high 
 
 » Cf. Hist. i. 65. 
 
 ' This long excursus on the career 1649 to 1662. He was subsequently 
 
 ofCromwell(whichwas no doubt modi- employed in various private negotia- 
 
 fied after the publication of Clarendon's tions on behalf of his young kinsman 
 
 History in 1702) seems to have been William ; from i665 to 1668 he served 
 
 transferred to its present position in the state of Geneva, and from 1668 to 
 
 theZ/iito^^iby a late after- thought; see 1673 held diplomatic posts in Switzer- 
 
 Mr. Airy's note in his ed., vol. i. p. 3. land. From 1673 until his death in 
 
 ' Evidently ' Friedrich, Reichsburg- 1688 he lived in retirement, first at 
 
 graf und Graf zu Dohna aus dem the castle of Coppet, and during the 
 
 Hause Schlobitten' (born 1621, died last few months of his life at Lutry, 
 
 1688), whose memoirs, in French, near Lausanne. Bayle, who was at one 
 
 have been lately published by H. time tutor to his sons, speaks highly 
 
 Borkowski (1898). His mother having of the count ; and he seems in fact to 
 
 been a sister of Amelia de Solmes, have been a man of high character. 
 
 Princess of Orange, he was first good abilities, agreeable manners, and 
 
 cousin once removed to William HI ; extensive cultivation. The memoirs of 
 
 while his father, a Prussian nobleman, his son Christophe (envoy from Bran- 
 
 the chamberlain and faithful follower denburg to the court of St. James, 
 
 of the hapless Frederic of Bohemia 1698-1700), which contain frequent 
 
 (being compelled, on the final ruin of allusions to the father, are repeatedly 
 
 his master, to take refuge in Holland), quoted by Macaulay ; and a brother of 
 
 was eventually appointed Governor of the old count seems to have been at 
 
 the Principality- of Orange. To this one time the Swedish representative 
 
 charge, after a military apprenticeship at our court. 
 
 in the service of the States, Friedrich ^ TheMS.has'make'; 'Ihaveheard' 
 
 succeeded, and retained the post from may be supplied before ' the old count.' 
 
1621-87] Harl MSS. 6584, J". 232 (a)-232 (b) 243 
 
 and very low. When he was a child Spain and the house of 
 Austria were the terror of Europe, and since that time they 
 had sunk extremely ; and now again the emperor, who in 
 [16] 83 was upon the point of being utterly ruined (if Vienna 
 had been taken), is beginning to recover again. He saw France 
 in the minority of the present king very near a precipice ; 
 but it is now the terror of all its neighbours. He saw England 
 laid low during the wars, and recover its lustre in Cromwell's 
 time (which has been much eclipsed by the feebleness of the 
 late king and the bigotry of him that now reigns) ; the crown 
 of Sweden rise to such a degree [/. 233 (5)] that there is 
 nothing in story like it, and maintain^ its greatness long, and 
 the late king overrun the two neighbouring kingdoms of 
 Poland and Denmark ; and that crown was in the end of the 
 last war laid so low that it was reduced to its first contempti- 
 bleness. Denmark was so near being quite conquered that 
 every day the news of the taking of Copenhagen was expected, 
 which was only wanting to complete the conquest ; and since 
 that time the king of Denmark is become both hereditary 
 and absolute. The States of Holland, after they had held 
 the balance of Europe in their hands, were in [16] 7 a reduced 
 to those extremities that it looks like a dream that they have 
 got out of them. The Venetians were laid extreme low 
 by the wars of Candy, and begin now to grow very formid- 
 able ; and in fine the Turk, who had given a terrible blow 
 to the emperor twice in the distance of twenty years' time 
 (in [i6]6a and [16] 83), and who this last time had brought the 
 war to an end if the grand vizier had not strangely neglected 
 the advantages he had of coming almost to the ports of 
 Vienna, where they had no garrison but companies of burgesses 
 to defend the place (for if he had come on and pressed the 
 siege vigorously it could not have held a week, but his 
 feebleness gave them time to have troops sent in to them, 
 and he lingered so long thaf at last the king of Poland came 
 and raised the siege), has^ been followed ever since with 
 
 1 The transcript reads ' maintained.' ' We delete a superfluous • which.' 
 
 R 2 
 
244 
 
 Burnetts Original Memoirs 
 
 [1667 
 
 such a constant series of misfortunes, that nothing preserves 
 the Ottoman family but the weakness of those who attack it ; 
 for a vigorous enemy would put an end to it. He had also 
 seen Portugal recover and be again on the point of being 
 conquered by the Spaniards, 
 
 \Strange story of the Portugtiese coteri^.J 
 
 And this causes me to tell a curious passage relating to 
 the revolution that happened then when the late king was 
 engaged in prison and the present king had both the crown 
 and the queen ^, which I had from Mr. [/. 2^^ {aj] de Schom- 
 berg. He being then general of the army and having gained 
 so much credit by his success against the Spaniards, the 
 queen sent her confessor to him to open her secret to him ; 
 for she was then very ill treated by the king that was 
 governed by the marquess of Castelmelhor, who has lived 
 since that time in England ; and the king had really fits of 
 
 ' The extraordinary story here 
 told is also given on pp. 78-81 of 
 the anonymous Account of the Comi 
 of Portugal, published in 1700 and 
 ascribed to Dr. John Colbatch, who 
 had been chaplain to the British factory 
 at Lisbon, and in that capacity had 
 corresponded with Burnet (Brit. Mus. 
 Add. MSS. 22908, ff. 14, 25) ; but was 
 at the period when the book appeared 
 tutor to Burnet's son, at Trinity Col- 
 lege, Cambridge {ibid. ff. 33, 43, 45, 
 47, and Autobiography, infra, f. 217% 
 As the writer of the Account maintains 
 that he is assured the substance of the 
 anecdote ' came from the late duke of 
 Schomberg's own mouth,' it is presum- 
 able that he derived it through Burnet, 
 which explains its omission from the 
 History, 
 
 ' For this consult, beside the work 
 mentioned in the preceding note, 
 The Portugal History, 1677, ascribed 
 to S[amuel?] P[epys?], and the con- 
 temporary letters of Sir Robert South- 
 well (published in 1740 as an appendix 
 to [Carte's] History of the Revohitions 
 of Portugal) , which are curiously in- 
 teresting. The facts of the case are. 
 that Dom Alfonzo VI (brother of 
 
 Catherine of Braganza, queen of 
 Charles 11 of England), who was born 
 Aug. ai, 1643, and succeeded Nov. 6, 
 1656, married, in Aug., i666, Marie 
 Franfoise Elisabeth de Savoie : a few 
 months later (Nov. 23, 1667) he was 
 deposed ; his brother, the infante, was 
 declared Prince Regent ; on March 24 
 following the queen obtained a decree 
 of nullity of marriage from the chapter 
 of Lisbon ; and a few days later, under 
 a legate's dispensation previously ob- 
 tained, she contracted a marriage with 
 the Regent, which was confirmed by 
 a papal dispensation of Dec. 10, 1668. 
 The deposed king, who was at first 
 confined in the Azores, died in the 
 castle of Cintra fifteen years later, 
 Dec. II, 1683. The author of the 
 Account, who is very severe upon the 
 queen, regards the whole transaction 
 and the evidence brought to invalidate 
 the marriage as the figments of political 
 ambition ; Southwell supposes that the 
 original motive was political, but that 
 tfie infante eventually fell in love with 
 the queen : it is clear, however, that 
 Alfonzo was eccentric to the verge 
 of madness, if not beyond it. 
 
1667] Harl MSS. 6584, ^ 232 (6) -233 (b) 245 
 
 madness, and being impotent, he was set on by his ministers 
 to force the queen to admit of another man, by whom she 
 might have children; and upon many other occasions his 
 madness shewed itself very evidently. Schomberg saw there 
 was reason enough to resolve on removing the king from the 
 government, and he went to the army to dispose them to 
 concur in the design. The queen sent one with him, by whom 
 he writ her a plain account of what he had done, and of the 
 posture in which the army was ; this letter was brought her 
 just as she was going into her bed, so she, that lay then 
 alone, would not trust the letter to those who laid her to bed, 
 but put it under her pillow. The next morning, when she 
 was called on to go to mass, the king being already gone to 
 it, she rose in so much haste that she forgot her letters. 
 The king's mass was almost done before she got to chapel, 
 and he went from it into her apartment. She quickly called 
 to mind what an error she had committed and sent her con- 
 fessor to her bedchamber to fetch her letters, but the king 
 was in it, and seemed to be in such a rage that the confessor 
 durst not go in, but believed he had discovered all. The 
 queen sent a lady of her bedchamber, who was likewise upon 
 the secret ; but though she went in she durst not go near 
 the bed, for the king lay upon it. This was dreadful to the 
 queen, for if the king had found the letters she and all her 
 party must have expected to be presently discovered. So 
 she did not know what course to take ; she could not decently 
 leave the mass till it was done [/. 233 (i^)], and in that while 
 the king might even by chance find the letter though he 
 sought not after it. The father confessor advised her to fall 
 as it were into a sounding [sic] fit, since that was the only 
 pretence that could excuse her leaving the mass before it was 
 quite done. This was very easy for her to counterfeit, since 
 the concern in which she was put her very near it. So she 
 seemed to fall down along upon the ground, and was taken 
 up in haste, and carried to her bedchamber, at which the king 
 started up. She lay down and quickly felt for her letters and 
 found they were still there, by which she got out of her fit ; 
 
246 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1663-4 
 
 and as the king had not looked after them, so it was his 
 coming into the bedchamber that kept them from being 
 discovered, since if he had not come in, her bed had been 
 put in order, as it used to be when she went to mass, and 
 so the secret had been discovered. Things of this kind 
 ought to be put in history, because they tend to make people 
 wise and cautious. 
 
 [ The intrigue of the Spanish letter?^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 302-3. 
 
 Begin ' And the offering [? aflBnity] of the matter makes me set down another 
 secret of the French court which 1 had from Stoupe [cf. Hist. i. 301}. It is 
 ordinary for all persons to tear off the outward cover of letters, and to 
 let them fall carelessly about them,' and then proceed from 'Count de Guiche 
 watched,' dr=c. 
 
 Om. ' by the Spanish ambassador.' 
 
 Om. ' they sent to Holland.' 
 
 For ' in such an affront . . . king ' read ' in suffering the king to live as he 
 did. His amours with La Valliere were mentioned ; and many sharp reflections 
 on the king's person were mixed in the letter.' 
 
 For ' The lady suspected . .. ahont it ' read ' The lady, apprehending there was 
 an intrigue in this matter, in which she was to be the tool, carried the letter to 
 the king.' 
 
 For ' saw he was ... So the king ' read ' was questioned, but shewed evidently 
 that he had been abused in it, as well as the king was. This [/ 234 (a)] vexed 
 the king out of measure, so he took all the methods he could think on to dis- 
 cover the secret of this matter ; the number of those who could write Spanish 
 was not great ; so the marquis des Vardes (that was then a favourite) being 
 one that could do it [cf. Hist. i. 302, siipral, the king,' &^c. 
 
 After ' put on him ' read ' He was indeed upon the secret ' and revert to be- 
 ginning of ■p. 302 ; and for ' The king . . . graceful person ' read ' For as the king had 
 abandoned the countess of Soissons when he took to La Valliere, so she had 
 entered into an intrigue with Des Vardes ; [and] she, being set on revenge ', 
 had joined with the count de Guiche, who acted likewise in complacency with 
 the duchess of Orleans ; to whom likewise the king, in the beginning of his 
 amour with La Valliere, who was then about her, seemed to make love ; though, 
 as it proved afterwards, it was only a blind to hide the other ; and she took 
 this so ill, that she likewise vowed a revenge.' 
 
 Om. 'When the treaty . . . weak a woman she was,' and proceed from 'The 
 ladies now rejoiced, ' for from here to the end of the story reading only, ' So the secret 
 lying amongst those two ladies and their two gallants, the king could not find 
 it out ; but the duchess of Orleans came to like Des Vardes ; and because 
 he did not answer her invitations, but pretended a fidelity to madame de 
 Soissons, she in revenge discovered all to the king.' 
 
 The transcript places the ' and ' after ' revenge.' 
 
1685-6] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 233 (6)-234 (a) 247 
 
 [Burnet's travels j his rejections on the religiotis state of Europe.} 
 
 I will say nothing more of the "ramble that I made over 
 Italy", having writ a book ^ upon it with all possible freedom 
 and sincerity, and having since that time put several things 
 that were too mean ^ to be owned by. me in some other 
 letters ^ concerning the present state of Italy, which I have 
 not owned, but which I writ out of the memoirs that 
 Mr. Sidney* and Dr. Hutton^ brought me out of Italy, in 
 which I mixed several things that I had found out myself, 
 I shall only add one thing here, which has given me many 
 sad thoughts. '' I have seen now the greatest part of all the 
 reformed churches. I saw those of France in their best state, 
 that is when they were looking for this sad storm that has 
 scattered them up and down the world. I came and stayed 
 at Geneva, where the miseries of the refugees that were 
 coming thither every day out of France and the apprehen- 
 " /f«/. i. 661-2, 686. ^ Ibid. 686, 
 
 ' The well-known Letters (to Mr. 
 Boyle), published in 1686 and frequent- 
 ly reprinted under the title Travels. 
 
 ' We should perhaps read ' main.' 
 It was the significance, not the insigni- 
 ficance of the subjects in question 
 (Quietism, the Inquisition, and the 
 politics of Italy), which made Burnet, 
 whose avowed Travels had excited suf- 
 ficient irritation at the English court 
 (Hist. i. 726), afraid of handling them. 
 Johnson gives ' important' as the final 
 synonym of main ' ; and quotes Milton, 
 ' so main to our success.' 
 
 ^ These are the anonymous ' Three 
 Letters concerning the present state of 
 Italy ,written in the year 1687. I. Relat- 
 ing to the affair of Molinos and the 
 Quietists. II. Relating to the Inquisi- 
 tion and the state of Religion. III. Re- 
 lating to the policy and interests of 
 some of the States of Italy. Being a 
 supplement to Dr. Burnet's letters. 
 Printed in the year 1688.' There are 
 said to have been two English editions 
 in 1688, and in the same year a 
 translation was appended to a German 
 version of the acknowledged letters ; 
 while in 1689 they were republished, 
 
 togetherwith the acknowledged letters 
 and some other short pieces, in a two- 
 volume English publication entitled/))-. 
 Burnet's Tracts. They are not however 
 included in most editions of the ac- 
 knowledged letters, though it is pro- 
 bable they have been generally as- 
 cribed to hini. With the object no 
 doubt of diverting suspicion, Burnet 
 assumes in them the character of a 
 layman, who describes Dr. Burnet's as 
 a ' better pen ' than his own. 
 
 * Henry Sidney, afterwards earl of 
 Romney, \yho spent the early part of 
 James II's reign in Italy. 
 
 ° John Hutton, a Scotch herd-boy, 
 graduated M.D. at Padua. Chancing 
 to be in Holland, and at hand when 
 the Princess of Orange had a fall 
 from her horse, he obtained the favour 
 of William, who on coming to the 
 crown made him his first physician. 
 Hutton seems to have subsequently 
 accompanied the kingon his campaigns, 
 and gave Burnet some account of 
 William's behaviour at the Boyne 
 (//ts/. ii. 59-60). Anne continued him 
 in his post, and he died in 1712 {Did. 
 Nat. Biog.). 
 
248 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1686-7 
 
 sions in which they themselves were [of] ^ falling under that 
 tyranny* should have awakened them in a signal manner. 
 ''I from that went over Switzerland, which except Basel is 
 not [/. 334 {b')\ indeed in such danger as Geneva is, yet had 
 still the dismal calamity of the French before their eyes, and 
 Basel is every day in danger of being swallowed up. After 
 that I saw those of Strasburg begin already to feel the storm '' 
 which [is ?] gathering, which will very probably break out 
 quickly ; " those of the palatinate see themselves also reduced 
 t© great dangers, and brought under a very bigoted family •=; 
 and from thence I am now come into ^ Holland, wh[ich] ^ 
 having so lately come out of so great a danger of losing both 
 their religion and liberty, ° so that one should have expected 
 to have found among them, at least at such a time (in which 
 the- whole protestant religion run[s ?] such a risk), a more 
 extraordinary spirit of piety and devotion. There has indeed 
 appeared a very high degree of charity towards the French 
 that have left their country ° ; and there is a great deal of 
 angry zeal against popery ; but among those with whom 
 I have conversed, I must confess with great regret that 
 I have not found a spirit thriving that either agrees with 
 the name of the reformed churches or with the present 
 gloomy times ; few are repenting of their sins and forsaking 
 them ; even public and scandalous vices are not corrected, 
 and [in ?] most places are not so much as covered, but are 
 acted with a bare face and a high hand. Few seem very 
 sensible of that laziness that is upon people's spirits in the 
 concerns of religion ; few are setting themselves by a sublime 
 piety and a shining conversation to recover the credit and 
 beauty of our religion, which is so much darkened, or to 
 engage God to be again of our side, whom we have highly 
 dishonoured ; and churchmen seem more generally concerned 
 to engage men to espouse their interests, as they are a party, 
 
 » Cf. Hist. i. 686. »> Ibid. <= Ibid. d Ibid. » Ibid. 687. 
 
 • Omitted by the transcriber ; ' a' is erroneously inserted in a later hand. 
 ^ The transcriber wrote ' who.' 
 
1686-7] HarL MSS. 6584, ff. 234 (a)-235 (a) 249 
 
 than either to reform themselves or the flocks committed 
 to their charge. * Sermons are for the most part dry and 
 dull things ", and rather essays of wit, eloquence, and learning, 
 than divine instructions and exhortations. They have lost 
 both the beauty of a primitive simplicity and the overcoming 
 force of true preaching ; and though '' matters in England 
 have taken a different quality ^ from that in which I left them, 
 yet I do not hear " that there is any great change wrought 
 as to the religious part, or that men grow better Christians^ 
 though they are more steady [/. 235 («)] protestants than 
 I fancied they would have been. ^ These things affect me 
 very sensibly, and make me often conclude that for as 
 melancholy as the outward state of the protestant religion 
 is at present, the inward symptoms are yet much worse* and 
 more desperate ; and [though ?] the prospect of the exalta- 
 tion of [the] prince and princess of Orange is very promising, 
 yet the depraved state of the protestant churches, especially 
 of the clergy, makes me fear after all that we are not yet ripe 
 for a deliverance. * The Lutherans in Germany are as averse 
 as ever to all sort of reconciliation with the Calvinists, ' and 
 the clergy of Holland are as rigid as they, in all their little 
 opinions, and as apt to quarrel about them, and are now 
 broken all into factions, ^ and upon the smallest occasions are 
 falling into most intemperate heats « ; and that which is yet 
 the most astonishing part of all this sad scene, is that '' the 
 French, who have forsaken their country to the hazard of the 
 severest punishments, who have abandoned their estates and 
 left that which was dearer, their children, behind them, many 
 of them having suffered much hardship, that these, I say, are 
 much less affected with all this than ought to be exp[ect]ed ^. 
 Their ministers preach as coldly as ever, and though one is 
 bound in charity to believe that they have made this sacrifice 
 of all that was dear to them out of a good principle ^ yet by 
 
 » Ct Hist. i. 687. ^ Ibid, infra. <' Ibid. 688. ^ Ibid. 687. « Ibid, 
 
 supra. ' Ibid, infra. s Ibid, supra. •> Ibid. 
 
 ' The transcriber has written ' expressed.' 
 
250 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1686-7 
 
 seeing and conversing with the greatest part of them one is 
 not much edified, though I must add, I know many very 
 extraordinary persons among them, which act upon the best 
 motives, and are indeed great examples. While I reflect on 
 all these things, I do not know what to think ; how strange 
 a matter is it, while we are very hot in disputing about some 
 controverted points, we as it were all agree to neglect the 
 great and uncontroverted duties of true holiness and a sublime 
 morality ; but if one wonder drives out another. I give myself 
 a little ease from the pain which these melancholy thoughts 
 raise in me by considering that it was so at all times. In the 
 very days of the apostles what strange corruptions both in 
 doctrine and morality were breaking in upon the churches 
 (which appears from all the epistles, and more evidently from 
 those short ones that are in the beginning of the Revelations) ; 
 in all which it appears that man is (and has been at all times) 
 a strange, foolish, and mad creature, and that the providence 
 of God and the conduct of the world are the greatest of all 
 mysteries. 
 
 [Burnet's reception at the Hague.'] 
 
 ^At my [/. 335 (^)] coming to Holland I found that the 
 prince and princess of Orange were so favourably disposed ^ 
 towards me that they suffered me to speak freely to them 
 of our affairs =* ; so that for some [time ^] •• I had a free access 
 to them ''. I knew what would become of this ; for "= the king 
 began quickly to express his displeasure " at the credit which 
 he apprehended that I might have with them ; though I am 
 perhaps one of the clergymen in the world that am most 
 against all severity on the account of religion ; and ^ I studied 
 to encourage the prince and princess in their resolutions of 
 consenting to liberty of conscience '^ with all possible zeal. Yet 
 the king, who is vehement in everything that he once under- 
 takes, " continued by frequent repeated instances to press my 
 
 » Bist. i. 688. ' Ibid. 691. >= Ibid. 692. ■> Ibid. 691. "> Ibid. 708. 
 
 1 The Life, following the Autobio- of Lord Halifax and Lady Russell, 
 graphy, ascribes this to the influence ^ Inserted ; qu. by the writer of f. a ? 
 
1687] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 235 (a) -236 {a) 251 
 
 being forbid their presence ; and in both his letters which the 
 prince[ss ?] ^ hath showed me, » and in his discourse of me, he 
 seemed to forget his own greatness *, and spake and writ of 
 me in a style that had more of anger and ill-nature than 
 of modesty in it. He gained his point, and '' I went no more 
 to court, " But, after that, the book I writ concerning Italy 
 appeared, in which my chief design was to lay open the 
 misery of those who lived under absolute government and 
 a devouring superstition ; there were many passages in it that 
 offended the court highly. Next after that some papers 
 appeared against the abolishing the test, and upon the 
 declarations for liberty of conscience both in England and 
 Scotland ^. These took so much with the nation, that the 
 king believed they crossed his designs ; he suspected me to 
 be the author, as I was indeed, though he could never find 
 proofs of it. This sharpened a displeasure which was already 
 quick enough ; but he understanding that I was like to have 
 one of the best matches in the Hague'' (and a person ^ that was 
 originally descended from a Scotch family, and that had in 
 her all the qualities that I could have proposed to myself 
 in a wife, besides a very fair estate), *he thought to have 
 broke this by accusing me of high treason for having had 
 a correspondence with Argyll, and for having conversed with 
 some that were condemned of high treason. The truth was, 
 the king writ himself to Scotland ordering his advocate to 
 prosecute me ^ ; and his advocate having no matter against me, 
 threw together such things as he could fancy might be true. 
 " I had the news of this from Scotland before the king's envoy 
 had it ^ ; and it came to me just the night before I was to 
 be [/. 'i-'i'^ («)] contracted ; so Mr. Halewyn proposed an 
 
 ■ Hist. i. 726. " Ibid. 708. = Ibid. 726. <• lUd. " Ibid. 
 
 ' Mr. Flexman's list, appended to children, see Autobiography, infra, f. 
 
 Hist. ed. 1833, vi. 357, enumerates six 210 ; infra, App. II (Meditation by 
 
 such pamphlets. See also the Collection Burnet on his wedding-day, May 25 , 
 
 of Eighteen Papers ... by Gilbert 1687) ; infra, App. III. ; Life of the 
 
 Burnet D.D., 1689. Bishop, by her son Thomas (appended 
 
 2 For Mary Scott, second wife of to Hist, ix), p. 695 ; art. Diet. Nat. 
 
 Burnet and mother of all his surviving Biog. 
 
252 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1687 
 
 expedient, of which the prince approved, which was that th6 
 next morning I should * petition the States of Holla'nd to 
 be naturalized. This was so reasonable, and seemed to be 
 so much of a piece with my contract that was to be signed 
 in the afternoon, that it passed without opposition ; for it 
 was not known that there was any other design in it ; and by 
 this means I came under the protection of the States. But 
 I studied to soften the court, and writ several letters to the 
 earl of Middleton in my own justification. I showed that 
 all the matters that were laid against me were notoriously 
 false in all the branches of it \sic\, which appeared so plainly 
 that the court let fall the pursuit. But because in my first 
 ktter I had writ that by my naturalization my allegiance 
 in these provinces translated me from his majesty to the 
 States, and because I added that if a sentence should pass 
 against me I should be forced to justify myself and give 
 an account of that share which I had in affairs these twenty 
 years past, in which I might be led to mention some things 
 that I was afraid might displease the king, upon this the court 
 ordered a citation "^ ; though it seemed strange to see the king, 
 who had naturalized so many strangers, make a crime of my 
 saying that I was at present become a subject to the States ; 
 and it was also absurd to say that I threatened the king, in 
 saying that I would be forced to write a history in my own 
 justification. Yet this being more specious than the matter 
 laid against me in the first citation, '' the court has still kept 
 up this against me, but has delayed proceeding to a sentence 
 now for several months '', to see if the terror of it would bring 
 me to make submission. And to frighten me the more, "^ the 
 English envoy has talked with several of his spies of a design 
 he had to carry me away, though the methods that he pro- 
 posed were so ridiculous, and he opened it to so many 
 persons, that all came to my knowledge ; from which I must 
 conclude that he either spoke of it to frighten me ", or that 
 he is one of the unfittest men in the world to manage such 
 a design. I have taken my own way, and ^ have not entered 
 
 » Cf. Hist. i. 726-7. " Ibid. 727. = Ibid. ^ Ibid. 
 
1687] Harl MSS. 6sH, ff- 236 (a) -237 (a) 253 
 
 into any state of treaty, though my friends in London have 
 writ me word that several overtures have been made to 
 reconcile me to the court ; but since I have not hearkened 
 to any of them, I hear now sentence is passed ; and whether 
 [/. 236 {b)'\ upon this any of the brutal Irish that are here 
 in the service will endeavour to merit at the king's hands 
 by destroying me \ I do not know, nor am I much concerned* ; 
 for I am weary of life and of the world. So all my apprehen- 
 sions are that they may make an attempt upon me, that 
 shall go only half way, and of all the things in the world 
 an operation of surgery is that which I apprehend the most ; 
 but for this and all that relates to myself, ^ I resign myself 
 up entirely to that providence that has hitherto watched over 
 me with such an indulgent care, that what my enemies have 
 designed against me '', as the greatest mischief they could do 
 me by driving me out of England, ° has produced the happiest 
 alteration " in the course of my life that could have befallen me, 
 and that which gives me the perfectest quiet and content^. 
 But now I return to the secrets of public affairs. 
 
 [The Scotch declaration of indtelgence^ 
 
 [Cf. Hist. i. 712 {from ' He sent a proclamation ' to p. 714, ' cold and general 
 words'). 
 
 For 'in February ' read ' in the beginning of the year [i6]87.' 
 
 Om. ' This was published . . . England.' 
 
 After 'The king' inseri 'who is bound to maintain the laws.' 
 
 For ' not only . . . authority ' read only [of] claim[ing] a power superior 
 to the laws.' 
 
 After ' sacred ' add ' [so] that though many princes have in effect claimed this 
 power, yet none that I know [/. 237 (fl)] of have ever declared so much in 
 plain words.' 
 
 After ' rested in him ' add ' but as this is the only precedent that I could 
 » Cf. Hist. i. 727. " Ibid. ' Ibid. 
 
 ' See Luttrell, i. 433, 434, March, States had offered i'loo for the appre- 
 
 1687-8 • Portland MSS. (H. M. C), iii. hension of the three ruffians concerned, 
 
 40'; for'areport (in March, 1687-8) that and that Burnet was given a guard of 
 
 an attack had been made upon a Scotch soldiers. The report can hardly have 
 
 gentleman (identified with Sir Robert been true, or Burnet would surely 
 
 Hamilton) who had been severely have mentioned it m his subsequent 
 
 wounded coming out of Burnet's narrative. 
 
 house • that it was supposed the assault " He alludes of course to his second 
 
 had been intended for Burnet; that the marriage. 
 
254 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1686-7 
 
 ever find of kings pretending to absolute power in any legal government (of which 
 our court will have no reason to boast much).' 
 
 For 'The requiring ' read ' Yet our court carried the matter much further by 
 requiring ' ; and after ' this ' add ' absolute power ; which.' 
 
 Om. ' (as indeed [that it seemed] "... jealousies).' 
 
 Ont. ' to set up conventicles . . . way.' 
 
 [/ 237 (6)] For ' addresses ' read ' an address.' 
 
 For ' they answered . . . words ' read only ' they could not prevail so far 
 with them.' 
 
 [A parliament in Scotland.^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 679 (' In summer . . . prevail on a majority') and 680-1. 
 
 For ' In summer . . , parliament had been ' read ' There had been a trial made 
 of a sessions of parliament in summer [ i6]86, to which the earl of Murray was sent 
 down commissioner.' 
 
 Om. ' and tests . . . religion. ' 
 
 After ' methods ' insert ' both of fear and hope.' 
 
 After ' majority ' add ' But Murray was too weak a man to manage such a 
 matter ' ; and om. entirely from p. 679 (' But two accidents ') to p. 680 ('who had 
 it from the earl himself), and begin again at ' When the session ' (p. 680) and go 
 on to end of paragraph. 
 
 Om. 'he promised.' 
 
 Om. ' and so did the bishop of Galloway.' 
 
 Om. ' were silent but ' ; and after ' laws ' add ' but only one or two had the 
 courage to speak for them.' 
 
 For ' meanness ' read ' poorness,' and for ' of the other members ' read ' the 
 meanness of the commissioners for the burghs.' 
 
 After ' maintained ^ for ' yet ' read ' It went otherwise for.' 
 
 After 'from the king' add 'without any reason assigned'; and om. 'And 
 Paterson . . . Dunkeld.' 
 
 [Rejections on the foregoing ; state of Ireland^ 
 Upon this * the nation, that was become extremely corrupt, 
 and both ignorant and insensible as to the matters of religion, 
 began to recover its old hatred against popery ^ And though 
 some ^ few '' of the ruined nobility '' have changed their religion '' 
 in hopes of favour from the court, yet popery is not like to make 
 any great progression in Scotland. "^ It is true the episcopal 
 clergy there is so rank, that as they are not .able to [/. 238 («)] 
 animate the nation much ", so few of them have the zeal or the 
 courage that is necessary for it. But, on the other hand, ^ the 
 Presbyterians maintain their rooted aversion to popery to so 
 high a degree, that the court has no great reason to depend 
 
 " //('.s/. i, 681. ^ Ibid. 'Ibid. •^ Ibid. 
 
 ' The second reading is that of Routh's Burnet's James II. 
 
1637] Harh MSS. 6584, ff. 237 (a)-238 (a) 255 
 
 upon them * ; and it is not understood whether the king will 
 go on to maintain their liberty that he has granted by his 
 absolute power, or whether he will try another parliament. 
 Yet Scotland is considered as an accessory to England, 
 which will follow his [? her] fortune ; ^ but Ireland is in a much 
 more dangerous condition ; for the lord deputy goes on in 
 his brutal way*", and now matters are there going on fast to 
 a crisis ; since the sheriffs, being generally Irish papists, have 
 now begun in several countries to turn the English out of 
 possession of their estates, which they hold by virtue of the 
 act of settlement, and repossess the Irish; this is already 
 done in a great many countries, and according to the success 
 they find in these small attempts, they may probably go on 
 to act more boldly. Yet the king continues to say that he 
 will maintain the settlement of Ireland, just as he says he will 
 maintain the church of England, at the same time that he 
 is doing all he can to destroy it. "= The English papists are 
 sensible enough of Tyrconnell's brutality ", and they thought 
 to have got him to be recalled, and Powis was to go in his 
 stead ; of which he thought himself so sure, that he owned 
 it to a friend of mine that he was to go thither ; but this was 
 eight months ago. Tyrconnell has, it seems, so established 
 himself in the king's confidence that there is no appearance of 
 a change. 
 
 \The king and the English dissenters; characters of D'Albeville 
 and Skeltoni] 
 
 But for the affairs of England, the king finding the church 
 of England so firm that he had small hopes of prevailing on 
 them, and [? he] resolved next to change his course, and to 
 try what he could expect from the dissenters. He sent over 
 ■* Mr. D'Albeville, or rather one Mr. White, an Irish papist, 
 who had been for many years a spy ■* in the court of England. 
 He began the trade in Cromwell's days, whose spy he was, 
 as Stoupe told me; after that he was ''employed by the 
 Spaniards, by whose means he had obtained that empty 
 
 • Hist. i. 681. '' Ibid. " Ibid. 682. <! Ibid. 707, 708. ■> Ibid. 
 
256 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1687 
 
 title of marquess ^ He served also to the States in the same 
 quality, but it was believed that "he was corrupted [/. 238 {b)'\ 
 by the French " to give them false intelligence. '' Mr. Skelton 
 was envoy before'' ; and if a judgement is to be made of men 
 by their employments through which they pass, one should 
 conceive a very high opinion of him, for he has been now 
 many years in foreign negotiations. He was first sent to 
 Vienna to dispose the emperor to a peace to be made at 
 Nimeguen ; then he was sent to reside in Hamburgh and 
 to negotiate the affairs of the North ; after that he was 
 brought to Holland, and he is now in Savoy, ° and in France ". 
 And yet after all this ^ he is a very weak ^ and passionate 
 man, who neither understands the conduct of affairs, nor can 
 govern his tongue with any sort of temper ; for as his passion 
 carries him to fly out on all occasions, so his vanity is so little 
 governed that '^ he discovers all sorts of secrets ", even when he 
 can have no other design in it but to let it appear that he 
 knows them. ^ He had committed so many errors in Holland, 
 and had given ^ the prince of Orange ^ such particular reasons of 
 being displeased at him, that D'Albeville was sent in his room ^ ; 
 who had a sort of fawning and smooth [way] with him ^, and 
 who had made this his chief maxim, to say to every man that 
 which he thinks will please him ; but he doth this so coarsely 
 that he is soon discovered. He has all the boldness that he 
 thinks necessary to get through in lying and dissembling. 
 8 He assured the States that the king was firmly resolved to 
 maintain his alliance with them, and that his naval provisions 
 had no relation to them, but were only intended to preserve 
 the peace of Europe ; and he seemed troubled to find the 
 States so possessed with the apprehensions of those prepara- 
 tions that they had already^ ordered Mr. Dyckveldt to go over ^ 
 and observe the king's motion. ' This he endeavoured all he 
 could to divert, for Dyckveldt was not yet gone. ^ It was but in 
 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 708.- ^ Ibid. 623, 707. « Ibid. iai. •^ Ibid, 623. « Ibid. 
 624. ' Ibid. 707. e Ihid. 709. 1" Ibid. 708. ■ Ibid. 709. ^ Ibid. 708, 
 
 ^ The transcript reads ' fawning and smoothing with him.' 
 
1687] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 238 (a)_24o (a) 257 
 
 vain, for *the prince had a particular design in sending him 
 over, which was to speak freely to the king ", and to engage 
 the king to speak freely likewise^. 
 
 [D'AIievilh's negotiation with, the prince and princess; 
 Dyckveldt's rejtort.l 
 
 Cf. Hisi. i. 709 (fyom 'In his secret negotiations' to p. 711, 'brought to 
 hearken to them ') . 
 
 Om. ' secret ' ; and after ' assurances ' add ' in the king's name.' 
 
 [/. 239 (a)] After ' crown ' add ' and to make it more absolute.' 
 
 For ' who had served . . . conscience ' read ' and of whose loyalty and fidelity 
 he was well assured; but he added, that the king was [aI]so resolved to 
 maintain the establishment of the church of England, and never to use any 
 violence in matters of conscience.' 
 
 For ' and that he spoke ' read ' and not only spoke ' ; after ' bigot ' add ' that 
 had lost his reason and ' ; and for ' whereas . . . maxims, and therefore he ' 
 read 'but he had.' 
 
 After ' relief ' add ' 'Tis true in this he shewed his concern for the order of 
 the Jesuits ; for he said P. de la Chaise,' &c. as above. 
 
 After ' subjects ' add ' when he went over ; to whom he gave a good recep- 
 tion and to whom he spake very freely, and for the most part calmly, of all those 
 matters. He was very earnest to gain the princess's consent.' 
 
 For 'At that time ' read ' And when D'Albeville came over.' 
 
 After ' assurances ' add ' in his name.' 
 
 For ' But the king had reckoned . . . put off' read ' This was founded on the 
 easiness of some members who gave the king secret assurances ; but as the king 
 went on trying the temper of more members he found he could not come within 
 a great way [/. 239 (fi)] of the majority of either [of the] houses, so he 
 dissolved the parliament.' 
 
 After ' reasonable '/o>- ' to let papists in to sit' read ' to [take] away the tests 
 by which papists might come into.' 
 
 For ' of some . . . particular' read only ' of the men of that religion.' 
 
 y^fe>- ' jealousy ' add ' for the time to come.' 
 
 Om. ' it appeared . . . desired.' 
 
 For ' in so tender ... ill from them ' read only ' in matters of religion, so that 
 his throwing them off upon that account.' 
 
 For ' the king . . . improve the ' read ' They were sorry to see the king 
 neglect the great ' ; and for ' might be . . . and great' read ' of being happy.' 
 
 Om. ' best, and now the only.' 
 
 After ' true ' add ' they were extreme sorry to see the king involve himself in 
 designs in which he was like to meet with great difficulties at home, and in 
 which [f. 240 («)] the[y] could not at all concur with him.' 
 
 For 'of their answers . . . D'Albeville ' read ' of all that was said in that 
 
 matter.' 
 
 " Cf. Hist. I. 708. 
 
 1 The reader will observe that there errand to the opposition, mentioned in 
 is here no mention of Dyckveldt's the History, i. 708-9. 
 
 S 
 
 FOXCROFT 
 
258 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1687 
 
 For ' he found , . . resolution ' read ' he never found anything like good 
 reasoning, but only a stiff firmness.' 
 
 After ' He said ' add ' often.' 
 
 For ' so the king saw . . . Sunderland ' read only ' since that might look 
 like a reproaching of the king. Upon this Dyckveldt, that gave me an account 
 of all that negotiation, told me that Sunderland ' ; afler ' prince ' add ' and 
 princess ' ; and after ' concur with the king ' add ' in the matter of the tests ; 
 that he should have the chief stroke in all affairs.' 
 
 For ' And they engaged . . . settled ' read ' And some carried this so far as to 
 offer that.' 
 
 \Pyckveldt and the English opposition.] 
 
 " Dyckveldt came at this time to enter into great confidences 
 with many in England ^ ; and he gave them righter impressions 
 of the prince, * for many were possessed with hard thoughts 
 of him, as though he had arbitrary notions of government '', 
 and these [/. 240 {b)] reports were studiously enforced into 
 the minds of the country party by the papists, who seemed 
 generally to wish for a commonwealth rather than see the 
 prince upon the throne. 
 
 [The Liege letter.} 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 71 1-2. 
 
 For 'great discovery' read 'pretty discovery.' 
 
 For ' by the Jesuits ' read ' by the indiscretion of the Jesuits.' 
 
 For ' in Switzerland ' read ' in Alsatia.' 
 
 After the second ' to kiss his hand ' read ' which was indeed a high strain 
 of bigotry.' 
 
 Om. ' The Jesuits at Fribourg . . . Geneva and Switzerland.' 
 
 For ' One of those . . . named the Liege letter ' read ' Dyckveldt mentioned 
 this letter to the king to convince him that the priests would not be contented 
 with liberty.' 
 
 Om. 'made to make . . . odious.' 
 
 Om. ' Dyckveldt thought.' 
 
 [Origin of the Fagel-Stewart correspondence.} 
 
 "But because the court of England might have misrepre- 
 sented the prince's thoughts in this matter [/. 241 {a)\ either 
 to other popish princes with whom he was united in the 
 common concerns of Europe or to the English nation, the 
 prince laid hold of an opportunity that was offered him by 
 ■^some letters that were writ to Mr. Fagel by one Stewart, 
 an advocate of great esteem of the Scottish nation, who had 
 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 712. ■> Ibid. 709. « Ibid. 732. iS Ibid. 731-2. 
 
168?] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 240 (a)-24i {U) 259 
 
 been engaged in Argyll's business, and was now invited out 
 of Holland, where he had stayed for some years, and had got 
 into some degrees of confidence with the pensioner". The 
 court thought that he might be of great use to them in 
 disposing the presbyterians in Scotland to concur with the 
 king in taking off the penal laws. ''He spake with the prince 
 before he left Holland, and gave him very positive assurances 
 of his fidelity to the common interest of religion. Yet when 
 he came to the court, the king possessed him with such an 
 opinion of his sincerity, and that he had no other design but 
 to establish a general liberty of conscience, that he undertook 
 to serve him in it both in Scotland and in the Hague. 
 \Siewarfs letter s.\ 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 731-2 {from ' He opened ' to ' gained by the court '). 
 
 Out. 'at another time.' 
 
 For ' Stewart after . . . But he found there, that ' read ' but as he found no 
 success in his negotiation in Scotland, [where] ' ; after ' court ' add ' so his letters 
 to the pensioner had no effect, which has very much displeased the court.' 
 
 For from 'The pensioner laid ' to end of paragraph read only ' for he writ a 
 long and full answer to them.' 
 
 S^FageFs letteri\ 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 732 {from ' He began it ' to p. 733, ' all or nothing '). 
 
 [/. 241 (6)] For ' carried by . . . brought by him into ' read only ' was read in.' 
 
 For ' but nothing . . . upon it ' read ' but hitherto it has had no effect.' 
 
 For ' ordered Stewart . . . back ' read ' said plainly to Stewart.' 
 
 [Probable issue of the affair j position of father Petre; 
 imprudence of D'Albeville.^ 
 
 This letter, which will be published ere long, will probably 
 have both a great effect on the nation and " all the moderate 
 catholics both within and without the kingdom, and by what 
 I have seen writ from Rome, the pope will very probably 
 advise the king to accept of it. But the king is now in the 
 hands of the Jesuits and the French ambassador ", who has 
 more credit at present in our court than he had during the 
 last reign ; and as the king's confessor is a Jesuit, so ''he has 
 taken F. Petre into his particular confidence, as he hath 
 been long in the secret of affairs, and is now made a privy 
 councillor ^- He is a weak and " an ignorant man % but is all 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 732. i* Ibid. ' Ibid. 733. ^ /nd, o /^-rf. 6,2. 
 
 S 2, 
 
26o Burnetts Original Memoirs [1687 
 
 made up of a violent and meddling temper, which had 
 rendered him formerly unacceptable to all the families in 
 which he had lived. *He pretends now to be made arch- 
 bishop of York and a cardinal ; but that is not like to be 
 obtained during the present pontific[ate] ^, [/. 242 (a)] '' for 
 the pope is so possessed against the whole order that it will 
 not be easy to bring him to advance any of them ; and as 
 he has already refused to do it very flatly, though it was most 
 earnestly desired of him by the king, so it is not like he will 
 ever be brought to grant it. " But the king, though he is 
 really governed by the Jesuits' cabal, yet would not absolutely 
 disgust the secular priests, whose head is Leyborne, that was 
 sent over by cardinal Howard ; so he is likewise made a privy 
 councillor, though he has not so great a share in the counsels 
 as the other has. This creates a faction among them which 
 has been sometimes upon the point of breaking out very 
 grossly ; but the king is so partial to the Jesuits that the 
 other must be contented. D'Albeville is now coming over 
 again, having been five months in England ; for it seems the 
 papists have no other whom they will trust with the negotia- 
 tion but him, which shows how low they are, and how much 
 they want men, for he has not at all the address that is 
 necessary for such tendei: matters, of which I will only set 
 down [one ?] instance. * When the prince was once pressing 
 him upon the promises that the king had made and sworn, 
 to maintain the laws and the established religion, he, [instead 
 of] pretending that the king still kept his word ^ by giving 
 some ambiguous sense to his promises, "said roundly that 
 upon such and such occasions, which he named, other princes ^ 
 had forgot their promises *. But though in the avowing this 
 so frankly there was much sincerity, ^yet the prudence of 
 a minister will appear as little in it ' as in that which followed : 
 8 when the prince was arguing that the church of England 
 being the main body of the nation the king ought to have 
 
 " Cf. Hisl. i. 733. I' Ibid. 704. " Ibid. 733. a Ibid, infra. 
 
 ' Ibid. 734. ' Ibid. 733. ' Itid. 734. 
 
 ' The transcript reads ' pontificall. ' - The History differs. 
 
1687] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 241 (by-2^ (b) 261 
 
 more regard to them, D'Albeville answered that the body 
 which he called the church of England would not have a being 
 two years to an end ; which was to speak out the designs of 
 the court a little too plainly \ 
 
 [Burnet reflects: I. on these negotiations, as they affect the European 
 situation; II. on English affairs, and the princes dilemmaj III. 
 OH the report that the queen is with child^.] 
 
 I give the account of this negotiation the more particularly, 
 both because I am certainly informed of it by messages which 
 the prince sends me, and because this is like to be the 
 occasion of a rupture which may have great consequences. 
 France apprehends the prince's being on the throne of 
 England above all things ; so they will certainly push 
 [/ 343 {b)] on the king as far as is possible to embroil 
 matters both in England and between the king and prince ; 
 since as this keeps the king still in a dependence on them, 
 so it may in the end produce somewhat in which they find 
 their account. On the other hand, the extremity to which 
 the king has driven matters will throw the nation into great 
 confusions, which it will be very hard to manage. For either 
 the nation will lose heart, and then a multitude will become 
 the feeblest thing in the world ; or if the vigour of the 
 subjects is still kept up, it will be hard to govern this and 
 to keep it from breaking out upon great provocations, chiefly 
 if a force is put upon the elections of parliament men, which 
 strikes at all. And if there should be a comm[otion ^], or 
 if the violence of the Irish should create a disorder in that 
 island, the prince will be reduced to great difficulties; the 
 ties of nature will make it hard for him to head a rising 
 against his father-in-law ; but, on the other hand, if the king's 
 ill conduct throws the nation into such a violent fermentation, 
 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 734. 
 
 ^ The significance of this passage iv,/'fl5s»M),with whoseimportantworlc 
 
 is discussed in the Life of Halifax, i. the author was unfortunately not ac- 
 
 492-4. The views there defended quainted. Klopp, iv.497-g, shows that 
 
 derive extraneous support from the the D'Estrees letters (Dalrymple, pt. i. 
 
 valuable authority of HerrOnno Klopp bk. i. App. pp. 122-30) are a forgery. 
 {Der Fall des Houses Siuart,vQ\s.ma.ni ' The MS. reads ' a commission.' 
 
262 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1687 
 
 then a rebellion that prospers will turn to a commonwealth ; 
 and if it is subdued it will put all things in the king's hands. 
 So that the difficulties will be great on all hands ; for [where] 
 nature and honour, religion and interest, pull all different 
 ways it will not be easy to come to a resolution. A war at 
 home of any continuance will naturally bring over a French 
 army, in whose hands the king will put such places as are in 
 his power. And thus we are like to become a scene of blood 
 and horror again ; and the outrageous counsels of a few priests 
 about the king are like to bring England again to the very 
 brink of the precipice and very near its ruin. It is true there 
 is a report^, now generally believed to be true, which may 
 change the whole scene. It is said that the queen is with 
 child. This piece of news is so fit for their affairs at present 
 that this tempts many to doubt of it. Yet it seems to be 
 true ; and if [it] proves in conclusion such as they desire, it 
 will extremely feed the superstition of the party ; for (besides 
 the seasonableness of it [since] ^ it comes at a juncture in 
 which without this small hope their affairs were quite 
 desperate ') ' they give out that this conception was the 
 effect of a vow '^ the queen * made * to the Virgin ^ [/. 243 («)] 
 And indeed if the queen, that brought a great many children 
 in the freshness of her youth, when she came first over, which 
 were all so unhealthy that they died quickly, should now after 
 so much sickness, that has brought her so very low, bear 
 a healthy son, it would look on all hands as a very particular 
 stroke of providence that was almost a miracle. But the 
 history of the following years must determine this matter, 
 which I must now leave in the uncertainty in which it is at 
 present. But I go on to finish the present period of my history. 
 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 749. 
 
 ^ This passage, being written on pt. 2, p. 72) ; and the Princess of 
 or before Dec. 26, 1687 (see infra), Orange had been informed of her step- 
 seems to have been recorded before mother's expectations before Nov. 29, 
 the proclamation of Dec. 23, 1687, O. S. (Strickland, Q. of Eng., ed. 
 ordering prayers for the queen's safe 1851-2, vi. 202). 
 delivery, reached Holland. The re- * The transcript reads ' sure.' 
 ports had circulated as early as Nov. " The transcript inserts ' and.' 
 14 (see Hist. MSS. Comm. Rep. xv. ' The History says, ' her mother.' 
 
1687] Had. MSS. 6584, ff. 242 (6)-244 (a) 263: 
 
 \The English declaration of indulgence?^ 
 Cf. Hist. i. 714 {from • In April ' /o ' concur with him in it '). 
 ylfier ' that limited this ' read ' for all time to come." 
 Om. 'as well as to . . . church party.' 
 
 I^or ' yet no limitation . . . suspension " read ' yet this was not only pretended 
 to be done only [sic] in the intervals of parliament.' 
 Om. ' And the promise . . . any such thing.' 
 
 [Addresses made upon il.] 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 714-6 {to ' changed likewise '). 
 
 Begin 'Yet though this was a subverting the whole constitution of the 
 English government.' 
 
 [/ 243 (*)] -After ' dissenters' add ' to thank the king for the grace that was 
 contained in it.' 
 
 Om. 'being penned . . . gained.' 
 
 For ' on the clergy . . . proceedings' read 'on the church of England men.' 
 
 After ' favour ' add ' and oifered up their lives and fortunes to the king.' 
 
 For ' made the cruelty . . . discourse ' read ' broke with the church of England 
 in a most unmerciful manner.' 
 
 For ' to show favour . . . propositions to him ' read ' to do what he desired.' 
 
 For ' for as the persons . . . defame them ' read ' for whatsoever some violent 
 men might say, yet it was well known that the eminent men of the church of 
 England had made no such advances ; and this way of using them was thought 
 an extraordinary return for their past services.' 
 
 For ' But, to carry this further . . . themselves had been lately treated ' read 
 ' Yet the design of this was clearly seen ; for the court thought to have engaged 
 the church of England men and dissenters into new contentions ; and they 
 knew that they must needs gain by that. But both sides were vriser upon this 
 occasion.' 
 
 Om. If. 244 (a)] ' that were gained by the court.' 
 
 For ' though it was visible . . . church ' read ' as if the chief hold by which 
 their establishment was preserved had been that promise, and as if a general 
 promise that was put in a declaration whose chief intent was to destroy the 
 church of England had been so much to be magnified.' 
 
 For ' But the bishop . . . with him in it ' read ' Yet when the bishop of 
 Oxford sent one to the university it was rejected there with much vigour, 
 only one person out of the whole body signing it ; and the reasons upon which 
 they refused to do it were so strong, that these addresses were not any more 
 encouraged by the clergy.' 
 
 For ' Some foolish men . . . peevishness ' read ' The foolish angry men that 
 were amongst [them'] were really vexed because they could not persecute 
 their brethren any more.' 
 
 For ' But the far greater part . . . remembered this ' read ' But the wiser and 
 better part began now to see what advantages their animosities had given the 
 papists ; and so they became much more moderate on those heads. If this 
 temper continues, so that all men grow convinced that the papists have all along 
 
 ' Inserted ; qu. by the writer of f. 2I 
 
264 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1687 
 
 fomented our differences for their own ends, this may have a very happy effect 
 on us in the next probable revolution '.' 
 
 For ' Now the bedchamber . . . dissenters " read ' But now the tables were 
 strangely turned at court, for the church of England men were extremely 
 decried' ; and om. 'and was venturing . . . account.' 
 
 After ' changed likewise ' add ' Upon which a new set of pamphlets came 
 cut ; yet all this went soon over.' 
 
 [A progress arranged^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 716 ('The king seeing no hope . . . counties') ; for which read 
 ' But the main thing was the preparation of the nation for a new election of 
 parliament men, and in order to the softening of men's minds, the king resolved 
 on a progress through many of the western counties ; the queen's ill health 
 made it necessary for her to stay at The Bath.' 
 
 [Reception of the nuncio^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 716-7. 
 
 [/ 244 (6)] For ' laws were repealed ' read ' laws were ready to be repealed.' 
 
 For 'The duke of Somerset' read 'But of all the courtiers the duke of 
 Somerset was the only person that refused to assist in the ceremony. [He].' 
 
 For ' that no person could hear it ' read ' that I could not learn what the 
 substance of it was.' 
 
 [Tke king's progress y a supposed result of the Bath.l 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 717 {from 'When this was over' to 'her course of bathing'). 
 
 For ' to all sorts of people ' read ' unto them.' 
 
 For ' He ran out . . . conscience ' read ' and was always magnifying the 
 liberty that he had granted, and showed how much it was the interest of the 
 nation.' 
 
 [/ 245 (a)] For ' at The Bath . . . bathing ' read 'and it is now given out, that 
 The Bath had so good an effect that upon their meeting she conceived.' 
 
 [A pamphlet war'.] 
 
 Cf Hist. i. 717 {from ' Many books ' to end of paragraph). 
 
 For ' Many books were now writ for ' read 'All [! At] this time all that intended 
 to merit at court were writing little books to persuade people to accept of the 
 proffer of a general ' ; and omit ' and since . . . tests gave.' 
 
 Om. ' It was never explained . . . word.' 
 
 Ont. ' ever since the Oxford parliament.' 
 
 After ' upon this ' add ' and the civilities that the king had shewed to those 
 of the commonwealth's party ' ; and om. ' sort of 
 
 For ' began to talk . . . nation ' read ' cherished the discourse, in order to the 
 gaining of that party.' 
 
 ^ i. c. the political transformation vitality of the expected offspring, the 
 which must result from the princess's odds were still in favour of this con- 
 eventual accession. It must be remem- tingency. 
 
 bered, that since, even accepting the ^ See The Anatomy of an Equivalent, 
 
 report of the queen's pregnancy as by the Marquis of Halifax, 
 true, all depended on the sex and 
 
1687] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 244 (a)-246 (6) 265 
 
 \Changes in the magistracy. ^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. \. 718-9 {to ' reserved in the new charters'). 
 
 Om. ' For great powers . . . severity and contempt.' 
 
 For ' threw off' read ' throws off.' 
 
 Om. ' which they did . . . upon the invitation.' 
 
 [/• 245 (6)] For ' dissenters ' read ' presbyterians.' 
 
 For ' put the decision . . . exception ' read ' took a very prudent method to 
 make those of [the] church of England concur with him ; for.' 
 
 For 'behaved himself. . . of him' read 'has hitherto behaved himself much 
 more prudently than could have been expected from so weak a man.' 
 
 Place next paragraph in present tense, and for ' These regulators ... in 
 another' read 'which were at first pretended to be put in them only to make 
 the corporation feel their dependence on the court, and not as if they had been 
 intended to be ever made use of (cf. p. 718). 
 
 ^Electors questioned. \ 
 
 Cf. Hist, i. 719 {to end of page in present tense'). 
 
 Om. ' and freeholders.' 
 
 [/. 246 (rt)] Om. ' They said this was . . . engagement.' 
 
 For ' This, as all . . . themselves from it : for ' read ' So that the king finds 
 that this new and illegal way that he has taken of asking the minds of the 
 gentry beforehand has been so far from succeeding with them that.' 
 
 [Reflections on the foregoing^ 
 
 For the present state of affairs is such that " the king must 
 either resolve on doing some very violent thing, either in forcing 
 elections, or in forcing the parliament when it meets, by his 
 soldiers ■*, as Cromwell did ; or if [after] all * the threatenings 
 that he lets fall every day that he [is] king and must be obeyed, 
 and that he will make those who will not consent to that feel 
 that he is their king '', he lets the whole matter fall and comes 
 to treat upon the overtures which the prince has made to him, 
 he will indeed sink much in the character of a hero, both at 
 home and abroad ; and will give credit to the insinuations of 
 those that do not love him, [/. 246 {b)\ who say that he is the 
 severest man in the world when danger is far off, but that 
 when it comes near him he is as much disturbed at it as other 
 men. It is true if he lets all his attempts upon the religion and 
 liberty of his people fall it will be a great happiness to them ; 
 for if once he lets it go he can never hope to return to it 
 again ; and, on the other hand, " he has run his ministers and 
 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 720. *• Ibid, infra. " Ibid, supra. 
 
266 Burnefs Original Memoirs [1687 
 
 his party into so many illegal things that they are certainly 
 very uneasy till either he goes through stitch with his designs 
 and subdues the nation (that so they may be safe in their 
 crimes), or till he bring matters to an agreement (so that an 
 act of indemnity may be passed which may secure them for the 
 time to come", since the king's life and the doubtful prospect 
 of the queen's being with child are too uncertain tenures for 
 them to hold their safety by). But I am an historian to relate 
 what is past, and not a prophet to look into what is to come ; 
 therefore I must here break off and stay till time opens up all 
 that cloud that is at present over England ; and having con- 
 tinued this history now till the end of the year [i6]87, I give 
 over writing on St. Stephen's Day, new style [Dec. 26, 1687- 
 Jan. 5, 1688]. I have endeavoured all I could to watch over 
 myself and not to suffer the great concerns which I have for 
 the public or the particular injuries that are done myself to 
 sour my temper too much ; and as far as I can judge of my 
 [heart ?], I have writ with [the] equality and sincerity of 
 a faithful and unbiassed historian ; but it must be considered 
 that I am out of England, so that I now see things by other 
 men's eyes^. 
 
 \_Supplenient begun in Jan., i68f ; correspondence between 
 king and princess, 6^^:.] 
 
 Here I had put a stop to this work, but a transaction that 
 fell out this year being communicated to me in the beginning 
 of the next, seemed to me too important not to be set down, 
 and therefore I have resolved not to delay the inserting it to 
 the next time that I begin to write. But I do it now in the 
 beginning of January, 1688. [/. 247 («)] '' The king writ a letter 
 to the princess of Orange, bearing date the fourth of Novem- 
 ber, which yet was not delivered to her before the a4th of De- 
 
 » Cf. Hisl. i. 720. " Ibid. 
 
 ' There is no break in the tran- first three months of 1688 ; see infra, 
 script. The following supplement and also f. 254 (6). 
 was written at intervals during the 
 
1687] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 246 (^)-25i (a) 267 
 
 cember, that Mr. D'Albeville returning from England brought 
 it to her. »^The prince was pleased to send me both the letter 
 and the brouillon of the princess' answer, all writ with her own 
 hand »- I had but time to read them twice over, yet •> I have 
 carried the most considerable points of them so well in my 
 memory*" that I am very confident I shall give a very faithful 
 abstract of them, and that for a great part in the words of 
 the letters themselves^. 
 
 [^Abstract of the king's letier.1 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 720-a {the verbal differences are trifling, though numerous). 
 [/• 247 (6)] For ' atheism ' read ' schism.' 
 
 \Reflections on the above.l 
 Cf. Hist. i. 722 {from ' It was easy for me' to ' greater length '). 
 [/ 248 (a)] After 'for I had' add 'upon many occasions.' 
 For ' was writ very decently and ' read ' how weak soever in the reasoning 
 
 part.' 
 
 [/. 248 (6)] After ' altered ' add ' so that her spirits [must] have been pretty 
 
 vifarm all the while that she writ it.' 
 
 {Abstract of the princess Mary's answer.] 
 Cf. Hist. i. 722-5 {numerous trifling verbal variations). 
 For ' for failing' read 'for forgetting the post day, and so failed''.' 
 [249 (a)] After 'professed it led ill lives' read 'Those were indeed a scandal 
 
 to it, but there were many ill men of all persuasions, though those who were 
 
 called reformed ought to shew it in their lives ^.' 
 
 [Abstract of the king's answer.] 
 Cf. Hist. i. 725. 
 
 [Burnet's reflections.] 
 Cf. Hist. i. 725-6. 
 
 [/. 250 (6)] For 'often and it' read 'so oft, that he might have conned it by 
 heart as a lesson which.' 
 
 [/ 251 (a)] For ' did let . . . th'at she ' read ' must needs put those who 
 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 722. ^ Ibid. 
 
 ' French translations of these let- was written from memory. The order 
 
 ters, with that of a second from the of the arguments diifers a little ; in 
 
 princess, were published in 1880, a few cases Burnet has omitted or 
 
 from the Bentinck archives, at pp. misconstrued a point ; and he has 
 
 4-24 of the Lettres et Memoires de inadvertently admitted a reference to 
 
 Marie Reine d Angleterre. Burnet's the story of the nun, which he had 
 
 account (which as far as concerns the had from James himself, and to which 
 
 princess's letter was, so he tells us in no allusion is made in the letter, 
 
 the printed History, subsequently re- ^ Both of these additions are found 
 
 vised by her) is a very fair version, in the translation from the original, 
 especially regarding the fact that it 
 
268 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1687 
 
 managed the popish designs on desperate counsels, since they found by the 
 letters that were sent on this occasion that they had to do with a princess that.' 
 
 [lyAlbeville's memorials concerning Bantam.] 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 728 {from ' I begin ' to ' matter was let fall '). 
 
 For ' I begin the year . . . Hague. He ' read only ' D'AIbeville.' 
 
 Om. ' but nothing followed upon it.' 
 
 For ' with another . . . decently expressed ' read ' pretty high.' 
 
 [/ 251 (A)] Fo;' ' D'AIbeville after this gave in' read 'With this D'AIbeville 
 went away, and now he brought over.' 
 
 .After ' was conceived ' add ' and thus the king was made appear very con- 
 temptible ; [since] after so high a threatening he came to desire a treaty.' 
 
 For ' Yet in this . . . read it ' read only ' But in this the king has also mistaken 
 his measures.' 
 
 For ' When this memorial ... let fall ' read ' So this business sleeps still.' 
 
 \iyAlbevill£s memorials concerning Burnet.] 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 728-31 {to ' fright me into some mean submission '). 
 
 After ' in a memorial ' add ' had, before he went over.' 
 
 [/. 252 (n)] After ' on the king' add ' but only, on my enemies.' 
 
 Om. ' and no person . . . persecute.' 
 
 After ' alive ' add ' But upon the first memorial I added that.' 
 
 For ' was charged with ' read ' have published.' 
 
 For ' two memorials ' read ' second memorial.' 
 
 For ' and three ' read ' [and] almost three.' 
 
 For ' I had lived . . . openly ' read ' I have lived a year [/. 252 (6)]' here in 
 the Hague in the sight of the king's envoys.' 
 
 Otn. ' and ordered a memorial . . . according to them.' 
 
 After ' subjects ' add ' and settlement in the country.' 
 
 After ' to my charge ' add ' according to the grounds of their law.' 
 
 For ' an affront to him ' read ' a breach of the treaty.' 
 
 [_/! 253 (fl) ] For ' and not according . . . lie ' read ' but not according to the sense 
 which may be used in any of the king's courts of justice ; for the lawyers of 
 one country are not bound to know the sense of those words that are in the 
 treaties, otherwise than as common use explains them. Therefore since.' 
 
 After ' from justice ' add ' the treaty must only [be] ' applied to such persons, 
 and is not to be explained by a trick of the law of Scotland, in which a man 
 that being cited does not appear is declared a fugitive and the king's rebel.' 
 
 After ' honour ' add ' for all this appears to be the effect of [unjust] ^ and 
 impotent passion '.' 
 
 After ' murder me ' add ' I do not believe all that has been writ to me upon 
 this head, [al]though * it has come from very good hands. ' 
 
 Om. ' by accident ' and ' but not yet signed.' 
 
 After ' destroy me ' add ' which as he writes did so surprise him that he could 
 scarce believe his own eyes.' 
 
 Inserted ; qu. in hand of f. 2? leian autograph of the History; see 
 
 ' The transcript reads ' a Jesuit.' Routh's Bumefs James II, p. 240, note. 
 
 This passage remains in the Bod- ' The transcript reads 'and though.' 
 
1687-8] Harl. MSS. 6584, # 251 (a)-253 (b) 269 
 
 for ' afBrmed ' read ' in his letter.' 
 
 for ' had heard ... to convey the notice of it to me ' read only ' told the same 
 thing to one^' 
 
 After ' send the notice to me ' insert ' [an intimation was also sent me by the 
 chancellor of England] that has made some more impressions upon me ^.' 
 
 for 'in a private way ... his hands' read only 'now.' 
 
 for ' than he had done . . . send it to me, for he concluded ' read ' since the 
 States had given me their protection. [/. 253 (4)] The king seemed angry that 
 he answered so, which made a friend of mine ', to whom the chancellor told the 
 design to have it conveyed to me, conclude.' 
 
 [E^ec/i upon Burnet himselfi\ 
 a But I thank God this has given me no sort of disorder ; it 
 has obliged me to use a little more than ordinary caution^ and 
 that is all the effect it has had. I offer myself up to God, and 
 am very willing to resign up my life to him ", if he suffers me 
 to fall into the hands of mine enemies. I have writ a paper 
 which I have ordered to be published as my dying words*, 
 and have settled all things that relate to me as if I f[eare]d ^ 
 present death ; but (with all this) I must add this to the praise 
 of true Christianity and of philosophy, that ^ I never possessed 
 myself during my whole life in a more pleasant and clearer 
 cheerfulness of spirit *" than I do at present ^. 
 
 [Publication of FageVs letter j consequent recall of the 
 six regiments^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 734-5 {from 'What he wrote' to 'persons in the States' pay'). 
 
 for ' What he wrote . . . industry ' read ' The letter that Mr. Fagel had writ 
 lay dead as a secret for some months, but the court of England spread a report 
 over the nation.' 
 
 Otii. ' This was writ . . . Hague.' 
 
 After ' prince ' add' and princess ' ; and for ' gave orders ' read ' gave secret 
 orders.' 
 
 ^ Cf. Hist. i. 731. " Ibid. 
 
 ^ Thus the sentence in the original between ' very good hands ' and ' a 
 does not convey the impression that [gentlejman of an unblemished repu- 
 Prince George sent the message ; nor tation.' The present arrangement 
 is this asserted in the letter (Life in seems preferable. 
 Hist. ii. 695). As however the allu- 'BythesewordshesignifiesKirk;see 
 sion to the letter does not occur History in loco, and cf. with Hist. i. 647. 
 in this sentence as eventually revised, * This paper, which is missing, is 
 Captain Baxter may have asserted this mentioned in a subsequent paper print- 
 subsequently, ed infra, as Appendix III. 
 
 ' The transcriber places that part of ' The transcript reads ' found.' 
 
 the sentence here printed in brackets " See Macaulay,ed. 1858,11. 505, note. 
 
270 Burners Original Memoirs [1688 
 
 For ' saw themselves safe . . . them ' read ' were now taken out of the hands 
 of the court.' 
 
 For ' lay-papists seemed ' read ' moderate papists were ' ; for ' with it ' read 
 ' with the proposition that was made on their behalf ; and omit ' though a free- 
 dom . . . appearance.' 
 
 [7C 254 («)] After ' foreign ministers ' add ' Some of the ill-natured priests 
 took hold of this, to drive on the king to some extreme measures ; but the 
 expectation of the queen's big belly put a stop to all these ; since it was said 
 by those who offered softer counsels ' that if the queen bore a son, the greater 
 part of the nation would, upon that change of the prospect of succession, change 
 their measures ; and this is the chief argument now made use of, to divert all 
 violent propositions.' 
 
 For ' and resolved , . . deep it was ' read ' Yet one thing followed upon it, In 
 which the king hearkened more to his passion than to his reason.' 
 
 After ' lend them to him ' add ' which was presently done.' 
 
 0>n. 'were so jealous of the king and.' 
 
 For ' the prince ... in obtaining ' read ' the interest that the prince had in 
 that matter made him not without some difficulty obtain.' 
 
 Om. 'There was no distinction . . . armies: so'; and for 'in those' read 
 ' in command among the.' 
 
 For ' England . . . among them ' read ' though upon the breaking of that; 
 rebelHon he sent them back, yet many of them were so much wrought on that 
 factions were formed in most of the regiments between the popish and the pro- 
 testant officers.' 
 
 For 'prince, who' read 'prince; who, as he'; and for 'between the king 
 and him . . . command ' read ' so he found the inconveniency of their being so 
 much divided and of the many creatures that the king had among them.' 
 
 [/. 254 (6)] For ' The States pretended . . . part with them ' read only ' would 
 not part with the regiments.' 
 
 [Situation March 15, 1688; Stcpplement concludes?^ 
 "^ In England the discourse of a parliament is taken up and 
 let fall so often that it is not easy to know in what all those 
 fluctuating counsels will end ^ The Jesuits hope to get a car- 
 dinal's hat for F. Petre, and when that is done it is believed 
 that he will be made ''the chief minister. The king has refused 
 accommodating the difference that is between the pope and 
 the king of France, upon this reason, because the pope has 
 refused to gratify him in that promotion ; so that if the pope 
 finds himself pressed by the king of France, then he will be 
 forced to fly to the mediation of England, which will serve to 
 advance F. Petre, and this will very probably precipitate our 
 
 ■^ Cf. Hist. i. 735. f lUd. 735-6. 
 
 ' The advice is that of Sunderland. 
 
1688] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 253 {by^z^e {a) 271 
 
 affairs extremely, for he is a weak but passionate and hot- 
 headed man, who is both hardy and indiscreet and has all the 
 ill qualities that are requisite to make him the incendiary of 
 those kingdoms, and to drive both the king and his party to 
 their ruin ". And with this I end for this time, on the 15th of 
 March, 1688 1. 
 
 [Burnet resumes his pen, Sept., 1688.] 
 I do again sit down to carry on this work, since the im- 
 portance of [the] expedition that is now upon the point of 
 breaking out requires it ; and since I myself am to go in it, I 
 thought it fit to carry on this history to the end of September, 
 in which I am writing it. [/. 255 («)] The affairs of Eng- 
 land went on till the end of April without any considerable 
 
 accident. 
 
 yrhe second declaration of indulgence !\ 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 736-8 {to ' proved in conclusion that they were '). 
 
 Om. ' as if none were intended . . . ripe.' 
 
 Offt. 'saw that the king . . . uneasy to them. They.' 
 
 For 'They began to apprehend' fo end of paragraph read only 'As long as 
 the king vsras entertained with hopes of carrying his point in a parliamentary 
 way, it was not possible to push him on to extravagancies ; therefore they had 
 a mind to see the end of all those expectations, that in case they failed in them, 
 they might take new measures.' 
 
 Om. ' And now it appeared . . . parliament '.' 
 
 Om. 'And they were at first . . . London.' 
 
 For ' that was not strong . . . breach ' read only ' since.' 
 
 For 'So it was proposed ... by making' read 'And this made many at first 
 [/ 255 (*)] to obey it, adding.' 
 
 Om. ' that they were bound . . . sent to them ' ; and ' and they could not 
 see . . . not now ' ; and ' The point at present . . . expedient thing.' 
 
 Om. 'which the king . . . assume' and 'ani the making it . . . administration.' 
 
 Om. ' and nothing they could do . . . interests ' and ' it was therefore fit . . . 
 enemies.' 
 
 After ' prevailed ' add ' with the most eminent of the clergy.' 
 
 Om. ' if any considerable . . . refuse to obey.' 
 
 [/ 256 (a)] For 'The court depended upon this' read 'And it is certain that 
 the court depended upon this and reckoned.' 
 
 After ' managed ' read ' with so much prudence and.' 
 » Cf. Hist. i. 736. 
 
 1 The transcript has no break ; and " Here again, as the reader will 
 
 places the full stop after 'for this time' J observe, an insinuation against San- 
 running ' 1688 ' on to ' I do again.' croft was subsequently inserted. 
 
272 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1688 
 
 [The bishops petition the king; their trial.] 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 738-40 ; 40-44 {to ' as if it had been a victory obtained '). 
 
 For ' eighteen ' read ' most ' ; and for ' concurred ' read ' concurred with him.' 
 
 For ' and was a matter . . . must amount to ' read only ' they could not concur 
 in any act relating to that.' 
 
 For ' by his spies . . . secret and cautious ' read only ' with other hopes.' 
 
 Om. 'And they came . . . temper of the nation.' 
 
 Om. < Lobb.' 
 
 [/. 256 (6)] After ' before the second ' add ' and so gave but a half obedience.' 
 
 On p. 740 omit entirely from ' The king did what he could ' to ' college their 
 president ' {near end of page), beginning again ' Thus the sense of the nation.' 
 
 For 'of father Petre . . . party' readonly 'of the priests.' 
 
 Om, 'for it was then printed ' and 'that must have been done . . . shewed it.' 
 
 [/ 257 (a)] After ' city ' add ' and country.' 
 
 Om. 'and with loud shouts . . . preservation.' 
 
 For ' pretended delivery ' read only ' delivery.' 
 
 For 'and it was given . . . vehemently' read only 'which was much pressed 
 by the more moderate papists.' 
 
 Om. ' upon a habeas corpus.' 
 
 Om. ' St. Peter's ... or not '.' 
 
 Om. 'and people . . . went out.' 
 
 After ' solemn ' add ' for there was not only an incredible crowd about West- 
 minster Hall and on the river, but.' 
 
 For ' All the streets ... at night' read ' And there appeared a most excessive 
 joy upon their being set at liberty, and many bonefires were made upon it, both 
 in London and all England over.' 
 
 After ' trial came ' add ' which was the 29th of June.' 
 
 Om. ' Westminster Hall . . . affected with the matter.' 
 
 Om. ' The trial came on . . . their being the king's counsel.' 
 
 [/• 257 (*)] Om. ' though it did not appear . . . confession.' 
 
 Om. ' in which . . . satisfied.' 
 
 For ' that this petition was a libel, tending ' read ' that by this petition they 
 had questioned the king's power ; [this tended].' 
 
 After ' answered ' add ' [by] their counsel.' 
 
 After ' those matters :' insert ' they also shewed from the journals of parliament 
 that.' 
 
 For ' so they thought they had a right ' read ' and therefore, since these things 
 were so well known to them, they had all reason.' 
 
 After ' reflect on the dispensing power ' add ' as that which struck at the root 
 of the whole government.' 
 
 Om. 'and the late king's . . . time.' 
 
 Om. ' that a paper . . . libel.' 
 
 After ' parliament ' insert ' Sawyer and Finch (being the king's attorney and 
 solicitor very lately) were now for the bishops ; and Williams (that had been 
 Speaker) was now gained to the court, who took great advantages against the 
 
 ' See Routh's note, Burnet's fames JI, p. 265. 
 
1688] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 256 (a)-258 {b) 273 
 
 iDthers, to let them see how their present pleadings contradicted their former 
 actions ' (cf. Hist. \. 742). 
 
 [/ 258 (a)] For ' that the witnesses . . . passage ' read ' that Sunderland ', being 
 sent for as a witness against them, was not only treated with much scorn, but 
 was believed to be in danger of his life by a tumult ; but he escaped another 
 way.' 
 
 Om. ' and that it was no libel.' 
 
 For ' [chief justice] Wright' . . . proved' read ' Allihone, a professed papist, 
 thought it was otherwise ; so did the chief justice ; yet in his charge to the jury 
 he represented the matter of fact fairly, and did not think the publication was 
 proved.' 
 
 For ' The jury . . . when they were ' read only ' The jury being.' 
 
 For ' but it was thought . . . morning ' read ' but ' they resolved to continue 
 shut up till next morning, that so they might give their verdict to the court 
 [with more solemnity and gravity ?] ' ; since that there was a danger of suffering 
 any of their number to be practised upon if they had done it sooner ; and if any 
 juror had denied that he had agreed in the verdict, all must begin anew.' 
 
 Om. ' so long continued . . . city.' 
 
 [Further proceedings. 1 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 744 {from 'And so fatally' to p. 745, 'never sat any more'). 
 Om. ' which they hoped . . . venture on.' 
 After ' order of council ' add ' but this was likewise disobeyed,' 
 Om, ' were now so much animated . . . trial, that they.' 
 Om. ' but had always voted . . . side.' 
 
 [/. 258 (6)] For ' This stopped . . . stand ' read ' This gave the king a new dis- 
 pleasure.' 
 
 Om. ' and they never sat any more.' 
 
 [Burnefs reflections. \ 
 
 Thus the king has been prevailed on to put the whole king- 
 dom in a flame, and that for a point in which (if he had been 
 successful) he could have gained nothing by it ; for the clergy 
 obeying might have rendered themselves very odious to the 
 nation, but would not at all have advantaged his design; 
 whereas, on the other hand, his failing in it has both given 
 the alarm to the whole clergy and has animated the whole 
 nation against him beyond anything that could have been 
 [i]ma[gin]ed^ ; nor could it have been thought that anything 
 
 ' The reader will note that Sunder- ^ The transcript here inserts a super- 
 land's appearance at the trial is sup- fluous ' that.' 
 pressed in the final version. '' The transcriber seems to have 
 
 » See Routh's Burnefs fames II, omitted words to this effect. 
 
 268 note. ° The transcript has ' managed.' 
 
 T 
 
 FOxcRorr ■*■ 
 
274 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1688 
 
 was wanting to cany the discontent of the nation further ; 
 but the address of Jesuits has a depth beyond all ordinary 
 measures ^- 
 
 [^Tke gtieen's delivery^.] 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 748 ; 749-50 ; 750-2 {to ' base imposture now put on the nation '). 
 
 For ' I must now look back . . . afterwards ' read ' I have already named the 
 queen's delivery ; but it is too important a piece of history to be passed over 
 slightly ; therefore since there has been no small pains taken to gather together 
 all the circumstances of that whole matter which have been communicated to 
 me, I will give them with [the] copiousness that such a thing, that is like to 
 produce such consequences, deserves.' 
 
 For ' that every winter . . , having any children ' read ' and every winter was 
 brought so low, that all people who wished her to live (since all apprehensions 
 of any more children by her seemed gone) were extreme [/. 259 (a)] appre- 
 hensive of her ; and some thought that even the priests were weary of her, and 
 were contriving to get rid of her ; she had great and frequent loosenesses, and 
 it is said she was extremely weakened by that [form] of women's disease called 
 fluor albus, so that it was universally taken for granted in all lands [?on all 
 hands] ' that no more children were to be expected from her, or at least if 
 they [she]^ had any they could not be healthy, since all those she had in her 
 youth had languished and died soon after they were born.' 
 
 Om. herefrom 'Her spirits were now much on the fret' to p. 749, 'all was 
 forgiven him ' (for Berwick, see supra, p. 225). 
 
 After 'bathing' add 'while the king went his progress.' 
 
 For ' She came to Windsor . . . October. It was said ' read ' and [she] met 
 the king at Windsor the sixth of October. Upon their meeting they were pre- 
 sently shut up for some considerable time alone, and it happening ' ; and after 
 ' son ' om. ' And.' 
 
 For ' A conception . . . suspicious ' read ' The conception was attributed by 
 naturalists to the virtue of The Bath; but by the bigots to the Virgin's inter- 
 cession.' 
 
 Before ' She was not dressed ' add ' for many months.' 
 
 For ' Prince George . . . acquiesced ' it is merely intimated that no demonstration 
 was given, either to the princess Anne or to 'the other protestant ladies that [were] 
 beyond suspicion' (^for which see infra, p. 296) . 
 
 Ont. frorn ' How [just] soever this might be ' to p. 750, ' held on her course.' 
 
 For ' Lower, one of her physicians . . . upon them to advise it ' read only 
 [/. 259 (6)] ' but the king's vehemence carried the point ' {see however infra, 
 pp. 396-7, _/br the physicians' reports'). 
 
 After ' May ' add ' reckoning that she would be back again many days before 
 the queen's time.' 
 
 ' The allusion may be to the sup- the sitting of the English Privy 
 posed imposture ; since in the tran- Council, before which the king pro- 
 script there is no break between this duced the proofs of his son's birth, 
 and the following sentence. ' The first reading is that of the 
 
 ^ The reader will observe that such transcript ; the second that of a cor- 
 
 particulars as are contained in this rector (qu. the writer of f. 2 ?). 
 section were all recorded previous to 
 
1688] Harl. MSS. 6584, J. 258 (6)-26o (b) 275 
 
 After 'given ' add ' and all possible endeavours were used.' 
 
 Afier ' ready ' add 'while this was doing.' 
 
 Om. after ' Bath water ' the word ' either,' and after ' agree with the princess ' 
 o«i. 'or the advisers ... it did not' ; andfor^ and that therefore' read 'and so 
 writ to court that.' 
 
 For ' to St. James's . . . good hour ' read ' that night, it being Saturday, the 
 ninth of June, and lie at St. James's.' 
 
 Om. 'from Whitehall' and 'and she always went that way'; and for 'by 
 Charing Cross . . . Pall IVIall ' read ' through the streets.' 
 
 After • to the king ' add ' to Whitehall.' 
 
 For ' no women were ' read ' no women were at first ' ; and for ' two dressers ' 
 read ' two of the queen dowager's.' 
 
 After 'Arran' add 'her son-in-law.' 
 
 Om. 'for it happened . . . tenth of June.' 
 ' [/. 260 (a)] For ' so here was . . . filled ' read ' so some have suspected that 
 a child was perhaps brought in it.' 
 
 For ' with the child . . . else ' read only ' with somewhat.' 
 
 Om. ' Chamberlain . . . could not find that any had it' (but see infra, p. 296). 
 
 For ' still in the dark ' read ' with the same mysteriousness that had been 
 observed in the whole progress of this matter.' 
 
 For ' This made all . . . nation ' read ' so that upon the first notice that was 
 given of this birth all people began to doubt of the truth of it and to suspect an 
 imposture.' 
 
 Om.from 'That still increased' to p. 753, 'another child was found.' 
 
 [Health of the cMld.^ 
 '^ The child was strong and vigorous, and did not look like 
 a new-born child, as some that saw it [within] ^ two days have 
 assured me *. On the Tuesday it was given out that the child 
 was dying ; and often since that time it has been said by the 
 papists all about the town "^ that he had convulsion fits and 
 could not live ''- It was also resolved at first to breed him up 
 by the hand without giving him suck ; but about two months 
 after a nurse was given him, and since that time " he thrives 
 very well ; but there has been so great a secret made of all 
 things that even those fits [/. 26c (d)] are looked on by some 
 as a part of the court's device to make the child pass the better 
 for the queen's, since he has so ill health ; and it hath been 
 observed that none of his fits came upon him when the princess 
 was at court, whose quality was such that they could not deny 
 her admittance ; and in these fits all others are denied access ", 
 » Cf. Hist. i. 753. " Ibid. " Ibid. 
 
 1 A word is omitted ; and a later hand supplied ' in. 
 
 T a 
 
276 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1688 
 
 so it is doubtful whether anything of all this is to be believed 
 or not. * Thus I have related all the particulars of this matter, 
 which came from such hands that I have good reason to be- 
 lieve them all true ^ ; but I do not enter into the various 
 reports which have been made *, some naming both father and 
 mother of the child, some thinking that it was a child of 
 the king's by one of the maids of honour, while others have 
 said that the first child died and that a second was put in his 
 room ^ ; but I only name the reports without giving any credit 
 to them, for when there is such an occasion given to discourse 
 in a matter of such consequence, stories will always be made 
 to supply all defects. 
 
 [Reflections on the event.] 
 Cf. Hist. i. 754 (from ' What truth soever ' to end of paragraph). 
 After ' in some places ' add ' but all that outward show of joy was far short of 
 
 that [which] appeared a few days after upon the enlargement and acquitting 
 
 of the bishops ' ; and for ' and ' read ' yet. ' 
 
 \Reception of the news by the prince and princess '.] 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 754. 
 
 [/ 261 (n)] Om. 'Upon this occasion . . . condition she was then in' 
 (cf. supra, p. 195). 
 
 For ' The advertisements . . . prince upon which ' read only ' but upon the 
 advertisements that were afterwards conveyed to them.' 
 
 After ' rupture' add 'before he was ready for it.' 
 
 [The prince designs an expedition.] 
 Cf. Hist. i. 754-5 {fo ' to make war on them '). 
 
 For ' The prince set himself . . . fixed in his purpose ' read ' And at this 
 time he entereth [? entered] into this great design, which is now so near its 
 execution.' 
 
 » Cf. Hist. i. 753-4. 
 
 1 By this he probably indicates the absolutely certain that Mary, greatly 
 
 reports sent by the Princess Anne preoccupied by a sense of the political 
 
 to her sister, given in Dalrymple's import of the event and of the strong 
 
 Memoirs ; see Hist, in loco. politico-ecclesiastical motives which 
 
 ^ e. g. histories of Hemmings and might have induced the king to coun- 
 
 Lady Clarendon (not given in the tenance an imposture, was completely 
 
 original memoirs, but subsequently convinced by the various suspicious 
 
 obtained from Lloyd ; see Hist. ii. circumstances attending the birth, and 
 
 752-3, and Routh's note to Burnefs by the report of her sister, who was 
 
 James U, p. 293). no doubt at the time a blind and 
 
 ^ See Dr. Routh's note, Burnefs passive tool of Lady Churchill's am- 
 
 James H, p. 295 ; and Mary's own bition, that a fraud had been practised. 
 Lcttres et Me'moires, pp. 72-6. It is 
 
16881 Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 260 ((^)-26i {b^ 277 
 
 For ' And if this heat . . . heart ' read ' and that though all men had hitherto 
 stuck together and stood firm, yet if the prince did not now show himself, the 
 nation would lose heart ; and many of those who considered religion very little 
 would [tr]eat ' for themselves ' (cf. Hist. i. 746). 
 
 For ' It was also visible . . . well affected ' read ' It was also manifest that the 
 king could not at all depend upon his army ; for [though] they were a company 
 of very vicious and dissolute men, and had as it were been let loose to all sorts 
 of disorders, and not only covered from justice [for] the crimes which they were 
 everywhere committing, but even encouraged in them (it being hoped that as 
 those disorders rendered them odious to the country, so they would come to hate 
 the nation, and become the instruments of enslaving it) ; yet for all [that], they 
 were zealous protestants, though bad Englishmen, and worse Christians ' (cf 
 ibid. i. 746). 
 
 For 'The king . . . visibly ' read ' and were much concerned at the imprison- 
 ment of the bishops, and grew so disorderly ' ; and for ' quarters ' read [/ 261 (i)] 
 'winter quarters.' 
 
 Om. ' and it was believed . . . mind.' 
 
 i^o;- 'on pretence . . . resolved' read 'so this obliged the king.' 
 
 For ' such offices . . . war ' read ' other offices aboard.' 
 
 For ' upon a slight pretence ' read ' upon the pretence of some indiscretion.' 
 
 For ' when some gained ' to end of paragraph, read only ' and the having 
 a quarrel with the Dutch.' 
 
 {Motives for hasie^ 
 This being the state of the king's force both by sea and 
 land, it was thought that [if] a vigorous impression could be 
 made this year [it] would carry all before it ; but if the king 
 had another year given him he would apply himself to model 
 both his army and fleet, " and perhaps he might by some deceit- 
 ful promises lay the fears of the nation asleep \ Therefore it 
 seemed necessary to set about it this year. Some of the 
 bishops also sent the prince their opinion that they thought he 
 had a just cause of making a war on the king, in which opinion 
 I likewise was ; for it was plain that the king was now settling 
 about the total subversion of the government. There was 
 a committee appointed for regulating the corporations, who 
 were putting in and turning out every day as they found men 
 compliant or obstinate, and who were resolved to change on 
 tin they could find such a number of men for the magistracy 
 that would be sure to choose according to their directions. 
 » Cf. Hist. i. 756. 
 
 • The transcript has ' heaf corrected (qu. in the same hand as f. 2!) to 'shift.' 
 
278 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1688 
 
 Many emissaries were sent over England to persuade all 
 people of the sincerity of the king's intentions, and that it was 
 the interest of the [/. 262 {aj] nation to comply with him in 
 his designs for abolishing the tests and penal laws ; but these, 
 though they were all dissenters, were men of no figure, and 
 the little which any of them had formerly was quite lost 
 by this employment. ''The judges, when they went the cir- 
 cuits, met with eminent [ma]rks [of contempt] ^ everywhere ; 
 and they saw that the presentments of grand juries and the 
 verdict of other juries were no more at their disposals All 
 things concurred to determine the prince to resolve on an 
 expedition, in which hitherto all things have been successful. 
 No wonder if he who believes an absolute predestination is 
 much wrought on by them ; for though I have no belief of that, 
 I cannot hinder my[self ] ^ from being struck with the success 
 of so many happy steps in the whole matter. 
 
 [Death of the elector of Brandenburg j his character^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 746 (/j-om ' He was then ill ' to p. 748, ' recommended to them 
 the concerns of the protestant religion '). 
 
 For ' He was then ill ... at Cleve ' read ' In May ^ the old elector of Bran- 
 denburg died, whom I had the honour to see for a great many days when he 
 [was] last at Cleve.' 
 
 For ' his interest ' read ' the sense of his judgement.' 
 
 For ' He was . . . religion ' read ' He was a very religious man, and had a 
 great zeal for all the concerns of the protestant religion ; which, upon the 
 occasion of the persecution of France, he expressed with all [the] nobleness 
 and bounty that became so great a prince' (cf. ibid, infra). 
 
 For ' His own life . . . blemishes ' read ' He was a man of great personal 
 virtues, and free of all those disorders [/. 262 (6)] that are too ordinary in princes ; 
 and if in his youth he went into the German custom of drinking, yet the 
 gout had obliged him to be temperate.' 
 
 For 'He tried all . . . reconciling' read 'He had a very ill opinion of the 
 Lutherans as an ill-natured sort of people ; yet he was much set on reconciling 
 the difference between the Calvinists and them ; and he disliked extremely the 
 rigidity of the divines of Holland, and of the divines [? synod] of Dort [on the 
 points of predestination and grace !] ; for he told me the reconciling of the two 
 parties struck [? stuck] only at those points ; therefore.' 
 
 » Cf. Hist. i. 756. 
 
 ' The transcript reads ' such eminent ^ April 30 
 
 works everywhere.' Maylco ' Routh's note from 
 
 ■■' The transcript reads ' my life.' Ra,ph_ Hist, in loco. 
 
1688] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 261 (6)-264 (a) 279 
 
 For ' He had a . . . taxes' read only ' He affected much greatness in his court, 
 and it was indeed a very splendid one,' 
 
 Om, ' in all lesser . . . greater.' 
 
 For ' that the electoral . . . depend ' read only ' never to dismember any of 
 his dominions from his family ; having observed how both the house of Saxe 
 and palatine were sunk by those divisions.' 
 
 For ' And the elector having , . . great a prince ' {see supra) read only ' for 
 wh[ich]^ his honour was oft sacrificed ; for it was believed that she received 
 great presents from France. And to this all the ill steps that he made in his 
 last years ought to be ascribed ; yet it was no easy thing to soften him with 
 relation to that court after they had set on the persecution.' 
 
 Om, ' and infirmities . . . gout.' 
 
 For ' had so disjointed his court ' read ' put such a stop to the elector's good 
 intentions.' 
 
 Far ' Death . . . looked for ' read ' He had long been gouty, and at last a 
 dropsy came which carried him off' (cf. Hist. i. 747). 
 
 For ' to them ' read ' to his son,' and om. ' then in such universal danger.' 
 
 [Character of the new electori\ 
 [He] upon his death began his government in such a 
 manner as made all people consider him as one that was not 
 like to make so great a figure in the affairs of Europe as his 
 father. He is a prince of great piety and virtue, and free of 
 all blemishes of all sorts ^ [/. 264 («)] His ministers govern 
 him much, particularly ^Dankleman, who is like to have the 
 greatest share of his favour and confidence, and will probably 
 bring all the rest into a dependence upon him. He is zealous 
 for the common concerns of religion and the liberty of Europe, 
 and will probably make as good a minister as can be expected 
 in a favourite. " As the elector is the prince of Orange's cousin- 
 germane'' by his mother and is heir by provision if he has no 
 children, so he not only " has a particular friendship for him •=, 
 but he agrees with him in the same notions and designs. 
 
 [ The pri7ice consults the new elector; conduct of the 
 German princes?^ 
 Cf. Hist. i. 757 {from 'Upon the elector' to end of paragraph). 
 For ' He offered ' read ' for in general the prince said, upon Bentinck's 
 return, that he offered.' 
 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 748. ^ ibid, supra. ' Ibid. 
 
 > The transcript reads ' while.' p. 130. The transcript continues un- 
 
 2 Here breaks off abruptly the per- broken on f. 264 (a) (beginning of 
 
 tion described by Dr. Gifford as No. 7, No. 8 in Dr. Gifford's arrangement) 
 
 on f. 262 {b) ; for f. 263 see supra, in a fresh hand. 
 
28o Burnefs Original Memoirs [i68S 
 
 For 'an army. . . all occasions' read only '13,000 with him, he laid down 
 a method for procuring the same number of men from the elector and some 
 German princes ; who were the landgrave of Hesse and the dukes of Lunen- 
 burg-Zell, and the Wolfenbuttel.' 
 
 For the whoU of the next paragraph {relating to Burnefs message to the court 
 of Hanover) read only ' Only Hanover, though the most concerned by his near- 
 ness to the crown of England, excused himself.' 
 
 The affairs of Cologne. 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 758 to end of 161. (There are a number of slight variations between 
 the accounts, principally due to corrections or amplifications of statements in- 
 serted in the later version, but only the following need be noticed.) 
 
 For 'but while . . . management' read 'but while the prince was designing 
 this.' 
 
 After ' Hildesheim ' insert ' [though] neither the revenue nor the importance 
 of it are such as to be named with the other three.' 
 
 Ont. ' much set . . . philosopher's stone.' 
 
 [f. 264 (i)] After 'elector died ' add ' which fell out this year in June.' 
 
 Om. ' which the French had forced . . . bishopric' 
 
 \J. 265 (a)] For ' so he was fixed to his interests ' read ' so he could not accept 
 of that proposition, which probably would have taken away all occasion of 
 dispute.' 
 
 After ' this matter ' add ' (though foreign to the affairs of England) both.' 
 
 For ' and it had . . . inconsiderable beginnings ' read ' and because.' 
 
 For 'it was necessary . . . France' read ' therefore it was of the greatest im- 
 portance for the States to bestir themselves vigorously on this occasion.' 
 
 Character of admiral Herbert. 
 [/. 265 {b)'] While those preparations were carried on ^ad- 
 miral Herbert came over out of England'^ ; and since he is like 
 to bear a very considerable share in this undertaking, I shall 
 here give [his] ' stoiy. His father was lord keeper ^, and had 
 followed the late king in his exile ; so he was bred in Holland. 
 He went very young into the fleet, and has * served long in it 
 with a high reputation'' both for his valour and his conduct, 
 and has escaped such extraordinary dangers that one would 
 think him preserved for some great ends. Once a cannon 
 ball passed between his legs, and another time between his 
 thighs, but if the first did him no hurt the second was thought 
 mortal, yet it only carried off all the flesh between his thighs, 
 so that he escaped after a long and painful cure. " He had 
 attached himself to the king when he was duke of York, so 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 762. !> Ibid. 671. c Ibid. 
 
 * The transcript reads ' this story.' 
 
 " (To the exiled court) from April 6, 1653, to June, 1654. 
 
i688] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 264 (a)-266 {a) 281 
 
 that no man stuck more firmly to him "• when the nation run 
 so violently upon the exclusion ; and was much considered 
 by the king, who made him rear admiral of England, and 
 gave him several other good employments ; and it was chiefly 
 upon his interest that his brother was promoted to be lord 
 chief justice. He was indeed ill-shaped to be a courtier, for 
 he valued himself upon his merit and services, and so he took 
 no great care in courting the ministers or indeed of courting 
 the king himself; for as ^ he is naturally very haughty '', so it was 
 not easy for him to see others more considered than himself. 
 But, as he stuck to the king when he thought the nation was 
 pushing at him unjustly, so, as soon as he began to see that the 
 king was going off from the promises that he had made, he 
 grew sullen, and was highly offended at his brother for the 
 judgement he gave in favour of the dispensing power ; and 
 being a man that scorns to dissemble his thoughts, it came to 
 the king's ears that he would not concur in the design of 
 repealing of the test, at the time when the king was examining 
 all the members of parliament in the beginning of [i 6]86 ; <= and 
 when the king questioned him upon it he very frankly owned 
 to him that he could not do it ". The king seemed surprised, 
 both at his answer and at the readiness of giving it ; for he 
 neither asked him to think on it nor did he put him off with 
 general words. Herbert alleged among other things that ^ he 
 could not in conscience do it ; at which the king laughed, for 
 in the point of pleasure he has been much a libertine. So the 
 king told him that his course of life did not look like a man 
 of a very strict conscience ; upon which he answered that he 
 could charge himself with nothing but that of which many 
 were as guilty as he was ''- The conversation ended very sourly, 
 and next day he was turned out of all; upon which he 
 ■ withdrew with a greatness of mind that deserves so much the 
 higher commendations, because [/. a66 («)] it set an example 
 to many others to stand firm. He pressed after that ®the 
 clearing his accounts with the king, in all which he was used 
 not only very hardly but very unjustly ; and when those were 
 
 » Cf. Hist. i. 671. " Ibid. 762. " Ibid. 671. ^ Ibid. " Ibid. 762. 
 
282 Burnefs Original Memoirs [1688 
 
 ended he came out of England in the beginning of July and 
 the prince received him very kindly. He is too much a slave 
 to pleasure, and too barefaced in owning it. 
 
 The prince his design breaks out. 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 766 {from ' Matters went on in Holland ' io p. 767, ' appeared in 
 everything '). 
 
 For ' many arms ' read ' some thousands of arms and saddles.' 
 
 After ' suspicion ' insert ' It was indeed strange to see a secret of this nature, 
 which must be put in several hands, notwithstanding all the precautions that 
 could poEsibl[y] be used, so well kept, that, till the preparations themselves 
 discovered a design in general, nothing was found.' 
 
 for ' D'Avaux . . . hand ' read only ' which the king presently published.' 
 
 Om. ' shewed . . . fears ; for he.' 
 
 Om. ' He recalled ... at all hazards.' 
 
 For ' The seamen . . . slowly ' read ' No seamen came in, at least very few 
 that were expert,' and for ' in everything ' read ' in all his people.' 
 
 Tke king saw the backwardness of the army to all mixtures 
 of Irish among them. 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 767-8. 
 
 For ' A new . . . Irish one ' read ' He met with a great mortification from 
 the oiBcers of the duke of Berwick's regiment ; for he intended to model his 
 army and to bring in insensibly a number of Irish into every company ; and 
 when that had passed, it was believed that he intended to bring French papists 
 next. So.' 
 
 Om. 'which being already . . . everything.' 
 
 [/. 266 (i)] After ' council of war, where ' read ' all that was done against 
 them was that.' 
 
 For from ' that as no more attempts were ' to p. 768, ' died soon after,' read 
 only ' that it was believed they diverted the king from all thoughts of bringing 
 over a French army ; for there had been a discourse, formerly, of hiring an 
 hundred ships, which plainly imported the design of transporting an army ; but 
 that was now let fall, since the king saw that if he went about any such thing 
 he would be forsaken of all the English.' 
 
 The French and English ministers give in memorials 
 at th£ Hagice. 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 768 (from ' D'Albeville came over ' to p. 769, ' weaken that proof). 
 
 For ' fully persuaded that the Dutch . . . laughed at ' read ' to England and 
 seemed fully persuaded that the Dutch had no designs upon England. But by 
 the advertisements that were sent by the French ambassador, the court began 
 to apprehend somewhat ; so.' 
 
 For 'who was disowned . . . weaken that proof read 'who, as it is given 
 out, will be disgraced upon it ; though it is visible that (how foolish soever he 
 has been in procuring orders to be sent to the French ambassador at the 
 Hague for owning this matter), yet it is certain that the alliance is really made 
 between the two crowns : otherwise no instances that he could have made 
 could have engaged that court to have published it.' 
 
1688] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 266 (a)-268 {b) 283 
 
 [Strange- conduct of the French court,] 
 
 Cf. Hisl. i. 769-70 (from ' The conduct ' to end of paragraph). 
 
 After ' in France' add ' pretending that this was necessary for encouraging 
 the manufacture of France.' 
 
 For 'cured with French salt' read 'carried with French ships' {probably 
 a cleiical error). 
 
 [/■ 267 (a)] After ' manufacture ' add ' at Leyden.' 
 
 For ' great bodies . . . wars ' read ' what by the aversion the States naturally 
 have to all wars'; and for 'but the height . . . fear it' read 'what by the 
 instruments that France has everywhere to have put a stop to all the prince's 
 proceedings.' 
 
 After ' the rest ' add ' But the prohibition of the French commodities stuck 
 a little ; [for].' 
 
 For 'This . . . amuse' read 'by which means neither the empire nor the 
 States should have any reason to be afraid of the French, by reason of the 
 cardinal's being confirmed elector.' 
 
 The king of France declares war, both to the emperor 
 and to the pope. 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 770-4 (to ' practicable and safe '). 
 , [/. 267 (A)] On p. 771, after 'turned into a peace,' add 'provided that those 
 forts which he had built for the security of his subjects might be included in it.' 
 ( This clause appears in Routh^s Burnet's James II, in loco.) 
 
 Om. ' I have given . . . just one or not.' 
 
 On p. 772 om. 'which was like to prove fatal . . . begin a war on his 
 part.' 
 
 [/ a68 (a)] On p. 773 for ' This was the first public . . . birth ' read ' This 
 last was an odd step, for this was the first paper that appeared by authority 
 in which that birth was said to be questioned.' 
 
 [f. 268 (6)] After ' prince Clement ' add ' upon great occasions, especially in 
 favour of sovereign princes.' 
 
 On p. 774, after ' alarm the States,' add ' and all the fears that some had of 
 a catholic league being made up between France, Spain, and the house of 
 Austria in opposition to the protestant interest were now at an end.' 
 
 \Schomberg .sent to Cleve.] 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 774. 
 
 For ' Marshal Schomberg . . . denied him ' read ' The marshal de Schom- 
 berg had been received by the old elector of Brandenburg in a most obliging 
 manner ; he refused to turn when the persecution was begun in France ; upon 
 which.' 
 
 After ' of popery ' add ' and so ungrateful.' 
 
 Om. ' being invited . . . Brandenburg.' 
 
 For ' By these means . . . England ' read only ' So that the States run no 
 danger this winter.' 
 
 Om.from ' The seas were then ' to end of paragraph. 
 
284 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1688 
 
 [Henry] Sidney's character. 
 
 "A great many persons of quality had come over to him, and 
 both in their own names and in the names of many others 
 they had pressed him to undertake it. But he that was trusted 
 with most of those messages [/. 369 (a)] was Henry Sidney, 
 youngest brother to the earl of Leicester and to Algernon 
 Sidney. He was a graceful man, and coming in very young 
 into the court he had passed through many adventures in it * 
 with all the advantages that lewd youth could desire ; '' some 
 of those were very public ^ but of too great consequence to be 
 mentioned by me. He had in him all that could recommend 
 one in a court, for " he had a sweetness in his temper and was 
 the furthest from doing mischiefs to any ", and the readiest to 
 do good to all of any man of his age ; but he had another 
 quality very seldom to be found in courtiers, for he was a man 
 of great truth and candour. '' He was sent over as envoy to 
 Holland in [i6]79, whence he entered into particular con- 
 fidences with the prince, [so] that he has been ever since entirely 
 both in his interests and his favour ; and this being generally 
 understood all England over, as it has exposed him to a very 
 particular jealousy from the court, so all those who desired to 
 signify their affection to the prince have centered on him and 
 everything of that kind has passed through his hands ^. He 
 will probably be in high favour, and he has all the qualities in 
 him that are to be wished for in a man of that post ; for he is 
 neither imperious nor insolent, revengeful nor covetous. He 
 has a true judgement in affairs, and all his inclinations are 
 noble. He maybe too easy to those he loves and trusts, and 
 too much carried away from business to pleasure, but it is 
 a great happiness when all that is to be apprehended in a man 
 of favour is an excess of gentleness and good-nature. 
 \General scheme of the expedition^] 
 
 The design is thus laid by the prince ; " he has equipped out 
 a fleet of about [51] ^ sail, of which the greatest part are third 
 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 762, 763. '^ Ibid. ; see also ibid. 227, and note. "= Ibid. 763. 
 ^ Ibid. 763-4. o Ibid. 774. 
 
 1 The transcript appears to read ' 151 ' ; probably a clerical error. 
 
1688] Harl MSS. 6584, ff, 268 (^>)-269 {h) 285 
 
 and fourth rates, which is to be commanded by Dutch officers ; 
 only upon this occasion Herbert is to command as representing 
 the prince's person \ "^This fleet is to conduct and defend 
 another fleet of merchant vessels that are to carry over 13,000 
 horse and foot ", who are to land either in the west or north, 
 and either all in one body, or in one great body with one or 
 two detachments in different places, according as the last 
 advices from England that will be given may determine the 
 matter ; '' with these the prince carries a provision of arms for 
 about 30,coo men'' that he expects may come in to him. 
 
 [The prince's declaration.^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 775-6 (to ' tenth of October '). 
 
 For 'The declaration . . . too long' read only 'He has already prepared a 
 declaration which was put in force by Fagel the pensioner, and was put into 
 English by me.' (^The abstract of the declaration is of course given in the present 
 tense.) 
 
 Om. ' according to the obligations ... his own.' 
 
 [/, 269 (6)] After ' happiness of the nation ' add ' he promises also the like 
 both for Scotland aud Ireland.' 
 
 Om./rom ' and he promised ' to p. 776, ' acquiesce in its decision.' 
 
 For 'This the prince . . . October' read 'This he is to sign and seal the tenth 
 of October, for it is already printed with that date to it.' 
 
 Om, remainder of paragraph, 
 
 [Herbert puts to sea.] 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 779 {from 'Herbert went to sea' to end of paragraph). 
 
 For ' Herbert went to sea ' read ' He has likewise instructed Herbert to go 
 over.' 
 
 Om. ' of which . . . given.' 
 
 For ' or to engage . . . strong ' read ' or if they cannot be prevailed on to do 
 that, then to fall upon them; for at present there are not above eighteen 
 ship's out ; and a good blow given them [will settle ?] ' the whole business.' 
 
 For from 'but the contrary winds' /o end of paragraph read only 'But the 
 wind that has been in the west above six weeks is not favourable.' 
 
 [Burnet's concluding reflections, Oct. 3, 1688.] 
 
 And now the whole matter will be brought to its full 
 
 ripeness within a week or two ; so that one of the greatest 
 
 designs that has been undertaken now for many ages is 
 
 • Cf. Hist. i. 775. " Ibid. 
 
 1 The History criticizes this arrangement. 
 " Blank space in transcript. 
 
286 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1688 
 
 brought very near a point. * I intend to go along with the 
 prince as his chaplain " ; for as I have been made acquainted 
 with his purpose ever since the beginning of July, so I made 
 the offer of my poor person to go along with him ^ ; ''for having 
 thought that it was lawful, I judged it had been a very un- 
 becoming fear in me to have taken care of mine own person, 
 when the prince ventured his. I have in one paper ^, which 
 is now in the press^, " writ a justification of the whole design" ; 
 and I have in another ^ (which I have left sealed up with my 
 wife) set down a very particular account of all the thoughts 
 which I have had upon this matter, and which I have ordered 
 to be published in case I should not outlive the expedition. 
 The design is as just as it is great, and the prince, as far as 
 it is possible to see into a man's heart, goes into it with great 
 and noble intentions ; and he seems to be marked out by 
 Providence for the doing of wonders ; and as his first essay 
 was the saving of this state, when it was almost quite overrun 
 by the French, so he now seems to be led by Providence to 
 a much nobler undertaking, in which, if God bless him with 
 success, and if he manages the English nation as dexterously 
 as he hath hitherto done the Dutch, he will be the arbiter of 
 all Europe, and will very quickly bring Lewis the Great to 
 a much humbler posture, and will acquire a much juster right 
 to the title of Great than the other has ever yet done. But 
 I must remember that I am a historian, not a prophet ; 
 therefore I do now interrupt the thread of this history. 
 Whether I shall live ever to carry it on any more is only 
 known to that God to whom I most humbly resign myself, my 
 life, and all that is dear to me. Thus I conclude at the Hague 
 the 3rd of October *. 
 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 776. ' Ibid, supra. <= Ibid. 
 
 ' In the History it "is said the prince pendix I. 
 asked him, in the meditation (see ^ Printed infra, as Appendix III 
 
 Appendix III, infra) that he offered from the Morrison collection, 
 himself. . * There is no white line in the tran- 
 
 '^ The ' Enquiry ' ; see infra, Ap- script. 
 
1688] Harl MSS. 6584, J. 269 (by^jo (a) 287 
 
 [Bume/ resumes his pen, Jtme, 1691, and tells how] the prince 
 
 was invited to come to England, 
 I begin now again in June, 1 691, to continue this work, and 
 have the account of a revokition to write that will appear to 
 posterity one of the most extraordinary scenes in history; and 
 this I am better able to give since I bore a considerable share 
 in it myself and was acquainted with all the [/ 370 («)] steps of 
 it. I have told already many of the previous parts of it ; but 
 the most important of all was that of which ^ I then took care 
 to be ignorant, because I resolved to know as little of the 
 secret of the men of England who favoured our designs as was 
 possible; that so in case all had miscarried or that I had fallen 
 into the hands of our enemies, it had not been in my power, 
 though put to the torture, to have discovered any person =■. 
 Therefore I took care to know nothing of any but those who 
 came openly over to us and joined with us. But ^ Mr. Russell, 
 who managed the invitation that was sent to the prince from 
 England ^ has given me a particular account of it since we came 
 into England. 
 
 by the lord Mordaunt. 
 " The lord Mordaunt was the first man of quality that came 
 over to try the prince with relation to the affairs of England. 
 He is a man of much heat, many notions, and full of discourse ; 
 he is both brave and generous ; but he is not a man of solid 
 judgement nor of a firm virtue "- He has republican principles 
 in him to a very high degree, but all '' his thoughts are crude 
 and indigested, and a little heat brings secrets easily from 
 him, especially to those who go into his notions and flatter 
 him ; for vanity is his weak side. He told the prince many 
 things of the affairs of England, and represented the thing [as] 
 so easy, that all this appeared extremely romantical to the 
 prince ^. In conclusion, the prince told him that so great an 
 undertaking must not be set about but upon a high and just 
 provocation and with a strength proportioned to the resistance 
 that might be apprehended from so great a force and so vast 
 a treasure as the king then had ; and * he should have his eye 
 
 » Cf. Hist. i. 776. '' Ibid. 763, 766. ° Ibid. 762. <■ Ibid. » Ibid. 
 
288 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1688 
 
 still upon England, and should endeavour to put the afifairs in 
 Holland in the best posture he could to be ready when neces- 
 sity should force a breach ; and said that if either the king went 
 about the overturning the established religion, or the wronging 
 the princess in her right of succession, or if he went about by 
 forged (or as the new word was, sham) plots to destroy his 
 friends, he would then see what might be possible for him to do. 
 The earl of Shrewsbury. 
 This was in the year 1686; but in summer [i6]87 
 a man of a far different temper came over to the prince ; 
 the earl of Shrewsbury, who, as was told formerly, had been 
 bred a papist, but had forsaken the church of Rome upon 
 a very critical and anxious inquiry into matters of con- 
 troversy ^ He certainly forsook popery with all his heart, 
 but it is not so easy for me to affirm that he became a hearty 
 protestant ; I am afraid '^ he is too sceptical in matters of 
 religion '' ; but as to all other things he is the worthiest man 
 I know. " He has a considerable tincture of learning, a true 
 exactness of judgement, is a man of much honour and of great 
 integrity and truth, and of so sweet a temper that he charms 
 all that know him. He is so far from haughtiness and 
 impatience of spirit, which are the common frailties of young 
 men that are far above the common level of mankind, that 
 during his ministry I never heard that the indiscretion of 
 those who came to him, especially of importunate suitors, 
 drew one passionate answer from him. He has true notions 
 of government with generous principles, and a wit that is 
 as lively as it is [/. 270 (1^)] soft. His gentleness and modesty 
 suited better with the prince's temper than Mordaunt's fire 
 and fierceness ; yet even with him the prince went not further 
 than to give general assurances. 
 
 Master Russell^. 
 ^But in May[i6]88 the matter was brought nearer an issue; 
 for then Mr. Russell came over, that was cousin-germane to the 
 
 ' Cf. Hist, i.762. ' Ibid. /i,;^ ^62-3. d Ibid. 763, 746. 
 
 1 The reader will remark, as a sign revision of Burnet was conducted, 
 of the carelessness with which the that the printed History contains tu/o 
 
1688] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 270 (a)-27o {b) 289 
 
 lord Russell ; and having served long at sea, and having been 
 of the bedchamber to the king while he was duke of York, 
 had upon the lord Russell's death left the court and all his 
 employments. He is a man of much honour and of very 
 worthy principles ; of a good temper, and very firm and 
 resolute; but he is both too haughty and too lazy. *He 
 pressed the prince to come to a speedy resolution ; he told him 
 there were a great many, both courtiers, and officers at sea and 
 land, that stood yet firm to the interests of their religion and 
 country, but he durst not answer for them that they would 
 stand out long ; they saw plainly the design of the court was 
 to model the army, that quarrels would be picked against all 
 that showed a firmness, and that it would be impossible to 
 persuade them to continue steady unless they saw a certainty 
 of his design to appear in the quarrel. "^ To this the prince 
 answered more positively than before, that he could not 
 meddle in [the] affairs of England unless he should be invited 
 to it by some of the chief men of the nation. In this he said 
 he must satisfy both his conscience and his honour ; and he 
 protested (as he had often done) that no private ambition or 
 resentment of his own should ever prevail so far over him as 
 to make him break with so near a relation, or engage in a war 
 of which the consequences must be of the last importance to 
 the interest of Europe and of the protestant religion. And 
 when Russell laid before him the danger of putting too great 
 numbers upon so critical a secret ; "he said, if the invitation 
 came from a considerable number of the men that might be 
 supposed to understand best the sense of the nation he would 
 be satisfied". Russell spake to me of this in more general 
 terms. I told him if the old elector of Brandenburg should 
 happen to die, I * believed they might depend upon the prince's 
 being able to come over by the end ^ of the year '' ; but " if he 
 
 » Cf. Hist. i. 746. ° Ibid. 763. ' Ibid. 763, 746. ■" Ibid. 746. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 accounts of Russell's mission (vol. i. relation. 
 
 pp. 746 and 763), both apparently 1 Two remarks may be made on this 
 
 founded on portions (sometimes iden- passage : i. Burnet has told us (««/»-«, 
 
 tical portions) of the above original p. 286) that he was inducted into the 
 
 FOXCROFT ^ 
 
290 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1688 
 
 should happen to languish long, I should scarce hope that the 
 thing could be performed, "Russell upon his return com- 
 municated the matter first with Shrewsbury, Lumley, and 
 Mr. Sidney ; "^ next it was opened to Danby (and many others), 
 who went into it heartily, and got the bishop of London to 
 join in it. 
 
 [Character of the earl of Nottingham \] 
 
 It was by their advice communicated to Nottingham '', who 
 was the heir of his father's virtues and knowledge as well as of 
 his honours, " He. was much considered by the clergy and 
 church of England party ; his life was in all parts regular and 
 exemplary ; he is learned in the law, he has a noble way of 
 expressing himself, but it is a little too long and too laboured", 
 and not enough neglected in common discourse ; he has. very 
 high notions of the prerogative and is too much soured against 
 the Whigs ; he is a very firm friend, and was the best son, and 
 IS the best brother [/, 27 1 («)] I ever knew ; and being free from 
 vices and passions, and a man of great application and true 
 judgement, was thought capable of the chief posts in the 
 government. The king, who neither loved him nor his father, 
 yet seemed willing to employ him ; but '^ he hath kept himself 
 at a great distance from the court all this reign '^ ; yet they had 
 [that ?] regard to him and to that high reputation in which he 
 was that " his name was still left among the privy councillors, 
 though he never went to that board. He upon the first 
 proposition that was made to him of this matter agreed to 
 their inviting the prince ; but at their next meeting he said he 
 had considered further of it, and found his conscience so 
 straitened that he could not go on in that affair. He confessed 
 those with whom he had gone so far had a . right to kill him 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 763. " Ibid. 764. •= Ibid. ^ Ibid, " Ibid, 
 
 prince'ssecretsin July, while Russell's introduced into this character and 
 
 mission took place in April ; s. That that of Churchill in the printed His- 
 
 in the printed History the assertion as toyy (revised when Nottingham was 
 
 to the probable date of the expedition out of favour with the Whigs and 
 
 is ascribed not to him, but to the Churchill in credit), see Von Ranke, 
 
 prince. ed. 1868, vol. vii. App. ii. pp. 186-8 ; 
 
 ' For the importance of the changes and supra, Introduction. 
 
1688] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 270 (6)-27i (a) 291 
 
 according to Italian notions, but he assured them he would be 
 no informer, and that though his principles restrained him from 
 joining with them, yet his affections would force him to wish 
 well to them. 
 
 [ The marquis of Halifax.'] 
 
 " Halifax was tried at a distance, but he did not encourage 
 a further freedom ; and upon general discourse he expressed 
 his dislike of the design as impracticable and depending upon 
 so many accidents that he thought it was a needless putting of 
 all things upon so dangerous an issue. 
 
 [The army tried ^ conduct of Churchill?^ 
 
 ^ Next to these the chief officers of the army were tried ; 
 Churchill, Kirk, and Trelawny went into it ; and Trelawny 
 got his brother that was bishop of Bristol to join in it. 
 " Churchill did likewise undertake for prince George and the 
 princess Anne" ; and those officers said they durst answer for 
 the much greatest part of the army, and promised to do their 
 utmost endeavours to bring as many as possibly they could 
 into it. ^ Churchill has been much censured ^ ; for as he had 
 risen in the king's service through several degrees up to be 
 a favourite, so a kindness which had begun upon the king's 
 commerce with his sister was now so well fixed, that ° no man 
 had more of personal favour and had found greater effects of 
 it than he had. His coming into this design had the appear- 
 ance of treachery and ingratitude, which has brought him 
 under much reproach. But as he never betrayed any of the 
 king's secrets to the prince, so he never set the king on violent 
 measures, but on the contrary,.as oft as he spake to him of 
 his affairs (which was indeed but seldom), he gave him always 
 moderate counsels ^ He had kept himself wholly out of the 
 counsels, and so set himself to manage his post in the army, 
 ' in which he made great advantages *, for money had as much 
 power over him as he had over the king. ^ His wife is about 
 the princess and has gained such an ascendant over her*^, that 
 
 a Cf. Hist. i. 764, supra. ' Ibid. 764-5. ■= Ibid. 766. " Ibid. 765. « Ibid. 
 ' Ibid, supra. ^ Ibid, infra. 
 
 u a 
 
292 Burnet's Original Memoirs^ [1688 
 
 there never was a more absolute favourite in a court ; she is 
 
 indeed become the mistress of her thoughts and affections, 
 
 and does with her, both in her court and in all her affairs, what 
 
 she pleases. * Churchill is a very smooth man, made for a 
 
 court % and very fit for business if his own interests prevailed 
 
 not [/. 271 (3)] too much over him. ^ These were the persons 
 
 that sent an invitation in writing ^ to the prince by Sidney ; 
 
 and every one of them assured him in their letters that they . 
 
 writ to him what was the universal sense of all the good and 
 
 wise men that they knew. 
 
 [Tenor of the advice sent to Holland^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 776 {from ' They advised ' to p. 777, end of paragraph^. 
 Ont. ' The earl of Danby . . . country.' 
 
 for ' the king . . . slowly ' read ' that so the king might be surprised before a 
 greater fleet could be equipped out.' 
 
 [Herbert's criticisms.] 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 778. 
 
 Om. ' and the other seamen' and read the whole passage in the singular. 
 
 After ' assistance from France ' add ' The roads were also much better up to 
 London. It is true the passage of the Thames might have been a matter of 
 much difficulty in a winter campaign ; but if all had been carried on to the 
 Thames the main part of the work had been done.' 
 
 for ' to have split . . . channel ' read ' to steer that way.' 
 
 [The princess views as to his force. \ 
 
 Cf. Hist, i. 777. 
 
 For ' When these things ... he could ' read ' But he would.' 
 
 For ' to the king's own . . . stick to him ' read ' to anything the king could 
 bring against him ; therefore he thought 10,000 foot and 3,000 horse and 
 dragoons was the smallest force he could carry with him.' 
 
 Om. ' in the north ' ; and for ' to the west ' read ' to some other place.' 
 
 Om. ' They pressed . . . carry him over with him.' 
 
 For 'in any one part . . . whole' read 'might turn the people to the prevail- 
 ing side.' 
 
 The expedition was cai-ried on with great secrecy. 
 Cf Hist, i, 778 {from 'The prince continued' to end of ^. 779). 
 For ' The prince . . . Cologne. He ' read ' But to cover his design the 
 better he.' 
 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 765, supra. ' Ib.'d. 776. 
 
 ' This celebrated invitation, signed published by Dalrymple (see pp. 107- 
 
 in cipher by Shrewsbury, Devonshire 10 of Appendix to Book V in edition 
 
 (whose name, accidentally omitted 1790"', from the original in 'King 
 
 above,was subsequently inserted in the William's chest,' isnot specilicallymen- 
 
 History), Danby, Lumley, Bishop of tioned in Burnet's final version. 
 London, Russell, and Sidney, and first 
 
1638] Harl. MSS. 6584, J. 271 (a)-272 (b) 293 
 
 ^/ter ' was also ordered ' add ' to be carried thither.' 
 
 [/ 272 a] For ' for so long a time ' read ' for a winter's campaign.' 
 
 For ' The main point . . . expedition ' read ' He also found a way to be 
 furnished with money which was managed with great dexterity.' 
 
 For ' or at least to create a delay ' read ' upon a point that goes always hardly 
 in a [popular?] government.' 
 
 Oiii. ' But Fagel . . . prevent this.' 
 
 For ' of the neighbourhood . . . arise there ' read ' [that] the French were 
 then possessed of the bishopric of Cologne.' 
 
 For ' their places . . . bad condition ' read ' the fortified places on their 
 frontiers.' 
 
 For ' in four days ' read ■ presently.' 
 
 For from ' About the end ' to ' necessity of the undertaking ' read ' And 
 being now raised, the States ordered it to go to the English expedition ; for the 
 elector of Brandenburg had undertaken the war of Cologne, with the assistance 
 of the northern princes, so that the States reckoned themselves safe on that 
 side and diverted the money to another use. And though the government of 
 Holland consists of many negative voices, and every one of their towns being 
 governed by a council that consists of thirty or more persons, it could not be 
 imagined that a body so variously composed should have so unanimously con- 
 sented to an expedition in winter, that besides all other dangers had the seas and 
 seasons to wrestle with ; yet there was not in the Hague or in any of the 
 towns of Holland one dissenting voice ; nor was there any so averse to it that 
 it was necessary to lose any time for working on them underhand ; for all came 
 in frankly and readily.' 
 
 For ' Fagel . . . concurrence in this design ' read only ' The persecution of 
 France had united all the protestants in Holland in this design ; and the 
 ministers were secretly directed to take all possible methods in the several 
 towns to possess all people with a sense of the present extremity, and that now 
 or never the protestant religion must be recovered out of the extreme danger 
 to which it was reduced." 
 
 For ' But I was never . . . have there ' read ' yet they have generally great 
 credit with their people.' 
 
 For ' Those ' read ' Those among the Dutch.' 
 
 After ' religion, yet ' add 'concurred heartily in this matter ; they.' 
 
 For ' And the publication . . . they reckoned ' read ' They reckoned that if 
 England joined with France.' 
 
 For • All the English . . . Amsterdam ' read ' And all advices from England, 
 as well as all the English who lived at Amsterdam.' 
 
 For ' had such positive advices . . . hand of heaven ' read ' represented this 
 undertaking as so sure and so easy that all went to it as the only means of 
 their preservation.' 
 
 For ' Herbert . . . impracticable, but ' (see supra, p. 285) read only ' The 
 Dutch fleet was ordered to go to sea ; but the wind stood long at north-west, 
 and for some days there was so violent a storm, that [it].' 
 
 [/ 272 (6)] Om. ' and gave us . . . prospect.' 
 
 For ' Herbert ... expected ' read 'The fleet also was much weaker, than 
 had been promised by the admiralties, and it was generally but indiiferently 
 manned.' 
 
294 Burnefs Original Memoirs [1688 
 
 Debates concerning the declaration. 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 780-1. 
 
 For ' All the English . . . Hague ' read ' These were melancholy things, and 
 this put many of the English, who were then all come to the Hague, in very 
 ill-humour.' 
 
 Om. ' Among these . . . discontent.' 
 
 For ' and on what . . . bishops ' read ' and the other violences that had been 
 set on against the church party.' 
 
 For ' in all which ' read ' so whatever the designs of the court might 
 have been.' 
 
 For ' mysterious, when ' read ' mysterious for a great while ; and it was not 
 easy to comprehend how.' 
 
 For ' the church party ' read ' the Tory party.' 
 
 After ' by the prince ' add ' since there was nothing in it that reflected 
 on them.' 
 
 For 'ma.de to secure . . . religion' read 'and suspend [y! 273 (a)] them in all 
 time to come, which concerned the public safety and security.' 
 
 For ' would not only carry . . . army ' read ' or on the Tory party in general, 
 would unite the army in England.' 
 
 For ' that was to be left to the parliament ' read ' since he was a stranger 
 to them.' 
 
 Om. ' as they were transmitted . . . going over.' 
 
 T/ie army all shifif>ed. 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 781 {to ' attendance at the Hague '). 
 
 For 'In the beginning of October' read 'The fleet, after it had been out 
 a fortnight, was ordered in again ; and about the third of October.' 
 
 After ' Texel ' add ' which was much censured ; for though the season was 
 pretty cool, yet diseases are apt to break in upon multitudes that are aboard ; 
 for before we got to England they had been a month at sea.' 
 
 For ' Never was ... It is true some ' read ' It appeared upon this occasion 
 that Holland is the only country in the world in which such a design could 
 have been executed all of the sudden ; for the shipping is so vast that in three 
 days' time they had hired almost 500 ships, and everything was so soon ready 
 that though our impatience and the season made us complain [that] many ' ; and 
 for ' forgot ' lead ' ill-ordered.' 
 
 For 'it seemed much more . . . forgot' read 'the diligence of those who 
 managed it deserves great commendation.' 
 
 For ' Van Hulst ' read ' Mr. Harbord '.' 
 
 Om. altogether ' I waited on the princess . . . direct us.' 
 
 \Tlie firince takes leave.] 
 Cf. Hist. i. 782 {from ' On the sixteenth of October ' to end of paragraph). 
 For ' in the west ' read ' at W. and NW., that it began to make us all melan- 
 choly.' 
 
 ' Commissary-general to the force Halifa.r, i. 253 sq., 259, 272, 471 n. ; 
 from the time of its landing to the ii. 81, 217, 225, 226. 
 arrival at St. James'. See Ltfe of 
 
1688] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 272 (6) -274 {U) 295 
 
 [/• 273 (i)] -After ' manner ' add ' he said her deportment among them had been 
 such, that he need not say much concerning her ; only as to one thing.' 
 Ont. ' but a kind.' 
 After 'when he came ' add ' that night.' 
 
 The fleet sailed, but beat back with little loss. 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 782-3. 
 
 For ' But the next daj' ' read ' But before next day at noon.' 
 After ' want of air ' add ' but that was soon made up.' 
 
 For ' but was calm and silent. The States ' read ' she showed great courage ', 
 and began to be much esteemed by the States, who.' 
 
 Disorders in the council in England. 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 783-5. 
 
 \^f. 274 (a)] For ' He proposed rather . . . importunities ' read 'so he diverted 
 that which afterwards w^as represented as a sign of his being in the prince's 
 secret^; to this was added his great friendship with Sidney, and his constant 
 converse with him. [Cf. Hist. i. 756.] [By] these things.' 
 
 For ' The fleet ... so strong ' read ' Dartmouth was sent to command the 
 fleet ; great diligence was used in equipping out so many ships.' 
 
 For ' the Dutch fleet ' read ' ours ' ; for ' tliem ' read ' us ' ; for ' they were ' 
 read ' our fleet had.' 
 
 Om. ' But, in order . . . nation.' 
 
 Om. ' They wished . . . protestant wind.' 
 
 After ' city of London ' add ' which had an ill grace notwithstanding ' ; for 
 ' and' read ' [that he]' ; and.om. ' All men . . . affectation.' 
 
 Om. ' that order not being executed ' and ' which plainly showed . . . last.' 
 
 Witnesses examined concerning the birth of the frince of Wales. 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 785-6 {to ' who named the month of May '). 
 
 [/. 274 (6)] For ' The matter . . . supported ' read ' The thing that was most 
 in all people's mouths.' 
 
 Om. ' now in an after-game.' 
 
 After ' together, that they ' add ' and all his people.' 
 
 [The countess of Clarendon's story; that of Windebank.} 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 750. 
 
 Begin ' Upon which I think fit to set down a passage which I had from the 
 countess of Clarendon's own mouth.' 
 
 For ' On the same day . . . admittance ' read ' She told me that on Easter 
 Monday she, hearing the queen was ill, came into the bedchamber, where she 
 found the queen with very little company with her.' 
 
 ' For Mary's own account of her known, in the vindicatory letter pub- 
 conduct see Z,e«>«s «<iI//>«oiVc5 (1880), lished (by Blencowe) in H. Sidney's 
 pp 16-92; T>oehner's Memoirs of Mary Diary and elsewhere, made a merit 
 Oueen of England (1886), pp. 3-6. of it. 
 " 2 Sunderland himself, as is well 
 
296 Burnet's Original Memoirs [i688 
 
 After ' Undone ' add ' and there was a great stir about her bed, she herself 
 and all about her seeming to be in an agony.' 
 
 For ' which she believed . . . queen ' read ' but whether it was only [linen] 
 or anything else she could not tell.' 
 
 For ' She was upon this . . . course ' read ' She saw she was not a welcome 
 person there ; so she withdrew ; and that day or the next one came to her and 
 desired her not to speak of that accident ; which went so far that the king, 
 who was gone to Chatham to view the naval preparations, was sent for [cf. idid. 
 supra] ; and [/. 275 (a)] Dr. Walgrave [then in chief charge of her] did own 
 to Dr. Windebank [as ibid.]. This I had from Mr. Geddes, chancellor of the 
 church of Salisbury, who told me he had it from Windebank's own mouth.' {The 
 certificate mentioned in the History was signed in 170s ; see note, Hist, in loco.) 
 
 [Effect of this on the evidence?^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 785 {from ' But if the particulars ' to p. 786, ' nation was 
 possessed '). 
 
 For ' since . . . considered ' read ' for upon such occasions as these modesty 
 must be for a while laid aside.' (A trivial detail follows, quoted from the 
 evidence of Mrs. Dawson, which proves, in Burnet's estimation, that the queen 
 could not then have been in the condition pretended.) 
 
 Out. ' She was a bedchamber woman . . . witness.' 
 
 Om. ' So that the proof . . . question.' 
 
 Om. ' for all people concluded . . . world.' 
 
 [Absence of the princess; various stories on this topici] 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 786, 749, 752, 750-1, 754. 
 
 Begin (p. 786) ' It was much observed . . . could not hurt her ' (omitting last 
 sentence of paragraph), and add 'The truth was she had been strangely 
 used in this matter, for though when she was a maid the queen had made her 
 [satisfy herself], yet now that she was a competent judge and a witness who 
 alone would have satisfied the whole world in the matter, she was never 
 desired to do it.' 
 
 Then return to p. 749 ('Prince George . . . breaking with her') and add 'nor 
 did it appear that any woman of rank or reputation of any of the religions had 
 been either called on to [receive demonstrative proof, before or after].' 
 
 Then return to p. 752, reading ' And to end this matter altogether Cham- 
 berlain,' {^c. 
 
 For 'wondered' read 'told me.' 
 
 [/• 27s (6)] After ' custom ' add ' three days after.' 
 
 After ' plaisters ' add ' for which he had a fee of 100 guineas.' 
 
 For ' He fancied . . . had it ' read ' Upon which he, fancying that one Dr. 
 Brady had thrust himself into this matter, went to expostulate it with him ; but 
 he protested to him he knew nothing of it. My lady Bellasis, who was of the 
 bedchamber, told me that for three months before the birth the ladies of the bed- 
 chamber never gave the queen her smock ; but that was always so managed, 
 that it was done before they came in the morning or after they were dismissed 
 at night.' (Cf. Hist. i. 749.) 
 
 Then return and take from p. 750 (' Lower ') to p. 751 (' to advise it ') ; after 
 ' told me ' adding ' that he was present at the consultation concerning the 
 
1688] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 274 [by^-^e (b) 297 
 
 princess's going to The Ball, ' ; /or ' he was against it ; he ■ readw^ ' he and 
 another (I think it was Radcliffe)'; after 'vehemence' adciini^ 'not without 
 showing anger against those who were of anotlier mind'; /or ' Millington 
 another physician' reac/mg 'Sir Thomas Millington, a learned physician'': 
 omitting ' from whom I had it.' 
 
 T/ien add ' I pass over all conjectural proofs, of which the bishop of St. Asaph 
 has gathered a vast number [cf. Hist. i. 754] ; because these amount to nothing 
 unless it be to weaken a matter '.' 
 
 Debates at Helvoetshiys''- 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 786 {/rom ' This was the state ' to p. 787, end 0/ paragraph). 
 
 For ' Here Wildman . . . entertained by many ' readonly ' It was visible that 
 many of our English heroes were upon this occasion much dejected.' 
 
 After ' fleets ' insert ' especially when the seas are rough.' 
 
 Om. ' though both sides . . . avoided.' 
 
 A/ter ' ship them again' add 'it would dishearten not only the army but the 
 States, and all their allies, to see much time lost.' 
 
 [/ 276 (")] Om. 'with these things . . . quieted them.' 
 
 A/ter ' six hours together ' add ' all the morning long.' 
 
 For ' Many that have passed for heroes, yet ' read ' In all this time when 
 most men.' 
 
 Om. 'it calmed a little and ' and ' third rate.' 
 
 {The fleet sails again; the landing/] remarkable pvvidences 
 in that voyage. 
 Cf. Hist. i. 787-90 {to ' to guide thee right'). 
 For ' on the third ' read ' on Saturday morning.' 
 A/ter ' horses ' add ' and everything else that we needed.' 
 For ' at noon on the fourth ' read ' on Sunday night.' 
 
 For 'The pilot thought he' read 'he thought the pilot'; and om. 'and 
 believed . . , orders.' 
 
 [/. S76 (6)] Om. ' whereas . . . decided.' 
 
 ^ The result of the diiferences be- Mus.) 2621, ff. 49-83, and printed m/iw, 
 tween the earlier version and the as Appendix IV, which relate incidents 
 History proves (a) that the original from Oct. to Dec. 1688. Their genesis 
 story, which reached Burnet in Hoi- is described in Hist. i. 762 : ' The 
 land, treated the entire episode as a managing [Herbert] was in a great 
 case of fraud ; and (6) that after the measure put on me, and it was no 
 examination before the council had easy thing." The first (undated, f. 49) 
 disposed of this suggestion, and had was written after the storm had 
 proved the reality of the queen's beaten back the expedition, and con- 
 expectations, all reports were col- tains a most amusing mixture of civili- 
 lected and believed, which tended to ties, clerical expostulation on the re- 
 show that her hopes had been pre- cipient's vices, and the last news 
 maturely blasted, and that a recourse from England. He relates the king's 
 had been then had to imposture. interview with the bishops ; changes 
 
 ^ We must here remind the reader of in the command of the English fleet; 
 
 a remarkable series of letters from the affections of the city ; for German 
 
 Burnet to Admiral Herbert (mentioned news his correspondent, like Mr. 
 
 in Mr. Airy's article Diet. Nat. Biog.) Sidney, will no; care, 
 contained in Egerton MSS. (Brit. 
 
298 Burnefs Original Memoirs [1688 
 
 Om. ' (upon which . . . lost).' 
 
 After ' aboard the prince ' add ' to see for new orders.' 
 
 For 'which they found . . . season' read 'AH the foot were landed that 
 night.' 
 
 After ' cold night ' add ' which might have been expected at that time ' ; and 
 after ' much by it ' add ' [whereas] it proved to be one of the warmest nights 
 I ever knew in that season, and was indeed like a summer's night.' 
 
 For ' shook me . . . hand ' read ' looked very kindly to me.' 
 
 For ' The prince . . . asked them ' read ' The prince ordered all the fishermen 
 of the bay to be brought to him next morning, that he might know.' 
 
 For 'with as much baggage . . . Exeter' read 'which were above 7,000 ; for 
 though our cavalry and dragoons were not half so many, yet the ofiBcers' horses, 
 besides those which belonged to the train of artillery and the waggons, grew 
 up to that number.' 
 
 After ' seaport to Exeter' add ' which was but .[/ 277 (n)] a little way by 
 sea.' 
 
 For ' philosophical ' read ' too philosophical.' 
 
 After ' venti ' add 'which at that time was Englished thus.' 
 
 Many come to him from the king's army '. 
 
 Cf Hist. i. 790 {^from ' The prince made haste ' to p. 792, ' great an effect '). 
 
 For ' Both the clergy and magistrates . . . what they did eat we ' read only 
 ' The people came in to him in great numbers ; but as the magistrates of Exeter 
 were very backward, so we.' 
 
 For ' Every day . . . Abingdon ' read ' Every day some came [to him] from 
 London ; the first were the lord Colchester, Mr. Edward Russell, and col. 
 Godfrey.' 
 
 For 'The king came down. . . further' read 'In the meanwhile the king 
 sent his troops westward.' 
 
 After ' dragoons ' add ' that were sent as far as Salisbury.' 
 
 Om. 'the lord Cornbury . . . Langston.' 
 
 For ' But because . , . made ' read ' they did not discover it to the subaltern 
 officers, for they durst not trust them, but they still advanced as if they had 
 been sent to view our army.' 
 
 After ' Exeter and ' add ' as they were marching in the night.' 
 
 After ' Cornbury ' add ' that commanded this [/. 277 (6)] body.' 
 
 For ' So they fell . . . rode back ' read ' Many that came unto us soon after 
 turned back then, they being in a confusion and apprehending they were falling 
 into a trap, through the unskilfulness of their leaders.' 
 
 ' These events are described in them '), the expected defection of Kirk 
 
 Burnet's second letter to Herbert, Eg. and the forces at Plymouth, the better 
 
 MSS. 2621, f. 51 (Exeter, Friday, Nov. temper among the clergy, and the 
 
 16, 1688). This mentions the want of fact that Portsmouth would have 
 
 transport, the Cornbury fiasco (' We surrendered had they landed there, 
 
 had swallowed down in our hopes See also the third letter (an intervening 
 
 three of the king's best regiments,' one having been lost in the post), 
 
 lost by ' the confusion of the night, which describes the situation from 
 
 with Sir Fran[cis] Compton's want Sherborne, Nov. 29 (Thursday). Ibid. 
 
 of head or heart, together with the f. 67. 
 vigour of some popish officers among 
 
1688] Harl MSS. 6584, J. 276 (^>)-278 {a) 299 
 
 For ' Yet, on the other hand . . . flatteries ' read ' It struck the king at first ; 
 till flatterers (who will always abound about courts that love them and that 
 hearken to them).' 
 
 For 'The king wanted support . . . Exeter' read 'This gave the king some 
 quiet ; but that was quickly disturbed, for.' 
 
 ^/ter ' bodies together ' add ' in the north.' 
 
 Om. ' And the ill disposition . . . depend on them.' 
 
 Afler ' at once ' add ' and his health suffered so much that it was generally 
 believed he could not hold out long. The last three days in which the prince 
 stayed at Exeter the whole country came in [cf. Hisl. i. 792], being the more 
 encouraged to do it because the earl of Bath with the garrison of Plymouth had 
 declared for him [ibid. 793]. And if he had not received daily assurances that 
 the greater part of the army would have declared for him, he intended to have 
 gone to Bristol and have secured both that town and Gloucester [ibid, supra] ; 
 for by that means the whole west was in his hands ; and not have ventured 
 through the great plains of Wiltshire, where the king, that was so superior to 
 him in horse, would have had a vast advantage [ibid.'] if he had been sure of them. 
 But though the king sent men every hour to bring intelligence, they took his 
 money and came with it over to the prince, but not one of them returned ' (ibid. 
 791). Then proceed, • At Salisbury the lord Churchill,' &'c. {ibid. 791, infra). 
 
 Om. ' At Axminster . . . king's sons '.' 
 
 For ' took notice . . . factious ' read ' The king was expostulating with him 
 upon the zeal he showed for religion, which in him could be nothing but faction.' 
 
 Om. ' for he had been so . . .less.' 
 
 A/ier 'had conscience' add 'This of Churchill's coming over put the king 
 in a vast disorder ; and within a day after, some country people came into 
 Salisbury and gave the alarm that the prince's army was marching with all 
 possible haste over the plains ; upon which the king went to London with all 
 the confusion imaginable' (cf. Hist. i. 793). 
 
 For ' Soon after that' read ' Next night.' 
 
 [/ 278 (a)] For ' left him . . . Sherburn ' read ' and some others, left him.' 
 
 For ' When the news . . . easily accepted ^ ' read only ' And as soon as the 
 princess Anne knew this she left the court and put herself into the bishop of 
 London's hands, who carried her first to the earl of Dorset's, and from thence 
 to the north.' 
 
 For ' not only ... but even ' read ' by all persons, and particularly.' 
 
 After 'treating ' add ' both him and.' 
 
 Om. ' which had a burden . . . lilibulero.' 
 
 [T/ie ■prentices; the forged declaration.] 
 Begin ' The prentices of London began to run together in great bodies, and 
 fell upon all the mass-houses, and broke down everything belonging to them ' 
 
 (cf. Hist. i. 794). 
 
 Then revert to beginning of paragraph, p. 793, and proceed from ' A bold 
 man ' to ' nor whom to trust ' (p. 794). 
 
 For' Ahold man . . . name' read 'There was also a new declaration printed 
 in the prince's name, which set London in flame.' 
 
 ' Routh's Burnefs Japtes II reads ° Routh'sS«r«f/'s /«»!«// adds' and 
 
 ' spurious race.' was by that exposed to much censure.' 
 
300 ' Burnet's Original Memoirs [1688 
 
 Om. ' And it had as great ... by their means.' 
 
 For ' that was in . . . channels ' read ' that might secure the nation from 
 them.' 
 
 Om. ' And it was never . ; . thing.' 
 
 yl/ter 'consternation' add 'upon all things,' and om. ' nor whom . . . shed.' 
 
 Commissioners sent from the king to treat with the pri7ice^. 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 794 {from ' The king now sent ' to p. 795, end of paragraph). 
 
 For ' The king now sent . . . one opinion ' read only ' AH the protestants who 
 were firm to him advised him.' 
 
 After ' consent to it. So ' insert ' another meeting of the nobility was called, 
 where the king expressed himself with much passion and confusion.' 
 
 After ' demanded ' add ' In the meanwhile the prince advanced with his 
 army, and every day great numbers were coming in to him ; among the rest ' ; 
 and after ' Clarendon ' inseii ' [who].' 
 
 For 'reflected . . . condemned' read 'had answered the king very peevishly 
 at the meeting of the nobility and came down full of wrath against him.' 
 
 Om. 'A day . . . answer.' 
 
 For ' The marquis of Halifax . . . both my answers ' read only ' Halifax desired 
 earnestly to speak with me in private ; but when I asked the prince's order, he 
 forbid me to do it. Yet in the crowd he asked me, but so as nobody perceived 
 it, whether we had a mind to have the king in our hands, or to let him go. 
 I answered nothing could [/. 278 (6)] be so happy as to let him go, if he had 
 a mind to it. Nottingham said also to me, if the prince did not take his measures 
 right, he would find the hardest part of his work before him at London, when 
 perhaps we might think he had all in his hands.' 
 
 Om. ' The prince ordered . . . had sent.' 
 
 Articles are proposed. 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 795 [to ' satisfied with this answer '). 
 
 For ' thirty miles ' read ' twenty ' {see Routes note in Burnet's James II in 
 loco). 
 
 Om. ' come on to London and.' 
 Om. last sentence of paragraph. 
 
 ^ This treaty is described in Burnet's prince's march, in which the court 
 fourth letter to Herbert (Eg. MSS. will be deceived, for we will still go 
 262i,f 69),a longandimportantmissive on. The commissioners desired to 
 dated Hungerford, Dec. 9, 1688. He speak in private with the prince, but 
 states that Halifax and Nottingham he declined it, for he said he was come 
 ' seem very little fond of the employ- upon the business of the nation and 
 ment, and say that it was put on them that he had no private concern of his 
 by their enemies ' ; that the trumpeter own. The two first in the corn- 
 was detained two nights while the mission behaved themselves so, and 
 prince consulted his followers ; that talked so freely to myself and several 
 till all papists are turned out, the others in a public room, that we saw 
 prince will hold on his march, for they were condemned to act a part 
 (f 70) ' the true design of this treaty is that was very unnatural to them.' 
 to amuse the nation, and to stop the 
 
1688] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. otj^ («)-279 {a) 301 
 
 [Flight of gueeti.'\ 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 795 (' But now strange counsels . . . such good terms '). 
 
 For ' But now . . . for ever ' read ' But in the meantime things took a strange 
 turn at London. The whole popish party saw that if a treaty was set on foot 
 both they and their religion would be extirpated ; and the severest laws that 
 could be contrived would be made against them ; and that many of them would 
 be made sacrifices for what they had done.' 
 
 For ' the king's mother . . . violence ' read ' [and] the impeaching queen 
 Mary in king Charles the First's time was not forgot; for they clearly saw that 
 nothing could preserve the king in a parliament but the making a sacrifice both 
 of his party and the interest of his religion.' 
 
 Otn. ' The midwife . . . afterwards.' 
 
 Om, ' So she went . . . France.' 
 
 After ' disguise ' add ' This was kept secret from all but those that were to 
 have a share in it.' 
 
 After ' answer ' add ' for the Igrds, who had it on the Monday morning, sent it 
 up by a courier ' (cf. Hist. i. 795, supra) ; and om. ' He ordered . . . great seal.' 
 
 T/ie king flies away in disguise. 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 796 (' And the next morning . . . scene which he then acted '). 
 
 Before ' And the next morning ' insert ' But these did not hinder him." 
 
 Om. ' They passed . . . Foxhall.' 
 
 After ' France ' add ' And he got in it out to sea. But before he went it 
 seems he disposed of the great seal ; for it was cast into the river above Fox- 
 hall ; and was some months after that by accident drawn to the shore by some 
 fishermen ; but whether it was dropped there on design or lost is not yet known.' 
 
 [/. 279 a] FoJ- ' and of some black. . . supporthimself ' )-«arf ' upon the account 
 of the child ' and om. following paragraph. 
 
 But is taken and brought to Fevershavt. 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 796 i^froni ' He was not got far' to p. 797, end of paragraph). 
 After ' far ' add ' to sea ' ; for ' watching ' read ' searching all boats ' ; and for 
 ' came up to him ' read 'got up to the boat in which he was.' 
 For ' who had ruled . . . Europe ' read ' who had a few days before carried 
 
 matters so high.' ^ 
 
 Om. ' Here was an accident . . . active for his interests. 
 Om ' who had been a little quieted . . . prince.' 
 For 'where they believed . . . management' read Mn a most outrageous 
 
 manner.' j 1 r u u- j • 
 
 /■o;- ' finding . . . he was now' read 'whom the king had left behind. 
 
 Om. ' he had disguised . . . But he.' 
 
 For • and after many hours . . . died soon after' ^v^rf ' and was at last com- 
 mitted to the Tower, which had been seized on by the lord Lucas without any 
 
 opposi ion. ^^^^ p-/„ce is invited to come to London. 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 797-8 {to ' and ran away'). 
 
 For ' he called ' read ' the lord mayor called.' 
 
 Om. 'They gave .. . peace." 
 
302 Burnei's Original Memoirs [1688 
 
 For ' This they all signed . . . Culpepper ' read ' This message was sent by 
 some of the peersj of whom the bishop of Ely was one' ; and insert from 
 p. 793, 'Dr. Finch ... he needed it' {after 'heads of colleges' adding 
 \f. 279 {by] 'to congratulate his coming to England,' and omitting 'and invit- 
 ing . . . thither ') ; and at the end of this add ' And Mr, Seymour having 
 proposed an association (which contained an obligation never to separate nor 
 depart from that undertaking till a free parliament should be called, and that 
 they should revenge any attempt that might be made upon the person of the 
 prince upon all the other party) that was signed by all that came in to the prince 
 [cf. Hist. i. 792-3], those of Oxford were willing to enter into this bond like- 
 wise, which they afterwards signed ' ; then return fe p. 79?, ' The prince went. ' 
 
 After ' thither ' add ' he was willing not to make too much haste, since there 
 was a treaty set on foot' ; for' of the strange catastrophe . , . till he had ' read 
 ' of the king's leaving Whitehall, which were brought him first by flying reports, 
 and confirmed by.' 
 
 After ' from the king ' add ' Upon which he told me, that though I was not 
 much disposed to believe king Charles a prophet, yet the last time he had 
 seen him at Windsor he had, among other expressions of his displeasure at his 
 brother's heat, said he was confident that if he were once a king he would never 
 be able to hold it out four years to an end' (cf. Hist. i. 575). 
 
 Om. ' so he sent . . . implacable enemies ' ; but see supra, 11. 9-1 1. 
 
 Om. ' One of the prince's officers , , . expedition.' 
 
 \_Various advices.^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 798 {to end of p. 800). 
 
 For ' desertion ' read ' withdrawal.' 
 
 After 'hondon'' add 'to prevent the mischiefs that might arise from those 
 multitudes of people that in a tumultuous way were daily committing new 
 disorders; and, which was much more formidable, to hinder the army's dis- 
 banding itself according to the orders that the king had left for the earl of 
 Feversham, which was like to have proved the turning loose 30,000 robbers upo n 
 the nation' (cf. Hist. i. 796). 
 
 Oin. ' otherwise . . . killed him.' 
 
 [/. 280 («)] For 'Two gentlemen , . . met upon it ' read ' For as he came on 
 in three days to Windsor the privy council at London, hearing that the king 
 was at Feversham, met to consider what was fit to be done.' 
 
 After ' about him ' add ' that night.' 
 
 Fo?-' when the news . . . Windsor' read 'The prince was much troubled 
 when he heard of the accident at Feversham, and sent Mr. Zulestein immediately 
 with orders to set the king at liberty and to let him do what he pleased [cf. 
 Hist. i. 799, supra]. But the privy council had prevented him, with which he 
 was much displeased, for.' 
 
 After ' now come to him ' add ' from London.' 
 
 Om. ' and the officious flatterers.' 
 
 After 'deserting his people' add' [which] was looked on as so great an ad- 
 vantage against him according to [/. 280 (A)] the sense of all who have writ 
 concerning government.' 
 
 After ' secured ' add ' or at least that he should be kept till a parliament 
 should meet.' 
 
i688] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 279 (a)-28i {U) 303 
 
 For ' It was thought , , . hearken ' read ' and of this opinion was Clarendon 
 not without great sharpness. But since his being a prisoner in England might 
 raise great discontents, or perhaps a violent party might in parliament move in 
 relation to his person, to which they saw the prince would never consent, there- 
 fore they advised the prince to send him over to Breda ; where, as he could 
 keep him more securely than he could in England, so his restraint, not being 
 exposed to the view of the whole nation, would not raise that compassion which 
 his being a prisoner within England must have occasioned. Few argued against 
 this till the prince himself declared his opinion ; which was that though.' 
 for ' now he had him in his power ' read ' the case was different.' 
 For ' nor did he know . . . called ' read ' and if the king were made a prisoner, 
 as that would beget a great party to him, so the disposing of his person might 
 cause such disputes in parliament as might ruin all ; for.' 
 
 [Tke i?iission of the three lords.] 
 Cf. Hist. i. 801 {to ' a guard went with him '). 
 After ' drawn off ' add ' in the night,' 
 Om. ' but not . . . murmuring.' 
 
 [/ 281 (a)] After ' asked them ' add ' in the king's name,' 
 i^of ' escape. They ' ^•rai^ ' escape ; so they,' 
 For ' very readily ' read ' before morning.' 
 
 For ' having ordered , . . came about him ' read ' with a small guard and a few 
 servants.' 
 
 The prince comes to St. James\ 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 801 {from ' On the same day ' to p. 802, ' this winter '). 
 
 Om. ' And even this trifle . . . edge.' 
 
 After 'fermentation ' add' among some of the nobiUty and 9lergy.' 
 
 Om. ' when he was ready . . . everything.' 
 
 For ' the saying of ' read ' that old saying made use of by.' 
 
 Om. • disguised and designed.' 
 
 For ' the nation had never known ' read ' The country was so little accustomed 
 to'; a>id after 'army' add 'that generally they took nothing for their 
 quarters.' 
 
 Om. ' and the freedom . . . markets ' ; and after ' maintained ' add ' by them 
 during this interval of government.' 
 
 After ' winter ' add ' But upon all these accounts a discontent began to spread 
 itself through the whole army. It was certain that if the king had stayed at 
 Whitehall there might have been so high a fermentation upon it, that from 
 thence disorders would have arisen which would have endangered both his life 
 and the prince's; and [/. 281 (6)] have exposed the city both to fire and 
 pillage'; and om. next two paragraphs. 
 
 [Consultations about a settlement'^ ^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. j. 803 (' The first thing . . . against that proposition '). 
 For ' The first thing . . . settled ' read ' And now every man was ready and 
 forward to propose his scheme,' 
 
 'Burnet's final letter to Herbert (Eg. Christmas Day, 1688, reflects on the 
 MSS. 2621, f. 83), dated St. James', Feversham incident, the kmg's second 
 
304 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1688 
 
 Otn. 'which might otherwise . . . tedious.' 
 
 For ' such a step ... to raise himself ; and ' read ' the government was first 
 dissolved, and then deserted by king James ; and therefore if the prince should 
 now assume the kingship to himself, as it would very much disparage his 
 honour, so.' 
 
 He [is\ addressed to assume the adijiinistration, and to 
 call a convention of estates. 
 
 {From above, to end of paragraph.) 
 Ont. ' When these were . . . nation.' 
 
 For ' It was agreed ... to make an ' read only ' who did all.' 
 For ' though without . . . earl of Nottingham ' read only ' Some ' ; and omit 
 ' he ' before ' moved.' 
 For ' Few were of his mind . . . nation ' read only ' for.' 
 
 The king went to France. 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 804. 
 
 For ' Many that were . . . went to him, and ' read ' The prince wished him 
 gone ; but all his own party.' 
 
 Om. ' and to see . . . agreement.' 
 
 For ' The queen . . . ordered it to be ' read ' But letters that he got from his 
 queen which, with great vehemency, pressed his coming over to her, happened 
 to be intercepted ; they being writ in so imperious a strain for a point that was 
 wished for, they were.' 
 
 For.' So he gave . . . table ' read 'So he left behind him a paper.' 
 
 For ' And so . . . secretly ' read ' And a vessel being provided for him he went.' 
 
 Scotland declares for the prince. 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 804-5 ('0 ' copy after it in England '). 
 
 For ' But before . . . governor ' read ' The affairs of Scotland were very near 
 in the same condition with those of England ; all the forces of that kingdom had 
 been brought into England, and so it was left in the hands of the militia, only 
 the duke of Gordon was governor of the castle of Edinburgh.' 
 
 For ' spirit ' read ' parts.' 
 
 withdrawal ('yesterday'), the discus- for you to have acted as some others 
 
 sions as to the next step (some main- have done, but whatever one may think 
 
 tain that the princess becomes queen of that we must now shut our mouths, 
 
 andshould issue writs foraPariiament ; for there is discontent enough alread3', 
 
 others advise a convention to make a and the army seem generally out of 
 
 settlement; 'This last is liable to this humour and uneasy at what they have 
 
 exception, that the slowness of it done, and you know we have not' the 
 
 may expose Holland to be lost before arts of cajolery ... it is now time for 
 
 Englandcanbesettledor readytoact'). you to be for awhile at rest till we 
 
 He expresses an evidently sincere make a new expedition into France, 
 
 commiseration for the 'poor king's' for I do verily believe the prince 
 
 situation, which Herbert he knows designs it this summer '). 
 shares (' I know it was not possible 
 
1688] Harl MSS. 6584, ff, 281 (6)-282 {p) 305 
 
 [/ 28a (a)] Om. ' particularly . . . England.' 
 
 Om. ' disguised himself and.' 
 
 For ' and put in prison ' read ' and has continued a prisoner ever since.' 
 
 A/ter ' popery ' add ' and that received the news of this deliverance with joy.' 
 
 Om. ' and was printed . . . gazette.' 
 
 [The episcopalians coalesce with Dundee., in favour of James ^ 
 
 [This] had rendered them very odious in Scotland; so 
 they, finding that the presbyterians were like to carry all 
 before them, resolved to make what party they could for king 
 James and to stick to his interests. * There was one Graham, 
 who had served some years in Holland, and was both a very 
 good officer and a man of great parts. King James had 
 given him considerable employments and made him earl of 
 Dundee ; he had taken up a violent hatred against the whole 
 presbyterian party, and being a proud and passionate man, 
 though in all other respects a man of virtue and probity, 
 he had executed the law and obeyed his orders when he was 
 quartered in the western parts of Scotland with great rigour 
 and severity '■■ So that now both his engagements to king 
 James, his principles, and his passions threw him into that 
 party, '' who received him as their head '' ; and thus the disposi- 
 tion of matters in Scotland looked very favourable to the 
 prince, but very cloudy towards the episcopal interest there. 
 
 \The meeting in London. \ 
 Cf. Hist. i. 805 ('The duke of Hamilton . . . prince's hands'). 
 
 The dangerous state of Ireland. 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 805-6 {to 'supplies should come to them from England'). 
 
 Om. ' and full of . . . behind them.' 
 
 [/ 282 (6)] For ' Tyrconnell . . . Upon which ' read ' After the faint resistance 
 that the protestants made in the field to the troops that Tyrconnell sent to 
 reduce the country.' 
 
 After ' military men ' add ' who came over into England.' 
 
 Om. entirely from ' I will not enlarge ' to end of folloiving paragraph. 
 
 [Subject continued?^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 806 {from 'As for the affairs' /o p. 809, 'and was drowned'). 
 After ' among them ' add ' at London.' 
 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 805. " Ibid. 
 
 V" 
 
 trnvruDFT ^^ 
 
3o5 Burnetts Original Memoirs " [1688-9 
 
 Om. 'The earl of Clarendon . . . come to a composition '.' 
 
 Om. ' and it was like him ^' 
 
 On. ' Probably . . . Tyrconnell.' 
 
 [/ 283 (a)] Om. ' (For sir William . . . figure).' 
 
 For ' officers ' read ' best officers.' 
 
 For ' He had served . . . together with a ' read ' There was a great.' 
 
 For ' Hamilton ... of war ' read ' He with the other Irish officers were then, 
 in a sort, prisoners of -war.' 
 
 Om. 'looking . . . terms that he could.' 
 
 After ' papist' add ' (Mountjoy was the protestant).' 
 
 Om. ' The earl of Tyrconnell pretended ... all that he asked.' 
 
 f Of 'And he now fancied' read 'or was quite altered by Hamilton's going 
 over; [Hamilton assured him] that there would be great divisions in the con- 
 vention of estates, and that king James' party would be very strong in it ; and 
 therefore if he stood firm.' 
 
 [/ 283 (6)] Om. 'and the earl of Clarendon . . . against it.' 
 
 A convention of estates called. 
 
 Ct Hist. i. 800 (' The sitting . . . formed about the town '). 
 Om. ' about the town.' 
 
 Some were for bringing back king fames. 
 Cf. Hist. i. 809 {from ' The one ' to ' their doctrine '). 
 
 Others are for naming u. prince regent. 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 809 {to p. 811, ' could be according to their own principles'). 
 
 Om. ' A third party . . . throne ' ; arid for ' When the archbishop . . . benches 
 of the temporal lords' read 'AH the bishops, the archbishop of Canterbury' 
 only excepted, went into this; for he would not appear at the convention.' 
 
 Om. ' in opposition . . . king.' 
 
 Om. ' and of men of no religion.' 
 
 [f. 284 (fl)] After ' house of commons ' add ' who were all those who were 
 called the high court party.' 
 
 For ' seemed to ' read ' did.' 
 
 But the greatest part were for declaring the throne vacant. 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 811 {from ' The third ' to p. 815, ' tragically represent the matter 'j. 
 
 [/ 284 (6)] Om. ' This was often renewed . . . successors,' 
 
 Om. 'Nor was . . . disowned.' 
 
 Om. ' by a gentleman . . . came by it '.' 
 
 ' It should perhaps be noted that ^ Some comments on this charge 
 
 a very rude note of Swift's on this will be found in the Z,i/e o/'i/a/j/a.v. 
 
 omitted passage has na" justification ; '■' The writer will again observe that 
 
 Burnet evidently means that Temple reflections on Bancroft are omitted, 
 
 had been long in credit with the * Cf. Hist. i. 32, 33, with Dart- 
 
 prince. _ mouth's, Cole's, and Airy's notes. 
 
1688-9] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 282 (6)-286 {d) 307 
 
 [/• 285 (a)] For 'the dispensing . . , continued in it' i-ead '[These things] 
 were thought a dissolution of the contract between him and his people ; which 
 Was completed by his deserting of his people ; upon all which they inferred 
 that he had abdicated the government and left the throne vacant.' 
 
 Om. ' By this proposition . . . power of a king.' 
 
 For ' And it was to be presumed . . . will ' read ' The weakness of childhood 
 or the disorders of lunacy might be provided for this way.' 
 
 !/• 285 (6)] For ' Some among . . . rest ' read ' Two different parties appeared.' 
 
 Om. ' had his power ... by the law, and ' ; and after ' govern by law ' add 
 ' and to protect his people. ' 
 
 Om. ' In extreme . . . allowed of them.' 
 
 Om. next two paragraphs. 
 
 [Discussion as to a successor.] 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 815-6 ('It was a more important debate . . . strictly bound to it'). 
 For ' It was a more important debate . . . successors ' read ' This was therefore 
 the motion that grew most naturally to be entertained ; but in the management 
 of this a new debate arose : Whether upon the judging or declaring king James 
 to have abdicated they should not inquire who was the next heir, and put that 
 person on the throne. All that were against the abdication stood upon this, 
 that the oaths of allegiance binding the nation to the king and his heirs, then if 
 it could be supposed that the king had absolved the nation from their tie to 
 himself, yet they were still bound to his heirs ; and upon this ground they 
 intended to have had the business of the prince of Wales examined ; and in 
 this matter men were much divided.' 
 Om. ' it being a maxim . . . living man.' 
 
 And {tke majorityl, without examining the birth of 
 the prince of Wales, 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 816 {from 'It was proposed' to p. 817, 'laid before me as to that 
 matter '). 
 
 [/. 286 (a)] For 'And it would have gone far . . . king James' read only 
 'And it would be a great article with relation to king James; but others did not 
 approve of this.' 
 
 For ' Upon which I was ordered ... It is true ' read ' There were many pre- 
 sumptive proofs brought, which I have in the former part of this history set 
 down very carefully ; but.' 
 
 For ' But, when this matter . . . some observed ' read ' It was said by the 
 prince's friends.' 
 
 For 'so, if there' read 'so since there'; and for 'and then . . . birth' read 
 ' would do as much harm on the other side.' 
 
 For ' When this debate . . . indignation ' read only ' It took much with many 
 that.' This passage down to ' enemies ' occurs onf. 286 (6). 
 
 Om. ' it was also known, that . . . out.' 
 
 For ' But while these things ... in this matter. They ' read only ' But there 
 were others who.' 
 
 For 'Wildman thought . . . matter' read only 'This was thought by some 
 men a deep piece of policy and they valued themselves upon it. So.' 
 
 X a 
 
3o8 Burnetts Original Memoirs . [1689 
 
 were fo?- putting the princess in the throne. 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 818 {from ' The next thing in ' to p. 819, ' others for the princess '). 
 
 [/ 286 (6)] Om. ' and, that he might get . . . credit with the prince.' 
 
 Ont. entirely from ' How far the prince' to p. 819, 'and died about the end of 
 them.' 
 
 For 'The agents . . . knew nothing of it' read 'and here the princess of 
 Denmark began to make some stir, that the prince might not be set before her ; 
 but she quickly desisted.' 
 
 For ' The proposition . . . sovereigns ' read ' Others were for putting both the 
 prince and princess in the throne.' 
 
 After ' others for the princess ' read ' Danby, Shrewsbury, Sidney, and all the 
 moderate church of England men were for putting both in the throne. The 
 debate stood for several days at this.' 
 
 The prince was long silent. 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 820 {to end of first paragraph). 
 [/ 287 (a)] Om. ' affectation and as a disguised.' 
 
 For 'he called for . . . some others' /-rarf ' he was prevailed on to calltogethey 
 five or six of those on whom he relied most.' 
 
 But at last he declared his own sense of those debates. 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 820 {from ' He told them ' to p. 821, ' concur in such a design '). 
 
 Om. ' he himself saw . . . accept of it.' 
 
 After ' did the princess ' add ' nor reckon himself surer in her than he did.' 
 
 For 'in so cold . . . contrivance' read 'in so unconcerned and so stoical 
 a manner, that as many of those who were there have told me, never was any- 
 thing said with a more cold and indifferent air than all this was.' 
 
 For 'helped not a little to bring' readonly 'brought.' 
 
 After ' design ' add ' This was in great part removed by myself, who had a full 
 occasion given me to know her mind in that matter.' 
 
 The princess's sense of pjitting the prince in the administration. 
 
 ^ For two years before, after my coming to Holland and that 
 I was admitted to talk with the prince and princess of the 
 affairs of England, '^ I had [/. 287 (b)^ taken the liberty to 
 lay before her the state of our affairs in case the succession 
 should descend on her ; that the prince would be only her 
 husband with the title but without the power of a king, and 
 that, as in the case of king Philip, even the title would fall 
 with her life. This I shewed her was a very ridiculous 
 posture for a man, and that therefore the jealousy of this 
 had made Henry VH put his right to the crown on another 
 foot. The princess answered me that she had never thought of 
 that before, and so she asked what remedy there could be found 
 '■ Cf. Hist. i. 688. ^ Ibid. 692. 
 
1689] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 286 (6)-287 {b) 309 
 
 for it ; » I replied that as no mortal knew that I was to speak 
 to her on this subject, so I protested solemnly that if she 
 did not like that which I was to lay before her no mortal 
 should ever know it. "^ It was that she should resolve to have 
 the crown vested in the prince during his life'' and to reign 
 in conjunction with her ; I told her nobody could suffer by 
 this but she and her sister, and it was but too probable that 
 her sister could never be concerned in it. It would put the 
 prince in a posture becoming him ; •" and therefore I begged 
 she would consider well of it ; for if she once made the step 
 to assure the prince that she would do it, she was never to 
 think of retreating again. She immediately answered me 
 very frankly, that she would take no time to consider of any- 
 thing by which she might express her respect and kindness 
 to the prince ; for she was resolved, whatsoever change might 
 happen to her, she would be no more but his wife, and that 
 she would do all that lay in her power to make him king for 
 life. She allowed me to discourse the matter to the prince ; 
 and I discoursed it afterwards to them both together, and 
 she gave him the assurance very heartily that nothing could 
 happen to her that should ever make her more than his wife °. 
 It seemed necessary at this time to let this be known, upon 
 which I desired by Bentinck ^to know whether the prince 
 would allow me to speak of it ''. Bentinck told me that " the 
 prince would not talk with me upon that subject nor give me 
 any orders concerning it, but left me to my own thoughts ^ ; 
 and so I presumed upon the prince's[s's ?] goodness, and told 
 it to those who had the greatest stroke in business. And they 
 • assured me ^ it helped not a little to settle all people's minds ; 
 and it made every one that heard of it conclude that either 
 the princess was a wonderful good woman or a very weak 
 one ; for they reckoned that such an indifferency for power 
 and rule must either flow from an excess of goodness or 
 of simplicity. At her coming to England '' I told her that the 
 critical state of our affairs had made me venture in publishing 
 
 » Cf. Hist. i. 692-3. ■> Ibid. 692. ° Ibid. 693. ■■ Ibid. 821. 
 
 « lUd. ' Ibid. 
 
3IO- Burnet's Original Memoirs [1689 
 
 what I knew concerning her intentions ^ ; " and she justified 
 me in it, and seemed not only satisfied but pleased "■ with the 
 settlement that had been made. I have since my first writing 
 of this learned a very important piece of [/. 288 («)] the 
 secret of this history. 
 
 \Panl>y^s letter to the princess.] 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 819 (from ' Upon this the earl of Danby ' to e7id of paragraph). 
 
 After ' Danby ' add ' was so much set on having the right of the crown vested 
 in the princess that he ' ; and after ' over ' add ' express.' 
 
 After ' answer to the prince ' insert ' This on both sides is no inconsiderable 
 part of their character.' 
 
 For 'The prince bore . . . duke' read 'and the prince his employing and 
 trusting Danby after this was a very extraordinary thing likewise in him.' 
 
 [Further debates.] 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 821 {from 'There were other differences' to p. 823, 'declared 
 to be king and queen '). 
 
 For ' But that was overruled . . . declared to be king and queen ' read only 
 ' But a safer way was taken, which was to declare that king James had 
 abdicated the government, and that the throne was vacant ; and upon that the 
 prince and princess of Orange were desired to accept of it ; and both houses 
 declared them to be their king and queen. There were many conferences 
 between the two houses, not only upon the main point of exauctorating king 
 James, but likewise upon the words Original Contract, Abdicate and Vacant. 
 But the commons adhered firmly to their vote, at which the lords stuck almost 
 three weeks ' (cf. Hist. ii. 815 and 821). 
 
 [The bill of rights.] 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 822 {from ' But before matters ' to p. 823, end of paragraph). 
 
 Om. ' Some ofiBcious . . . Magna Charta.' 
 - For ' simply . . . taken away' read ' as illegal.' 
 
 .Om. ' though the main clamour ... so that.' 
 
 Om. ' upon the opposition that was made.' 
 
 After 'disputable points' add' Some thought that the stating the liberties of 
 England in the same instrument in which the crown was offered to the king 
 and queen, looked like an imposing of conditions on them ; and some that 
 pretended [/ 288 (6)] much zeal for them pressed, even a little indecently, that 
 it might not be done ; but this was soon set aside.' 
 
 The oaths are appointed to be altered. 
 
 Cf. Hist. i. 823-5 (Jo 'The far greater part of the clergy'). 
 For'' Many arguments . . . agree to the new settlement ' read only ' Those who 
 had opposed the settlement said.' 
 
 " Cf Hist. ii. 821. 
 
 ' For the misrepresentation sub- Burnet, Sec, p. 12. See also Doebiier, 
 sequently placed on his incidence see Memoirs, p. 10. 
 Hickes, Some discourses upon Dr. 
 
i689] Harl. MSS. 6584, _f. 287 (6)-28^ (a) 311 
 
 i^9f ' just and reasonable ' read ' expedient.' 
 
 For ' This tenderness . . . much abused by ' read only ' But there arose after- 
 wards.' 
 
 Om. ' and that they might act . . . de jure.' 
 
 Om. ' The truth was . . . honour or conscience.' 
 
 For ' which by its agreement . . . among them ' read ' which is both more 
 subtile and more sincere.' 
 
 For 'of those . . . new government' read ' of the clergy who had been so 
 entangled concerning their opinions [/. 289 («)] concerning sovereign power, 
 and were so engaged by having asserted them so often and so publicly 
 [cf. ibid, above], that without the help of this new theory they had all gone off 
 in a body.' 
 
 Om. ' This was chiefly managed . . . Worcester.' 
 
 After ' Heaven ' add ' especially when it fell on the just side.' 
 
 For ' This might . . . clergy ' read ' besides several other difficulties.' 
 
 Conclusion ^. 
 " And thus I have opened the grounds on which the several 
 parties proceeded more fully than might have been expected 
 from me ; ^ but, as I was in this whole matter and so spent 
 a great part of my time during these debates in arguing with 
 several sorts of people, so that I was well acquainted with 
 men's schemes and reasonings, so I hope it may be both 
 a pleasant and useful instruction to posterity to open it with 
 all possible clearness and fulness. After many debates in 
 both houses and many conferences between them, at last 
 a great protestation having been made against king James' 
 abdication, and the throne's being vacant, "the offer of the 
 crown was made and accepted by the prince and princess on 
 the 13th of February ". It happened to be Ash Wednesday ; 
 so some wished it might be delayed a day, and imagined it 
 would look inauspicious to begin a reign on a day of fasting ; 
 others thought it had a particular decency in it, that princes 
 immediately after they were set on the throne should come 
 and humble themselves in dust and ashes before God ; and 
 thought that the concurrent devotions of the nation at that 
 time was no unbecoming circumstance for the beginning of 
 a government. 
 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 82a, 825. " Ibid. 821-2. " Ibid. 825. 
 
 ' The defence of the princess's ments on her behaviour and by dis- 
 cheerfulness, subsequently inserted, torted Whig versions of his remon- 
 was no doubt evoked by Jacobite com- strance ; see Cunningham, i. 103. 
 
312 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1689 
 
 \Reign of William and Mary] : the king and queen 
 are proclaimed. 
 
 The king and queen were immediately proclaimed in 
 London ; and as soon as was possible over all England with 
 great demonstrations of joy ; for though there was a party for 
 king James among the nobility and gentry and clergy, yet 
 the body of the nation [/ 389 {b)\ had never been observed 
 to be so universally well satisfied with any government as 
 they were with this. '^ The king did not change his way in 
 any sort upon this new dignity ; he became only a little more 
 visible and accessible than he had been, but his cold silent 
 way was too deeply rooted in him to be changed ; he was 
 then in a very ill state of health ; the air and smoke of 
 London did not agree with him ; he had been long out 
 of exercise, and was fallen so very low that few believed 
 he should easily recover his strength again ; so he chose to 
 retire to Hampton Court, and there he spent the summer ; 
 and since he found that air agreed with him, he designed 
 to rebuild that old and irregular palace. '' All this was 
 censured'' as a withdrawing from business and the giving 
 himself up to ease and laziness. Nor did he study much to 
 accommodate himself to the humours of the nation. 
 
 A jninistry is formed. 
 
 The ministry that he first made choice of was not of 
 a piece, and wrought different ways. " Danby was made 
 marquess of Carmarthen and president of the council ; 
 Halifax was privy seal ; "^ Shrewsbury and Nottingham were 
 secretaries of state ; * Mordaunt (now made earl of Mon- 
 mouth) was first commissioner of the treasury ; ' the great 
 seal was put in commission, s and so was the admiralty ; but 
 though Herbert, who was made earl of Torrington, was set 
 at the head of it, he (who designed to be lord admiral) left his 
 post there 8, and Pembroke was put in it. ^Almost all the 
 chief places, both in the government ^ and household, were filled 
 
 " Cf. Hist. ii. 2. " Ibid. 3. <= Ibid. 4. <i Ibid. 3. » Ibid. 4. 
 
 ' Ibid. 3. e Ibid. 5. ^ Ibid, supra. ' Ibid, infra. 
 
1689] Harl MSS. 6584, ^ 289 {a)-2go (a) 313 
 
 with Whigs ", yet they were highly displeased that they had 
 not them all. '' Godolphin was thought necessary for the 
 treasury, since all the rest were strangers to the revenue, 
 which he understood well. Yet this gave Monmouth great 
 offence '' ; who set himself at the head of the republican party, 
 and had great credit among the citizens, which he at first 
 employed to move them to lend the king money ; but after- 
 wards, when he saw that the king would not go into all his 
 notions, he hindered the advances of money so effectually 
 that the king turned him soon out of the treasury. " He was 
 not corrupt in disposing that vast number of places ° which 
 in a great measure depended upon him, and by this he got 
 great reputation ; but as "^ he picked out commonwealth's men 
 for them all^ so in everything he grew imperious and insolent, 
 and neglecting his own province of the treasury, he set up 
 cabals everywhere in order to the breaking of the prerogative, 
 and the putting all Tories out of employment. " Halifax had 
 gone into the Whigs' measures during the late debates, and 
 had " totally lost the Tories ; but he found soon that the 
 business of the exclusion still stuck in their hearts; the 
 delivering up of charters and the quo warrantos were chiefly 
 imputed to him, and the slowness of relieving Ireland was 
 ascribed to him. He was observed to have great credit with 
 the king, but nobody thought that his mercurial wit would 
 suit the king's phlegm long *. So the Whigs were inflamed 
 to a mighty violence against him. * Carmarthen could not 
 bear the equality, or rather preference [/. 390 (a)], that seemed 
 to be given to Halifax ' ; so he meddled little and complained 
 of everything that was done ; and by Monmouth's means, 
 upon whom he had great influence as was believed, ^he raised 
 the storm in the house of commons against Halifax ». 
 Shrewsbury was the best beloved of the whole ministry, and 
 deserved to be so ; •" there lay no prejudice against him but 
 that of his youth, which was soon overcome by his great 
 application and wonderful temper. 
 
 » Cf. Hist. ii. 5. " Ibid. 4. •> Ibid. 5. * Ibid. - Ibid. 4. 
 
 ' Ibid. e /bid. " Ibid. 3. 
 
314 Burnefs Original Memoirs [1689 
 
 Tfte consequences npon Notiinghatn's being employed. 
 =■ The employing of Nottingham was very unacceptable to 
 all that party that had shewed the greatest zeal for the king% 
 and it gave a present and sensible change to the state of 
 affairs ; for "^ the Whigs grew sullen and became jealous upon 
 it'', that the king would fall in with the church party and grow 
 fond of prerogative motions. On the other hand, it had a very 
 sensible effect on the church party ; <= they had concluded that 
 the opposition they had given to the king's coming to the 
 throne, and the zeal that others had showed for it, would 
 throw him entirely into their hands " ; this they thought 
 would be so managed by the commonwealth party that 
 they, finding they had the king wholly in their power, would 
 undermine the prerogative and rob the crown of its most 
 important rights, and by this means they apprehended both 
 a subversion of the church and change of government in thef 
 state ; they also knew that the commonwealth party were 
 violent and implacable, so 'Uhey looked for severe revenges 
 from them for the hardships they had suffered at their hands 
 in king Charles' reign. This begot in them great apprehen- 
 sions, and put them generally in a disposition of looking 
 towards king James ; so Nottingham's being in the ministry 
 was looked upon by them as no small part of their security. 
 They knew that he would lay before the king the rights 
 and prerogatives of the crown '', and that he would represent 
 to him that the church party were those he must trust, who 
 would prove his surest and firmest friends. At the same time 
 that Nottingham was discoursing those things to the king 
 he took much pains, both by himself and all his friends, to 
 persuade all the clergy and the friends of the church to take 
 the oaths and to come into the interests of the government ; 
 and his endeavour had so good effects that I reckon I do not 
 exceed the severe rules of history when I say that Notting- 
 ham's being in the ministry, together with the effects that 
 it had, first preserved the church and then the crown. And 
 
 " Cf. Hist. ii. 3-4. t Ibid. 4. >> Ibid. 3. " Ibid. 
 
1689] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 290 (a)-2go (p) 315 
 
 therefore those who intended to ruin both were not without 
 reason much troubled at his being employed ; but he went on 
 through the rest of the parts of this settlement in pursuance 
 to his own principles, which made him be still looked on 
 as an enemy to the government, that opposed everything that 
 was proposed for its defence ; and his enemies, that could not 
 deny that he was zealous in his office for it, said that out 
 of parliament he was for the king but in parliament he was 
 against him. And this made some impressions even on the 
 king himself, who looked on him as one that was too much 
 a bigot and too passionately wedded to a party ; this did 
 indeed show itself upon many occasions, but all that had 
 a good effect upon the whole; for it gained him so much 
 credit, that it put him in a capacity afterwards to bring them 
 almost entirely over to the king's interests. He told the king, 
 when he entered into his service' that he foresaw there were 
 many steps yet to be made in which he [/. 390 (d)] would 
 oppose that which would be pretended to be his service ; but 
 he would follow his own sense of things in parliament, though 
 he would be guided by the king's sense out of it ^. 
 
 ne convention turned into a parliament. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 5-6 {to end of paragraph^. 
 
 For ' the Tories. They said ' read ' those who thought that.' 
 
 Om. ' So it was moved . . . election.' 
 
 [Some bishops refused the oaths.^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 6 (/;-OTO 'Eight bishops' to p. 7, end of paragraph), for which read 
 ' Eight bishops absented themselves, of whom two died soon after; and about 
 twelve temporal lords and a very few of the house of commons withdrew : 
 all the rest took the oaths,' 
 
 An act obliging all persons to take the oaths. 
 
 »The first thing upon this that was proposed was an act 
 obliging all such persons to take the new oaths as had been 
 by law obliged to take the old ones, together with penalties 
 and incapacities upon those that took them not by a prefixed 
 
 » Cf. Hist. ii. 7. 
 
 See Von Ranke, ed. 1868, vol. vii. App. ii. pp. 187-8. 
 
3i6 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1689 
 
 day ; and in particular such of the clergy as took them not 
 were to be put under a suspension for the space of six 
 months, and deprivation afterwards (if they took them not 
 within that time). This was looked on by all the church 
 party as a design against the church of England ; for it was 
 then given out that the greater party would refuse the oaths ; 
 and this, they hoped, would either quite break or divide the 
 church. ^ Others of the Whig party hoped at least to bring 
 this matter to such a composition that the church party to 
 save this storm from themselves should have consented to 
 have taken away the sacrament test, without which no man 
 was capable of holding public employments. This would have 
 let in dissenters into places of trust % and it was represented 
 as a thing of such advantage to the king in the present 
 juncture, that '' he was advised by Mr. Hampden to recommend 
 it from the throne to both " houses, " which he did without 
 communicating it to his other ministers ; this was a great 
 error, for there not being any one thing upon which the 
 church party reckoned that their security depended more 
 than this, they became very jealous of the king as willing 
 to sacrifice the church to the dissenters. It was rejected by 
 both houses with so great an inequality ° that the king had 
 reason to look better to the motions that came from the 
 throne. ''But the party, finding they had [_/. 291 («)] failed 
 in this, set on the act about the oaths with more heat than 
 before. 
 
 [Debates concerning the oaths.] 
 
 Cf. Ht'st. ii. 8 (Ji-om ' That which was long ' to p. 9, ' and so it passed '). 
 Begin ' So a great debate and many conferences followed upon it ' (vide ibid. 
 mipta). 
 
 After ' oblige ^ for ' them ' read ' such as gave cause of suspicion.' 
 
 After ' by it ' add ' which was enough for the safety of the government.' 
 
 Om. ' distinctions . . . strength from them.' 
 
 Om. ' especially . . . general terms.' 
 
 Om. ' An exception . . . rejected. 
 
 Om. from ' I was the chief to end of paragraph. 
 
 •> Cf. Hist. ii. 8. * Ibid. 7. "^ Ibid. 8. <i Ibid. 
 
1689] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 290 (6)-29i {b) 317 
 
 An act for a toleration. 
 At the same time "an act passed for the toleration of all 
 protestant dissenters", which gave a new disgust to all those 
 violent churchmen ^-who retained still an implacable hatred 
 to the nonconformists, and were longing for occasion to put 
 the laws in execution against them. "Yet this act was both 
 penned and offered first in the house of lords by Nottingham ", 
 who, notwithstanding his zeal for the church, had been always 
 both for toleration and comprehension, and ^ had offered the 
 same act to the house of commons during the debates con- 
 cerning the exclusion. 
 
 [ Views of the wiser j>arty and of the king.'] 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 12 (' But wise and good . . . statute that enacted it '). 
 
 For 'Christian religion . . . nation' rrarf ' Christianity, and to the interest of 
 the protestant religion.' 
 
 Om. ' chiefly . . . nation.' 
 
 For ' gave . . . content ' read ' was very agreeable to the king's inclinations 
 and interest,' and place next sente)ice in present tense. 
 
 Om. 'and he was much troubled . . . nation.' 
 
 \^f. 291 (6)] Om. ' in many places of Germany and.' 
 
 Propositions for a comprehension. 
 
 'At the same time that the toleration was proposed to 
 both houses, the bishops who resolved to adhere to king 
 James's interest, moved before they left the house of lords 
 that heads of a comprehension might likewise be considered " 
 for taking in the presbyterians ; ^ which consisted chiefly in 
 moderating the rigour of the subscriptions, and in admitting 
 children to be baptized without the cross, and persons to the 
 sacrament without obliging them to kneel. ^ Those who pro- 
 posed this acted very disingenuously ; for not only they 
 opposed it underhand and set on all their friends against 
 it, but they represented such as were cordially for it as the 
 enemies and betrayers of the church, who intended to subvert 
 it. ''This, which was likewise prepared and offered to the 
 house of lords by Nottingham, 'passed through that house, 
 
 " Cf. Hist. ii. 10. " Ibid. ii. ' Ibid. 6. ^ Ibid. ' Ibid. ' Ibid. 
 
 lo-i. s Ibid. II. ^ Ibid. 6. ' Ibid. ii. 
 
3i8 Burnefs Original Memoirs [1689 
 
 '^ but was let lie on the table of the house of commons ^ ; and 
 so it fell with the prorogation. ^A party began to be 
 formed in the house of commons that was secretly against 
 the government ; but they pretended they were for the church 
 of England ^ ; and they carried several smaller matters which 
 the other party did not much oppose, on design to represent 
 this to the king as "= a cabal formed against him by Nottingham. 
 That party carried an address for a convocation of the 
 clergy ; they went heavily into the toleration, and laid aside 
 the comprehension. 
 
 YThe dissenters, and the comprehension bill.\ 
 Cf. Hist. ii. II (' Nor was this bill . . . fell to the ground '). 
 
 Debates concerning the revemte. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 12 {from ' and the necessary supplies Vo p. 13, ' have refused it 'X 
 
 For ' both for the quota . . . Ireland ' read only ' for the war.' 
 
 For ' The next care . . . shown for him. But ' read ' But as for the main branch 
 of the revenue that arose out of the customs, and which was usually granted 
 to our kings for life.' 
 
 For ' Some Whigs . . . come off for them ' read only ' The republican party.' 
 
 Out. ' or, at most . . . years.' 
 
 Om. ' and oblige . . . grant.' 
 
 Om. ' made great use . . . success. They.' 
 
 The chimney money sicrrendered. 
 
 The king had good reason to expect a good return from 
 his people ; for though * the chimney money was a part of the 
 standing revenue and was a sure article upon which in time 
 of war money could always be raised, for it never sunk, " yet 
 he, understanding that this was a great grievance to the 
 people of England, had promised to the people in the west as 
 he marched through it that it should be taken away, and 
 pursuant to that he offered to the parliament to have it taken 
 away, which was done accordingly ; but was much opposed by 
 all that were of king James's party, who thought that both it 
 would endear the king to [/. 392 («)] the body of the people, 
 and also that if king James should be restored it would lay 
 
 " Cf. Hist. ii. II, infra. ^ Ibid. <= Ibid, infra. '^ Ibid. 13. 
 
 " Ibid, supra. 
 
1689] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 291 (/^)-292 (a) 319 
 
 an obligation of him not to claim it ; yet it was carried and 
 passed *. Now it seemed very unjust and indecent in the 
 commons, who had received such an extraordinary favour 
 from the king, to deny him that which had been given to 
 all former kings ; yet they were resolved not to grant it ; 
 so it was pretended that '' there were many anticipations and 
 assignations upon the customs ; and since the petitions of 
 all persons concerned in those could not be considered, they 
 granted the customs for one year to the king, as a provisional 
 act till that whole matter should be settled ; but they 
 intended never to carry it further than from year to year. 
 
 And an act of indemnity, 
 
 Cf. Hht. ii. 14 {to p. 15, 'merciful a prince'). 
 
 For ' They could not be brought ... set this on ' read ' The king did likewise 
 press for an act of indemnity for settling the minds of all that were either 
 criminals, or that apprehended they might be made so ; and here the violent party 
 by their fury lost the king upon another head ; or they had no mind to pass 
 the act of indemnity.' 
 
 For ' severe revenges . . . unjust things ' read ' to take revenge of the Tories 
 for many things.' 
 
 Om. ' till a better . . . offer itself.' 
 
 [T/ie militia ii//,~\ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 14 (' A bill . . . exalted his person '). 
 
 For ' both from the crown . . . house of lords ' read ' out of the crown ; but 
 this was so foolishly contrived that it was taken likewise out of the hands of 
 the lords lieutenants and put in the hands of the deputy lieutenants ; by this 
 means the peers, who are generally the lords lieutenants, were concerned.' 
 
 After ' table ' add ' [and] it fell with the prorogation.' 
 
 [TAe Dutch costs?^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 14 [from ' One thing the house of commons' to cud of paragraph). 
 
 For ' One thing ... the king; they gave' read 'The last act of this session 
 was for repaying.' 
 
 For 'revolution' read 'for the late expedition'; ani conclude 'and so the 
 session ended in August.' 
 
 The state of Ireland; \Derry and Iniiiskilling]. 
 During this session " king James was got to Ireland " ; and 
 that whole kingdom, except the two places formerly men- 
 tioned of Londonderry and Inniskilling, submitted to him ; 
 ^ he had raised a vastly numerous army there ^, that lived upon 
 
 " Cf. Hist. ii. 13. " Ibid. ' Ibid. <i Ibid. 
 
320 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1689 
 
 the spoil of the protestants, who were falling under an 
 unspeakable misery. A parliament was summoned to meet 
 at Dublin ; by it all the English of Ireland that had come 
 over to England were attainted ; the act of settlement was 
 reversed ; only the ancient legal settlement of the protestant 
 religion there was not thought fit to be fallen upon at that 
 time, though the popish clergy pressed earnestly for it. 
 * Some officers \_f. 292 [b)] and provisions were sent thither from 
 France, but very little money * ; so that king James was put 
 on coining brass money. ^ There were two contrary advices 
 offered him for the reduction of Derry ; the one was to send 
 the strength of his whole army against it and to press it 
 so hard that, cost what lives it would, it should be carried ; 
 the other was to block it up so that it should be starved ^ and 
 to carry over the rest of his army into Scotland. "Any of 
 these advices, if followed, might have had great effect ; but 
 king James followed a middle advice of oppressing it slowly ", 
 which ruined his affairs. The king sent a relief of powder 
 to Derry in the beginning of March ; ^ after that two regiments 
 were sent over, but all the military men ^, considering the place 
 and the public stores that were in it, ^judged that it was not 
 tenable **, and reckoned that there were not provisions for above 
 a week ; ^ so the military men that were in it came back with 
 the two regiments to England ^, not doubting but those of the 
 town would be forced very quickly to accept of such con- 
 ditions as they could obtain. ^ in this they were abused by 
 colonel Lundy the governor, who was in a secret treaty with 
 king James, and had engaged himself to let the town fall 
 into his hands s in such a way that he should not seem to have 
 betrayed it, but should go over to England and keep himself 
 in a condition to commit new treacheries. ''But they, not 
 daunted at this, resolved to stand it out to the last ^ ; and 
 there being great store of provisions in private hands, all was 
 brought out ; and they resolved to send once more to England, 
 and to live and die together. ^ Those of Inniskilling entered 
 
 » Cf. Hisi. ii. 17-8. >> Ibid. 18. " Ibid. 18-9. « Ibid. 19. « Ibid. 
 
 ' Ibid. s Ibid. i> Ibid. ! Ibid. 
 
1689] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 292 (a)-293 {a) 321 
 
 into the same resolutions. A considerable force was sent 
 against them, but through their courage and the cowardice 
 jof the Irish they held out till the end of July, » that Kirk being 
 sent with a fleet and army to their relief the siege was raised 
 and the place relieved, ''many thousands having died of 
 hunger '', which grew at last to all extremities possible. There 
 was a minister in the place, Dr. Walker \ who acted a very 
 noble part ■ in the government and defence of the town ; he 
 was but a man of ordinary parts, but they were suited to this 
 work, for he did wonders in this siege. I will not go further 
 in the particulars of this history which were very variously 
 represented ; those I leave to ordinary writers ; my chief end 
 of writing being very different from that of putting gazette[s] 
 together. Those of Inniskilling had some [time ?] after this, 
 besides many small advantages, one very considerable victory 
 over a great part of the Irish army ; and about a month after 
 that, " Schomberg, whom the king had made a duke, sailed 
 over with an army of 10,000 men ; ^ most of these were new 
 levied, and both officers and men had as much of courage 
 as they wanted in skill ^. Ulster was quickly reduced, except 
 the fort of Charlemont, which held out till next year. 
 
 No action, but our men suffered jjtuch. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 20 {from 'He marched on to Dundalk' io'end of paragraph). 
 
 After ' his number ' add ' and particularly they excelled in horse.' 
 
 Om. ' much treachery . . . employed.' 
 
 Om. ' for want . . . management.' 
 
 [/ 293 («)] Om. ' Such complaints . . . venture.' 
 
 After ' retreat ' add ' and if he had succeeded, yet he could never have justified 
 the rashness of his venturing too much.' 
 
 For ' better judges ' read ' some military men.' 
 
 After ' quarters ' add ' and then those who had formerly blamed bis caution 
 were forced to confess that his care in looking after his army justified all the 
 high character that the world had of him.' 
 
 [Affat'rs at sea.} 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 20-1. 
 Om. ' Herbert . . . Ireland.' 
 After ' some of his ships ; and ' add ' they went back to Brest. Our fleet.' 
 
 ■ Cf. Hist. ii. 19, supra. ' Ibid, supra. ■= Ibid. 19. ^ Ibid. 
 
 FOXCROFT 
 
 ' See Routh's note in loco ; and Macaulay, v. 133, note 
 Y 
 
322 Burnefs Original Memoirs [1689 
 
 /or 'But, if we lost . . . designs' read 'And the fleet having been victualled at 
 an improper season, our provisions were so soon spoiled, that more seamen 
 died of ill food than we could have lost in a very great battle.' 
 
 The settlement of Scotland. 
 
 * At the opening the winter session of parliament in 
 Scotland there was likewise some disorder in our affairs. 
 '' In the convention the bishops and all their party opposed 
 all the proceedings against king James. ° The castle of 
 Edinburgh was in the duke of Gordon's hands, who acted 
 but faintly, and studied rather to gain time " than to do much 
 mischief. The presbyterian party struck in with zeal to make 
 a change of government in the church, and ^ came in great 
 numbers armed to Edinburgh, pretending it was necessary 
 to guard the convention when the castle was in an enemy's 
 hands ^ ; they talked big and threatened high, but did no harm 
 to any, even to those they hated most. ® Yet Dundee and 
 some others left the convention, pretending that they were 
 in danger of their lives. ^ There was among [them] a great 
 variety of opinions ; some were plainly for king James, others 
 were for following the method taken in England. 
 
 \The third fiariy^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 21 {from 'A third party' to p. 22, end of paragraph). 
 
 \J. 293 (i)] Om. 'and were for maintaining . ..interregnum,' oW perfected or.' 
 
 Om. ' and many . . . into it.' 
 
 Om. ' since many . . . whereas.' 
 
 For from ' and quick provision ' to end of paragraph read ' It was also 
 visible, that since the presbyterian party was like to prevail, those in Eng- 
 land that were for the church, and were then jealous of the interest that 
 the dissenters had gained with the present government, would never consent 
 to have a great many more presbyterian members sent from Scotland '.' 
 
 \The settlement?^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 22 {from ' They passed ' to p. 23, end of paragraph). 
 
 For ' They passed . . . tendered to them ' read ' So at last on the 13th '' of April, 
 which was the day on which the king and queen were crowned at Westmin- 
 ster, they declared that king James had so broken all the laws of Scotland, 
 
 •^ C{. Hist. ii. 25. ^ Ibid. 21. " Ibid. 22. ^ -Ibid, supra. " Ibid, infra. 
 
 ' Ibid. 21. 
 
 ' The reason for modifying this ' Corrected in margin (qu. in hand 
 
 passage in 1705 is obvious. of f. 2 ?) to ' n ' (the true date). 
 
1689] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 293 («)-293 {b) 323 
 
 that he had thereby lost his right to the kingdom, so that the throne was 
 vacant.' 
 
 For ' which they pretended . , . kingdom ' nad > and another petition of 
 grievances, which Were occasioned bj' some oppressive laws of which they 
 desired a redress ; among the [first '] of these they had put the abolishing 
 the order of bishops.' 
 
 For ' though . . . grievance ' read ' though the king and parliament might 
 afterwards do in it what they pleased ^ ' ; and omit ' whereas . . , see cause.' 
 
 Om. ' to carry . . . unreasonable soever.' 
 
 After ' settlement ' add ' and thus they claimed many rights, and petitioned 
 for the redress of several grievances.' 
 
 [TXi? new Jiiims/ry.] 
 
 In all this matter duke Hamilton showed great zeal for 
 the king, and as '^ he was chosen the .president of the con- 
 vention, so ''he carried matters in it with much dexterity 
 and courage, so that the chief merit in procuring the settle- 
 ment fell to his share ; " and he was immediately upon it 
 made the king's commissioner ; the convention being turned 
 to a parliament. ^ Sir James Montgomery had been the 
 busiest man in managing and haranguing the members ^ and 
 was much relied on by the presbyterian party. ® He was 
 a man of parts, but fierce and violent ; ^ and all the episcopal 
 party were very apprehensive of his coming into a great post, 
 8 with which he flattered himself. ''Stair was the man the 
 king intended chiefly to trust in Scottish matters, but so many 
 complaints were brought against him'', particularly in the 
 administration of justice, that it was not advisable to make 
 him secretary. 
 
 Melville^ a severe presbyterian, made secretary. 
 ' So the lord Melville, who had married the duchess of Mon- 
 mouth's sister^, and that had been all along a zealous presby- 
 terian, but was thought a cautious and moderate man, and that 
 had been driven out of his estate, and had continued some years 
 
 ' Cf. Hist. ii. 21. " Ibid. 23. ' Ibid. 24. 'i Ibid. 23. " Ibid. 
 ' Ibid. 24. s Ibid. 23. ^ Ibid. 24. ' Ibid. 
 
 ' The ' last ' of ihe MS. is nonsense, bishops ' and ' and yet ' in the MS.). 
 
 ^ These words originally, no doubt, ' Lady Katharine Lesley, cousin of 
 
 a marginal addition) were misplaced the duchess, 
 by the transcriber (^between ' order of 
 
 Y 3 
 
324 Burnefs Original Memoirs [1689 
 
 in Holland, was made [sole (?)]i secretary. This has proved 
 the worse choice of any the king has yet made ; for as .he 
 is a superstitious bigot ready to [/. 294 a] sacrifice all things 
 to the interest of presbytery, so he is a weak, narrow-hearted *, 
 and low-minded man, not capable of taking wise measures 
 himself, and yet jealous of everybody else. ^ This choice'', and 
 the having a sole secretary, ""gave a universal dista[s]te. 
 •• Montgomery was angry to find himself disappointed, and 
 duke Hamilton was not pleased. 
 
 Great discontent given by that. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 25 {from ' The parliament there was opened ' io p. 26, end 
 of paragraph). 
 
 For 'The parliament . . . resolved to "• read ' So a great party was formed in 
 the parliament of Scotland that was resolved to oppose everything and.* 
 
 For ' the majority ' read ' the party against him. ' 
 
 Om. 'that relating . . . parliament itself.' 
 
 Om. ' proper.' 
 
 After ' desire it ' add ' and not continue during the whole parliament.' 
 
 Om. 'just ' ; and for ' pretended ' read ' believed.' 
 
 After ' away ' add ' and all the factious party struck in with them.' 
 
 For ' both to the king . . . Hke to have ' read ' upon everything.' 
 
 Before ' dark ' read ' such ' ; and after ' orders ' read ' that he saw clearly he 
 was resolved to expose him.' 
 
 Om. 'The revenue . . . England. But even.' 
 
 For ' though of himself . . . easily borne ' read ' was himself against it and 
 complained still of defective orders.' 
 
 For from ' and I took ' to p. 26, ' adhered to it there,' read only ' and I spake 
 to the king once or twice about it ; but I found the king had no mind to talk 
 with me on those matters, so I gave over any further meddling in them.' 
 
 For ' It was expected . . . instead of that' read 'But now, though the king 
 had changed many of those who had been judges before, yet.' 
 
 After ' done ' add ' in the ordinary way.' 
 
 For ' those who opposed everything ' read ' the parliament ' ; for ' in parlia- 
 ment ' read ' by them ' ; for ' they had prepared ' read ' many of the members had 
 prepared.' 
 
 After ' list ' add ' chiefly against Stair, that was named fot president.' 
 
 For ' intending . . . government ' read ' this would have been a very invidious 
 matter, to have a whole nomination [/. 294 (6)] that was made by the king to 
 be thus publicly canvassed and exposed. So.' 
 
 For ' nor did he himself read ' and he himself, who did not' ; and for 'chiefly 
 . . . president. So he discontinued ' {see supra) read ' not being ill-pleased to 
 find it so unacceptable, he obtained leave to discontinue.' 
 
 " Cf. Hist. ii. 24. t lUd. Ibid. ^ Ibid. 35. 
 
 '■ The transcript has ' lord secretary ' (a clerical error). 
 
1689] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 293 (6)-294 {h) 325 
 
 A great rising there against the government \Killiecrankie\. 
 ^ But while they were falling into those heats Dundee went 
 about the highlands and got together a considerable body 
 of men, many gentlemen of the low country running in to 
 him ; ** he was supplied from Ireland with powder and arms. 
 •= He pressed king James very earnestly to come over ", which 
 if he had done in time he had probably throwii us into a long 
 and dangerous war, but the ill-conduct of the siege of Derry 
 hindered this. ^ Mackay commanded the king's forces *, 
 which were then about 6^000, ^ most of them raw and new- 
 levied men ; he made many motions from north to south, and 
 found the heads of the clans so doubtful that the most of 
 them promised to come to his assistance ; yet they generally 
 went in to Dundee. At last, he pursuing him, they at last 
 came to an engagement at Killiecrankie, a place some miles 
 above Dunkeld ®- Many blamed Mackay for drawing up his 
 army as he did ; others justified him ; but success failed him, 
 for 'Dundee broke through his army, so that they run for 
 it, and probably, if Dundee had outlived that day, the victory 
 might have been far pursued ; but his side suffered more 
 in losing him than they gained by the victory. For Mackay 
 rallied his men quickly and made a good stand ' ; so that 
 after that, the highlanders, being ill-commanded, were beaten 
 in every engagement. Thus Dundee fell with great fame, 
 and was esteemed a second Montrose. Scotland suffered 
 much by this summer's war ; ^ a fort was built at Inverlochy, 
 called from the king's name Fort William, that did so cut off 
 all communication between the northern and southern high- 
 landers, that they were never able after this to appear in any 
 
 considerable body. 
 
 \Affairs at sea.] 
 Cf. Hist. ii. a8. 
 
 Om. ' not setting . . . any more.' 
 Om. ' We seemed , . . there.' 
 
 [Foreign affairs.] 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 28. 
 
 Om. ' which the French . . covered.' 
 
 * Cf. Hist. ii. 26. '' Ibid. 27. " Ibid. 26. <> Ibid. z^. " Ibid, infra. 
 
 < Ibid. e Ibid. 
 
326 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1689 
 
 For ' Keiserwart . . . misfortunes on that side ' read ' The king was now- 
 acknowledged by all the courts of Europe, except the allies of France, and this 
 was the state of affairs as to civil matters in the winter [i6]89.' 
 
 The state of the clergy in England. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 28 (' I now return . . . would be preferred '). 
 
 For ' I now return . . . recess ' read ' I must in the next place say somewhat 
 of church matters.' 
 
 For ' though with many . . . conscience ' read only ' yet.' 
 
 For ' that were with great industry . . . church of England ' read ' [that] all 
 king James' party spread over England, that the king was a presbyterian in 
 his heart.' 
 
 [T/ie laiitudinarians charged with Socinianism.\ 
 
 [/• 295 («)] And because many of those were men that studied 
 to make out all things by principles of reason, and had with 
 great success both proved the truth of the Christian religion and 
 the grounds of morality from rational principles, ^ it was said 
 they denied mysteries and were Socinians ; this aspersion had 
 been first cast on them by papists, on design to disgrace 
 a knot of divines that had .both written and acted with much 
 strength against them ; and it was now taken up by some at 
 Oxford. All which was managed and secretly set on by 
 Clarendon and some of the bishops that were now falling 
 under deprivation *- The promotions that were made increased 
 those jealousies. A great many bishops happened to die in 
 a few months ; so that '' the king made six bishops in the space 
 of so many months — Salisbury, Chester, Bangor, Worcester, 
 [Chichester,] and Bristol'' 
 
 I was made bishop of Salisbury. 
 
 To the first of these, that was the first that fell, the king 
 thought fit to promote me ; he did it of his own motion ; 
 for though ■= a great many of my friends, without any encourage- 
 ment from me, moved him in it, he made them no manner of 
 answer till he took occasion to speak to myself ; and he did 
 it in a way that was much more obliging than I could have 
 expected from him. When I waited on the queen she told 
 me she hoped I " would set a pattern to others, and ^ would 
 
 » Cf. Hist. ii. 28-9. '' Ibid. 29. "^ Ibid. 8. * Ibid. 
 
1689] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 294 (6)-295 ip) 327 
 
 put in practice those notions with which I had taken the 
 liberty sometimes to entertain her ^ She also recommended 
 to me the making my wife an example to other clergymen's 
 wives, both in the simplicity and plainness of her clothes and 
 in the humility of her deportment \ This I mention to show 
 what is the queen's sense of the duties of clergymen and of 
 the behaviour of their wives ; the vanity and pride of those 
 has risen to a great excess, and I have put many out of 
 countenance, and have freed either them of their vanity, or 
 at least their husbands of the expense of it, by letting this 
 rule that the queen gave me be known. ""I came into the 
 house of lords 2 when the matter of comprehension and 
 toleration was in debate ^ and I went so high in those points, 
 that I was sometimes upon the division of the house single 
 against the whole bench of bishops. "But in the point of 
 tendering the oaths to all the clergy I did indeed oppose 
 that", upon this ground, that I thought ''if they joined in the 
 public offices of the church, and performed them sometimes 
 themselves, this must needs bind them as firmly to the 
 government as any oaths whatsoever. ° But in the progress 
 of the debate I changed my mind when I understood 
 [/". 395 (^)] that the non-swearing bishops did not pray 
 for the king and queen by name, but only prayed for the 
 king without naming him, which was plainly the praying 
 for king James : and so it was generally understood. ' Now 
 it seemed contrary to the rules of government to suffer men 
 to minister in holy things and to be in such eminent stations 
 who considered themselves under another allegiance. Upon 
 this I changed my mind ^. By those things s I fell under great 
 prejudices ^ ; but that which was the greatest of all was that 
 ''it was generally thought that I could have hindered the 
 change of the government of the church that was made in 
 Scotland '', and that I went into it too easily. The truth was, 
 
 » Cf. Hist. ii. 8. •> Ibid. ' Ibid. g. ^ Ibid, supra. " Ibid. 9-10. 
 
 ' Ibid. 9. e Ibid. 10. » Ibid. 26. 
 
 ' See Autobiography, infra, f. 212. 
 
 ' Here too a reflection upon Sancroft has been inserted in the History. 
 
328 Burners Original Memoirs [1689 
 
 the king desired me to let the clergy of England understand 
 the necessity he lay under to consent to it, ^ since the whole 
 episcopal party, a very few only excepted, went into king 
 James's interest : and therefore, since the presbyterians were 
 the only party that he had there, the granting of their desires 
 at that time were unavoidable. But he assured me he would 
 take care to moderate the violence of presbytery, and this 
 was likewise promised very solemnly to me by Melville, 
 who I believe did intend it at first ; but, he seeing that those 
 who were engaged in a faction against him built their hopes 
 chiefly on their interest in that party, he resolved to take 
 the party out of their hands ; and that, he knew, could not 
 be done but by proceeding with great rigour against all the 
 ministers of the episcopal persuasion ; and in order to this he 
 entered into a close correspondence with the earl of Crawford, 
 whom he got to be made president of the parliament. And, 
 it being universally understood that he had Melville's secret, 
 he came to bear great sway, though he is a very weak and 
 passionate man in his temper, and is become furious by his 
 principles ; "^ so he upon every address turned out ministers 
 and encouraged the rabble to fall on such as gave no occasion 
 of complaint against them. 
 
 {Crawford's conducts effect in England^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 29 {from ' the convention, when they passed ' lo p. 30, ' episcopal 
 persuasion'). 
 
 For 'the next Sunday' read 'the very next day (for they voted it on a 
 Saturday).' 
 
 Om. ' for the most part . . . read.' 
 
 After ' queen ' add ' by name.' 
 
 For ' much eagerness . . . afterwards. And upon ' read ' so much eagerness 
 and rudeness that all the violent men of the party brought in complaints 
 to the council of their ministers, for not reading it [/ 296 (a)] on the day 
 appointed, [or] for.' 
 
 After ' government ' add ' and all those were so well received that upon the 
 slightest proofs.' 
 
 [Burnet blamed for ih's.] 
 
 And because I had to a great many of the clergy f excused 
 what the king had done in Scotland from the necessity of his 
 " Cf. Hist. ii. 29. t Ibid. 30. " Ibid. 
 
1689] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 295 (^)-296 {a) 329 
 
 affairs, and had assured them that the king would moderate 
 the fury of presbytery, this gave very bad impressions of me* 
 to the whole body of the clergy ; and the sense of this, 
 together with the principles which I had been so long forming 
 of the function of a bishop, made me ^ lay down a scheme 
 to myself" which I write here as that which shall be a witness 
 against me if ever I depart from it. 
 
 [Burnet draws lep a scheme of Ms duties '.] 
 
 " I reckoned that the beginning of all the reformations was 
 to be laid down in the education of those who were to serve 
 in the church ; and therefore I resolved to choose ten students 
 of divinity, to whom I would give 30 lib. a year apiece, and 
 whom I would train up at hard study, and in a course of as 
 much devotion as they could be brought to, with whom 
 I would discourse an hour a day of matters of learning and 
 piety, and particularly of such things as related to the 
 pastoral care ; that so I might have a sufficient number of 
 persons ready to be put in such cures as fell to my disposing" ; 
 and this I have hitherto kept to, and have seen the good 
 effects of it ^. * I resolved in the next place to go round my 
 diocese once every year (in a private visitation) in eleven 
 different places, where I should order the clergy of that 
 division to meet me. I intended to preach and confirm, 
 and after that to hold conferences with them concerning 
 some points of divinity, that so I might grow acquainted 
 with my clergy and with the state of my diocese, and that 
 I might have frequent opportunities to set the clergy to their 
 studies and to the discharge of their pastoral care. I judged 
 that nothing would be a likelier means to raise the spirit of 
 religion (that was generally sunk and dead) than the calling 
 on persons to be confirmed, not in their childhood upon their 
 
 » Cf. Hist. ii. 30. '' Cf. Life (appended to Hist, ii), p. 706. 
 
 ■t Ibid. 708-9. * Ibid. 706. 
 
 ' This should be compared, not only of the Life) ; with App. V, infra ; and 
 
 with the Life, but with the Autobio- with the Pastoral Care. 
 
 graphy (««/ra), ff. 21 i-s (which, based ^ But see Autobiography, infra, 
 
 on the above, forms the foundation f. 213 ; Life (in Hist, ii.), p. 709. 
 
33° Burnet's Original Memoirs [1689 
 
 having the church catechism by I'ote, but when they were 
 come to the years of discretion ; that so by an act and 
 sponsion of their own they might engage themselves to 
 Christianity ». I thought this would likewise give the clergy 
 an opportunity of going from house to house about their 
 parishes and of inquiring into their deportment, and so 
 entering upon such methods of treating with them as they 
 should find to be most effectual. [/. 496 {b)] This I have 
 observed on my part ; but it is not easy to bring the clergy 
 to desire to take pains among their people, nor are the people 
 very willing to submit to it, so this goes on but slowly. 
 •^ I resolved likewise to preach constantly every Lord's day, 
 not only at the place of my residence, but in as many 
 churches as lay within such a distance that I could decently 
 go to them and return on a Sunday ^- And because my diocese 
 consisted of two counties, Wiltshire and Berkshire, I resolved 
 to divide the year between them. The former is much the 
 bigger county, and is my seat, so I intended to be eight 
 months of the year at Salisbury and four at Windsor ; and 
 by this means I have already preached in above fifty churches 
 of my diocese, and confirmed at them all. ''I resolved to 
 ordain no persons without knowing them well, and examining 
 them strictly myself, and after I was satisfied by examining 
 them in private, I resolved to do it with the concurrence of as 
 great a number of the clergy as I could gather about me, 
 without whose approbation and consent I resolved never to 
 ordain any ". And this I have hitherto observed ; but I find 
 that the strictness of my examinations frightens the clergy, 
 so that few come to me. . These were the rules that I set 
 to myself at first, and in which I do hitherto continue. 
 ^ I thank God I have not met with much scandal among my 
 clergy, but many of them are too ignorant ; they seem to 
 have no great sense of devotion, and none at all of the 
 pastoral care, but imagine they acquit themselves well when 
 they perform the public functions ^ Covetousness, aspiring to 
 preferments, and a restless seeking after great livings, which 
 
 » Cf. Life in Hist. ii. 706. •> Ibid. 707. ' Ibid. 707-8. <i Cf. Hist. ii. 640-1. 
 
1689] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 296 (a)-297 (<^) 33i 
 
 they desire to hold one upon another, has often made my 
 life a burden to me among them ; a and the foul suspicion 
 of simony in the disposal of most benefices (which by 
 a carnal and secular word are called livings) is a dreadful 
 thing ". 
 
 Great abuses of the church courts. 
 
 But the worst part of all is the horrid abuse of the bishops' 
 courts, which ought to be the means of reclaiming sinners, at 
 least of making them ashamed of their sins ; but they are the 
 most corrupt courts of the nation, ''in which they think of 
 nothing but of squeezing and oppressing people by all the 
 dilatory and fraudulent ways that are possible ; and I do 
 not see how it is possible to reform them ^ for they seem to 
 subsist upon nothing but disorder ; and whether in this age 
 we shall be able to find out an effectual remedy to those or 
 not, is that which I do much doubt. 
 
 A comprehension of dissenters endeavoured. 
 
 The first business that we had with the clergy related to 
 the heads of " a comprehension of the presbyterians ; it had 
 been set forth in the petition which the bishops had given to 
 king James ", that they were ready to come to a temper in 
 those matters in convocation and parliament ; and all 
 messages that come over from them to us in the Hague 
 carried many positive assurances that almost all people were 
 come off from their stiffness in those matters and were 
 ashamed of [it], so that we had assured all the Dutch 
 ministers that [/. 297 («)] we should take care of their 
 brethren the presbyterians ; for none of them (in some con- 
 ferences that I had with them) desired that we would change 
 any of the foundations of our church, only they wished that 
 in indifferent matters some regard might be had to the 
 scruples of men of tender consciences. '^By many advices 
 from England the prince was also moved to send to the chief 
 of the presbyterians advising them not to comply with the 
 offers that king James was a-making them, but to join with 
 
 » Cf. Hist. ii. 645-6. *> Life in Hist. ii. 707. ' Hist. ii. 30. ■■ Ibid. i. 708 ; ii. 30. 
 
332 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1689 
 
 the church of England for the supporting the interest of the 
 protestant religion ; upon which he assured them that in due 
 time regard should be had to them. Upon all those reasons 
 it was that * the prince had promised in his declaration that he 
 would endeavour all that in him lay to procure an union 
 between those of the church of England and all protestant 
 dissenters ^ Therefore it was resolved to lay that matter 
 before a convocation. 
 
 [ The preliminary conference^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 30 {from ' but it seemed necessary ' to p. 33, end of paragrapK). 
 
 For ' but it seemed necessary ... So ' read only ' But to prepare it to them 
 a committee was named.' 
 
 On p. 31, for ' a number of read ' a commission of tlie most eminent.' 
 
 After ' several weeks ' add ' and digested an entire correction of everything 
 that seemed hable to any just objection in the whole common prayer-booli. 
 [Cf. ibid, infrai] All that lies together in Dr. Tenison's hands ', and I make no 
 doubt but it will be preserved till a fit opportunity comes for making use of it. 
 The whole was very carefully weighed, as became scholars and divines.' 
 
 For ' they ' [bis) read ' we ' ; for ' them ' read ' us.' 
 
 For ' matters . . . objection ' read ' everything was inquired into very critically, 
 for.' 
 
 Om. 'as well as very learned.' 
 
 Om. ' who showed herself . . . children.' 
 
 Before ' It was not offered ' add ' For instance.' 
 
 For ' that so we might draw over . . . gaining of them ' read [f. 297 (i)] ' and 
 therefore the present occasion was not to be neglected.' 
 
 " [/ 47 ('')] ^fer ' on both sides ' add ' Clarendon and others of.' 
 
 Om. ' and presbytery ... set up.' 
 
 For 'while it went off . . . concessions' read 'by the corrections that, were 
 made.' 
 
 After ' universities ' add ' particulai-Iy Oxford.' 
 
 For ' severe reflections . . . shelter themselves ' read ' and the king's interest 
 came to suffer considerably by it.' 
 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 776 ; ii. 30. 
 
 ' In Birch's valuable account of since here begins (at Harl. MSS. 6584, 
 
 this preliminary conference, Life of f. 47) No. 2 in Dr. Gilford's arrange- 
 
 7V7to50K,&c.,i753,pp. i66-83,mention ment, and the narrative is continued 
 
 is made of the scrupulous reticence ob- in duplicate. We shall however only 
 
 servedbyTenison with regard to these give the foliation of the earlier and 
 
 papers, of which he had the custody better version. Folios 47 et sqq. are 
 
 (p. 176). They were published in a lettered in the transcriber's hand a 
 
 Parliamentary Blue Book in 1854. et sqq. successively. Folio 46 and the 
 
 ^ At the words 'could not appoint upperpartoff. 47 contain some notes of 
 
 a [select] number' (which occur on the discrepancies between this portion 
 
 p. 32, vol. ii. of the published History) and the printed History, in the hand of 
 
 Transcript A becomes again available ; Dr. Gifford. 
 
1689] Harl MSS. 6584,/: 297 (a)-(^»); 47 {a)-{b)3^ 
 
 For ' a thing not known . . . times ; so ' read ' and they were so much heated 
 by those instruments who hoped to have weakened (if not pulled down) the 
 government by their means.' 
 
 [A convocation inei\ and the matter was let fall. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 33-4 {to ' more hurt than good '). 
 
 Before 'message' insert ' kind and gracious.' 
 
 Om. ' But the lower house . . . message ; and.' 
 
 For ' their owning some . . . not agree to it ' read ' an expression favour- 
 able to those churches that had not bishops ; and though the avoiding to name 
 the protestant religion seemed to be a very invidious thing at that time, yet they 
 refused to do it rather than give the least advantage to any healing propositions.' 
 
 Om. ' and they had not their metropolitan with them.' 
 
 For ' to set things fprward ' read ' to govern the lower.' 
 
 For ' and thus ... to no purpose ' read ' which was done, and they have 
 never met since.' 
 
 After ' entirely forgot' add 'The clergy, on the other hand, said (to justify 
 themselves) that it was very visible from all the proceedings in Scotland that the 
 king was no friend to the church, and that therefore it was necessary for them 
 to stand their ground, and to stick firm to one another. By this means the high 
 church party became very jealous of the court.' 
 
 For 'in this matter' read 'in the miscarriage of the convocation and of the 
 design of comprehension.' 
 
 Om. 'Jacobite.' 
 
 A session of parliament. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 34 {to ' could be grounded '). 
 
 \^f. 47 (6)] For ' In winter . . . ill-humour ' read only ' which was the parliament.' 
 
 Om. ' The ill-conduct . . ■ made on him. ' 
 
 After ' Eolton' add ' and the other Whig lords.' 
 
 After ' reign ' add ' (the lord Russell's, Col. Sidney['s], and others).' 
 
 After ' charters ' add ' It appeared visibly that all this was levelled at Halifax. ' 
 
 \Halifax retires; the king annoyed with the JVhigs.] 
 So nothing came of it, only Halifax saw such a tide raised 
 against him in both houses, that " he thought fit soon after to 
 quit his place and withdraw from business ; and ever since 
 he has seemed to lean to king James' party ; he has always 
 favoured them, and he is finding fault with everything the 
 government does * ; so that he is thought a Jacobite. Yet 
 I believe his commerce that way goes no further than that 
 he is laying in for a pardon, and perhaps for favour if a 
 revolution should happen, for he is neither a firm nor a stout 
 man. ^ Yet the party that was thus pursuing their old resent- 
 ments with so much violence'' when the necessity of affairs 
 
 ■> Cf. Hist. ii. 34. " Ibid. 
 
334 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1689 
 
 called all that wished well to the government to a more entire 
 union in their councils, '' lost much in the king's good opinion *. 
 But as the house of commons is the chief scene, so the pro- 
 ceedings there did quite alienate the king from them. 
 
 \The king demands the revenue!] 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 34 (' He expressed . . . unless that was done '). 
 
 For ' without that ' read ' without the power and the necessary means to 
 support it.' 
 
 For ' And he spoke of this . . . vehemence ' read ' And he seemed so much set 
 on this.' 
 
 For ' an empty name ' read ' the government.' 
 
 Om. ' he said once . . . without power.' 
 
 Jealousies of the king. 
 
 ''But a jealousy was raised as if he would grow very 
 arbitrary if the revenue were once settled ; some began to 
 give out that he was hearkening after prerogative notions, 
 and that if he were settled on the throne he would strain for 
 as high a stretch of his authority'' as any that had gone 
 before him had done ; and both he himself and Bentinck, 
 whom he had made earl of Portland, spake to a great many 
 upon this subject in a style of such earnestness and positive- 
 ness that all this tended to increase the jealousy. "Those 
 of the Whigs who had lived long at Amsterdam" and had 
 been there possessed with the jealousies of that city "^told 
 about all the little stories they had heard of the king's sullen- 
 ness and arbitrariness. 
 
 [Intrigues between St. Germain and the Scots malcontents^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 35 (^from 'the Scotch, who were now come up,' to end of paragraph). 
 
 For ' the Scotch . . . apprehensions ' read ' but that which made the greatest 
 impression came from the Scots.' 
 
 Om. ' so he was oft admitted . . . good spy.' 
 
 After ' agents ' add ' he was [/ 48 (a)] a papist.' 
 
 For ' the best spy the court had ' read only ' a good spy.' 
 
 For ' When he had gained . . . Portland ' read only ' When he [had] told as 
 much truth as served to give him credit, he began to tell stories for raising.' 
 
 For 'so by other hands it was ' read ' he by Payne's means got it to be.' 
 
 For ' that the court . . . them and ' read only ' that Portland.' 
 
 » Cf. Hist. ii. 34. b Ibid. 35. <= Ibid. ^ Ibid. 
 
1689] Harl. MSS. 6584, #. 47 {b)-^8 (b) 335 
 
 Many turn about to king James. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 35 (/rom ' Sir James Montgomery ' io p. 37, end of paragraph). 
 
 For 'Sir James Montgomery . . . management' read 'When sir James 
 Montgomery with the other lords of his party came up to justify themselves 
 they found the king was so possessed against them that they by Simpson's means.' 
 
 For ' princes in exile . . . power ' read only ' so this being easily granted 
 them.' 
 
 Afler ' close treaty ' add ' with Payne.' 
 
 Out. ' because, by duke Schomberg's . . . cut off.' 
 
 For ' and on both sides . . . secure them ' read ' who saw themselves marked 
 out for destruction by the violence of presbytery ; and so they pretended that 
 self-preservation forced them to join with any party that might secure them. 
 At first they seemed to design nothing by their uniting together, but the joining 
 interests in parliament to oppose Melville ; and this was all that the leading 
 men set out to those of their party; but king James was at the bottom of 
 it all ' (cf. ibid, infra). 
 
 For ' against Montgomery ' read ' against them, particularly sir James 
 Montgomery.' 
 
 Om. ' who did not know . . . lord Stair ' {but see supra). 
 
 Om. ' particularly . . . Bolton.' 
 
 For ' this wrought . . . trust him ' read ' who seemed marked out to be the 
 next person to be fallen upon after they had got rid of Halifax. Many of the 
 Whigs went much further and entered into treaty with king James.' 
 
 For ' and who endeavoured to prevent it ' read ' for he did not think it safe to 
 go further with me.' 
 
 After ' faintly ' add ' I let the first proposition he made of this pass as a ramble 
 of discourse, upon which I made no reflection ; but the second conversation 
 upon that subject gave me greater cause to apprehend that he was engaged 
 in the thing.' 
 
 For 'matters were trusted to ' read ' He trusted [/ 48 (A)] himself in it to.' 
 
 For ' and Ferguson . . . they were given ' read ' and [Monmouth] undertook 
 to engage a great part of the citizens into it.' 
 
 For ' weary ' read ' so weary ' ; for ' and saw his error ... as he had done ' 
 read ' that he might be well trusted on that head.' 
 
 For ' This corrupted party . . . that the restoring him ' read ' and in a word 
 the restoring him was represented as that which.' 
 
 For 'that the matter . . . convinced of it' read 'that this was more than an 
 idle way of talking, set forth to frighten the court.' 
 
 A conspiracy discovered. 
 
 " But at last a brother of one of the -chief plotters", whose 
 
 name for certain reasons I do not think fit to write down^ 
 
 * sent me some letters by a disguised name : he asked a pardon 
 
 for himself, and such of his friends as he should afterwards 
 
 o- Cf. Hist. ii. 37. " Ibid. 
 
 ' Montgomery's brother ; see Hist, in loco. 
 
336 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1689 
 
 name ; not to be made evidence ; and never to be named 
 in the whole matter ; and he undertook to discover the 
 whole negotiation, the articles agreed to, the methods that 
 were concerted ; and added that an invitation was sub- 
 scribed by the whole cabal to king James to come over*; 
 and he charged me, if discoveries were expected from him, 
 to speak of the matter to no person but the king only. When 
 I showed his letters to the king, I saw he was not surprised 
 at it, but was well prepared to believe all except that of 
 subscribing a paper. '' He did not think that probable* ; but 
 " he gave me leave to promise everything that had been asked, 
 only he stuck at the indefinite demand of his friends' pardon. 
 He would make no such general promise ; but even in that 
 the discoverer might trust his inclinations", which were not 
 cruel, as all the world saw. ''So upon those assurances he 
 came to me and told me many particulars "* which I do not 
 yet think fit to mention ; ^ he was in hope of putting me on 
 a way of finding out the original paper signed by them all ; 
 and after a few days he came and told me that one William- 
 son was gone down that day to Dover on his way to France 
 with all the papers; he told me where he was to lie. So 
 I acquainted Shrewsbury with this, and he took care to send 
 one down in such haste that he found Williamson abed next 
 morning ; there were other suspicions against him, for he 
 had procured a pass for Flanders, but was treating with some 
 to carry him to France. All his clothes and his portmantle 
 were strictly visited, but nothing was found. This did so 
 vex the discoverer, who reckoned that upon that he would 
 be ill looked at °, that he never came near me more, and he is 
 now at St. Germain. The truth was the papers were signed 
 and given to Williamson ; king James' party pressed that 
 they might be signed ; for some supplies from France and the 
 French fleet's coming into our seas were necessary for the 
 design ; those of St. Germain thought it necessary for giving 
 them credit in the court of France to be able to show the 
 subscriptions of many who [were] formerly thought enemies, 
 
 " Cf. Hisl. ii. 37. t Ibid. <= Ibid, supra. ^ Ibid. " Ibid. 
 
1689] Harl MSS. 6584, #. 48 (b)-4g {a) 337 
 
 to persuade that court that the nations were coming about 
 to them. But unknown to my discoverer, * Simpson, who 
 resolved to go over with Williamson, told him that he knew 
 Kent well, and so would go down in byways to Dover ; 
 whereas the other, trusting to his pass, was to go down in the 
 stage-coach ; therefore he thought it was safer to trust the 
 papers to him. To [/. 49 («)] this Williamson consented 
 so Simpson had them ; and according to appointment he 
 came to Dover, when Williamson was in arrest, and upon 
 that he got out of the way, and so carried the letters safe tc 
 St. Germain ; upon which money was sent over, together 
 .with the promise of a larger supply ; ''but all this was after- 
 wards discovered ''. The only thing that the plotters could do 
 in winter was to alienate those with whom they had credil 
 all that was possible from the king, and to create "^ jealousie5 
 in the city", especially in the rich citizens who made the 
 advances of money. ''The house of commons granted the 
 supplies that were demanded for the reduction of Ireland 
 and for the fleet, and continued the gift of the revenue foi 
 another year ^ ; and this was all that could be obtained from 
 them. 
 
 A bill concerning corporations, 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 38-9 {to ' little doubt was made of the passing of the act '). 
 
 For ' The Tories ... a bill, by which ' read only ' At the same time thej 
 carried a bill by which they thought to have established their party and.' 
 
 For ' mayors and recorders . . . London ' read only ' who had been concernec 
 by voting to, or procuring, the [late '] surrenders of charters.' 
 
 Om. ' for six years.' 
 
 Om. ' for they saw . . . kingdom.' 
 
 After ' severity ' add ' it was pretended in most corporations it would not be 
 possible to find a sufficient number to serve, if all should be incapacitated thai 
 had acted in that matter.' 
 
 For ' And now . . . king' read ' So now both parties looked on this as a crisis 
 The Tories looked upon themselves as ruined if the bill should pass.' 
 
 After ' bill passed ' add ' in the house of lords, where it was like to meal 
 with great difficulty.' 
 
 Om. ' And the Tories . . . dissolved.' 
 
 » Cf. Hist. ii. 38. '' Ibid, supra. " Ibid, infra, ^ Ibid. 
 
 '■ Transcript A reads, erroneously, 'later.' 
 Z 
 
338 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1689 
 
 For 'The bill . .. surrendered' read 'For upon the first points (whether 
 corporations could be surrendered up or not) there was a great opposition made.' 
 
 AJler ' Holt ' add ' that was chief justice.' 
 
 For ' in which the abbeys . . . regular times ' read ' in which the surrenders 
 of abbeys had been so much supported, that upon that all other ecclesiastical 
 corporations were also surrendered ; for there were no other precedents 
 brought but of those.' 
 
 For ' for the bill ' read ' in favour of the surrender.' 
 
 For 'after which ... act' read 'yet it was visible that the weight of the 
 house of commons would have carried the matter at last.' 
 
 T/te king was in great straits. 
 
 ^ But now the king was much pressed by Nottingham and 
 all the Tory party to dissolve the parliament, and call a new 
 one. It was said that the corporations who saw themselves 
 struck at by the change which this act would have made 
 would not choose any of those violent men whose heat was 
 like to set all on fire ; the breaking upon this point, as it 
 would make the new elections sure to the church party in 
 many places, so it would oblige them to the king, since he 
 preserved them from the fury of this bill^ This state of 
 affairs looked very melancholy. The king saw the Whigs 
 would not trust him nor indeed support him, but in a depen- 
 dence upon their passions and humours ; on the other hand 
 he thought he could not trust the Tories, they seemed aU 
 linked to king James' interests and to be jealous of him. 
 
 \He resolves for Holland^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 39-40 {to ' to put an end to the war in Ireland '). 
 
 For ' He was once . . . resolution ' read ', He for some days took [/. 49 (6)] 
 up a resolution that had been fatal if he had followed it.' 
 
 Om. ' he thought . . . the Whigs.' 
 
 For ' the Tories . . . confide in her ' read ' the chur.ch party would trust the 
 queen.' 
 
 For ' So he called . . . few more' read ' He went so far in this that he called 
 some of those he trusted most about him.' 
 
 For ' a convoy ' read ' three or four good ships.' 
 
 For ' since . . . brought him ' read ' This was a great surprise to them all.' 
 
 For ' to lay aside . . . necessity ' read ' not to think more of it, since it would 
 certainly ruin all the affairs of Europe..' 
 
 For ' among them . . . resolution ' read ' on all hands upon this occasion, but 
 
 " Cf. Hist. ii. 39. 
 
1696] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 49 (a)-49 {b) 339 
 
 it ended well ; for the king waS pi-evailed on to lay aside all those thoughts, 
 and to go on with the resolution he had taken.' 
 Om. ' this was told me ... so nearly.' 
 
 He designed to go in person to Ireland. 
 * But when this came to be known a great many of both 
 sides were resolving to oppose it * ; the Jacobites could not 
 be supposed to be much concerned for his person, so their 
 secret reason was believed to be that ""they were, afraid he 
 should have too good success there ^ and bring that war too 
 soon to an end. "The rest were really concerned for his 
 person", since they reckoned that all their safety depended 
 upon it. ^ But upon the first motions that were made in both 
 houses (for by consent it was proposed in both on the same 
 day) the king, seeing that it would certainly have ended in 
 an address to him against it, came next day and prorogued 
 the parliament. There was not money enough given for the 
 whole campaign ^, so it was necessary to have another session 
 before the king should go ; or dissolve the parliament and call 
 a new one. The king by this time saw that the leading men 
 of the Whig party were not only resolved not to give him 
 the revenue, but that they were beginning to treat with king 
 James, and were generally standing off from advancing 
 money upon the credit of the money bills ; and therefore he 
 thought the safest course was to trust the promises that the 
 Tories were making him and to try a new parliament. "So 
 the parliament was dissolved and a new one was called °. 
 
 New parliament called. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 40 {from. 'There was a great struggle' fcp. 41, ' how to manage 
 matters for him '). 
 
 For ' One thing . . . Tories had made ' read ' Among other things that they had 
 proposed to the king, to give their party a confidence in him, one.' 
 
 For ' given . . . excluded ' read ' put the military power of London into the 
 hands of the Whigs.' 
 
 For ' which was such a mortification . . . commission ' read ' so a change was 
 desired to such a degree, that the Tories should be the stronger.' 
 
 For ' the bishop ' read ' but he, who is apt to do things without advice.' 
 
 Om. ' who had been engaged . . . reign.' 
 
 " Cf. Hist. ii. 40. " Ibid. " Ibid. <^ Ibid. " Ibid. 
 Z 2 
 
34° Burnetts Original Memoirs [1690 
 
 Far < to examine the list . . . approved of it ' read ' to examine and settle that 
 matter, and they agreed to the list. They seemed to blame the bishop of 
 London for talcing so little care in the preparing of it ; but they thought since 
 such persons [/. 50 (a)] were once named it would be an affront that would be 
 resented by the whole party if their names -should be struck out '.' 
 
 For ' a set of officers . . . king James ' read ' those very men who had been 
 the wickedest instruments in the end of king Charles, and the beginning of 
 king James' reign.' 
 
 For ' This matter . . . government ' read only ' Here Shrewsbury began first 
 to show his discontent ; for all this matter was managed by Carmarthen and 
 Nottingham.' 
 
 For ' The elections . , . declared ' read ' When the list of elections of parlia- 
 ment appeared, all that loved the government were under great apprehensions ; 
 for it was generally believed that the far greater part of them were in their 
 hearts.' 
 
 Om. ' The king made a change . . . money bills.' 
 
 [The 'recognising' bill.'] 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 41 {from ' The first great debate ' to p. 42, ' it passed in two days 
 in that house '). 
 
 For ' The first part passed . . . warm debate ' read only ' This held long in 
 the house of lords.' 
 
 After ' declaratory way ' add ' [for if so] the strength of the crown was 
 broke. ' 
 
 Om. ' and brought .... question.* 
 
 For ' times : but , . . juncture ' read ' times, [so] the want of the writs 
 could not be supposed to carry in it a nullity in such a juncture.' 
 
 For 'when all' read ' It was called in an interregnum, in the best method 
 that could then be thought of; all.' 
 
 Om. ' both ' and ' and people.' 
 
 For ' a long debate ' read ' a fourth night's debate.' 
 
 Om. ' declaring and ' (see Speaker Onslow's note. Hist, in loco). 
 
 For ' many lords ... at court ' read only ' a great part of the house of lords not 
 only opposed it, but protested against it.' (Th's appears earlier in the passage.) 
 
 Om. ' It was expected ... act. But ' ; and for ' in that house ' read ' in the 
 house of commons.' 
 
 For from 'without any debate or opposition ' /o end of paragraph, read only 
 ' but the party that prevailed in it was willing to give the king this early assur- 
 ance of their fidelity to him ; and the leaders of the Tory party drew in their 
 followers (before they were aware of it) to consent to it ' ; and om. next 
 paragraph.- 
 
 The revenue granted for a term of years. 
 
 Cf. Hist. 42-3 (from 'The house of commons' to end of paragraph). 
 
 For ' The house of commons ' read ' They also.' 
 
 After ' frequent parliaments ' add ' and they thought that such a precedent 
 
 ' In the History this passage is shortened to such an extent as to become 
 meaningless. 
 
i60o] Harl MSS. 6584, /! 49 (by^i (a) 341 
 
 might be begun with greater advantages [/ 50 (A)] in the present reign than in 
 any other.' 
 
 For ' and if he ' read • and since this was thought a greater security than any 
 bills for triennial parliaments, ifhe, that was our deliverer.' 
 
 For 'which probably . . . done ' renrf 'jior could the revenue have been 
 granted for life.' 
 
 Om. ' which they thought . . . running into a great arrear.' 
 
 After ' king's absence ' acid ' at any time.' 
 
 For ' to take no notice . . . nor of those who ' read ' to be so unconcerned that 
 she never asked after the bill, and took no notice of any person's behaviour 
 whether they.' 
 
 Place 'to the great grief of the Whigs' after ' lieutenancy of London,' and 
 proceed : ' who were no^v in so high a ferment that they hindered all their party 
 in London from advancing more money ; nor did the other party lend so 
 liberally as had been promised ; so that between the two, the government for 
 some time was at a stand.' 
 
 Debates for abjuring king James. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 43-5 {to ' affront of its being rejected '). 
 
 For ' But the greatest debate . . . session ' read ' And then came on in both 
 houses a great debate.' 
 
 After ' Whigs ' add ' and some votes were passed for it.' 
 
 For ' with a great copiousness . . . arguing ' read only ' with all their strength.' 
 
 For ' and that all . . . settlement ' read ' and therefore they would not consent 
 to any new imposition.' 
 
 [/. 51 (a)] For 'The Whigs pressed the king' read 'But in private the 
 Whigs pressed the king vehemently.' 
 
 For ' At the same time . . . bestowed on it, or not ' read ' On the other hand, it 
 was laid before the king that this could not be easily carried ; much time would 
 be lost in the debates, and much heat would be raised by them ; for a great 
 number of men can hang long upon a debate.' 
 
 After ' service ' add ' so that it would rend both the parliament and the 
 nation.' 
 
 After ' carried ' add ' (of which great doubt was made).' 
 
 Om. ' who might otherwise . . . neutrals.' 
 
 For ' intimation ' read ' indirect message.' 
 
 For ' and go to other matters . . . Tories ' read ' which was a wise and good 
 resolution, though I myself was at that time of another mind. And this, though 
 it enraged the Whigs, who hoped now to have all the places of trust or profit, 
 and by consequence the government again into their hands, yet generally it 
 had a good effect ; it gained the Tories more entirely to the king.' 
 
 For ' it had indeed . . . people ' read ' It gave indeed great hopes to the 
 French, and was given out there as a certain sign that the parliainent was for 
 king James.' 
 
 After ' rejected ' add ' so it animated them extremely.' 
 
 Shrewsbury withdrew from business, 
 Cf. Hist.^ ii. 45 (' The earl of Shrewsbury was at the head . . . eould not 
 be prevailed on '). 
 
342 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1690 
 
 Om. ' or success.' 
 
 For ' such things as should have ... too much ' read ' those thiugs that should 
 have broken him quite with the king.' 
 
 j^fter ' word of it ' add ' as soon as might be.' 
 
 Om. 'who thought him before . . . how firm he was.' 
 
 After 'ever' add 'it would make them conclude that the king was so 
 entirely gone in to the Tories, that for that reason he had withdrawn himself 
 from the public counsels.' 
 
 After ' purpose ' add ' for he was fixed in his resolution, though [/. 51 (6)].' 
 
 For ' though he should not act . . . prevailed on ' read ' to which once 
 he seemed to have consented ; yet the night before the king went he sent 
 them to him by Russell. Thus by a very unreasonable peevishness, the best 
 minister that I know about the king left his service in so disobliging a manner 
 that I am afraid the king will not easily forget it.' 
 
 \^The second abjuration hill; end of session^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 45 (/ram ' The debate for the abjuration lasted ' to p. 46, ' generally 
 Whigs'). 
 
 For ' The debate . . . king James ' read ' But to return to the public ; after 
 the business of the abjuration was laid aside by the commons, the lords took 
 up a debate very like it, for such an engagement as should bind all that w^ere in 
 public trust to be faithful to the government in opposition to king James. This 
 was long and warmly debated. Halifax began upon this occasion to discover 
 himself, for he has ever since appeared to be in king James' interests ; though 
 I believe he will put nothing to hazard for them.' 
 
 For ' The Tories offered ' read ' The party that opposed all these motions 
 offered.' 
 
 For ' with severe penalties . . . refuse it ' read ' and oifered to put this to all 
 persons whatsoever'.' 
 
 After ' lost the next ' add ' so that it was impossible to make any progress 
 in it.' 
 
 [Jacobite intrigues j Fuller.^ 
 ^ Many little discoveries were now made of the corre- 
 spondences and motions of the Jacobites % for so king James's 
 party came to be named. A little boy ^ that had been a page 
 and had turned papist went over to St. Germain, and offered 
 himself with so much spirit to manage for them that he was 
 trusted ; he brought over with him one Crone, an Irishman, 
 with many letters. It was pity that so much life as he had 
 
 " Cf. A i. 46. 
 
 ' There is an obvious hiatus in the original MS. 
 
 transcript at this passage, clearly due ^ Fuller. See Macaulay, ed. 1858, 
 
 to the agqidental identification of 221-4^ 233-5 i ^f^ °f Halifax, ii. 
 
 two successive ' whatsoevers ' in the 147-8. 
 
1690] Harl. MSS. 6584, Jf. 51 (a)-52 (b) 343^ 
 
 was so ill-turned. He discovered Crone and all that negotia- 
 tion. Crone was condemned, but has since saved himself by 
 " a discovery ; it was chiefly about providing money and arms, 
 and the putting the party in a readiness to appear upon 
 a call. 
 
 The queen in the administration. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 48 {from ' the queen was now ' to p. 49, ' happy under her '). 
 
 After ' administration ' add ' by the king's going for Ireland, in which she was' 
 so exact to the law, that she would not enter upon it till she heard that he was 
 upon the sea.' 
 
 [/ 52 (a)] Before ' all this was nothing to the public ' insert ' nor was she ever 
 uneasy or displeased with any that brought new objects in her way ; ' 
 
 Om. from ' The king named ' to end of paragraph. 
 
 [The king's sense of affairs?^ 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 46 {from ' the day before ' to ' all that he had said'). 
 
 The king's tenderness of king James. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 47 {first paragraph). 
 
 For 'having learned ... made to the king' read 'for one had sent by me 
 a proposition to him, which seemed fair.' 
 
 For ' (for he was well known to him) ' read ' (for he had served at sea and wa^ 
 known to him).' 
 
 For ' as the king should desire . . . ashore ' read ' for he would not engage in 
 it unless he were assured that he were not to be made a prisoner. When 
 I carried this to the king,' (5r=c. 
 
 For ' king James would certainly' read ' if king James should.' 
 
 After ' the king had made ' insert ' me.' 
 
 The king goes for Ireland. 
 
 C£ Hist. ii. 47-8 {to ' things went far otherwise '). 
 
 Before ' Charlemont ' insert ' save that ' ; and om. ' Which was . . . hands.' 
 
 [f. 53 (6)] For ' they flattered . . . false hopes ' read ' as he loves to be flattered 
 
 with false news, so he was filled with them [s/c] upon this occasion and 
 
 [believed].' 
 
 After 'days come, before' add 'by a prisoner that was taken.' 
 
 After ' immediately ' add ' drew back his army [and].' 
 
 After ' French foot' add ' that Lauzun had brought over.' 
 
 For ' country on to Dublin ' read ' plain country to Dublin.' 
 
 For' the strengthening . . .body of foot' read 'the marching away towards 
 
 the Shannon ; the strengthening their garrisons ; and keeping only a flying 
 
 camp together.' 
 After ' king's transports. This ' add ' was a great design and.' 
 
 " Cf. Hist. ii. 46. : 
 
344 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1690 
 
 The state of affairs at sea; [and on land]. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 49-50 (' an unhappy compliment . . . and then a rising ground '). 
 
 For 'and it was joined . . . chief command, was' read 'And Herbert, whom 
 the king had made earl of Torrington, was ordered to go about with the rest of 
 our fleet to join both the squadron at Plymouth and that which Shovel was to 
 bring him out of the Irish seas. He [was].' 
 
 For ' our main fleet lay long' read ' he was forced to He some days.' 
 
 [/ 53 («)] •f""'' ' so they . . . Channel' read ' Upon this advice from England 
 their fleet (consisting of eighty capital ships) was ordered to sail into the 
 Channel, which they did on the twenty-second of June.' 
 
 For 'near the Isle ' read ' at the bight of the Isle. ' 
 
 For ' surprised ' read ' both surprised and destroyed.' 
 
 For ' and abandoned Dublin ' read ' they would be forced to abandon Dublin 
 and.' 
 
 Om. ' it would also . . . England.' 
 
 For ' for his crown ' read ' for it ; for he said he forgave the prince of Orange 
 all he had done against him, since he was now come to give him battle.' 
 
 Om. ' of the struggle and even.' 
 
 For ' rose . . . tide ' read ' swelled twice a day with the tide.' 
 
 T/ie king was wounded with a cannon-ball. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 50 {from ' On the last of June' to p. 51, 'military men'). 
 For ' a great body ' read ' his body ' ; for ' in the face of the enemy' read only 
 ' in another place ' ; otn. ' a little below hira.' 
 
 The battle of the Boyne. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 51 {from ' It was a complete victory ' to p. 52, ' did also capitulate '). 
 
 [/• 53 (*)] Before ' threw down ' insert ' very soon.' 
 
 For ' The army of the Irish . . . king thought ' read ' Besides, it was generally 
 believed that, considering the cowardice of the Irish.' 
 
 For ' a party ' read ' twenty or thirty.' 
 
 Om. ' for most . . . cut off,' and ' like another Epaminondas.' 
 
 For ' a very indecent ' read ' a great.' 
 
 Om. ' This was not . . . fled.' 
 
 For ' he rode . . . parts of his life^ read ' and left Dublin early next morning, 
 and rid with all the haste that was possible to Duncannon, which was about 
 seventy Irish miles from Dublin ; he had been so provident that he had sent 
 sir Patrick Trant thither to have a ship ready for him, and all the way as he rid 
 he was taking care to have bridges cut, and was in so much dread that when he 
 came to Duncannon, though the fort was of a considerable strength, yet he would 
 not trust himself to it, but lay aboard. Thus did his courage sink with his 
 affairs to so great a degree that those who believed he was brave before 
 concluded that there was now some extraordinary guilt upon him which has 
 brought him under so much fear.' 
 
 For ' their officers ' read ' their general officers.' 
 
 For ' and king James's officers . . . revenges after it' read ' The Irish marched 
 in their flight through Dublin in so much haste, and with so much disorder, 
 
I690] Harl MSS. 6584, f. 52 (^»)-54 (b) 345 
 
 that whereas it was much feared that if they had been beat they would have 
 taken their revenges upon that town, and have plundered and burnt it, they 
 were now so far from that, that they made all the haste possible to be 
 gone.' 
 
 For 'declared for the king' ?-e«rf ' declared presently for the king, who sent 
 immediately some troops thither to secure that city.' 
 
 A battle in Flanders IFleierus] atid at sea [Beachy Head]. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 5a {from ' But to balance ' to p. 53, ' pursuing his victory'). 
 
 [/• 54 («)] Om. ' did at the first charge.' 
 
 For ' yet the stand , . . they able ' read ' yet their loss was believed greater ; 
 they were certainly so much weakened that they were not able.' 
 
 For ' This was the battle . . . consequence of it ' read ' This weakening of their 
 army.' 
 
 For ' On the day . . . Boyne ' read ' For about a week after that, on the last 
 of June.' 
 
 ^//er'at sea' add ' Our fleet got under sail upon the news of the arrival of 
 the French fleet.' 
 
 ^/ier ' at Plymouth ' add ' and that which was commanded by Shovel.' 
 
 For ' what was fittest to be done ' read ' whether our fleet [without them J 
 should be ordered to make towards the French and to engage them or not.' 
 
 After ' his coming in ' add ' for some time.' 
 
 For 'some began to call' read 'Now his enemies began to spread about 
 stories that brought.' 
 
 For ' they thought . . . mischievous to us ' read ' It was looked on as ex- 
 tremely unbecoming for us to bring in our fleet upon the French coming into 
 our seas, and to leave them masters of our coast and trade. For all our fleets 
 of merchantmen (reckoning that the two royal fleets would be at that time 
 waiting upon one another) were then coming home, and would be by this 
 means exposed to the enemy. It would have raised the credit of the arms of 
 France, and sunk ours, if we should have fled from them.' 
 
 For ' that it was reasonable . . . admiral ' read ' that we might well fight them ; 
 and in this they were seconded by some on whom the administration relied 
 much, who writ from the fleet that though the enemy exceeded them in num- 
 ber, yet they took ours to be the stronger fleet. It is true in the council of war 
 the much greater number were of Torrington's opinion. But in conclusion he 
 had orders.' 
 
 For ' to a council cf war ' read ' to him. So on the 30th of June.' 
 
 For ' both the Dutch . . . general opinion ' read ' The Dutch, as they had 
 suffered much, so they complained that they had been abandoned by Torrington ; 
 those of the blue squadron complained as much ; and all (except his friends) 
 who were in that action do Still say.' 
 
 [/. 54 (6)] For ' many of our ships ' read ' our fleet quite.' 
 
 After ' his victory ' add ' So.' 
 
 [The French masters of the sea.] 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. S3 (from ' Our fleet came in ' to p. 55, ' French should prevail '). 
 After ' refitting it ' add ' and great care was had of the sick and wounded of 
 the Dutch.' 
 
346 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1690 
 
 For ' seven thousand ' read ' a thousand '.' 
 
 After ' raised ' insert ' and continued out a month.' 
 
 For 'in this melancholy . . . expected' read 'The Scotch plot, as shall be 
 afterwards told, was both discovered and broke ; and now it appeared that 
 neither the taxes nor the ill success could alienate the nation from the govern- 
 ment, for though it was now harvest-time, yet the militias continued together 
 with great cheerfulness, and showed a great zeal for the service.' 
 
 Om. ' kept out of the way ' ; and after ' rabble ' add ' again.' 
 
 After ' coast ' add ' and then returned again to ours.' 
 
 After ' confederate armies ' om. ' when . . . direction.' 
 
 For ' The French . . . understood afterwards, that ' read ' During the fitting 
 out of our fleet, the French rid triumphing in our seas, but did us no harm.. 
 All the while.' 
 
 For ' excused' read 'were glad to excuse.' 
 
 For ' weakened ' read ' much weakened ; they had many sick men aboard.' 
 
 [T/te queerCs behaviour upon this occasion^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 55 {from ' In all this time ' to middle of following paragraph, ' re- 
 quired his presence here '). 
 
 [/• 55 {a)] Om. ' for I . . . Windsor.' 
 
 Om. ' she apprehended . . . danger.' 
 
 Om. ' For she told me . . . king was in Ireland.' 
 
 For 'and acquainted her' read 'he gave it her with the letters.' 
 
 After ' presence here ' add ' more than Ireland could then do.' 
 
 [A_^irs abroad.'] 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 64-5 {Jrom ' As for affairs ' to ' carrying on the war '). 
 
 For ' As for affairs . . . alliance ' read ' At this time the allies gained upon 
 the duke of Savoy to enter into a confederacy.' 
 
 Om. ' with the emperor. ' 
 
 For 'ripe for it. They demanded' read 'ready for it, by demanding'; and 
 after ' in their hands ' add ' during the war.' 
 
 Om. ' This was . . . vassal prince.' 
 
 Om. ' when their affairs require it ' and ' who had promised him nothing.' 
 
 After ' prey to the French ' add ' The war upon the Upper Rhine, where the 
 elector of Bavaria commanded, produced no actions, but many marches back- 
 wards and forwards ; and. ' 
 
 Om. ' yet he ... on the war.' 
 
 The affairs of Scotland. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 61 {from ' From the affairs of Ireland ' to p. 62, ' his instructions '). 
 Om. ' From the affairs . . . what passed.' 
 
 For ' by a Dutch officer . . . forces in Scotland ' read only ' by sir Thomas 
 Livingstone.' 
 
 [/ 55 (*)] For ' Lord Melville . . . post himself read ' Melville was sent down 
 
 ' ' 7000 sais [sic] the printed edition ' (note by Dr. Gifford). See also f. 3 
 (in Appendix VII, infra). 
 
i69o] Had. MSS. 6584, ff. 54.(6)-56 {a) 347 
 
 with powers to be high commissioner for the parliament, but he stayed there 
 some weeks before he made use of them.' 
 
 For 'assured the king' read 'had told the king before he had went down.' 
 
 After ' carry anything' add ' So the matter was secretly managed.' 
 
 For ' would not consent ' read ' stuck a little.' 
 
 For from ' yet he found ' to end of paragraph read ' And for those he was 
 forced to send one over to Ireland ; and it is generally said that though he 
 ventured to give up those, yet he had no instructions for it. But the king is so 
 secret in those matters that it is not possible to find them out ; only it is visible 
 that he is not pleased with Melville's behaviour in parliament.' 
 
 \A parliament therei\ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 62 ('The Jacobites . . . second message'). 
 
 For ' for many . . . swear to him ' read ' on design that thereby they might 
 have the greater number there, and be able to break that which they sware 
 to maintain.' 
 
 For ' by Paterson . . . archbishops ' read ' even [by] one of the bishops that 
 was in that party.' 
 
 Owz. 'for he thought . . . parliament.' 
 
 After ' prerogative ' add ' even in the point of the dispensing power.' 
 
 [A plot discovered^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 62-3 [to ' ruined his fortune,' near end of paragraph). 
 
 Om. all allusions to Argyll. 
 
 Om. ' pretending, as they said afterwards, that.' 
 
 After ' pressed the king ' add ' since all was broken.' 
 
 After 'upon a full discovery' add 'This he refused to do.' 
 
 For ' discovered all . . . Scotch ' read only ' made discoveries.' 
 
 After ' against others ' add ' This was granted him, so he told all he knew.' 
 
 Before ' treated ' insert ' immediately.' 
 
 [/• 56 («)] Om. ' He continued . . . life.' 
 
 [Results of the plot^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 63 {Jrom ' The lord Melville had now ' to p. 64, end of paragraph). 
 
 For ' by which . . . condemnation of it' read only ' was. the settling of pres- 
 bytery.' 
 
 For ' But it was not so easy . . . ; if ' read ' But this could not be safely done, if.' 
 
 For ' the pattern . . . 1638 ' read 'any of the former patterns ; for then.' 
 
 Before ' episcopal ' read ' for the greater part.' 
 
 For ' and all those who . . . presbyterian way ' read ' who had taken pres- 
 byterian ordination of late.' 
 
 For ' this was like . . . the old men ' read ' by an error that may prove fatal 
 to the whole party ; [because] many of the old men.' 
 
 For ' so these broke out . . . defame them ' read ' they began to raise accu- 
 sations against the episcopal clergy; some were grounded only upon their 
 being of that persuasion, others were charged with scandalous disorders ; but 
 in many places these were not pretended to be proved, but were only made 
 use of to defame those whom they intended to deprive.' 
 
348 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1690 
 
 The progress of the war in Ireland, 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 55 {from ' for it was hoped the reduction of Ireland ' lo p. 57, 
 ' decently towards him '). 
 
 For ' for ' read ' But while affairs went thus in all other places.' ^ 
 
 [/ 56 (6)] For 'By these he understood . . . and ended it thus' read 'By 
 these it appeared that they looked upon their business as desperate before the 
 battle. Tyrconnell's last letter to queen Mary that had not been sent ended thus.' 
 
 Om. ' the king went to Ireland ' and ' an Irishman . . . languages well ' ; and 
 for ' was to be ' read ' had been sent ' ; and after ' murder the king ' add ' which 
 seemed to be much confirmed by this letter.' 
 
 Om. ' sir Robert Southwell . . . retaliating in that way.' 
 
 For 'The escape ... at the battle of the Boyne' read ' But as God preserved 
 the king from the many dangers through which he passed at the last battle 
 [when] ' ; and after ' friends ' add ' so God has likewise preserved him hitherto 
 from all secret practices.' 
 
 For ' the king was pressed . . . apprehend ' read ' The king's chief care was 
 now to secure a station for his transport ships ; for as he found by the letters 
 that had fallen into his hands that the French intended to send over some 
 frigates and fireships to burn them, so their advantage at sea made the execu- 
 tion of this easy to them ; and therefore, finding Dublin was no safe station for 
 them, and that Waterford was the nearest place where they could lie securely, 
 instead of pursuing the Irish during their first consternation to Athlone or 
 Limerick, to which their main body had retired, he sent only a detachment 
 to Athlone, and he marched himself towards Waterford ; both the town, and 
 Duncannon fort, which commanded the port, capitulated ; so that now his 
 transport fleet was safe ; though indeed it was not in so much danger as was 
 believed.' 
 
 [/ 57 («)] Fo'' ' He fell under ' read ' And ever since that time he has been 
 under.' 
 
 [The situation in Ireland?^ 
 
 Douglas, who led the detachment to Athlone, said he could 
 do nothing for want of great cannon ; though others thought 
 , he had no mind to make too quick an end of the war. "^ The 
 king sent his army forward ^ to Golding bridge near Cashill ; 
 '^ and he himself came back to Dublin in order to his return to 
 England, to which he had been pressed ** by many letters from 
 England. This had a very ill effect on his affairs ; for the 
 Irish (who are apt to believe all the lies that their priests set 
 on among them) were persuaded that he was forced to go 
 to England to defend it against the French, and that he 
 would be obliged to carry over his army very soon thither ; 
 therefore they were made believe that if they could but stand 
 " Cf. Hist. ii. 57. '■ Ibid. 
 
i69o] Harl MSS, 6584, ff. 56 (a)-57 {h) 349 
 
 out a little while, the island would be soon their own again. 
 By these means they were wrought on to make a stand. "But 
 when the king came to Dublin he found letters of another 
 strain from England j the fitting out of the fleet went on 
 apace; the militias were all up, and expressed much zeal 
 for the government ; the most dangerous men were secured ; 
 and there was now no reason to apprehend a descent from the 
 French. So the king went back to his army, and moved 
 towards Limerick. 
 
 Limerick besieged. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 57 {from ' Upon this, Lauzun ' to p. 59, end of first paragrapli). 
 
 For ' It was hoped ' read ' There was good reason to hope '.' 
 
 For ' he had left ' read ' he [had been] obliged to leave.' 
 
 Om. 'best' 
 
 After ' and scarce ' insert 'possible to work in [or].' 
 
 .<4/?ei- ' some great guns ' add ' which were brought very near him.' 
 
 For ' who despised . . . distance that they ' read only ' who thinking them- 
 selves secure ' ; and for ' and went to bed ' read ' all night, and kept very little 
 order.' 
 
 For ' Sarsfield ... in time' read only 'The king had a timous advertisement 
 that Sarsfield with a body of horse had passed the Shannon.' 
 
 [/• 57 (*)] Por 'the convoy . , . morning but they' read 'the ammunition ; 
 for he believed the design must be upon that ; yet (by whose fault I do not 
 know, for when I asked the king about it he did not answer) the orders which 
 he gave in the morning were not executed till it were midnight. Laniei," 
 commanded it ; he marched slow and.' 
 
 Om. ' the general observation . . . side) was, that ' ; for ' they had ' read ' he 
 had ' ; for ' themselves ' read ' himself ' ; for ' their master ' read ' his master ' ; 
 and after ' conclusion of it ' read ' so he came back without doing anything.' 
 
 .After ' channel. Yet ' insert ' as soon as the cannon came up.' 
 
 After ' retired ' add ' by which the garrison took heart.' 
 
 For ' the king saw that ... he must leave ' read ' and if another body had 
 come the king had been forced to have left.' 
 
 For ' and it was thought . . . too much ' read ' and had exposed his person so 
 often that it appeared upon many new occasions that the providence of God 
 was as watchful over his person as he seemed careless in exposing it.' 
 
 TAe siege raised. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 59 {from '.The king lay ' to end of third clause, ' disorder the 
 retreat ') ; for which read ' Upon all this the king saw the necessity of raising 
 the siege, after three weeks lost before it. They within were very happy in 
 their own thoughts that they had scaped so great a danger ; and, content with 
 
 » Cf. Hist. ii. 57. 
 
 ' Dr. Gifford notes this difierence. 
 
35° Burnet's Original Memoirs [1690 
 
 that, they did not think fit to venture out and disturb the king as he marched 
 off. He presently ordered the army to go into quarters ; only some bodies 
 were drawn near Cork.' 
 
 \MarlborougKs CMnpalgn?^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 60 {from ' While he lay ' to p. 6i, end o/Jirst paragraph). 
 
 For ' While he . . . proposed that ' read ' For Marlborough had offered an 
 advice, that when our fleet should be ready to go out (upon which we- had 
 reason to believe that the French would go in).' 
 
 Om. 'and with the assistance . . . should try.' 
 
 For ' and ordered . . . with them ' read only ' and gave orders for it.' 
 
 Om. (at this point) ' And so he broke . . . London.' 
 
 Before ' person ' add ' only ' ; and for ' the greatest ' read ' any.' ( This occurs on 
 
 f. 58 («).) 
 
 Om. 'in a season so far advanced.' 
 
 For 'The Irish . . . divert it' read only 'But during the siege, the Irish, in 
 
 order to the diverting the forces.' 
 
 [/ 58 (n)] Om. ' which cut off . . . Ireland.' 
 
 For 'without staying . . . orders ' read ' with the first wind.' 
 
 After 'submitted to the king' add 'and lived in his quarters.' 
 
 For ' had a sad time ' read ' were like to have a terrible winter of it ' ; for 
 
 ' almost quite destroyed in many places ' read ' so destroyed that a famine was 
 
 generally apprehended for the next year.' 
 
 [TAe king's return.'] 
 
 The king came over to England within a few days after 
 the siege was raised ; and though '^ the last action of Limerick 
 as coming latest had very much damped the joy of the former 
 successes ■'', yet he was everywhere received with great expres- 
 sions of joy in the countries through which he passed from ^ the 
 place where he landed, which was near Bristol, till he came 
 to London '' ; his behaviour in small as well as in greater 
 matters had begotten in all that were about him a vast esteem 
 of him. 
 
 The equality of the kittg's temper. 
 
 a. Hist.i\.^<)[from 'Dr. Hutton' to p. 60, ' in restraining or concealing them'). 
 
 After ' near him ' add ' in all the dangers through which he passed.' 
 
 For ' joy ' read * any indecent joy ' ; and om, ' only . . . cheerful.* 
 
 After ' compliments, as ' add ' upon much less occasions.' 
 
 For ' As soon . . . physician, he ordered ' read ' In the midst of all that were 
 [sic] then said to him, he did not forget to order his physician. ' 
 
 [/ 58 (A)] .^fter 'Limerick' add 'he took notice of his behaviour in every 
 little thing after that.' 
 
 " Cf. Hist. ii. 59. i> Ibid. 60. 
 
,i69o] Had. MSS. 6584, #. 57 (Z»)-59 (a) 351 
 
 [T^e king's arrangements^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 65 {from ' The king, at his first ' to end of paragraph). 
 For ' at his first coming . . . campaign that he ' read only ' had once.' 
 Om. ' about the beginning of October.' 
 
 Great stipplies granted by the parliament. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 65 {from ' Both houses ' to end of paragraph). 
 . After ' inconsiderable ; and ' read ' they set about the ways of raising it ; and 
 after a variety of propositions which were long canvassed.' 
 
 Om. ' though these proved , . . defective.' 
 
 [Various complaints^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 65 {from ' Some indeed ' to p. 66, end of paragraph). 
 
 For 'but the ministry . . . should name' read 'that had been given since the 
 beginning of this reign ; but this lasted not long ; for the privy councillors that 
 were in the house consented that an act should be prepared empowering so 
 many members of that house.' 
 
 Om. ' vfiih all particulars . . . scandalous reports.' 
 
 ioar ' When this bill ... of their own house' read 'This was like to have 
 been stopped in the house of lords ; for there it was thought that the dignity of 
 that house required.' 
 
 For ' this was done by ballot ' read ' And this was carried ; to which pro- 
 bably the commons would not have consented. The peers were to be named 
 by billet.' 
 
 For ' firmness ' read ' obstinacy.' 
 
 For 'as it was sent up ' read 'without that addition ; which gave great con- 
 tent to the commons.' 
 
 After ' against them. But' insert ' though upon another occasion it is not to 
 be doubted but the house of commons will be careful to maintain the habeas 
 corpus bill yet.' 
 
 After 'house of commons' insert 'though they would not justify illegal im- 
 prisonments, yet.' 
 
 Om. ' and yet maintained ... act ' and ' contrary to that act.' 
 
 [Anecdote concerning the habeas corpus act.] 
 [/• 59 W] -A^^d since I am now upon this point (which is the 
 chief fence of the liberty of England), I will tell "a very odd 
 account of the way in which the act for the habeas corpus was 
 carried ^- It was vehemently pressed by the country party, but 
 as vehemently opposed by the court, as that which would 
 be a great diminution of the prerogative ; so the much greater 
 part of the house of lords opposed it. When it came to 
 the final vote the house divided upon it, and thefe being 
 
 » Cf. Hist. i. 485. 
 
352 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1690 
 
 always two named to be the tellers of the house, one of either 
 side," the lords Norris (now earl of Abingdon) and Grey were 
 the men. Grey" believing that his side, which was for the 
 bill, had lost it, leaped from twenty-four to thirty-five, and so 
 '' told ten wrong ^ ; which the other not perceiving, the report 
 was made for the bill ; so by this artifice, though it was 
 indeed cast out by the lords, it was passed ^ and the royal 
 assent was given to it in the year 1679 ^, 
 
 [Irish debates.\ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 66 {from ' Great complaints' to p. 67, ' state of his affairs should 
 require'). 
 
 Before ' Great complaints' insert ' But to return to the house of commons.' 
 
 Before ' there was a great arrear ' insert ' When the king left Ireland ' ; and 
 after ' due to them ' add ' no pay had been sent to them all the while he was 
 there.' 
 
 After 'lords justices' add 'who were the lord Sidney, sir Charles Porter 
 (who was made chancellor of the kingdom again), and one Coningsby, the 
 choice of whom was much censured, for he %vas a vicious man ^ and his parts 
 were very indifferent.' 
 
 For 'and punished accordingly' read 'and a legal government. But, on the 
 other hand.' 
 
 After ' oppressed it ' add ' in a very intolerable manner.' 
 
 For ' of a very gallant . . . 'Wirtemberg ' read ' a German, the duke of Wir- 
 temberg'.' 
 
 For ' so the country . . . forces' read ' so this did not give a full remedy to 
 that great grievance ; yet the house of commons did not think fit to take up 
 this matter.' 
 
 After ' in the rebellion of Ireland ' add ' since the beginning of the present 
 reign.' 
 
 Om. ' to grant away . . . served in the war, and.' 
 
 For ' petitions were offered ' read ' difficulties arose.' 
 
 Oni. ' imitating . . . against in Ireland.' 
 
 For 'and the matter - . . commons' read 'This was near the end of the 
 session ; so the whole matter was let fall on [/. 59 (6)] a message sent by the 
 king to the commons.' 
 
 For ' assure them . . . officers ' read ' to secure them from the fears that were 
 suggested, that those estates would be divided among favourites, courtiers, and 
 officers.' 
 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 485. " Ibid. 
 
 ' The printed History makes the ' See Macaulay, ed. 1858, vi. 72, 
 
 fraud of Lord Grey less deliberate. 375 ; Dalrymple, Memoirs, ed. 1790, 
 
 ' His friends asserted that the royal vol. iii. part iii. book i. p. 29. 
 
 assent was obtained by the exertions • ' Burnet's own correction for ' a 
 
 of the Viscount (afterwards Marquis gallant pr[ince] of Wirtemberg.' The 
 
 of) Halifax (Grey's Debates, vol. viii, History reads ' a gallant prince, one 
 
 Debate of Nov. 22, 1680). of the dukes of Wirtemberg.' 
 
i69i] Harl. MSS. 6584, f. 59 (a)-6o (a) 353 
 
 [T/te earl of Torrington is tried^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 67-8 {to end of paragraph). 
 
 After ' vest in the commissioners ' add ' The privileges of peers are things of 
 which the house is so tender, that these debates took up much time ; but.' 
 
 For ' who intended . . . matters ' read ' who seemed, or at least pretended, to 
 be highly irritated against Torrington.' 
 
 For ' which did . . . rupture ' read ' which might have broke the session.' 
 
 For ' the king was apprehensive ' read ' the government was [apprehensive] ' ; 
 and for ' though he ' read ' though the king.' 
 
 For ' so that ' read ' This was so highly resented by the Dutch, that.' 
 
 After ' repent of it ' add ' He is now given up to luxury and is wallowing in it.' 
 
 {Designs against the marquis of Cartnarthen.'] 
 
 Cf Hist. i. 68 {from 'Another debate' to 'universal hatred'). 
 For ' so they did not come home to the present case ' read ' so that these made 
 indeed against this.' 
 
 After ' act of parliament ' add ' So this was let fall.' 
 
 For ' to have the greatest credit ' read ' the only man in credit.' 
 
 For 'hatred' read 'envy and hatred.' 
 
 [The king's tactics regarding hitn.] 
 
 And though the king brought over the lord Sidney from 
 Ireland and made him secretary of state, and made the 
 lord Godolphin first commissioner of the treasury without 
 communicating the matter to him (these two being [/. 60 {a}] 
 likewise known to be his enemies), yet this did not lay the 
 jealousy that was taken up of his great interest at court. 
 
 [The design fails.] 
 
 Cf Hist. i. 68 {from ' In a house of commons every motion ' to p. 69, end of 
 
 paragraph). 
 
 Om. ' envy him ; others.' 
 
 Om. ' The thing was . . . king and his affairs.' 
 
 For 'at this time' read 'a few days before the session was ended.' 
 
 For ' so that put an end . . . present ' read ' [so] it was not thought decent to 
 
 attack a man who was serving the government so faithfully ; so he was not 
 
 named.' 
 
 A new plot discovered and the lord Preston taken. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 69 {from ' The session of parliament ' to p. 70, ' some in Ashton's 
 hand'). 
 
 For ' so they got . . . negotiation ' read ' It was thought a matter of such 
 consequence, that Preston undertook to go over and persuade ' king James to 
 hearken to it.' 
 
 ^ The transcript says ' persuaded.' 
 
 FOXCROFT A a 
 
354 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1691 
 
 Om. ' no time . . . James ; but.' 
 
 Om. ' if he surprised . . . news of it.' 
 
 For ' more easy ' read ' as easy ' ; for ' more sudden ' read ' as quick.' 
 
 Before ' quaker ' om. ' famous ' ; and after it add ' it is not yet known how 
 many more were concerned in it.' 
 
 For ' they would ' read ' he would ' ; for ' with that ' read ' [with] his prin- 
 ciples, that tied him to her service ' ; and for ' their ' read ' his.' 
 
 For ' a vessel ' read ' a small vessel. ' 
 
 Om. ' which was only . . . France.' 
 
 For ' EL young man ' read ' a young sea-officer.' 
 
 For ' the hold . . . hid ' read ' a hole that was made to hide them.' 
 
 For ' behind him . . . signet ' read ' and seals ^ (among which one was king 
 James' signet) in the hole behind him.' 
 
 For ' them ' read ' the papers ' ; and for ' from him ' read ' out of his armpit ; 
 and both Preston and he used all possible endeavours to persuade him to let 
 them be thrown in the sea ; but.' 
 
 Before ' Lord Preston's mind ' add ' From the beginning.' 
 
 And \two are] condemned. 
 
 [/. 60 (5)] At their trial they were fully and fairly heard, but 
 " made a poor defence ^ It was said that the papers were found 
 in Ashton's hands; upon which Preston pretended that he 
 was not concerned in them ; but it was proved he treated 
 with the officer to throw them in the river. Some '' pretended 
 that a part of the evidence being a similitude of hands, the 
 same practice that had been condemned in Sidney's trial 
 was now followed ; but this was only a circumstance in the 
 proof; for the treason was the carrying over such advice and 
 papers to the king's enemies which, whether they had writ 
 them or not, made them still guilty ^ ; so though this was 
 an aggravation of the matter, yet the weight of evidence did 
 not turn upon it, but upon things that were fully proved. 
 
 \_Ashton suffers.] 
 a. Hist. ii. 70. 
 
 But Preston discovered all. 
 
 " Preston had no mind to confess all, and yet he was resolved 
 not to die ". He made half-confessions, which he enlarged 
 twice or thrice, after he had with imprecations protested that 
 
 » Cf. Hist. ii. 70. " Ibid. " Ibid. 70. 
 
 See Routh's note (from Ralph), History, in Icco. 
 
i69i] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 60 (a)-6i {a) 355 
 
 he knew no more. In conclusion, the government was so far 
 satisfied of his having told all he knew that he had both his 
 pardon and liberty; but this whole matter is yet a secret, 
 so I can say nothing of it till it comes to be more public. 
 Preston's behaviour brought him under a great deal of con- 
 tempt from all hands ; for he was above two months in 
 a great distraction of mind. * Sometimes, when he was heated 
 with the importunities of his friends who were all of that 
 party, and his spirits were exalted with wine, he resolved 
 to die heroically; but when that heat went off and he saw 
 death before him his heart failed him " ; for without doubt 
 a man in those circumstances ought either to resolve to die 
 and to enter into no treaty for life, or he ought at first frankly 
 to tell all he knows. 
 
 [General reflections j treatment of those implicated^ 
 
 Cf. Hist, ii. 71 {from 'The scheme he carried over' to end of following para- 
 graph-). 
 
 After ' secret ' insert ' of his confession '.' 
 
 Om. ' would proceed . . . against him, but.' 
 
 Before ' The king had suffered ' read ' This discovery gave the king a very 
 just ground for filling the sees of the deprived bishops.' (Cf. Hist. ii. 71, infra.) 
 
 For ' they all the while . . . palaces ' read ' to see if any of them would 
 change their mind ; there was still a body of men in the nation and in the 
 parliament that had a tenderness for them.' 
 
 Om. entirely ' I had, by ... he withdrew.' 
 
 For ' The discovery . . . sees ' read ' So the king did want so fair an oppor- 
 tunity as this gave him to fill their sees. ' 
 
 T/ie king went to meet some princes at the Hague. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 71-2 {to end of paragraph). 
 
 For 'he ran . . . hazard ' read ' he met with a new instance of that careful 
 providence that has been observed still to watch over him.' 
 
 [/. 61 (a)] For ' some of his lords ' read ' five or six of his court.' 
 
 For ' And, when ' read ' He said upon that occasion a word which deserves 
 to be put in history as well as Caesar's ; for when.' 
 
 For ' He soon settled . . . year ' read ' At the Hague he quickly brought the 
 councils of state [counsels of the States ?] to the point he aimed at ; nor were 
 there any disputes among them this year, as there had been the former year. 
 Before that was over.' 
 
 » Cf. Hist. ii. 71. 
 
 ^ This confession has not been re- Dalrymple, part ii. book vi. Appendix, 
 covered. Some details are given by p. 185. 
 
 A a 2 
 
356 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1691 
 
 For ' that his affairs . , . promising face ' read ' that the state of his affairs is 
 now as promising as it seemed then ruinous.' 
 
 For ' that they did not trust . . . came back ' read ' that they resolved not to 
 communicate them to their own ministers, till the time of execution should 
 make that necessary ; I am sure the king kept the secret as to his part exactly ; 
 for Nottingham, upon his return, told me that he knew nothing of it. All our 
 court was much taken with the duke of Bavaria, in whose air and whole deport- 
 ment they said there was somewhat that was great and heroical ; so that the 
 best judges of men who saw him, believed that if the crown of Spain should 
 devolve on him he might put new life in that great but paralytic body'.' 
 
 Om. ' they lived . . . that ' ; and for ' upon . . . interviews ' read ' at a meeting 
 of so many princes.' 
 
 The election of a new pope. 
 
 Cf. Hist. 72-3. 
 
 For ' the formulary . . . 1682 ' read only ' those articles (which all the clergy 
 of France were required to sign).' 
 
 Om. ' This he did . . . feared them.' 
 
 For ' who had ' read ' who has.' 
 
 Af/er ' Spaniards ' add ' in the conclave.' 
 
 For ' assumed ' read ' has assumed ' ; for ' seemed ' read ' seems ' ; for ' for he 
 did not seek . . . raise his family ' read ' He seems not to be concerned in his 
 family, so probably he will stand firmly upon pope Innocent's pretensions.' 
 
 Om. ' of which the king . . . notice of that.' 
 
 Mons is taken, 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 73. 
 
 [/. 61 (6)] For ' To return . . . besieged ' read only ' While the princes were 
 with the king at the Hague the French besieged Mons.' 
 
 Om. ' broke up the congress and ' ; and for ' very soon ' read ' in a very few 
 days.' 
 
 After ' battle ' /or ' But ' read ' The siege was carried on very slowly ; but 
 the secret of this afterwards appeared ; for.' 
 
 For ' Upon that . . . the king ' read ' And upon the French going into 
 quarters for some weeks, the king put likewise his army into quarters and.' 
 
 For ' a few' read ' three.' 
 
 [Preparations for the next campaign.^ 
 
 Cf. Hist, ii: 73 ('He gave all necessary ' to end of paragraph). 
 
 After ' chief command ' add ' He had made duke Schomberg's eldest son 
 duke of Leinster, and he left him to command in England ^.' 
 
 For 'which was soon ready. . . time' jvarf 'which was the strongest, the 
 best, and soonest equipped that had ever been known ; and he was joined with 
 a squadron of very good ships that was sent over from the States.' 
 
 ^ See Macaulay, ed. 1858, vi. 276, Gifford?) draws attention to this inser- 
 note. tion. 
 
 ^ A pencil note in the MS. (qu. by 
 
1691-2] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 61 (a)-62 (a) 357 
 
 A stop is put to the violence of presbytery in Scotland. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 74 {to end of first paragraph). 
 
 Before ' lords ' add ' Jacobite ' ; and for ' who had been concerned . . . came 
 up and ' read ' that came up the former winter, had.' 
 
 For ' to ruin * read ' to the revenges of their enemies.' 
 
 Om. ' who stood . . . parties.' 
 
 For ' and they undertook . . . serve him ' read ' and the whole episcopal party 
 (if they might be sure of the king's protection) would not only acknowledge 
 his authority, but serve him with much more zeal than could be expected from 
 the other party.' 
 
 For ' episcopal ministers ... to serve ' read ' the episcopal party might be 
 protected.' 
 
 Om. ' without . . . opinion.' 
 
 [The changes made in Scotland^ 
 
 ^AU this did agree so well with the king's temper and 
 sense of things that he very easily hearkened to it '^ ; but 
 Melville being so entirely wedded to the presbyterian party, 
 it was necessary to employ another instrument for managing 
 it. So * Dalrymple, that was son to Stairs the president, now 
 made a viscount, was made conjunct secretary'' ; and he, with 
 several others of the nobility, were employed to bring men's 
 minds of all hands to a greater temper in those matters. 
 "The presbj^erians had held a general assembly in winter, 
 in which they did very much expose themselves by the weak- 
 ness and peevishness of their conduct ; so little learning or 
 prudence, such poor preaching and wretched haranguing as 
 was among them, their partialities to one another and their 
 violence against all that differed from them, and the gross 
 injustice of their proceedings did so sink their reputation, that^ 
 all that had been done against presbytery in a course of 
 [/. 6a {a)\ many years had not so ^ effectually weaned the nation 
 from the fondness it had to their government ^ as their own 
 heat and folly had now done. But though the king is resolved 
 to stop the fury of their proceedings, yet he finds it no easy 
 thing to do it ; there is a present cessation of violence, but 
 that is all ; and I will now leave that scene till the next time 
 I sit down to prosecute this work. 
 
 » Cf. Hist. ii. 74. '' Ibid, infra. <= Ibid. 75. ■> Ibid. " Ibid. 
 
358 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1691 
 
 The sees of the deprived bishops are filled. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 75 {from ' The next thing; to p. 76, 'violence and severities on 
 those heads '). 
 
 For ' The next thing the king did ' read ' But the chief thing that the king 
 did during his short stay in England.' 
 
 Om. ' He judged right, that.' 
 
 For ' a high party . . • hated him ' read only ' the high church party.' 
 
 For 'Dr. Tillotson' read 'He pitched on Tillotson, who was then dean of 
 St. Paul's and clerk of the closet; who.' 
 
 Om. 'both' and 'and queen'; and for 'They had both . . . pressed him' 
 read ' The king had declared his intentions to him above a year before this.' 
 
 Om. 'and slander.' 
 
 Om. ' that the Jacobites . . . people with ' ; for ' whom they called ' read ' that 
 was looked on by his party [as] ' ; and for ' began . . . compassion ' read ' and 
 that would have the compassions for the unfortunate.' 
 
 For ' He had large' read ' But he [had] large.' 
 
 After ■ superstition ' add ' [and] heat.' 
 
 For - a good correspondence' read ' great friendship.' 
 
 After ' heads ' add ' which drew the hatred of all our violent men upon him.' 
 
 \Same subject continiied?\ 
 
 And this they laboured to lay very heavy upon him ; but 
 [though] he had still gone on in his way without taking much 
 pains to gain them, yet he had never done anything that was 
 provoking to them as I had done. ''Among other prejudices 
 against him one was that he and I had been observed to live 
 for many years in close and strict friendship. He laid all 
 this before the king " ; he acknowledged that the leaving the 
 quiet station in which he then was gave him many uneasy 
 thoughts, but as for that which concerned himself he went 
 soon over it, and laid himself at the king's feet ; but he con- 
 tinued long after that ''to represent to him how much he 
 thought it against the king's service to promote him '° ; and 
 laid this matter so often and so fully before the king, that 
 though it was not strong enough to divert him from his 
 intentions (since ° it increased his esteem of him "), yet it served 
 to gain a delay. A full year was now granted, and all people 
 were of opinion that ^ the bishop of Ely's letters gave the king 
 so fair an occasion of doing it at this time that it was by 
 no means to be let go. So the king named him ; and the 
 
 • Cf. Hist. ii. 76. i" Ibid. " Ibid. <> Ibid. 
 
i69i] Harl MSB. 6584, ff. 62 (a)-62 {b) 359 
 
 archbishop of York dying soon after, Sharp (now dean of 
 Canterbury) was promoted to that see ; so that these two 
 sees were in a month's time filled with two of" the greatest 
 prelates, ** the [/. 63 (^)] best preachers ^ and the wisest and 
 worthiest men ^ that perhaps ever sat in them. <> Patrick was 
 translated from Chichester to Ely, Grove was made bishop of 
 Chichester, Cumberland was made bishop of Peterborough, 
 More bishop of Norwich, Fowler bishop of Gloucester ", and 
 Kidder bishop of Bath and Wells. That see had been 
 first offered to Beveridge, who is a man of great learning, 
 a very practical preacher, and a devout man, but in the 
 monastic way, too superstitious and singular. He accepted 
 of it ; but he leaned much to the other side ; and when he 
 understood that Ken, who held that see, was resolved to con- 
 tinue in possession, he afterwards refused it ; he is a very 
 weak man and very rough, but honest and sincere '^. Stilling- 
 fleet had been made the year before bishop of Worcester ; 
 and ^ Hough, that was president of Magdalen, was made 
 bishop of Oxford "*- Ironside, that had been vice-chancellor 
 of the university of Oxford ^, had been made bishop of 
 Bristol ; Chester and Bangor had fallen vacant the first year 
 of the reign, and Stratford * and Humphreys ^ had been pro- 
 moted to those sees. * Thus in two years' time the king has 
 made fifteen bishops ", and excepting what is to be said as 
 to myself, ^ it is visible that they are the worthiest and 
 learnedest men, the best preachers, and the men of the 
 gentlest and prudentest tempers that could be found *■. And 
 it could not be otherwise, for both the king and queen showed 
 that they would have the best and fittest men sought out 
 
 « Cf. Hist. ii. 76. " Ibid. " Ibid. <^ Ibid. » Ibid. < Ibid. 
 
 ' Political motives subsequently ^ See Birch's Tillotson, 1753, p. 214. 
 
 lessened Burnet's esteem for Sharp ; * Bishop of Chester, Sept. 15, 1689- 
 
 see Autobiography (i7io),f. 214; the 1707. There is a eulogistic notice of 
 
 printed History also modifies the him in the Diet. Nat. Biog., by Rev. F. 
 
 eulogy in this place. Sanders. 
 
 '^ For the importance of Beveridge's '' Bishop of Bangor, 1689-1701 ; of 
 
 refusal (the omission of which ^m Hereford, 1701-12. Mr. Thompson 
 
 the pages of the printed //wto):)'<J''aws Cooper in Diet. Nat. Biog. describes 
 
 forth a commentfrom Dr. Routh inloco) him as a good Celtic scholar, 
 see Lathbury's Nonjurors, pp. 87-91. 
 
360 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1691 
 
 for the service of the church ; they declared they would 
 discourage all ambition and aspiring among the clergy, 
 and would have the worthiest "■ men searched for and brought 
 out of their retirements to be raised to the most eminent 
 posts in the church, and that all men that pressed their 
 own advancement should be kept back * for that very reason. 
 It was also observed that most of these were men not past 
 iifty, whereas generally men had not been promoted formerly 
 till their strength and parts began to sink with age, which 
 made them incapable of doing those services to the church 
 that might have been expected from men whose parts were 
 more lively and whose strength was more entire. ^ There was 
 also great care had in filling the livings and dignities which 
 the persons now promoted had formerly held ; and generally 
 the choice fell upon eminent preachers and moderate men ; 
 so that in this whole matter the king discovered both his 
 own temper and the measures that he intended to take in the 
 government of the church '' ; for he had made now so many 
 good and moderate bishops that he had rendered it unprac- 
 ticable to think of violent and high counsels for want of proper 
 instruments. 
 
 The kitig went to command the army in Flanders. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 76-7 {to ' between the Sambre and the Maese '). 
 
 For ' had yet learned to be ' read only ' could be.' 
 
 For ' came up to ' read ' marched in all haste to have surprised.' 
 
 After ' Waldeck' add ' abandoned Halle and.' 
 
 [/ 63 («)] For ' kept ' read ' have kept ' ; for ' all the . . . campaign ' read 
 ' ever since ' ; for ' made ' read ' has made ' ; and for ' yet he could not do it ' read 
 'yet hitherto he has not been able to do it.' 
 
 For ' Signal preservations . . . guarding him ' read ' Two particulars which 
 the last post brought show how much both he and his army are still under 
 the same watchful providence that has hitherto appeared in so many signal 
 instances.' 
 
 yiftjer ' under a tree ' add ' looking upon the enemy.' 
 
 Om. ' drawn up . . . effects.' 
 
 jifter ' providence ' read • [rather] than only among singular and great 
 blessings.' 
 
 For ' The two armies . . . followed ' read ' The two armies are now between 
 the Sambre and the Mouse ; and there I leave them for this time ' ; and om. 
 at this place remainder of paragraph. 
 
 " Cf. Hist. ii. 76. " Ibid. 
 
i69i] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 62 (6)-63 {b) 361 
 
 [Affairs at sea.l 
 
 " At sea matters go much as they do at land *. The French 
 had some capital ships, with great stores at Dunkirk, which 
 cannot be brought out but at spring-tides and must come out 
 empty for want of water ; they receiving their loading in the 
 road. So a "^ squadron of our ships have blocked it up. The rest 
 of our fleet is seeking the French, but have not been able in 
 two months' time to come up to them ; for they go off still in 
 the night, and it seems are resolved to avoid an engagement ^ 
 which, though it cannot be so easily done in narrow seas, yet 
 in the ocean it is not practicable to force a fleet to come to 
 a battle that has orders to decline it. " The Smyrna fleet, both 
 Dutch and English, which was then coming home and was 
 valued at near four millions sterling, gave much disquiet to 
 the trading part of the nation ; for though they had a strong 
 convoy, yet the French fleet had stood out to the sea to 
 intercept them ; but they had orders to make to Kinsale, 
 which they did, and so got safe into port". Thus our fleet has 
 hitherto secured our quiet at home, ''and has covered our 
 merchantmen*; but whether it is to meet with the French 
 before the end of the campaign is that which cannot be now 
 determined. 
 
 The success in Ireland. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 78 (to end of p. 79). 
 
 After ' in France ' add ' being esteemed a good officer.' 
 
 [/ 63 (6)] For ' Parties were sent out ' read • Ginkell was ordering some 
 motions of his troops.' 
 
 Om. ' by Mackay.' 
 
 Om. ' taken the most ... he had.' 
 
 For ' very favourable . . . advantages, they ' read ' very unfavourable to our 
 men ; but they broke through everything till they came at the Irish, who.' 
 
 For ' and every ' read ' and that happened upon this occasion which is not 
 ordinary, that [every].' 
 
 For ' so that now ... the river ' read ' and he is now marching to Limerick ; 
 a squadron of our ships is also gone to Shannon, to press it on that side.' 
 
 After ' lords justices ' add ' after the business of Athlone.' 
 
 [Reflections on the situation^ 
 [This] they have since that time enlarged ten days further, 
 for the sake of Limerick ; but it does not yet appear that they 
 
 « Cf. Hist. ii. 78. " Ibid. " Ibid. ^ Ibid. 
 
362 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1691 
 
 intend to accept of it. A little time must tell how that 
 matter (which concludes the war of Ireland) will end. The 
 king has ordered those large offers to be made both out of his 
 [/. 64 (rt)] natural inclinations to mercy and =■ that he may be 
 ableto make use of some part of that army elsewhere''; for ships 
 are now preparing to transport seven or eight thousand of them. 
 But all this I must now leave to time, as also the prospect of 
 the other parts of the confederacy. Spain seems to be in some 
 disposition to awaken itself out of the lethargy in which it 
 has slept so long. There is a fair prospect of a peace with 
 the Ottoman court ; for the war in Hungary has been now so 
 unsuccessful to the Turks (in a course of eight campaigns) 
 that they have lost, not only Hungary itself, but several of 
 the adjacent provinces. The Vizier Bassa has received the 
 king's ambassador (who is gone to offer his mediation ^ for 
 a peace) not only with all the public honours that were due 
 to him, but with all the most particular demonstrations of 
 a willingness to put an end to that war, and a project of peace 
 is concerted between the emperor, the crown of Poland, and 
 the republic of Venice ; upon which if a peace is obtained, 
 the face of affairs in these parts will receive great alterations 
 by it. Matters have gone of late very ill for the French in 
 Piedmont ; they had in the end of the former campaign taken 
 Susa, which opened a passage to their troops, and in the 
 beginning of this they took Nizza, the only strong place which 
 that prince had upon the Mediterranean sea ; and several 
 lesser places were taken. At last they besieged Coni, a small 
 place from which little was expected ; but they defended 
 themselves so well, and held out so long, that, after the 
 French had lost 4,000 men before it, upon [learning ^] that 
 Prince Eugene was coming with a body of horse to raise the 
 siege, they prevented him ; and went off with so much precipi- 
 tation that they left their sick men, their provisions, and some 
 of their cannon, behind them. They lie now upon a defensive ; 
 
 " Cf. Hist. ii. 81. 
 
 ' See note to Hist. ii. 83, inserted ' The transcript erroneously reads 
 
 by Routh from Ralph. ' leaving.' 
 
i69i] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 63 (6)-64 {U) 363 
 
 but it is probable the duke of Savoy will quickly change 
 the scene, and fall upon them ; for he had now an army of 
 16,000 Germans come up to him, a great part of which is 
 upon the king's pay ; and the duke of Bavaria will be soon 
 with them. This I must leave likewise to time, as also the 
 fate of the army on the Rhine (commanded by the duke of 
 Saxe) that passed the Rhine, being led with conduct and 
 courage. The French army, commanded by marshal de Lorge, 
 marched off as they advanced ; but now they have passed the 
 Rhine, and have obliged the Germans to go after them, for 
 the covering their own country. There is now a third party 
 forming in Germany by the practices of the French who 
 declare for a peace; the chief of these are the king of 
 Sweden [and ?] the duke of Hanover ; and they hope to 
 draw both the king of Denmark and the bishop of Munster 
 into their interests ; and if this campaign end unfortunately 
 for the French, probably they will interpose in the consulta- 
 tions next winter to procure a favourable peace to them. The 
 two northern crowns have complained much of the interrup- 
 tion of their trade with France (for there was a secret treaty 
 between England and Holland to hinder all trade with 
 France) ; upon this they have complained much.and threatened 
 high ; but there is a project now on foot to regulate the 
 number of the ships that shall be allowed to trade, which will 
 accommodate that matter if French money does not over- 
 balance their counsels. The French ministry is now almost 
 wholly changed. Mr. de Seignelay, that was the minister for 
 the marine, died some months ago ; and about a month ago 
 Mr. de Louvois died suddenly ; upon this the king has 
 brought in the dauphin to the cabinet council ; he has also 
 put Mr. de Pomponne and the duke of Beauvilliers into the 
 ministry ; if this new set of men do [/. 64 (b')\ as well as the 
 old, then the world will believe that it has been the king's 
 own genius that has hitherto supported an[d] animated his 
 affairs ; and if the counsels grow hereafter feebler and less 
 successful, then the glory to which the success of that king's 
 affairs has hitherto raised him will receive a great diminution. 
 
364 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1691 
 
 With this I give over writing for this time on the 13th of 
 August, i69[i] ^. 
 
 \Burnet resumes his pen, September I, 1693.] 
 I began again to continue this work on the first of Septem- 
 ber^ 1693 ; so that I have now the transactions of two years 
 before me. 
 
 Limerick is taken, and Ireland wholly reduced. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 80-1 {from ' Ginkell pursued ' to ' our civil war came to a final 
 end'). 
 
 For ' Ginkell . . . open ' read ' The siege of Limerick went on but slowly for 
 some weeks ; the town was bombarded ; but it being so large, and the Irish 
 and the French accustomed to hardships, the beating down the houses had no 
 great effect ; and they being besieged only on the side of Munster, Connaught 
 was still open to them, so that.' 
 
 For ' When the men-of-war . . . Ginkell ' read ' but Ginkell having ordered 
 the men-of-war and the other ships to come near the place, he.' 
 
 For 'The earl of Tyrconnell . . . inevitable' read ' For Tyrconnell, when he 
 had carried the point in the court of France, that no soldiers, but only officers, 
 should be sent over to them (in which the great difficulties that the French 
 began to feel in making their levies made it easy for him to succeed), thought 
 that he had it now in his power to treat with the king; and did not doubt but 
 the Irish would be easily engaged, when they saw their ruin unavoidable, to 
 accept of a treaty and good terms ; for he had resolved to preserve himself.' 
 
 For 'his words ... for' read 'as men's last words have commonly more 
 weight after they are dead.' 
 
 For ' They wanted . . . Limerick ' read ' We hoped that their provisions 
 would have failed them ; but they had great stores for many weeks.' 
 
 For ' To hinder that . . . Yet the French ' read ' but a squadron of the English 
 ships, that was sent after the French, secured that fear ; since it was visible 
 that they.' 
 
 [/. 65 {a}] For ' three years ' read ' two years ' ; then insert ' all provisions 
 were to be carried a great way ' ; and before ' When they came ' insert ' So.' 
 
 Om. from ' which was set on' to ' Limerick treated.' 
 
 The errors of the French in the war. 
 In the progress of this the French had committed several 
 great errors. They did not enough consider into what dis- 
 traction that put all our affairs, and so did not support it as 
 they ought to have done ; but their main error was that they 
 did not consider the importance of Cork and Kinsale. For 
 
 ' The transcript has ' 1690 ' ; an obvious clerical error. 
 
i69i] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 64 {bye^ [a) 365 
 
 these deserved to be fortified to the utmost degree possible : 
 since they were ports of that security, and so well situated, 
 that it had been easy to have fortified them to such a degree 
 that the taking of them must have cost England many cam- 
 paigns. Nor were these places that only concerned Ireland ; 
 but looking over into England must have put the whole west 
 of England into a constant terror and many alarms ; and such 
 a part of the French fleet might have been laid in those parts 
 that the whole trade of England would have been ruined by 
 it. This was such an omission (in a matter that was both so 
 obvious and so practicable) that I have taken some pains to 
 inquire into it. All the account that I could ever get of it is 
 this. " There was a great emulation in the French ministry ; 
 Louvois, that had the concerns of the war in his hands, was 
 certainly the most esteemed by the French king ; but 
 Mr. Seignelay had more personal favour ; he was more united 
 to madame de Maintenon % and his own wife was believed to 
 have a great share in the king's heart, so Louvois was jealous 
 of such things as raised his credit. '' Now the war in Ireland 
 (being chiefly to be managed by the marine forces) fell to 
 Seignelay's province ; this, as it led king James to make more 
 court to him, so it engaged Louvois to obstruct it all he 
 could''. And this probably diverted him from forming any 
 great project in the progress of that war ; and therefore they 
 went no further than to entertain the propositions that the 
 Irish made them, which went only to the fortifying Limerick ; 
 though that place had no relation to England, and was too 
 high in the river to be relieved by sea. Now it was in the 
 king's hands. 
 
 {The articles of Limerick^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 81 {from ' The articles of capitulation ' io p. 82, ' of the general 
 ofScers '). 
 
 Om. ' and some doubts . . . Irish.' 
 
 For ' So earnestly . . . done them ' read ' to the great grief of the English in 
 Ireland, who were too much exasperated with the wrongs that had been done 
 them by the Irish, to be easily satisfied with the good conditions that were now 
 given them ; but wise men saw what a happiness it was to have matters 
 
 » Cf. Hist. ii. 17. " Ibid. 
 
366 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1691 
 
 quieted at home, and to be able to send all our strength abroad against the 
 common enemy ; no part of these dominions being any longer the seat of the 
 war ; and though some violent men.' 
 
 [/. 65 (i)] For from 'noble rewards' to end of paragraph read 'and had 
 other rewards, though far below his merits ; which some [aifectjed ' to lessen 
 by ascribing the chief share of those great actions to the subaltern ofScers ; 
 for now a national jealousy began to arise between the English and the Dutch, 
 which has already produced very ill effects and may in time produce vyorse.' 
 
 Affairs at sea. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 78 {from ' The season went over ' to ' maintained '). 
 
 For ' The season . . . action ' read ' At sea nothing considerable was done : 
 the French declined an engagement ; and our fleet was not able to force them 
 to it ' ; and for ' at the end of it ' read only ' also.' 
 
 For ' among the flag officers ' read ' against the flag officers.' 
 
 Om. 'by this great equipment.' 
 
 In Flanders. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 77 {from ' When the time came ' to p. 78, end of paragraph). 
 
 Before 'When the time' insert 'The campaign in Flanders was spent in the 
 motions of both armies.' 
 
 After ' marched off, and ' add ' as was generally reckoned they.' 
 
 For ' Auverquerque . . . service' read ' The honour of this action was due 
 chiefly to Mr. Auverquerque.' 
 
 And Hungary. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 82 (^from 'The emperor's affairs in Hungary' to p. 83, 'those he 
 esteemed heretics '). 
 
 For ' The emperor's . . . fatal to him' read ' At this time the emperor's army, 
 commanded by prince Lewis of Baden, advanced near Belgrade ; the grand 
 vizier (as was found afterwards, having designed nothing by the good reception 
 he gave our ambassador, but to make the imperialists more secure by the shows 
 of peace) came up to them.' 
 
 For ' so he attacked . . .fury that ' read ' so after a short resistance ' ; place 
 last sentence of paragraph in present tense; and for 'of those . . . about him' 
 read ' of the French in that court of Vienna, engaging him to continue that 
 war.' 
 
 Before ' The news ' insert ' It has also been said that ' ; and after ' Ireland ' 
 add ' (coming at this time to that court).' 
 
 Om. 'with the rest . . . allies.' 
 
 For ' it was said . . . heretics ' read ' it is said, that he is not ill-pleased to see 
 the weight of the war against France lie on those whom he accounts heretics ' ; 
 omit remainder of paragraph. 
 
 \Affairs of Germany^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 83 {from ' Germany was now ' to p. 84, ' must be first had '). 
 For ' the third party . . . war ' read ' The f [resh] ' party that the French were 
 forming.' 
 
 ^ The transcript reads 'ascribed.' ^ The transcript reads ' first.' 
 
i69i] Harl MSS. 6584, # 65 (a) -66 (b) 367 
 
 [/. 66 (a)] Om. ' that so . . . engaged with them." 
 
 Om. ' whom the French . . . peace.' 
 
 For 'who had been long . . . court ' read ' came now over entirely into the 
 confederacy.' 
 
 For ' in which ... to it ' read only ' This was easily consented to by the court 
 of Vienna.' 
 
 For ' and they moved ' read ' and sometimes the archbishop of Salzbourg was 
 spoke of ; but the court of Vienna designed.' 
 
 For 'The French . . . first had ' read ' and though upon that the French en- 
 deavoured to have formed a new party that should not acknowledge him, yet 
 all that fell to the ground ; which was managed by the new elector with great 
 skill and much vigour, he being without doubt the ablest prince now in 
 Germany.' 
 
 Affairs in Savoy. 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 84. 
 
 For ' Montmelian . . . Caraffa ' read ' so that the campaign [indeed ?] ended 
 with the taking of Carmagnola, but Montmelian was lost, which was of much 
 greater consequence ; and was abandoned by Caraffa's counsels upon this 
 account, as was suggested.' 
 
 Om. ' He was recalled . . . room.' 
 
 T^e elector of Bavaria comes into Flanders. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 84-5. 
 
 [/ 66 (6)] For ' seemed . . . signalizing ' read ' he found had all the ambition of 
 a gallant young prince to signalize.' 
 
 For ' he could support ' read ' he would not be a charge to the country, but 
 would support.' 
 
 For ' in the right . . . succession ' read ' (that king having no children, nor 
 being like to live long).' 
 
 After ' proposal ' add ' and so did the duke of Bavaria.' 
 
 For ' but the court of Vienna ' read ' so the king was upon sending an 
 embassy thither to propose it, when the court of Vienna.' 
 
 After ' provinces ' add ' and was certainly the best expedient possible for 
 the preserving them.* 
 
 A session of parliament ; [jealousies concerning the king\. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 85 ('This was the general state. . . as if they had been denied 
 it'). 
 
 After ' affairs ' add ' in winter 1691.' 
 
 For ' and then it appeared . . . infuse into all people, that ' read ' who began 
 to be possessed with two notions ; the one was, that, since the war of Ireland 
 was now ended;' 
 
 After ' troops ' add ' [in] Flanders.' 
 
 After 'at sea' add 'This was so suitable to the genius of the nation 
 that.' 
 
 For from 'But it was not easy' I0 end of paragraph read ' So though it seemed 
 
368 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1691 
 
 at first view very strange that the king should propose the keeping up the same 
 land army after the reduction of Ireland with a very small diminution, yet the 
 thing was made so plain, that, after a little struggle, they all went into it.' 
 
 For 'Another prejudice . . . efifects' read 'But the other was not so easily 
 overcome.' 
 
 Om. ' to trust . . . with him.' 
 
 Afler ' pains ' add ' to constrain his humour.' 
 
 For ' he was shut . . . long' read ' he spent most part of his time in his closet 
 and was almost inaccessible.' 
 
 For ' as much as ' read ' more than.' 
 
 {Additional reasons; Marlborough and the malcontents. ^ 
 
 The frankness with which the two last kings had lived 
 among them was remembered ; and this sudden and extreme 
 difference was very sensible and distasteful. Of all those that 
 were displeased at this Marlborough was he that spake loudest ; 
 *he had pretended to great rewards; upon his service" at 
 Cork and Kinsale he hoped to have had an increase of title, 
 and to be made master of the ordnance. But finding this was 
 denied him, and that he had not so absolute a disposal of all 
 employments in the English army as he expected, he set 
 himself to decry the king's conduct and to lessen him in all 
 his discourses, and ^ to possess all the English with an aversion 
 to the Dutch, who, as he pretended, had a much larger share of 
 the king's favour and confidence than they had. This was 
 a point in which the English, who are too apt to despise all 
 other nations" [/. 67 («)] and to overvalue themselves, 
 " were easily enough influenced, so it grew to be the universal 
 subject of discourse ", and was the constant entertainment at 
 Marlborough's, where there was a constant rendezvous of 
 the English officers. The only thing that made that this did 
 not spread so universally over England was that the Dutch 
 were under so good a discipline and ^ behaved themselves so 
 regularly in their quarters and paid so punctually, whereas the 
 English were very rude and exacting, and especially the bodies 
 that were all this winter coming over from Ireland, who had 
 been so long in an enemy's country that they could not be 
 soon brought into order ^ ; which made the people everywhere 
 
 " Cf Hist. ii. 85. " Ibid. ' Ibid. •» Ibid. 85-6. 
 
I69I-2] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 66 {bye-] (b) 369 
 
 ^ wish that as long as we had a standing army it might consist 
 chiefly of the Dutch ^ ; and this indeed increased the hatred that 
 our soldiers bore the Dutch, since their deportment was made 
 a subject of reproach to them. »A11 these things concurred 
 to make matters go slowly in the house of commons *. 
 
 [TAe king charged with despotic leanings; political bribery ; 
 the judges' salaries. '\ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 86 {from ' The king was also believed ' to p. 87, ' aifairs would 
 permit '). 
 
 For 'The king was also believed to be' read ' But that which was yet more 
 uneasy was that it came to be understood that the king was.' 
 
 After ' persons that were ' add ' in all other respects.' 
 
 After ' highest ' add ' had been in the interest of the former courts, and.' 
 
 For ' as the Whigs said ' read ' as was believed ' ; for ' such jealousies ' read 
 ' such apprehensions of a commonwealth as made him grow jealous ' ; for 
 ' some . . , enemies ' read ' those who at best were but cold friends if not secret 
 enemies. And all these things came to have the more credit because it was 
 observed that ' ; and for ' was believed . . . practised ' read ' was again begun.' 
 
 After ' Sejrmour, who had ' read ' of all others.' 
 
 For 'yet though . . . contrived' read 'These things begun all to work in this 
 session, but they did not so plainly show themselves as afterwards ; so that the 
 business of the parliament went on smoothly.' 
 
 For ' Among the bills . . . one ' read ' And all bills were passed except one, 
 that.' 
 
 After ' king's pleasure ' read ' so it was thought but half work to secure to 
 them their continuance in their places, unless they were also made sure of their 
 salaries ; since this did otherwise bind an employment on them, without the 
 profits of it.' 
 
 Om. ' by some of the judges themselves' ; and for 'that it was not fit they 
 should ' read ' that by this act the judges would.' 
 
 For ' A parliament ... to annul ' read ' This was likewise laid to Nottingham's 
 charge, who was now again for another year sole secretary; the lord Sidney 
 being sent lord lieutenant into Ireland, where he was to prepare matters for 
 a parliament, that should repeal.' 
 
 [/. 67 (J))] For ' and as the state . . . permit ' read ' and as the present occa- 
 sions required.' 
 
 Affairs in Scotland; [character of secretary Johnstone ''J. 
 '' The affairs of Scotland were also put in another method ; 
 Tweeddale was made chancellor ^^ and Tarbot and Linlithgow 
 
 » Cf. Hist. ii. 86. " Ibid. 87. 
 
 ' This passage is among the ' sup- time in the edition now in progress. . 
 pressed ' passages of the Hist., vol. ii, " For these incidents see Appendix 
 
 which will be published for the first VI, infra. 
 
 FOXCBOFT B D 
 
37° Burnetts Original Memoirs [1691-2 
 
 with Breadalbane "were brought into the ministry ; and Melville 
 being made privy seal, the king brought over Mr. Johnstone, 
 that had been envoy at the court of Brandenburg, and made 
 him secretary of state for that kingdom ". I may perhaps be 
 partial to him, because he is not only my cousin-germane but 
 has been bred and formed by me. He has a very good under- 
 standing, and a great dexterity in managing business, and is 
 a man of an entire virtue ; and though the engagements of his 
 family has obliged him to espouse the presbyterian interests 
 (it being also the king's pleasure that he should enter into 
 the confidence of that party), yet he has none of their narrow 
 notions, but is rather too loose as to the doctrinal part of 
 religion, though that is much balanced (at least covered) by 
 the strictness of his life. In Scotland things were like to fall 
 into great disorders ; the king had hoped to have brought the 
 episcopal party to his service by ^ putting some of the leaders 
 into tlie chief posts ; but as by doing this he disgusted the 
 presbyterians, so it quickly appeared those men came only 
 into employments on design to betray him and to deliver up 
 the kingdom to king James''; and it appeared to be an 
 extraordinary piece of confidence to take men out of a plot to 
 betray the government and put them in the chief places of 
 trust. This heightened the reports, that began generally to 
 be believed, that such men as seemed resolved to advance 
 the prerogative would be always trusted beyond all others. 
 " And indeed they were so barefaced in avowing their designs 
 for king James, that the trusting them did very much lessen 
 the reputation of the government "=. The presbyterians had 
 by their foolish heats and obstinate stiffness ^very much 
 offended the king. A general assembly was held '', to which 
 the earl of Lothian was sent down commissioner. 
 
 [His instructions J- course of the assembly. \ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 87 {from ' And therefore he recommended ' to p. 88, end of para- 
 graph). 
 
 For 'and therefore . . . winter" read 'The main instruction he had was to 
 bring the assembly.' 
 
 * Cf. Hist. ii. 87. 1- Ibia. " Ibid. * Ibid^ 
 
1692] Harl MSS. 6584, f. 67 (^»)-68 (a) 371 
 
 For ' were stiff' renrf ' are stiff' ; and ont. ' they were jealous of the king.' 
 
 Om. 'and Would abate . . . government.' 
 
 [/ 68 («)] After ' themselves ' add ' to August [i6]93.' 
 
 For • in which he was so far . . . from him ' read ' into which he went very 
 easily ; and, as they gained their end, in making him lose the affections of those 
 who had hitherto adhered most firmly to him, so the king's taking in a set of 
 men into [sic] his affairs, who, to the observation of that whole kingdom, were 
 designing to betray him, did very much sink his credit with that nation.' 
 
 A massacre committed in the Highlands '. 
 •" At this time there was a very horrid murder committed in 
 that kingdom % which has been so often objected to this 
 government that I cannot pass it over ; though it is so black 
 that it is with some pain that I find myself obliged to leave 
 such a blemish upon the present administration. "^ Breadalbane 
 had been negotiating with the Highlanders to bring them into 
 the present government "^ ; but in this he played double ; for 
 he proposed it to the king as a great service in which he would 
 bestir himself, and for which he promised himself great 
 rewards ; " he did at the same time propose it to the Jacobites 
 as a service to that interest " ; for he said the Highlanders 
 would be still firm to them ; that if they did not now submit 
 they would be overrun, '' and therefore he proposed this only 
 as a means to preserve them to a better opportunity ''. But 
 in managing this, he had framed such a scheme of the High- 
 lands as " did not satisfy some of the leaders of the clans ; 
 particularly one tribe of the Macdonalds that lived in Glencoe, 
 and who had indeed been guilty of many black murders ". 
 They refused long to accept of ^ the indemnity, the offer of 
 which was to end with the year 1691 ^ 
 
 \Glencoe comes in; preparations for the massacre. \ 
 
 Cf. Hist, ii. 88 {from ' All were so terrified ' to p. 89, ' who knew the country 
 well '). 
 
 For ' All were . . . them to him ' read ' Yet, on the last of December, the head 
 of that tribe came [in], and offered to take the oaths, by which he was [to be] 
 comprehended within the indemnity. But he came to a military man, who, 
 not being empowered to tender him the oaths, addressed him to a proper 
 magistrate.' 
 
 « Cf. Hist. ii. 88. " Ibid. " Ibid. ^ Ibid. " Ibid. ' Ibid. 
 
 ' Macaulay made use of this account ; see Hist. ed. 1858, vol. vi. pp. 207, an. 
 
 B b 3 
 
372 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1692 
 
 Om. ' and the person . . . past.' 
 
 Om. ' came to court . . . design ; and ' ; and after ' revenge and ' add ' as it is 
 surmised intending to.' 
 
 For ' he proposed . . . Glencoe ' read ' represented to the Master of Stair the 
 necessity of making examples.' 
 
 Om. ' be shut . . . indemnity and.' 
 
 Om. ' in order . . . the rest.' 
 
 For ' The king signed . . . about it ' read ' All this went easily from the king ' ; 
 and place from ' for he was ' io ' precipitately ' in present tense. 
 
 \ResponsibiUiy for them.l 
 
 [y. 68 {b)\ This shows that Breadalbane was in the secret of 
 that matter. In every letter of the secretary's he gives * strict 
 orders that no prisoners should be taken '-'■ ; he also encouraged 
 Livingstone to go about it carefully, with great assurances of 
 his friendship and kindness when it should be done ; and 
 knowing that Livingstone was faithful to the king, ^ he ex- 
 pressed in his letters a great zeal for the king's service, as if 
 his designs in this were only to destroy those that were still 
 in rebellion ^ and who were expecting assistance from France. 
 
 [The massacre takes place. ^ 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 90 {front ' In February ' to ' and escaping '). 
 
 [Callotisness of Stair; outcry; investigation^ 
 
 And when this massacre began to raise that outcry which 
 so barbarous a thing had justly occasioned, the secretary 
 writ down (to quiet the persons that were concerned in it) 
 that they had obeyed orders and so had no reason to be con- 
 cerned at the clamour which was raised ; and for his part he 
 was only sorry the execution had not been fuller, for some 
 had escaped. "This matter was presently published both in 
 France and England ; and did cast such a reproach on a 
 government that in all other instances has been very gentle ", 
 that the king, being still ignorant of the truth of the matter, 
 '^gave an instruction^ by Mr. Johnstone «to examine the 
 whole secrets ' of that affair" ; which was done this summer ; 
 
 " Cf. Hist. ii. 8g. " Ibid. 90. " Ibid. <i Ibid. " Ibid. 
 
 ^ See Appendix VI, Infra. 
 
1692] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 68 (a)-69 {a) 373 
 
 " and then all these letters and orders were showed " of which 
 the officers concerned have given him copies to lay before the 
 king, which will be showed him when he returns from the 
 campaign. ''This did wonderfully inflame that nation, and 
 put the Highlanders in the best disposition that the Jacobites 
 could have wished for to have revolted again as soon as a fit 
 opportunity should have presented itself. 
 
 Marlborough is disgraced. 
 
 " About the end of the session of parliament in England the 
 king called for Marlborough's commissions and dismissed him 
 out of his service " ; the king said to myself upon it that he 
 had very good reason to believe that he had made his peace 
 with king James and was engaged in a correspondence with 
 France ^ ; it is certain he was doing all he could to set on a 
 faction in the army and nation ''against the Dutch and to 
 lessen the king "* ; [and that he] as well as " his wife, who was 
 so absolute a favourite with the princess ® that she seemed ^ to 
 be the mistress of her whole heart and thoughts, ^ were alien- 
 ating her both from the king and queen «. 
 
 [/. 69 («)] The queen had taken all possible methods to 
 gain her sister, and had left no mean unessayed, except the 
 purchasing her favourite, which she thought below her to do; 
 but, that being the strongest passion in the'princess's breast, 
 all other ways proved ineffectual, ' so a visible coolness grew 
 between the sisters *■. Many rude things were daily said at 
 that court, and they studied to render themselves very popular, 
 though with very ill success ; for the queen grew to be so 
 universally beloved that nothing could stand against her in the 
 affections of the nation. 
 
 s Upon Marlborough's disgrace his wife was ordered to leave 
 
 » Cf. Hist. ii. 90. " Ibid. " Ibid. ^ Ibid. " Ibid. 91. ' Ibid. 
 
 e Ibid. 
 
 I On this see Dartmouth's note to curious; and gives an account midway 
 
 Hist ii. 487 ; and Macaulay, ed. 1858, between that of the original Memoirs 
 
 vol ii. pp. 171-2, 176. The corre- and the final version, 
 
 spending 'suppressed passage ' of the ' See Von Ranke, ed. 1868, vol. vn. 
 
 History, not yet printed, is very Appendix u. p. 187. 
 
374 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1692 
 
 the court ; this the princess resented so highly that she left 
 the court likewise; for she said she would not have her 
 servants taken from her. All persons that had credit with 
 her tried what could be done to make her submit to the queen, 
 but to no purpose '^ ; she has since that time lived in a private 
 house, and '' the distance between the sisters is now risen so 
 high ^, that the visiting the princess is looked on as a neglect 
 of the queen's displeasure ; so that she is now as much alone 
 as can be imagined. ° The enemies of the government began 
 to make a great court to her "=, but they fell off from her soon ; 
 and she fell under so great a neglect, that, if she did not 
 please herself in an inflexible stiffness of humour, it would be 
 very uneasy to her. 
 
 {Russell atid the fleet ^ 
 
 Before the king went beyond sea '' the command of the fleet 
 was lodged with Russell '^, but he fell under a great peevish- 
 ness of spirit ; " he owned a high friendship for Marlborough 
 after his disgrace, and expostulated upon it with the king in 
 a strain that was not acceptable, for he pressed somewhat 
 rudely to know what secret information there was against 
 him ^ : he had this to say that seemed to justify it, for ^ he 
 had carried the messages between the king and him before 
 the king came into England, and so had formed the confidence 
 between them. Russell was also in very ill terms with Not- 
 tingham ; and he seemed to be in so ill an humour, in all 
 respects ^, that nothing but the confidence in his fidelity made 
 it reasonable to trust the fleet to his conduct. I had more 
 than ordinary occasion to know this ; for s I was desired by 
 some of his family to try if I could soften his temper^ but 
 without success s. 
 
 England was to have been invaded. 
 
 Cf. Hisf.-ii. 92 {from 'The king went over' to p. 93, end of paragrapli). 
 
 For ' to prepare . . . but we had ' read ' and he had given orders to make 
 a show of a descent designed against France, which he intimated in his speech 
 to the parliament ; but it was visible we had.' 
 
 » Cf. Hist. ii. 91. "^ Ibid. <= Ibid. ^ Ibid. 92. » Ibid. ' Ibid. e Ibid. 
 
1692] Harl MSS. 6584, jf. 69 (ay-jo (a) 375 
 
 For ' king James was preparing for ' read 'they had contrived, and were very 
 near the executing.' 
 
 Om. ' the end of.' 
 
 [/ 69 (6)] After • Luxembourg ' add ' no doubt by the king's direction.' 
 
 After ' intelligence ' add ' It is certain there is not care enough nor expense 
 enough laid out in this ; and tliat appeared very signally upon this occasion ; for.' 
 
 Om. ' a Scotchman.' 
 
 For ' but the heavens . . . such a storm ' read ' but that which totally broke 
 their design was that for a month together the weather was so rude, and so full 
 in the north, making indeed a perpetual storm.' 
 
 AJier ' there, that ' t'nsert ' as it stopped them from coming further, so.' 
 
 A great victory at sea \off La Hogue\. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 93 {from ' On the igth' to p. 95, 'securing the trade'). 
 
 Om. ' Rooke . . . fault ^.' 
 
 Om. ' our men said that.' 
 
 For ' but Russell . . . French did ' read ' which was their ruin ; for those who 
 stood by the sea westward got off. If Russell had lain at anchor that night, as 
 the French did, he had been upon them next morning ; but he.' 
 
 For 'A great part . . . pursue them' read only 'He sent Ashby to pursue 
 those that went into the Race of Alderney.' 
 
 After ' St. Malo's ' add ' to the river [/ 70 (a)] Dinant.' 
 
 For ' and the other ships ' read ' and many of the capital ships.' 
 
 After ' La Hogue ' add ' so that if Ashby had been as successful as they were, 
 here had been an end of the French power at sea.' 
 
 For ' that if this success . . . that ' read ' that if, while the consternation that 
 the French were under continued, Russell had followed either to St. Malo's or 
 to Brest.' 
 
 For ' But Russell ' read ' But whether he thought he had done enough by so 
 signal a victory or whether he'; and ftir ' which he thought . . . upon that' 
 read ' or whetheT the imprisonment of Marlborough, with several other suspected 
 persons, added to his ill-humour, certain it Is that.' 
 
 For ' the rest ' read ' the greater part. ' 
 
 Om. ' a great part . . . was spent.' 
 
 For ' came . . . late ' read ' was proposed. ' 
 
 For 'about seven thousand ... St. Malo's, but' read 'fourteen thousand 
 was all the strength that England or Ireland could spare, but not above half of 
 these was got ready. If those had been shipped in the first heat, somewhat 
 might have been done ; but as the best part of the summer was over before 
 they could be all shipped, so when they were sent out (on design to try a descent 
 on St. Malo's).' 
 
 Om. ' They complained . . . whole fleet.' 
 
 For 'two years before' read 'when Torrington commanded.' 
 
 Om. ' nor seamen.' 
 
 1 Burnet no doubt conceived a sub- ed. iii. 35. In the ' suppressed passage' 
 
 sequent prejudice against Rooke, who of the History which represents the 
 
 was in opinion a Tory. See Hist. ii. sentence given above the censure is 
 
 388-91, and notes ; also Biog. Brit., 2nd intensified. 
 
376 Burnet's Original .Memoirs [1692 
 
 A design to assassinate the king discovered, 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 95-6 (fo end of paragraph"). 
 
 For ' the design . . . was laid ' read ' the first design was.' 
 
 Om. ' in his ordinary . . . slowly and.' 
 
 Om. 'The king of France . . . equal to the post. He,' for which read only 
 Barbesieux, that succeeded his father in his employment.' 
 
 Om. ' as one . . . French service ' and ' practices and.' 
 
 [/. 70 (6)] For ' both king James . . . Grandval said ' read ' The blackest 
 part of this was that king James and his queen were.' 
 
 For ' one Parker . . . designs' read only 'Parker.' 
 
 Om. ' for some years ' ; and for ' but being . . . left Paris ' readonly ' (was upon 
 the persecution put up [! shut up] and kept a prisoner in the Bastille till April, 
 1692) writ me a long account of [how].' 
 
 Om. ' not kno^ving . . . court.' 
 
 Otn. ' This Morel . ■ . safe to me ' (see supra, line 13). 
 
 Before ' The king gave orders' insert ' In Grandval's trial.' 
 
 For ' had drawn ' read ' had been given to draw ' ; and for ' nor was . . . pleased 
 himself read 'or to make him name persons; [and] it is very visible from 
 what is printed that in the interrogatories there was not care enough to 
 circumstantiate the particulars that he told, so minutely as was necessary.' 
 
 After ' represented ' insert ' king James and.' 
 
 Namur taken. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 96 {to p. 97, 'waiting on one another'). 
 
 For 'But though this miscarried, the French' read 'But if the French mis- 
 carried in this, as well as they were beat at sea (so that the main parts of their 
 design for this year had failed), yet they.' 
 
 After ' some days ' add ' this was a fatal stop.' 
 
 For ' his measures ' read ' the spirit of his army.' 
 
 After ' great army ' add ' And it very much sunk the elevation that the 
 victory at sea had begot in the English.' 
 
 For ' The king's conduct ... it was said, he ' read only ' It was generally 
 thought that the king.' 
 
 For ' this action ' read ' that ' (? the performance) ; and after ' defensive and ' 
 insert ' for many weeks.' 
 
 The battle of Stei7ikirk. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 97-8 {to end of paragraph'). 
 
 If. 71 (a)] For' At Steinkirk' read ' At last.' 
 
 For ' a brave attempt ' read ' very successful.' 
 
 For ' and the men . . . done ' read ' and so much time ought not to have been 
 lost ; for all men believed that if it had been better maintained.' 
 
 After ' Solms ' add ' that was the general of the infantry.' 
 
 For ' here Mackay . . . principles that he ' read ' One Mackay in particular 
 ought not to be forgot by me, not so much because he was a Scotchman, as 
 because he was the most conscientious man that I ever knew in an array [cf. 
 Hist. ii. 27]; he was in all respects a man of strict morals and.' 
 
1692] Had. MSS. 6584, ff, 70 (a)-72 (a) 377 
 
 For ' The king often observed ' read only ' it was observed.' 
 
 After 'courage. He' add 'was lieutenant-general of the foot and'; and 
 
 n^ef 'quality" arfrf 'in which young Rouvigny (now made viscount of Galwayj 
 
 told me he was singular.' 
 
 For ' that came from England ' read ' that had been prepared for the descent.' 
 For ' The command . . . given to ' read ' But the king put the government 
 
 of those parts into the hands of.' 
 For ' who said ' read ' to see.' 
 For ' the reputation . . . sunk ' read ' we suffered much in point of reputation.' 
 
 Affairs upon the Rhine. 
 Cf. Hist ii. 98-9. 
 
 [/ 71 (*)] For 'was gained* ;varf 'was, as it is given out, gained ' ; and after 
 ' design ' add ' it was certainly broken.' 
 
 Place front 'upon this occasion' to end of sentence in present tense. 
 
 For 'upon which . . . passed' read ' So the rest of the summer was spent 
 in complaints.' 
 
 For ' but they were not . . . and ' read ' they did nothing considerable ; they 
 could not so much as cover their own country ; for.' 
 
 For ' totally ' read ' surprised and entirely.' 
 
 In Hungary. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 99 {to p. loo, ' So the war was still carried on there'). 
 
 For ' But, though . . . Hungary ' read only ' There was no considerable action 
 in Hungary.' 
 
 For ' lay . . . defensive ' read ' pretended only to lie on the defensive and to 
 preserve what they had ; Waradin was lost before the campaign was opened.' 
 
 For ' by the Dutch ambassador ' read ' by the unskilfulness of the Dutch 
 ambassador.' 
 
 After ' Podolia ' add ' with the castles on the Borysthenes ; together.' 
 
 For ' Achaia and Livadia ' read ' Livadia, Achaia, and Thebes.' 
 
 For ' the ministers ' read ' the corrupt ministers.' 
 
 After ' another project ' add ' to which the king had brought the court of 
 Vienna.' 
 
 For ' the Ottoman court . . . refused it ' read ' it had given much trouble to 
 the Ottoman court.' 
 
 Otn. ' how ignorant . . . court.' 
 
 For 'so the war . . . there' read 'so that [/. 72 (a)] the war was like to 
 go [on] there till some great misfortunes should make them listen to the 
 mediation from England.' 
 
 [Trumbairs reports and advice^ 
 
 " At this time sir William Trumball was come over, '' who 
 
 had been ambassador from king James in Constantinople. 
 
 He was a man of great capacity as well as learning, and had 
 
 been envoy in France during the persecution '' and the 
 
 » Cf. Hist. ii. 100. "^ Ibid. i. 769. 
 
378 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1693 
 
 scattering the protestants there, for whom he had expressed 
 such tenderness, and to whom -""he had given so much pro- 
 tection *, that though the court of England had a due esteem 
 for him, yet they found he was not fit for that post ; '' so he 
 was sent to Constantinople'' a little before the last revolu- 
 tion in England. " The French ambassador came to him 
 and congratulated upon the league '^ both offensive and 
 defensive ''that was concluded between their masters, and 
 showed him Croissy's letter to him in which it was*. This 
 gave Trumball very melancholy thoughts (^for he told me 
 this passage himself), and I set it down here as a convincing 
 proof of that matter", though both kings have since that 
 time denied there was any such alliance ; and it is a point 
 still insisted on here, by the Jacobites, that the nation was 
 cheated into a revolt from king James by the false sug- 
 gestions of that alliance upon the revolution. Trumball 
 was much pressed to act still as ambassador from England 
 in king James's name, by which our trade must have been 
 ruined ; but he refused to act in opposition to the interest 
 of his country and to the present establishment ; yet he, who 
 went so far that he might be at a great distance from the 
 storm that he saw ready to break into his country, desired 
 to be recalled. ' The chief advice that he offered upon his 
 coming over to force the Turks into a reasonable peace 
 was that we should send a powerful fleet into the Mediter- 
 ranean and destroy the French trade there ^ ; this he said 
 would effectuate a mediation more than all our embassies 
 could do ; for as long as the French were the masters in 
 the Mediterranean, the Turks considered them chiefly ; and 
 as soon as ever we were the strongest there s we might then 
 be able either to turn that court, or to form seditions by 
 stopping their trade, and to set Constantinople itself in a 
 flames as oft as we pleased. But this advice has not been 
 yet followed. 
 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 769. t" Ibid. c Ibid. d Ibid. « Ibid. 
 
 '- Ibid. ii. 100. e Ibid. 
 
i69a] Harl. MSS. 6584, /. 72 (a)-73 {a) 379 
 
 yj«^/ [affairs] in Piedmont. 
 Cf. /fi5/. ii. 100. 
 
 For ' and the French . . . defensive : so ' read ' and after some motions and 
 amusements.' 
 
 For ' with an army ; and ' read ' with so considerable a force that.' 
 
 .^Jier ' betrayed in it ' add ' for instead of marching forward (which he might 
 have done which way he pleased upon the first consternation).' 
 
 For ' [that] there was either a great feebleness or ' read ' that either he had 
 not strength enough in his own genius to conduct his affairs, or that [there] 
 was.' 
 
 For ' that and . . . provinces into ' read ' that province [into], and the prejudice 
 that it received by it.' 
 
 [./■ 72 {b)'\ From ' but a ferment ' to end of sentence is in present tense ; for ' Many 
 months . . . danger ' read ' and though the Jesuits' powder has stopped these, yet 
 they have returned so ofl that his health was long very broken and uncertain.' 
 
 After ' there ' add ' likewise.' 
 
 For ' and no vintage . . . northern parts ' read ' almost no vintage at all.' 
 
 [An earthquake J a general corrufition of manners.] 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 101-2 {to end of paragraph). 
 
 After ' Jamaica ' add ' with about 2,000 people.' 
 
 From ' We were indeed brought ' to end of sentence is in present tense. 
 
 From ' Yet the reformation ' to end of paragraph, is in present tense ; otn, which 
 some zealous . . . promote,' and 'in some places . . . censured'; and after 
 ' all sorts 'for ' of people ' read[f. 73 («)] ' and parties.' 
 
 [Reflections on the above.] 
 It is not safe to argue from our notions to what may be 
 expected from the providence of God, which is an unsearch- 
 able abyss ; yet I am often forced to think, that unless God 
 is making use of England to carry on some other great 
 design which he is to bring about, we must be cast into 
 some dismal calamities, which as a furnace may purify us 
 and melt us down ; yet God's ways are past finding out ; 
 they are not as our ways; because his thoughts are not as 
 our thoughts. But I leave this sad scene and go on ^ 
 
 A session 0/ parliament. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 102 (to p. io6, 'trusted by the other," at the end of a para- 
 graph). 
 
 For ' The session . . . disadvantages ' read ' The parliament met m winter 
 [i6]92 ; the first debates were in the house of lords.' 
 
 1 A similar passage is among the yet unpublished ' suppressions ' of the second 
 folio volume. 
 
380 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1692-3 
 
 For ' put in the Tower . . . bail, so ' read ' kept in prison a great part of the 
 summer, and were still under bail when the house met; so great complaints 
 were made of this.' 
 
 After ' suspected ' add ' though contrary to law.' 
 
 For ' There was ' read ' There were some rogues in the gaol that had forged 
 a writing like.' (Cf. Hist. ii. 102, supra.) 
 
 For ' ordered ' read ' had given orders for.' 
 
 For ' passed some votes ' read ' upon these debates, went high in ' ; and om. 
 ' for detaining some in prison.' 
 
 For ' They thought ' read ' which judged better that.' 
 
 For ' was more set on it . . . formerly ' read ' seemed very much set upon it ; 
 yet in both houses it was opposed by the greater part of the ministry.' 
 
 [/■ 73 (*)] Af^er ' great, that it ' insert ' was visible it would not pass ; 
 so [it].' 
 
 For ' The king . . . into the hands of >ead 'Yet the king, it seems, was not of 
 their minds ; for after the thing was kept long in suspense, the king dismissed 
 Russell from the command of the fleet, and put it in commission to.' 
 
 For ' the two first ... it was said he ' read ' the first of these had not so fair 
 a character as the last had ; he was believed to lean much to king James ; and 
 Delaval was thought a weak man, who would be much influenced by him ; so 
 that it was said Shovel ' ; and om. ' and that . . . anything.' 
 
 .4/'''?'' ' possessed with it' add ' but he took no notice of all this.' 
 
 Om. ' both king . . . judgement ' ; and for ' with a . . . smallest matters ' read 
 ' and [he] went higher than ever against all that were called Whigs.' 
 
 For from ' The bills for the supply ' to end of paragraph read ' In the house of 
 commons the bills of supply went on very cheerfully, so that they gave near 
 five millions towards the charge of the next year's war. But during this session 
 a very ill-humour began to show itself in both houses ; the party of Whig 
 and Tory was higher than ever, and showed itself almost in every question.' 
 
 For ' The ill-humour . . . made to ' read ' In the house of lords a party was 
 formed that opposed.' 
 
 For ' the king from the Dutch ' rend ' the English from the Dutch. The king 
 had in his speech desired the advice of his parliament ; so.' 
 
 After ' Steinkirk ' add ' [which] was laid on the count de Solms.' 
 
 For ' by a secret management ' read ' according to what was usual to them.' 
 
 For ' and they drew . . . persecuted ' read only ' and Shrewsbury.' 
 
 For ' These lords . . . jealous of the ministry ' read ' And as all that favoured 
 king James went always with them, so many of the Whigs that were dis- 
 contented because they had not got what they pretended to.' 
 
 After ' money-bills ' add ' but that they must either be passed or thrown out 
 by them as they were sent up.' 
 
 After ' drawn up ' insert ' they saw plainly afterwards that ' ; and after ' bill' 
 add ' upon that account.' 
 
 [f. 74 («)] Om. ' which was . . . pageant.' 
 
 For ' that had never . . . civil wars ' read only ' when they were upon the 
 heads of advices to be offered to the king.' 
 
 For ' and they would . . . fall ' read only ' it was opposed with much zeal.' 
 
 For ' in either house of parliament ' read ' in the house of commons, where 
 the scene of business lay.' 
 
1692-3] Had. MSS. 6584, ff. 73 (a)-74 {b) 381 
 
 Om. ' The truth was . . . places and pensions.' 
 
 For 'When this bill. . . difficulty' read 'This was set on by a few in the 
 house of commons, and was opposed by none at all.' 
 
 For 'had not strength . . . parties' read only 'had not credit enough to 
 stop it.' 
 
 A/ier ' establish ' add ' for ever.' 
 
 The triennial bill. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 106-7 \io ' refused to pass it '). 
 
 After ' was offered ' add 'hy Shrewsbury.' 
 
 For 'within a Hmited time' read 'by or before the first of January next.' 
 
 Om. ' in king Edward . . . these acts.' 
 
 For ' as a grievance . . . three years ' read ' till king Charles the First's time.' 
 
 After ' insupportable grievance ' insert ' But.' 
 
 Om. 'and were to be made . . . tyranny.' 
 
 [/• 74 (*)] For ' so well . . . only of themselves ' read only ' well, and not to 
 cover themselves from just debts by privilege if they were to continue but for 
 three years.' 
 
 Om. 'AH that was objected . . . come round.' 
 
 For ' yet it was said . . . continue longer. So ' read ' yet_the main design of the 
 act being the dissolution of the present parliament.' 
 
 For ' and fixed ' read ' only they prolonged ' ; and omit ' so that . . . thsmselves.' 
 
 For ' for some time ' read ' till the end of the session.' 
 . from ' so the session ended ' to end of paragraph. 
 
 A change in the ministry. 
 
 ^Some alterations that were made did in a great measure 
 quiet the murmuring that was like to have risen upon the 
 denial of the bill. '' Upon the king's coming to the crown 
 all people desired to see the chancery in commission ; they 
 fancied it was too great a trust for one man ; so it was put 
 in three persons. ° But as this bred great delays, so the charge 
 of the court was much increased " when three sets of servants 
 were to be gratified. "^ Many of their decrees were also much 
 complained of, and were every day reversed ^ by the lords ; 
 whereas when one man bore the judgements of the court, 
 he was more circumspect. And the greatest business of 
 all was that, whereas a chancellor is to bear a great part 
 of the load of the government (especially in all related to 
 law and justice), the commissioners, being equal in power, 
 considered themselves only as so many judges in chancery ; 
 
 " Cf. Hist. ii. 107. " Ibid. 3. " Ibid. 107. <i Ibid. 
 
382 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1693 
 
 and never thought on the general concerns of the justice and 
 policy of the nation. So this whole matter becoming on so 
 many accounts a common grievance, ^ the king made sir John 
 Somers, that was his attorney-general, lord keeper. He was 
 a man that had all the learning necessary to his profession 
 and a great deal more in other professions. He had great 
 capacities for business and eminent virtues ; he was modest 
 and gentle to a high degree, so that he had all the patience 
 and softness which that post required. He had always 
 stuck to" the interests of the country, so that "one side* 
 confided entirely in him, and his justice and probity made 
 him to be not unacceptable to the other party. ''Sir John 
 Trenchard was also made secretary of state. ° He had been 
 much concerned in the business of the exclusion, and had 
 afterwards '' gone into the duke of Monmouth's concerns '^, 
 but had come in very early to the king, and was made 
 chief justice of Chester ; he was much considered in the 
 house of commons, and was a dexterous man in business ; ^ he 
 was very calm and sedate, and was much more moderate 
 than could have been expected from a leading man in a party. 
 The trusting of these men gave a great content to the whole 
 party. ^ There was indeed nothing in the administration 
 of the present government that pleased the nation so well 
 as the justice of the bench ; [/. 75 («)] for the judges were 
 generally men of integrity and virtue and competently learned 
 in their professions^; so the nominating of the, judges de- 
 pending so much upon the lord keeper, all people reckoned 
 they should see a succession of able and just judges. 
 
 {^Preparations for a descent in France. \ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. no {fyo>n 'But now I go' /o 'whole nation '). 
 
 After ' So ' add ' immediately.' 
 
 For ' this was very acceptable . . . any effect' read 'This did so please the 
 English, that all the anger for not granting the triennial bill did immediately 
 vanish ; and with this the king went beyond sea.' 
 
 " Cf. Hist. ii. 107-8. ^ Ibid. io8. = Ibid. i. 548. '^ Ibid. ii. 108. 
 
 » Ibid. ' Ibid. 5. 
 
1693] Harl MSB. 6584, ff. 74 (6)-75 {b) 383 
 
 \Affairs on the Rhine.] 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. no {from 'The French had attempted' to 'the like success'). 
 
 For ' and by it Franconia . . . Rhine ' read ' but they had taken no care of 
 the Rhine.' 
 
 After ' the like success ' add ' but count Horn yielded Furnes and Dixmuyden 
 more easily to them ' (see supra, p. 377, Hist. ii. 98). 
 
 Affairs in Flanders. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. no {from 'The campaign' to end of page"). 
 
 For ' In the meanwhile . . . with the States ' read ' and if Liege had been 
 taken, it was given out that Maestricht would have been besieged next, to have 
 struck the more terror into the Dutch ; whom the French were trying by all 
 possible practices to draw into a separated peace ; and who had reason given 
 them to be jealous of England, by the humour that had lately appeared in both 
 houses against them.' 
 
 Intrigues of Halewyn {the younger]. 
 
 There was also a secret negotiation set on by the burgo- 
 master of Dort, brother to that Halewyn whom I have 
 formerly mentioned ^. It was believed that he had hoped to 
 have succeeded Fagel (he being then the pensioner of Dort), 
 and that he was in an ill-humour ever after that disappoint- 
 ment. He went secretly into Switzerland and treated with 
 Amelot the French ambassador for bringing about a peace. 
 Amelot promised him that one should be sent to him from 
 France to concert a project and the methods of composing it ; 
 who came soon afterj but [brought] no project. So this 
 matter was in its first fermentation, when it was discovered ; 
 Halewyn and Roberti (the Frenchman) confessed the whole 
 matter without torture. Halewyn was condemned to a per- 
 petual imprisonment, and Roberti was to remain prisoner 
 during the war, and after that to be banished the States' 
 dominions. The elder Halewyn was suspected to be in the 
 matter, and was long under arrest ; but no proofs appearing 
 against him he was set at liberty, but put out of all his em- 
 ployments; for the suspicion lies still very heavy [/. 75 {b)] 
 upon him since it was known that he had his brother very 
 much under his management. 
 
 ' See pp. 179, 198, 200, 251-2, supra. 
 
384 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1693 
 
 [Affairs in Flanders resumed^ 
 Cf. Hist. ii. {from beginning of p. m to end of paragraph). 
 
 And [affair s\ on the Rhine. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. Ill {from 'The dauphin' to 'all this campaign ')■ 
 
 Om. 'the town . . . resistance.' 
 
 For front ' The French were not able ' to end of sentence read ' That town was 
 sacked, and from thence de Lorge was moving towards Frankfort ; but he was 
 obliged to retire, and so they joined ; and in a little time the dauphin came up 
 to them.' 
 
 For ' but no action . . . campaign ' read ' but that is all that this campaign 
 has hitherto produced upon the Rhine.' 
 
 In Sf>ain. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. HI {from 'The French had better' to end of paragraph) . 
 Om. 'and less opposition.' 
 
 After ' Rosas' add ' (which commands a bay ; but I do not know whether it 
 is a good station for ships or not).' 
 
 And Piedmont, 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. Ill {from ' Affairs in Piedmont ' to ' the siege of Pignerol '). 
 
 For ' they expected ' read ' it seems they expected.' 
 
 After ' And then ' add ' in the beginning of August.' 
 
 For ' and he was master . . . siege of Pignerol ' read ' so now he is master 
 of it ; but it is uncertain whether he will abandon it, or whether he intends to 
 besiege Pignerol itself or not.' 
 
 The battle of Landen. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 112' {to p. 113, 'the battalions he had sent to Liege '). 
 
 For ' lay long ' read ' lay for many weeks. ' 
 
 [/ 76 (ff)] For ' and his conduct . . . enemy's ' read ' which lay just behind 
 him.' 
 
 For ' with the loss . . . officers' read only 'with a vast loss.' 
 
 For ' in a place . . . gave way' read only 'some bodies both of German and 
 Spanish horse giving way.' 
 
 For 'and so the French . . . cannon : but the king' read 'In conclusion, 
 when he saw the French could not be beaten out, he retired, leaving most part 
 of his cannon behind him ; and so.' 
 
 After ' out of reach ' add ' and the other parts of his army which came off in 
 different bodies, came all together, and joined him in a few days.' 
 
 For ' that it was thought . . . Boyne ' read only ' that [they] have very much 
 increased his reputation.' 
 
 For ' hours ' read ' days.' 
 
 For ' with a vastly . . . officers ' read ' in officers and soldiers.' 
 
 ' The commencement of p. 112 is not indicated in the edition of 1833. 
 
1693] Harl MSS. 6584, ff. 75 (6)-76 {h) 385 
 
 For 'The king's behaviour. .'. side' read 'The king has never, upon any 
 occasion, signalized himself more eminently than upon this ; so that his 
 enemies, as well as his own army, acknowledge that both the supporting the 
 action so long, and the prudent retreat when it was necessary, were wholly 
 due to him.' 
 
 Om. (Jiere)from ' and some other bodies ' to end of paragraph. 
 
 {Position oj^ affairs J remarks on Waldecks deaihi\ 
 
 And the French have not undertaken anything since 
 that time; and in this state both armies lie when I am 
 now writing: they are moving from one camp to another, 
 watching one another's motions. This campaign has proved 
 the more honourable to the king because he alone has con- 
 ducted it ; for prince Waldeck, who had first formed him to 
 war and * had a great genius though with a very bad fortune 
 in military matters, *" had died the former winter '', He was the 
 only man with whom it was observed that the king advised ^ ; 
 and so, upon his death, many dreaded that the king's way 
 of resolving with himself, without talking \_f. 'j6 (^)] with any 
 of his general officers, might have proved as fatal as it was 
 distasteful to his officers, especially the English ; who could 
 not bear the contempt (as they fancied it to' be) of never 
 being let into any of the counsels, though they were raised 
 to great posts in the army. 
 
 Affairs at sea. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 114-6 {to 'trading part of the nation'). 
 
 For ' two great ports ' read ' two ports where their great ships lay ' ; and for 
 ' fleet together ' read ' great ships from Toulo[n] ' ; and after ' again ' add 
 ' every year.' 
 
 For 'was watching this carefully' read 'were known to have an eye on 
 this in winter.' 
 
 For ' a spy . . . certain persons ' read ' one being.' 
 
 For ' that kingdom ' read ' this kingdom ' (probably a clerical error). 
 
 Om. ' new excuses . . . made ; for.' 
 
 For ' a new delay . . . staying ' read ' but he was still delayed.' 
 
 For ' Yet these . . . design ' read ' Yet it was still believed that they were to 
 come about. In conclusion.' 
 
 Om. ' from England . . ■ designs.' 
 
 " Cf. Hist, i.328. >> Ibid. ii. 150. 
 
 1 For the relations between the two von Oranien und Georg Friedrich vail 
 consult D. P. L. MuUer's Wilhelm HI Waldeck, Haag, 1873. 
 
 FOXCROFT C C 
 
386 Burners Original Memoirs [1693 
 
 For ' But at the secretary's . . , fleet, but ' read ' And to complete our mis- 
 fortunes, we did for some weeks after this know so little of the French motions, 
 that we beheved them to be still in Brest ; and ' ; and after ' believed ' insert 
 ' So that.' 
 
 Om. ' when they thought . . . danger.' 
 
 [/ 77 («)] ^o'' 'but from the Toulon . . . information' read 'but from 
 D'Estrees' fleet. And his scouts, that were out, discovering a great many 
 ships, and taking a fire-shiip, the captain told them such a plausible story of 
 fifteen ships of war that lay there, to go and join D'Estrees, that notwithstand- 
 ing the improbability of it (for he told them that three French admirals were 
 there), yet it was too easily beheved ; and though Rooke was for standing out in 
 the sea, yet the merchants pressed that they might hold on their voyage. The 
 Dutch and most of the captains were of the same mind.' 
 
 For ' some got to Gibraltar ' read ' some few, but of great value, got to 
 Gibraltar.' 
 
 After ' sail away' add ' for water.' 
 
 For ' first to . . . England ' read ' to Kinsale with many of the merchants.' 
 
 After ' practicable ' insert ' So after they had stayed for some time there.' 
 
 Owi. ' and in some other places.' 
 
 For ' the trading part of the nation ' read ' the whole nation.' 
 
 [Suspidotts of the ministry; Rochester; his attitude towards 
 the new bishops; their conduct^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 116 {from 'The appearances' to p. ii8, 'very uneasy in his great 
 post'). 
 
 For ' rose high . . . ofBce ' read only ' went much higher.' 
 
 Om. 'It was said, that'; and for 'many particulars . . . acted like enemies' 
 read ' [These] were such amazing things, that I never knew men's minds more 
 possessed with the belief of the king and the nation's being betrayed, than at 
 that time. This made people lay not only all these [but many other ?] par- 
 ticulars together ; [which] (with the putting many men in subaltern employ- 
 ments through the [/ 77 (6)] whole kingdom, who discover so violent a hatred 
 to the government, and talk and act as if they were open enemies) are like to 
 raise much heat in the approaching sessions.' 
 
 From ' Our want of intelligence ' to end of pai-agraph is in present tense ; for 
 ' a good share ' read ' the heaviest part ' ; for ' the Whigs ' read ' all that are 
 called Whigs ' ; for ' for being naturally . . . company ' j-ead ' for, as he allows 
 himself great liberties in drinking, so.' 
 
 After ' queen herself {omitting entirely ' I was in some sort . . . would have 
 pursued') proceed from 'He talked' to 'methods they were taking' in present 
 tense; for 'which he had so much promoted in' reading only 'of and omitting 
 conclusion of paragraph. 
 
 For ' The king had left . . . church ' read ' The matters of the church are now 
 almost ' ; and after ' hands ' add ' for the king has turned them over to her.' 
 
 From ' so he devolved ' to end of passage (■ great p6st ') is in present tense ; 
 after ' prudence ' add ' and so due a weighing of men's merits, that this gives 
 indeed great hopes ' ; for ' for a party was formed . . . who set themselves ' read 
 ' for the clergy seemed to have combined ' ; after ' promoting them ' add ' with 
 a strictness that we never saw before ' ; om. ' if it was not . . . way ' ; for ' He 
 
1692-3] Had. MSS. 6584, f. 76 (b)--]8 (a) 387 
 
 did not enter ... all they could ' read ' His not entering into an union with the 
 ministry, but living in a great freedom and equality with them, makes that they 
 seem all to dislike him ' ; and for ' He grew . . . post ' read ' [so] that if he could 
 decently do it, he would much more cheerfully retire from that post, than he 
 came into it.' 
 
 {Burnet's own experience. '\ 
 
 " I have also received my share of mortifications " ; I continue 
 still (I thank God) as I began ; going every year round the 
 greatest part of my diocese, preaching constantly, and wasting 
 my wife's estate besides the spending my whole income ; 
 yet I find the high "" sort of churchmen cannot be gained ; 
 till the toleration is broke and a persecution of dissenters 
 is set on foot, they will still conclude that the church of 
 England is persecuted or at best neglected : and they cannot 
 with any patience bear a man that has declared himself so 
 openly against those things ^ as I have done ; and yet by the 
 pains I take " to gain upon that party " I have ^ fallen under 
 the displeasure of the other party ; " so hard a thing it is in 
 such divided times to resolve to be of no parties ; for a man 
 of that temper is protected by none, and pushed at by 
 a great many ° For, in the last sessions of [_/. 78 (a)] parlia- 
 ment, some began to find fault with a notion by which some 
 divines had urged obedience to the present government ; 
 that here was a conquest over king James, and that conquests 
 in a just war gave a good title. This some had carried so 
 far as to say, in all wars (just or unjust) conquests were to 
 be considered as God's transferring the dominion from the 
 conquered to the conqueror ; yet all these writers had taken 
 care to distinguish between a conquest of the nation and 
 a conquest of king James ; the latter being only that which 
 was pretended. That, as they said, gave the king all king 
 James's rights. This doctrine was condemned by a vote of 
 both houses, and a book that had set it forth with great 
 modesty and judgement-^ was in a heat condemned to be 
 
 " Cf. Hist. ii. 118. "° Ibid, supra. ' Ibid. ^ Ibid. " Ibid, infra. 
 
 1 King William and Queen Mary Macaulay gives so spirited an account 
 Conquerors, the anonymous tract at- {Hist. ed. 1858, vol. vi. pp. 367-9). 
 tributed to Charles Blount, of which 
 
 C C 3 
 
388 Burnefs Original Memoirs [1692-3 
 
 burnt ; and because, in a treatise that I had writ immediately 
 after I was a bishop to persuade my clergy to take the 
 oaths 1, 1 had only mentioned this as a received opinion among 
 lawyers and put it in among other topics, but had put the 
 strength of all upon the lawfulness and justice of the present 
 establishment, they fell upon that little book and ordered it 
 likewise to be burnt. So it looked somewhat extraordinary 
 that I, who perhaps was the greatest assertor of public 
 liberty, from my first setting out ^, of any writer in the age, 
 should be so severely treated as an enemy to it. But the 
 truth was the Tories never liked me, and the Whigs hated me 
 because I went not into their notions and passions ; but even 
 this and worse things that may happen to me shall not, I hope, 
 be able to make me depart from moderate principles and the 
 just asserting the liberty of mankind ^. I now leave all that 
 remains of our affairs to the approaching sessions which I see 
 " coming on with great apprehensions of the ill effects that are 
 like to rise, partly from the king's humour, partly from the ill- 
 conduct of our affairs, and from the bad disposition of our 
 minds *. 
 
 \The affairs of Ireland.'] 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 118 (to p. 119, ending with ' Christian princes ' at conclusion ofne.xt 
 paragraph). 
 
 After ' the lord lieutenant was ' insert ' so little fitted to struggle with peevish- 
 ness, and so.' 
 
 For ' and were much sharpened against them ' read ' and took all possible 
 advantages to fall on them.' 
 
 For 'The protecting . . . necessary' read 'Those who protected the Irish 
 said they did it for the good of the nation.' 
 
 After ' ill administration ' insert ' in almost all parts of the government.' 
 
 After ' stores ' add ' and of other oppressions, in all which it was thought that 
 Sidney was too remiss and too gentle to those that were complained of.' 
 
 For ' in England, which drew ' read ' here also in both houses ; but at that 
 » Cf. Hist. ii. 118. 
 
 ' 'A pastoral letter writ by . . . = This passage ('it looked some- 
 Gilbert, Lord Bishop of Sarum, to the what extraordinary . . . mankind ') is 
 clergy of his diocese, concerning the quoted by Macaulay (Hist. ed. 1858, 
 oaths of allegiance to k[ing] William vi. 372 note) in his account of this 
 and Q[ueen] Mary . . . 1689.' affair (ibid. 369-73). He comments 
 
 " Burnet's memory seems to have on the expressive reticence of the 
 
 failed him at this point ; see supra, published History. 
 pp. 33-9 ; and infra, Appendix I. 
 
1692-3] Had. MSS. 6584, ff. 78 (a)-78 (b) 389 
 
 time the session was near an end ; so all they did was that the matters were 
 laid before the king in.' 
 
 [/■ 78 (6)] J^or 'lord Capel . . . Essex' read 'sir Henry Capel, lately made 
 a lord ';/or' sir Cyril . . . Duncombe ' read • Mr. Duncombe that had been envoy 
 in Sweden, and sir Cyril Wyche, who had been secretary to several lords 
 lieutenants ; they are all men of virtue and probity, and of good capacity for 
 affairs.' 
 
 Afier 'disorders' add 'and immoralities'; a/ier 'poverty' add 'or other 
 miseries ' ; and after ' expected ' add ' They were rather worse than ever.' 
 
 After 'vacant see' add 'The queen was then in the administration.' 
 
 After ' understood ' add ' by many hands.' 
 
 After ' fit to promote him ' add ' Some attempts were made to purge him, but 
 the bad character could not be so easily taken off.' 
 
 \The Williain and Mary college.^ 
 "Another piece of the queen's piety was finished this year'', 
 which probably may have great and good effects. ''There 
 came over a minister from Virginia ''. who was a man of 
 another stamp than commonly go to plantations ; since, to 
 our reproach, it must be owned, that for [the] most part 
 very undeserving men and such as can find no sort of em- 
 ployment in England go over ; and the bishops of London ^ 
 have never yet thought fit to take care of those colonies. 
 Mr. Blair had gone over in king James's time and became 
 quickly the most acceptable man that had been in Virginia 
 for a great while. He observed that the want of schools and 
 a college there was a vast prejudice to all their youth. <= He 
 thought those born there had from the climate all the 
 advantages of genius", while they lay under the greatest 
 disadvantages by an ill education. He also thought that 
 ^a good foundation in Virginia might be of great use to all 
 the other plantations. ^ So after he had engaged the planters 
 to a very liberal subscription, he came over with a project 
 of a public school and college, which might be endued out 
 of some branches of the king's revenue there that went all 
 into private hands, and had never been accounted for; ^yet 
 those who were concerned in the plantations having made 
 
 " Cf. Hist.W. 119. *■ Ibid. <■ Ibid. 120. '^ Ibid. " Ibid, iig-20. 
 
 ^ Ibid. 120. 
 
 ' Titular diocesans of the plantations at the period in question. 
 
390 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1692-3 
 
 advantage of those matters, here was great opposition to be 
 looked [for]''. The archbishop of Canterbury did highly 
 approve of this motion ; and laid it before the queen, "^ who 
 liked it so well ^ that she gave orders to have it particularly 
 examined ; and informed herself so exactly of the whole 
 matter that she was able to argue with such as did oppose it ; 
 [/• 79 ('^)] who though that they clogged it with all possible 
 delays, yet were not able to hinder it. " The queen saw such 
 a probability in it of having a very good effect on the 
 morals and religion of those colonies, and perhaps of pre- 
 paring men to propagate the gospel aniong the natives, that 
 she resolved to set it on ; and she very easily persuaded the 
 king upon his coming over to be of her mind. So the patent 
 founding a college, together with a good revenue for its endow- 
 ment of .£'600 a year; was passed " ; and the good man who 
 projected it is now gone over to see it put in execution. 
 
 \^Viriues of the queen; Burnet's reflections on the same.] 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 133 (from ' The queen continued ' to p. 134, ' I had large oppor- 
 tunities to observe '). 
 
 J^or ' The queen continued to set ' read ' Thus the queen was not satisfied with 
 setting ' ; and after ' parts of it ' add ' but.' 
 
 Om. 'both to read and.' 
 
 From ' but she freed ' to end of passage is in present tense. 
 
 After ' promise she made ' add ' and so careful to remember well the promises 
 she makes.' 
 
 After ' opportunities to observe ' proceed as follows : 
 
 As I am sensible that I perhaps return too oft to this, so 
 I acknowledge it is so ^ pleasant to myself, that as it is almost 
 the only thing that supports my thoughts against the melan- 
 choly prospect which all other views of our affairs gives '\ so,, 
 since I intend this work not only as a bare recital of history, 
 but as a means of conveying the best instructions that I can 
 to posterity, I think the setting out this pattern in the best 
 and fullest lights the most useful part of my whole work. 
 And as I thank God that I do still feel the sense of the 
 Christian religion and of the reformation of it from popery to 
 be that which lies nearer my heart than all the things of this 
 
 " Cf. Hist. ii. 120. » Ibid. " Ibid. 'i Ibid. 134. 
 
1692-3] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 78 (^)-79 {h) 391 
 
 world put together ; so " I cannot without a very particular 
 joy see that person whose present circumstances mark her out 
 to be both the defender and perfecter of that blessed work to be 
 such, in all the parts both of her private deportment and the 
 public administration of the government, that she seems to be 
 in all points fitted for that work for which she seems to have 
 been born ^. 
 
 \And the affairs of Scotland \] 
 But now I leave this subject to give an account of ''a very 
 disorderly scene '' with which I will end my writing for this 
 time, and that is of Scotland. The king had ordered 
 Johnstone to go down to Scotland in summer 1692, [y..79 (<5)] 
 and to bring him up a particular account of the state of that 
 kingdom. He found the whole nation so full of ° distrust of 
 the men that had been newly put in the government " that 
 they thought the king had abandoned Scotland. "^ When the 
 invasion was looked for, they had taken so little care to con- 
 ceal their inclinations ^, that those who were true to the king 
 intended if any such thing had happened to have begun with 
 them, and seized on them. And ° it looked to be unaccountable 
 to take men out of a plot, a part of which was to persuade 
 many to take the oaths to the present government with design 
 to betray it, and yet to trust the kingdom to them, for they 
 were now the masters of the counsels. ^ Hamilton was dis- 
 contented and came no more to town *' ; and many others 
 absented themselves, so that a very small force sent from 
 France would have mastered that kingdom. ^ The pres- 
 byterians saw they had lost the king and began to be sensible 
 of their folly, and were willing to carry themselves more 
 gently for the' future s. Johnstone gave them all possible 
 assurances that upon their submission and moderation they 
 might regain the king's confidence ; he also engaged '^ Hamil- 
 ton to return to the council ^ and got some men whom the 
 presbyterians trusted to be put in employments. He laid 
 
 » Cf. Hist. ii. 134. ^ Ibid. 120. " Ibid. ^ Ibid. ' Ibid. ' Ibid, 
 infra. s Ibid, supra. '' Ibid, infra. 
 
 ' See for all this Appendix VI, infra. 
 
392 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1692-3 
 
 before the king ''the correspondence between France and 
 Scotland ; in all which the easiness of the undertaking was often 
 insisted on if no time were lost \ And indeed the generality 
 of the gentry and nobility became so open in declaring for 
 king James, that '' it was necessary to put some stop to it ''. 
 More forces seemed necessary, and some parts of the revenue 
 were near falling off ; which were granted for years. So " a 
 session of parliament ° was proposed ; this was much opposed 
 by the other party, who knew they could not be the masters 
 there : yet the state of affairs made the king resolve on it. 
 ''Hamilton was commissioner"^, and Johnstone went down, 
 who principally managed the sessions, and acquired by it a very 
 high reputation; for he showed great abilities in all debates, with 
 great dexterity in the conduct of business, and carried every- 
 thing as the king had desired ; he laid before the parliament 
 all the letters that had been intercepted. Most of them were 
 writ by Neville Payne, from which a design of bringing in a 
 foreign force plain appeared. He made this out by so many 
 circumstances that the parliament was convinced of it, and 
 upon that " voted supplies " for maintaining 6,000 men for 
 eighteen months. '' All went visibly by the strength of the 
 presbyterian interest ^ ; yet, according to the king's desire, 
 Johnstone kept them from making a representation against 
 the ministry, which they had a great mind to have done. 
 
 [Ecclesiastical affairs in Scotland^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 121 {from ' The matters of the church ' to p. 122, end of paragraph). 
 
 For ' than was expected ' read ' beyond what could have been expected from 
 Presbyterians.' 
 
 After ' scandal ' add ' in their life or doctrine.' 
 
 [/ 80 (ffl)] After ' assurance ' add ' by a day prefixed ' ; and otn. ' owning . . . 
 adherents.' 
 
 For ' when the session was near an end ' read ' The parliament also addressed 
 to the king to call a general assembly ; and thus all things went very smoothly ; 
 only [when] the time limited to their sitting was near expired '; and oiii. ' upon 
 the many letters . . . intercepted.' 
 
 For ' in many of his own letters . . . reconciling one ' read ' ready to be 
 offered ; but both the commissioner and the chancellor had reason to apprehend 
 that their sons were in the plot, and Payne said, as long as his life was his own 
 he would say nothing ; but if it were once the king's, he would save it by telling 
 
 » Cf. Hist. ii. 120. ^ Ibid. " Ibid. 121. d Ibid. » Ibid. f Ibid. 
 
1693] Had. MSS. 6584, ff. 79 {by&o {b) 393 
 
 all he knew. This terrified many who were concerned ; his pretences for 
 a delay were easily admitted ; and his trial put oif. So the session was ended, 
 which was the smoothest and the kindest the king had held in any of his 
 dominions. But upon the conclusion of that meeting, when it was expected 
 that the king should have given orders for the levies, and for the other parts 
 of the administration, he has not yet thought fit these three months to take 
 any notice of their affairs or to give any orders about them.' 
 
 Place from ' so they could claim ' to end of paragraph in present tense ; and for 
 'so they could claim . . . benefices' read only 'so that they are now out of their 
 churches by law.' 
 
 Om. ' so they were easily . . . whispers.' 
 
 {^General view of the situaiionj with which Burnet concludes 
 for the time, Sept. 9, 1693.] 
 
 [Mean]while he seems averse to those whose interests are 
 twisted with his, and grows jealous of them. This becomes 
 now the subject of all people's observations and censure ; 
 and seems to be the greatest of all those dangers that hang 
 over his government. This winter is like to prove critical ; 
 the Whigs are studying to inflame all people against the 
 ministry; and as that is a thing in which the house of 
 commons is always very easily engaged, so the misfortunes of 
 this summer gave a handle to all attempts against them ; and 
 the Jacobites will go into anything that may embroil us, 
 hoping that the king's stiffness on the one hand and the 
 eagerness of the commons on the other may throw us into 
 distrusts and confusions. * Middleton has been sent over to 
 king James by the party, ''who found great fault with a 
 declaration that he had prepared for the invasion of the last 
 year in which he promised nothing and pardoned nobody. 
 It was indeed calculated to so high a note that it is plain 
 from it that his council then thought that the design was so 
 well laid that it could not miscarry; so that he talked in 
 the strain of a conqueror that had all things in his power. 
 But this year he has sent over one, " that as far as words can 
 go, give[s] a full security, for he pardons all persons, and 
 promises everything. [/. 80 {b)'\ And this the party think 
 they have in their hands, to offer to the nation <=, if they can 
 but once throw us into convulsions. Arise then, O Go,d, and 
 
 » Cf. Hist. ii. 122. " Ibid, infra. " Ibid. 123. 
 
394 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1693 
 
 perfect thou that which concerns us : and do thou prosper 
 and estabhsh the work of thy hands among us. So I give 
 over on the ninth of September, 1693. 
 
 [Burnet resumes Ms pen in April, i695-] 
 I do begin again in April, 1695, to prosecute this history. 
 There was a new misfortune that concluded the campaign of 
 1693 ; ''Charleroi was besieged" in September. 
 
 Cliarleroi taken. 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 113 t^from 'the country' to 'at last'). 
 
 ^Situation in France. \ 
 
 Cf. Hisl. ii. 113 {from 'Thus the French' to p. 114, end of paragraph). 
 
 For 'but their successes . . . balanced by' read 'but at home'; and om. 
 ' that.' 
 
 For ' strict ' read * very good.' 
 
 For ' steps ' read ' faint steps.' 
 
 After ' posture ' add ' The allies entered into a new concert for the year [i6]g4, 
 and there was little to be feared, either in Holland or Germany.' 
 
 [Overtures to Spaing 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 123 {from ' We were also ' to end of paragraph). 
 
 For 'We were also . . . Madrid' read ' In Spain their affairs were so low that 
 they were in a great disposition to hearken to a proposition made them by 
 the French, which seemed much to their advantage.' 
 
 For ' the grandees of Spain ' read ' the greatest part there.' 
 
 After ' allies ' add ' at least for once '.' 
 
 For 'watching their conduct' read 'the mending of matters.' 
 
 Om. ' The Spaniards . . . Madrid.' 
 
 A session of parliament [expected ; a change in 
 the mintstry\. 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 123 {from ' The king came over ' io ' satisfaction of the Whigs,'). 
 Before ' The king ' insert ' When ' ; and before ' saw ' inseii ' quickly. ' 
 [/ 81 (a)] For ' so that went off' read ' so that matter lay in suspense for 
 some months.' 
 
 For ' yet the king . . . assurances that ' read ' but in concluision ' ; and for ' of 
 the Whigs ' read • of the nation.' 
 
 Sunderland in credit. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 123 ('But the person . . . could and would support him'). 
 For the initial ' But ' read ' Yet, after all ' (i. e. all his former conduct ?). 
 " Cf. Hist. ii. 113. 
 
 ' The use of ' once ' (i. c. ' one time ' time,' though not recognized by John- 
 or 'a time') as a synonym for 'some son, is still common in Somersetshire. 
 
1693] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 80 (6)-8i {b) 395 
 
 Om. ' who, by his long . . . ever had ' ; before ' he had brought ' ' insert ' It was 
 thought ' ; and for ' both trust and satisfy ' read ' comply with.' 
 
 [Com»ienis made.\ 
 
 His behaviour in former reigns made people conclude that 
 he could not be firm himself to principles of public liberty ; 
 and therefore, though they were glad that, at any rate, the 
 king was brought about, yet a deep jealousy still remained of 
 the king's own inclinations. 
 
 [The Whigs in power j a session.] 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 124 {fmm ' so the Whigs' to p. 125, 'end of April'). 
 
 0?K. ' perhaps.' 
 
 For from 'so that the king' to end of paragraph read '50 they grew to be 
 very hearty for the king when they saw he intended to put himself into their 
 hands ; they resolved to use him well ; for men grow to be either patriots or 
 courtiers as they happen to be well or ill used by the government. All the 
 money that was necessary for the war was granted by this session of parlia- 
 ment ; and.' 
 
 Om, ' at least in bank-notes.' 
 
 For from ' It was visible ' to end of paragraph, read ' This matter was so strongly 
 argued on both sides, that, I confess, I understand it not enough to form a sure 
 judgement upon it ; I do rather think the bank will be an advantage to the nation, 
 as it is certainly a great one to the king, since they furnish him with money on 
 much easier terms than it was formerly borrowed on.' 
 
 For 'took up . . . long' read '[was] the most troublesome business of this 
 session.' 
 
 For ' it seemed . . . get out' read ' it was said that it was not sent out.' 
 
 For ' for it was now the . . . favour ' read ' for it was become the business of 
 a party ; [so] the examination held long in both bouses ; in conclusion they were 
 acquitted.' 
 
 [ Visii of the firince of Baden.] 
 
 [f. 81 {b)'\ *The prince of Baden came into England this 
 winter ; he stayed above two months ", much longer than he 
 had intended ; ^ he was treated by the king in an extra- 
 ordinary manner and at a vast expense '' ; he seemed to be 
 much pleased with it, and he was the most universally esteemed 
 stranger that I have ever known come into England. 
 
 [ The Tories attack the jiidges; etdogy of Somers.] 
 *■ The Tories began now to grow very backward in the king's 
 business. Rochester and Nottingham obstructed it ■= as much 
 
 » Cf. Hist. ii. 125. >> Ibid. « Ibid. 
 
39^ Burnet's Original Memoirs [1693-4 
 
 as any, though more covertly at first, but afterwards they laid 
 aside the mask and opposed everything openly. ^ The judges 
 gave great credit to the government by their fair and im- 
 partial administration of justice ; and no man had ever kept 
 the seal ^ with a higher reputation than Somers ^ He showed 
 great justice and temper, discretion and good judgement, in 
 everything that came before him ; and was in all respects 
 the man whom I have ever known in a high post with the 
 least censure or reproach cast on him. He is really as much 
 and as universally esteemed as he deserves to be ; and though 
 the enemies of the government see what strength and lustre 
 he gives to it, and so hate him in proportion to that, yet they 
 have not hitherto found matter for slander to work upon ^ ; 
 but the other '' judges have been often and unmercifully but 
 most undeservedly fallen upon by the enemies of the govern- 
 ment "^ ; but there was so little grounds for all their complaints 
 that were made that they suffered little by them in the esteem 
 of the nation. 
 
 \The bishops censured /\ debates C07icerning divorce. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 126 {from 'The bishops' to p. 127, end of paragraph). 
 
 Om. entirely ' it was visible . . . despised and' ; and for 'who designed . . . 
 betray it ' read only ' not true to the interest of the church of England.' 
 
 After ■ parliament ' insert ' in order to the opening of which I must take 
 a large compass ' ; and om. ' it related . . . him to marry again ' {see infra). 
 
 For ' the party that was injured ' read ' either party.' 
 
 For ' At that time . . . marriage only as ' read ' Upon that occasion many profane 
 people began to question the whole doctrine of marriage ; they said it was.' 
 
 For ' the consequence . . . have ' read ' that ' (i.e. the king's divorce) ; and for 
 ' many ' 7-ead ' some.' 
 
 After ' allowed ' add ' This being premised, I come now to the present time. 
 The duke of Norfolk had married the earl of Peterborough's daughter, and 
 being very ill satisfied with her conduct had parted with her and moved,' 
 &c., as in Hist. ii. 126, supra ; then return to p. 127, ' a great party ' ; omitting 
 ' In the duke . . . Jacobite ; so.' 
 
 [/. 82 (a)] For ' who were thought engaged in lewd practices ' read ' who 
 had been in secret engagements with her, or that were in the like with other 
 women.' 
 
 After ' in the bill ' insert ' ; every step that the bill made was disputed with 
 much heat.' 
 
 » Cf. Hist. ii. 125-6. " Ibid. 126. 
 
 ' The transcript erroneously reads ^ The attacks on Somers date of 
 
 ' the seals.' course from 1699, 
 
1693-4] Harl. MSS. 6584^ ff. 81 (^>)-82 {b) 397 
 
 After ' too plain ' add ' ; though a great deal was brought to lessen the credit 
 of the witnesses.' 
 
 After ' reasons' add ' and it happening that.' 
 
 Om. ' and that the contrary . . . dark ages ' ; and ' though some . . . were so.' 
 
 J^or ' Here was . . . inferred ' read ' Here was a plausible colour for saying.' 
 
 After ' Rochester ' add ' and some others.' 
 
 For ' The bill . . . time ' read ' The bill could not go on in the session of [i6]92 ; 
 and it being again taken up in that of [i6]9[3] ' it so plainly appeared that it 
 could not be carried through, that it was let fall ' ; and for ' of either side ' 
 read ' [by] the divines of that party.' 
 
 TAe campaign, 1694. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 127 {from 'The king went ' to end of p. 128, ' everywhere'). 
 
 ^or 'The king. . . May' read 'The sessions being ended, the king went 
 beyond sea.' 
 
 After ' they lay ' insert ' for a great while ' ; and after ' that they intended ' 
 insert ' after the country was eat up.' 
 
 For ' in the ordinary . . . one another ' read ' in marches and countermarches.' 
 
 For ' This design . . . Huy, who ' read ' The king followed his detachment, 
 but finding the design lost he sent another, commanded by the duke of 
 Holstein Ploen (whom he had brought to command the Dutch forces in the 
 room of prince Waldeck). He was ordered to attack Huy ; which he did so 
 successfully that [he].' 
 
 After ' bishop ' insert ' who had stuck firm to the alliance.' 
 
 For 'but that for . . . favour' read 'The cardinal of Bouillon had tried what 
 interest he could make, but with no success. The dispute was soon over ; 
 it was judged at Rome, after some delays, in favour of the elector of Cologne ; 
 for though.' 
 
 Om. 'upon the submission . . . 1682.' 
 
 For ' The confederates . . . but lay ' read ' And with this the campaign in 
 Flanders ended ; great armies laying ' ; before ' advantageously ' insert [/ 82 (A)] 
 ' so ' ; and for ' without any action ' read ' that it was not possible to engage in 
 any action.' 
 
 For ' in the usual manner' read ' at the same rate.' 
 
 Om. 'which the French . . . battle.' 
 
 Om. ' only there appeared . . . Savoy.' 
 
 For 'were beat . . . posts' read 'lost a small battle.' 
 
 For ' The court of Madrid ' read ' There was an inconceivable terror at the 
 court of Madrid ; they.' 
 
 Om. ' All this was intended . . . make them.' 
 
 Ottr fleet in the Mediterranean. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 129 {from 'but to prevent' to end of paragraph). 
 
 For ' a great fleet . . . home ' (Ja^t sentence of passage) read ' and the 
 whole measures, that France was in, are disconcerted by this means. And, 
 while I am writing this, the news is come, that the great convoy which carried 
 
 The transcript erroneously repeats ' [i6]92.' 
 
398 Bur net's Original Memoirs [1694 
 
 to them stores and bomb vessels, together with all necessaries till September, is 
 happily arrived ; so that we are now in expectation of somewhat considerable, 
 besides the preserving of Spain.' 
 
 Attempt on Camaret. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 129 {from ' But while' to end of p. 130). 
 
 For ' Camaret . . . Brest ' read ' a neck of land in Camaret Bay which might 
 have been easily kept.' 
 
 [./■ ^3 (")] ■^fl^'' ' Russell ' add ' in the house of lords.' 
 
 After * 600 men' add * but a wrong time of the tide was taken, and their 
 orders were changed just as they were going to land ' ; and for ' and ' read ' He. ' 
 
 For ' it was needlessly . . . undertaking' read 'that nothing could be done.' 
 
 Om. ' very fit . . . soldiers.' 
 
 For 'so that . . . good service' read 'That, joined with his other qualities, 
 made him appear so dangerous a man, that some thought his loss might be 
 more easily borne with.' 
 
 For ' must . . . effects ' read ' might have made an end of the war.' 
 
 T/ie French coast bombarded. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 131 {to ' sunk our enemies '). 
 
 For ' did great execution ' read ' set them on fire. The loss they made was 
 considerable ; but the terror that this gave them put them into greater distrac- 
 tions.' 
 
 After ' had first begun ' add ' This destruction was the more considerable 
 because it was the first essay we had made in that way, [/ 83 (&)] and that 
 success in it would probably encourage us to go on in another season, and to 
 become more expert in the conduct and management of such designs for the 
 future.' 
 
 For ' The campaign . . . arms ' read ' Thus this campaign ended the most to 
 our advantage of any we had during the war.' 
 
 The affairs of Turkey. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 131 {from ' The war in Turkey ' to p. 132, end of paragraph). 
 
 For 'The war in Turkey . . . made themselves masters of read 'The only 
 confederate the French had was also very unfortunate at the end of the cam- 
 paign. The Venetians did not only take Ciclut ' in Dalmatia, but.' 
 
 For 'that wanted people. The Turks' read 'which it was believed they 
 intended to do. But some months after, the Turks.' 
 
 For ' but their abandoning . . . balance ' read ' but this has come to us only 
 through their hands while I am now writing this, so it is not authentical ■ it 
 may be perhaps given out to cover their abandoning of Scio, which they did 
 in a very few days after the second engagement.' 
 
 Om. ' as they did every year.' 
 
 After ' provisions ; ' for but ' read ' so it was thought that Caminieck would 
 quickly fall. But a few months after.' 
 
 ^ A frontier fort ; the Turks strained every nerve to take it. See Daru 
 Histoire de . . . Venise, v. 1 19. 
 
1694] Harl MSS. 6584, J. 82 (Z))-84 (a) 399 
 
 Om. 'their queen's . . . jealousy'; and after 'business' add '[So] the 
 Tartarians made great excursions, and much waste, and got safe home again.' 
 
 After ' Temeswaer ' add ' It is true all Germany was put in a mighty terror, 
 [for].' 
 
 For ' the grand signior . . . present ' read ' Whether the grand signiors 
 death will change their counsels, and if the present successor will carry on the 
 war more successfully, or take more pains to compass a peace, must be left 
 to time to determine it.' 
 
 [I^reHc/t attempts to procure peace?[ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 132 {from ' At the end ' to end of paragraph). 
 
 [/ 84 (a)] For ' the States sent . . . errand ; and ' I'ead ' [so] that this 
 attempt had not success enough to make it certain whether it was made or not ; 
 some affirming that men of note came as far as Maestricht desiring passports 
 to come further, and that the States sent some to meet with them secretly, 
 but that upon seeing their powers and instructions passports were denied 
 them ; while the whole matter has been disowned and denied by the French 
 emissaries among us ; they.' 
 
 A session of parliajnent. 
 ''The king came over in the beginning of November, and 
 the parliament was opened with a calmer face than had ever 
 yet appeared in any session. The supplies which were 
 demanded amounted very near to five millions, and were agreed 
 to without any opposition " ; but the party that was against 
 the court put their strength to ^ the opposing of good and 
 easy fonds for the money ; everything that looked like an 
 excise was desired [? decried] * ; and though some steps 
 were made in some of those propositions, yet they were all 
 laid aside ; but in conclusion, after a long and tedious session, 
 the fonds were all found and clauses were put in the act, of 
 a public faith, for making them good according to the estimates 
 that were set upon them. 
 
 An act for triennial parliaments. 
 In this parliament a bill passed which by all the present 
 views we have of things will be a great happiness and security 
 to England. There were no limits yet set to the continuance 
 of a, parliament, so that our princes, finding one to their mind, 
 might continue it, and practise so [on ?] the members of it as 
 long as they pleased ; and since this had been the method in 
 
 « Cf Hist. ii. 132-3. " Ihid. 133. 
 
400 Burnefs Original Memoirs [1694 
 
 king Charles the Second's time, and was generally believed to 
 be the practice of the present reign, it was thought reasonable 
 to put an effectual stop to all such methods for the future. So 
 " a bill was brought in for frequent parliaments ", for yearly 
 sessions, and a new parliament every third year ; but many 
 thought there might be as much danger from too many as 
 from too few sessions of parliament. This had been in debate 
 two former sessions, but the court had stopped it ; now the 
 act was prepared only ^ with a relation to a new parliament 
 every third year^ without any clause for an annual session, 
 <= and the present parliament was to be dissolved at the furthest 
 in the beginning of the year 1696^; to this the royal assent 
 was given. It was very acceptable to the nation ° to come 
 to a new election of their representatives every third year ; it 
 would oblige the members to have more regard to their own 
 credit in common matters of justice, as well as to their voting 
 in the house, when, at the end of three years, they were to be 
 all canvassed over again in their countries. It was also hoped 
 that when it was evident that parliaments could not be of 
 a long continuance ^ men would not be at such an excessive 
 charge in procuring themselves to be chosen. This had very 
 much corrupted the whole nation ; and it seemed reasonable 
 to believe that those who bought the votes of others intended 
 to sell their own when they should come to be chosen ; so it 
 was hoped that when men came to be chosen without expense 
 the character they were in and the reputation which they had 
 would come again to be prevailing considerations in elections ; 
 and this is all that can be wished for, in order to the recover- 
 ing the credit and integrity of a house of commons which was 
 now so much lost, that it was generally believed that corruption 
 prevailed to such a [/. 84 {b)] degree that even in the com- 
 monest matters money carried everything ^. 
 
 "■ Cf. Hist. ii. 133. " Ibid. " Ibid. d Ibtd. 
 
 • Some such ambiguous term (which (cf. Hist. ii. 133 and ibid. 160). Both 
 
 mightindicate either Jan. i or March 25 dates are really wrong ; the statute as 
 
 of the year 1696, N. S.) no doubt eventually passed points to November, 
 
 accounts for Burnet's discrepant 1696. 
 statements as to the determining date 
 
1694-5] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 84 (a)-85 {a) 401 
 
 [The treason bill.'\ 
 
 " A bill for regulating trials of treason was much pressed in 
 this session " upon this particular occasion. 
 
 Trials in Lancashire examined. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 141 {from ' Lunt, an Irishman ' to end of ^. 143). 
 
 Begin 'There had been a discovery of treason in the former summer by an 
 Irishman Lunt,' dr=c., &'C. ; om. 'of a mean understanding"; and for 'letters 
 and messages' read ' instructions and commissions.' 
 
 For ' so he ' read ' so there wras reason to believe that he. ' 
 
 After ' present government' add ' with much officious zeal.' 
 
 Om. ' the imposture ... in discovering.' 
 
 After ' houses for arms ' add ' some few were found.' 
 
 After ' depositions ' add ' which the ministry had kept very secret and.' 
 
 [/ 85 (a)] Om. ' very idly ' ; and for ' to make a fortune . . . among many till ' 
 read ' to be another Dates, and to spread his discoveries far till.' 
 
 For ' this was sworn . . . given to him ' read ' Now though he denied this, yet 
 two witnesses affirmed it against him.' 
 
 After' Chester' add 'together with some of the king's learned counsel.' 
 
 For ' of late ' read ' in all my time, at least.' 
 
 After 'found to be' add ' in a great measure.' 
 
 For ' after them ' read ' after the first day.' 
 
 For ' examined into by ' read ' brought under a long examination in.' 
 
 After ' proceedings ' add ' with the concurrence only of two others, who did 
 them but little honour.' 
 
 {Complaints oj the bank.'] 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 144 (to 'shaken in another'). 
 
 For ''When this design ... set up' ;-rarf 'Great noise was also made'; and 
 for 'which began . . . credit' read 'which had been settled in the former 
 sessions.' 
 
 The bad state of the coin. 
 
 We had fallen under another real and great mischief; there 
 had been for six years together ^ such a general clipping of 
 money that it was fallen above a third part below its just value ; 
 " and it was not possible to give an effectual remedy to this, 
 but by a recoining the whole money of England and the having 
 no money to pass but what was milled. This required a great 
 fonds, and that could not be come at in the end of a session ; 
 
 " Cf. Hist. ii. 141. I' Ibid. 140. " Ibid, infra. 
 
 ' The corresponding ' suppressed passage' of the History (preserved in the 
 Bodleian autograph) is very curious. 
 
 FOXCROFT D d 
 
402 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1695 
 
 so Rochester, who together with Nottingham "led everything 
 which might obstruct business, "" made a loud complaint of 
 this ; yet all that it produced was only an act with stricter 
 clauses and penalties against clippers ; [/. 85 (3)] it did very 
 much alarm pfeople, and sunk the value of our money at a time 
 when it could not be effectually cured. " A great point was 
 [thus] carried by those who were now engaged in an opposi- 
 tion to the government <= ; and it appeared very evidently that 
 those who had preterided to a zeal in general for the pre- 
 rogative could act against it with as much heat as any others 
 had ever done when they themselves had not the manage- 
 ment of it. 
 
 Discoveries of corruption. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 144 {from 'Towards the end of the session' to 'expelled the 
 house '). 
 
 Begin ' But to conclude all that relates to this session of parliament, towards,' 
 &--C. 
 
 For 'Upon this' read 'This coming with a general complaint of corruption 
 everywhere.' 
 
 For ' the secretary to the treasury ' read ' Mr. Guy, who had been secretary 
 to the treasury both in king Charles' and king James' time, and had also got 
 in again in this reign ' (cf. Hist. ii. 144, infra'). 
 
 For ' turned out of his place ' read ' another got his place, though it is 
 generally believed he has it only in trust for him.' 
 
 Om. ' many were the more . , . because ' ; and ' he had held . . . methods ' 
 {see supra). 
 
 i^3;'_'But the house . . . further' rearf'So from a. very casual discovery the 
 house resolved to enquire into corruption.' 
 
 For ' so that full . . . appeared ' read ' but besides this, a great deal had been 
 given secretly both by the chamber and by the orphans ; of which no discovery 
 has been yet made.' 
 
 [Foley becomes Speaker; his character.'] 
 
 '^ And Mr. P[aul] Foley was chosen Speaker'^ : though the 
 court named Littleton. ^ Foley is a man of integrity " and of 
 particular notions, to which he is much addicted. He is 
 zealous for the present government, but ^much dissatisfied 
 with the administration. ^ He had set up for a patriot S; he 
 opposed most things ; and he had been every year one of the 
 commissioners for the public accounts. 
 
 * Cf. Hist. ii. 140, supra. ^ Ibid, infra. « Ibid. 141. d Ibid. 144. 
 
 " Ibid. ' Ibid. b Ibid. 109. 
 
1695] HarL MSS. SsS^, ff, 85 (a)-86 {b) 403 
 
 \The East India company scandals,] 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 145-6 {to 'desired a present trial'). 
 
 For ' the greatest part . . . among ' read ' that this had been between the court 
 and.' 
 
 For ' for the two preceding . . . stifle this enquiry ; but ' read only ' so they 
 resolved to enquire into that matter'; «Hrf ybj- ' curiosity . . . enquiries' read 
 only 'The curiosity of an enquiry will always prevail.' 
 
 For ' and was like . . . came in, and ' read only ' he ' ; and after ' matter ' add 
 [/ 86 («)] ' This act passed and the day came.' 
 
 Om. ' that should disgrace . . , favourites.' 
 
 For ' There were indeed presumptions ' read ' Only it appeared by other 
 examinations ' ; and for ' £5,000 ' read ' 8,000 guineas.'" 
 
 For • felt that he was ' read ' is.' 
 
 For ' while the act . . . house of lords ' read ' in opposing the act.' 
 
 For ' but now all had broke out . . . Bates swore, that he ' read ' and now 
 both Bates (who had managed the matter between him and Firebrace, a man 
 employed by the company) and he himself told a very incredible story ; that 
 Bates.' 
 
 After ' keep it to himself insert ' but that Bates desired he would order one of 
 his servants to receive the money, which had been done ; the money being kept 
 by the servant till it was restored.' 
 
 For 'it did also appear . . . come at' read 'yet that servant, in whose breast 
 the whole matter lay, and who, it seems, had not so tractable a conscience as 
 others had who were examined in this matter, was of the sudden conveyed out 
 of the way' ' (cf. Hist. ii. 146, infra). 
 
 For ' he, to prevent . . . justification ' read ' he had the tacit permission of the 
 lords to go and speak to them ; which he did,' 
 
 After ^iix. nation' add 'and this government'; and for 'in terms . , , to him- 
 self read 'in terms that seemed to assume too much to himself.' 
 
 Om. ' from which ... in the end.' • 
 
 {Conclusion of the matter; the session ends.] 
 
 "■ The articles were brought to the lords ; all was denied by 
 the duke of Leeds''; but it was too late in the session. So 
 ^ the matter was hung up till another session ^ ; and it came 
 to be generally believed that the chief design of this enquiry 
 was to blast him. "= An act of grace came in the end of all " ; 
 and thus the session of parliament was concluded. There 
 was nothing of importance either in Scotland or Ireland 
 within this period that deserves to be [/. 86 {d}] mentioned ; 
 
 » Cf. Hist. ii. 146. " md. 147. <= Ibid. 
 
 ' A ' suppressed passage ' of the History, still legible in the autograph and 
 transcript, resembles this. 
 
 D d 2 
 
404 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1694 
 
 so I come to end this part of my relation with a very 
 melancholy scene. I have kept it last that I may conclude 
 with it, and enlarge upon it without interrupting the thread 
 of the history. 
 
 Tillotson's death. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 134-5 ('" 'shortened his days'). 
 
 For ' It was preceded . . . November " read ' About the middle of November 
 Tillotson, archbishop of Canterbury, was taken with a fit of a dead palsy.' 
 
 For 'but not thinking ... too long' read only 'but neglected it for many 
 hours.' 
 
 After ' will of Heaven ' add ' thus he died.' 
 
 For ' it was more decent . . . safe ' read ' it became me.' 
 
 Om. 'affectation.' 
 
 For 'subHme' read 'true'; and om. 'his thread . . . SDhd'; for 'it was 
 thought ' read ' I believe.' 
 
 \Sancroft's death. \ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 135. 
 
 Om. 'and despicable.' 
 
 For ' that some . . . raise ' read ' which the Jacobites had set on foot.' 
 
 Om. ' a parliamentary . . . and therefore.' 
 
 For 'and all that joined . . . tacit yielding to it' read only 'And now, by 
 Tillotson's death, the colour of a separation was taken away ' ; for ' to embroil 
 church and state ' read ' to separate ' ; and oui. ' and no arguments . . . from it.' 
 
 [Tentson succeeds.] 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 136 (from ' Both king' to 'desire Tenison '). 
 
 For 'so generous . . . good works' read only 'He was eminently generous 
 and charitable'.' 
 
 Om. 'she spoke . . . earnestly for him.' 
 
 i^or 'and all concurred ... no enemies' read ' so they [i.e. the Whigs 1] all 
 concurred [/. 87 (a)] to desire Tenison, who I hope will prove very worthy 
 of it.' 
 
 [Smalt-fiox in London.] 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 136 ('The small-po-^ . . . never had them '). 
 
 The queen's sickness and death. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 136-8 {to 'but that which I knew to be strictly true '). 
 
 Om. 'but the next day . . . off.' 
 
 After 'following' add 'which was the aoth of December'; and om. 'her 
 illness ... on her that.' 
 
 For ' imputed . . . Radcliffe ' rend ' generally imputed to the unskilfulness and 
 wilfulness of Radcliflfe, an impious and vicious man, who hated the queen much, 
 but virtue and religion more. He was a professed Jacobite ; and was by many 
 
 ' The baselessness of the insinuation History, is well shown by D'Oyley, 
 against Bancroft, here inserted in the Life of Sancroft, ii. 89-92. 
 
1694] Harl MSS. 6584, j: 86 (bySj (b) 405 
 
 thought a very bad physician ; but others cried him up to the highest degree 
 imaginable'.' 
 
 ^fter ' too late ' add ' All symptoms were bad ; only the queen still felt herself 
 well \' 
 
 Om. ' he came, on . . . passed it.' 
 
 For 'The day after' read 'The second day of her illness' ; and for 'a most 
 tender passion ' read ' the tenderest passion I had ever seen in man ' ; and for 
 ' he burst . . . hope of the queen ' read ' he cried out very violently ; he told me 
 he had no hope.' 
 
 For 'could scarce refrain from' read 'bursting out into'; and for ' Ibis 
 hope ' read ' [so] there was an inconceivable joy spread everywhere. It.' 
 
 Om. ' whatever effect it might have.' 
 
 Oni. ' it went . . . for.' 
 
 [/• 87 (6)] For ' composed ... die ' read ' gave herself wholly to prayer ' ; for 
 'but said' read 'but wished she might not; she'; and otii, here 'and said 
 often . . . prayer.' 
 
 For 'such passages' read 'such prayers [and] such passages.' 
 
 ^fler 'ineffectual' add 'she said all the while, she found nothing did her 
 good but prayer ; in that and nothing else she found a sensible [effect or 
 recruit'] that refreshed even her body.' 
 
 For ' and some words . . . break ' read ' some broken words of delirium came 
 sometimes from her.' 
 
 Om, ' I will add . . . character ' and ' without . . . rhetoric' 
 
 [Bitrnefs own grief for her loss^ 
 I never admired any person so entirely as I did her. In 
 the course of above eight years' very particular knowledge 
 of her, I never saw any one thing that I could have wished to 
 be otherwise than it was in her. The more I knew her, I still 
 saw the more reason to admire both her understanding, her 
 piety, and her virtue, without discovering the least defect or 
 fault in her. The purity and the sublimity of her mind was 
 the peifectest thing I ever saw ; I never felt myself sink so 
 much under anything that had happened to me as by her 
 death ; it is a daily load upon my thoughts, and gives me 
 great apprehensions of very heavy judgements hanging over 
 us, for I am afraid that in losing her we have lost both our 
 strength and our glory *. 
 
 ' This passage has been quoted by Burnet's Essay on her memory. 
 Miss Strickland ; and a similar, though ' The words in brackets were in- 
 even stronger character is among the serted by Burnet, in emendation of 
 still 'suppressed' passages of the the transcriber's 'reflect.' A similar 
 History, second volume. passage occurs in the Essay on . . . 
 
 ^ The queen's freedom from suffering the late Queen. 
 
 is mentioned more than once in ' Two passages, containing similar 
 
4o6 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1694-5 
 
 [The king's grief.} 
 Cf. Hisi. ii. 138 {from ' The king's aflSiction ' to ' long with him '}. 
 
 [His good resolutions?^ 
 
 He began then the custom which he has observed ever 
 since very exactly, of going to prayers twice a day ; " he 
 entered upon very solemn and serious resolutions of becoming 
 in all things an exact Christian '^, and of breaking off all bad 
 practices whatsoever ^. He expressed a particular regard to 
 all the queen's inclinations [and ?] intentions ; he i-esolved 
 to keep up her family, and to carry on her charities ; and that 
 he might pursue that design (which of all others was the 
 deepest in her) of encouraging a pious and a laborious clergy, 
 and might [/. 88 (a)] also deliver himself from importunities 
 which he was not at all times able to resist, ''he granted 
 a commission ^ to the two archbishops, the bishop[s] of Lich- 
 field, Worcester, Ely, and myself, to recommend fit persons 
 to all ecclesiastical preferments '' ; and did charge us to seek 
 out the best and worthiest men we could find, that such and 
 only such might be promoted. This has a very good appear- 
 ance, and if it is continued by the king, and is well managed 
 by us, it may have happy effects ; though I confess my hopes 
 are so sunk with the queen's death that I do not flatter myself 
 with further expectations. If things can be kept in tolerable 
 order, so that we have peace and quiet in our days, I dare 
 
 » Cf. Hist. ii. 138. '' Cf. Life appended to Hist. ii. 715-6. 
 
 fears, are deleted, both in the Bodleian question. Certain it is that p. 23 of 
 
 autograph and the Bodleian transcript Tenison's very significant sermon ' On 
 
 of the i/ZstorVj ^nd very similar appre- Holy Resolutions,' preached before 
 
 hensions conclude the Essay on . . . the the king two days after his wife's 
 
 late Queen. death, and published by special royal 
 
 1 There can be little doubt that this command, contains a marked allusion 
 
 expression refers to the intrigue with to the perils of illicit ties ; and that 
 
 Elizabeth Villiers. It is surmised that William within the year gave an 
 
 the ' scrutoir ' brought by Tenison to almost ostentatious countenance to 
 
 the king contained the 'letter of strong the marriage of Elizabeth Villiers 
 
 but decent admonition ' seen by Lord (see Mr. Seccombe in Diet. Nat. Biog. 
 
 Hardwicke (see note to Hist. ii. 138), Iviii. 326). 
 
 and that this was a remonstrance (re- ^ Incidental allusions to this will be 
 
 served till no personal animus could found in /fc/.ii. 285, 317, and Luttrell 
 
 be suspected) against the relation in iii. 466. It was signed in April, 1695! 
 
1695] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 87 (^)-88 {a) 407 
 
 look for no more ; so black a scene of providence as is now 
 upon us gives me " many dismal apprehensions ^ But I must 
 now turn from this gloomy prospect ^. 
 
 [Deaths of the dukes of Hamilton and Queensberryi\ 
 
 Cf. Hisi. ii. 149. 
 
 For 'the former winter' read 'within some months of one another.' 
 
 After ' enemies ' add ' They were both proud and imperious, much set on 
 raising their families, and very prosperous in it.' 
 
 After ' genius ' add ' and better notions ; but the otlier understood our law 
 better.' 
 
 Lord Halifax died; \Burnet lays down his pen for the 
 time. May 2, 1695]. 
 
 In England ''the marquis of Halifax died in April, 1695. 
 He had gone into the interests of the Jacobites after he was 
 put out of employments, and though he took care to presei^ve 
 himself from dangerous or criminal engagements, yet it very 
 visibly appeared that he studied to embroil matters all he 
 could'', and to shelter that party upon all occasions. "His 
 spirit was restless ", and in spite of all his pretences to 
 philosophy "he could not bear to be out of business'^. He 
 struck up, as all discontented men do, to be a patriot, but he 
 discovered too manifestly what lay at bottom ; ^ his vivacity 
 and judgement did seem to sink very much^; but while he 
 studied to support all with wit and mirth, without considering 
 what became his age and post, he lost a great deal of that 
 esteem which he had formerly both as to his parts and his 
 integrity. * He died of a gangrene occasioned by a long 
 neglected rupture ^. When he was warned that his condition 
 
 » Cf. Hist. ii. 138. "^ Ibid. 149. "= Ibid. ^ Ibid. « Ibid. 149-150. 
 
 ' See p. 405, note 4. Burnet's lugu- any penitence the marquis might 
 
 brious prophecies became, as time express, is related by Cunningham 
 
 went on, a fertile source of amuse- {Hisi. i. 146) ; whose rooted antipathy 
 
 ment to his more malicious contem- to Burnet compels us, however, to 
 
 poraries ; see More News from Salis- receive the anecdote with some ' grains 
 
 bury, 1714. of salt-' A" allusion to the dying 
 
 '^ A most amusing story concerning declarations of Halifax can be almost 
 
 the unwillingness of Halifax to accept certainly traced in a very excellent 
 
 the death-bed ministrations of Burnet, letter from Burnet to Dr. Colbatch, 
 
 ' lest ' as he himself said, ' he should written about eighteen months later 
 
 triumph over him after his death,' (Brit. Mus. Add. MSS. 22908, ff. 14, 
 
 i. e. claim for himself the credit of 25). 
 
4o8 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1695 
 
 was hopeless he showed a great firmness of mind, and com- 
 posed himself to die with a calm that had much of a true 
 philosopher in it. He professed himself to be a sincere 
 Christian, and expressed great resentment of many former 
 parts of his life, with settled resolutions of becoming quite 
 another man, if God should have raised him up ^. With this 
 I end writing on the and of May, 1695. 
 
 [Burnet resumes Ms pen.l 
 I begin writing again in February, [i6]96\ 
 
 Lords jtcstices [appointed] in king's absence. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 150 {from ' The seven lords justices were ' to end of paragraph). 
 
 At the beginning insert 'As soon as the business of the parliament was over, 
 the king settled the government during his absence in seven persons, who, 
 according to the states [? style] of Ireland, were called lords justices ' (cf. 
 Hist. ii. 149). 
 
 Om. ' and they avoided . . . necessary' {see infra). 
 
 [/ 88 (6)] After ' preference ' add ' They assumed no sort of state, and went 
 nowhere in ceremony ; so that except at the council board, where it was 
 unavoidable, they had no sort of distinction upon them [see supra']. This 
 made that.' 
 
 After ' trusted with them ' add ' The king was naturally so jealous that as 
 they had observed in the queen's administration a great tenderness in doing 
 nothing but upon express directions and orders, so.' 
 
 After ' bounds ' insert ' and to be very slow and cautious.' 
 
 Om. ' till they had . . . exactly ' and ' because . . . orders.' 
 
 For ' for though . . . disorder, when ' read ' for we being absolute masters at 
 sea everywhere, the Jacobites were quiet, seeing that.' 
 
 The campaign in Flanders, 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 150. 
 
 Om. ' Luxembourg . . . winter, so.' 
 
 For ' An attempt was made on . . . lines ' read ' It seemed of importance to 
 take . . . lines ; so an attempt was made upon it.' 
 Om. ' who was . . . before this' {vide supra, p. 385). 
 
 Namur is besieged. 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 150-2 {to ' came and joined the king's army'). 
 For ' his [Vaudemont's] army ' read ' his little army.' 
 " Cf. Hist. ii. 150. 
 
 '■ i.e. February, i6g6, N. S. ; as John- mentioned infra, p. 414, note i, passed 
 stone was dismissed {see infra, p. 415) the Commons, February 23, 1696, N.S. 
 in January, 1696, N. S. ; and the bill 
 
1695] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 88 (a)-9o {a) 409 
 
 foe 'but without cause. . . lost' read 'he laid the blame on the duke of 
 Maine, the French king's beloved son.' 
 
 For ' the garrisons ' read ' two advanced garrisons that.' 
 
 [/ 89 (a)] Om. 'without either colour or shame.' 
 
 For ' and sold . . . disgrace ' read only ' but the contrary appeared afterwards ' 
 (cf. infra). 
 
 After ' Villeroy ' add ' finding he could attempt nothing else.' 
 
 For ' the assistance ... of them ' read ' some small assistance.' 
 
 After ' time to retire ; ' ft>r ' but ' read ' it was pretended that this was a 
 necessary reprisal upon our bombarding their sea-towns, and [he].' 
 
 Om. ' and troops . . . garrisons.' 
 
 After ' credit ' add ' he could do nothing.' 
 
 After ' Villeroy ; ' for ' and ' read ' The prince of Baden at the same time 
 sent ' ; and for ' came and joined ' read ' which came in time to join," 
 
 Namur taken. 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 152-3 {to 'according to promise'). 
 
 For ' with an army of read ' his army was [/ 89 (i)] not much above.' 
 For ' the French gave it out ' read ' and the French sent many surgeons to 
 lie in the neighbourhood of their army, giving it out.' 
 
 After ' during the siege ; and ' add ' all the military men do affirm that.' 
 
 Om. ' Cohorn . . . perfection during this siege.' 
 
 For ' Boufflers was first ' read ' so after he had been kept a few days he was.' 
 
 Great disorders iti the army. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 153 {from 'The officers were tried ' to p. 154, end of paragrapK). 
 
 For ' The oflBcers ... they were raised ' read ' The ofiBcers were tried by 
 a council of war ; Ellenberg, who commanded in Dixmuyden, was beheaded ; 
 and O'Farrell, who commanded in Deinse, was broke with infamy [cf. Hist. ii. 
 152]. Many of the other officers were also broke. Men rise ' {putting remainder 
 of sentence in present tense). 
 
 For ' corruption . . . army ' read ' employments are generally sold.' 
 
 For ' the king did not approve . . . severity ' read ' it has been oft laid before 
 the king, but he is little touched with it, and does not seem to apprehend the 
 consequences that it may have ' ; for ' subalterns ' read [f go (a)] ' subaltern 
 officers and their soldiers.' 
 
 Casale is surrendered. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 154 {from ' In Italy ' to end of paragraph). 
 
 Om. ' and in conclusion, that duke himself.' 
 
 After ' in Europe.' add^ More did not happen in Piedmont.' 
 
 IVe are everywhere masters at sea, 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 154 {from ' Our fleet was ' to p. 155, ' squadron became useless '). 
 
 For ' the French . . . than once ;' read 'We designed to destroy Marseilles 
 and Toulon if it was but possible ; but the French had been at an incredible 
 charge to defend them ; and, besides that, we had no calm nor favourable 
 weather. Our fleet came no sooner before them than ' ; for ' him ' read ' them ' ; 
 and for ' he himself read ' Russell.' 
 
4IO Burnet's Original Memoirs [1695 
 
 For ' to our affairs ' yead ' to all the affairs of the allies.' 
 
 After ' no progress ' add ' and could not maintain what they had formerly got ; 
 so ' ; and after ' abandoned ' add ' both Hostalrick and.' 
 
 Om. ' for he had regiments . . . board.' 
 
 Om. ' of themselves . . . place ; for ' ; for ' in Catalonia ' read ' in a hot and 
 deserted country ' ; and after ' Barcelona ' add ' which was the only undertaking 
 that could answer the charge and fatigue they were at.' 
 
 After ' own channel ' add ' commanded by the lord Berkeley.' 
 
 [/ 90 (A)] After ' Grandville ' add ' a big town.' 
 
 Om. ' (whose father . . . title) ' and ' to secure . . . merchants.' 
 
 For ' he was . . . man ' read ' but he is a man, though of great courage yet 
 very extravagant.' 
 
 For ' of merchant ships ' read ' of our merchantmen.' 
 
 The losses of our i?ierchanis. 
 Cf Hist. ii. 155-6. 
 
 After ' also taken ' add ' by Nesmond.' 
 
 After ' ocean ' add ' and few Ships are taken in so open a sea.' 
 For ' at a million ' read ' much above a million.' 
 
 For ' our factory ' read ' the factory that the African company had ' ; and om. 
 ' he took . . . had there.' 
 
 The war of Hungary. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 156. 
 
 [/. 91 (rt)] For 'some slight engagements' read'tvio actions that followed 
 one another.' 
 
 For ' in which ' read ' the first ended almost equally ; in the second.' 
 
 For ' but nothing followed upon them ' read ' But next to the Spaniards they 
 are the least to be believed, in the news that is publicly given out by them, of 
 any in Europe ; and, in that, follow the maxims of all commonwealths, magni- 
 fying their advantages, and concealing their losses.' 
 
 Affairs in Scotland. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 156-7 {to ' a new pardon to be passed for him '). 
 
 For ' the marquis of Tweeddale ' read ' Tweeddale, now created a marquis.' 
 
 After ' commissioner' add 'and Johnstone went thither by the king's direc- 
 tion.' 
 
 For ' supply' read ' levies.' 
 
 For ' in enquiring into it ' read ' in ordering a further enquiry to be made 
 into it.' 
 
 For ' without . . . matter' read ' but that some motions would be made to 
 enquire into it.' 
 
 For ' This was looked on as ' read ' This looked ill, and seemed.' 
 
 For 'yet when it was complained of . . . examining into it' read 'but high 
 motions were made about it in parliament, all which were quieted [when].' 
 
 For ' a new practice ' read ' a treasonable practice.' 
 
 After ' castle of Edinburgh ' add ' and he was ordered to be proceeded 
 against for high treason ' ; and om. ' to say anything . . . credit with them.' 
 
1695] Harl. MSS. 6584, ff. 90 (a)-gi (b) 411 
 
 [Siaie of parties in Scoiiand^.] 
 
 " But now a great party was formed in the parliament of 
 a very odd mixture ; the high presbyterians and the Jacobites 
 joining together to oppose everything'' ; and this was managed 
 by those who knew the secret of Portland's intentions, which 
 made some conclude that he had a particular reason to hinder 
 the enquiry into the Glencoe business ; and has brought 
 a great load of censure and reproach, not only on himself, 
 but on the king. '' The opposition that was made was not 
 strong enough to carry the vote ; but great heats arose *" upon 
 it, and the managers of it were much encouraged by Portland's 
 emissaries. In conclusion "the report of the whole enquiry 
 was made in parliament", after it had been delayed long 
 enough for the king to have countermanded it if he had 
 thought fit so to do ; but the court would not venture 
 upon that. 
 
 [TAe GlcTicoe report; the episcopal clergy I\ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 157 {fiom ' by that it appeared ' to p. 158, ' promised them by the 
 
 act'). 
 
 After 'was laid ' add ' by the Master of Stair ^.'' 
 
 [/. 91 (by] After ' secretary of state's ' add ' private.' 
 
 After ' law : this ' inseii ' was much opposed ; but it.' 
 
 For ' with some address ' read ' by Johnstone with great address.' 
 
 For ' and by a very zealous . . . were brought ' read ' but this would have had 
 
 little effect if Johnstone had not gone to several of the northern counties, 
 
 where the episcopal clergy were both the most numerous and the most esteemed ; 
 
 he engaged above seventy of them.' 
 
 A Scottish East India company. 
 
 - Cf. Hist. ii. 158 {ft-om ' Another act ' to p. 159, end of paragraph). 
 
 For ' that has already . . . worse after it ' read ' that is like to have some con- 
 sequences ; and therefore I have reserved it to the last place.' 
 
 For ' and with all . . . projects ' read ' with the highest privileges possible.' 
 
 Om. 'at court.' 
 
 For ' There was one Paterson . . . East India trade might be set up ; so ' read 
 'And one Paterson, a Scotchman of mean extraction and no education, but very 
 good sense, with great notions of trade, and a compass of project (for he pro- 
 jected the Bank of England), had been long in the West Indies; and had 
 a secret that he valued very much ; it is thought to be a rich mine somewhere 
 
 * Cf. Hist. ii. 157. " Ibid. <= Ibid. 
 
 ' See infra, Appendix VI. ^ ' Suppressed ' in Hist vol. ii. 
 
412 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1695 
 
 in America. So he got the West Indies to be put in the draught of the act, 
 as well as others took care of the East Indies. Johnstone heard there was 
 a design projecting among the merchants, of which nothing was communi- 
 cated to him^ ; but he (apprehending that this might disorder the king's affairs 
 in England) acquainted him with it ; and whereas, by all former instructions, 
 full power had been given by our kings to their commissioners to pass such 
 bills of trade as should be offered to them".' 
 
 Parliament in Ireland. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 159 {from ' In Ireland ' to p. i6o, ' entirely on himself). 
 
 [/• 349 ('')] ■^'"' ' he was too easily . . . end in it ' read ' and, as he was 
 naturally a vain, as well as a weak man, some who hoped to govern him, and 
 Ireland by his means, set him on '.' 
 
 For ' of severe . . . administration ' read ' of severer tempers ; they favoured 
 the English, but would not opp[ress] * the Irish ; and took little pains to court 
 the mobile.' 
 
 For ' all the English in Ireland ' read ' all that came from Ireland.' 
 
 Om. in loco ' was made lord deputy and ' ; and for ' this was agreed to ' read 
 ' and he was so much supported by the Whig party at court, that the other two 
 were recalled, and he was made lord deputy.' 
 
 After ' removes ' add ' among the judges and in some other employments.' 
 
 For ' who had ' read ' who were believed to have.' 
 
 For ' who was beginning . . . house of commons ' read only ' it was moved.' 
 
 For ' by a majority of two to one ' read ' by a great majority ; above 140 were 
 for him, and about 70 only were against him ; so that matter fell.' 
 
 For from ' at so great a distance ' to end of next paragraph read ' at a great 
 distance from one another ; and in that broken state does Ireland lie at present ; 
 two factions are formed in it, which seem to be the following a maxim that the 
 king had set to himself, in all his affairs, as if Divide et impera were a sure 
 method to keep all in a balance and in a dependence on himself. But the state 
 of his affairs is such, that he is much liker to lose all than to gain any by this 
 means.' 
 
 New fiarliament in England. 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 160 {from ' As soon ' to ' high favour he was in '). 
 For ' intended ' read ' left the army, designing' ; and for ' long ' read 'many 
 weeks.' 
 
 For ' till Lady Day ' read ' yet one winter more ".' 
 
 [/ 349 W] •^'"' ' ^I' ™sn except the merchants ' read ' the nation.' 
 
 For 'Thus' read 'As soon as the king came over, [by] a proclamation.' 
 
 ' This contradicts Dalrymple, Me- script A forthcoming. The narrative 
 
 moirs, ed. 1790, vol. iii. part iii. book is however continued for a few pages 
 
 vi. p. 129. by Transcript B ; f. 349 (a) of which 
 
 ^ After the words ' trade of Eng- begins at the same point, 
 
 land ' (see Hist, ii, end of p. 158 and ' A ' suppressed passage ' of the 
 
 beginning of p. 159) f. 91 (6) of Had. second volume. 
 
 MSS. 6584, and, with it, no. 2 in Dr. Gif- * The transcript has 'oppose.' 
 
 ford's arrangement, come to an abrupt " See supra, p. 400, note, 
 end ; nor is anything further of Tran- 
 
1695] Harl. MSS. 6584, J. 91 (b); 349 {ay{b) 413 
 
 [T/ie king's behaviour ; elections ; the session beginsl\ 
 The country came in very thick to see the king ; for the 
 taking of Namur had raised his character very much ; but 
 though " he forced himself to a httle more civility than was 
 natural to him, yet his cold and disobliging way had too deep 
 a root in him not to return too oft and too deep upon him ^ 
 The elections went generally for men that loved the present 
 constitution. In many places, those who pretended to be 
 chosen put themselves and their competitors likewise to 
 a great charge ; and everywhere there was more spent than 
 could have been expected in elections to a parliament that 
 could not sit above three years. '' The Jacobites were so 
 generally decried that very few of them were chosen ; but 
 many others were chosen, who*" though they were resolved 
 to preserve the constitution against France and king James, 
 yet some from their inclinations to republican principles, 
 others from dislike of the king's methods, " were in no good 
 temper with relation to the administration of affairs. Generally 
 they were men of estates, and many of them were young men ". 
 At their first opening, the court, seeing a great disposition in 
 many to continue Mr. Foley, would not raise a heat by 
 opposing him, that so [?so that] he ''was chosen Speaker. 
 The demands of the court were very great ^ ; five millions 
 were asked ^to carry on the war, and ^all was granted and 
 lodged on good fonds ® in as calm a manner as could have 
 been expected. ^ The state of the coin was also considered ; 
 the difficulty of the remedy occasioned great and long 
 debating upon this ; many were for raising the value of the 
 money ^, and this seemed to be so specious that it is scarce 
 to be imagined how many were inclined to follow it ; for 
 certainly both our exchange with all other nations must 
 rise, as well as the price of all things whatsoever, as much 
 as money is raised above its just value ; so that it might well 
 be the interest of tenants to have the money raised ; yet it was 
 unaccountable how a parliament that consists all of men of 
 estates could give any favour or even a patient hearing to 
 
 » Cf. Hisi. ii. 160. " Ibid. " Hid. <• Ibid. i6r. » Ibid. ' Ibid. 
 
414 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1695 
 
 such a motion ; yet this stuck long and went [/. 350 {d)\ on 
 slowly, though the " nation was everywhere so much alarmed 
 with the apprehensions of the calling in of the clipped and 
 bad money, that few would take money in any payment ; the 
 markets were not supplied and all things at a stand, that if 
 there had been ill-humour then stirring in the nation, many 
 disorders might have been justly looked for in the different 
 parts of the kingdom ; but none happened, to the great 
 disappointment of the Jacobites, who were full of hopes upon 
 this occasion"' 
 
 \System of recoinage adopted^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. i6i {from ' All came in the end ' to end of paragraph), 
 
 Om. 'wise and happy.' 
 
 Om. ' thought ' and ' that it.' 
 
 For ' happily settled . . . apprehended from it ' read ' despatched in the parlia- 
 ment ; but many are still full of fears, lest there may come some new disorders 
 in the. execution of it, and that the new money will not be ready in time." 
 
 YThe treasons bill.'\ 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 161 {from ' The bill cf trials ' to ' the royal assent '). 
 Om. ' as no doubt it was ' and ' were so desirous . . . down to them, they.' 
 
 \Election bills-l 
 
 Cf. Hist, ii. 161-2 {to end of paragraph). 
 
 Om. ' and the house judged the matter.' 
 . Om, ' it had been happy . . . last was ' ; and after ' future parliaments ' add 
 ' Another bill was brought in regulating elections, of which I shall say nothing 
 in this place, because though the commons have done with it the lords have 
 not yet agreed to it '.' 
 
 {Complaints of the East India act.] 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 162 {from 'Great complaints' to 'in England,' end of first clause). 
 
 [The king's response ; changes in Scotlajid"-.] 
 The king made an answer that did very much disoblige all 
 his ministers in Scotland ; ^ he said he had been ill-served in 
 Scotland, but he hoped remedies should be found [/. 350 (5)] 
 to the inconveniences of that act. And a few days after that 
 he turned out both the secretaries *>, and it is to be believed 
 
 ' Cf. Hist. ii. 161. b Ibid. 162. 
 
 ^ This Act was no doubt that exacting supra, p. 408, note; Macaulay, vii. 
 
 a quaHfication in real property from 319-22,404-6; Hist. ii. 181). 
 all candidates. William refused the ^ See Appendix VI, infra. 
 
 royal assent, April 10, 1696 (see 
 
1695-6] Hari: MSS. 6584, J. 349 (6)-35o (b) 415 
 
 that * Tweeddale " is also to be ^ turned out ^ ; and some others 
 were also turned out of the treasury. So this opportunity- 
 was taken to make " a great change of the ministry of Scot- 
 land", and a new set of men are put in who will generally 
 depend on Portland ; for as he had that nation once wholly 
 in his hands, so he seemed uneasy that he had let it go out of 
 his dependence. The enquiry into the Glencoe business gave 
 great offence, and as "^motions concerning that matter had 
 been ill entertained *, so it was visible that Johnstone had lost 
 his favour for his zeal in that matter ; " which made it be con- 
 cluded that it was some way favoured either by the king ® or 
 Portland ; and thus, though the enquiry that had been made 
 into it by the parliament had cleared the king of it, and left 
 the load wholly on Stair and some subaltern officers, yet this 
 method of proceeding did fetch it back on the court again. 
 The king called his new set of ministers together, and charged 
 them to avoid heats and divisions, and to go on vigorously in 
 his service. ^ But when it was known in Scotland that the 
 king had disowned the act from which the nation expected so 
 much wealth to flow into it, a very high fermentation arose 
 upon it^. The turning Johnstone out in so rough a manner 
 was a little irregular ; for as he had as great a share in 
 managing the revolution as any person whatsoever (^ having 
 been upon the secret of Sidney's whole negotiation 8), so he 
 had served the king ever since with so particular a zeal as 
 well as fidelity, and with equal success ; not any one thing 
 failing that had been ever committed to him. He had also 
 broke the whole practice of corruption and bribery during the 
 time of his ministry ; and with relation to the East India act 
 his caution had been great and meritorious ; but he had 
 trusted to his integrity and services, and had not been so 
 obsequious and dependent as the. court expected; and his 
 principles with relation to public liberty had been well known, 
 having been ever avowed by him. So though he preserved 
 his reputation, he lost his employment. 
 
 » Cf. Hist. ii. 162. i" Ibid. ' Ibid. ^ Ibid. « Ibid. ' Ibid, 
 
 e Ibid. i. 764. 
 
4i6 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1708 
 
 [CONNECTING NOTE. 
 
 Here, abruptly, about two-thirds down f. 350 {b), with a transverse stroke 
 of the pen, ends the Harl. MSS. 6584. It is probable (as we have argued 
 in the Preface) that the narrative was soon continued from Feb., 1696, to 
 the Peace of Ryswick ; and that it had reached that stage, when the 
 MS. of the original Memoirs (or Secret History) was entrusted to 
 Lord W[illiam] P[autet]. The date and length of the various subsequent 
 instalments by which the narrative was cai-ried up to the period of the battle 
 of Oudenarde cannot even be conjectured ; since the original draught of 
 Burnet's History, so far as it relates to the events .of the interval between 
 Jan., 1696, and Aug., 1708, and answers to Hist. ii. 162-505, is missing. 
 We therefore proceed direct to the hitherto unnoticed fragment of the 
 original draught, preserved in the Bodleian Library (Add. MSS. D. 21, 
 rectos of ff. 1-63, versos of fif. 63-21), which retails the events included 
 between the battle of Oudenarde (June 30, 1708) and the Peace of Utrecht ; 
 with which event, like the printed History, the original narrative 
 concludes. It therefore answers to pp. 505-632 of the History, second 
 volume. The substantial variations are of far inferior extent and im- 
 portance to those which occur in • the earlier portions of the Memoirs ; 
 since (in the very short period which intervened between composition 
 and revision) the standpoint and method of the writer had undergone 
 comparatively little transformation. Such really significant alterations 
 as occur, usually relate to the conduct of the duke of Marlborough, the 
 behaviour of the Whigs, and the necessity for a prolongation of the war 
 after the French proposals of 1709 ; with regard to none of which topics 
 does Burnet display quite so much complacency as is evinced in the 
 revised version. Both the fragment of the original Memoirs, and the rough 
 draught of the ' Conclusion,' by which it is followed (and which, except 
 in the instances quoted infra, differs very little indeed from the printed 
 version), are in the autograph of Burnet. The historical fragment opens 
 abruptly ; in the middle of a sentence which describes the conclusion of 
 the battle of Oudenarde.] 
 
 \Conclusion of the battle of Oudenarde ; and events of the 
 campaign^ up to the investment of Ghenii\ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 505 {from '[the French] posted themselves on the great canal' 
 
 to p. 511, 'from Lisle, the army marched to invest Ghent.' 
 
 [/. I («)] Om. 'of about 30,000 men' ; and from p. 505, 'but he himself,' to 
 
 p. 506, ' fit to attack them.' 
 
 Om. ' with a very strong . . . dominions ' ; and ' of the best.' 
 
 For from p. 506, ' but when he saw,' to p. 507, ' made in that,' read ' But when 
 
 he saw he continued looking on without coming to an engagement, he drew 
 
 a line before his army. This obliged him to call away so many men from the 
 
 siege that it went on slowly for some weeks.' 
 
 [/ 2 (o)] Om. ' but as their behaviour was not a little censured, so.' 
 
 Om. ' had sent some ammunition . . . enterprise depended ; he.' 
 
 On p. 508, after ' number,' add ' otherwise the loss in the pursuit might have 
 
 been greater.' 
 
 For ' saw of what importance . . . attacked that ' read only ' attacked Lef- 
 
 fingen.' 
 
1708] Bodl Add. MSS. D. 21, ff. i (a)-6 {a) 417 
 
 [/ 3 (")] Om. ' the place was weak . . . resistance.' 
 
 For ' insomuch . . . Venddme ' read ' they ' ; and for ' his hands ' read ' their 
 hands.' 
 
 Om. ' but that could not last long.' 
 
 On p. 509, after 'the latter' add 'had full powers from Versailles and' ; om. 
 ' of his neglecting them . . . Venddme ' ; from ' He kept close ' io ' Versailles ' is 
 deleted ; and for ' where the accounts . . . uneasy to him ' read ' The former was 
 often disgusted.' 
 
 Om. ' but by the accounts we had from France.' 
 
 Afle>- ' upper Rhine ' insert ' on pretence that it was proper for him to act 
 there' ; and reverse the order of the two following clauses. 
 
 Before 'army of 14,000 men ' insert ' small.' 
 
 Om. ' but to deceive . . . carried to the enemy ; for.' 
 
 Om. ' he advanced . . . artillery.' 
 
 On p. 510, om. ' some of the general . . . 10,000 men ' ; and for ' their great' 
 read 'his great.' 
 
 [/ 4 (a)] Om. ' Whether the notice ... the world ' ; for ^ their ' read ' [The 
 French].' 
 
 Om. ' Those who thought of presages . . . happy one.' 
 
 On p. 511, om. 'but that in which . . . till it was taken' {for which see infra, 
 p. 418). 
 
 [The campaign elsewhere.'] 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 51a {from 'The campaign in Spain' to p. 515, end of first 
 paragraph"). 
 
 On p. z\B,for 'Tortosa' >««rf 'Lerida.' 
 
 [/. 5 (a)] After ' all was carried ' add ' by a very small force.' 
 
 Between ' for this service ' and ' Many were afraid ' insert ' and there was every- 
 where such a motion of troops that.' 
 
 On p. 513, after ' took them both ' add ' after some weeks in the siege.' 
 
 for ' he was also master of the valley of Pragelas ' read ' without apprehending 
 anything behind him, while he should advance.' 
 
 Om. 'and at the apprehensions . . . German army.' 
 
 For ' to see if matters . . . demands ' read ' with offers of an [/ 6 («)] accom- 
 modation, or rather an entire submission.' 
 
 On p. $n, for from 'In conclusion' to end of paragraph read only 'A little 
 time will show how this matter will come to a conclusion.' 
 
 After,' through the Ukraine ' add ' to the Borysthenes '.' 
 
 For ' only a part ' read ' a great part.' 
 
 For from ' After that, we were ' to end of paragraph read only ' We have no 
 certain news from thence now for six months. I must leave him far engaged in 
 a very wild country ; so that he must either go through with his design, and 
 succeed, or perish in it.' 
 
 For ' formerly ' read ' some years past.' 
 
 After ' losses ' add ' We missed some great prizes.' 
 
 [Prince George's death ana character^ 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 515-6. 
 After ' in this respect ' add ' as in many others.' 
 
 1 i. e. the Dnieper ; see supra, p. 377. 
 FoxcROFT E e 
 
41 8 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1708 
 
 [/ 7 («)] Aft^'' ' all vice ' add ' and had no spite nor revenges in his temper. ' 
 For ' by those who had credit with him, who had not all of them ' read ' by 
 a Brother of the duke of Marlborough, who had not one of {N.B. It is thus 
 possible to take ' his being bred . . . matters ' as referring to Churchill) ; and for 
 ' his favourite's ' read ' Mr. Churchill's.' 
 
 [A new ministry J f>arliainent meets ; Scotch business. "[ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 516 {from 'The earl of Pembroke' to p. 517, 'to have been re- 
 turned '). 
 
 After ' Europe depended ' insert ' and which was to be the fruit of this long 
 and expensive war ' ; and om. ' neither ill practices nor ' and ' though their 
 jealousies . . . removed.' 
 
 for 'to come to Parliament . . . managed ' read only ' to come and open the 
 parliament ; so it was done.' 
 
 Om. 'he was a worthy ... to the Whigs, and' ; and (at this place) from ' In 
 the house of commons ' to end of paragraph. 
 
 [/. 8 (a)] For from ' the duke of Queensberry ' onward read (at this place) only 
 ' and the proceedings in that matter were not ended before February.' 
 
 [Ghent and Bruges retaken j a very hard winter^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 5 1 1-2 {from 'From Lisle' to end of next paragraph) ; and p. 511 
 (' but that in which . . . taken ') ; for ' From Lisle . . . December ' reading 
 ' The duke of Marlborough marched with his whole army to Ghent about the 
 end of December,' omitting 'This coming on . . . campaign,' and for 'many 
 of the chief . . . least ' reading only ' the most irreligious persons of the army ' ; 
 after which return to p. 511, from 'but that in which the observers' to end of 
 paragraph. 
 
 \Comf>laints concerning this campaign?^ 
 
 Severe observers found matter for censure, even in this 
 
 campaign ; our not following the French after the battle of 
 
 Oudenarde (when they were [in] a great consternation, so 
 
 that probably their whole army might have been destroyed) 
 
 was much complained of; instead of that, parties were sent 
 
 to raise contributions, which was thought the common practice 
 
 of generals who love to enrich themselves by war, and not to 
 
 put an end to it. If Lisle had been invested as soon as the 
 
 resolution was taken to besiege it, so great a garrison had not 
 
 got into it ; and the sending so small a force with Webbe 
 
 (where the [/. 9 («)] enemy was so very powerful that they 
 
 might have been overpowered by a vastly superior strength), 
 
 and the not sending a second great body to support them 
 
 in that case, was thought the putting the success of the whole 
 
 campaign upon too doubtful an issue. But though the great 
 
1708-9] Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 21, ff. 7 (a)-i2 {a) 419 
 
 successes of this year silenced all complaints at this time, yet 
 unkind observers laid them up in their minds to make use of 
 them when they found a proper time for it. 
 
 ^Parliamentary proceedings^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 516 {Jrom ' In the house of commons ' to p. 525, ' that which was 
 called high church ') '. 
 
 On p. 516, om. ' as the surest way . . . speedy peace.' 
 
 For ' The French . . . gave out ' read ' We know little yet of the counsels of 
 France ; they continue to talk very confidently' ; and finish sentence in present tense. 
 
 For 'by the Jacobites' read '[by] some'; and on p. 517 after 'Ireland' add 
 ' so it is to be hoped an equal care is taken to prevent their designs.' 
 
 For ' things went on ' read ' things go on.' 
 
 For ' were not so much as out of countenance . . . friends ' read ' are now guilty 
 of the same excesses, for which they made complaints formerly. Some few men 
 of great integrity, who cannot allow themselves in a matter of justice (such as 
 an election is) to give their vote implicitly because their party would have it so, 
 are reproached for their integrity in that matter. Everything is carried as the 
 court would have it.' 
 
 For ' A petition . . . returned ' {see supra, f. 8 (o) ) read ' In the elections of 
 the Scotch peers great exception was taken to the duke of Queensberry's voting 
 among the lords of Scotland.' 
 
 [/ 10 («)] On p. 5i8,_/b»- 'As to the duke ... it was said, that' read 'The 
 first point was of the greatest consequence ; for.' 
 
 Om. ' a peer of England . . . seals ; but' ; and.after ' in that of Great Britain ' 
 add ' as a lower rank in peerage sinks into a higher when advanced by the 
 crown. On the other hand, it was urged that the clause for electing was 
 general for all the peers of Scotland ; so here was a right that still remained 
 not cut ofi'' ; and om. ' besides, that.' 
 
 After ' against the duke of Queensberry ' add ' and the proxy he had.' 
 
 For ' some had signed these ' read ' some proxies were signed ' ; and after 
 • subscribing witnesses ' add ' which was prescribed by the act of the union ; so 
 these were set aside.' 
 
 [/. II (a)] On p. 519, after 'carried many elections against him' add 'and 
 joined entirely with the Whigs of England.' 
 
 After ' a breach ' add ' yet they bore what they saw could not be helped ' ; and 
 for ' continued still to be ' read ' grew to be ' (instead of ' were,' which is deleted). 
 
 For from p. 519, 'Another act,' to p. 520, ' was from a trial,' read only 'And to 
 end all that related to Scotland at once, there had been a trial ordered.' 
 
 Om. ' he did not upon that move . . . trial went on and.' 
 
 Om. ' they complained . . . fixed or certain.' 
 
 Om. 'by the Scotch members'; and after 'by the lords' add 'and occasioned 
 long and warm debates there.' 
 
 [/. 12 (a)] Om. ' might ' before ' put such ' ; and before ' court ' for ' a bad ' 
 read only ' the.' 
 
 On p. 521, after ' proved immediately ' add ' the court being the judges.' 
 
 ' p. 525 is not indicated in the 1833 edition of the History. 
 
 E e a 
 
420 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1709 
 
 Om. 'who were to be twelve . . . verdict.' 
 
 After 'signed by the witnesses' add ' and the pleadings in point of law were 
 given in writing.' 
 
 For ' whereas . . . Reformation ' read only ' which gave great light to one who 
 was to write history.' 
 
 [/ 14 (a)] On p. 523, a/ier 'pretender : it was said' add 'with great force.' 
 
 Om. ' it was considered . . . formal laws.' 
 
 0« p. 524, after ' set on foot ' add ' so that many might be brought into danger, 
 by it.' 
 
 [/ IS («)] For ' gold in their mines ' read ' gold dust in their rivers.' 
 
 On p. 525, for ' which was called high church . . . opposition ' read only ' the 
 high church.' 
 
 [T/ie state of France^ 
 
 There was a great dearth (next to a famine) in many parts 
 of Europe ; [/. 1 6 («)] but it rose to such ^ a degree of misery, 
 in France" that many died in the extremities of cold and 
 hunger ; and there were great disorders in many parts of that 
 oppressed kingdom. The people broke into the towns, 
 robbed the markets and the king's magazines ; so that 
 a general desolation threatened that whole kingdom; and 
 some undertakers who had, by great premiums and a high 
 interest, got great sums into their hands (by which the king's 
 affairs had been hitherto supported) could maintain their 
 credit no longer ; so they broke with a debt of many millions 
 (some called them forty and some fifty millions). This made 
 such a general breaking among all those who had trusted 
 them, that it was scarce^ possible for the ministers to carry 
 on the war any longer. The ill state of the affairs of that 
 kingdom was kept from the king as long as was possible 
 by those who considered his health and quiet more than 
 the interests of his people, and, indeed, more than his own 
 true interests ; but this could be no longer concealed. They 
 were now run aground ; so the ministry possessed both 
 madame de Maintenon and the duke of Burgundy with the 
 absolute ^ necessity of procuring a peace "", since it seemed not 
 possible to carry on the war ; but the king could not be 
 easily brought to resolve on submitting to the terms that he 
 had reason to expect the allies would insist on. 
 
 " Cf. Hist. ii. 525. " Ibid. 
 
 ' Substituted by Burnet for his original ' not.' 
 
1709] Bodl Add. MSS. D. 21, ff. 12 (a)-i7 {a) 421 
 
 [Tke Halifax address.'\ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 525 {from ' this gave occasion ' to end of paragraph). 
 
 For ' this gave occasion . . . lord Halifax ' read ' while we had this prospect 
 of an approaching peace, the lord Halifax moved the house of lords.' 
 
 For ' None durst . , . oppose this ' read ' This was opposed by none.' 
 
 For ' so both . . . allies ' read ' which was entertained by all, both within and 
 without doors, with an universal approbation and joy.' 
 
 [^Overtures of the French.'] 
 
 In the meanwhile " the French court begun to make steps 
 towards a peace ", but in so ungracious a manner that *• they 
 designed to try if the Dutch could be brought into a separate 
 treaty. So one Rouille '', a president of the court of pariia- 
 ment, came to Antwerp, and sent to the States for a passport. 
 They sent two deputies to hear what his propositions were, but 
 they were so short of what they knew the allies would insist 
 on, that he sent back his secretary for fuller powers ; and 
 upon his return he was suffered to come nearer ; but still all 
 that was offered came so far short of what would satisfy, that 
 he sent his secretary three or four times to Versailles. And 
 now, as I am writing this, it seems a negotiation is like to 
 be opened ; for ■= Mon. Torcy (secretary of state for foreign 
 affairs) ", with some other ministers, is ^ come to the Hague, 
 and give (sic) great hope of a speedy peace ^- [/. 17 («)] Upon 
 prince Eugene's return from Vienna * the duke of Marlborough 
 came over to England *, but did not stay above three weeks ; 
 for ^ Rouille had begun his negotiation in his absence ^ ; and 
 it was much feared that the States might go in too hastily to 
 the overtures made by the French for a peace. So he (to put 
 a stop to any such resolution) went soon back, and he found 
 sthe Dutch in a very good disposition to adhere to their 
 allies, and to enter upon no negotiation but in concurrence 
 with them «, and after a fortnight's stay there, ^ he came back 
 again •■, which has made all people conclude that the offers 
 are such that a treaty will be opened, and that he came over 
 * to procure full instructions ' and powers. ^ He went back in 
 
 " Cf. Hist. ii. 526. * Ibid. 527. " Ibid, infra. "i Ibid. 528. » Ibid. 
 5Sl^. ' Ibid. e Ibid. " Ibid, infra. ' Ibid. " Ibid. 328. 
 
422? Burnet's Original Memoirs , [1709 
 
 the beginning of May, with the lord Townsend joined in 
 commission with him ; who is the most shining person of all 
 our young noblemen •", being both learned and virtuous, of 
 a clear understanding and a fine expression. He has for 
 several years appeared with great advantage in the house 
 •of lords, and is very much considered in Norfolk, which is his 
 country. ^ He is free from all vice'', and seems to have a true 
 sense of religion, '^with very good principles ''. I do not yet 
 mention what offers the French are making for a peace. It 
 is yet a secret, and is variously reported ; so I reserve the 
 particulars till I am more certainly informed about them ; and 
 it will be more proper to mention them when they are either 
 entertained or rejected. 
 
 [Convocation meets j Burnet concludes for the time, May 8, 1 709.] 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 525-6 {to 'and under very bad influences'). 
 
 Om. ' though not with such a majority.' 
 
 For ' to recommend . . . church ' read only ' to embroil us.' 
 
 For ' and so catching . . . clergy of Ireland ' read ' and they had set the same 
 
 spirit aworking in Ireland.' 
 
 Om. ' as they had no . . . convocations.' 
 
 For ' the succeeding governors ' read ' the duke of Ormond.' 
 
 Om. 'This was received . . . triumph' and 'but though . . . another.' 
 
 For ' and that though the war . . . these hopes ; but ' 7-ead only ' though the 
 
 state of her affairs obliged her to act otherwise. It is not certain that this is 
 
 not so ; for though I believe they have no hopes given them by her, yet ' {and 
 
 continue in present tense). 
 
 For' enemies . . . dissenters' read 'But here I stop, the 8th of May, 1709.' 
 
 [Burnet resumes his pen; the preliminaries of peace are settled^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 528 {from 'The foundation ' to p. 530, 'was dismissed '). 
 
 [/. 18 (a)] Before ' The foundation ' insert ' The preliminaries in order to 
 a treaty were agreed on at the Hague." 
 
 Om. ' within two months ' and ' the time was too short, and that perhaps.' 
 
 For ' It was, upon this, insisted on . . . bringing it about ' read ' To this it was 
 answered, that he must first withdraw all his force from him, and must not 
 only suffer the allies to march through France for the reduction of Spain, but 
 likewise assist in it with a force of his own, and give some places as a security 
 for observing this ; for it was remembered how in the peace of the Pyrenees 
 he had sworn not to assist the Portuguese ; yet he had no regard to that, but 
 sent Schomberg with an army to Portugal ' (cf. Hist. ii. 529). 
 
 » Cf. Hist. ii. 528. ^ Ibid. ' Ibid. 
 
I709] Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 21,/: 17 (a) -19 {a) 423 
 
 After ' the other preliminaries ' add ' were easily yielded ; [they].' 
 
 For • As all the great interests . . . entirely restored ' read only ' and no 
 material thing was omitted ; lesser pretensions were reserved to a treaty.' 
 
 After ' excepted ' add ' only.' 
 
 For from ' but in conclusion ' {end of p. 528) to p. 530, ' the supporting of the 
 king of Spain : it was said,' read only ' But the allies were firm ; .'50 all being 
 settled, those who had treated about this were by a day prefixed to procure the 
 ratification of these preliminaries from their masters. Ratifications came from 
 the allies; but the court of France refused to ratify them, insisting on the 
 article with relation to the Spanish monarchy, in which the dauphin expressed 
 great heat ; so it was resolved to carry on the war. There was a fermentation 
 in the court at Versailles, of which I know not yet the particulars ; only it is said.' 
 
 For ' appeared ' read ' appears ' ; and for ' Chamillard . . . dismissed ' read 
 only ' Chamillard quitted all his emplojrments.' 
 
 Om. entirely from 'but it is not certain what influence' to p. 531, 'on that 
 occasion ' ; and {at this place) from ' The miseries of France ' to ' miseries of his 
 people.' 
 
 [The war is resumed j campaign in Poriitgal and Spaing 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 531 {from ' Villars was sent' to end of paragraph). 
 
 Om. {at this place) ' of whom . . . never beaten.' 
 
 For ' upon some part of their southern coast ' read ' on Cadiz or some part of 
 Andalusia.' 
 
 [f. 19 («)] For ' though we gave them no disturbance on that side ' read 
 • Baker was kept so long by westerly winds (and so long at Cork to take in 
 some more bodies from Ireland), that he could not sail towards Spain before 
 the beginning of September ; so the issue of this design cannot yet be known.' 
 
 [Campaign in Dauphini and in Germany^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 531 {from ' Nothing of any importance ' to end of paragraph, 
 omitting only the final sentence). 
 
 {Misery of France^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 531 {from ' The miseries of France ' to ' miseries of his people ';. 
 
 For 'that they saw no hope nor relief read 'that they saw their miseries 
 were like to last another year.' 
 
 After ' men of war ' add ' in many places the people eat grass with' their 
 cattle.' 
 
 [The campaign in Flanders, including the battle of Malplaquet j 
 Mons is invested."] 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 532 {from 'The chief scene' to p. 533, ' the outworks were 
 carried with little resistance '). 
 
 For ' The chief scene . . . shows of peace ' read ' The duke of Marlborough 
 trusted so little to the steps they seemed to be making towards a peace, that he.' 
 
 For ' The army . . . Lisle ' read ' Mar[shal] Villars was sent to command the 
 French army ; he had been hitherto successful, for the French king said of him 
 he was never yet beaten [cf. Hist. ii. 531], so he was thought the fittest for 
 
424 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1709 
 
 this command ; the elector of Bavaria had no command this year, but stayed at 
 Mons. The duke of Marlborough and prince Eugene drew their army together 
 near Lisle.' 
 
 For ' near Douay ' read ' between La Bass^e and Douay.' 
 
 For ' which was counted ... all the ground ' read ' which [/. 20 (o)] was not 
 only fortiSed with the utmost exactness, but (it standing on an eminence) all 
 the ground about [it].' 
 
 After ' cease till then ' add ' only a body of the troops was still to lie before 
 the place, and were to have one of the gates put into their hands.' 
 
 After ' lost in it ' add ' by the springing of mines.' 
 
 For'suvr plainly . . . dislodge them ' read 'ordered the troops employed in 
 the siege of Tournay to join them, and resolved to attack the French camp.' 
 
 Om. ' and cost them many men.' 
 
 For ' have always talked of this as the sharpest ' read ' reckoned this the 
 greatest ' ; om. ' not without reflecting . . . attack.' 
 
 For ' without giving them . . . Brussels ' read ' they offered no disturbance to 
 the train of artillery that was brought from Brussels. As soon as it arrived.' 
 
 Om. {at this place) ' and Mons capitulated . . . quarters.' 
 
 {A^^airs in Spain.] 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 533-4- 
 
 [/. 21 (a)] For ' In Catalonia ' read ' While this went on, we understood from 
 Catalonia that ' ; om. ' after he received . . . Italy,' and ' with which he . . . 
 mortified,' and' and with that . . . end.' 
 
 [Fortunes and character of the king of Sweden?^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 534-6- 
 
 Om. 'resolved . . . Muscovy, and.' 
 
 Om. 'who were easily . . . czar.' 
 
 For ' and settled . . . Moldavia ' read ' who \_sic\ have him now in their 
 hands ; a little time will let us see how they will use him.' 
 
 Om. ' and that it was not . . . consent.' 
 
 For ' and Stanislaus . . . fortune ' read ' Stanislaus was soon forsaken by 
 his own party ; what figure he will hereafter make must be left to time.' 
 
 For ' that the extravagant . . . Germany ' read ' that the Swedes are Uke to 
 suffer severely for the extravagant humours of their king; but since England 
 and the States were the guaranis of the peace made in 1701, and since their 
 interests will lead them to maintain the balance in those seas, this may 
 perhaps involve us in a new war by the time that we get out of our present 
 war.' 
 
 For ' Dantzic was at this time ' read ' Oantzic has been of late ' ; om. ' though 
 fe w . . i infection ' ; for ' put ' read ' puts ' ; om. ' but it pleased ... no further.' 
 
 [/. 22 (a)] For ' many years ' read ' seven years.' 
 
 For ' Dr. Robinson . . . Bristol ' read ' the present dean of Windsor, Dr. 
 Robinson, who has been long the minister of this crown in those parts ^' 
 
 Dr. Robinson's letter, undated, is f. 67) ; and concludes with the request 
 among the miscellaneous Burnet papers that it may be regarded as strictly 
 in the Bodleian (Add. MSS. D. 23, confidential. 
 
I709] BodL Add. MSS. D. 21, f. 19 {a)-24 (a) 425 
 
 [Mons falls.] 
 
 Cf. Hist, ii, 533 {from ' [the French] left our army ' to • winter quarters ') (see 
 supra, p. 424). 
 
 [/. 23 (a)] For ' left our army . . . little resistance ' read ' The siege of Mons 
 was carried on in form without any disturbance from the French army. They 
 were employed in making lines of an unusual strength, and they lay close 
 within them.' 
 
 [Affairs in Italy ; with which Burnet concludes for the time.] 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 533 {from 'the pope delayed' to 'acknowledged him ' only). 
 For ' by several . . . campaign ' read only ' as long as he could.' 
 
 [Burnet resumes his pen, May 30, 17 10; the pope sends 
 an embassy.] 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 533 {from ' He sent also ' to ' nepotism '). 
 
 Before 'He sent also' insert 'I begin now, on May 30, 17 10, to prosecute 
 this work ; the period that I had prefixed to myself is now out ; but since the 
 war does still go on I intend to continue writing till I can end it with the 
 relation of the conclusion of the war and of a general peace ' (cf. Hist. ii. 548) ; 
 and for ' He sent also ' read ' The pope sent.' 
 
 After ' Vienna ' insert ' from thence to Saxony.' 
 
 [Affairs in the north.] 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 536 {from 'The king of Denmark' to 'the peace of the northern 
 parts of the empire was secured '). 
 
 For ' it was believed . . . Rome ' read ' was diverted from going to Rome.' 
 
 After ' home ' add ' calling in at several courts there ' {sic). 
 
 Before ' king Augustus ' insert ' the czar and ' ; and after ' Augustus ' add 
 ' There was a small Swedish army still in Poland, and it was thought that it 
 would not be easy for it to penetrate into Pomerania ; but Cressaw, who 
 commanded it, marched thither, and king Stanislaus with him, and then it was 
 pretended that king Augustus' resignation was null and void, since the diet of 
 Poland had not accepted of it, nor renounced their right to him, so he was 
 recalled and held a diet,' (Sr'c. {Cf with all this Hist. ii. 536 infra, 534.) 
 
 For ' upon his return home ' read ' in the beginning of winter.' 
 
 [Affairs of Charles XII j and of the Hungarians,] 
 
 [/. 24 («)] *A peace was made up between the czar and 
 the Turk% and it was thought that the keeping the king 
 of Sweden still a prisoner was a secret article in that agree- 
 ment; for ''he continues still at Bender'', under the show 
 of liberty ; but since his affairs require his hasting home, 
 and since he does not stir from Bender, it is concluded he 
 
 » Cf. Hist. ii. 536. " Ibid. 
 
426 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1709 
 
 is a prisoner there. '^ The war in Hungary went on still, and 
 though the court of Vienna published great successes that 
 their arms had there*; yet there was reason to suspect the 
 relations they give out, ''for one sent from Hungary'' by 
 prince Rafalsi ' to beg the protection and mediation of our 
 court '' assured me that their pretended victories were either 
 nothing at all, or they were real losses and defeats"; but 
 perhaps he might exceed as much in lessening as they do 
 in raising their successes too much. He told me they asked 
 nothing but the performing those capitulations to which both 
 this emperor and his father had agreed ; but added that the 
 court of Vienna laid aside all those agreements at pleasure, 
 and that they could not trust them any more ; so unless they 
 had a distinct prince in Transylvania, and the queen and 
 States guaranty, they could not think themselves safe in any 
 promises that might be made them. He concluded they were 
 Christians, and so they begun with Christians, and begged 
 their protection ; and if this could not be obtained they must 
 cast themselves on the Turk, who they knew would take them 
 into his protection, upon their delivering up those places of 
 which they were possessed. This was the last remedy ; but 
 rather than perish they were resolved to cast themselves upon 
 it. The queen and the States are sending to the emperor, to 
 offer their mediation ^ : time must shew if it will be accepted, 
 and what effects it will have. 
 
 [Our fleet well conducted.^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 537 {from ' Nothing of importance ' to end of paragraph). 
 
 For ' so he desired . . . down ' read ' so he withdrew from it, and had a good 
 pension assigned him.' 
 
 For ' at the head of read ' in " ; and after ' a commission ' read ' with such as 
 he should think proper for it.' 
 
 [T/te session y and SachevereW s business^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. {from p. 537 /o p. 546, wrf of first paragraph). 
 [/• 25 (o)] On p. 538, om. ' pretending it was.' 
 
 " Cf. Hist. ii. 536. " Ibid. " Ibid. 536-7. 
 
 ^ S/eMS. ; probably an error for Ragotski. 
 
 'Are these the 'secret negotiations' to which vague reference is made in 
 Hist. ii. 537 ? 
 
1709-10] Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 21, ff. 24 (a) -33 (a) 427 
 
 For ' The queen seemed . . . despised ' read only ' The queen and the ministry 
 were highly offended at it.' 
 
 Om. ' Eyre, then solicitor-general, and.' 
 
 Before ' chosen ' om. ' unhappily ' ; and after ' chosen ' add ' I was then in my 
 diocese, so I had no share in the deliberation. The reason that made the 
 solemn way be resolved on was this.' 
 
 \^f. 26 (a)] Ont. ' dignities . . . hold it.' 
 
 For ' under his own hand ' read ' corrected by Lesley's own hand.' 
 
 After 'judicious' add 'and learned' ; and after 'divine' aUd 'who had writ 
 with great temper and moderation, as well as with great force, against the 
 separation from the church.' 
 
 On p. 539, ftir ' with a visible superiority of argument to them all, and ' read 
 ' and (the Rehearsal continuing to attack him).' 
 
 For ' When it vras moved ' read ' In the beginning of the session of parliament 
 the sermon was complained of; and it was moved.' 
 
 [/. 37 (a)] Om. 'and the tools . . . not then known.' 
 
 On p. 540, ft>r ' with unthinking people ' read ' with all the young unthinking 
 members ' ; om. ' though the effects . . . foreseen ' ; and after ' some weeks ' add 
 ' and the emissaries set out by the Jacobites were everywhere at work to give 
 strange apprehensions of ill designs.' 
 
 [/. 29 (a)] On p. 542, ftir ' before my own door . . . they did ' read ' one 
 was killed before my door ; his skull was cleft with a spade.' 
 
 After ' public peace ' insei-t ' In some places resistance was made and prisoners 
 were taken ; but in most places.' 
 
 [/■ 30 («)] On p. 543, om. at end of paragraph ' and would take the first 
 occasion to shew it' 
 
 {./• 31 («)] On p. 544, om. ' and though he submitted . . . passed upon him.' 
 
 On p. 545, for ' to others it was said ' read ' to some it was secretly said.' 
 
 [/• 33 («)] For ' not only in London ' read ' nor did this madness only shew 
 itself in London.' 
 
 For ' greater effects ' read ' worse effects.' 
 
 [The queen's speech; changes in the ministry.^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 546-7. 
 
 The queen's speech has the epithet ' very good.' 
 
 Om. ' as he gave out.' 
 
 [/• 33 («)] For'\.\ie change of principles that he had discovered in the trial 
 was imputed ' read ' and that he was to be the chief minister. It was said that 
 the view of this had made him vote as he did in the trial ; and all was imputed ' ; 
 om. ' him and ' ; for ' with ' read ' and.' 
 
 For ' upon that ... no more at it ' read ' upon which she has retired from the 
 court for some months.' 
 
 For ' but there was now too much ground given for suspicion ' read ' nothing 
 . has yet followed upon this step ; so those who judge the most favourably of it 
 think it is done on design to have a protection to the new favourite.' 
 
 [Burnet remonstrates with the queen^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 547-8. 
 
 Om. 'who was in great esteem among them' ; and for 'some' read 'two.' 
 
428 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1710 
 
 [/ 34 («)] On p. 548, after 'before the queen' add 'all this winter'; om. 
 ' but I found . . . effect upon her ; yet ' ; and after ' I had to her ' add ' Things 
 are yet in the dark ; the design of that party is to have a new ministry and 
 a new parliament ; but how far they are like to succeed must be left to time,' 
 
 {Marlborough goes abroad; negotiations at Gertruydenberg^ 
 
 ^ The duke of Marlborough went beyond sea in February 
 to prepare for an early campaign '^ ; great care was taken to 
 have such magazines laid in, ^ that our army might be brought 
 together in April ^. The disorders into which the party broke 
 out in England gave great joy to the courts of St. Germain 
 and Versailles, and though the miseries of France were so 
 great that it seemed necessary for them to put an end to the 
 war, " yet the hopes they had from the ill-temper that showed 
 itself among us made them slower in their advances to 
 a peace. ^ There were messages all this winter going between 
 Paris and the Hague ; ^ the French pressed the States to open 
 a negotiation of peace, and to admit of plenipotentiaries from 
 France ; ^ but the States came to vigorous resolutions to admit 
 of no treaty till the preliminaries concerted the former year 
 should be first agreed to. ^ The French said they had an 
 equivalent to offer with relation to that concerning the 
 Spanish monarchy ; but the States would not hearken any 
 further to this than to suffer the French to send plenipoten- 
 tiaries ^ to Gertruydenberg, to make those propositions to such 
 deputies as they should send to them ^ ; and upon their 
 [/■ a Wi\ report they would examine the propositions before 
 they would open a treaty. They have been now above two 
 months at Gertruydenberg, and have often sent for a conference 
 with the deputies of the States, but all the propositions they 
 have hitherto made have not given any satisfaction to the 
 States. 
 
 {Operations in Flanders j siege o/ Douay.] 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 548 {from ' in April [the campaign was opened] ' to'he drew off') . 
 For ' though they had ' read ' everywhere else ; so they by draining their 
 garrisons and drawing their troops from all other places." 
 
 For ' they lay before ' read ' they were brought to Bouchain, from thence to.' 
 
 » Cf. Hist. ii. 548. i> Ibid. " Ibid. 552. 4 Ibid. .549. Ibid. 550. 
 ' Ibid, infra. s Ibid, infra. '^ Ibid. 551. 
 
1710] Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 21, ff. 34 (a)-36 {a) 429, 
 
 After ' he drew off' add ' towards Arras ; and in that state they were the 
 9th of June, N. S., when the last letters came from thence.' 
 Om. {at this place) 'so the siege . . . 14th of June.' 
 
 [Disgrace of Medina Celi; condttct of king Charles j Burnet concludes 
 for the time, fune 8, 1 710, but adds a postscript?^ 
 
 In Spain (as king Philip was going to set out to open 
 the campaign) *a discovery was made of some conspiracy 
 of the duke of Medina Celi's, then the chief minister " ; the 
 thing is yet secret ; ^ he was sent a prisoner to Segovia, where 
 he is kept very strictly, none being admitted to speak to him, 
 but no examination is yet made'' into the discoveries pre- 
 tended to be made ; this retarded the king's journey to 
 Arragon till the middle of May. It is given out that he 
 intends to besiege Balaguer. King Charles his army is 
 drawing together, and recruits are brought over from Italy 
 to him. His counsels are very weak ; he is much in the 
 power of his Germans, and seems to hate the Spanish nation, 
 and cannot yet be prevailed on to oiifer an indemnity to king 
 Philip's party ; who, on the other hand, renders himself very, 
 popular in Spain. This is the present state of affairs, 8 June, 
 1 7 10. I only add to this that '=Douay with the Fort Escarp 
 both capitulated on the 14th of June ° ; and though ^ king Philip 
 went to his army on the Segre to fight king Charles (who 
 likewise came to his army), yet after a short cannonading of 
 his camp, in which he lost some hundreds, he * went back ^. 
 
 [Battle of Almanara.] 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 555 {from 'Before the end of July' to end of page). 
 [/ 36(a)] Om. 'he drew his whole body together.' 
 After ' aoth of August ' add ' N. S.' 
 
 For ' 10,000 men ' read ' 9,000 men, [who joined him at] Tudela.' 
 After 'face of an army' add 'and advanced to the Tago.' 
 
 [Ji'ing Charles at Madrid^ 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 556 {to 'supply or support him ' only). 
 After 'hazards' add ' From Madrid he went to Toledo, which he is fortifying ; 
 
 " Cf. Hist. ii. 557. " /A'<^- ° ^^''^- 548. * Ilnd- 555- 
 
 1 ( 
 
 broke off the campaign and ' is deleted. 
 ' So I end(?) i July (!) ' is deleted. 
 
430 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1710 
 
 but whether he can maintain the ground he has gained seems uncertain. The 
 allies have not yet sent him any reinforcements, though it is now above three 
 months since the battle of Saragossa.' 
 
 For ' The king of France . . . supply or support him ' read ' The king of France 
 seems resolved to support king Philip ; he sent the duke of Venddme to command 
 his army ; and now that the campaign is everywhere at an end he will prob- 
 ably ' order troops to march into Spain.' 
 
 [Bethtme, Aire, and St. Venant taken.'\ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 557. 
 
 After ' of the Lys ' add ' and all the places on that river.' 
 Om. 'though not of such lustre . . . fought, yet^' 
 Om. ' Nothing considerable . . . both sides.' 
 
 [T/te Gertrtcydenberg conferences.'] 
 [/• 37 W] "* Their plenipotentiaries stayed some weeks at 
 Gertruydenberg, and treated upon an equivalent for that 
 preliminary that related to the delivering up of Spain, and 
 the obliging king Philip to withdraw from it ; but their 
 negotiation was so apparently frau[du]lent that ^ in conclusion 
 all treaty with them was given up, and the States published 
 a full deduction of the steps they made ; by which it appeared 
 there was no sincere intentions in the French court to evacuate 
 Spain. The court of France published nothing on their part ; 
 for they would not openly own that they had entered on any 
 treaty to abandon Spain ^, lest that should have provoked the 
 Spaniards to abandon king Philip. 
 
 [State of Europe.] 
 There was a great change at Constantinople ; a new grand 
 vizier seemed resolved to break with the czar, and to set the 
 king of Sweden upon him with a great force ; but he. was 
 soon removed; so that design vanished, and the king of 
 Sweden continued still at Bender. •'The czar has reduced 
 all Livonia ; he took both Riga and Revel ; and now there 
 is a great plague in Sweden which sweeps away many of their 
 people. ^ There is a guarantee settled between the emperor, 
 
 " Cf. Hist. ii. 551. n Ibid. 552. <= Ibid. 557. a 7^,^. 534, 536, 557. 
 
 ' Burnet's own correction of his an afterthought, inserted at the 
 earlier ' without doubt.' bottom of f. 35 (A). 
 
 " The remainder of the sentence is 
 
I7IO] Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 21, ff. 36 (a)-39 (a) 431 
 
 the queen, the States, and the princes of the north of Germany 
 for securing the peace of the empire ; so though Sweden is 
 left exposed, their dominions in Germany will be by this 
 means preserved, yet it is not without difficulty that the king 
 of Sweden is brought to give way^ to this*. The war in 
 Hungary has gone on slowly this year ; the court of Vienna 
 publishes their successes ; but there has been no deciding 
 action in those parts. And now having taken a general view 
 of the state of Europe, I return back to England. 
 
 [Change of ministry J\ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 553-3 {from ' In June [the queen] dismissed ' to end of paragraph). 
 
 Om^ ' without pretending any malversation in him ' and ' in particular . . . 
 bank of England ' ; for ' and said this herself ... in such cases ' read only ' but ' ; 
 andom. 'lord Poulett . . . form, but.' 
 
 For ' and it was visible . . . minister ; and ' read ' This raised the alarm again, 
 and carried the jealousy much further ; for.' 
 
 [Sachevereirs progress; fresh ministerial changes^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 553 (to beginning of -p. 554, 'distaste to the old ones'). 
 
 \J- 38 (a)] After ' champion of the church ' add ' and was the idol of a mad 
 party.' 
 
 For ' they were rather favoured . . . than checked ' read ' and those who were 
 condemned for the riots in London were, after some reprieves, at last pardoned, 
 and set at liberty.' 
 
 Om. 'which Harcourt . . . had prepared.' 
 
 For ' the queen did not look . . . readily ; and ' read ' which [was] for some 
 time lodged with four judges ; but.' 
 
 Om. 'with some of the commissioners of the admiralty'; and for 'in whose 
 room others were put ' read ' but there is none yet put in his place.' 
 
 For from 'All this rose' to 'distaste to the old one' read 'Mr. Harley and 
 Mrs. Masham are looked on as the persons whose credit with the queen is now 
 so entire, that all these changes are ascribed wholly to them.' 
 
 \The elections J the lieutenancy of London \ 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 554 {^from ' The next ' to ' Whigs were left out '). 
 
 [General political situation; sinking of credit; Burnet concludes 
 for the time, Nov.. 16, 1710,] 
 
 [/. 39 (fl)] *" These practices had never been known in 
 England before ; and by these means three parts in four 
 of the elections '' went for Tories ; so we are now in a gaze 
 
 » Cf. Hist. ii. 557. " Ibid. 554. 
 
 1 Burnet had originally written ' consent.' 
 
432 Burnefs Original Memoirs [1710 
 
 to see how they will proceed when the parliament is opened. 
 " The queen is at present much pleased with the changes she 
 has made % and with the prospect she has of the approaching 
 parliament. ^ The new scene of the ministers talk as if they 
 intended to act very moderately at home, and very steadily 
 with relation to the war and to the alliances abroad''; but 
 they are under great difficulties for money. " The bank (that 
 used to furnish the government). is no more in condition to do 
 it ", for a jealousy of the present ministry is so spread (not 
 only through the nation but over all Europe), that many 
 concerned in the bank are calling out their money and selling 
 actions ; which has made ^ such a fall of actions that what 
 sold some months ago at 130 has fallen to 95 ; that is now 
 raised a little to loa ^, while I am ending to write at this time, 
 on the 1 6th of November, 17 10. 
 
 \Opening of parliaments 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 557-8 {to ' Christmas '). 
 
 Om. 'which shewed . . . former addresses' and 'as if they had apprehended 
 . . . asked of them.' 
 
 If. 40 (a)] After ' Christmas ' add ' but all this while the credit did not rise.' ' 
 
 \Affairs in Spain; French account of the battle of Villa Viciosa\ 
 At Christmas we had news of a great change of affairs in 
 Spain. *King Charles continued till the beginning of 
 December in the neighbourhood of Madrid^ and Toledo. 
 Then he thought fit to retire to Barcelona, and got safe 
 thither. ^ The army (after a show of fortifying Toledo and 
 giving out that they would take their winter quarters in 
 Castile) found such difficulties in subsisting there, and had 
 such apprehensions of the French coming to the Ebro and 
 cutting them off from Catalonia, that they resolved to march 
 back *'. We have yet no account from them, but the French 
 news is that king Philip (finding they were marching back 
 to Catalonia) » pursued them close in great marches ; and 
 overtook the rear, commanded by Stanhope, in an unfortified 
 
 » Cf. Hist. ii. 554, supra. '' Ibid. 555. " Ibid, supra. * Ibid, 
 
 « Ihid. 556. ' Ibid, infra. ^ Ibid. 
 
J7I0-I] Bodl. Add. MSS, D. 2i,ff. 39(a)-45 (a) 433 
 
 town; "where by casting up entrenchments they defended 
 themselves as long as they could, but were made prisoners 
 of war. Staremberg, who was advanced before them, came 
 upon that back * to their relief, and drew up in order to fight 
 king Philip's army. It is acknowledged the action was sharp, 
 with advantage to Staremberg on one wing, but they give 
 out that he was routed and lost both his cannon and baggage. 
 This is so differently related that, till we have the account 
 given by both sides, we must suspend our belief. These 
 actions happened on the 9th and 20th December, N. S. ^ Soon 
 after the French had filled all places with an account of their 
 success in Spain, we had a truer account of it ''. 
 
 [Second version of the battle of Villa Viciosa.} 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 556 (from '[Stanhope] finding king Philip' to p. 557, end of 
 paragrapK). 
 
 After ' to desire his assistance ' Burnet originally wrote ' who fatally missed 
 his way a whole day ' ; which he has deleted. 
 
 For ' Staremberg might . . . that it was conjectured ' read ' Staremberg, when 
 he understood the danger Stanhope was in, he drew his forces together, though 
 but slowly ; for.' 
 
 For ' Stanhope and his men . . . Staremberg came up ' read ' So though he 
 marched back he came some hours too late for that.' 
 
 For ' but Staremberg . . . nor could he ' read ' [Staremberg was not] able to.' 
 
 Om. ' the enemy . . . disturbance.' 
 
 [Debate in parliament concerning the war in Sfainj abuses 
 censured; sufiply^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. S58 {from ' During that time ' to p. 563, ' prospect of a peace '). 
 
 [/ 41 (a)] For ' During that time ... so ' read ' The queen, upon the first news 
 from France'; and om. 'as the public . . . particulars.' 
 
 Om. ' ordered some regiments . . . Spain, and.' 
 
 On p. SS9 om. ' and that little regard . . . opposition.' 
 
 Om. ' for he told them . . . agreed to there.' 
 
 [f. 42 (a)] On p. 560,' after ' it was carried ' insert ' by a majority of twenty-one.' 
 
 [/• 43 («)] On p. 561, after ' in the January ' insert ' ; the act passed in February, 
 and the money was to be raised the 25th of March.' 
 
 After 'for that service' add 'both in the year 1706 and in the year 1707.' 
 
 [/ 44 («)] After ' examination had been made ' add ' in the committee.' 
 
 On p. 562, for ' some, who voted . . . ashamed of it ; they said ' read ' all that 
 I heard was said in secret to excuse it, was that.' 
 
 For ' and had made a good retreat . . . diligence ' read only ' on that unhappy 
 occasion.' 
 
 » Cf. Hist. ii. 556 infra. "> Ibid. 558. 
 
 FOXCROFT -T I 
 
434 Burnet's Original Memoirs [171 1 
 
 [/ 45 (a)] For from ' We had likewise,' to end of paragraph read ' but it was 
 resolved to lay much load on him, so they put a censure upon this. How much 
 further they may carry their enquiries a little time must show.' 
 
 For ' Harley . . . enquire ' read ' There was an enquiry made in the house of 
 commons.' 
 
 Om. ' the abuse . . . some have said that.' 
 
 On p. 563,forfrom ' but the abuse ' to end of paragraph read ' If this is carried 
 through all who practise it, it will save much money to the public ; and oblige 
 those who serve at sea to much frugality.' 
 
 Before ' The money did not ' insert ' All this while credit did not rise ; the' 
 actions of the bank did not rise above 103.' 
 
 Om. ' neither ' and ' nor on the duty laid on malt ' {for which see infra) ; for 
 from ' so to raise ' to end of paragraph read ' several duties (as upon hops, coals, 
 and candles) are voted for 32 years, for a fonds to a new lottery ; but men's 
 minds are possessed with such jealousies of the new ministry, that it is appre- 
 hended money will not be brought in, 'but upon great and exorbitant premiums, 
 so that a black cloud seems to hang over all our affairs ' [see also infra, p. 435]. 
 
 [TAe duke of Marlborough still commanded our armies; 
 Burnet concludes for the time, Feb. 16, 17H 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 563-4. 
 
 Om. ' For this the duke . . . ministry.' 
 
 For ' for all the ill usage . . . carrying on the war' read only ' but was willmg 
 to continue in the command of the army, to which he was much pressed by the 
 States and our other allies ' ; and om. ' and finding . . . overcome.' 
 
 Om. 'in all which . . . dealt with the crown.' 
 
 After ' the last ' add ' Thus aifairs stand the i6th February, I7lx-' 
 
 [Comfilaints concerning the Palatines.^ 
 
 Cf Hist. ii. 564-5. , 
 
 [f. 46 (a)] For ' The house of commons found . . , story was, that ' read 
 ' The next thing the house of commons took under their consideration was 
 the encouragement that had been given to about 10,000 poor Palatines," who 
 being reduced to extreme poverty (what by the miseries of war, what by the 
 severities of the government) came over to England in summer 1709' (then 
 proceed as in Hist, from ' In the year 1708 '). 
 
 After ' recommended ' add ' [by] the Lutheran ministers,' 
 
 After ' that the queen ' add ' upon his application.' 
 
 After ' of that country to ' add ' leave their poor ruined habitations and,' 
 
 Om. ' the time of our fleet's . . . distance.' 
 
 [/ 47 C'')] F°^ ' ■" 'he queen's name ' read ' by order of the cabinet couneil.' 
 
 [A bill to repeal the general naturalization j and the place bill^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 565. 
 
 For ' for disabling . . . places ' read ' disabling persons in any employments 
 (excepting only such a number as was allowed) to sit in the house of commons.' 
 
i7ii] Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 21, ff. 45 {a)-^<) (a) 435 
 
 [A bill qiialifying members to be chosen passed.^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 565. 
 
 After ' Another bill ' add ' to the same intent.' ' 
 
 for ';f6oo' read 'j^'soo.' 
 
 Om. 'it being pretended, that.' 
 
 For from ' This was thought ' to end of paragraph read only ' When this 
 was brought up to the lords it appeared that the ministry (who usually opposed 
 such acts) did all favour it; so that the attempt to extend the qualifications to 
 Scotland was not entertained ; so the bill passed.' 
 
 \An act for French wines; character of the extreme Tories; 
 Guiscard's attempt^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 565-7 (to ' stopped by the bark '). 
 
 For ' delicate ' read ' vitiated.' 
 
 [/. 48 (a)] After ' but his own : ' add ' for he will have us trade with him.' 
 
 Om. ' that had been almost . . . happy to him ; it.' 
 
 After ' of a design ' add ' as if.' 
 
 After ' insurrection ' add ' of the papists.' 
 
 For ' with those ' read ' with the Huguenots.' 
 
 After ' in favour of the Huguenots ' add ' to draw them baclc again into 
 France. ' 
 
 For ' and he seemed . . . liberty ' read ' He talked of public liberty with the 
 zeal of a Roman, and.' 
 
 For ' he seemed forward . . . put on ' read ' he seemed a desperate man and 
 ready to venture on any design for invading France ' ; and for ' for some years ' 
 read 'forfourorfiveyears' ; a«rf o/?«;-' increased ' «rfrf' and that he was deep in debt.' 
 
 If, 49 (a)] On p. 567, /or ' some imputed this to ' read ' he being in.' 
 
 For ' others thought it was an artifice ' read ' which his enemies said was one 
 of his artifices.' 
 
 For ' It was not known . . . confessed ' read ' It is yet a secret whether he 
 confessed anything or not ; it is certain he seemed not disposed to tell all he 
 knew.' 
 
 For ' her health . . , shaken ' lead ' The queen's health was at this time in 
 some disorder, which was probably heightened by this accident.' 
 
 [The lottery bills.'\ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 563 (^from ' The duty laid on malt ' to end of paragraph) ; but read 
 instead ' In the meanwhile the subsidy bills went on ; the duty on malt was 
 continued, and two lotteries were raised successively, one after another, the 
 first of ;^i, 500,000 and the second for about ;^2, 000,000, and the hope of benefit 
 tickets wrought so on the nation that the first was over-subscribed by a fifth 
 part, which was ordered to be returned back ; and the second is secretly 
 subscribed, though the bill is not yet passed ' {see also supra, p. 434), 
 
 [I^ing IVilliam's grants.] 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 567. 
 
 For ' and against those who had served him best ' read ' few appeared for it.' 
 
 F f 3 
 
436 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1711 
 
 {Inquiries into the accounts,^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 567-8. 
 
 For ' Their malice . . , counsel on every article * read only ' When this failed, 
 then they fell to examine the returns that had been made into the exchequer 
 of the supplies given by parliament ' {and see infra, pp. 437-8). 
 
 \_f. 50 (3)] For ' diligence ' read ' skill.' 
 
 Om. ' or on any of the Whigs.' 
 
 [Deaths of the dauphin, and the emperor '.] 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 568. 
 
 Om. ' and the emperor both ' ; after ' died ' insert ' suddenly ' ; and after ' small- 
 pox ' add ' a defluxion falling dovvrn and suffocating him ; and three days after 
 that, the emperor likewise died of the small-pox ; thus the two most eminent 
 princes of Europe died of the same disease ' ; and after ' of the month ' add ' The 
 duke of Burgundy is now dauphin.' 
 
 For ' the one or the other will have . . . affairs ' read ' this will have on the 
 counsels of France.' 
 
 For ' The electors were all resolved to ' read ' Upon the notice given of the 
 emperor's death, all the electors have already given assurances that they will.' 
 
 For ' A little before . . . kept up from them ' read ' And the council at Vienna 
 has so dexterously managed matters in Hungary, that they have prevailed on 
 the malcontents to receive the offers made by them of a general amnesty ; they 
 kept up the news of the emperor's death.' 
 
 [War imminent between the Turk and the csarj affairs 
 
 in Spain and the Netherlands^^ 
 
 Cf. Hist, ii. 509. 
 
 Om. ' the Crim Tartar.' 
 
 After ' new war ' insert ' till he had filled his treasury and.' 
 
 For ' It did not yet appear . . . nor was it yet known ' read ' The differences 
 between the courts of Vienna and Turin are now fully settled ; so probably 
 the war will be carried on more vigorously on that side ; and king Charles 
 has [/ 51 (a)] such reinforcements already sent him (and more from Italy 
 are believed now to have joined him), that, as king Philip has not attempted 
 anjrthing, so it is believed this time king Charles has the superior force and will 
 be in a condition to attack him ; but it is not yet known,' St'c. (to end of paragraph). 
 
 Put next paragraph in present tense ; and for from ' nothing was yet attempted ' 
 to ' From our temporal concerns ' read ' It is very probable that (the weather 
 being now so happily changed) somewhat will be soon attempted ; and this 
 is the present situation of our affairs with relation to our temporal concerns.' 
 
 [A convocation s Burnet lays down his pen for the time, 
 May 14, 1711.] 
 a. from Hist. ii. p. 569 to end off. 572 only. 
 
 [/ 52 (a)] On p. $io, for from ' and because the other bishops had maintained' 
 to end of paragraph read ' it seemed strange to put such a mark of contempt on 
 so many bishops ; but it was understood that they had been better pleased with 
 
 ' The intervening paragraph of History (on building churches) does not appear. 
 
1711] Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 21, ff. 49 (a)-55 (a) 437 
 
 the former than with the present jninistry ; so it was thought fit to let them see 
 who were the conductors of the queen's favour and confidence.' 
 
 0« p. 571, om. ' into this he brought . . . agreed to his draught ; but." 
 
 For 'it was not settled' read 'It is not yet settled'; and om. 'for it was 
 known . . . former reign.' 
 
 For ' but none of these . . . houses' read ' but they are not agreed to ; so I say 
 nothing in this place coriceming them.' 
 
 Om. ' the professor . . . exemplary life, but.' 
 
 For ' nous ' read ' logos.' 
 
 After ' body' add ' but thought that [Uhe logos] was a creature." 
 
 [/ 53 («)] Om. ' a reference ... at a stand.' 
 
 On p. 5^a,/or 'what should be judged heresy' read 'that nothing should be 
 esteemed heresy but what was plainly contrary to the scriptures, or the first 
 four general councils' (cf. end of page in History). 
 
 Om. ' to be laid before the two houses of convocation.' 
 
 At the end of p. 572 add ' Here I left it, May 14, 1711.' 
 
 [Bttrnet, in Jati. 171 1-2, continues his account of convocation.] 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 573 (to ' came to an end '). 
 
 [/. 54 (n)] Begin 'I begin now in January, 1711, by our style, to continue 
 this work'; and for rest of paragraph read 'The upper house of convocation 
 drew some propositions out of Mr. Whiston's book on which they passed 
 a censure ; to which the lower house did not entirely agree ; but the proroga- 
 tion of parliament put a stop to the progress of this matter for that time.' 
 
 For ' but both ... to an end ' read ' the prorogation put an end to the session ; 
 and, soon after, the representation penned by Atterbury was printed, and that 
 gave occasion to the printing that agreed to by the bishops ; both were censured 
 as men stood affected.' 
 
 \Act for the South Sea trade.] 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 573. ■• ■' ■■ 
 
 For ' aboard ; where ... by credit ' read ' abroad ; where we could not carry 
 on the war ' ( ' aboard,' though in ed. 1833, seems to be a priniei's error ; see Hist, 
 ed. 1823 in loco). 
 
 For ' high ' read ' so high that there was great loss made by it.' 
 
 \Reflections on the old ministry fully cleared?^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 573-4. 
 
 For ' so to keep up a clamour . . . power of conviction ' read ' They found 
 that many accounts were not regularly passed in the exchequer ; though the 
 money collected was all brought in and well managed, yet the accounts being 
 so vast, with the vouchers, were not regularly passed. [/. 55 («)] The methods 
 of passing accounts are very sure but very slow, calculated to such a small 
 revenue ^s our princes had anciently ; but the supplies being now so great, it 
 was not possible to pass them in haste, when they had so much business on 
 their hands. They knew that in the gross they were right; and thus the 
 accounts of about thirty millions lay before them, which being to go through, so 
 many clerks could not be all examined ; so here a clamour was raised that five 
 
438 Burnet's Original Memoirs [171 1 
 
 and thirty millions of the public money were not accounted for, and this was so 
 artificially spread through the nation, that the unthinking multitudes Were made 
 believe that the nation was cheated of all that vast sum, and so the nation was 
 confirmed in their aversion to the late administration ' (cf. with all this Hist. 
 
 ii. 567-8). 
 
 \Affairs in Spam.] 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 574-5. 
 
 For ' The business . . . hopes failed ' read only ' Nothing was done in Spain, 
 either on the side of Portugal, or of Catalonia.' 
 
 After ' had been supported ' add ' as he expected.' 
 
 Om. 'for the parliament . . . examination'; an^ {at this place) 'the duke of 
 Argyll . . . forces ; and.' 
 
 After ' two small places ' zve find deleted ' and took them after some time ' ; 
 from ' That of Cardona ' to ' baggage ' is inserted on /. 54 {b), with the addition ' In 
 the relation we have of this action no mention is made of any of the queen's 
 troops.' 
 
 For ' and the duke of Vendome's army ... on that side ' read ' The duke of 
 Argyll was sent to command there ; he did nothing, but wrote over heavy 
 complaints that he was not supplied as he expected [cf. Hist. ii. 574] ; and he 
 fell into a quarrelling humour vsrith Staremberg.' 
 
 [ T/ie election of king Charles to be emperor.\ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 575-6. 
 
 Om. ' We hoped . . . common cause ' ; and {at this place) ' And Mr. St. John 
 . . . nothing.' 
 
 For 'was not then known' read 'is not yet known.' 
 
 [/. 56 (a)] Om. ' being now safe . . . previous to an election ; and ' ; and after 
 ' solemnity ' add ' in the end of December.' 
 
 [T/ie duke of Marlborough passed the French lines; 
 siege of Bouchain.] 
 - Cf. Hist. ii. 576-7. 
 
 For ' and it was said, that Villars ... to the duke of Marlborough ' read ' and 
 after some weeks spent in small motions, it was generally thought nothing was 
 to be done there ; which seemed to be designed by our ministry and was spoke 
 aloud in the house of commons in a rash sally of Mr. St. John's, in which he 
 told them nothing was to be expected in Flanders' (cf. Hist. ii. 575^. 
 
 From ' the army was much fatigued ' to ' allowed for refreshment ' is added on 
 / 56 {b). 
 
 [/. 57 («)] After ' venture on it ; the French ' insert ' brought their army 
 within a mile of the place and.' 
 
 From ' was more fatigued ' to ' the whole war. He ' «s added onf. 56 (i). 
 
 Om. 'seemed to be very busy . . . purpose ; yet.' 
 
 After ' reckoned ' inseii ' by all military men ' ; and for ' in the whole . . . war ' 
 read ' they had ever known in war.' 
 
 For 'in those parts' read 'gloriously.' 
 
 [An expedition by sea to Canada.] 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 577-8. 
 For ' No action . . . command ' read ' I shall next give an account of the use 
 
i7ii] Bodl. Add. MSS. D. '2i,ff. 55 (a)-6o (a) 439 
 
 that was made of the 5,000 men that were drawn out of his army. An expedition 
 was designed by general Hill (brother to the favourite) ; [he] had the command.' 
 \.f- 58 (a) For ' They sailed ... to stay ' read ' and [need] not have lost so.' 
 Ont. ' it was the more . . . the end of the session ' ; and ' the merchants . . . 
 cruisers.' 
 
 [AJiitrs in Turkey?^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 578-9. 
 
 Om. ' not without suspicion . . . money to it.' 
 
 For from ' being highly ' to end of paragraph, read only ' pretends the grand 
 vizier had the czar and his whole army at mercy ; and he studies to infuse this 
 into the grand signior; the reports are various, as is natural in things at such 
 a distance from us.' 
 
 [And in PomeraniaJ\ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 579. 
 
 For ' They sat down . . . which rendered ' read ' They are now before Wismar, 
 trying if they can succeed better there ; if that attempt fails likewise ' ; and after 
 ' Denmark ' add ' will become.' 
 
 [Hurley's promotion.] 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 579 (to ' must bring upon him '). 
 
 [/■ 59 («)] Om. 'and important ' ; and after ' at home ' add ' that will probably 
 bring me to a speedy conclusion of this work. ' 
 
 Om. 'and, by consequence . . . war.' 
 
 For ' flatterers ' read ' some aspiring scholars ^ ' ; and om. ' and being pre^ 
 pared . . . direction.' 
 
 Transpose ' He saw the load . . . bring upon him ' and ' It soon appeared . . . 
 in the favourite ' ; for ' rewards ' read ' fair appearances ' ; and for ' foreign 
 affairs ' read ' affairs, now that he was at the head of them.' 
 
 [Negotiations. ] 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 579 {from 'so he resolved' to p. 582, end of second paragraph). 
 
 For ' The earl of Jersey . . . expect a peace ' read ' And in order to that, in 
 September he sent over one Prior to the court of France, who had been once 
 a boy in a tavern, into which the earl of Dorset happening to come, he saw him 
 reading Horace ; so he, who was a very generous [man], took him away from 
 that mean estate, and bred him up in literature ; his genius lay particularly to 
 poetry, and some of his composures were much esteemed. He was eari Jersey's 
 secretary when he was ambassador in France, and it was believed that he (as 
 well as the lord Jersey) continued in a close correspondence both with that 
 court and with the court at St. Germain.' _ 
 
 After ' at Dover ' add ' because he had not a pass ' ; and for ' to set him free 
 read 'for his coming up.' 
 
 After ' Mesnager ' add ' now made the count of St. John.' 
 
 [/ 60 (a)] Om. 'The court . . . Windsor'; after 'copy of them was' add 
 ' some days afterwards ■ ; and om. ' and printed . . . newspapers ' ; adding after 
 'out of England' these words, 'The grounds of such a seventy are not yet 
 
 ■ Probably a hit at Swift, by whom the patent was drawn. 
 
440 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1711 
 
 certainly known, therefore I write of them in these general terms ' (omitting the 
 following paragraph entirely). 
 
 For ' so well . . . their ends ' read ' would not be a complying tool to ill designs.' 
 
 After ' to Holland ' add ' ; who had nothing in him to qualify him for that post, 
 but a ready obedience with a bold insolence in his conduct '.' 
 
 For ' It was not then known' read ' It is not yet certain.' 
 
 For ' to justify . . . work ' read ' on design to show the impossibility of con- 
 quering Spain, or driving the French to better terms ' {omitting thus all reference 
 to Swiff s tract). 
 
 After 'hereditary dominions' add 'Many reproaches were thrown on the late 
 ministry for the conduct of the war and the alliances ' ; om. 'zealously, though 
 most falsely ' ; and after ' and failed us ' add ' in not furnishing their quotas. "^ 
 
 [/. 61 (a)] For ' which made them conclude . . . pretender's affairs ' read 
 ' which seemed to confirm the reports we had from Paris by many hands that it 
 was given out that by a secret article the pretender was to be declared heir of 
 the crown after the queen.' 
 
 Om. ' and by the wealth ... all about them.' 
 
 For ' but the memorial was ' read ' but his ministers took care to have the 
 memorial ; and.' 
 
 After ' proposed ' add ' It was well drawn, full and clear ; and showed a great 
 dislike of the designs of our court, but in terms full of respect to the queen.' 
 
 Om. '(seeing . . . steps)'; and place 'the session . . . granted them' after 
 ' queen's determination.' 
 
 Om. ' this was offered . , . court to ' and ' they ' ; and for ' then ' read ' would 
 have.' 
 
 [Preparations Jbr the session; its history?^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 582 {from ' Before the opening ' to p. 589, ' proxies were called 
 for ' ; and from p . 590, ' When the fourteenth,' to p. 599, ' in thirty-two years ') . 
 
 [/ 62 (a)] On p. 583, after ' carrying on the war ' add ' with vigour.' 
 
 [/ 63 ('')] ■'^<"' ' fo'' 'isi' speech ' read ' for the gracious assurances in her 
 speech. ' 
 
 Om. ' officious courtiers.' 
 
 On p. 584, for ' three voices ' read ' five voices.' 
 
 t/ ^3 (*)] 0« p. 585, for ' the high men in the house of commons ' read ' the 
 body of the house of commons that went by the name of the October club.' 
 
 [/ 62 (b)'] After ' part of England ' add ' these two last clauses were in favour 
 of the dissenters.' 
 
 For 'and the court had agents' read 'and it was said that the lord treasurer 
 [had] agents.' 
 
 On p. 586, om. 'and thereby . . . before them.' 
 
 For ' a duke in England ' read ' duke of Brandon.' 
 
 Om. ' the queen might give . . . pleased,' 
 
 On p. 587, after ' constant dependence ' insert ' at so low a rate ' ; and at end 
 of paragraph after 'might be' add [/ 61 (6)] 'The servile union observed to 
 be among them in voting in every question as the court was inclined had 
 very much prejudiced indifferent men against them.' 
 
 ' A suppressed passage of the second volume. 
 
T71I-2] Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 21,/; 6o(a)-53(6) 441 
 
 [/. 60 (4)] Before ' On the twenty-second of December ' i-ead ' The bill for four 
 shillings in the pound went through the house of commons so quick that.' 
 
 For ' this was granted ' read 'to this the court agreed.' 
 
 On p. 588, for 'to proceed at their next meeting' read 'to make great 
 noise.' 
 
 Om. 'and who had appeared . . . ministry.' 
 
 For ' a matter ^ read 'a man. ' 
 
 ^fler ' army in Flanders 'for ' made ' read ' made before with the States, was 
 to give.' 
 
 For ' He heard his enemies . . beyond sea : so he wrote to them ' read ' Upon 
 which, when he heard his enemies were taking advantages to his prejudice, he 
 wrote to the commissioners of accounts.' 
 
 [/■ 59 (*)] ^o*" ' which they chiefly aimed at ' read ' as if he had enriched him- 
 self by starving the army.' 
 
 For ' But they ' read ' But the lord treasurer.' 
 
 On p. 589, for ' sir Miles Wharton ' read ' one '; and for ' and that, whereas 
 . . . done by him' read 'as if his vote was to be depended on.' 
 
 Om. 'And whereas formerly Jeffreys . . . advanced to be a peer.' 
 
 For ' nor was it possible . . . ancient peers, a sense ' read ' and a great number 
 of the ancient peers were so entirely brought, or as some said, bought over to 
 the court, that it was not possible to raise in them a just sense,' 
 
 [/• 58 (*)] O" PP- 589-90, om. paragraph about prince Eugene. 
 
 After 'fourteenth of January came' insert 'the queen was indisposed and.' 
 
 After ' they were made ' insert ' [and] referring the treaty to her majesty's 
 wisdom.' • 
 
 For ' assured them ' read ' assured us ' (which shows Burnet was present). 
 
 \_f. 57 (6)] On p. sgi, for ' There were two ... by the one ' read ' [By] a second 
 article in the queen's message ' ; and omit ' by the other . . . put upon it. ' 
 
 For ' whom they resolved . . . stood thus ' read ' a gentleman of Norfolk, who 
 had distinguished himself eminently for many years in the house of commons 
 and had gone through great posts ; he had been secretary of war and treasurer of 
 the navy.' 
 
 After 'friend of his own ' add 'one Mann.' 
 
 On p. 5g2,for 'the person concerned' read 'Mann.' 
 
 {./• 55 C*) ^] ^°'' ' insisted . . . the bill ' read ' being weary of the opposition 
 that he gave them, and to put him out of the way, that he might not oppose 
 them [cf. Hist. ii. 591] in that which was to come next before them.' 
 
 Om. ' it was often . . . much more.' 
 
 For ' so that it appeared . . . denied ' read ' yet they would not let that be put 
 to the vote, that the paying this to the general had been customary.' 
 
 Om. 'and paid so well for it'; and for 'by a great majority' read 'by a 
 majority of above a hundred.' 
 
 [/ 53 (*) ''\ On p. 593, om. ' but what this will end in . . . time.' 
 
 After ' ordnance in his room ' add ' but he found that whereas the old estab- 
 lishment settled ;^io a day on that office when the master of it travelled, duke 
 Marlborough had reduced it to four. ' 
 
 ' f. 56 (6), we remember, contains '' f. 54 (*) has likewise only the 
 
 only some additions to f. 57 (a). addition to f. 55 (a). 
 
442 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1712 
 
 For ' in the late king's time ' read ' long before he had the command.' 
 
 For ' for it was . . . producing nothing ' read ' even those who favoured him 
 thought somewhat of this sort might have been discovered that way. He 
 appearing so clear in the only thing of which he was suspected, his enemies.' 
 
 After 'administration' read 'by finding nothing when they searched so 
 narrowly for it.' 
 
 For ' could have expected ' read ' could have done.' 
 
 Om. 'happy does . . . whole transaction.' 
 
 ' Impudent ' is correct. 
 
 [/ 52 (i)] On p. 594, om. ' though it exceeded . . . very far.' 
 
 For ' Those who . . . designs ' read ' Those who managed Scottish affairs.' 
 
 Om. 'this seemed so reasonable that.' 
 
 Om. ' which in most places . . . church power ' ; and substitute ' yet it passed 
 with this extent.' 
 
 Om. ' it was well known . . . cover them from it ' ; and for ' since it seemed 
 ... It was well understood' read 'because it was known.' 
 
 [/■ 51 W] On p. 595,70;- 'but those who intended to excuse ... up from the 
 commons ' read ' but those who intended to irritate them carried it against this ; 
 so the act passed ; what effect it will have must appear when the day limited 
 for taking the abjuration comes.' 
 
 After ' irritate them ' add ' so no opposition was made to this.' 
 
 For 'by an act of read 'in the second year of.' 
 
 For ' of a more public nature ' read ' [which] gave a more general alarm.' 
 
 Om. ' but had been taken . . . agreements with us ' and ' these were chiefly . . . 
 by them.' • 
 
 On p. 596, om. ' from the time . . . Pyrenees.' 
 
 [/• 50 (*) ] Om. ' during this war. ' 
 
 For ' for the maintaining this ' read ' for communication with them and for 
 defending those places.' 
 
 For ' they also asked ' read ' they only asked [further].' 
 
 Before ' the trad? ' add' ' insensibly.' 
 
 After ' was made ' read ' [anno] 1609.' 
 
 On p. 597, for ' The mercenary writers ... to defend ' read ' The writers that 
 favoured. ' 
 
 [/ 49 (6)] For ' whereas . . . counsels ' read ' This pointed plainly to the pre- 
 tender.' 
 
 Om. ' and might erect . . . capable of them ' ; and for ' but it was answered 
 that ' read ' though. ' 
 
 For ' But reason . . . taken so ' read ' But on those occasions men love not 
 to speak plain ; yet.' 
 
 Oh p. 598, for ' strange preludes . . . peace ' read ' a prelude to a bad peace.' 
 
 [/. 48 (6)] Om. ' but no notice . . . drew it.' 
 
 For ' This was a confutation . . . made, yet ' read ' Yet this did them little 
 service.' 
 
 For 'in which ... no opposition' read 'wilii success ; for the Whigs, seeing 
 the earl of Nottingham and his friends set on carrying it, made no opposition to it.' 
 
 Om. ' as was ordinary.' 
 
 After ' easily there ' add ' for it was reckoned that it would be rejected by the 
 lords ; but.' 
 
I7I2] Bodl. Add. MSS.D. 21, f. 53 {byH{b) 443 
 
 On p. 599, after ' so many there, that ' add ' as the Whigs who had formerly 
 opposed the bill now promoted it, so.' 
 
 [A^at'rs (zbroadJ] 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 599 {from 'I look next' to p. 603, 'conversed with her'). 
 
 [/ 47 (*)] Om. 'and unwillingly' ; and after 'preliminaries' add '[by] our 
 court ' ; and after ' named ^ add ' [by them]. ' 
 
 Om. 'but they waited . . . allies.' 
 
 For ' in a very high strain ' read ' in so high a strain that, by it, they seemed 
 to be well assured of our court's standing by them.' 
 
 Before 'These demands' read 'AH people were amazed.' 
 
 On p. 600, after ' dying condition ' add ' though he is not yet dead.' 
 
 Om. 'as is usual . . . occasions.' 
 
 Om. ' was believed . . . chemistry, and ' before ' ambitious ' inseil ' wicked 
 and ' ; and after ' prince ' insert [/. 46 (6)] ' abandoned to the most execrable 
 vices, and capable of the worst projects ; for.' 
 
 Otn. 'and to marry . . ■ dowager.' 
 
 From ' King Philip ' to ' the original letter ' is written on the margin. 
 
 On p. 60Z, for ' These deaths . . . portend that' read 'AH observers of Provi- 
 dence did consider these deaths in so critical a time as very amazing things by 
 wliich.' 
 
 For ' But I will go . . . prospect ' read ' But I restrain myself from looking 
 too far into what is before me.' 
 
 For ' the lord treasurer ' read ' the court ' ; and for ' he saw ' read ' there was.' 
 
 Om. 'yet the doing . . . act.' 
 
 After ' in that treaty ' add ' who owned him king.' 
 
 [/ 45 (*)] "fter ' specific answers in writing ' add ' Whether this was refused 
 by the French on design, from the beginning of the treaty, on purpose to gain 
 time and to create jealousies among the allies ; or if it arose out of the many 
 unlooked-for deaths by which king Philip was now so near the succession to 
 the crown of France, so that they knew not how to frame a direct answer, is not 
 yet known ; but they have now, to the beginning of May, N. S., drawn out the 
 matter in many fruitless meetings,' ti'c, as in Hist. 
 
 For ' the negotiation there was ' read ' matters there are.' 
 
 On p. 602, before ' The preparations ' add ' In the meanwhile.' 
 
 [/ 44 (6)] For ' At this time . . . with her ' read ' The court of St. Germain 
 was struck with great apprehension upon the pretender's having the small-pox ; 
 but he recovered of them, and at the same time his sister died of them. She 
 was by all that saw her admired as a most extraordinary person in all respects, 
 so the nation here was filled with very extraordinary characters of her ; and 
 now while I am writing we have a report very current that the pretender him- 
 self is dead. If it proves true, these deaths, as well as those of the house of 
 Bourbon, must be looked on as very extraordinary indications of a watchful 
 Providence, that happily interposes to save us when we had great reason to 
 look on our affairs as almost desperate.' 
 
 [Convocation jneeis.l ■• 
 
 Cf. from Hist. u. 602 to p. 605, end of frst paragraph. 
 
 For ' I turn next . . . convocation ' read ' The convocation did little this winter.' 
 
 Om. ' in pursuance . . . amongst them.' 
 
444 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1712 
 
 For ' a very defective abstract of it ' read ' some of the weakest of our arguments.' 
 
 [/ 43 (*)] On p. 603, after ' and probably this ' read ' will be settled during the 
 session ; which.' 
 
 For ' that he came not among us ' read ' that he did not stir from Lambeth.' 
 
 For 'but none . . . session ' read 'biit now in the end of May we have yet 
 received no answer ' ; and end paragraph in present tense ; omitting ' I was gone 
 . . . passed.' 
 
 After ' openly ' add ' and severely.' 
 
 On p. 604, om. ' nor was the dispute . . . congregations.' 
 
 [/. 42 [by] For ' among us ; and the necessity ' read ' [among us,] as to the 
 necessity.' 
 
 For ' were entertained ' tead ' and was entertained ' ; and for ' by many ' 
 read ' by our high clergy ^ ; and for ' far out of view ' read 'so far out of view, 
 that this late and wild system came to work mightily on them.' 
 
 For ' but few ' read ' and some.' 
 
 \Stipply in j>arliament ; and events to June 2 (1712), w^e>t 
 Btirnet concludes for the time.\ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 605-7 ('o ' words he had used '). 
 
 [/. 41 (6)] On p. 605, /o>- ' demanded were given ' read ' went on very largely." 
 
 After ' the malt bill ' add ' [which] passed easily.' 
 
 After ' indignity on his grants : ' add ' others in friendship to the persons 
 concerned in those grants opposed the bill : yet ' ; and after ' two ' add ' or at 
 most three.' 
 
 On p. 606, after ' last reading of the bill ' read ' in a very full house ' ; and om. 
 ' so for that . . . lost.' 
 
 [/ 40 (6)] For ' expectation ' read ' daily expectation.' 
 
 For 'That prince Eugene' read '[It] was.' 
 
 Om. ' which were not produced . . . bare reports.' 
 
 On p. 607, for ' and all were in great . . . produce ' read ' and we are now 
 all in expectation to see what a few days will bring forth.' 
 
 [/ 39 (6)] For ' but nothing followed . . . quick one after another ' read ' But 
 the day after this debate in both houses we were surprised with a relation of 
 what passed.' 
 
 After ' he had used ' add ' Here I stop, the 2nd of June ' ; and om. rest of 
 paragraph. 
 
 \Bumet resumes Ms f>en and describes remainder of session.] 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 608 (from ' On the fifth of June ' to p. 609, ' either of their ad- 
 dresses '). 
 
 [/• 38 (*)] On p. 608 ike stipulation about the succession in England is added 
 -on the margin. 
 
 For 'for communicating' read 'for her condescension in communicating.' 
 
 Om. ' who had all along protested . . . taken.' 
 
 [/• 37 (*)] On p. 609, for ' the queen in her speech ' read ' the period of the 
 <jueen's speech that related to the plan of the peace was the subject of some 
 reflections ; for in it she.' 
 
 After ' either of their addresses ' add 'but the nation was so weary of taxes 
 that they were resolved to accept of any peace whatsoever.' 
 
I7I2] Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 21, ff. 44 (Z>)-33 (b) 445 
 
 \Events to the end of the year 1 7 12.] 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 609 {from ' The earl of Strafford ' to p. 614, end of first paragraph). 
 
 On p. 609, after ' in order to a general peace ' insert 'but when the auxiliary- 
 troops refused to conform themselves to the duke of Ormond's orders, there 
 was for some days a stop in the offer of delivering up Dunkirk ; but ' ; and 
 after ' place ' insert ' and then.' 
 
 [/ 36 (*)] On p. 610, f)r ' as treacherous . . . degree. The ' read ' with the 
 further aggravation that the.' 
 
 Om. ' and if the auxiliary . . . prevented.' 
 
 For ' by a general voice ' read ' by addresses.' 
 
 From ' that lay on both sides ' to ' his whole army ' is inserted on the margin. 
 
 [/• 35 (*)] On p. 611, /or 'would not . . . loss' read 'would not consent to 
 anything decisive ' {the whole clause is a subsequent insertion of the bishop's). 
 
 Om. ' with secret instructions ' ; after ' fully concluded ' add ' and is said to 
 be since ratified on both sides ' ; and for ' all that was published . . . return , 
 was ' read ' hitherto nothing is published but.' 
 
 After ' lord Lexington to Spain ' add ' and thus a most glorious war is brought 
 to a most inglorious end. I still carry on my narrative, till a peace is publicly 
 owned '.' 
 
 For 'which, it was said . . . imperiousness ' read 'with a great indecency 
 both of language and behaviour ' ; om. 'to have Valenciennes demolished'; and 
 after ' for trade ' add ' between France and them.' 
 
 On p. 61Z, for 'The lord Lexington . . . and Strafford ' read ' With this the 
 earl of Strafford returned ; and soon after there was a promotion [/. 34 (A)] of 
 six knights of the garter ; for there were then nine vacant stalls ; so that the 
 order was scarce able to furnish out a decent chapter. One of these was 
 duke Hamilton.' 
 
 For ' high provocation ' read ' small provocation ' ; and om. ' but both . . . 
 honour.' 
 
 On p. 613, yb>-' who was a good-natured . . . foreign affairs' read 'Thus I 
 have laid this all together, though it happened after other transactions which 
 I am next to relate.' 
 
 Om. ' one or other of.' 
 
 For ' At the same time . . . give him ' read 'A little time will show how far the 
 Swedes are in condition to pursue [/. 33 (6)] their victory, while at the same 
 time reports from Constantinople seem to threaten a. new war from thence to 
 the czar, which the king of Sweden is still pressing, assisted by the practices of 
 the French at the Porte. 
 
 For ' This gave ' read ' This must give * ; and for ' that disorders ... he had 
 taken to ' read ' who is studying ' ; for ' that kingdom ' read ' Hungary ' ; and after 
 ' continue the war ' add ' who have been for some months under great distractions 
 with relation to that matter.' 
 
 For ' but to draw ... the more ' read ' but before the negotiation for a 
 general peace was to be entered on.' 
 
 On p. 614, for ' as also for obtaining . . . intercession ' read ' and that the 
 emperor may be also brought into the peace. In a few days we will see what 
 our court says in answer to this ; and in this state do our affairs now stand, in 
 
 ' The second sentence probably represents a fresh start, as the ink is less faded. 
 
446 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1712-3 
 
 the beginning of the year, a few days before the session of parliament is to be 
 opened.' 
 
 [Postscript: death of Godolphinj events to signing of 
 new barrier treaty^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 614-6. 
 
 Begin ' I will to this only add somewhat relating to the duke of Marlborough ; 
 his great friend the earl of Godolphin died,' Ss'c., as in Hist, 
 
 [f. 33 (6)] Om. ' affection and.' 
 
 For ' artful favourite ' read only ' waiting-woman ' ; and for ' of a great genius ' 
 read ' of any one good quality.' 
 
 For ' some pretended ' read ' some thought ' ; and for ' of fear . . . himself 
 read ' of a mean fear.' 
 
 For ' he would be at liberty ' read ' he is at liberty ' ; and for ' might ' 
 read ' may.' 
 
 On p. 615, for from ' Upon his going' to end of paragraph read 'How far 
 either of these two suits will be carried on or in what they will end [/ 31 (6)] 
 a little time will show.' 
 
 Om. 'And during that time . . . died.' 
 
 For ' to come into ' read ' to come in, (as the word was) into.' 
 
 After ' apprehensions of a war ' add ' between the Turk and the czar.' 
 
 For ' come down . . . Strasbourg ' read ' try If he could bring the queen to 
 obtain better terms for him ; the States also continued to press the restoring 
 of Strasbourg ; but that' ; and for 'nor did it . . . project' read 'At last the 
 States were brought to accept of the terms that we imposed on them ; in which 
 though they pressed much to have Condd demolished, yet the French refusing 
 it, we did not urge it.' 
 
 After ' forced to yield ' add ' to us ' ; and for ' into some confidence with them ' 
 read ' more entirely into their dependence.' 
 
 On p. 616, for from. ' we were not able ' to end of paragraph read ' they seem, 
 by their behaviour, to design another campaign ; but that will now appear very 
 soon.' 
 
 [Prorogations of parliament ; events up to March 24, I7lf ; 
 when Burnet concludes for the time.] 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 616-7 ('0 ' a house near Adrianople '), 
 
 Begin ' In the meanwhile our parliament stands prorogued now for the third 
 time ; though a proclamation was [f. 30 (6)] set out,' &'c., as in Hist. ; and for 
 ' but though ' read ' and [though] ' ; and om. ' yet we were . . . three weeks.' 
 
 For from ' Many expresses ' to 'a new scene ' read ' The nation is full of 
 rumours that occasion great jealousies aJid fears ; but till it appears what ground 
 there is for them, I shall say no more concerning them.' 
 
 From ' The Swedes ' to end of paragraph is in present tense; and for 'thai, their 
 retreat . . . Baltic sea ' read ' that it is apprehended their retreat by land is 
 cut off.' 
 
 Om. ' he raised . .. . dominions ' ; and for ' but was so apt . . . whispers, that ' 
 read 'as long as they maintained their credit with him ; but.' 
 
 On p. 617, after ' inclination ' read ' and to be very firm to the alliance against 
 
1713] Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 21, J. 23 {b)-2T (b) 447 
 
 France- ; and after 'time' add 'He has hitherto made the king of Sweden his 
 pattern ; it will soon appear what ply he will take in the affairs of Europe.' 
 
 for ' varied so often . . . end ' read ' do not increase, though ' ; and for ' but he 
 threw himself . . . opposed the war ' read ' but if the general peace of Europe 
 (which we are told is almost quite concluded) does take effect, it is not probable 
 that the Turks will suffer themselves to be drawn into a new war. [/ 29 (A)] 
 But as I am writing, we have an account of the king of Sweden's misfortunes. 
 The grand signior was diverted from the war with the czar, and.' 
 
 Om. 'much superior to his'; and for 'a house near Adrianople ' read '[as 
 was at first given out] to Thessalonica'.' 
 
 For from 'but not suffered' to end of paragraph read 'Whether this will 
 prove the final catastrophe of this unquiet prince, as most people think it will, 
 must be left to time. We are now in the sixth prorogation, and a seventh is 
 generally expected within two days [cf. Hist. ii. 616], for I end 24 March, I7if.' 
 
 [7%e signature of peace; and the debates upon treaty of commerce.'] 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 617-S3 {to ' prayer of their address '). 
 
 For '13th of March' read 'March 31'; and after 'upon this' read 'after a 
 seventh prorogation ' {see Hist. ii. 616). 
 
 On p. 618 om. ' (which of course . . . queen) ' ; after ' out of France into ' 
 insert ' Lorraine ; but even there he was in ' ; and after ' crown of France ' add 
 'but compliments are easily carried.' 
 
 [Ji 28 (6)] For ' was not yet finished ' read ' is not yet finished.' 
 
 For from ' the emperor ' to p. 619 ' his losses ; the States ' read ' but the 
 empire and the emperor would not accept the terms offered them ; which were, 
 the restoring the electors of Bavaria and Cologne, with a high demand for 
 their losses, and the mesne profits ; in lieu of which the emperor was to 
 deliver Sardinia to the elector of Bavaria. So upon the matter the empire 
 had nothing, the emperor had only the duchy of Milan, the kingdom of Naples, 
 and the property of the Netherlands, the States being to keep the fortified 
 places ; they.' 
 
 For ' the emperor . . . accepting of it ' read ' Reflections were soon made on 
 the articles of peace and commerce.' 
 
 For ' no mention . . . treaty ' read ' so this was thought a delusory article, 
 that amounted to nothing.' 
 
 Om. {at this place) ' at last . . . made of it ' {for which see infra, p. 448). 
 
 Om. ' The English have always . . . foreigners.' 
 
 For ' these were the reflections on the treaty of peace ; but ' read ' But as these 
 exceptions were very visible and of great importance.' 
 
 [/ 27 (6)] For ' but the court at that time . . . still on ' readonly 'yet the trade 
 with France being favoured by the court, trade went still on, though at a great 
 loss ' ; and om. ' and to the end ... no more parliaments.' 
 
 On p. 620 some provisions concerning a treaty of commerce are repeated from 
 p. 618 ; and before ' It was said that ' is inserted ' Great exceptions were taken 
 to all this.' 
 
 ' The words in brackets are a subsequent insertion of Burnet's.' 
 
448 Burnet's Original Memoirs [1713 
 
 Om. 'which is more than double . . . Portugal' and 'besides a great vent of 
 our manufactures.' 
 
 The figure is 300,000. 
 
 [/ 26 (4)] Om. ' since the cheapness . . . markets.' 
 
 Om. ' they called it faction.' 
 
 0)% p. 621, om. 'it was carried in the affirmative . . . could bear.' 
 
 Om. 'though it was as good . . , interpreted.' 
 
 [/ 25 (6)] On p. 6s2,for ' and the commissioners for trade and plantations . , . 
 there it was settled ' read only ' and the last project was settled without so much 
 as consulting with the commission for trade and plantations.' 
 
 On p. 623, for ' it was not then ' read ' [it] is not yet.' 
 
 For ' It was brought . . . step ' read ' The bill was reported by the committee ' ; 
 and for 'those who' read 'those called Tories who'; and after 'division' read 
 'of a full house (near 400)' ; and after 'importance lost' add 'on the 18 June. 
 What may be further done on this head must be left to time ; for I am writing 
 this on the 23 June ' ; and then add passage concerning Dunkirk address from 
 p. 619 (' It did not appear . . . explanation being made of it ') ; for ' Some weeks ' 
 reading ' [They] began to think no answer was to be made ; [for] a fortnight ' ; 
 and for 'but we were still. , . made of it' reading \_f. 24 (6)] 'This answer 
 amazed them ; it is not yet explained ; so the event must declare it ' ; and then 
 return to p. 623, /raw 'But the house of commons, to soften.' 
 
 Om.from 'It was once apprehended' to end of paragraph, and the whole of 
 the speech, pp. 623-7. 
 
 \Demands on behalf of the civil listj address for the pretender's 
 removal; Burnet concludes for the time, July 4, 1713.] 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 628 {from ' I now go on ' to p. 629, ' with her desire on that 
 occasion '). 
 
 For ' I now go . . . session ' read ' This [i. e. the peculiarity of the queen's answer 
 to the address of the house of commons'] was observed by some ; but.' 
 
 For 'a large overplus' read ';£^6oo,ooo.' 
 
 Om. 'upon a new account . . . ;f 800,000 less; and.' 
 
 After ' due to the civil list ' add ' and the customs assigned by the civil list did 
 increase considerably in times of peace (see Hist. ii. 628, infra) ; so that con- 
 sidering what was due to the civil list, and what was owing from it, the debt 
 was really but about ;^30o,ooo ' {this seems to represent ' these two sums . . . 
 ;^24o,ooo,' which does not appear). 
 
 For ' in the end of the session . . . left ' read ' when not above a third part of 
 the house was in town, the greater part being gone home to look after their 
 elections.' 
 
 For ' This was thought . . , argument ' read only ' Some opposition was made 
 to this ' {and cf. supra). 
 
 [/ 23 (6)] For ' the ministers ' read ' the house of commons.' 
 
 On p. 629, for ' And the weight . . . agitation ' read only ' But when the session 
 was near an end.' 
 
 After ' nemine contradtcente ' read ' with an offer to assist and support the 
 queen in making those instances effectual.' 
 
 For 'all the answer . . . informed of that' read 'This I write on the 4th 
 of July.' 
 
1713] Bodl. Add. D. 21, ff. 27-21 {b) ; 84 (6)-72 (b) 449 
 
 \Deaths of Sprat and Compton, and events to close of 
 Biirnefs historical Narrative?^ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 629-32. 
 
 After ' died ' add ' suddenly ' ; and om. ' to which his temper . . . profession ' ; 
 and for ' a great ' read ' the greatest.' 
 
 On p. 630, after ' power of others ' add ' and was neither learned, lively, nor 
 judicious'' ; and om. 'he was succeeded . . . Bristol.' 
 
 [/ 22 (6)] Oil p. 631, after 'addresses of both houses' add 'To endanger 
 advantages was an odd expression ^' 
 
 [/. 21 (i)] For ' it was fit . . . close this work ' read only ' and so have ended 
 my design in composing this work for the use and benefit of posterity.' 
 
 J^or ' of above three and fifty years. I ' read only ' which I ' ; and om. ' it.' 
 
 On p. 632, after the last word add ' And then I shall have attained my chief 
 end in writing.' 
 
 The Conclusion '■ 
 
 Cf. Hist. ii. 633-69. 
 
 [/. 84 (i)] On p. 641, /o>- 'and so severe . . . dissenters' read 'and in a dis- 
 position to severity ; that shows itself in too visible an aversion to the dissenters, 
 and an uneasiness under the toleration.' 
 
 [/. 80 (i)] On p. 648, after ' better in their labours ' add ' for I have much 
 experience of this, that when I have prayed with more than ordinary earnestness 
 for a blessing on my preaching, I have often seen signal effects of it.' 
 
 [f 79 (*)] 0« p. 649, ybr ' the course of his reign ' read ' his flagitious reign.' 
 
 [f. 73 (A)] On p. 657, ' this is not true of ' is substituted for ' these dare not own 
 this to ' deleted. 
 
 .i4/?c»- 'and destroy religion' e[ic_/5«rf deleted 'and by false stories and subtle 
 methods they heighten a jealousy of them.' 
 
 After ' it is visible ' we find deleted ' to all the world ' ; and after ' acquiesce ' we 
 find deleted.' ani are only on the defensive, studying to preserve it.' 
 
 [/. 72 [by] 'when that is ended it may probably' is substituted for 'and that 
 there is a foreign management in the case. Then it will ' deleted. 
 
 On p. 658, om. ' perhaps ' before ' some of their leaders.' 
 
 After ' much the greater part ' {end of a paragraph) add ' This appears evidently 
 in all the controverted elections in the house of commons, and begins to show 
 itself too visibly in the judicature of the house of lords ; and I must say, in my 
 observation, that the Tories are much more grossly and indecently partial, than 
 ever I saw the Whigs.' 
 
 On p. 659, after ' an' entire system of our laws ' add ' There is one man yet 
 
 1 A suppressed passage of the second June, 1708; see supra, p. xv. The 
 
 volume. printed version has a few grammatical 
 
 ' See preceding note. This passage, corrections ; but excepting these, and 
 
 and the passage in the History from ' It the instances quoted above, the MS. 
 
 was also observed ' -to ' protestant sue- and published History are practically 
 
 cession,' are added on the margin of identical, m wordmg as in substance. 
 
 f 22 (5) The deletions on ff. 73 (6), 72 (.6), and 
 
 ' 3 Written on the versos of fi". 91-64, 68 (6) resemble in form those of the 
 
 the book being reversed. Its date is autograph of the History, first volume. 
 
 FOXCROFT ^ & 
 
450 Burnetts Original Memoirs [1708 
 
 alive, who I hope has yet many years before him, who is the fittest person of 
 
 this or the former age [for this task]. [/. 71 (i)] If this is not done by the lord 
 
 Somers, I know not the man that can do it'.' 
 After * for a bishop ' add ' who has not passed for a narrow-handed man.' 
 [/. 68 (6)] On p. 664, after ' which render those who ' we find deleted ' hke the 
 
 present king of France ^.' 
 
 ^ Lord Somers survived Burnet little ance of the History. 
 more than a year, dying April 26, 1 7 16, ' Louis XIV died Sept. i, 1 7 15, a few 
 
 nearly eight years before the appear- months after Burnet's death. 
 
PART II 
 
 (BURNET'S AUTOBIOGRAPHY!) 
 
 (Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 24, ff. 195-218). 
 
 TROUGH DRAUGHT OF MY OWN LIFE". 
 
 The Introductio}u 
 
 I DO not write my own life out of vanity to give my selfe 
 a fame and a name to posterity ; but because I know I can 
 mixe in the account I am to give of it some useful! instruc- 
 tions to those who may read it, and * since I have been so 
 long on the stage, and have acted in so manny different 
 stations and have had so large a share of favour and approba- 
 tion from some, and of censure and obloquy from others ^ I 
 have reason to think that after my death some will write con- 
 cerning me ; some in kindnes and some out of hatred, or 
 some only to publish a book that may have sale, therefore I 
 who am best acquainted with my own concerns and may be 
 supposed best able to judge what may be fit to be remembred 
 and what not, have resolved to give such an account of my 
 selfe, as I hope may be of some use to the world. " I am the 
 more encouraged in this because I find Thuamis ^ did it. I 
 have made him my pattern in writing <^, and as I read most of 
 him manny years ago, and formed my designe in writting 
 from that great Original! ; so after I had ended my History, 
 
 " Cf. Life in Hist. ii. 671. i" Ibid. <= Ibid. 
 
 > There is no need of any intro- in the handwriting of Dr. Burnet ; 
 
 ductory note, as the circumstances and some of the folios are misplaced. 
 
 connected with the composition of The headings appear in the margin of 
 
 the Autobiography and its suppression the MS. 
 
 are discussed at length in the Intro- ^ With whose standpoint (no less 
 
 duction, supra. The MS. (Bodl. Add. than his method) our author has 
 
 MSS. D. 24, ff. 195-218) is throughout something in common. 
 
 Gga 
 
452 Burnet's Autobiography [1643-60 
 
 I read him all over again, to see how farre I had risen up in my 
 imitation of him, and was not a litle pleased to find that if I did 
 not flatter my selfe too much, I had in some degree answered 
 my designe in resembling him. It is tru I have avoided 
 a particular recitall of warlike actions both in battles or 
 • sieges \ and I have not endeavoured to be so copious as he is 
 in the relation of forreigne affairs ^ or in the lives and writtings 
 of learned men. I have not had the opportunities that his 
 station gave him of being informed of these things ; and have 
 wrote on designe to be a[s] short as possible, and to point 
 chiefly at the good and bad of what I have known, for the 
 instruction of others. As I have followed that great man in 
 the main of my work, so I will adde such a relation of my own 
 particular circumstances, as I hope may serve to carry on my 
 designe in endeavouring to make the next generation better 
 and wiser by what I have observed and by what has occured 
 to me. 
 
 My birth and my Parents. 
 
 '^l was born at Edinburgh on the 18' of September 1643. 
 My Father ^ was a younger son of a family of considerable 
 antiquity and interest in Aberdeenshire. ' He was bred to the 
 law and studied seven years in France. He was learned in his 
 profession, but did not rise up to the first form in practise. 
 His judgment was good % but he had not a lively imagination, 
 nor a ready expression, and *■ his abilities were depressed by his 
 excessive modesty. " He was eminent for integrity and pro- 
 bity « and spoke his thoughts freely on the tenderest subjects. 
 When he found a cause morally injust he would not plead in 
 it, but pressed his client to consider his conscience more then 
 his interest, in which he often succeeded, for he spoke with 
 great authority on those occasions : '^ he was allwaies ready to 
 
 " Cf. Life in Hist. ii. 672. ^ Ibid. ' Ibid., and Hist. i. 2. <' Life in 
 
 Hist. ii. 672. 
 
 ' For his reason see sufira, p. 165. 80 ; and Cockburn's Specimen, Remark, 
 
 ^ See Von Ranke, ed. 1868, vOl. vii. ii. pp. 25-6, with the paper mentioned 
 
 App. ii. p. 155. supra, p. 12, note (to be printed by 
 
 ^ For whom consult Hist. i. 2, 79- the Scottish History Society). 
 
1643-60] Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 24, ff. 195-6 453 
 
 plead the causes of the poor, and instead of taking fees from 
 them, he supplied such as he saw were injustly oppressed 
 very liberally. He never took any fee from a Clergyman who 
 sued for the rights of his Church, and he was so friendly and 
 generous in his practise, that he told me the full halfe of his 
 practise went for charity or for friendship ". He grew to be 
 disgusted of his profession. He studied Divinity for some 
 years and intended to change his gown, but ^ he was dissatis- 
 fied with the conduct of the Bishops. He was in high esteem 
 for the exemplary strictnes of his life'' and was much con- 
 sidered by them but " he was displeased with most of them 
 and delivered him selfe so plainly that " he lost the favour of 
 the governing Bishops : ■* and at the breaking out of the 
 troubles in the year 1637 he was looked on as a Puritan. 
 
 But when he saw that instead of reforming abuses, the 
 Order it selfe was struck at, he did adhere to it with great 
 zeal, " and in the warrs that followed he stuck to the rights 
 of the Crown without once complying in any respect with the 
 party that then prevailed. ^He never took the Covenant', 
 and left his profession and was forced three severall times to 
 leave the Kingdome, staying at one time five years out of it. 
 "^ Not that he thought that it was not lawfull to rise in armes 
 when the King broke the lawes, for he allwaies espoused 
 Barclay and Grotius' notions in that matter, but he thought 
 that was not the cases but that the King's authority was 
 invaded against law, so he relinquished his profession for 
 above twenty years and lived privatly up on his estate but 
 was a preacher of righteousnes for he catechised not only his 
 [/. 196] servants but his tennants frequently, at least every 
 Lord's day of which he was a very strict observer, and indeed 
 to all that came to him he recommended the practise of 
 religion and vertue with great earnestnes and often with many 
 tears. He treated those who differed from him in opinion 
 with great gentlenes. 
 
 « Cf. Life in Hist. ii. 672. ' Ibid., and Hist. i. 2. ■= Ibid. ■' Ibid. 
 
 " Ibid. ' Life in Hist. ii. 673. « Ibid. 672. 
 
 • See supra, p. 12 and note. 
 
454 Burnet's Autobiography [1643-60 
 
 My Education; 
 
 " I had the chieffe advantage of his retirement for he made 
 the teaching me a great part of his care '' I was sent to no 
 school but was taught Latine by him with such successe that 
 before I was ten year old I was master of that tongue and of 
 the Classick Authors. I was five years at the Colledge of 
 New Aberdeen and went thro the common methods of the 
 Aristotelian Philosophy with no small applause, and passed 
 Master of Arts some moneths before I was fourteen ^ ; but all 
 that while my Father was my chieff tutor, for he made me rise 
 constantly about four. He perhaps loaded me with too much 
 knowledge, for I was excessively vain of it. It is true he 
 humbled me with much severe correction, in which how much 
 soever I might deserve it by manny wild frolicks yet I think 
 he carried that too farre, for the fear of that brought me under 
 too great an uneasynes and sometimes even to a hatred of my 
 Father. The sense of this may have perhaps carried me in 
 the education of my children to the other extream of too 
 much indulgence. But when I remember how near I was 
 often to the taking desperate methods this has given me a 
 biasse the other way. 
 
 and first studies. 
 
 When my Father desired me to choose which way I would 
 direct my studies I saw the advantages of the profession of 
 the law and was so sensible of the assistance my Father could 
 give me in it, that *= I choose that to my Father's great regret, 
 who had allwaies designed me to be a Clergyman ". I had an 
 elder brother who was a Lawier^, and as the eldest was 
 a Phisitian ^, so we being three my Father wished we might 
 be all of different professions, but he would use no authority 
 in that matter and left me to my free choice. •'For a year 
 together I studied the Civill and Feudall law with that advan- 
 
 " Cf. Life in Hist. ii. 673, and Hist. i. 1-2. •> Life in Hist. ii. 673, " Ibid. 
 d Ibid. 
 
 ' See supra, p. 4. ed; see Hist. i. 541 ; art. on him, Diet. 
 
 ^ Thomas Burnet, afterwardsknight- Nat. Biog. ; Cockburn, Specimen, p. 27. 
 
i643-6o] Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 2^,ff. 196; 195 (U) 455 
 
 tage that I find the good effects of it to this day, for without 
 it I should not have had just notions of humane society and of 
 government, and I impute the wrong notions that manny 
 Divines have of government to their being unacquainted with 
 the principles of law ^. After I had for a year run thro these 
 studies I told my Father I intended to change my designe 
 and to apply my selfe to Divinity '', He was overjoied at this 
 and ran out with manny tears into a heavenly discourse of the 
 noblenes of a function that was dedicated to God and to the 
 saving of souls, and charged me to study not out of vanity or 
 ambition but to understand the Scriptures well and to have 
 a tru sense of divine matters in my own mind. He continued 
 to the end of his dales repeating manny good instructions 
 to me, he told me that he had seen much ambition, great 
 covetousnes and violent animosities among our Bishops which 
 had ruined the Church. He charged me to treat all who 
 differed from me with gentlenes and moderation and to apply 
 my selfe chiefly to prayer, the reading the Scriptures, and to 
 the practicall part. ^ I followed for some years a hard course 
 of study, I went thro the Bible with severall Comentaries on 
 all the parts of it. I did also study controversy and read 
 Bellarmine and Chamier ^ in opposition to one another quite 
 thro ''. I fell violently into another study which had almost 
 undone me, " I went thro severall bodies of School Divinity •=, 
 and read above twenty volumes in folio of these writters and 
 grew fond of them. This heightned my vanity and brought 
 me into a false way of reasoning and everlasting wrangling 
 which made me despise and triumph over all who had not 
 suffered themselves to be entangled with that cobweb stuffe. 
 '' I read also manny volumes of History of all sorts '' so that 
 I furnished my selfe with much matter of discourse and laid it 
 all out upon all occasions \ [/. 195 {b)] « I had a very happy 
 constitution capable of much labour and hard study = and I 
 « Cf. Life in Hist. ii. 673. •> Ibid. ■= Ibid. <! Ibid. " Ibid. 676. 
 
 ' See supra, p. 102. addition made on the verso of pre- 
 
 = D. Chamieri Panstratiae Catholicae. ceding page. 
 3 The next few sentences are an 
 
456 Burners Autobiography [1660 
 
 was never the worse but the better for labour and study, 
 " I have enjoied to this day a perfect health % excepting only 
 two or three feavers which I believe fortified my constitution 
 so that I have often reckoned that I had a more than ordinary 
 account to be given of my time, since I have lived free 
 of all liftgring indispositions and of all pains, some very 
 gentle fitts of the gout excepted. This I owe to the good 
 constitution and regularity of my parents and to the sobriety 
 in which I have allwaies lived. ^ I had with this good state 
 of health an extraordinary happiness of memory that took 
 things soon and kept them long and a quicknes of imagihation, 
 so that my ideas very ever ready \sic, qu. were ever very 
 ready] and in order, and I had a great copiousnes of expres- 
 sion'', so happily did God and his Providence furnish me^ 
 to do him great service if I had made good use of them 
 [/. 196]. 
 
 The trialls of Preachers in Scotland. 
 
 " I was desired to enter upon preaching according to the 
 method of Scotland as Probationer, or as they call it an 
 Expectant preacher, who after a course of trialls that last 
 about 3 moneths are allowed to preach where they are de- 
 sired, and here I \yill give an account of these. First they 
 preach only practically on a text given them, then they preach 
 critically on a harder text, then they are tried on a mixture 
 of both waies in one, then they have some head in Divinity 
 given them for a Latin explanation of it, upon which they give 
 out Theses and defend them", they have also some period 
 
 " Cf. Life in Hist. ii. 721. " Ibid. 676. <= Ibid. 674. 
 
 ^ Cocliburri also dilates on Burnet's the appearance of knowing many 
 
 early proficiency and precocious things, rather than any one thing 
 
 ability : ' He had good natural parts, perfectly. It was his misfortune 
 
 a quick apprehension, and a pro- that his father died so early, for 
 
 digious memory ; but too volatile for he would have been a great curb to 
 
 exercising a judgement and pene- his youthful levities and extravagan- 
 
 trating into the depth of things. He cies ; but that restraint being taken 
 
 stayed no longer upon a science than off, he gave all liberty to his curious, 
 
 after he had got some view of it, and heedless, and precipitant genius," 
 
 so much as could enable him to hold Specimen, pp. 27-8. 
 some discourse upon it ; and affected 
 
i66o] Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 24, ff. 195 (b); 196-7 457 
 
 of the Scripture History given them to explain and clear the 
 difficulties in it, » after that an Hebrew Psalm is given them 
 to expound, and they are examined upon the Greek Testa- 
 ment and at last comes the questionary triall, every Clergyman 
 of the pi-ecinct [sic] putting such questions out of the Scripture 
 or the body of Divinity as he [/. 197] thinks fit to try the 
 knowledge of the person. None is admitted to these trialls 
 but upon the testimony of the Minister wher he lives of his 
 good life and good temper, and if in the course of them any 
 scandall breaks out upon him a stop is presently put to them. 
 After Episcopacy was set up*, all the alteration that the 
 Bishops made in this was that when the Clergy did approve 
 any person who passed thro these trialls they certified it to 
 the Bishop and he either put him to some new triall for his 
 own satisfaction, or he gave him a licence to preach upon the 
 Testimonial! of the Clergy. When any person was presented 
 to a Benefice he was to go over all these trialls again, and 
 being approved by the Clergy they certified that to the Bishop, 
 who upon that proceeded to Ordination. This being so much 
 a better method than any we have '' I set it down the more 
 particularly '' in case we are at any time so happy or so wise 
 as to consider how things among us may be brought to a better 
 state, here a sketch is given of a method for examining 
 persons before they are ordained Deacons or Priests. ° I 
 past thro these trialls some moneths before I was eighteen. 
 
 My Father was made Judge. 
 
 '■ Soon after that my Father was made a Judge ''. When he 
 took his place on the Bench he made a speech or rather 
 sermon to his brethren, and opened the characters given of 
 Judges, 18 Exod. ai, 23 v., and a Chron. 19, 6-7 v., in so 
 plain and convincing a manner that some of the Bench have 
 told me they never were so much moved with any discourse 
 they had ever heard, and they hoped the impression that it 
 made on them should never Wear out of their minds. The 
 greatest defect I had ever observed in my good Father was 
 
 " Cf. Life in Hist. ii. 674. '' Ibid, supra. " Ibid. bis. <> Ibid. 
 
458 Burnet's Autobiography [1660-1 
 
 his earnestnes to see me settled. ''I was presented by his 
 nephew Sir Alexander Burnet to a Benefice where his family 
 resided and in the center of all our kinred. My Father left it 
 to me to consider whether I would accept of it or not *, but 
 plainely intimated his wishes that I would. ^ There is no law 
 in Scotland that limits the age of a Clergy man, but by the 
 happy Providence of God I refused it. I thought one that 
 was not yet 1 8 ought not to undertake a cure of souls '', per- 
 sons of that age are so apt to have a good opinion of them- 
 selves and to desire a setlement, especially considering my 
 Father's infirmities and the value of the Benefice that I wonder 
 how I came to be so wise and so good as to refuse it. But I 
 have often blessed God for it since, and have observed what 
 a happines it was not to be engaged in such a station before 
 I was better prepared for it. My Father was much troubled 
 to see so much vice break out at the time of the Restoration, 
 and that men's resentments were so high for what was past. 
 He saw the designe laid to set up Episcopacy again in Scot- 
 land but from the channel in which things did then run he 
 did very much apprehend that great disorders would follow 
 upon it. Tho he preferred Episcopacy to all other forms of 
 government and thought it was begun in the Apostles' times, 
 yet he did not think it so necessary but that he could live 
 under another form, for indeed his principle with relation to 
 Church Government was Erastian. " He knew Grotius well 
 beyond sea'', and went in to all his notions upon those 
 matters. 
 
 His Death. 
 
 He did not enjoy his new dignity long, for '^he died on the 
 24 August 1661 ''. His sicknes lasted a week in which time he 
 expressed great resignation to the will of God, he seemed to 
 rejoice that his dissolution was so near and with wonderful! 
 zeal recomended to us all the fear of God and the practise of 
 a religious and vertuous life. I am sensible that it may be 
 thought I have said too much of him, but I hope the Reader 
 
 " Cf. Life in Hist, ii, 674. " Ibid. " Ibid. 672, « Ibid. 674. 
 
i66i] Bodl Add. MSS. D. 24, ff. 197-8 
 
 459 
 
 will allow this return of piety to one of the best Fathers that 
 ever man was blessed with. 
 
 My mother's family. 
 
 I must next say a little of "my Mother'. She was a 
 good religious woman but most violently engaged in the 
 Presbiterian way". Her family-^ was for above 50 years 
 the most eminent of any in Edinburgh that way. ''Her 
 brother ^ Sir Archibald Johnstone known by the title of the 
 Lord Warriston was esteemed the head of the party. "= He 
 commonly praied 5 or 6 hours a day", he had almost the 
 whole Scripture by heart, '' he had a heated imagination and 
 could not sleep above 3 hours in the 24. He was eager in 
 everything, and was a rank enthusiast "- He had the temper 
 of an Inquisitor in him* and spared no body, for tho my 
 Father had bred him and in his youth had managed all his 
 affairs, " he thought it a crime to shew any other favour to 
 him when he would not take their Covenant but to suffer him 
 to go and live beyond sea"- He did overdrive [/. 198] all 
 their councells and was the chieffe instrument of the ruine of 
 the party by the fury and cruelty of their proceedings in 
 which he was allwaies the principall leader. But after all 
 that appeared in his pyblike actings, ' he was a sincere and 
 selfe denied Enthusiast, and tho he had la (?)'' children he 
 never considered his family but was generous and charitable^ 
 
 My knowledge of the Presbyterians. 
 By my Mother's numerous kinred and by the great esteem 
 they were in with the Ministers of that way I came to be well 
 
 » Cf. Life in Hist. ii. 672. " Ibid. 672-3. ■• Hist. i. 28. ^ Ibid. 
 
 » Life in Hist. ii. 673. ' Ibid., and Hist. i. 28. 
 
 ' For Burnet's mother see supra, pp. shrewish tongue. 
 
 3, 30, 41, 86 ; Hist.K. 237 ; Cockburn, ^ See Morison's /oA«sfe« ofWarns- 
 
 Specimen, pp. 26-7 ; Elliot, Specimen, ion, 14-7. 
 
 p:62; andthestoryquoted by William " Mr. Airys statement, note 2 on 
 
 Morison in his Johnston of Warris- p. 43, vol. 1. of the i/is^. in his edition, 
 
 ton, p. 16, from Hailes, Memorials, ii. seems to be a slip of the pen. 
 
 75. The two later anecdotes suggest ' See Hist., Airy s ed. 1. 43, note i. 
 
 that the lady had a somewhat '- The Htst. says 13. 
 
460 Burnet's Autobiography [1661 
 
 acquainted with the chieffe men of that persuasion. I could 
 never esteem them much I thought all was low and saw litle 
 of the sublime either of piety, vertue, or learning among them, 
 yet I must say on the other hand I saw so much sincere zeal, 
 such a sobriety and purety of deportment, such an application 
 to praier, to reading the Scriptures and a tru tho' over 
 scrupulous observance of the Lord's day, that this has for ever 
 secured me from uncharitable thoughts of them, or severe 
 proceedings against them. I never read their practicall 
 Divinity books, nor their volumes of sermons, for looking 
 sometimes accidentally into some of them I could not value 
 them nor indeed could I ever read the sermons of the Episco- 
 pall Divines, especially the then admired Bishop Andrews. 
 I began my study with relation to our home matters with 
 " Hooker's Ecclesiasticall Policy \sic\, which did so fixe me 
 that I never departed from the principles laid down by him ", 
 nor was I a litle delighted with the modesty and charity that 
 I observed in him which edified me as much as his book 
 instructed me. '' Soon after my Father's death my Brother 
 Robert died ; he was rising up to be very eminent in the law, 
 upon that my Mother's kinred pressed me much to return to 
 the study of the law, but I told them I had put my hand to 
 the plough, and so I could not look back ^. 
 
 My acgiiaintance with Mr. Nairti^. 
 
 At this time I grew into an acquaintance and afterwards 
 into a great friendship with " Mr. Nairn, then Minister of the 
 Abbey Church at Edinburgh. His preaching charmed me, 
 ther was a beauty of expression, a trueth of reasoning and 
 a noblenes of thought in it beyond any thing I had formerly 
 heard, so I resolved to make him my pattern *=. He was 
 a man of a warm but sweet temper, free and communicative 
 and decently cheerful. '' He opened a new scene to me and 
 put books of another sort in my hand than those I had 
 
 » Cf. Life in Hisl. ii. 675. *■ Ibid. 674-5; supra, p. 4. " LMeiaHist.ii- 
 675. d Ibid. 
 
 ' See supra, p. 4. 
 
i66r-2] Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 24, / ig8 461 
 
 formetly dealt in. Smith's Select Discourses and Dr. H. 
 More's works were the first. He recomended also the reading 
 of Plato and the Platonists ^ and here I found a noble enter- 
 tainment. I observed he preached upon litle study tho by 
 hearing him I thought every word was chosen with a particular 
 care, upon that ''I asked him how he could perform as he did 
 upon so litle study. He upon that told me that he spent 
 much time every day in meditating and accustomed him selfe 
 to speak out his thoughts and to form them into proper 
 expressions upon all occasions'', he had made him selfe master 
 of the Scriptures, and of the body of Divinity, so that he was 
 well furnished with good materialls, he had a great purity of 
 expression, ''he was a man of a hevenly temper and just 
 principles. He was more moderate in the Presbiterian way 
 than any I had yet known among them ''. He submitted to 
 Episcopacy, but ^ would never be a Bishop himselfe, tho he 
 was often pressed to it ''. He read the epistles and letters of 
 great men and had a great collection of them, he said in these 
 he saw their thoughts in an originall simplicity and freedome ; 
 with him I spent many hours. ^ At this time I applied my 
 selfe to Philosophy and Mathematicks, and run thro Des 
 Cartes and Gassendi and George Keith, afterwards a famous 
 Quaker ^ and in conclusion as famous an ennemy to them, led 
 me -thro all the Elementary parts but not into Algebra or the 
 Conick Sections. "In. the year 1662 the Bishops who had 
 been consecrated at Westminster came down and made a 
 pompous entry into Edinburgh. I saw it and could not help 
 thinking that appearance of pride was no good beginning. 
 
 My happines in knowing Bishop Leighton, 
 ^ I soon after made my selfe acquainted with Bishop 
 Leightoune in whom I saw a sublimity that amased me. 
 
 " Cf. Life in Hist. ii. 675. " Ibid, supra. " Cf. Hist. i. 215. ^ Ibid, supra. 
 « Cf. Life in Hist. ii. 675 ; Hist. i. 142-3 ; supra, p. 17. ' Cf. Hist. i. 134-9 i 
 Life in Hist. ii. 675 ; supra, pp. 9-i5> 3°- 
 
 ' Here .begins the portion of the original Memoirs. See supra, pp. 4 
 Autobiography which runs parallel seq. 
 with the first extant fragment of the '' See supra, p. 30, and note 2. 
 
462 Burnet's Autobiography [1662-3 
 
 I will repeat nothing concerning him that I have put in my 
 History, he grew very soon to so particular a liking to me 
 that it was the matter of universall observation and this con- 
 tinued without the least cloud or interruption for 22 years to 
 his death. He raised in me a just sense of the great end of 
 religion as a divine life in the soul that carried a man farre 
 above forms or opinions ^ I found all his words to me were 
 as Solomon sales of the words of the wise as nailes and goads 
 fastned in a sure place, for I never left him without carrying 
 with me a warm sense [/. 199] of those divine things with 
 which he had entertained me. ^ He advised me to read all 
 the Apologies and the short Treatises of the Fathers of the 
 first 3 centuries, which I did very carefully. I read also all 
 Binius' Collection of the Councells in a series with his notes 
 down to the ad Councel of Nice. 
 
 And Mr. Char ten's. 
 
 ° I grew also well acquainted with Mr. Charteris, in whom 
 I saw a grave and solemne simplicity joined with great 
 pradence. '' He seemed dead to the world ""j had no mixture 
 of vanity or selfe conceit. He despised the greatest part of 
 that the world called learning ; he hated controversies and 
 disputes as dry and lifelesse things. ^ He loved the Misticall 
 Divines " and thought he found in them a . better savour of 
 divine matters than in most other writters. ^ There was no 
 affectation in him ^ his sermons were plain and easy ; litle 
 different from common discourse, insisting chiefly on our being 
 resigned in all things to the will of God and our loving and 
 obeying him^ and our living in the daily expectation of death 
 and judgment. ^ He had read all the Histories Ancient and 
 Modern that came in his way, ''with all books of travells 'and 
 the lives of great men ' ; he said these books gave him an 
 amusement without passion and a pleasant usefull enter- 
 tainment. 
 
 ° Cf. Hist. i. 134-9 > Life in Ht'sl. ii. 675 ; supra, pp. 9-15, 30. " Life 
 
 in HisU ii. 675. •> Ibid. 675-6. ^ Cf._ Hist. i. 215. » Ibid. 
 
 216. f Ibid. 215, and Life in Hist. ii. 675. s Cf. Life in Hist, ii.676, 
 
 and Hist. i. 216. " Cf. Life in Hist. ii. 676. i Cf. Hist. i. 216. 
 
1663] Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 24, ff. 198-9 463 
 
 / went into England. 
 
 Thus I was prepared to go abroad into the world and 
 I resolved to see a litle of it. »■ I came to London » in the 
 year 16631 and studied to know as many eminent men in it 
 as I possibly could. "^ Thurscrosse was a devout but simple 
 man, Thorndike was dry and sullen. " I grew well acquainted 
 with Tillotson and Stillingfleet, who were then the most 
 eminent of the young Clergy, Whitscot and Wilkins= were 
 very free with me, and I easily went into the notions of the 
 Latitudinarians. Outram ^ and ^ Patrick ^ were then very much 
 and justly esteemed and were very moderate. I was also 
 particularly recomended to °Mr. Baxter" having read manny 
 of his books and having received great benefit by them, and 
 I was often with him. He seemed very serious in the great 
 matters of religion and very moderate in the points of con- 
 formity but I perceived he was credulous and easily heated 
 by those who came about him. I knew also ^Dr. Mantonf, 
 but he seemed to be too full of intrigues and was a more 
 artificiall man. 
 
 And saw both Universities. 
 
 3 1 staled some time at Cambridge and was much delighted 
 with Dr. More's conversation s. There was a sweet simplicity 
 in his whole manner that charmed me. ^ I shall never forget 
 one saying of his with relation to the disputes then on foot 
 concerning Church government and ritualls, he said none of 
 these things were so good as to make men good, nor so bad as 
 to make men bad, but might be either good or bad according 
 to the hands in which they fell. * Guning appeared so trifling 
 a man to me that I was amased to see him so much considered, 
 a vein of sophistry run thro all his discourses. ^ Pearson was 
 a man of another sort, judicious, grave and moderate. Burnet "^ 
 who wrote the Theory of the earth " was the most considerable 
 
 » Cf. Life in Hist. ii. 676 ; supra, pp. 41, 43-7. ° Cf. supra, p. 45. " Supra, 
 pp. 45-6, and Life in Hist. ii. 676. * Life in Hist. ii. 676. ■• Supra, p. 46. 
 ' Supra, p. 46. e Supra, p. 46, and Life in Hist. ii. 676. '' Life in 
 
 Hist. ii. 676. ' Supra, p. 46. ■■ Life in Hist. ii. 676. 
 
 • The Memoirs and Life say 1663. Master of the Charterhouse did not 
 
 ' Author of De Sacrificiis. appear till 1681. 
 
 ' The Telluris Theoria Sacra of the 
 
464 Burnefs Autobiography [1663 
 
 among^those of the younger sort, Cudworth was in all 
 respects a great man ", but was then in a cloud as favouring 
 the Nonconformists. ''After I had staled some time at 
 Cambridge I went to Oxford. I was particularly recomerided 
 to Dr. Wallis and was so kyndly used by him that it gave 
 some jealousy of me to others, ■'yet my having read the 
 Fathers and Councells so much reconciled even the highest 
 of them to me. '' I was much delighted with Dr. Pocock's 
 company who was learned '\ humble ^ and moderate. " Dr. Fell 
 used me very kindly, he was learned, pious and very zealous, 
 but set too great a value on litle things. ^ There was something 
 nobly sweet and great in Dr. AUestry ^. Bernard had such 
 beginnings that I thought he would have proved a greater 
 man ^ than he afterwards appeared to be. » After some weeks 
 stay at the two Universities I returned to London s fully 
 undeceived of the high opinion I had formerly of them, when 
 I came into England I thought to have made a longer stay in 
 one or other of them, Cambridge answered my expectation 
 more, but Guning, Sparrow and Beaumon[t] carried things so- 
 high that I saw latitude and moderation were odious to the 
 greater part even there. 
 
 / was known to Mr. Boyle. 
 
 *■ At my return to London I was by Dr. Wallis recomended 
 to Mr. Boyle "^ with whom I lived ever after that to his dying 
 day, in a close and entire friendship, 'he had the purity of an 
 angell in him, he was modest and humble rather to a fault. 
 He despised all earthly things ', he was perhaps too eager in 
 the pursute of knowledge, but his aim. in it all was to raise in 
 him a higher sense of the wisdome and glory of the Creator 
 and to do good to mankind, he studied the Scripture with 
 
 " Life in Hisi. ii. 676. '' Ibid., and supra, p. 47. ° Life in Hist ii. 676. 
 "i Ibid. " Ibid., and supra, p. 47. ' Supra, p. 47. e Supra, p. 47, and 
 
 Life in Hist. ii. 676. >> Life as above. ' Hist. i. 193. 
 
 ' The modesty of the famous orient- implied disparagement of this famous 
 alist seems to have been proverbial. scholar. 
 
 - It is not quite easy to explain the 
 
1663] Bodl, Add. MSS. D. 24, ff. 199-200 465 
 
 great application and " practised universall love and goodnes 
 in the greatest extent possible % and was a great promoter of 
 ■ love and charity among men and a declared ennemy to all 
 bitternes and most particularly to all [/. aoo] persecution on 
 the account of religion. 
 
 And to S\ir\ R. Murray. 
 
 ^ My^chieffe acquaintance at London that proved of the 
 greatest use and advantage to me was with S[ir] Robert 
 Murray who indeed treated me as a father. I was with him 
 every day and was directed by him in all things, and which 
 was the most important as well as the most necessary thing 
 I was admonished and chid by him for every thing that he 
 knew or saw amisse in me. I was very forward and was too 
 apt to shew how much I knew of every thing so he gave me 
 great lessons of humility and modesty. He recommended 
 Epictetus much to me for he had poised his own mind with 
 his maxims so equally that he did not seem moved with any 
 thing that could happen to him. I never could observe the 
 least change of countenance or behaviour in him by any thing 
 that befell him, tho I know on manny occasions accidents 
 happened to him that would have shaken even a firm mind but 
 they did not so much as move him ^. He set me a noble 
 scheme of life both with relation to my studies and to the 
 function to which he knew I intended to dedicate my selfe. 
 
 Atid Mr. Drtimmond. 
 " There was another Gentleman who seemed then dying of 
 a consumption but lived ten year longer, Mr. Drummond who 
 had lived i2 year in London" and was in great esteem with 
 all who knew him. I was particularly recommended- to him 
 and found him in all things as a brother. He told me how 
 to make way to all the persons to whom he addressed me 
 he cautioned me as to every one of them, to engage them 
 upon the subjects that would be most pleasant to them, and 
 most usefull to my selfe, and he made strict enquiries into my 
 
 • Hist. i. 193. " Life in Hist. ii. 676 ; Hist. i. 59-60 ; supra, pp. 43-6. 
 
 c Supra, pp. 44-5. 
 
 FOXCROFT H n 
 
466 Burnet's Autobiography [1664 
 
 behaviour and "used all the plaines of a kind and even of 
 a severe monitor with me. '' By these means my journey into 
 England, tho but of six moneths continuance, was of great use 
 to me*" anck: though I had designed a further journey, yet I 
 thought it best to come back to Scotland and to reflect on all 
 that I had seen and known ; and then by the next season to 
 travell farther. " I was much pressed to enter into Orders 
 and to accept of a Benefice. I was invited to go into the 
 Westerne parts with the offer of one of the best Churches in 
 the countrey : but I was happily diverted from it " for if I had 
 gone thither probably I might have been engaged unto the 
 passions and interests of a party by the provocations that 
 might have been given me by the perverse people in those 
 parts. '' Sir Robert Fletcher a Gentleman of great vertue and 
 very learned in the Mathematicks, had while he travelled and 
 was at Paris, been used by my Father who was then there, 
 with such particular care and kyndnes that he owned to manny 
 that he owed more to my Father than ever he did to man next 
 his own Father ; so he hearing a favorable character of me 
 desired to be acquainted with me ^ and invited me to his house 
 at Saltoun. 
 
 r was offered Saltan a Benefice in Scotland. 
 
 His Minister Mr. Scowgall was named to be Bishop of 
 Aberdeen, so as soon as Sir Robert heard me preach he made 
 the offer of that Church to me. I had indeed projected that 
 Mr. Nairn should come into that Church and I was resolved 
 to accept a smaller one in that neighbourhood, so I told Sir 
 Robert I could not entertain his offer but desired him to pitch 
 on Mr. Nairn ; I added I intended to travell for some moneths. 
 This did not move him for he had setled his thoughts on me, 
 and he said he would keep the place vacant till I returned, for 
 the Bishop was not Consecrated till some moneths after that. 
 I upon that consented to accept of it and I quickly set out to 
 travell again. 
 
 » Supra, p. 45. '' Life in Hist. ii. 676. " Cf. ibid. ; Hist. i. 155 ; 
 
 supra, p. 28. ^ Cf. Life in Hist. ii. 676 ; supra, pp. 85-6. " Life in 
 
 Hist. ii. t-jS--] ; supra, pp. 88-9. 
 
x664] Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 2^,ff. 200 and 202 467 
 
 / wenl beyond sea. 
 * I went by London to Holland and after a ramble of some 
 weeks, I selled at Amsterdam, to the wonder of all who went 
 to Holland for their studies. I had another designe I had 
 a learned Jew to perfect me in the Hebrew, but my chieffe 
 designe was to know the best men of the severall forms of 
 religion there, to iestablish me in the principles of universal 
 charity and of thinking well of those who differed from me. I 
 knew the Arminiaris, the Lutherans, the Anababtists, the 
 Brownists, the Papists and the Unitarians ; and I must say 
 that I saw among them all some who were so very good that 
 I was by this not a litle confirmed in my resolutions never to 
 go in to severe methods on the account of religion "- The most 
 eminent men in Leyden were ^ Golius ^ and Heydanus ^. 
 Cocceius ^ was beginning to vent his singularities upon the 
 Prophets but was then very litle considered. " I saw old 
 Voetius, who was a sour rigid man. '' From runing round these 
 Provinces I went thro the Spanish Netherlands to Paris. At 
 Paris I made a large acquaintance I did admire Dailies 
 learning and Morus's eloquence Charenton was then much 
 divided by a quarrell between those two great [/. 20a] men. 
 Morus's way of preaching was much admired: he had an 
 inimitable fire with a great variety of thoughts that lay out 
 of the common roadj that both surprised and pleased the 
 audience, his manner was lively and looked like one inspired, 
 but he had too much of the stage in his way ; and those 
 flights that passed well in a pathetick discourse could not bear 
 a strict examination. I was much improved in my scheme of 
 preaching by what I saw in him, and found a great deal both 
 to imitate and to correct. " I could not bear the false eloquence 
 and the forced gestures of the Monks ; I heard one Secular 
 
 " Life in Hist. ii. 677 ; Hist. i. 207 ; supra, pp. 90-4. '' Supra, p. 94. ' Supra, p. 
 91. ■! Life in Htst. ij. 677 ; Hist. i. 207 ; supra, pp. 95-6. " Supra, pp. 96-7. 
 
 ^Abraham Heydanus (1597-1678), head of the 'Hoogeschool' at Leyden 
 
 head of the ' Hoogeschool ' at Leyden from 1650 to his death. This ' immor- 
 
 from 164810 1676, a moderate man, and tal writer' {vide Van der Aa, iii. 518- 
 
 a disciple of Descartes (Van der Aa, so), whose piety was as remarkable 
 
 viii. 395-8). as his intellectual independence, 
 
 ' Johannes Cocceius (1603-69) was headed the opposition to Voetius. 
 
 H h a 
 
468 Burnetts Autobiography [1664 
 
 Priest that pleased me much. I went to manny of the Re- 
 ligious houses but saw nothing that pleased me among them. 
 •I met with none of the Mysticks : and the Jansenists were 
 then so much depressed that they kept them selves in great 
 retirement, and so I could not find a way to be admitted to 
 see any of them. ° The Lord Hollis then Ambassadour at the 
 Court of France used me with great freedome and kindnes. 
 ^ After some weeks stay at Paris I returned back to England, 
 " I was then ^ recomended by Sir Robert Murray to be a 
 Fellow of the Royall Society" and after a course of these 
 small travells ^ for seven moneths I came home to Scotland in 
 the end of the year 1664. '^A few daies after Sir Robert 
 Fletcher came and carried me with him to Salton. 
 
 I prepared my selfe for holy Orders. 
 
 When I was presented to that Church I choose to continue 
 among them 4 moneths preaching constantly before I took 
 Orders : I resolved to know all the parish and to be known of 
 them, before I would engage my selfe to them ^. They all 
 came without any one exception to me and desired me to 
 come and labour among them ''- So I resolved to prepare my 
 selfe for that the best I could. I knew I had a great deal .to 
 answer for to God and the Church : * I had a perfeit health 
 capable of labour and study, I had a good memory and an 
 imagination that was but too lively. I had a copious fluency 
 of expression ", all these nature or rather the author of nature 
 had furnished me with. I had the greatest advantages in the 
 progresse of my life from my first beginings under my Father, 
 to that day, of any man that I knew. ' Three of the greatest 
 
 " Cf. Life in Hist. ii. 677 ; Hist. i. 207 ; supra, p. 95. •< Cf. Life in Hist. ii. 
 
 677 ; supra, p. 98. " Cf. Life in Hist. ii. 677 ; supra, p. 89. ^ Cf. Life in 
 
 Hist. ii. 677. " Ibid. 676. ' Ibid, supra. 
 
 ' See supra, p. 89, note 3. Miscellany, iii. 393-5, show that the 
 
 ^ Here concludes the portion which Bishop of Edinburgh's letter in his 
 
 runs parallel with the first Harleian favour was received Nov. 10, 1664 ; 
 
 fragtoent. that his ' trials ' were completed by 
 
 ^ The ' Extracts from the . . . pro- Dec. 15, 1664 ; and that he was in- 
 
 ceedings of the Presbytery of Had- stituted by Laurence Chafteris after 
 
 dington,' printed in the Bannntyne June 15, 1665. 
 
1664-5] Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 24, / 202 469 
 
 Clergymen * and two of the best Laymen of the age who were 
 all eminent in different waies ''had concurred to finish an 
 education that was well began ^, so I had much to answer for 
 and tho I laboured under a load of selfe conceit and vanity, 
 and was excessivly forward in discourse, yet I thank God I 
 had gone long under tru and deep impressions of religion, but 
 I had not kept them up allwaies in one state I had been 
 often under great dissipation I now entred upon a more 
 serious view of niy selfe, and of the function to which I was to 
 be dedicated. I resolved to give my selfe wholly to it, and 
 to direct all my studies that way. A melancholy accident 
 happned that took out of my way the greatest diversion that 
 seemed to He before me. Fletcher delighted in the Mathe- 
 maticks, but could not break in upon Algebra, so I had 
 a Master at London that carried me thro Oughtred', and to 
 Sir Robert's great joy I taught him that. That winter a great 
 comet appeared and we observed it manny nights : this had 
 so ill an effect on him that it brought a feaver on him of which 
 he died ^, so here a full stop was put to my Mathematicall 
 studies which was a great happines to me for I was much 
 taken with them and I -had such a memory that I could carry 
 on a progresse of equations long without pen ink or paper, so 
 that I was pursued with them day and night. This change 
 put me in a better disposition to follow the duties of my 
 function. "I was ordained a Priest in February 1665"=, and I 
 set about the care of my parish in so particular a manner and 
 with such successe that I will set down the method I held in 
 for the 5 years that I continued there. 
 
 My labours in my parish. 
 I first consider[ed] how to preach to the edification of the 
 people who were of a low form two considerable families only 
 
 » Cf. Life in Hist. ii. 676. " Ibid. " Ibid. 678. 
 
 ■ The Clavis Mathemaiica of William workj and the comments of Cock-. 
 
 Oughtred was the textbook of the burn, Specimen, pp. 30-2. He says 
 
 day on Algebra and Arithmetic. Sir Robert's family were greatly dis- 
 
 " See his funeral sermon (printed pleased with it. 
 anonymously), Burnet's first published 
 
470 Burnet's Autobiography [1665-9 
 
 excepted. "■ I saw what a labour preaching was to manny who 
 wrote their sermons and then got them by heart, for none do 
 read in Scotland, so I resolved to follow a freer and easier way 
 the hints of which I had from Mr. Nairn \ I read the Scripture 
 with great application and got a great deal of it by heart and 
 accustomed my selfe as I was riding or walking to repeat par- 
 cells of it. I went thro the Bible to consider all the texts propef 
 to be preached on and studied to understand the literall mean- 
 ing of the words and the right way of expounding and applying 
 them. '' I accustomed my selfe on all occasions to form my 
 meditations into discourse and spoke aloud what occurred to 
 my thoughts ^, I went over the body' of Divinity frequently, 
 both the speculative and the practical, [/. 203] chiefly the 
 last, and formed a way of explaining every part of it in thef 
 easiest and clearest way I could, and "= I spent a great part of 
 every day in talking over to my selfe my thoughts of those 
 matters '^, but that which helped me most was that I studied 
 to live in frequent recollection observing my selfe and the 
 chain of thoughts that followed all good or bad inclinations, 
 and thus by a course of meditation and praier I arrived at 
 a great readines in preaching that has continued with me ever 
 from that time. To give me more life in all this I pursued 
 a method of praier in such a compasse that I had all my sins 
 and infirmities all my duties and obligations .daily in my view, 
 going thro a full survey of every thing relating to my selfe 
 and to all others in whom I was concerned with particular 
 meditations and praiers upon them all, and this I could enlarge 
 to manny hours or shorten so as to bring it within one hour 
 every day. 
 
 Next to my private thoughts I resolved to make the care of 
 my parish a constant labour to me "^ I preached twice every 
 Lord's day and once in the week I catechised all my parish 
 4 times a year"*. We catechised in Scotland all old and 
 young, masters of families and servants, and indeed all ex- 
 cept those whose education set them above the suspition of 
 ignorance. *= This I did 3 times a week ®, except in the seasona 
 
 " Cf. Life in Hist. ii. 675. ^ Ibid. <: Ibid. J Ibid. 678. » Ibid. 
 
1665-9] Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 24, ff. 202-3 471 
 
 of hard labour. I quickly brought all my parish to such a 
 degree of knowledge that they answered me to the sense of 
 the questions I asked without sticking to the words of any 
 catechisme, and in doing this I explained things copiously to 
 them and turned to the Scriptures proper to the severall sub- 
 jects which was so well received by them that great numbers 
 came to be catechised, and one family coming after another 
 I have been kept often three hours in a catecheticall exercise. 
 " I went round my parish at least twice a year and visited 
 every house and spoke with every person as there was occasion 
 for it, reproving, exhorting, or comforting them. I visited 
 every person that was sick every day *, for the Church and my 
 house stood almost in the center of the parish, the remotest 
 house not being above a mile's distance from it. '' I gave the 
 Sacrament 4 times a year and spoke to every individuall per- 
 son that desired to receive it '' : thus I gave my selfe up wholly 
 to the pastorall care. " I knew every person in my parish and 
 all their concerns : ^ and living frugally I gave all that was 
 over and above' my necessary subsistence in charity among 
 them. ® I had all their hearts to a very great degree ', even 
 the Presbiterians among them loved me beyond expression, 
 tho I was the only man that I heard of in Scotland that used 
 the forms of the Common praier ", not reading but repeating 
 them. 
 
 My private studies were the reading the New Testament in 
 Greek over and over again without any Comentary to de- 
 termine me, but only with dictionaries and concordances that 
 I might by my own industry comprehend the designe of those 
 writings. ' I also read all the books I could find to help me 
 to see wliat the Primitive Constitution of the Church was, and 
 
 - Life in Hist. ii. 678. " Ibid. " Ibid, infra. ^ Ibid, supra. 
 
 » Ibid, infra. ' Ibid. 
 
 1 Alexander Cunningham, whose the other hand, fully confirms Burnet's 
 
 writings betray a personal animus -own account of his labours, his aus- 
 
 against Burnet, and who speaks of terities, and his self-conceit (S/rawOT, 
 
 his labours in his first parish with pp. 32-3)- See also Bannatyne Mts- 
 
 vindictive and irrelevant disparage- cellany, iii. 395, for the approbation 
 
 ment, maintains that he was very expressed by Burnet s elders at the 
 
 unpopular {Hist. i. 30). Cockburn, on visitation of July, 1666. 
 
472 Burnet's Autobiography [1665-9 
 
 what were the rules by which the Bishops and Priests of those 
 times governed themselves. S. Cyprian was my chiefife author 
 but I carried my search into other writters as far as I could. 
 
 / was much offended with the inethode the Bishops took. 
 
 By this I saw that our Bishops observed none of the 
 Primitive rules, while yet they fetched the chiefe arguments 
 for their Order from those times. *They neglected their 
 Diocesses ", scarce ever preached, * they were raising their own 
 families, and above all were persecuting those who would 
 not submit to them''. Of the particulars relating to this 
 I say no more in this place because they will be found in my 
 History. ''This heated me to a great degree so I drew 
 up a long and warm Memoriall ^ of all their abuses and sent 
 copies of that to all the Bishops of my acquaintance. They 
 treated me very severly on that occasion and threatned me 
 with high censures, but the thing had got abroad and was 
 so well liked that they thought fit to dismisse me with a 
 reprimend for my presumption. Upon this I resolved to 
 let the world see that I had done nothing on designe to make 
 my selfe popular. I retired from company, I staled constantly 
 at home, * I entered into an ascetick course of life for two 
 years till the whole masse of my blood was corrupted by 
 my ill diet, so that two great feavers in two subsequent years 
 convinced me that I ought not to continue longer in that 
 course of ill food ^ The last feaver was of 30 dales continu- 
 ance and for some hours * I seemed to be in the last agony", 
 and for some minutes lay as dead. Upon "my recovery 
 I returned to more compliance with my body. But one 
 happy thought gave a great change to the course of my 
 studies. I had till then pursued them in a great compasse 
 and had the vanity to designe to be an eminent and distin- 
 
 ° Cf. Hist. i. 217. " Jbid. "= Cf. Life in Hist. ii. 678-9 ; Hist, i, 217. 
 
 •J Cf. Life in Hist. ii. 678-9. " IM. 
 
 ' See Cockburn, pp. 33-43 (quoted seems to be a reference to Scougall's 
 by Mr. Airy, note, Hist, in loco) ; conduct in the Preface to the Life of 
 and supra, p. 40, note i. There Bedel. 
 
1665-9] Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 24, ff. 203 and 201 473 
 
 guished scholar. I had not the humility to repent of this 
 and to abhorre it and so I resolved for the [/. aoi] remaining 
 part of my life no more to pursue the vanity or curiosity 
 of being thought a learned man, and only to read books 
 as an entertainment when no better thing was to be done 
 and to this resolution I have adhered from that time to this 
 day, so that any measure of knowledge I have arrived at since 
 that time has come on me as my station or other circum- 
 stances engaged me in my hours of leisure to study. 
 
 / studied Misticall Divinity. 
 
 With my ascetick course of life I joined the reading all 
 the Misticall Authors I could find ; in particular all Teresa's 
 works. They are all brought into a sisteme by Baker in his 
 Sancta Sophia^. I read also volumes of the Lives of the 
 Saints of the Church of Rome, but these are of such a 
 fabulous and ridiculous contexture, that it was no small 
 exercise to my patience to bear with them. The Misticks 
 are writters of a better strain: but being writ by recluse, 
 melancholy people they are full of rank Enthusiasme, and 
 if in the Church of Rome they had not set up the principle 
 of submitting to the Church and of being resigned to the 
 conduct of a confessor as the superiour principle to which all 
 are to subject themselves, their Misticall Divinity must have 
 led them to all the extravagancies of Enthusiasme. I have 
 often wondred to find that my course of life and of study 
 both concurring that way, I was never in danger of being 
 misled. But as I had nothing of the spleen or melancholy 
 in my naturall constitution, so my Philosophical! studies had 
 taught me to distinguish between the effect of a heat in the 
 
 ' He alludes to the Sancta Sophia, or orthodoxy and to men of the world ; 
 
 Directions for ihe Prayer of Contempla- see Hickes, Some discourses, pp. 23-5, 
 
 Hon drawn up by FaUier Serenus Leslie's Character of an Enthusiast, 
 
 Cre'ssy from the writings of Father and the ludicrous exaggerations of. 
 
 Baker (a convert to Roman Catholi- Cunningham, Hist. i. 124, 211 ; and 
 
 cism), published at Douay in 1657. they would have been yet more offen- 
 
 The suppression of Burnet's mystical sive to eighteenth-century rationalism ; 
 
 leanings in his son's account is no see Portland MSS. (H. M. C.) vii. 
 
 doubt deliberate. They had given 367-8. 
 scandal in his own day, both to a rigid 
 
474 Burnet's Autobiography [1666-9 
 
 animal spirits, which was mechanicall and that which lay in 
 the superiour powers of the soul. 
 
 A}i extraordinary effect of histericall fitts. 
 
 A happy accident at. that time let me see that seeming 
 raptures . might flow from natural] causes. The Countesse 
 of Belcarras with whom I had lived in great friendship for 
 manny years sent for me to come to her in all hast: when 
 I came she told nie her daughter^ had fitts of a strange 
 nature, in which she lay waking, but knew no body : she 
 spoke all the while like "one in heaven as if she had been 
 conversing with God and the holy Angells. She spoke 
 without interruption as long as the fitt lasted, and said she 
 had a vision of the number of hours in which that converse 
 with God was to last, and when the hour she had named 
 came, she fell into a short slumber and wakened clear in 
 her head, but knew nothing that she had been doing or 
 saying ; her spirits were sunk, for her fits lasted manny hours, 
 the last was about 10 hours long. She was then about 18 
 and was an extraordinary person in all respects. I appre- 
 hended there was something belonging to her sexe in the 
 case, so I advised her Mother to send for a phisitian. He 
 set nature right and she had no more fitts. I had heard 
 of other instances of this sort, but never knew any besides 
 this : in it I saw how Nuns by their state of life might be 
 subject to such fits, so stories of that sort among them are 
 not all to be rejected as fictions, nor to be entertained as 
 things supernaturall. 
 
 Upon the whole matter I will deliver my sense of my 
 course of life and studies very freely. I learned indeed to 
 neglect my body and to live upon litle. I grew to dispise 
 the world, and had so litle need of wealth that I contemned 
 it. I loved solitude and silence and so I avoided manny 
 
 ' This must have been Lady Henri- Crawford's Memoir of Lady Anna 
 
 etta Lindsay, her youngest daughter, Mackenzie, pp. 111-38 passim. She 
 
 whose religious zeal and supposed married in 1678 Sir Duncan Campbell 
 
 prophetic visions are noted in Lord of Auchinbreclc. 
 
1666-9] Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 24,^ 201 and 204 475 
 
 tentations, but I was out of measure conceited of my selfe, 
 vain and desirous of fame beyond expression. I grew into 
 a superstitious overvaluing of the severities I underwent, and 
 became very scrupulous in all the circumstances relating td 
 them : the worst of all was I undervalued those who did not 
 practise the same things. I never felt any internall appre- 
 hension of extraordinary impulses, tho I cannot deny but 
 I desired mightely to feel them, if such things were to be 
 felt, and I was sometimes very near a resolution of abandoning 
 the world and of going into some remote places in a dis- 
 guised habit where none knew me that so I might instruct 
 poor people as being one of themselves, and a very small 
 impulse would have carried me to this, for my imagination 
 was much heated with it. Thus I have given a very plain 
 and tru account of my life and labours at Salton. At the 
 end of my stay there "the scene of our MiTiistry was much 
 changed, for there was a great mildnes in the administration 
 and most of those [/. 204] who were then put in the Ministry 
 were my particular friends, so I was often called for and 
 advised with by them. Moderation was then the word as 
 much as the execution of the lawes was formei'ly driven on. 
 
 Great Moderation in the administration. 
 
 ^ I had been long acquainted with Lady Margaret Kennedy, 
 a daughter of the Earle of Cassilis ; " she was a very extra- 
 ordinary woman and a most zealous Presbyterian, and in 
 great credit and esteem with them. '^Therfe was some kinred 
 between us "*, but my moderation was the chieffe thing that 
 recommended me to her. °She lived in a most particular 
 friendship with the Dutchesse of Hamilton, /who is^ a woman 
 of a great understanding, eminently devout and charitable 
 and indeed a pattern of vertue. She would never medle to 
 
 « Cf. Life in Hist. ii. 679. ■> Sttpra, pp. 84-5. "= Supra, pp. 84-5 ; Life in 
 Hist. ii. 681. d Supra, p. 84. " Life in Hist. ii. 681. ' Hist. i. 376. 
 
 ' Anne, Duchess of Hamilton in her created Duke of Hamilton), survived 
 own right (married April 29, 1656, to Burnet, dying in 1716 at the age of 80. 
 William Douglas, Earl of Selkirk, 
 
476 Burnet's Autobiography [1666-9 
 
 dispute in matters of speculation, but went on this ground 
 that the Presbiterians were better men, better preachers and 
 more successefuU in their labours than the Episcopall Clergy*. 
 Sir Robert Murray had given her such a character of me that 
 she being at Edinburgh ''desired my acquaintance and after 
 some conversation with her she desired me to come on a visit 
 to Hamilton. "= I staled there for some dales and I had a very 
 particular information of the state of the Countrey brought 
 me by manny hands of different sorts ; '' things there were 
 in a very lamentable condition, the Clergy were a sad pack 
 of people and were so much hated that upon the slackning 
 the rigorous execution of the lawes they were universally 
 deserted by their people. Scandalous reports passed upon 
 most of them and they were generally believed, the people 
 were running either into grosse ignorance or into wild fanati- 
 cisme, some of the most extravagant of their teachers drew 
 multitudes after them and filled their heads with nianny 
 strange conceits, while the more sober of that persuasion 
 were cautious and looked on without interposing; °so it was 
 proposed that these who were the more moderate of the 
 Presbiterians might be put into some of the vacant Churches 
 to keep the people in some order, ^and I was so farre con- 
 vinced of this that I made the motion in a letter that I wrote 
 to the court. 
 
 8 This came afterwards to be known and drew the hatred 
 of the Episcopall party on me to such a degree that I could 
 never overcome it. •'While I was at Hamilton I became 
 acquainted with him that was Rector of the University of 
 Glasgow. He was so well pleased with me that he proposed 
 to that body to choose me to be Divinity Professor there, 
 in this he prevailed so that they sent him to me with a Decree 
 choosing me to fill that chair. All my friends^ advised me 
 
 ° Cf. Hist. i. 276. ' Life in Hist. ii. 679. ■= Cf. Hist. i. 280. 
 
 •> Ibid. 247, 273, 276-7. " Ibid. 276-7. ' Ibid. 280. b Ibid. 281. 
 
 " Life in Hist. ii. 679 ; Hist. i. 287. 
 
 ' Cockburn maintains that Leighton frain from politics {Specimen, pp. 
 on this occasion urged Burnet to re- 45-6). 
 
1669-73] Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 24, / 204 477 
 
 to accept of it \ They thought me capable of filling the post 
 and of doing the Church great service in it. '' I confesse the 
 lamentations of the good people of Salton made my parting 
 with them very hard to me^. It is not easy for me to 
 expresse the violence of the passion they expressed nor the 
 manny tears that they shed on that occasion. 
 
 / ivas made Diviitity Professor at Glasgow. 
 
 But at last I left them tho not without great uneasines, 
 and "in November, 1669, 1 removed to Glasgow. I continued 
 4 year and a halfe there in no small exercise of my patience. 
 The Presbiterians hated me because they thought I was 
 taking methods to establish Episcopacy among them, the 
 Episcopall party did not love moderation nor the slackning 
 the execution of the lawes °, so between them I had few friends 
 and manny enemies. The violent prejudices they took up 
 against Bishop Leightoun with whom I lived in an entire 
 confidence encreased their ill opinion of me. I preached 
 constantly in the town and in the places about it, and went 
 oft to Hamilton but I could never overcome the prejudices 
 of the Presbiterians. ''My chieffe busines was to form the 
 students of Divinity right, and I laid down a plann for if* 
 which made all my friends uneasy because they thought it was 
 not possible for me to hold out long in it, yet ° I let no part 
 of it fall all the while I staled there. I will set it all down, 
 because every one approved of the scheme, only they thought 
 it ought to be the work of two or three men and that it was 
 too much for one. 
 
 My performances there. 
 On Moonday I made all the students in course explain a part 
 of the body of Divinity in Latine with a Thesis and answer 
 all the arguments that the rest could make against it, arid 
 I concluded it with a determination of my own in Latine. 
 On Tuesday I had a Prelection in Latine in which I designed 
 
 • Cf. Life in Hist. ii.-679 ; Hist. i. 287. " Life, as above. -^ Ibid., 
 
 and Hist. i. 287-8. "> Life in Hist. ii. 679. " Ibid. 679-80. 
 
478 Burnet's Autobiography [1669-73 
 
 to go thro a body of Divinity in about 10 or 13 years time, 
 so that I was not gone halfe way when I left the place, 
 On Wednesday I went thro a Criticall Commentary on 
 St. Mathews Gospell for a whole hour which I delivered in 
 English and went quite thro that Gospell. On Thursday 
 I expounded a Psalm in Hebrew, comparing it with the 70, 
 the vulgar and our version and explained the meaning of 
 it, and by turns on the next Thursday I explain[ed] the 
 constitution and the rituall [/. ac6] of the Prinaitive Church 
 and made the Aposticall Canons my text bringing every 
 particular that I opened to them to one of these Canons. 
 On Fryday I made the students in course preach a short 
 sermon upon a text that I gave them,- and when that was 
 ended I shewed them what was defective or amisse in the 
 sermon and how the text ought to have been opened and 
 applied. Besides all this I called them all together in the 
 evening every day to praiers, and after praiers I read a parcell 
 of Scripture to them, and after I had explained it I made 
 a short sermon for a quarter an hour \sic\ upon it. I then 
 asked them what difficulties they met with in their studies, and 
 answered such questions as they put to me. Thus I applied 
 my selfe for 8 moneths in a year to answer the ends of 
 a professor with the diligence of a schoolmaster^. This 
 obliged me to much hard study. I rose early and studied 
 close from 4 to lo for six hours, but was forced to throw 
 up the rest of the day, partly for the use of students and 
 partly for hearing the complaints of the Clergy and for receiving 
 the applications made to me, for it was understood that I had 
 some credit with those who governed, so this drew much 
 trouble upon me. 
 
 ' Burnet, like Arnold, was clearly in small admiration of the vulgar' ; and 
 
 his element as a pedagogue. Cunning- that his praises of virginity and the 
 
 ham, as usual, makes Burnet's conduct state of widowhood (after the manner 
 
 at this time the text for ill-natured gibes ; of St. Jerome) rendered his subsequent 
 
 says he preached a compound of Ar- marriages very ridiculous [Hist. i. 30). 
 minianism and Calvinism ' to the no 
 
1671] Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 24, j^ 204 and 206 479 
 
 / wrote the memoirs of the dukes of Hamilton. 
 
 I made manny visits to Hamilton " which lay within 8 mile 
 of Glasgow, and ^ growing into a high measure of favour with 
 the Duke and Dutchesse'', and having a just esteem of them 
 I took pleasure to be for some dates there wher I was very 
 easy and free. "^ I offered my service to the Dutchesse to 
 examine the papers she had with relation to her Father and 
 her Uncle's ministry. She had kept them carefully but 
 had not till then found a person that she thought fit to trust 
 them to. She had such an entire confidence in me that she 
 put them all in my hands ", and I read them with great care. 
 I saw by all the common books that her Father had been 
 hated by both parties, so this inclined me to think he was the 
 moderate man who has comonly that fate. This gave me 
 first the curiosity to examine into all his actions. I say no 
 more here of that work having said so much of it in my other 
 works. Besides all that was fit to be published, I saw manny 
 other particulars that gave me a clear view into those times 
 and to the chieffe actors in them. ^ This brought the character 
 of King Charles the first very low with me *, but the Earl of 
 Clarendon's History ^ sunk it- quite. " As soon as the L[ord] 
 Lawderdale knew that I had entred on this work, he desired 
 me to come up to London and to lay it before him for he was 
 sure he could give it a finishing. 
 
 Upon that J went to Court. 
 
 Upon that I went to Court where I was treated by him with 
 so particular a confidence that if I had pleased and would have 
 followed the methods of a Court, I could easily have made 
 a great fortune under him. All the addition he gave to my 
 work was with relation to those passages in which he had a 
 share. I took them all readily from him, but could not bring 
 my selfe to comply with his brutall imperious humours. One 
 
 • Cf. Life in Hist. ii. 679-80. '' Ibid., and Hist. i. 298. = lUd. 
 
 <J Cf. Hist. i. 298. " Ibid. 298-9, and Life in Hist. ii. 680-1. 
 
 ' See supra, p. 53, note 3. 
 
480 Burnetts Autobiography [1671-2 
 
 thing I did effectually. D[uke] Hamilton and he had been 
 at a great distance so I had powers to reconcile them entirely. 
 D[uke] Hamilton got assignations to satisfy his pretensions 
 on the. Crown, of which I had found authentick vouchers 
 among the papers trusted to me. He on the other hand 
 promised to concurre in Parliament with the D[uke] of 
 Lawderdail^ The King took particular notice of me^ and 
 gave me great assurances of favour and preferment. But I 
 thank God these things made no impression on me. ^ I 
 liked Court favour only because it put me in a capacity 
 of serving other people and a great deal of that passed thro 
 my hands. " I was offered a Bishoprick but refused it ". So 
 farre I have given the fair side of my selfe, but now I will 
 open another scene not very bright. 
 
 My first marriage. 
 
 ^ I lived manny years in great freindship with L[ady] Mar- 
 garet Kennedy. I had a high esteem of her understanding 
 and a much greater one of her generosity, vertue and piety ^, 
 and had in great measure brought her off from the rigidity of the 
 Presbiterian way so that our friendship was observed to be very 
 extraordinary. From a high esteem it grew into an affection so 
 that I courted her. She was much concerned at that for as 
 she had no mind to lose my company she had as little mind 
 to many me. She was 18 year elder then I and having lived 
 till then in a high reputation she saw a marriage on such an 
 inequality would much lessen her, nor did she think it decent 
 in me it would have a face of ambition and covetousness ; and 
 of all this I was so convinced that I resolved often to break it 
 off, but my affection was so strong that it returned upon me 
 allwaies and at last after two years sute " we were ^ married " 
 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 298-9, and Life in Hisl. ii. 680-1. '" Cf. Hist. i. 298. <= Life in 
 Hist. ii. 681 ; Hist. i. 298, 300. ^ Supra, pp. 84-5. « Life in Hist. ii. 681. 
 
 ' See Mr. Airy's note, Hist. i. 533 in Nat. Biog. vii. 397,407). Burnet him- 
 
 his edition. self states (a) that he was married thir- 
 
 - It is difficult to fix the exact date teen years — which, as his wife died in 
 
 of this marriage. Mr. Airy we find, in May, 1685, would place the marriage 
 
 different articles, assigns it to the years in 1672; and (b) that the marriage 
 
 1672 and 1670-1 respectively {Diet. remained a secret two years — which, 
 
1671-2] Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 2,^,ff. 206 and 26^ 481 
 
 but so privatly that none but the Bishop of [/. ao8] 
 Ed[inbu]r[gh] who wrot the license and Mr. Charteris who 
 married us and two other witnesses knew any thing of it, and 
 it continued a secret for two year. This was an inexcusable 
 piece of folly in me for which when it broke out we were both 
 severly censured. She lived with me 13 years but fell under 
 such a decay of memory and understanding that for some 
 years she knew nothing and no body. * In this I had a large 
 occasion for patience and for a tender return of care " to one 
 that had laid so great an obligation on me, and I thank God 
 I went thro that in a very singular manner. ''When I first 
 married her she had no thought of securing her fortune to her 
 selfe so that it would have all fallen into my hands, but I pre- 
 pared a deed which I delivered to her before our marriage 
 by which I renounced all pretensions to it*. This in great 
 measure softned her friends when our marriage came to be 
 known. But I must now open another scene of my life. 
 
 My medling in busines much censured. 
 "When I was in London in the year 1671 reading my His- 
 tory to the L[ord] Lauderdale I saw then that there was a 
 secret negotiation between our Court and the Court of France, 
 this broke out terribly in the year 1672, ^and then the Duke 
 of Lauderdale came down to Scotland in a vast magnificence 
 with his new lady, I was looked on by all as a favourite and 
 continued to do all poor sutors good offices, ° but I saw such 
 
 « Life in Hist. ii. 722. "" Ibid. 681. " Cf. Hist. i. 300-1, 303-10. 
 
 d Ibid. 338-9, and Life in Hist. ii. 681. ° Hist. i. 339. 
 
 as it became public during tlie same burn, pp. 46-7 (whose information, de- 
 week as his appointment to the Rolls rived in part from Mr. Charteris, is 
 Chapel in the Long Vacation, 1675, extraordinarily correct). Cockburn 
 would place the ceremony in 1673 or mentions that the Hamiltons had cal- 
 at least in 167I. The skill with which culated upon their wealthy kins- 
 Mr. Thomas Burnet has glided over woman portioning some of their chil- 
 the less agreeable features of this dren ; which suggests an additional 
 alliance, and has altogether suppressed motive for Burnet's renunciation of 
 its clandestine character, gives us a her fortune. The final illness of 
 high opinion of his qualifications as Lady Margaret (for which see supra, 
 an advocate. For the adverse com- p. 151, infra, p. 490) is mentioned in 
 ments on the match to which Dr. Bur- one of Dr. Leighton's letters (described 
 net refers see Swift, Works, ed. 1824, supra, p. 9, note i) with characteristic 
 xii. 188 ; Cunningham, i. 30 ; and Cock- comments. 
 
 FOXCROFT I 1 
 
482 Burnet's Autobiography [1672-3 
 
 a spirit of violence and injustice and such a ravenous sale of 
 all things among them that I came to abhorre their methods. 
 * I did what I could to keep him and D[uke] Hamilton in 
 a good understanding during that Session of Parliament. 
 This was imputed to the oiiSces done by me for they were 
 often upon the point of breaking out and I was thought the 
 instrument of setting them right, for which I was bitterly 
 censured by those who intended to have made a rupture 
 between them, for nothing could have been then done in 
 opposition to D[uke] Lauderdale unlesse D[uke] Hamilton 
 would have headed the party against him^ I was blamed 
 as an aspiring man. *" I was again offered a Bishoprick and 
 promised the first Archbishoprick that should fall, and their 
 particular confidence. I thank God I refused it. I saw I 
 could not hold long with them^ nor could I go in to the 
 measures taken by the other Bishops who for the greater part 
 were set in violent methods. 
 
 " In the year 1673 I went up again to print the Memoirs of 
 the Dukes of Hamilton '^ and to break off from the Court and 
 all further medling with matters of state. " I saw Popery was 
 at Court the prevailing interest, the failing in the designe of 
 destroying Holland the former year had indeed put them 
 to a stand and forced a Session of Parliament in which the 
 Sacramentall Test was set up chiefly to turn out the D[uke] 
 of York and the Loi^d Clifford with the other Papists who had 
 got into imployments, the price of obtaining this was 12000C0 
 lib. which helped the King to go thro that Summer with 
 the warre ^ and to get a peace with the States in the following 
 winter. ^ When I was at London I used all proper freedome 
 with the Duke of Lauderdale and his Dutchesse, but all was 
 in vain he was so drunk with his prosperity that he despised 
 every thing that was said to him. ^ All his enemies at Court 
 who knew my freedome with him and the union I was in 
 
 * Hist. i. 338-9, and Life in Hist. ii. 681. " Ibid. 682 ; Hist. i. 339. 
 
 « Life in Hist. ii. 682 ; Hist. i. 354. * Life in Hist. ii. 682 ; Hist. i. 355. 
 ' Life in Hist. ii. 682. ' Hist. i. 355-6 ; Life in Hist. ii. 682. e Ibid. ; 
 
 Hist. i. 359-60. 
 
1673-4] Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 24,^ 208 and 205 483 
 
 to the family of Hamilton used me in an extraordinary 
 manner, they magnified the credit I had in Scotland so to 
 the King and the Duke that I found my selfe engaged deeper 
 in the Court then ever. ^ ' 
 
 / luas known to the Kitig and to his Brother. 
 
 The King talked often to me but the Duke much oftener 
 and that with a very extraordinary opennes and freedome % 
 but I will say no more of this having said enough of it in my 
 History. ^ I saw a visible alteration in the behaviour of the 
 D[uke] and D[utche]sse of Lauderdale towards me, "they 
 thought I was sent up to manage intrigues at Court" and 
 they began to talk of me as a proud and medling man, and 
 as they were allwaies in extreams with all people I grew to 
 be as much hated and mistrusted as ever I had been confided 
 in by them. '' I followed them to Scotland and seeing the 
 breach between D[uke] Hamilton and them was so laid that 
 it could not be prevented I resolved to retire to my busnes at 
 Glasgow and past the winter there. " They now railed at me 
 as one that had been undermining them both at Court and in 
 Scotland, ^ and at their return to London they infused it into 
 the King that I had been the chiefife author of all the opposi- 
 tion that had been made to them in Scotland, and the King 
 having known the active and turbulent spirit of my Uncle 
 Warriston he assured him I was a man of the same capacity and 
 temper. This went easily with the King who never troubled 
 himselfe to examine any thing that his Ministers suggested 
 to him as long [/. 205] as they maintained their credit with 
 him ^, so I was under a long disgrace with him. ^ The Duke 
 of York stuck firmer to me '' and gave me very extraordinary 
 demonstrations of it. The most important was he told me if 
 I returned to Scotland I would be put in prison and he could 
 not think but I would lie long in it *■. 
 
 « Life in Hisl. ii. 682 ; Hist. i. 359-60. '' Ibid. i. 362. = Ibid. 363. 
 
 d" Life in Hist. ii. 683 ; Hist. i. 362-3. » Life in Hist. ii. 683 ; Hist. i. 363, , 
 
 infra. ' Cf. Hist. i. 363. > Life in Hist. ii. 683 ; Hist. i. 363. 
 
 h Life in His/, ii. 683 ; Hist. i. 372. 
 
 I i a 
 
484 Burnet's Autobiography [1674-5 
 
 I fell in Disgrace at Court. 
 
 The trueth was the D[uke] of Lauderdale had put himselfe 
 so much in my power by speaking So freely to me that I had 
 reason to believe he would shut me" up and keep me close, 
 " so upon that I resigned my Professorship * and resolved to 
 cast my selfe on the Providence of God. 
 
 [/. 304 (3)] ^ At this time the open breach between the 
 Duke of Lauderdale and me exposed me to an examination 
 before the House of Commons concerning him*". I say no 
 more of that in this place having said so much of it in my 
 History that I have nothing to adde here concerning it. It 
 was a great errour in me to appear in that matter and seemed 
 to be a great misfortune, but it has proved since a very great 
 blessing to me, it raised such a spirit in the Court against me 
 that it obliged me to so much diligence and to such caution 
 that in the series of my life I thank God "it has proved 
 a happy deliverance from Courts and intrigues in which I 
 was at that time so farre engaged that it was not easy by 
 any other way to free me from them". This delivered me 
 from them all. [/. 305 resumed?^ 
 
 T preached long at the Rolls. 
 
 ■"Not long after that the L[ord] Holies sent for me and 
 directed me to go to S[i]r Harbottle Grimston M[aste]r of the 
 Rolls and he presently entertained [me] to be Preacher at the 
 Rolls. The Court thought me a man of that consequence 
 that they sent first a Bishop and then a Secretary of State to 
 prevail with him to dismisse me, but he was not to be moved 
 in the matter. By this means I had a settlement in London 
 in which I continued ten year all to one Term [sic'] ^. That 
 which made this look to me like somewhat of a very par- 
 ticular Providence was, that as it came to me without any 
 thought or procurement of my own, so it happned at the very 
 time I think in the very week that my marriage came to be 
 
 ° Life in Hist. ii. 683 ; Hist. i. 372. i^^ Cf. Hist. i. 373, 379-80. " Life 
 
 in Hist. ii. 684 -j'Hist. i. 380. 4 Ibid., and Life in Hist. ii. 684. 
 
1675-84] Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 24,^. 205, 204 {h), 205 485 
 
 known in Scotland, so it looked as if God was watching over 
 me for good since I had the face of a small subsistance to 
 bring my wife to. Here I applied my selfe to preach with 
 great care, it was only in Term time that I was obliged to 
 preach but I was imploid in one place or another in the 
 vacation time. I hope I did some good there as appeared 
 not only by the croud at the Chappell of the Rolls but 
 by manny who seemed to have arrived at a better sense of 
 things and a change of life by my ministry there. " I happned 
 also in looking for a house to fall accidentally on the 
 next house ^ to S[i]rTho. Litleton* knowing nothing con- 
 cerning him. But I soon found that he was one of the 
 considerablest men in the Nation. He was at the head of 
 the opposition that was made to the Court - and '' living con- 
 stantly in Town he was exactly informed of every thing that 
 past^ He came to have an entire confidence in me so that 
 for six year together "^we were seldome two dales without 
 spending some hours together. I was by his means let in to 
 all their secrets ", and indeed without the assistance I had 
 from him I could never have seen so clearly into affairs as 
 I did. "^ We argued all the matters that he perceived were to 
 be moved in the House of Commons '^ till he thought he was 
 a master of all that could be said on the subject, and °it was 
 observed of him that in all debates in the House of Commons 
 he reserved himselfe to the conclusion and what he spoke 
 commonly determined the matter °. But tho my spirits were 
 much dissipated upon my coming to England for a year or 
 two, yet I thank God I recovered my selfe and returned to 
 my profession and the exercises and studies belonging to it. 
 
 ^The apprehensions of Popery obliged us to study these 
 controversies with application, ^ and the conference in which 
 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 389. '' Ihid. ' Ibid. ^ Ibid. " Ibid, supra. 
 
 ' Life in Hist. ii. 685. e Ibid., and Hist. i. 395. 
 
 ' It was in Lincoln's Inn Fields, Answer to the Criminal Letters). 
 'near the Plow Inn ' (see the Crimi- ' For Littleton see Hist., Mr. Airy's 
 
 nal Letters against Dr. Burnet). He ed., i. 414 (and notes a and 2), 415 
 
 remained there from 1674 or 1675 till (and notes a and i) ; Dalrymple, ed. 
 
 the winter of 1681-2, when he re- 1790, vol. i. Review, chap. iv. App. 
 
 moved to Brook Buildings (see his p. 381. 
 
486 Burnet's Autobiography [1676-80 
 
 Dr. Stillingfleet and my selfe were engaged with Mr. Coleman 
 and others as it made for some time great noise so it set me 
 as in the front of those who opposed Popery. 
 
 r -wrote severall books. 
 * The publishing the Memoires of the Dukes of Hamilton 
 made some think me capable of writting History, and that 
 set my friends on engaging me to write ^ the History of our 
 Reformation in which I took so particular a method and 
 succeeded so well in it, that it gave me a very generall reputa- 
 tion. " I was called on to assist manny who lay a dying 
 particularly one with whom Wilmot E[arl] of Rochester had 
 an ill concern. He heard that in a long attendance on 
 her I treated her neither with a slack indulgence nor an 
 affrighting severity, upon that he sent for me and in manny 
 discourses with him I saw into the depths of Satan, and by 
 a winter's conversation generally once a week I went thro 
 much ground with him, and as he owned to me I subdued his 
 understanding" but the touching his heart was that which God 
 reserved to himselfe and which followed some time after that ^. 
 He had been a malicious observer of the applications the 
 Clergy made at Court for preferment, and fortified himselfe 
 and others with prejudices against religion by the observa- 
 tions he made on their behaviour, and this made him so 
 partiall [/. 307] to me because he observed nothing of aspiring 
 to preferment in me. He told me he said to King Charles after 
 the 1st Volume of my History of the Reformation came out, 
 he wondered why he would use a writer of History ill, for 
 such people can revenge themselves, the King answered I 
 durst say nothing while he was alive when he was dead 
 he should not be the worse for what I said. He gave me 
 very strange impressions of that King and indeed of the 
 
 " Cf. Hist. i. 395-6. l* Ibid., and Life itTHist. ii. 683. " Cf. Life in 
 
 Hist. ii. 685. 
 
 ' Burnet frequently alludes to this by the Historical Society. For un- 
 
 subject in his contemporary letters to favourable comments on the affair, see 
 
 the Marquis of Halifax (then reputed Cunningham, i. 50. 
 an atheist), which are to be published 
 
i68o] Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 24, ff. 205 and 207 487 
 
 whole Court. * After his death I was advised to write a book, 
 what I published concerning him ", I wrote it with the utmost 
 sincerity and trueth. I began now to have some fame by 
 writing, and I will give an account of the rules I governed 
 myselfe by in writting. 
 
 My rules as to the writing of Books. 
 
 ''The Bishop of Worcester Dr. Lloyd had studied the 
 nature of language in generall and of ours in particular very 
 exactly when he drew the Tables for Wilkins' Philosophical! 
 language and Reall Character and had the truest notions of 
 a correct stile of any man I ever saw. He opened all these 
 to me'' which helped me to see manny errours that had run 
 thro all my former writtings. " I kept close to his rules and 
 so came to have the reputation of a correct writter as to stile ". 
 I used likewise another method. I never published any book 
 without shewing it to severall persons before it went to the 
 presse, and I was very implicite in submitting to their censure 
 in every thing. Tillotson and Lloyd were the persons I 
 generally made use of this way. I also shewed what I wrot 
 to some persons of a lesse knowing but judicious sort with 
 this intention that if they found any thing too dark or too 
 short I might consider how to correct that. I considered 
 that if I wrote any thing that my friends did not approve of, 
 certainly my Enemies or envious Criticks would be severe on 
 me for it. This in a great measure saved me from reflections 
 on the things that I wrote. I wrote manny litle books which 
 were all so well received that they sold well and helped to 
 support me, so that tho I had no great plenty about me yet I 
 was in no want of anything. I had great presents often offered 
 to me but refused them all except those which were made to 
 help me to bear the charge I was put to while I was preparing 
 materialls for the History of the Reformation \ Upon all 
 other occasions I excused my selfe in particular to the sick 
 
 » Cf. Life in Hist. ii. 685 ; Hist. i. 265. » Ibid. 191. " Ibid. 
 
 ' Robert Boyle contributed towards his expenses in that matter. 
 
488 Burnet's Autobiography [1683-3 
 
 ^ who sent much for me ". I got thro all these years in a very 
 easy manner. 
 
 / sought for no preferment. 
 I never sued for preferment and was so tru to my principles 
 that "" when the E[arl] of Essex offered me the best Benefice 
 in his gift worth about 300 lib a year, but upon this condition 
 that I would not live upon it, but stay still in town where he 
 said they could not bear my absence, I plainly refused it. 
 '=K[ing] Charles^ sent me the offer of the Bishoprick of 
 Chichester if I would come intirely into his interests. I said 
 I understood not the importance of those words, I knew what 
 the Oaths were which I was to take, these I should observe 
 faithfully but for other promises I would make none. "^ He 
 took great pains on me to give me good impressions of him '^, 
 but I knew him too well to let good words overcome me. 
 This made him wish to have me in his power, he said once 
 to D[uke] Hamilton then E[arl] of Aran after the L[ord] 
 Russell's death, he beleeved I would be content to be hanged 
 to have the pleasure to make a speech on the scaffold, but he 
 would order drums so that I should not be heard. I answered 
 when it came to that I should put my speech in such hands 
 that the world should see it if they could not hear it. ^ When 
 that unhappy matter of the E[arl] of Essex and the L[ord] 
 Russell broke out, those who knew in what friendship I had 
 lived with them did all expect to see me clapt up. 
 
 T was strict to my principles 0/ Loyalty. 
 ^ But I had plainly told them my opinion v/as that remote 
 fears and bad practises, tho the tendency of them was ever so 
 evident, were not a just cause of resistance when the root of 
 our Constitution was struck at, then and not till then it seemed 
 to me lawfuU to enter upon such consultations sand till that 
 
 » Life in Hist. ii. 685. " Ibid. 691. "= Ibid. 685-6 ; Hist. i. 434. 
 
 '' Ibid. 508. " Life in Hist. ii. 691. ' Ibid. ; Hist. i. 540. 6 Life in 
 
 Hist. ii. 691 ; Hist. i. 585 ; supra, p. 130. 
 
 ' Mr. Airy's note, Hist, in loco, seems the king, to whom the last clause of 
 written under a misapprehension. the preceding paragraph refers. 
 The ' He ' of the paragraph is clearly 
 
1683-4] Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 2^,ff. 207 and 20^ 489 
 
 was lavvfull I did not think it lawful! to conceal any thing that 
 might be told me of such councils. This did effectually secure 
 me from having any thing of that sort comunicated to me, so 
 that I was never charged with any thing, ^'except my accession 
 to the making the L[ord] Russell's speech " of which I have 
 given a full account in my History. One particular I will adde 
 because the conjuncture of Providence seemed to be [/. 209] 
 particular. I had bound my selfe in 150 lib. for a kinsman of 
 mine who was setting up in a way of trade, he broke and 
 I was called on to pay the money which at any other time 
 would have been uneasy to me, but upon L[ord] Russell's 
 death his Lady made me a present by his order of 100 guineas 
 and his Father gave me 50 guineas so I was delivered out of 
 that difficulty, but it taught me a piece of wisedome, never to 
 be bound again for any person whatsoever. ^ I grew to be 
 much visited and to defend my selfe against the obligation of 
 returning visits, I built a Laboratory ^ and for above a year 
 I run thro some courses of Chimistry which helped me in my 
 Philosophical! notions, was a pleasant amusement to me and 
 furnished me with a good excuse for staying much at home. 
 • "^ Manny from the Court came oft to see me and they all 
 studied to possesse me with the apprehensions of the severities 
 that were designed against me. I made one answer to all, 
 that I never troubled my selfe with the fear of what false 
 witnesses might swear against me for that was without all 
 bounds, and I was very sure no body could with trueth lay 
 any thing to my charge ", so I continued not only in quiet but 
 with that naturall cheerfullnes that arose from a good con- 
 stitution and a clear conscience. I writ then a large book 
 concerning the trueth of religion and the authority of the 
 books of the Scripture ^, with all the freedome of one that was 
 » Hist. i. 562 ; Life in Hist. ii. 691. ^ Hist. i. 499-500 ; Life in Hist. ii. 
 690. ° Ibid. 692. 
 
 * Thomas Burnet places this before Revolution (see infra, App. Ill) and 
 
 the Rye House Plot; following on in his last wilHsee Introduction, s«pra), 
 
 this point the order of the History. left strict directions, but which seems 
 
 ' It is possible that this work may to have been suppressed by the family, 
 
 be the MS. for the publication of as it has entirely disappeared, 
 which Burnet, both on the eve of the 
 
49° Burnet's Autobiography [1684-6 
 
 disengaged from parties and interest which I have lately read 
 over and am of the same opinion I was then as to the main of 
 it. In some particulars I have seen further than I did then. 
 
 My sense of King Charleys death. 
 ^ I continued at the Rolls till December 1684 the[n] I was 
 by a speciall order from the Court forbid to preach more 
 there ". When K[ing] Charles lay a dying I saw manny under 
 a great terrour about it. I heartily pitied him for the state his 
 soul was in but with relation to the publike I could not but 
 think it was a deliverance, his smooth and cautious way might 
 have undermined us I knew what he was at bottom but he 
 would never have put things to hasard wheras I knew his 
 Brother's hot and eager temper would soon open the eyes of 
 the Nation. '' I saw it was convenient for me to go abroad for 
 some time, •= but Lady Margaret tho then brought very low 
 was yet alive °, she knew me not for above a year before so 
 I was not able to minister any comfort to her, but ^ I got her 
 friends' consent to trust her to the care of some in whom they 
 had great confidence, so I left England in May but before 
 I got to Paris she died. 
 
 / went beyond Sea. 
 
 ^ At Paris I lived by my selfe retired from company being 
 jealous indeed of all our countreymen. ^ When the journey 
 into Italy was proposed to me all my friends at Paris had 
 great apprehensions of danger in it none encouraged me to it 
 but the L[ord] Mountague. s I have said so much of that 
 journey in my letters that I will repeat nothing here. '' At 
 Geneva I was much grieved to see them insist so much upon 
 their consent of doctrine so that some were forced to leave 
 their countrey while others perhaps subscribed it with equivo- 
 cations. I spoke much to all who came to me of the folly 
 and wickednes of those impositions. I had then such credit 
 
 ° Life in Hist. ii. 692 ; Hist. i. S96-7. '' Life in Hist. ii. 692 ; Hist. i. 597. 
 
 •: Supra, p. 151. ^ Ibid. " Life in Hist. ii. 692 ; Hist. i. 628, 655 ; supra, 
 p. 157. ' Cf. Hist. i. 661 ; Life in Hist. ii. 692 ; supra, p. 205. e Life as 
 
 above. •> Life in Hist. ii. 692-3 ; and see Hist. i. 687. 
 
1686] Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 24, ff. 209-10 491 
 
 among them that I have understood since that what I spoke 
 upon that subject was not without effect for they are now 
 released from those fetters, they are obliged to no subscriptions 
 but are only liable to censure if they write or preach against 
 the established doctrine. " The multitude and length of their 
 sermons disgusted me much", I thought fewer and shorter 
 sermons would do much better and that instead of a sermon 
 on one verse an explanation of a whole chapter would be 
 more usefull both to the preacher and the people and would 
 make them understand and love the Scripture the better. At 
 Bern they were dissolved into luxury and were very haughty 
 except those who had learned more civility in the French 
 service but if they were more civill they were likewise more 
 corrupt then the rest, the Divines seemed dry and conceited 
 Zurich and Basil had men of another temper among them. 
 
 And came and settled in Holland. 
 
 ^ I came thro Germany to Holland designing upon my 
 coming thither an absolute retreat, but the Lady Russell and 
 the Lord Halifax (Saville) had got such a character of me to 
 be infused into the Prince and the Princesse of Orange that 
 I found upon my first admittance to them so full a freedome 
 and so entire a confidence that I saw pains had been taken to 
 prepare them to receive me well. I was soon taken into all 
 their councells. " The first thing that I proposed to the Prince 
 was to put the Fleet of Holland in a good case for that would 
 give England good hopes that they were preparing for a 
 rupture. I prevailed with the Princesse to write to the King 
 in favour of the B[isho]p of London. She ventured on it not 
 without a great fear of offending the King and he answered 
 her sharply. He began to look on me as that which he called 
 an ill Instrument and he wrote her some very severe letters 
 against me " which she shewed me and was pleased to ask me 
 how to [/ 210] answer them. An accident happned to me 
 at this time which gave a great turn to the rest of my life. 
 
 " Hist i. 687 ; supra, p. 249. ^ Life in Hist. ii. 693 ; Hist. i. 688 ; supra, 
 
 p. 250. " Life in Hist. ii. 693 ; Hist. i. 692. 
 
492 Burnet's Aiitohiography [1687 
 
 My second marriage. 
 
 Hitherto I had lived without children and by consequence 
 without any great concern with relation to other persons 
 except it was for a few friends whom I esteemed and loved 
 very tenderly, but now a new scene was opened to me. "^ There 
 was a gentlewoman at the Hague originally of Scotch extrac- 
 tion but of a family long setled in Holland *. She was an 
 only child and was bred at a great expence as "^ one of the 
 best fortunes at the Hague, she was very perfect in Musick 
 of all sorts, she both drew and painted to great perfection. 
 She spoke French, Dutch, and English equally well, she had 
 a very good understanding and a very sweet temper, and was 
 well instructed in religion rather like one that had studied 
 Divinity than barely to be a good Christian ''. She had 
 continued unmaried till she was 37 year old resolving not to 
 marry till she saw a person that she could like. If she was 
 not a perfect beauty '^she was very agreable and was well 
 shaped ". I was desired to visit her but declined it for I had 
 no thoughts of marriage but was then looking for a dismall 
 overturning of religion and liberty, yet seeing her accidentally 
 I liked her conversation so well that ^ I went to visit her and 
 continued to see her often. I came to like her so well and 
 was so acceptable to her that we were married in May 1687 ^. 
 
 I must here set down somewhat that I hope will not be 
 unaccep[tab]Ie to the Reader. I was farre from the beliefe of 
 Absolute Predestination but the beleife of it brought me both 
 my wives. L[ady] Margaret being young and in a frolick of 
 a divination by letters G B came up to her as the letters of 
 her husband's name. She knew none so named but S[i]r 
 Gideon Early who had married her near kinswoman, he was 
 dead long before she knew me but she could not put out of 
 her mind the letters of my name~and that made her think 
 I was appointed to be her husband which as she told me after 
 
 » Life in Hist. ii. 695. •= Ibid. « Ibid. 
 
 ' Upon her invitation ' is here deleted. ' See infra, App. II. 
 
1687-98] Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 24, / 210 
 
 493 
 
 our marriag[e] had gone a great way to determine her to it. 
 My ad wife had manny sutors but could not bring her mind 
 to consent to any of them. In that time which was manny 
 years before I knew her one of whom she had a greate opinion 
 told her she would be married to a Clergy man of another 
 Countrey, so upon seeing me and receiving my addresse she 
 came to think I was that person and that I was appointed 
 to be her husband. ''As soon as King James heard of my 
 intentions to marry he fancied as that would fixe me at the 
 Hague, so the threatning to proceed criminally against me 
 would terrify her and break that designe *- I was so happy 
 in her temper that she was not frighted, on the contrary that 
 brought our marriage on the sooner. "^ I found in her a 
 religious, discreet and good tempered friend^ who was a prudent 
 manager of my affairs and a very good mistris of a family ^ 
 and she had a very particular art of making her selfe acceptable 
 to all people. She bore me seven children 5 boies and two 
 daughters that were born twins, two of the boies died the rest 
 are still alive she gave them all suck her selfe as long as her 
 health did allow of it "and was a tender mother'' to them all. 
 She lived with me eleven year and then after the peace she 
 went over to Holland to setle matters relating to her estate, 
 but being in a house at Rotterdam where the small pox was, 
 '^ she was taken with the infection and died '' on the 4th or 5th 
 day ® in the year 1698 ^ 
 
 I was then named by the King to be Tutor or Preceptor 
 to the D[uke] of Glocester^- I had some intimations that 
 I was not acceptable to the Princesse and tho she by my 
 L[ord] Godolphin ''sent me assurances to the contrary '^j yet 
 8 1 had reason to beleive there was some ground for it, so ''I laid 
 hold on this domestick affliction to desire to be excused from 
 
 " Life in Hist. ii. 694 ; Hist. i. 726 ; supra, p. 251. '' Life in Hist. ii. 695. 
 
 •^ Ibid. '^ Ibid. 716. " Ibid., and Hist. ii. 210. ' Life as above. 
 
 B Hist. ii. 210. •■ Life in Hist. ii. 716-17. 
 
 > See infra, App. II and III. *C30,ooo (Luttrell, vi. 177), forms the 
 
 2 She died June 18, 1698, N. S. (Bodl. subject of much business correspon- 
 
 Add. MSS. D. 23, ff. 77-8). Her for- denceamong the Burnet family papers 
 
 tune, which seems to have amounted to in the British Museum. 
 
494 Burnet's Autobiography [1687 
 
 it, and I wrote earnestly to that effect to my best friends but 
 all that was imputed to melancholy so I submitted to the 
 King's pleasure ^ I saw all that Court except L[or]d 
 Marlborogh and his Lady were against me, I lived very well 
 with them and I thought that was enough \ But I do now 
 return to affairs as they stood at the time of my marriage. 
 
 The steps made to the Revolution. 
 
 ''The E[arl] of Danby the Marquis of Halifax and the 
 B[isho]p of London were the persons that corresponded with 
 the Pr[ince] of Orange, " Mr. Sidney was the man most 
 trusted " and Mon Benthink afterwards Earle of Portland 
 answered their letters, ^ the E[arl] of Shrewsbury and the 
 E[arl] of Devonshire came also into the correspondence, 
 " they i-epresented on the one hand the desperate designs of 
 the Court and on the other hand the firmnes of the Nation. 
 But [the] danger lay in the Army which tho it stood firm yet 
 military men have seldome such a principle of regeneration 
 that they can be much depended on, and if they begun once to 
 break there was r[eason] ^ [/. 311] to apprehend that manny 
 might be prevailed on to follow. ^ Among other things to 
 persuade the Prince they wrote to him that all the anger that 
 the Church party bore to the Dissenters was now much allaied 
 so that he would find the reconciling them a very easy matter. 
 Upon this he was desired to use the best means he could to 
 keep them from going in to the measures of the Court by 
 assuring them of the good disposition the Clergy were then in 
 to an union with them s and the Pensionary Fagell on whom 
 the Preachers in Holland depended entirely when he directed 
 them to visit all their people and to possesse them with the 
 
 » Life in Hisi. ii. i\(>-^i. ^ Hist.'i. 712 ; supra, pp. 290-1. " Hist. i. 756 ; 
 supra, p. 284. ^ Hist. i. 712 ; supra, p. 288. " Cf. Hist. i. 746 ; supra, p. 289. 
 ' Cf. Hist. ii. 30 ; supra, pp. 331-2. s Hist. i. 778-9 ; supra, p. 293. 
 
 ' This circumstance, together with political sympathies to modify the 
 
 tliecharm of Marlborough's manner and unfavourable and more correct estimate 
 
 the energy shown by him in defence of which Burnet had at first formed of 
 
 Burnet, when attacked by the House the famous soldier, 
 
 cf Commons in 1700 (Macaulay, viii. ^ There is a tear here in the MS. 
 249-51), no doubt concurred with 
 
i688j Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 24, ff. 210-1 
 
 495 
 
 necessity of a rupture with England,-* among other things said 
 one eiTect of it would be the freeing their brethren the Presbi- 
 terians of England from any farther vexation and persecution*. 
 I confesse I did not easily beleeve this, I knew the virulence of 
 some men's tempers and the narrovvnes of their thoughts in 
 those matters too well easily to believe any thing could so 
 entirely change them, yet upon those assurances often repeated 
 from manny different hands ''the Prince in his Declaration 
 promised to endeavour a reconciliation of all Protestants ^. 
 
 The different views of some who joined in if. 
 
 I saw even in Holland those who met and joined with 
 Wildman were utterly against this, " they desired only 
 a tolleration but seemed to apprehend the Church would be 
 too secure and grow too strong if united, and they seemed 
 to make it a Maxisme to keep the Church as much divided 
 as could be and by that means to hold it in a dependance, 
 and to keep up a party in opposition to the Church °. I sus- 
 pected manny of these were in their hearts enemies to the 
 Christian religion so their views might be the enervating 
 Christianity by keeping up of parties among us. I say no 
 more of the Prince's Declaration nor of our expedition to 
 England in this place having said all I can say of these 
 matters in my History. ^ We soon found a coldnes in manny 
 of the Clergy which gave us the just apprehensions of what 
 quickly followed, ® tho the Heads of the University of Oxford 
 declared zealously for the Prince*. It was much censured 
 that all the way as we came to London the Prince had on 
 Sundaies sermons and praiers in the Dutch way by a French 
 minister, but he was then acting as Statholder of the States 
 so he continued in their way till he came to Windsor after 
 that he was constant at Church. ^ If K[ing] James had to 
 any tollerable degree kept up his spirits the work would have 
 
 • Supra, p. 331. " Hist. i. 776; siipm, p. 332. ■= Hist. ii. 11 ; 
 
 supra, p. 318. * Cf. Hist. i. 790. » Ibid. 793 ; supra, p. 302. 
 
 1 From here to the word 'roughness' Autobiography made in Routh's Bur- 
 is one of the two quotations from the nefs James U (p. 412, note). 
 
496 Burnet's Autobiography [1688-9 
 
 been difficult if not doubtfull for *we saw how variable multi- 
 tudes are by the joy that was in London upon the King's 
 return from Feversham, "^ and the message sent by the Prince 
 to the King at midnight to withdraw from Whithall, " struck 
 a generall damp upon manny not only in London but over 
 the whole Nation, the compassion turned then to his side ° 
 and if he had staled at Rochester the difficulty in the Con- 
 vention would have become insuperable. This gave the 
 Earles of Clarendon and Nottingham the handle to make 
 great opposition in the House of Lords, the Pr[ince] of 
 Orange's cold riserved way disobliged all that came near him 
 while his favourite Benthing provoked them beyond expres- 
 sion by his roughnes. I say no more of the debates in the 
 Convention having given those so fully in my History that 
 I can adde nothing here. 
 
 The King's cold way a prejudice to his affairs. 
 
 ■^The trueth was the King for now the Prince was by 
 
 Declaration of Parliament put in the Throne, was under 
 
 such an ill state of health that tho it was necessary to conceal 
 
 it he was sinking under a cold and ill habit of body occasioned 
 
 by a stay of 10 weeks at S. James, the air of Hampton Court 
 
 relieved and restored him ''. I was set on by manny to speak 
 
 to him to change his cold way, but he cut me off when 
 
 I entred upon a freedome with him, so that I could not go 
 
 thro with it. I wrote him a very plain letter to let him see 
 
 the turn the Nation was making from him, this offended him 
 
 so that for some moneths after I was not admitted to speak 
 
 to him^. All our friends had designed that I should be 
 
 made B[isho]p of Durham, ®Crew having rendred himselfe 
 
 * Cf. Hist. ii. 799 ; supra, p. 302. '^ Cf. Hist. ii. 801 ; supra, p. 303. 
 
 "= Hist. i. 802. * Hist. ii. 2 ; supra, p. 312. " Life in Hist. ii. 6g6. 
 
 1 This incident, together with Bur- William probably appreciated Burnet's 
 
 net's advocacy of the princess's right fidelity and his devotion to the queen 
 
 {Hist. i. 818) and his garrulity, account [Hist. ii. 137), though he still resented 
 
 for the strong dislike which William his intrusiveness. See Routh's and 
 
 III, immediately after the Revolution, Dartmouth's notes to Hist. ii. 211 ; Life 
 
 expressed for Burnet {Life of Halifax, in Hist. ii. 699 ; Cunningham, i. 103, 
 
 ii. 216, 222, 229, 232). Later on, 130. 
 
1689] Bodi. Add. MSS. D. 24, ff, ■2xi.--z 
 
 497 
 
 so obnoxious that he seemed unpardonable, the L[ord] 
 Mountague brought a message from him both to the Prince 
 and to my selfe that he would resigne in my favour, trusting 
 to my generosity of allowing him a thousand pound a year ". 
 But^ the Bishop of London who had then great merit had 
 asked that Bishoprick of the Prince a few dales after he came 
 to S. James's and he could not well deny him any thing. 
 Upon this the B[isho]p of Durham refused to retire and so 
 that matter fell, and '' soon after the Prince was put in the 
 Throne, I was made Bishop of Salisbury ''- 
 
 / was named to be Bishop of Salisbury. 
 
 [_/. 213] When I saw that was resolved on " I set my selfe 
 seriously to form a method how I would behave my selfe in 
 that station ". I spent a whole week in retirement and sat up 
 the whole night before I was Consecrated. I set my selfe 
 to examine all the sins of my former life and to renew my 
 mournings for them I run over all the thoughts I had at any 
 time entertained of the duty of Bishops and made solemne 
 vows to God to put them in practise ^. I resolved never to 
 indulge losenes or luxury nor to raise fortunes to my children 
 out of the revenues of the Church. I resolved to abstract my 
 selfe from Courts and secular affairs as much as was possible, 
 and never to engage in the persecuting of any of what side 
 soever on the account of differences of religion, and to 
 dedicate my selfe to the functions belonging to the Order, 
 preaching, catechising, confirming, and ordaining and govern- 
 ing the Clergy in the best manner I could. Thus I studied 
 to prepare my selfe for taking that character upon me. 
 * I told all this to the Queen who was much pleased with 
 it, " and added only her desire that my wife should wear plain 
 
 » Cf. Life in Hist. ii. 696. " Ibid. ; Hist. ii. 8 ; supra, p. 326. 
 
 ? Supra, p. 329. ^ Supra, pp. 326-7 ; Hist. ii. 8. » Cf. supra, p. 327. 
 
 ' Dr. Rcuth's second and last allusion in the Autobiography and Life do not 
 
 to the Autobiography x^Burnet's James quite tally. 
 
 Ill P- 457i "°'^) refers to this passage ; ' His meditation on this occasion will 
 
 but he fails to notice that the accounts be found infra as App. V. 
 
 FOXCROFT K K 
 
498 Burnefs Autobiography. [1689 
 
 clothes* suteable rather to what became a Bishop's wife, than 
 to her education, in which she found a very ready and entire 
 compHance with so reasonable a command. 
 
 Debates in the House of Lords concerning Comprehension. 
 •"I was brought in to the House of Lords at the time that 
 the debates both about Comprehension and ToUeration and 
 about obliging all persons to take the Oaths to the Govern- 
 ment were on foot. I was according to my fixed principle 
 much for gentlenes in this last particular but my zeal for the 
 other two took off the merit of this so entirely, that I was 
 scarce thanked for it. " In another particular I judged wrong, 
 I thought we might haye gained the majority of the Clergy in 
 Convocation to have consented to some moderate things, that 
 we were preparing to lay before them, so when it was moved 
 in the H[ouse] of Lords to appoint in imitation of what had 
 been done in K[ing] Henry the 8 and Edward the 6th's time 
 a select number of both Houses of Parliament, with a select 
 number of both Houses of Convocation to setle a body of 
 Ecclesiasticall lawes, I opposed this with such zeal that I very 
 much lost the good opinion of the Whigs by it. I am novv 
 convinced that if ever our Church is to be set right, it must 
 be by some such method, and not by a majority in Convoca- 
 tion °, for litle good is to be expected from the Sinodicall 
 meetings of the Clergy ; there is so much ambition, presump- 
 tion and envy among them, that they may do much mischieffe;, 
 but there is no probability of their being either inclined to 
 do, much good, or of their being able to execute it. 
 
 / went to my Diocesse to do my duty there. 
 ■^But now I was to go into my Diocesse, and for that 
 end I formed my designethus ; ° I resolvd to preach constantly 
 every Lord's day ^ and also to preach the weekly lecture at 
 Salisbury, ^ I resolved to go round my Diocesse about three 
 weeks or a moneth once a year, preaching and confirming 
 every day from Church to Church. I resolved thus once 
 
 ° Cf. supra, p. 327. ^' Hist. ii. 8-11 ; supra, p. 327. <: Cf. Hist. ii. 10. 
 
 ' Life in Hist. ii. 706 ; supra, p. 329, " Life in Hist. ii. 707 ; supra, p. 330. 
 Life as above. s Life in Hist. ii. 706 ; supra, p. 329. 
 
J689-1710] Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 24, ff. 212-3 499 
 
 in three years besides the formality of the Trienniall Visita- 
 tion to go round to all the chieffe parts of my Diocesse and 
 to hold conferences with my Clergy upon the chieffe heads of 
 Pivinity, " in which in a discourse of about two hours length 
 I opened all that related to the head proposed, and encouraged 
 them to object or propose questions relating to the subject. 
 In this I continued till I published my Explanation of the 
 Articles, and then I did not think it necessary to continue 
 those conferences any longer". I found the Clergy were not 
 much the better for them, and false stories were made and 
 believed of what I delivered in those conferences ^ ; and tho 
 ''as I went round I kept an open table to all the Clergy'', yet 
 nothing could mollify their aversion to a man that was for 
 tolleration and for treating the Dissenters with gentleneg. 
 ° I continued still to go about preaching and confirming °, so 
 that I have confirmed and preached in 275 Churches of my 
 Diocesse, and 10 or la times in all the market touns and 
 considerable places. ^I look upon confirmation if rightly 
 managed as the most effectuall mean possible for reviving 
 Christianity"*, but I could never prevail with the greater part 
 of my Clergy to think of any other way of preparing their 
 youth to it but to hear them repeat their catechism, they 
 did not study to make them consider it as the becoming 
 a Christian by an act of their own. *I have now setled 
 upon a method in which I intend to continue as long as God 
 continues my strength to execute it. I stay a week in a place 
 where every morning I go and \_f. 313] preach and confirm in 
 some Church within 6 or 7 mile of the place, and then at 
 5 a clock after evening praier I catechise some children and 
 explain the whole Catechisme to them, so that I go thro it all 
 
 » Life in Hist. ii. 706. " Cf. Life as above. ■= Ibid. '>■ Ibid., 
 
 and supra, pp. 329-30. • Life in Hist. ii. 706-7. 
 
 ' He obviously alludes to Leslie's Papistico-Phanatico-PrelatioColoursat 
 
 ' TemporaMutantur or the great change Salisbury ; together with his great ira- 
 
 from 73 to 93 In the travels of a provement during his short stay at 
 
 Professor of Theology at Glasgow Cracovia. [Dedicated] to the Clergy 
 
 from the Primitive and Episcopal of the Diocese of Sarum [1694] ; see 
 
 Loyalty, through Italy, Geneva, &c., infra, p. 506 and note, 
 to the deposing doctrines under 
 
 K k a 
 
500 Burnet's Autobiography [1689-1710 
 
 in six daies and confirm there next Lord's day, and make 
 presents to the value of about a crown a child to all whom 
 I catechised, and I have them all to dine with me on the 
 Lord's day. This seems to be the most profitable method 
 I can devise both for instructing as well as provoking the 
 Clergy to catechise much, and for setting a good emulation 
 among the younger sort to be well instructed. * I have like- 
 wise set up a school for 50 poor children at Salisbury who 
 are taught and clothed at my charge % and to whom I go 
 once a moneth and hear 10 of them repeat such Psalms and 
 parts of the New Testament as I prescribe, and give them 
 1 8 pence a piece for a reward, this is a mean to keep them in 
 good order. I set my selfe to encourage my Clergy not only 
 by my going often about among them '' and by assisting them 
 kyndly in all their concerns, but by a large share of my 
 income with which I have relieved their necessities ''. I never 
 renewed a lease but " I gave a considerable share of the fine 
 either to the Minister of the Parish ^ or if he was well pro- 
 vided to some neighbooring charity, so that I can reckon 
 3000 lib. given by me in larger sums among them besides 
 smaller ones that occurre daily. 
 
 That on which my heart was most set was that which 
 raised such hatred against me especially at Oxford, and 
 answered my expectation so litle that after I had kept it 
 up 5 year at the rate of 300 lib. a year I saw it was expedient 
 to let it fall. "^ I thought the greatest prejudice the Church 
 was under was from the ill education of the Clergy''. In the 
 Universities they for most part lost the learning they brought 
 with them from schools, and learned so very litle in them that 
 too commonly they came from them lesse knowing than 
 when they went to them, especially the servitors, who if they 
 had not a very good capacity and were very well disposed 
 of themselves were generally neglected by their Tutors. 
 They likewise learned the airs of vanity and insolence at 
 the Universities so that ^ I resolved to have a nursery at 
 
 » Cf. Life in Hist. ii. 723. •> Ibid. " Ibid. 724. <> Ibid. 708 ; supra, p. 329. 
 ' Life in Hisf. ii. 709 ; supra, p. 329. 
 
1689-1710] Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 24, / 213 501 
 
 Salisbury of students in Divinity who should follow their 
 studies and devotions till I could provide them. I allowed 
 them 30 lib. a piece, and during my stay at Salisbury 
 I ordered them to come to me once a day and then I 
 answered such difificulties as occurred to them in their studies 
 and entertained them with some discourses either on the 
 Speculative or Practicall part of Divinity or some branch 
 of the Pastorall care. This lasted an hour, and thus I hoped 
 to have formed some to have served to good purpose in the 
 Church ; some of these have answered my expectation to the 
 full and continue still labouring in the Gospell. "■But they 
 were not all equally well chosen ; this was considered as 
 a present setlement that drew a better one after it, so I was 
 prevailed on by importu[n]ity to receive some who did not 
 answer expectation. Those at Oxford looked on this as 
 a publike affront to them and to their way of education % so 
 that they I'ailed at me not only in secret but in their Acts ' 
 unmercifully for it. 
 
 Another thing encreased their prejudices against me, 
 •"I never refused to consent to a plurality where the Churches 
 lay near one another and where the endowment was small, 
 but promoted these all I could ; but for the heaping up of 
 benefice upon benefice that were well endowed, I not only 
 would consent to none of these but opposed them and 
 I openly declared against such as I found possessed of them 
 as robbers of the Church'', and as living in a spirituall 
 poligamy. This irritated not only all those who were con- 
 cerned but all who aspired to the like accumulation of 
 benefices so I was considered by them as a common ennemy 
 and they set themselves in a violent opposition to me. " I was 
 very gentle to the Dissenters and received them kyndly when 
 they came to see me, but I took much pains to convince them 
 of the sin and the bad consequences of separation and 
 I brought manny off from that way"'. The Dissenters all 
 
 * Cf. Life in Hist. ii. 709. ^ Ibid. ; Hist. ii. 646. ' Life in Hist ii. 711. 
 
 ' The general allusion is to the ' Terrae filius ' ; see Wordsworth, Social Life 
 at Ike English Universities, p. 26 and index. (Note kindly contributed by Mr. Doble.) 
 
5o5 Burners Autobiography [1689-1710 
 
 over my Diocesse treated me with great respect, they thought 
 it due to me in gratitude because I used them well ; they were 
 also well pleased to see a Bishop set himselfe as they thought 
 I did to advance religion. Upon this a jealousy was taken 
 up of me as being secretly in an understanding with them 
 which the malice of some carried so farre as to give it out 
 that I was in a secret designe to betray the Church to them, 
 [/. 214] and this got such credit that above halfe my Clergy 
 acted in such an opposition to me as if they had believed 
 it, but I resolved patiently to bear with what I could not 
 correct. All this gained yet more credit with them by ^the 
 opposition I gave to the Bill against Occasionall Conformity, 
 ^ on which they had set their hearts as a breach begun upon 
 the Tolleration and as a mean to manage Elections of Parliar 
 ment. ° I shewed all possible moderation to a Jacobite meeting 
 that was opened at Salisbury and obtained a secret consent 
 from the King and Queen to connive at it, yet this did no way 
 soften them". They thought this was only a justice due to them, 
 •■wheras it was a betraying the Church to be gentle to Dissenters. 
 * I looked on Ordinations as the most important part of 
 a Bishop's care and that on which the law had laid no 
 restraints, for it was absolutly in the Bishop's power to 
 ordain or not as he judged a person qualified for it, and 
 so I resolved to take that matter to heart. I never turned 
 over the examining those who came to me for orders to 
 a Chaplain or an Archdeacon, ^I examined them very care- 
 fully my selfe. ^ I began allwaies to examine them concerning 
 the proof of the Christian religion and the authority of the 
 Scriptures and the nature of the Gospell Covenant in Christ ; 
 if they understood not these aright I dismissed them, but 
 upon a competent understanding of these I went thro the 
 other parts of Divinity and soon saw into the measure of 
 their knowledge s. One defect run through them all, even 
 those who "could not be called ignorant, they read the Scrip- 
 tures so litle that they scarce knew the most common things 
 
 « T^/si'. ii. 364. ''/ijrf. 337. "^ Lifeini/»'s/. ii. 710. "^ /&'</. 711. » /i('(/. 707 ; 
 Hist. ii. 638,643. ' Life in Hist. ii. 707 ; supra, p. 330. s lAieinHist.ii. 707-8. 
 
t689-i7io] Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 24, ff. 213-4 50^ 
 
 in them, but * when I was satisfied that they had a competent 
 measure of knowledge, I directed the rest of my discourse 
 to their consciences and went thro all the parts of the Pastoral! 
 Care to give them good directions and to awaken in them 
 a right sense of things". I pressed them to imploy their time 
 in praier, fasting and meditation and in reading carefully the 
 Epistles to Timothy and Titus. I spoke copiously to them 
 every day for four dales together upon these subjects, some- 
 times to them alltogether and some times singly. *> I referred 
 the examining them in Greek and Latin to the Archdeacon 
 and brought them to a publike examination in the Chapter- 
 house before the Dean and Prebendaries ^ As for their 
 moralls we were forced to take that implicitly from the Testi- 
 monialls signed by the Clergy in whose neighbourhood they 
 had lived, in which I have found such an easines of signing 
 these, that unlesse I knew the men I grew to regard them 
 very little. This was the best method that in the present 
 state of our affairs I could take, yet I found it so defective 
 and so farre short of a due exactnes that I must confesse 
 the Ordination weeks were much dreaded by me and were 
 the most afflicting part of the whole year and of the whole 
 Episcopall duty. " I tried next how to regulate my Consis- 
 toriall Court and for some years I went constantly to it but 
 I found that which is crooked cannot be made straight, all 
 our proceedings are so dilatory and engage men into such 
 an expence that I did not wonder to hear them so much 
 cried out on as they were, they are a great Grievance both 
 to the Clergy and Laity so I gave over all hope of doing any 
 good in them and gave over going more to them". Thus 
 I laid my plan and have now followed it executing it almost 
 23 years, but I must say doing litle good with all this agitation 
 I have put my selfe in, yet since this is the best thing I can 
 do I am resolved to continue thus doing till I can see any 
 thing that is betjer. 
 
 ^When a Convocation was opened in the year 1689 we 
 
 » Life in Hist. ii. 707-8. '' Ibid. 708 ; supra, p. 330. <= Life in Hist. ii. 
 707 ; Ht'st. ii. 63^ ; suprOj p. 331. ^ Hist. ii. 33 ; supra, pp. 331-3. 
 
504 Burnet's Autobiography [1689-1710 
 
 saw the old ill humour of the Clergy shew it selfe. All the 
 good temper they were in and the promises they had made 
 in K. James's time were now forgot, they would not so much 
 as enter on the considerations of any alterations but resolved 
 to adhere firmly to the establishment made by the Act of 
 Uniformity, so all the hopes of a union or coalition vanished ». 
 The Queen hoped to have overcome the peevishnes of the 
 leaders of the party by preferring them but nothing could 
 soften them after they saw Tillotson promoted to be Arch- 
 bishop of Canterbury, Sharp by a great errour of Tillotson's 
 was made Archbishop of York. He has proved an ill 
 instrument and has set himselfe at the head of the 
 party but has suffered much by it in the opinion of manny 
 who looked on him before as a man of integrity and 
 simplicity, but few do now retain that opinion as with regret 
 I confessc I do not I have observed too much art and [ ^ ] 
 [/. 215] and designe in him to be able to think of him as 
 I wish I could do^. I saw no good could be done in that 
 present conjuncture for the healing of our breaches, this made 
 me apply my selfe more diligently to do all the good I could 
 in my own Diocesse. ^ I observed that the strength of the 
 Dissenters was in the market touns where the Ministers 
 provision was so small that according to the common observa- 
 tion a poor living had as poor a Clark. I resolved to remedy 
 this all I could, and there being manny Prebends in the 
 Church of Salisbury all in the Bishop's gift, I resolved to 
 give these to the Ministers of the market touns, but thought 
 it reasonable to demand a bond of them that in case th^y 
 should leave the market town they would resigne the Preband, 
 that so the Prebend might be as it were annexed to the 
 Church in the market town. This was done by the advice 
 of manny eminent Bishops and others who highly applauded 
 my designe, but when some '' virulent Clergy men began to 
 ' Hist. ii. 33 ; supra, pp. 331-3. '' Life in Hist. ii.7i2. 
 
 • A word torn oiT. Anne, over whom he possessed much 
 
 ^ Sharp had voted against Fenwick's influence, was regarded as a Tory. He 
 attainder; and after the accession of died in 1714. 
 
i689ri7io] Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 24, ff. 214-5 505 
 
 open against me they finding no other matter to fixe their 
 censures on, "declaimed against this" and in severall prints 
 charged it with simony. Upon which "^ to withdraw all occa- 
 sion from their malice I gave up all the bonds I had taken ^ 
 and finding some whom I had provided with the best things 
 in my gift, had withdrawn from the poor provisions in touns 
 to better livings, I upon that let my designe fall '. 
 
 I know I have said that which may seem too much of my 
 labours in my Diocesse, if it were not to lay open the injustice 
 and malice of those angry men who studied to represent me 
 as a favourer of Dissenters, who was betraying the Church 
 into their hands. I had indeed considered much thro the 
 whole course of my life and studies what a Bishop ought to 
 be, and how he ought to labour so that it would have been 
 most inexcusable in me to have gone in the beaten road and 
 have followed common methods. I thought my selfe under 
 an indispensabl[e] obligation of applying my selfe by the best 
 waies I could think on to build up and heal the breaches 
 of this Church. So that what sins soever I have to humble 
 me before God I do not know any I am guilty of with 
 relation to the Church, unlesse it be sins of omission for 
 I might still have done more in every particular than I have 
 done. But this comfort I have, that I have studied to put 
 in practise the best things done by any of our Bishops since 
 the Reformation, and have not spared my person nor my 
 purse ^, but have laid them out very liberally at all times. Thus 
 I have lived and laboured manny years and have not abated 
 in any one particular of my first designes, but have rather 
 increased in them all, for at this age both memory and 
 strength of body are still entire, [/ 214 (b)^ and I have been 
 so " farre from encreasing my estate " that I have not saved all 
 the produce of my temporall estate. [/. 215] '' The attendance 
 on Parliaments is a great distraction and put us to a great 
 
 » Life in Hist. ii. 712. '' Ibid. "^ Ibid. 723-4. ^ Hist. ii. 660. 
 
 ' See Hist. ed. 1833, vi. 367, and the ' See Bodl. MSS. Rawl. D. 1172, 
 
 catalogue of the University Library, if. 2-3. 
 Cambridge, ed. 1856, &c., iv. 437. 
 
5o6 Burnet's Autobiogfaphy _ [1694 
 
 charge, besides the calling. us off the halfe of the year from 
 doing our duty. * I do indeed continue my practise of preach- 
 ing constantly while I am at London ". 
 
 T wrote concerning the Pastorall cai'e 
 I set my selfe soon after I was Consecrated to write of 
 •^ the Pastorall care, and that is the book that of all my other 
 writtings pleases myselfe best 1. I wrote it under deep and 
 serious impressions of the duties incumbent on Pastors, and 
 I thank God it has had a very good effect on manny persons, 
 but it helped not a litle to heighten the indignation of bad 
 Clergymen against me, they lookt on it as writ on designe 
 to expose them to the nation, for reformation and moderation 
 are the two things that bad Clergymen hate the most of all 
 things. A man that will magnify the authority of the Clergy 
 and assert all the rights of the Church how much soever 
 he may extend them, and that declaims bitterly against 
 Dissenters how weakly soever he argues, and how falsely 
 soever he charges them, will passe for a tru Churchman and 
 a champion among corrupt Clergy men. It is tru that they 
 will not attack a man who writes for Reformation tho they 
 will hate him, for they know that the world will be against 
 them in that. They will wait for some doctrinall point that 
 they may more safely charge him with Heresy. At this time 
 they raised a clamour against Socinianisme which was levelled 
 chiefly at Tillotson, and after him at my selfe, for no tru 
 reason but it was a word of an ill sound and so they made 
 noise with it, and " I publishing 4 discourses that I had made 
 to my Clergy, one against Infidelity, another against So- 
 cinianisme a 3d against Popery and a 4th against Dissenters " 
 to give my Clergy some instructions, for I saw much ignorance 
 among them, they found a rude pretender to learning who 
 fell on me in a very petulant stile ^ but so poorly in point 
 
 " Cf. Life in Hist. ii. 721. "^ Hist. ii. 637. ' Life in Hist. ii. 707. 
 
 ^ Burnet's judgement may be here net's special grudge against Leslie 
 applauded. consult the Introduction. 
 
 " See supra, p. 499, note. For Bur- 
 
1692-9] Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 24, ff. 215-6 507 
 
 of argument that he seemed [/. a 16] to have no other desigrie 
 in writing but to rail at me, I would not answer him, two 
 others did very fully. 
 
 and an exposition of t/ie 39 Articles. 
 
 ^ These short treatises moved both the Queen and Tillotson 
 to set me on a greater work to write on the 39 Articles. 
 "' I set about it and by the helps my former writtings and my 
 papers gave me I finished it within a year after I undertook 
 it. Tillotson read it all over and corrected it in manny places 
 and approved of it all, only he thought I put a force upon 
 the condemnatory versicles in Athanasius' Creed which the 
 words could not bear ; he thought that Creed, especially those 
 damning propositions in it was a heavy load on our Church \ 
 He confessed since we retained it the best sense possible 
 ought to be put on every part of it. " I kept that work 
 seven year by me before I put it in the presse, ^ manny Bishops 
 read it Tennison, Sharp, Stillingfleet, Patrick, Hall, and 
 Williams. It lay some considerable time in both Universities 
 and was read by manny, all approving of it and des[i]ring me 
 to print it. Williams only pressed me much to consider 
 these as Articles of peace and not as Articles of doctrinei. 
 The meaning of which was that they were Articles which all 
 men were bound to acquiesse in and not to contradict, but 
 were not bound to believe them. I considered this as care- 
 fully as I could, but tho I wish they had been so setled, 
 I could not think according to our Law and Constitution 
 that they could be so understood. At last I published that 
 work, for a while all were silent about it. They who on 
 other accounts set themselves against me when they saw it 
 generally well received were for a while at a stand, °but when 
 they were suffered to meet in Convocation they resolved 
 to vent their ill humours upon me ". They thought it a prcj- 
 sumption for any single person to expound the doctrine of 
 
 » Cf. Life in Hist. ii. 719 ; Hist. ii. 228. •> Life in Hist. ii. 719. "^ Ibid. 
 
 719-20 ; Hist. ii. 227. '' Life in Hist. ii. 720. <■ Ibid. ; Histi ii. 
 
 284. 
 
5o8 Burnet's Autobiography [1699-1700 
 
 the Church. " They did not like a latitude of sense in which 
 I had expounded the Articles » chiefly those that related to 
 Predestination to shew that men of both sides might with 
 a good conscience signe them. This had been more excus- 
 able [if] it had come from Calvinists, for the words of the 
 Articles do plainly favour most of their tenets, but it was 
 very strange when it came from Arminians and shewed they 
 would even wound themselves to thrust at me. That which 
 was most at heart with them was that I had not carried 
 Church power higher, that I had owned the forreigne Churches 
 to be tru Churches, and that I had so flatly condemned the 
 reall presence in the Sacrament. These were tender points 
 with them, but they resolved to raise a clamour and ''they 
 brought up a generall charge against that book to the Upper 
 House, but when they were pressed to assigne special! matter 
 they let it all fall. ''Severall books were writ against it^, 
 and it was reflected on in manny sermons but tho answers 
 were writ to these I despised them all, for indeed tho I had 
 read them carefully yet I did not find reason from any thing 
 that any of them wrot to alter so much as one period or 
 to change one word in my whole work"'. The matter has 
 been let sleep now these ten years, but whither they will 
 revive it or not I cannot tell. My being set about the D[uke] 
 of Glocester inci'eased their indignation, they thought I would 
 infuse ill principles in him, so ■' an attempt that they set on 
 in the H[ouse] of Commons^ against me failing "^ they con- 
 tinued very ineasy, ^but that Prince's death put an end to 
 that service. 
 
 My third tnarriage. 
 
 ^ At that time I saw it was convenient for me to marry 
 again. I had 5 children ; the eldest was but 10 years old 
 when his mother died, and being now to live in a Court and 
 in a constant attendance it seemed necessary to provide a 
 
 " Life in Hist. ii. 720 ; Hist. ii. 284-5. ^ Ibid. c Hist. ii. 228. 
 
 •' Ibid. 237. " Ibid. 245-6. ' Life in Hist. ii. 718-9. 
 
 ' The British Museum Co/n/cg'M^ specifies three such, dated 1702 or 1703. 
 ' See Luttrell, iv. 592-3. 
 
I7O0-8J Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 24, ff. 216-7 509 
 
 Mistris to my family and a mother to my children". But 
 whither these reasons would have determined me or not 
 I cannot tell, if I had not known ''one of the most extra- 
 ordinary persons that has lived in this age both for great 
 knowledge and descretion, a sublime piety, a sweet temper 
 and one whose deportment shined in a most exemplary 
 manner'' in all the places wher she had lived. She had been 
 particularly known to my former wife, who used allwaies to 
 say she was a woman fitted to be my wife, and when she 
 went to Holland she said if she never came back she wished 
 me to get her to be her children's mother. I had known 
 her manny years, so after she had been seven year a widdow, 
 and I two year a widdower we were married, and both 
 I and my children were happy in her beyond expression, for 
 she was one of the strictest Christians and one of the most 
 heavenly minded persons I have ever known. ° Her Method 
 of Devotion gives her tru character", .she practised it all as 
 well as she wrot it. I know some think I assisted her in it, 
 but they are mistaken, I did indeed read it over and advised 
 her to leave out and shorten some things, and in some few 
 places and but in few I corrected the grammar of her stile, 
 but I gave her no other assistance in it. All [/. 217] came 
 from her own heart, her head and her hand. '' Before the 
 2d edition of that book there is an account given of her* 
 which I dictated for the greatest part, " Dr. Godwyn whose 
 name is to if only writing so much of it as to give him 
 a right to set his name to it at my desire. She lived with 
 me 8 years and 8 monethes, and bore me two daughters, both 
 which died soon after they were born ^. 
 
 ° Cf. Life in Hist. ii. 718-9. '' Ibid. 719. ° Ibid. * Ibid. ' Ibid. 
 
 ' She was Elizabeth, daughter of a pleasing picture of a devout, amiable, 
 Richard Blake, Knt., goddaughter of and very beneficent woman, but hints 
 Bishop Fell, and widow of Robert a perhaps excessive political zeal (in 
 Berkeley of Spetchley. The account the Whig interest), which might also 
 by'T.Goodwyn, archdeacon of Oxford' be suspected from Jerviswood Cor- 
 (afterwards Archbishop of Cashel), pre- respondence, pp. 169, 175. She re- 
 fixed to the second edition published in married with Dr. Burnet in 1700, and 
 1709, and summarized in the article from thenceforth with her husband's 
 devoted to her life by the Dictionary consent devoted four-fifths of an in- 
 of National Bographyiyu. 393-4^, gives come estimated at £800 a year (Lut- 
 
5IO Burnefs Autobiography [1689-1710 
 
 The education of my children. 
 The next part of my life relates to my children, of whom 
 I have taken a more then ordinary care, and have, I thank 
 God for it, been hitherto very suceessefull in it- I will 
 therefore set down the methods I have followed which I hope 
 may give some instruction to those who read this. "At 
 seven year old I entered them into Latine. I had a distinct 
 Tutor to every one to whom as I gave 30 lib. a year, so when 
 I saw they deserved a Prebend in my Church I did not 
 lessen their allowance ^ for I thought it simony to make 
 them serve me in educating my children upon my giving 
 them Church preferment. I choose my sons' Tutors with 
 great care, and they answered my expectation. * I took the 
 instructing all my children in the principles of religion into 
 my own hands, and spent every morning about halfe a hour 
 in that work. I went thro the whole 0[ld] Testament once, 
 and the New Testament thrice with them, giving a per- 
 petuall Commentary'' to make them understand and delight 
 jn those sacred writtings, and this I continue to do to this 
 day. I watched over their moralls with all possible care. 
 I thought the pains my Father had taken upon me laid 
 a more then ordinary obligation on me to look carefully to 
 my children ; only remembring the ill effect his severity had 
 on me, my biasse lay the other way to ° a remisse gentlenes " 
 of which I thank God I have not yet seen any ill effects. 
 I determined to keep them with me at home. I know 
 emulation and example with lively company awakens young 
 
 " Cf. Life in Hist. ii. 722. '^ Ibid. 721. ' Ilyid. 722. 
 
 trell, iv. 649) to good works. The has by his great kindness and confi- 
 
 Colbatch Correspondence (Brit. Mus. dence deserved from me all the grati- 
 
 Add. MSS. 22908, f. 45) bears touching tude and acknowledgments of Love 
 
 testimony to her solicitude for her and Respect I can testify.' Her devo- 
 
 step-children. She predeceased her lional Method., though distinguished, 
 
 husband, Jan. 27, 1708-9, ' very much as her biographer in the Dictionary 
 
 lamented for her charity and piety ' remarks, by the inordinate length of 
 
 (Luttrell, vi. 403), and was buried near its devotions, is no less remarkable 
 
 Jier first husband ; in accordance with for a simple and elevated fervour and a 
 
 a promise, and not (as her will testifies) refreshing common sense. Her diary 
 
 ' out of any want of respect or kind- whenabroadini707,andsomere]igious 
 
 ness to my present husband, who papers,areinBodl, MSS.Rawl.D.1902. 
 
1695-1704] Bodl. Add, MSS. D. 24, / 217 511 
 
 spirits and a Bishop's table accustomed young persons to 
 a great variety and to much liberty. But my sons were 
 lively enough and learned as quick as I desired. They in 
 halfe the time that they must have staied at a school learned 
 at least 4 times as much as they would have done at one, 
 and yet they were not kept so long at their books as they 
 must have stayd at a school, for I held them to a rule of 
 being kept 3 hours before dinner and two hours after dinner 
 to their books, so both they had a full time allowed for their 
 childish diversions and their tutors had time for their private 
 studies, but they sate by them all the while they were at 
 their books observing them and answering th[e] questions 
 they put them. In lesse then 4 years time they went thro 
 both Latine and Greek beside the Accidence and Grammar 
 much shortned they went thro Corderius, most of Erasmus's 
 Colloquies, Justin, Phedrus, Corn. Nepos, Terence, Cesar, 
 Salustius and a great part of Livy, all Virgill's Eneids, with 
 many of his Ecclogues, Ovid's Epistles and a great part 
 of his Metamorphosis, many of Horace's Odes and Satires, 
 some of Juvenall's Satires and manny of Buchanan's Psalmes, 
 and to form them to a good stile of Latin as they read Cesar 
 twice over so they translated some parts of him into English, 
 and about a week after they turned it back into Latine, 
 and then compared their performance with Cesar. In Greek 
 besides the Grammar they went thro the Gospells and Acts, 
 some parts of Isocrates and some of Lucian's Dialogues, and 
 then Homer's Iliad twice over. ^ Thus they went thro the 
 learning of the Languages ^ with great exactness. '' I sent 
 my eldest son ^ to Trinity Colledge in Cambridge ^ and gave 
 him a very good SchoUar for his servant and 40 lib. to his 
 
 » Cf. Life in Hist. ii. 722. i" Ibid. 
 
 1 This passage relating to his sons' anonymous, but was believed to be in 
 
 education should be compared with Burnet's handwriting, must have been 
 
 the Thoughts on Education published written while he was minister of 
 
 in 1 761 from a MS. in the possession Saltoun, and is addressed to a 'lord' 
 
 of Sir Alexander Dick of Prestonfield, whose name does not transpire. 
 
 Bart., who had found it among the ^forV^^illiam Burnet, see Hutchinson, 
 
 papers of Sir John Cunninghame of HistoryofMassachusettsBay,u.z^6-6n; 
 
 Caprington, Bart. The MS., which was Biog. Brit. 2nd ed. vol. iii. pp. 38-9; 
 
512 Burnet's Autobiography [1704-10 
 
 Tutor Dr. Colbatch 1, but after two years stay there I brought 
 him from thence and put him for a whole year under Mr. Craig, 
 who carried him a great way into Mathematicks and Philo- 
 sophy. " My two younger sons ^ I sent to Merton CoUedge at 
 Oxford, but kept a private Tutor with them besides a Tutor 
 in the Colledge ^ where they staied 3 year and I thank God 
 they came back to me from those places without any of those 
 taints that are too commonly given in them. ''After that 
 I sent them beyond sea ^, where they staied a year at Leyden, 
 two of them were 8 moneths at Geneva, 4 moneths at Rome, 
 the rest was a ramble thro Italy and Germany ^ They were 
 in all three years beyond sea kept by me at a great charge 
 that so they might go into the best companies and learn all 
 that was to be learned abroad. They are now come home 
 I thank God yet pure and free from all ill impressions, and 
 they have made such a progresse in knowledge that all 
 I shall say for them is that I do not find the labour and 
 expence I have been at upon them is losst. [/. 218] They 
 must say the rest for themselves in due time, and with that 
 I end this article. 
 
 I had kept my selfe in an abstraction from medling in the 
 Elections of Parliament all King William's time, but upon 
 
 » Cf. in Hist. ii. 722. ^ Ibid. 
 
 Diet. Nat. Biog. vii. 404 ; Brit. Mus. generosity in assisting to pay the said 
 
 Add.MSS.229o8,fr33,43,45, 47 ; ///'5/. brother's debts. (6) Thomas Burnet, 
 
 MSS. Com. Rep. V. 215-6 ; XI. App. born Feb. 19, 1694, matr. Nov. 12,1705, 
 
 iv, pp. 46, 273, 274, 296 ; XV. App. vi, fovwhomsee Alum Oxon. i. 215; Biog. 
 
 p. 61 ; Bodl, Add. MSS. D. 23, ff. 133', Brit. 2nd ed. vol. iii. p. 40 ; Diet. Nat. 
 
 138. His will is in Somerset House, Biog. vii. 410-1 ; Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. 
 
 Auber 183, dated Dec. 6, 1727. XV. App. vii, p. 212 ; Nicho\s, Literary 
 
 ' See supra, p. 244, note i. Anecdotes, i. 71. iii. 353 ; True Account 
 
 ^(a)Gilbert Burnet, bornatSalisbury, of the Life and Writings of Thomas 
 
 Nov. 15, 1690; matr. Nov. 6, 1703; Bumet, Esq., 1^15; Notes and Memoran- 
 
 B.A. 1706; M.A. (Cambridge) 1713 ; dums of the Six Days, i-ji$ ; Brit. Mus. 
 
 became Canon of Salisbury in 1715 ; Add, MSS. 11569-70; Eg. MSS. 921, 
 
 Chaplain to the king, 1718 ; Rector of f 87 ; Add. MSS. 27784, f. 35 ; Add. 
 
 EastBarnet, i-]ig{Alum. Oxon.i. zi^); MSS. ii394,ff. 59-61 ; Bodl. Add. MSS. 
 
 engaged in literary pursuits {Did. Nat. D. 23, ff. 142-5, 148, 151-6, 194-5. 
 
 Biog. vii. 404), edited the first volume His will, dated July 14, 1747, proved 
 
 of the i/is^ory (seesH/>«T, Introduction), Feb. 3, 1753, is in Somerset House, 
 
 and died unmarried in 1726 (Brit. Mus. See also the Introduction, supra. 
 
 Add MSS. 1 1404, f. 104, 113). The Mn May 1707 (Bjd. MSS. Rawl.0. 
 
 willof his brother William refers to his 1092, ff. 115-7, '35) r34)- 
 
1705-10] Bodl. Add. MSB. D. 24, ff. 217-8 513 
 
 the Queen's displeasure at the attempt to tack the Bill 
 against Occasionall Conformity, when that Parliament came 
 to its conclusion, she her selfe spoke to me with relations 
 to the elections. She said we saw she trusted to us, and in 
 particular she spoke severely of Mr. Fox ^ the Citisen for 
 Salisbury. This made me set my whole strength to keep 
 him out, for I being Lord of the whole town and having laid 
 manny obligations on the body in the generall, and on 
 most of the Electors, I thought I might for once recommend 
 one to them. I failed in my attempt, and it raised a most 
 violent storm against me from the Tories, who by manny 
 very bad practises are now a majority in the Corporation. 
 I am sensible it was an errour in me occasioned by my too 
 forward zeal to serve and please the Queen. Things of 
 that sort draw very bad consequences after them. This has 
 raised an anger against me which will follow me as long as 
 I live here. I have now gone thro the most materiall passages 
 of my life to this day which is the 30th of November in 
 the year 17 10, when I am entred in the 68 year of my age, 
 if things hereafter shall occurre worth transmitting to posterity 
 I will adde them as I shall see cause. I will only now give 
 a Catalogue of all the Books I have written — 
 
 A Dialogue between a Conformist and Nonconformist 
 1669. 
 
 A Vindication of the Lawes and Constitution of Scotland 
 
 1673. 
 
 The Mystery of Iniquity Unvailed 1673. 
 
 An account given by T. K. believed to be Ken a Jesuite 
 of the trueth of Religion examined 1674. 
 
 The Memoirs of the Duke of Hamilton 1676 folio. 
 
 An Account of a Conference with Coleman 1676. 
 
 A Collection of Sermons and Pamphlets from the year 
 1678 to the year 1706 in 3 vols 4to. 
 
 1 Bishop Burnet's unfriendly relations seem to have originated with the 
 with his Dean, Dr. Younger {Hist. Bishop's objection toYoungersappoint- 
 MSS. Com. Rep. X. App. iv. p. 341 ; ment because he had been tutor to Fox 
 Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 23, ff. 30, 32), (Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 23, f. 9). 
 
 Ll 
 
 FOXCROFT 
 
514 Burnet's Autobiography [1710 
 
 The History of the Reformation 3 vols, folio 1679, 1681. 
 
 The History abridged 1682. 
 
 An account of the Earl of Rochester 168 1. 
 
 The Life of Sir Mathew Hale 168a. 
 
 The Methods of Conversion by the Clergy of France 
 examined 1682. 
 
 The History of the Regale 1682. 
 
 The Translation of More's Utopia 1683. 
 
 The Life of Bishop Bedell 1685. 
 
 The Translation of Lactantius de mortibus Persecutorum 
 1687. 
 
 Letters concerning my Travells, 1687 Reflections on 
 Varillas 2 vols i2mo 1687. 
 
 The Pastorall Care 1692. 
 
 Four Discourses to my Clergy 1693. 
 
 Essay on Q. Mary's Character 1695. 
 
 My Vindication of Archbishop Tillotson 1696. 
 
 Explanation of the 39 Articles folio 1700. 
 
 The Church Catechisme explained 17 10. 
 
 Severall Sermons on particular occasions. 
 
APPENDIX 
 I 
 
 ADDITIONAL NOTE ON BURNET'S CHANGE OF VIEW 
 
 WITH REGARD TO PASSIVE OBEDIENCE 
 
 (See supra, p, 32, note 2.) 
 
 The remarkable passage which will be found on pp. 32-9, supra ', 
 constitutes one of the most curious episodes in Burnet's original 
 Memoirs ; it is not surprising that it should have been so 
 ruthlessly recast after the Revolution ; and it appears somewhat 
 strange that it should not have been expunged from the original 
 Memoirs when Burnet, on the eve of the Revolution, made con- 
 ditional arrangements for their posthumous publication. It is 
 of course no news to students of Burnet that the historian (pre- 
 sumably about a month before the pages in question were written) 
 had co-operated with Dr. Tillotson in an attempt to obtain from 
 Lord Russell, while in the condemned cell, a recantation of the 
 doctrine which admits of ultimate resistance to oppression ; but 
 the circumstances of the moment, and the somewhat disingenuous 
 modifications introduced by Burnet into the final version of those 
 events °, have tended to obscure the very radical nature of the change 
 in his views, and the very late period in life at which it occurred ". 
 Macaulay (who may have read the long excursus on which we 
 comment^ though, if so, he clearly regarded it as contemporary 
 with the events of 1661, to which it relates) confines Burnet's 
 belief in the doctrine of passive obedience to the days of his ' early 
 youth * ' ; and Von Ranke, who had certainly never seen either 
 this passage or the early version of the Russell affair, regards the 
 rendering of the latter event given in the History as representing 
 
 ' Which offers a striking contrast 11. 8-9 from bottom, with Hist. i. 135; 
 
 to the serene impartiality with which and supra, p. 24, 1. 4 from bottom, 
 
 Burnet's master, Archbishop Leighton, with Hist. i. 146. 
 
 handles the respective obligations of ^ As late as 1686, in an unsigned and 
 
 rulers and people ; see Works, ed. undated letter to Dr. Fall, of great in- 
 
 1830, i. 289, 295, 314-S; ii. 66; iii. terest (Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 23, f. i), 
 
 205-12. Burnet expressed the strongest adhe- 
 
 '^ Cf. supra, p. 130, with Hist. i. sion to the doctrine of non-resistance. 
 
 540, 557 ; and cf. also supra, p. 11, * Hist. ed. 1858, ii. 435. 
 
5i6 Burnet's Change of View with [app. 
 
 Burnet's original view '- To Burnet's contemporaries, however, his 
 change of standpoint was fully apparent ; and the principal Jacobite 
 and Tory writers of the post-Revolution period — Leslie in the 
 Tempora Mutantur of 1694, Hickes in Some discourses upoti Dr. 
 Burnet and Dr. Tillotson (1695), the pseudonymous 'Miso-Dolos' 
 of The Good old Cause, or, Lying in Truth (attributed to Leslie), 
 and Swift in his caustic censures on the published History ( Works, 
 1824, xii. 188) — have commented severely on a tergiversation to 
 which their inveterate hostility was partly due. They were enabled 
 to fortify their case by copious and compromising citations from his 
 earlier works, many of which have long since fallen into obscurity. 
 The Modest and Free Conference of 1669 ; a sermon on the anniver- 
 sary of King Charles's Martyrdom, 1672 ; the Vindication of the 
 Church and State of Scotland, 1673; the Life of Bedel, 1685 ■'; 
 various treatises and sermons, notably three discourses on Judg. xix. 
 30, Rom. xiii. 5, 2 Sam. i. 12, afforded peculiar opportunities for 
 sarcasm. Burnet, on the other hand, in the curious meditation 
 which we print infra as Appendix III, pathetically asserts the con- 
 tinuity of his own political opinions ; and argues that the loophole 
 he had always left — a very small one, as readers of the passage we 
 are considering will be disposed to consider it — for the exercise of 
 a right of political self-preservation in extremis, precludes the charge 
 of inconsistency. Whatever view we may take of this argument, which 
 Burnet had urged before his own contemporaries in his self-vindica- 
 tory answer to Hickes, it must at least be admitted that Burnet 
 always repudiated the theories we associate with the name of Filmer. 
 Like Grotius, he founds the principle of passive obedience not on 
 an hereditary right divine, but upon motives of religious quietism 
 and political expedience; motives to which the memories of the 
 Civil Wars, in Scotland more especially, lent impressive force. Nor 
 can it escape remark, that even in his unregenerate days, there is 
 betrayed a natural bias in favour of more energetic principles (supra, 
 p. 35, 11. 26-31) ; with a strong sense of the appaUing practical argu- 
 ments which must occasionally confront the extreme advocates of 
 non-resistance {ibid. 11. 10-3). Burnet's own formal renunciation 
 
 ' Eng. Gesch., &c., ed. 1868, vol. vii. himself. In the copies possessed by 
 
 App. ii. p. 166. the British Museum and London 
 
 - With regard to this work, Burnet, Libraries the most incriminating leaf 
 
 in his Reflexions in answer to Hickes (pp. 445-6) has been removed. 
 (1696, pp. 69-72), successfully defends 
 
i] regard to Passive Obedience 517 
 
 of the doctrines which inculcate an unconditional obedience will be 
 found in the tract entitled ' An Enquiry into the measures of sub- 
 mission to the supreme authority ; and of the grounds upon which 
 it may be lawful or necessary for subjects to defend their religion, 
 lives, and liberties,' which he published anonymously on the eve of 
 the prince's expedition ; and to which the Meditation already men- 
 tioned specifically refers us. This pamphlet, of which the language 
 is in parts curiously reminiscent of the earlier, and very different, 
 passage to which our previous observations have applied, commences 
 (to quote its own words) with ' a true and full view of the nature of 
 Civil Society, and more particularly of the nature of supreme power, 
 whether it is lodged in one or more persons ? ' 
 
 Section I explains that the law of nature acknowledges no difference 
 or subordination among mankind, except in respect to the relations 
 of parent and child', husband and wife; all men being born free, 
 though they may contract themselves into servitude. The Second 
 and Third Sections state that self-preservation (whether involving the 
 resistance of violent aggression, or the exacting of reparation for the 
 same) is a duty imposed by the law of nature ; and that government 
 originates in a compromise, by which the second of these rights is 
 surrendered to a national trustee. So far, Burnet is practically 
 recapitulating the argument of his Memoirs ^ ; but in the Enquiry 
 we find three suggestive additions to these presuppositions, viz. 
 (i) That the right of exacting reparation includes the right to put 
 such unjust persons as commit unwarranted aggressions 'out of 
 a capacity of doing the like injuries any more, either to ourselves, 
 or to any others'; (2) That the central power may be entrusted 
 either to 'a single person' or to 'a body of men'; (3) That the 
 supreme power is vested in the Legislature ; of which the executive 
 (in all cases where these powers are separated) is merely the 
 delegate. Section IV maintains that, on the principles of natural 
 religion, God has vouchsafed no specific authorization to any one 
 form of government ^ ; but that national constitutions, whatever their 
 nature, cannot be subverted without sin ; since power, like property*, 
 is confirmed to its actual possessors by the sanctions of natural 
 religion. The Fifth Section asserts that the authority of rulers, as of 
 
 ' Cf. supra, p. 36, II. 18-22. . =■ Cf. supra, p. 35, H. 31-3- 
 
 " Cf. supra, from p. 36, 1. 28, to * Cf. supra, p. 38, II. 16-22, 34-7. 
 
 p. 37.1. 12. 
 
5i8 Burnet's Change of View with [app. 
 
 masters, varies in specific instances, according to the terms of the 
 agreement on which it is founded ; there being masters of servants 
 and apprentices, as well as of slaves \ Section VI affirms that 
 a divine right to the supreme power could only be claimed by men 
 miraculously chosen ; and that the divine choice is not arguable 
 even from possession, which may be merely due to successful 
 usurpation. In Section VII we learn that the measures of obedi- 
 ence are laws, oaths, prescription; but with this reservation, that 
 'power must always be proved, but liberty proves itself; the one 
 being founded only upon a positive law, and the other upon the law 
 of nature.' In the Eighth Section we are reminded that Old Testa- 
 ment instances (as depending on miraculous warrant) cannot be cited 
 in this connexion". The Ninth Section maintains that in the New 
 Testament no regulations with regard to forms of government 
 can be traced; but that since by its precepts a final seal is set 
 upon the general rules of 'justice, order and peace' ... we are most 
 strictly bound by it, to observe the constitution in which we are.' 
 The propagation of Christianity by force, the forcible resistance of 
 persecution, are specifically forbidden * ; but this last only applies to 
 cases where persecution is authorized by the laws of the land ; for 
 if our religion is established by law, its undisturbed exercise becomes 
 a branch of our property. The Tenth Section urges that the sub- 
 mission preached by Christ to the Jews is defined by the fact that 
 the Jews, having appealed for the protection of Rome, had forfeited 
 all subsequent right to resent her domination. Augustus himself 
 certainly claimed no divine right; usurpation, sanctioned by the 
 subsequent acts of senate and people, constituted his only title*. 
 Passing thence to the English constitution, Burnet argues (Sections 
 XI and XII) that, since our kings admittedly possess but a share of 
 the legislative function, though the whole of the executive power, their 
 prerogative is necessarily limited, especially as regards taxation ; and 
 that the unlawful demands of their agents (where the issue is plain 
 and weighty) may be lawfully resisted. But here lies the crux (as 
 is acknowledged in Section XIII) ; the Militia Act (to one clause of 
 which all holding office are bound by oath) vests the right of using 
 
 ^ The last only are mentioned supra, ° Cf. supra, p. 36, 11. 4-6. 
 
 p. 34, 11. 9-15. » Cf. supra, p. 33, 11. 31-6. 
 
 - Cf. supra, from p. 35, 1. 5 from ' Cf. supra, p. 36, U. 6-9. 
 bottom, to p. 36, 1. 4. 
 
r] regard to Passive Obedience 519 
 
 force solely in the king, and explicitly condemns all resistance to his 
 warrant'; 'and since this has been the constant doctrine of the 
 Church of England, it will be a very heavy imputation on us, if it 
 appears, that though we [have] held those opinions as long as the 
 Court and the Crown have favoured us, yet as soon as the Court 
 turns against us, we change our principles.' In Section XIV Burnet 
 meets the difficulty, first, by insisting that in all obligation there is 
 an implicit reserve. The obedience even of children and wives 
 is not unUmited ; the marriage tie is held binding till death, yet few 
 deny that adultery dissolves the bond. Where two fundamental 
 principles collide, we must decide which is the more important, and 
 accommodate the lesser to the greater. In the controversy between 
 public liberty and the formal renunciation of the right to resist (made 
 in the official declaration above mentioned), liberty is no doubt the 
 superior principle, to which, if any liberty is to be retained, the 
 renunciation must be accommodated. 'Since it is by a law that 
 resistance is condemned, we ought to understand it in such a sense, 
 as that it does not destroy all other laws.' Thus the renunciation 
 can only apply to cases where the executive acts within the intention 
 of the legislature, and cannot extend to instances in which the 
 executive usurps upon the function of the legislature. Ill adminis- 
 tration, consequently, cannot justify resistance''; which is only 
 authorized by an invasion upon legislative powers or by a 'total 
 subversion of the government.' In these cases the agents of the 
 invading authority may be resisted ; since a king who subverts that 
 to which he owes his own power ' ceases to be king.' In the Fifteenth 
 Section Burnet proceeds to argue, that the greatest assertors ot 
 monarchical power necessarily admit certain cases in which a sove- 
 reign may ' fall from his power ',' or at least from the exercise of it. 
 Desertion of his people, an attempt to enslave, sell, or destroy his 
 kingdom, infancy, or phrensy ' (and in the last case he quotes the 
 then recent instance of Portugal) are recognized as valid causes; 
 and an attempt to subvert the foundations of the government must 
 surely, by parity of reason, entail at least a regency under the aegis 
 of the next heir. In the Sixteenth Section Burnet elaborately main- 
 tains that James II had actually attempted a total subversion of the 
 constitution. 
 
 1 Cf. supra, p. 35, 11. 3-10. ' Supra, p. 35, 11. 10-3. 
 
 « Cf. supra, p. 33, 11. 7-12- ' Supra, p. 35, H. 13-22. 
 
520 Burnet's Meditation on [app. 
 
 II 
 
 [BURNET'S MEDITATION ON HIS SECOND MARRIAGE '] 
 
 At the Hague in Holland 
 the 25 Mayj 1687. 
 
 Vpon my second marriage into which I am now entring. 
 
 O MY God the God of my life thou hast watcht over me for good 
 during the whole course of my pilgrimage to this day and tho' I am 
 lesse then the least of all thy mercies yet thou waits to be gracious 
 to me. Thou hast in a cours of so many years covered me from the 
 rage of my enemies so that tho' their power and their malice against 
 me were almost equally great yet thou who stopt the mouths of lions 
 has so overruled all the rages of their anger that their threatnings 
 has only served to discover their injustice and thy goodness to me. 
 Thou provided plentifully for me in the midst of all their fury so 
 that I have lived now for many years in a decent plenty farre from 
 the sense or the apprehensions of the smallest uneasiness. Thou 
 preserved me from those engagements in England which might have 
 exposed me more certainly to the storm, but at last all ties that held 
 me there having fallen off thou led me out of England by an Indulgent 
 Providence that drew me out of those difficulties into which I would 
 have fallen quickly thou led me thro' the severall parts of Europe 
 with an Indulgent tenderness that I can never enough adore. Thou 
 preserved me from those snares that I might have justly apprehended 
 in France and Italy and at last brought me safe into these parts 
 and I was no sooner here then I found a chain of Providences 
 leading me thro' many steps into this which is now near its accom- 
 plishment. All the concurrence of circumstances that seemed to 
 favour it lookt like an intimation of thy holy will and thou that 
 knowest all things knowest that neither the follies nor heats of nature 
 nor the levities of a wandring fancy nor the regard to the wealth 
 and abundance that accompanies the person determined me to it. 
 It was somewhat of thy Image that I discerned in the person herselfe 
 and the Characters of thy Providence that were so apparently 
 obvious in the progresse of it that led me into it. 
 
 Holograph, 2 pp. 410, Morrison MSS. See supra, pp. 251, 492. 
 
"] his Second -Marriage 521 
 
 Thou O God sees into the secrets of all my hidden thoughts 
 tho[u] knowest that I neither designe to live in vanity nor luxury 
 nor do I aspire to wealth and honour, and that even the outward 
 decencies which I am in some sort forced to are uneasy to me. 
 My true design is to be building up my selfe with her who is now 
 to be my other selfe in our most holy faith and to be growing up in 
 thy love my designe is to live wholly to thee and to the advance- 
 ment of thy glory and the edification of the Church which is thy 
 body and thou my blessed Redeemer. It is to these ends that 
 I consecrate my time and all my faculties and those few abilities 
 that thou hast given me and if thou blessest me with abundance 
 all that is beyond that which is in some manner needfull for my own 
 family shall goe towards the releeving thy poor members. Thy past 
 mercies thy conduct of this matter and that temper in which I find 
 my thoughts makes me hope that all this matter comes from thee, 
 so that I most humbly prostrate my selfe before thee the fountain 
 of all blessings doe thou O God of love so knit our hearts to thee 
 and to one another in thee that our whole life may be a continued 
 course of advancing our selves in that blessed way that must make 
 vs not only happy here but happy for ever hereafter. Bless vs with 
 that calm of mind, that union of thoughts and that tender concern 
 in one another and chiefly in one another's soul, that our chieffe 
 study may be that neither of us sin against thee preserve us so 
 long together till our work is done here on earth and in all the 
 other things that relate to a married state doe to us and with us 
 O God what seems good in thine eyes and let thy will be alwaies 
 preferred by us to our own. If thou O God wilt hear and answer 
 this my humble praier in which I am now pouring out my heart 
 to thee, then doe I most solemnly vow to thee that I will be 
 wholly thine that I will live only to Thee and if thou honourest me 
 so farre as to call me to it, I will with joy offer up my life for thy 
 name's sake for thou art my God and my all thro' Jesus Christ my 
 blessed saviour and Redeemer. Amen \ 
 
 1 Endorsed (in another hand- went along with the king to make his 
 writing and erased) : ' Mr. Burnet's progress in England and settle the 
 prayer upon his marriage before he nation.' 
 
522 Burnet's Meditation on the [app. 
 
 Ill 
 
 [BURNET'S MEDITATION ON THE IMPENDING 
 EXPEDITION OF 1688 ^] 
 
 A Meditation on my voyage for England tvhich I have writ intend- 
 ing it for my last ivords in case this expedition should prove 
 either unstcccessfull in generall or fatall to myself in my own 
 particular. 
 
 I WILL not say anything in this paper in justification of the designe 
 having done that so copiously in another Paper which is to be 
 printed with this Title An Enquiry into the measures of Submission, 
 that nothing is left for me to adde in this. I have also so fully and 
 heartily approved of the Prince's Declaration which was put in 
 English by me, that it is to these Papers that I referri those who 
 may desire to know the grounds upon which I have engaged in an 
 Vndertaking of this nature. From those and some other Papers, 
 especially one that I seal up with this ^, which I writ when I was 
 under some apprehensions of being killed or carried away by some 
 emissaries of the Court of England the world will see what are 
 the reasons that have prevailed upon me to join in this matter so 
 fully that I can say no more of this subject. But this I will adde, 
 and for this I appeal to thee, O God the searcher of hearts, that 
 no consideration either of resentment for Injuries done me, or 
 ambition have so much as moved me in this matter. I have so 
 watched over my own heart, to observe if the Injustice and Violence 
 with which the Court of England had first ordered me to be judged 
 in Scotland, and then to be murdered in Holland, had sharpned or 
 embittered my spirit : but I thank God that I have had no motions 
 of either anger or resentment, And that I have considered the 
 state of England Scotland and Ireland with the same Impartiallity 
 and the same cold blood that 1 should have had if I myselfe had 
 not at all been concerned in my own particular : Nor was I at all 
 
 ' Holograph, 4 pp. folio, Morrison MSS. See supra, p. 286. 
 ■' It is unfortunately missing. 
 
Ill] Impending Expedition of 1688 523 
 
 wrought on by any ambitious or covetous prospect of raising my 
 own fortunes, by contributing to procure a Revolution in England. 
 It never yet appeared in {illegible] when I was much younger and so 
 was pushed on with a greater heat of blood, and was pressed with 
 a greater straitnes of fortune, that I aspired either to riches or 
 dignity ; so that being now in a plenty of fortune, and having a wife 
 in whom I have all the satisfaction which a married state can 
 possibly give me, and who deserves from me all the returns of 
 kyndnes that I can ever make her, having also a young child that 
 promises all that can be expected in his age, and seeing the proba- 
 bility of another that is coming, I am not so litle flesh and blood 
 as not to feel, what it is to leave these endearments, which possesse 
 me heare [? my heart] so much, that no earthly consideration relating 
 to my selfe could ever make me throw my selfe thus on Providence, 
 if a much more powerful did not determine nie. Nor am I set on 
 by any sour or ill-governed zeal against Popery. I have indeed 
 appeared much in opposition to that Religion [words illegible'] of 
 heart knows that I am farre from being heated, much lease led by 
 any violent and ill-tempered zeal in those points. I am none of 
 those who would aggravate matters, or that let my selfe be governed 
 by the spirit of a party. I love all men that love God, and that live 
 well, and can make great allowances for errours and mistakes even 
 of the highest order; for in that I have very large notions of the 
 goodnes of that God of love whose mercies I could never limit to 
 any one form or party of Religion, and so I am none of those that 
 damne all Papists : for I have known many good and religious men 
 among them. Therefore the aversion that I bear to Popery flows 
 not so much from their errours, tho' I think their Church is full both 
 of great and very pernicious ones, and that both in their doctrine 
 and worship, but above all in the casuisticall Divinity and in the 
 conduct of souls in the manner of their confessions and absolutions. 
 But the chiefle ground of my abhorrence of that Church, is that 
 carnall designing Ambitious, Crafty, Perfidious, and above all that 
 Cruell Spirit that reigns among them, chiefly arnong the Religious 
 Orders, and most eminently among the Jesuites, who are the Pests 
 of humane society, and the reproach of the Christian Religion, so 
 that I confesse I should not dread the progresse of Mahomitanism, 
 or the returne of Paganisme, soe much as I doe the authority which 
 that society begins to have in all the Popish Courts of Europe, and 
 
524 Burnet's Meditation on the [app. 
 
 this is the true reason of all that warmth that I have expressed against 
 that Religion ; which does not at all lessen either that moderation 
 which I have ever professed with relation to speculative points of 
 Controversy, nor the esteem which I bear to the good things and the 
 good men which are still in that communion, notwithstanding all 
 their errours and corruptions. The only motive therefore that has 
 caried me into this matter, was that it appeared to me very visibly 
 by the many plain Indications that the King has' given, and the many 
 broad steps that he has made, that he designs to overturn both the 
 Religion and the Government of those kingdomes, and that he 
 intends to set up Popery and Tyranny, if this appeared only in a few 
 Instances that might be the effects of Inadvertances or passions, and 
 if the steps that are made were in matters justly doubtfull, I should 
 still have thought that, according to our Constitution, wee had been 
 bound to submit and suffer : but the designe being a totall subversion, 
 the case is plainly different. Nor have I in this departed from my 
 former principles, for I am still as much as ever, fixed in that 
 persuasion, thatthe Christian Religion gives us no warrant to defend 
 it by armes, but on the contrary forbids all resistance but still it is 
 to be understood that if this Religion has lawes on its side, in 
 a legall Government, where the King's Prerogative is shut up within 
 such limits, then as the right of professing that Religion, comes to 
 be one of the civil liberties, so the King by breaking thro' all the 
 limitts of Law, assumes an authority which he has not, and by con- 
 sequence he may be withstood. And all that I ever writ or preached 
 on the subject, of non-resistance agrees exactly with this : for I ever 
 founded obedience and submission on the Lawes and severall 
 Constitutions of Nations and I only went on the generall Topick, 
 that the Christian Rehgion gives no authority to maintain it by 
 Armes : yet after all, tho' this both is and ever was my Prmciple, 
 I have gone no further but to give my opinion both to the Prince 
 of Orange, and some other private persons, that I looked on the 
 thing as very Lawfull, and as aggreeing both with the Christian 
 Religion and the Constitution of the English Government. But 
 I never set my selfe to advise or presse it : for I ever said to all 
 those with whom I spoke in that matter, that I thought it neither 
 aggreed with my character', nor with the Circumstances in which 
 
 ' i. c. his clerical function. 
 
I"] Impending Expedition of 1688 525 
 
 I am, to advise or persuade any such thing : so I carried the matter 
 no further then to assert in generall the lawfullness of the under- 
 taking. It is true having asserted that, I thought it became me to 
 offer to wait on the Prince of Orange and to follow him as his 
 Domestick Chaplain, since he had intimated to me some moneths 
 agoe that he Intended to have me about his person in that Capacity : 
 and as for the danger I run in case I fall in the hands of my 
 Enemies from whom I expect all sort of ill usage, and an Igno- 
 minious death in Conclusion, I resigne my selfe up as to that, and 
 to the good and holy will of the only wise God, being cheerfully 
 resolved to glorify him in what manner so ever he will call me to 
 doe it whether in life or death : I leave all the quiet and satisfaction 
 I enjoy at home and goe whither he in his Providence leads me. 
 I cast not only my selfe but that which is yet dearer to me, my 
 dear Wife and my son upon the mercies of that God, to whom I 
 have consecrated my life and all that is dear to me; and I am 
 confident that he will doe that which is the best for him and me. 
 He that knowes all things knows the sincerity of my heart, that 
 I have made it the busines of my whole life, tho' in the midst of 
 many and great Imperfections to walk before him exercising my selfe 
 ever in this to have in all things a good conscience both towards God 
 and towards man. And as I am perfectly assured both of the truth 
 of the Christian Religion and of the Protestant Religion, so those 
 matters are so dear to me that if I had a thousand lives I would 
 venture them all with joy in this cause. I say no more concerning 
 any of those matters which are set forth by me in the Paper that 
 I writ in July 1687 for my sense of all these being at present the 
 same with that which I writ then I avoid repeating any part of it, 
 only I can never enough recommend the serious practise of true 
 Piety and of secret Praier : and I must sincerely Protest to the 
 world, that all the true joies that I have ever known have flowed 
 from this, as all the sorrows of my life, have flowed from my strayings 
 out of that way, that leads to life and blessednes. I have ever hated 
 and despised superstition of all sorts ; and have found a great deale 
 of it even among those that pretend to be the furthest from it : nor 
 could I ever consider Religion under any other notion, but as it 
 furnished me with true and solide Principles, for the Reforming my 
 heart, and for governing my whole life, in a course of an Exact and 
 sublime vertue, deadening me to the world and \_a line and a half 
 
526 Burnefs Meditation on the [app. 
 
 illegible] and raising me to a constant love to God, and my Neigh- 
 bour : and a continuall desire of doing all the Good that was possible 
 for me to doe. I have writt the beginning of a work, which [if?] I 
 live I intend to finish of Essaies concerning Morality and Religion, in 
 which I have delivered my sense of all 'the things that I treat of, 
 with the same simplicity ' in which I think of them, without saying 
 any thing more or lesse, upon any other Consideration, but that of 
 Truth. I order that to be printed after my Death. I order likewise 
 all those short Essaies of Sermons, which are near two hundred, to 
 be also [printjed ; and I doe likewise order my secret History to be 
 Print[ed], and this is all of my writting that I allow to be made 
 Publi[ck] as for all other Papers of mine I order them to be kept 
 for my [son's] use ; but never to see the light. I recommend most 
 earnestly to him the study of Divinity and the work of the \words 
 illegibleyitst of all Imployments : and that which when rightly 
 followed makes a man but a little lower than the Angells : but if 
 undertaken upon Carnall Motives and secular designes, it is that 
 which brings more Guilt on the man, and more scandall on Religion, 
 then any other course of life whatsoever. Happy are they that love 
 God and that pursue the gaining of souls to him, with a labour of 
 love : how much trouble soever they may meet with in this world, 
 Great is their reward in Heaven. I continue to the last to love all 
 my friends, of whom I have a great many, and that with all the 
 tendernes and concern that is possible : for as I have lived a life of 
 friendships, so I find the endearments of those bonds will stick to 
 me to the last moment of my life : and as no man ever had greater 
 reasons to love a wife most tenderly then my selfe she having in all 
 respects deserved all the acknowledgments and kyndnes possible 
 from me so I will carry with me to the last moment of my life, all 
 the intirest affections for her of which my heart is capable : and 
 I doe most humbly commend her, and my son, and what she goes 
 with, to the blessings of the God of my life ; who I trust will take 
 her and them under his most Immediat Protection : and I doe 
 most earnestly recommend both her and them to the care and 
 kyndnes of all my friends, not doubting but that they will continue the 
 true friendship, which I am confident some of them bear me to them. 
 
 ' That very simplicity probably despite the explicit direction for its 
 accounts for the fact that the work publication, reiterated in his last Will 
 was suppressed by Burnet's family, and Testament. 
 
Ill] Impending .Expedition of it^^ 527 
 
 And now O my God I turn my thoughts wholly from the world 
 and all worldly objects to look up to thee, and to follow thee 
 whither soever thou leads me. Thou has dealt hitherto with me so 
 preciously that I cannot mistrust thy Providence but cast my selfe 
 wholly upon it : and as I dare appeal to thee of the sincerity of my 
 heart, and of my Intentions in this matter, so I look up to thee 
 for a blessing upon it. I dedicate my selfe to thee, and make this 
 vow to thee that if thou blesses us with successe in this matter, and 
 brings me safely thro' it, then I will consecrate my selfe and the 
 rest of my life more entirely to thy service ; and will study all that 
 is possible for me to shine as a Pattern of true Religion and of 
 Exemplary Vertue : and if thou raises me to any Eminent Post in 
 thy Church, I will study to be an example of Humility meakness 
 gentlenes to all men and of Contempt of all worldly Greatnes and 
 wealth, and that I will withdraw as much as may be, from all Courts 
 and secular affairs, and will consecrate my selfe to the work of the 
 Gospell, to the healing of our breaches to the care of souls and to 
 the raising of a spirit of true Holiness and piety both among clergy 
 and laity \words illegible] the advantages that thou gives me for the 
 advancing of thy Glory and the doing good to mankind all I can. 
 But O my God I throw myselfe in the dust before thee as one that 
 is unworthy of the meanest office in thy House : therefore let thy 
 name be glorified and let this great Vndertaking succeed and for me 
 let me be covered with all that sharte and confusion of face which 
 belongs to me. Let not O God my sins or the sins of any of those 
 who goe into it provoke thee to blast it look not O God at our 
 sins, but consider thy Truth, the Glory of thy name, the Kingdome of 
 thy Dear son and the happines of thy poor servants, that lie in the 
 dust before thee, and that wait for thy salvation. Arise O God and 
 Deliver the poor and needy, that call on thee : and let not the 
 Cruell and bloodthirsty men prevail. Let the time appointed to 
 favour and deliver thy sion come : O God, for our eyes are towards 
 thee. Blesse {words illegible'] I trust thou hast made strong for thy 
 selfe. Preserve his Person, direct his Councells, and blesse his Armes : 
 Give him Victory in the day of battell, and set him and the Princesse 
 in thy good time, on the Throne, make them to rule in thy fear, 
 and make them the Deliverers and Defenders of Thy Church that 
 their names may be blessed in the present and following Generations. 
 But O God if our sins are such, that thou wilt not deliver thy 
 
528 Letters from Dr. Burnet [app. 
 
 people by our means, or if the sins of England are such that they 
 must be severely punished, then in every thing that thou does I will 
 submit and adore thy Providence and acquiesce in thy Wisdome : 
 and offer my selfe up to thee to be disposed of as seems good in 
 thine eyes ; and to glorify thee whether in death or in life, if thou 
 calls me to suffer, support and lead me thro' whatsoever thou suffers 
 my Enemies to doe to me. Give me the joies of thy salvation. Let 
 me find in the whole course of whatsoever Trialls thou putts me 
 to that thou art with me ! Lead me if thou wilt, thro' the Valley of 
 the Shaddow of Death : for thou art with me I fear nothing that 
 Devills can contrive or that men can exercise against me. Bring 
 me at l[ast] where thou art O my God and my all : for thither am 
 I continually aspiring, and am longing daily to see and enjoy thee 
 eternally. I am thine O my God doe with me what seems good 
 in thine eyes my God and my Portio[n for ev]er. 
 
 Amen Amen. 
 
 IV 
 
 LETTERS FROM DR. BURNET TO ADMIRAL 
 HERBERT, 1688 ^ 
 
 I. 
 
 [/ 49] ' Noble Sir, 
 
 ' As bad a man as you are a man cannot hold being extreamely 
 concerned for you which has been so sensible to some that even 
 the Great and generall concern for the whole busines has not been 
 able to swallow it up. You have put us out of a great pain for after 
 the apprehensions into which these storms had put us the good 
 newes of your being all safe and well is to us that which a Victory 
 had been if you had had a happier season. I hope by this time you 
 have got to be clean and sweet, and that if my Cosen Johnstoune has 
 not had his share in the storm yet he will come in time to be a witnes 
 to the Glory that I hope staies for you and after all I hope you feel 
 sometimes somewhat within telling you that perhaps your own leud 
 life has contributed more to stop your voyage than either Albeville's 
 masses or his prayers. And if you would but grow a litle better if 
 
 ' Eg. MSS. 2621 ; see Hist i. 762, and supra, pp. 297-8, 300, 303. 
 
IV] to Admiral Herbert 
 
 529 
 
 you are not passt that you might hope that all things would go better 
 with you. No doubt you have the last newes from England of the 
 Kings sending for the Bishops (the Archbp. was sick and London 
 in the Country) he confessed passt errours to them and desired their 
 advices how to set[t]le the nation and that they would now show 
 their loyalty. Their answer was Generall and cold only Bath and 
 Wells told him that their were 5 things the nation could not 
 bear i the putting Papists in Imployments 2 th& dispensing power 
 3 the Ecclesiasticall Commission 4 the turning out of the Magdalen 
 Colledge men and 5 the regulating the Corporations. The King 
 seemed to yield up all to them except the dispensing power which 
 he said he would reserve to a Parliament to Judge of. He sent 
 them to the Archbishop but they did not come back that night and 
 this was on Fryday. This must compleat his ruine and show the 
 meannes of his soul your Noble Combattant ' is to come and com- 
 mand the Fleet and if S. R. Haddock will goe Strickland as is 
 thought will be recalled and S. J. Berry will be Rear Admirall but 
 it is positively writ that seven ships is all that the Court can pretend 
 to be able to set out but it is believed that they cannot go so far 
 and that four will be all that they can go to. The affections of the 
 city appear every day plainer and plainer and yet the King thinks 
 fit to look on so this must needs sinck his own party extreamly and 
 I cannot think that his softnes which comes so late can have any 
 other effect but to make him cheaper. I will not write you a word 
 of the newes of Germany for perhaps you are as Mr. Sidney is out 
 of patience when you see one look after any other news but those 
 of England the winds and the fleet. I have tried but without success 
 again and again to find out S^ Rowland Guinne when I can find 
 him I shall see what can be done with him. This is all that I can 
 say at present but that in spite of all your leudness I cannot hinder 
 myself from being with all my heart and with all possible esteem 
 
 ' Right Honorable 
 ' Your most humble most faithfull and most obedient servant 
 
 'G. Burnet. 
 ' Tuesday Morning ' 
 Endd. [' 1688, D. Burnet to Adm" Herbert just after the Storme.'] 
 
 ■ Lord Dartmouth ; see Hist. i. 762. 
 
 FOXCROFT 
 
530 Letters from Dr. Burnet [app. 
 
 a. 
 [/ 51] 'Noble Sir 
 
 ' You are a strange bad man and nothing can mend you neither 
 storms nor our happy passage can Reform you but yet after all one 
 cannot hold having a most particular high value for you, though you 
 have some reason to accuse me for not writting but the first two dales 
 one had so much to doe that to say trueth I never minded it and 
 then I understood that you had orders to sail : so I hope you will 
 excuse my omission. Our numbers grow upon us every day. the 
 Gentry of the Countrey were a little backward at first but now they 
 come in apace and if the newes that wee have of the Intentions of the 
 Army did not make Levies here lesse necessary it were easy to 
 raise a great body of foot but this Countrey wants horse extreamly 
 and wee stick here for want of carriages for tho wee are much called 
 to come nearer the King's forces yet I doe not see how soon wee 
 can march, but it will be I hope by the midle of the next week at 
 furthest. Wee had swallowed doune in our hopes three of the 
 King's best Regiments which were very near us but the Confusion 
 of the night with S^ Fran Compton's want of head or heart together 
 with the vigour of some Popish Officers among them put all in so 
 much disorder that the greater part after they had marched above 
 60 miles to come and join us wheeled about yet Lanstoun brought 
 of[f] the D S* Albans Regiment entire 50 horse of Compton's and 
 above an 100 of Cornbury's dragoons came in likewise and yesterday 
 wee heard that Capt. Kirk was marching with an 100 horse Cherry ' 
 is just now gone to Plimouth upon an advice that wee had yesterday 
 that it will be delivered to us and that the E[arl] of Huntingtoune 
 cannot be sufferred to come within the fort but is forced to lie in 
 the Toune wee begin to work a litle on the Clergy for they are now 
 promoting a Petition for a Free Parliament w<=li is understood by all 
 to be a Declaring for us. In short everything goes as well as our 
 hearts can wish I am called on to make an end so that I can adde 
 no more but that in spite of your ill Qualities the few good ones 
 that you have determine me to be for ever , q. 
 
 ' Your most humble and most obedient servant 
 ' Fryday the i6th Nov^ ' ^- Burnet. 
 
 ' Query, a nickname for Captain App. p. 251, and Dartmouth MSS. 
 George Churchill? Cf. Darlymple, (H.M.C.) 210. (Note contributed by 
 Memoirs, ed. 1790, vol. ii. pt. ii. bk. vi. Mr. Doble.) 
 
'V] to Admiral Herbert 531 
 
 ' wee now know that if wee had landed at Portsmouth it had been 
 certainly delivered to us.' 
 
 Add. ' For the Honorable Admirall Herbert.' 
 £ndd. 'Novembr 16: 1688 D^ Gilbert Burnett about Publick 
 matters of that tyme.' 
 
 [/67]'Sir ^' 
 
 ' I write you a second Letter before I left Exeter which I gave to 
 one that called himselfe your servant but he brought it back to me 
 to Crookhorn and said that you were under sail before he could find 
 you, so all the last newes from Exeter were losst. M'' Seimour 
 gr W" Portman and all the chiefe men of the Countrey came in 
 and were all extream hearty, there wee begun to signe the Associa- 
 tion of which I send you a Copy, wee left the greatest part of our 
 Cannon and heavy baggage at Exeter where M"" Seimour staies as 
 Governour for the civill part and Gibson for the Military. The E. of 
 Bath has at last declared with the whole garrison at Plymouth where 
 the E. of Huntington is prisoner who in great wrath threatens the 
 E. of Bath that he will bring his Habeas Corpus against him. the 
 Earle of Shrewsbury is gone with a Regiment of horse another of 
 foot and Dragoons to possesse Bristoll and Glocester where there 
 are none but Militias and from both the Prince has such messages 
 that I believe wee shall have them very cheap and perhaps the D. of 
 Beaufort into the bargain and E. Shrewsbury hopes to come and 
 join the Prince at Oxford for wee must take that road both because 
 the Salisbury road is quite wasted by the King's army marching 
 backward and forward in it and likewise to join a great body of 
 horse that comes from the North commanded by the E. of Devon- 
 shire, the E. of Danby and the L. Delamere who were when wee 
 heard last from them by an Expresse above 2000 strong but are now 
 as wee hear 6000 strong. The King was mightily struck when he 
 found that the D. of Grafton and the L. Churchill had left him and 
 next day Prince George and the D. of Ormond also left him and 
 after wee were in great pain having no newes of him for four dales 
 wee had the wellcome account last night of his being got to Shafts- 
 bury. So he dines to-day with the Prince at the Earle of Bristolls 
 where wee have been these two dales the L. Bristoll having met us 
 as wee came into the County with a body of all the Eminent men 
 
 M m a 
 
532 Letters from Dr. Burnet [app. 
 
 in it Coll Strangewaies S. Jo. Morton and 20 more, who are sitting 
 for raising both a force and a present in money to the Prince Coll 
 Trelawney L Coll Churchill and almost all their officers are [?] come 
 in and a great many both of Trelawneys Regiment and Kirks but 
 unhappily poor Kirk himselfe was taken but it was only on suspicion 
 for as yet they have no proof against him if the King had not taken 
 the allarme of Churchill's going away so hot that he presently sent 
 for all the forces that lay at Warminster under Kirk's command wee 
 had got all that body of 6 or 7 Bataillons but tho as soon as 
 L Churchill sent us word M^ Bentinck marched all night with 400 
 horse and 800 dragoons to assist our friends in case of any resistance, 
 yet they had marched away long before and the King went up to 
 London in all the Confusion that was possible. He is very ill in his 
 health and bleeds upon every occasion at the nose and much puru- 
 lent matter comes out so that it is generally thought his person is in 
 as ill a state as his affaires are he made a Speech to the D. of 
 Grafton's Regiment when he set E. Litchfield at their head that he 
 would defend the Prot. Religion to the last drop of his blood wee 
 have every day many straglers dropping in to us. This is all I can 
 now tell you, only Frank Russell and Mr. Jepson that found me 
 writing to you give you their most humble service, wee remember 
 you very often but no man with a more particular esteem than 
 
 'Sir 
 ' Your most humble and most obedient servant 
 
 ' G. Burnet. 
 ' Sherborn Thursday the 29*^ [?] November.' 
 
 Add. As the last. 
 
 Endd. 'Sherborne Novr 29: 1688 D^^. Burnett That forses came 
 over to ys Prince Dayly.' 
 
 4. 
 [/69] 'Sir 
 
 ' I doe not know whether this shall have better luck then my 
 two last had which were both brought back to me and so were 
 destroied by me for it was said that you were under sail so that no 
 Letters could come to you. This I only say to you to excuse your 
 not hearing from me for tho upon all other occasions the miscarriage 
 of a letter from me could not deserve an Apology yet at this time 
 
IV] to Admiral Herbert 
 
 533 
 
 since perhaps what I write might have given you some aggreable 
 entertainment I would have you beleeve that it was not my fault but 
 my misfortune that denied me the pleasure of serving you which bad 
 as you are, I cannot deny to be very great. Wee have had hitherto 
 as prosperous a march as wee could have wished for. not one ill- 
 accident has befallen us. the Gentry of all the Counties through 
 which wee have marched have come in almost all of them and both 
 in Dorsetshire and Wiltshire they have undertaken both to levy some 
 Regiments and to raise money. The coming of the D. of Grafton 
 and the L. Churchill did so disorder the King that he presently 
 retired back from Salisbury in a great consternation the Pr. of Den- 
 mark and the D. of Ormonds leaving him at Andover was a new 
 mortification and they were 4 daies gone before wee had any newes 
 of them which troubled us not a little but they went up the London 
 road and so fetched a great compasse and at last they joined at the 
 Earle of Bristolls at Sherborn the Princesse of Denmark left the 
 Cockpit the same night that the Pr. left the King and she walked 
 afoot in slippers to the Bp of London's house who conveyed [?] her 
 first to Copthall and then to the North where she is at present but 
 wee are put in hope that the force which received her is moving 
 towards us and that she may join us in three or four daies. all this 
 you may perhaps have heard already in the Publike newes and there- 
 fore I only name it, as I will doe Glocesters declaring for us and 
 their taking L. Lovelace out of prison and making him their 
 Governour, and the E. of Shrewsbury's being sent to BristoU with 
 some troops and his being received there with all possible joy. No 
 doubt you have heard of L. Delameir's rising in the north who with 
 a Regiment of 400 horse after a march of about 200 mile came 
 hither two daies agoe and joined the Prince. The D. of Beaufort 
 has abandoned the post he had given him to keep so all these 
 counties have declared for the Prince. The King upon all this 
 called a Councill of all the Peers about Toune and told them that 
 since he found that a Parliament was the generall desire of all his 
 people he was resolved to call one but he desired their opinion of 
 the way to make it effectuall so they advised a treaty with the Prince 
 upon which M. Hallifax E. Nottinghame and L. Godolphin were 
 named the two first seem very litle fond of the Employment and say 
 that it was put on them by their Enemies. A trumpeter was sent to 
 the Prince demanding passeports for them who was kept two nights 
 
534 Letters from Dr. Burnet [app. 
 
 before he had his dispatch for the Prince sent for the Nobihty and 
 communicated the matter to them before he granted it. But tho 
 the Commissioners came to Andover while he was at Salisbury yet 
 he sent them to a place within 3 miles of this and so he gave them 
 audience yesterday in the presence of several of the Nobility, they 
 brought him a letter from the King containing some kind expressions 
 such as that as he was the King's Son in Law so he was considered 
 by them as a Son. Their Instructions were generall that since the 
 Prince referred all in his Declaration to a free Parliament the King 
 was resolved to grant one but desired that all Armies might be kept 
 at such a distance that a Parliament might be chosen and sit in free- 
 dome. The Prince desired them to put this in writting which they 
 did and this night an answer is to be sent them in writting to this 
 purpose that in order to the holding a free Parliament it is necessary 
 that all Papists be first turned out of all Imployments both in 
 England and Ireland and both out of the Army and the Court and 
 so till that is done the Prince will hold on his march for [/ 70] the 
 true designe of this treaty is to amuse the Nation and to stop the 
 Princes march in which the Court will be deceived for wee will still 
 goe on. The Commissioners desired to speak in private with the 
 Prince but he declined it for he said he was come upon the busines 
 of the Nation and that he had no private concern of his own. The 
 two first in the Commission behaved themselves so and talked so 
 freely to myselfe and severall others in a publike room that wee saw 
 they were condemned to act a part that was verry unnaturall to them. 
 In short the King dares not trust his army nor come to meet us and 
 yet he must either doe that very suddenly or he must leave London 
 for wee will be very near it in 8 or 10 daies. I write this at night 
 and was not at Court since morning which is almost two mile from 
 home, so I cannot tell you whether wee goe to London by Newbury 
 Reading and Maidenhead which is our nearest way or if wee crosse 
 the Thames at Wallingford bridge and so fall in to the Oxford Road 
 for that was then under consultation and not then resolved on. 
 Wee heard that the King upon our advancing hither had called back 
 2000 of his rear that lay at Reading which made us incline to that 
 road but an advice came this morning that 500 horse and Dragoons 
 of the King's were come back to Reading which put them upon new 
 Councills. And by all that wee hear the Kings Army is so litle 
 affectionate to him that it is scarce possible to fancy that he will 
 
IV] to Admiral Herbert 
 
 535 
 
 venture with them and yet it is hard to know what else is left him. 
 
 Thus I have given you a long account of our affairs which I hope 
 
 will not be unacceptable to you and the perhaps you may have the 
 
 same things much better from other hands yet at least this will let 
 
 you [see ?] how desirous I am to doe everything that I can Imagine 
 
 will be pleasing to you. You have a more Melancholy post then 
 
 wee have but with lesse fatigue for the pleasure of seeing our matter 
 
 goe on so well the new faces that wee see every day of which the 
 
 E. of Oxford was one of the latest and the most wellcome and the 
 
 shifting of the scene makes the trouble go Insensibly tho wee have 
 
 had both bad way and ill weather except these last 3 or 4 dales that 
 
 I fancy the dull quiet in which you live is much more uneasy to you 
 
 then all this march would have been. I hope you will still be so just 
 
 as to esteem me one of your faithfullest and most humble servants. 
 
 ' Hungerford the 9th of December. 
 
 'G. Burnet.' 
 
 Endd. 'Hungerford Dec: gt^ 1688 D^ Gilb' Burnet to Adm" 
 Herbert.' 
 
 5- 
 [/. 83] ' Noble Sir, 
 
 ' I hope you have not such hard thoughts of me as to Imagine 
 that I doe not write but letter for letter but if I had not thought that 
 you might have been gone I had writ to you a great many dales 
 agoe. Wee have now turn upon luck the foolish men of Feversham 
 by stopping the King at first have thrown us into an uneasy after- 
 game. Compassion has begun to work especially since the Prince 
 sent him word to leave Whithall : and now as to the settling of the 
 Government there are two different Opinions for a third which was 
 for treating with the king has fallen by his second withdrawing 
 yesterday of which I say litle because you will have it all in the 
 common newes. Some are for calling together with the Peers all 
 such as have been Parliament men that so they may goe to declare 
 that the King having left his people and withdrawn the pretended 
 Prince the Princesse is Queen and so proceed to call a legall 
 Parliament by writts in her name others think that a Parliament 
 or rather a Convention is to be summoned which will be the true 
 representative of the kingdome and that tho they have no legall 
 writts yet they being returned upon a free choice this will be upon 
 
536 Letters from Dr. Burnet to A dm. Herbert [app. 
 
 the matter a free Parliament and that this Assembly is to Judge 
 both the King's falling from the Crown and the birth of the Pre- 
 tended Prince and that then a Parliament may be legally held after 
 they have declared in whom the right of the Crown lies, this last is 
 liable to this exception that the slownes of it may expose Holland 
 to be losst before England can be setled or ready to act. I have not 
 time by reason of many Impertinent people that presse in upon me 
 to give you a fuller detail of our affairs your Reflections on the poor 
 King's misfortunes are worthy of you I could hardly have thought 
 that anything relating to him could have given me so much com- 
 passion as I find his condition has done I know it was not possible 
 for you to have acted as some others have done but whatever one 
 may think of that wee must now shut our mouths for there is 
 discontent enough already and the Army seem generally out of 
 humour and uneasy at what they have done and you know wee have 
 not the arts of cajolery. 
 
 'You will no doubt see the Resolutions of the Peers yesterday 
 so I will say nothing of it only it was so unanimous no- shew of 
 opposition being made to it that I believe now .the greatest part 
 of our difficulty is over. I am extream glad that you put me in hope 
 of seeing you shortly here for it is now time for you to be for a while 
 at rest till wee make a new expedition into France for I doe verily 
 believe the Prince designs it this summer and it is but just that after 
 you have passt thro so much hardship you should begin to receive 
 those returns and acknowledgements that are worthy of you. I am 
 much more then I dare venture to tell you unless you become 
 a better man 
 
 'Sir 
 ' Your most humble and most obedient servant 
 
 'G. Burnet. 
 ' St. James's 
 
 Christmasse day 
 
 ' I wish you with all my heart a merry Christmasse and a good 
 new year.' 
 
 Endd. 'St. James: xt masse Day 1688. Dr. Burnet w*"^ opinions 
 of people after y^ Kings w[i]th drawing.' 
 
v] Burnet's Reflections on his Elevation 537 
 
 V 
 
 BURNET'S REFLECTIONS ON HIS ELEVATION TO 
 THE EPISCOPATE' 
 
 A Meditation on my Consecration the night before being 
 Easter Eve, March 30, 1689. 
 
 I AM now coming to thee again O my God, to be once more 
 dedicated to thee, and to rise up to the highest station in thy house. 
 But how does this strike me, when I that am not worthy to remain 
 in the lowest order but deserve to be cast out, as salt that has lost 
 its savour, am now to be exalted instead of being debased. Oh but 
 the Judgments of men are slight and deceitfull things. I passe for 
 somewhat in the world. But before thee to whom the secrets of 
 my whole life are known, I am nothing and lesse then nothing. 
 I know the corruptions of my own heart and the errours of my 
 life, which ought rather to drive me to a wildernes to spend the rest 
 of my life in mourning for what is past then to enter upon an 
 Imployment that is but a little lower then that of Angells. I have 
 had addresse enough to cover my faults, and favourable circum- 
 stances have concurred to hide them from the world : But they are 
 all known to thee, and therefore I stand trembling in thy presence 
 divided in my thoughts, thy Providence seems to call me out to 
 this station and my guilt pulls me back. I know my own unworthi- 
 ness, how then dare I goe on : ought not I rather to fall downe 
 before the Bishops, as an humble penitent to subject my selfe to 
 the utmost severities of Censure rather then suffer them to lay hands 
 on so great a sinner. Here I fall downe before thee O God to be 
 guided by thee, for after all how guilty soever I may be I still retain 
 my integrity and doe offer my selfe up to thee, all that determines 
 me now is that thy Providence wh^li calls me to this station is 
 publike and visible and my sins which pull me back are secret and 
 therefore it seems to be thy will that one should be followed rather 
 then the other. But as I came loaded with much sin before thee 
 so thou who knows my sins knowest likewise how bitterly I have 
 mourned for them, how heavy they lie on me and how seriously 
 » Holograph, Morrison MSS ; see supra, pp. 329, 497. 
 
538 Burnet's Reflections on his Consecration [app. 
 
 I am resolved to change the whole course of my life, even to the 
 smallest particulars. I am indeed resolved to avoid all singularities 
 and affectations, but as I will keep sin and all objects that may lead 
 to it at the greatest distance so I will enter on a stricter course of 
 daily devotion and of seeking thee by secret praier of spending 
 dales in fasting and wrestling with thee as I was wont to doe many 
 years agoe. I will cutt off all I can the levities of vain discourse 
 and Indecent mirth. I will avoid every thing that looks like pride 
 and the setting a value on my selfe, or the undervaluing of others. 
 I will study to be an example first in my family to my wife and 
 to such children as thou shalt think fit to give me, and then to 
 my servants whom I will take care to Instruct in thy fear. I will 
 also study to shine before my clergy and to be an example to them 
 of humility meeknes and charity of contempt of the world, and 
 a neglect of my person and of all the softening as well as the defiling 
 pleasures of life. I will visit the sick, relieve the poor, comfort the 
 prisoners, and will Imploy the revenue that belongs to the Church, 
 as a Trust which I am to administer and for which I know I must 
 answer to thee, whose right it is. I will place my friendships and 
 favours as near as I can discern, on those that fear and love thee : 
 they shall be all my delight and I will study in all things to walk 
 before thee and be perfect : these are my resolutions which I offer 
 up to thee as holy vowes, doe thou O God accept of them and enable 
 me by thy grace to pay them to thee for after all without thee I 
 can doe nothing. And as for this Holy Function into which I enter 
 as thou hast given me high and sublime notions concerning it, so 
 I will by thy Grace put all these in practise I will preach in season, 
 both in publike and from house to house : I will not spare my selfe 
 much lesse will I lose that time which now in a more particular 
 manner [is] thine, in following a Court or any other Impertinent cares, 
 for I will give my [selfe ?] wholly to this great work : I will go round 
 and be frequent in inspecting my clergy and will apply reproofs and 
 censures as well as encouragments without passion or partiality. 
 I will be carefuU not to lay hands suddenly on any, nor become 
 partakers of other mens sins, for thou knowest that I have 
 but too many of my own to answer for. I will harden my selfe 
 to all entreaties and recommendations in the conferring either of 
 Orders or of Benefices, and I will study to form as many as I can 
 to a high sense of the care of souls and employ such in thy vineyard 
 
v] Burnet's Reflections on his Consecration 539 
 
 I will lay aside the prejudices of a party and as I will not rule 
 over any by force or cruelty so I will shew all kyndnes not only 
 to such as may differ from me but even to gainsaiers : for I will 
 love all men : I will live with my Brethren of the Clergy in all 
 brotherly love and true humility. I will not act by my own single 
 advice but by the concurrence of the best of my Clergy, and will 
 doe what in me lies to carry on the Reformation of this Church 
 to a full perfection, by cutting off the Corruptions that doe still 
 remain among us, and by adding such things as are wanting : nor 
 will I ever suffer my selfe to be biassed by the base considerations of 
 Interest, and I will set my selfe to doe the work of a Bishop in my 
 Diocesse, without ever designing to remove [or ?] to aspire higher : for 
 I hope to fall here unlesse thou for the exercise of my faith and 
 patience calls me to suffer for thy name these are my desires and 
 these are the vowes which I now offer up to thee in the sincerity of 
 my heart. 
 
 All these are indeed my sincere resolutions yet I know they will 
 be as nothing if thou doest not concurre and favour me with a most 
 speciall measure of thy grace. O how often have I begun well 
 but alas the end was afflicting. All my hope is now placed in this 
 that I know I begin at thee my God and put my trust wholly in 
 thee O let my [me ?] feel this day some of the motions of that wind 
 that blows whensoever thou pleases make me find both in my 
 receiving this divine benediction and in being admitted to the 
 misteries of thy sons death such a measure of thy grace that I may 
 feel that I have a new principle within me a seed of God by which 
 I may grow up to thee. Doe thou breath on me O thou saviour 
 of the world and make thy spirit come and dwell in me for all my 
 hope is in thee. Doe thou but enable me to perform my duty 
 and then dispose of me in all other things as seems good in thine 
 eyes for I come not to ask great things of thee for my selfe it is 
 neither riches nor honour, ease, nor length of dales. How much 
 a nobler portion were it if thou wouldst honour me so farre to go 
 and carry thy crosse and to preach thy Gospell as a true follower 
 of Christ bearing his reproach and to seal that blessed Gospell which 
 he confirmed with his blood by my own. But thou O God knows 
 best what I am able to do and to suffer therefore I cast my selfe 
 on thee and dare ask thee nothing but must only say thy will be 
 done on me and in me. I am nothing and deserve nothing but 
 
540 Burnetts Account of Scotch Affairs [app. 
 
 shame and wrath, but be thou my God and my all support me by 
 thy Grace and guide me by thy Councell I come unto thee and cast 
 my selfe downe before thee and make an entire surrender of my life 
 time and of all those talents with which thou has blesst me to thee 
 I will Employ them all in thy service and dwell in thy house for 
 ever and will be for ever aspiring to that blessed hope and glorious 
 recompense which thou the Shepherd and Bishop of souls has 
 promised to all that wait for thee. Come Lord Jesus even so come 
 quickly. 
 
 VI 
 
 ADDITIONAL NOTE ON BURNET'S ORIGINAL ACCOUNT 
 OF SCOTCH AFFAIRS AFTER THE REVOLUTION; 
 INCLUDING THE MASSACRE OF GLENCOE 
 
 The large amount of matter, relative to affairs in Scotland after 
 the Revolution, which Burnet appears to have suppressed when 
 revising his original Memoirs, attracts attention, and seems to require 
 explanation. The statements now revealed bear chiefly upon two 
 persons : Mr. ' Secretary ' Johnstone, and Lord Portland. The 
 almost entire elimination of the former personality from the pages 
 of the final version may be probably ascribed to a desire of averting 
 the charge of literary nepotism ' ; since, despite a suggestive note of 
 Lord Dartmouth's " and the equally suggestive character inserted by 
 Burnet (presumably during the revision of 1704-5) into Hist. i. 764, 
 there seems no reason to suppose that Burnet disapproved the 
 subsequent career of his kinsman, whether as a member of Tweed- 
 dale's ministry, or as a leader of the 'Squadrone' (1704-5). The 
 exact value of the new information must be gauged by those more 
 intimately acquainted than is the present writer with the course of 
 Scotch intrigue during the period in question ; but the following 
 points seem clear. 
 
 I. Burnet throws into relief a fact upon which historians ° are 
 
 ' See Introduction, p. xviii. vol. iii. pt. iii. book x. p. 237, note ; 
 
 " See Hist. i. 4. Macaulay, ed. 1858, viii. 80. 
 
 ' Dalrymple, Memoirs, ed. 1790, 
 
VI] Burnetts Account of Scotch Affairs 541 
 
 content to touch — the preponderating influence over Scotch affairs 
 , exercised, during the reign of William III, in the name, at least, of 
 Lord Portland. That William, who himself regarded Scotch business 
 with a mixture of indifference and distaste, should have welcomed 
 the opportunity of employing his confidential favourite in a sphere 
 where his Presbyterianism was rather a qualification than the reverse, 
 and where his foreign birth, as rendering him superior to purely 
 English prejudice, might be considered, even by Scotchmen them- 
 selves, as an advantage, can excite no surprise ; that he affected to 
 do so is certain '. But it is a moot question how far Lord Portland 
 was really influential, and to what extent he was the stalking-horse of 
 more powerful intellects. The close alliance which existed between 
 Portland, Carstares '\ and Sir James and Sir John Dalrymple — the 
 three former of whom had been intimate during the exile of the 
 second and third mentioned — is undoubted ; nor is it any less 
 clear that after the Revolution William's Scotch policy was in fact 
 directed by this Scoto-Dutch group, of which the ascendency excited 
 from the first considerable heartburnings among the magnates of 
 Scotland. Its members were in fact united no less by personal 
 devotion to William than by political aims. All were statesmen first, 
 and moderate Presbyterians in the second place only; and their 
 policy may be summed up as contemplating, (a) the continued 
 ascendency of William ; (b) the pacification of Scotland, in so far 
 as this should prove compatible with the wider issues of European 
 politics ; (f) the establishment of a moderate Presbyterianism, as 
 combined with a general toleration. It is impossible to apportion an 
 exact responsibility among the several members of this political 
 fraternity. Lord Stair^ his son, and Carstares (the studied reticence 
 of the last notwithstanding) have riveted the attention of posterity. 
 Portland, on the other hand, bulked larger in the eyes of contem- 
 poraries ; and in Burnet's original narrative entirely eclipses Burnet's 
 own co-chaplain Carstares, of whose influence he was naturally 
 jealous, but who, by a refinement of ill-humour, is barely mentioned '. 
 2. The fluctuations in the fortunes and policy of the brotherhood 
 
 ' Balcarres, Memoirs, pp. 42-3 ; Leven book x. p. 237, note ; Story's Carstares, 
 
 andMelvillePapers,passim;McCormick, pp. 182, 205-7. 
 
 Carstairs Papers, pp. 64,98; Macky, ^ Dalrymple, il/«wo(ra, part i. book i. 
 SecretMemoirs,^^.(>z-2,zo<)-ii;March- p.39, note, describes Carstares as Port- 
 won/ Papers, iii. 139, 401-7 ; Dal- land's secretary (no reference given), 
 rymple, ed. 1790, vol. iii. pt. iii. ^ See Hist. i. 340. 
 
542 Burnet's Account of Scotch Affairs [app. 
 
 must now be traced. Its first trend was in the purely Presbyterian 
 direction ; and Melville, another member of the Scoto-Dutch . 
 alliance, between whom and Burnet there existed a mutual dislike ', 
 was certainly its nominee'''. At a very early date after the new 
 settlement the disastrous result of the Montgomery intrigue ° clearly 
 affected Portland's position*; and seems during the year 1690 to 
 have occasioned his temporary retirement from the management of 
 Scotch affairs ^. Meanwhile the rather intemperate zeal of Melville 
 for the Presbyterian economy, and his injudicious alliance with 
 Crawford, had completely alienated the episcopal interest and 
 rendered a ministerial reorganization necessary. The appointment 
 of the younger Dalrymple as conjunct Secretary in the end of 1690 " 
 introduced a moderating influence, and was but the prelude to the 
 entire shelving of Melville, which took place towards the close of the 
 year 1691 '' At the same time as this latter event two steps were 
 taken, which proved in the end incompatible. Breadalbane and several 
 other of the malcontent grandees — episcopal in their sympathies, 
 and in some cases strongly suspected of Jacobite leanings — were con- 
 ciliated by admission to office ; and James Johnstone found himself 
 appointed Dalrymple's co-secretary. But Johnstone (a son of Lord 
 Warriston), who had himself ranked among the exiled Scotch of 
 Holland and whose services to the cause of the Prince had been 
 considerable, proved no submissive instrument- his talents, temper, 
 and principles alike unfitting him for a purely subordinate part. 
 A man of independent convictions, and, though at one with the 
 moderate Presbyterianism of the governing group,^ in principle a 
 strong Whig ; firmly attached indeed to the Revolution settlement, 
 but bound to the King by no ties of individual devotion, his 
 personal relations with the junto at Whitehall and with the new 
 Ministry in Scotland could not fail to become rapidly strained. 
 A tragedy precipitated the breach. Within a month or two of 
 Johnstone's appointment occurred the massacre of Glencoe, in 
 which Secretary Dalrymple was the overt principal and Breadalbane 
 (one of the chief among the newly 'rallied' grandees) an inciting 
 accessory. Rumours on the subject were certainly current in London 
 
 ' Leven and Melville Papers, Intro- ^ Hist. ii. 35 ; supra, p. 334. 
 
 duction, pp. xxviii-ix ; Dalrymple, * Supra, p. 335. 
 
 ed. 1790, vol. ii pt. ii. book vi. App. ■'' Leven and Melville Papers, p. 533. 
 
 p. 199 ; Macaulay, ed. 1858, vi. 193. ° Hist. ii. 74 ; supra, p. 357. 
 
 " McCormick, p. 95 ; Macky, p. 203. ' Supra, p. 370. 
 
VI] Burnet's Account of Scotch Affairs 543 
 
 within the month ' ; and when some months later, on the eve of the 
 . campaign, these rumours became importunate, Johnstone, who was 
 sent down to Scotland as representative of the junto, seems to have 
 received from the king instructions, presumably secret, to investigate the 
 affair''. The inquiry appears to have been conducted with discretion. 
 The extremely quiet and satisfactory course of the next year's session, 
 on which Macaulay comments ', is ascribed by Burnet to the dexterity 
 with which Johnstone, by whom it had been proposed, soothed the 
 irritated susceptibilities of the Presbyterians: he adds' that Johnstone's 
 influence averted an attack on the ministry, i. e. the junto ". The 
 fact probably is that the public inquiry into the Glencoe affair, on 
 the absence of which Macaulay lays stress °, was staved off by hints 
 of an investigation in progress. The results of the session however 
 clearly included a dislocation of interests as between Johnstone and 
 the junto. The energy with which Johnstone had pursued the 
 Glencoe investigation — an energy which, though no doubt perfectly 
 sincere, may have been spurred by personal motives — must have 
 certainly exasperated Breadalbane and the Master of Stair; Johnstone 
 no doubt resented, both on private and political grounds, the cold 
 and scanty recognition accorded to the conduct of the session ^ ; 
 Carstares may have naturally disliked the self-reliant temper and 
 independent language ° of his supposed henchman ; for even King 
 William, though no stickler for form, was displeased by his uncourtly 
 bearing °. The juntOj in fact, found its power in part undermined '", 
 and the channel of influence usually available in the person of the 
 second Secretary no longer open. The progress of the Glencoe 
 affair aggravated the split. The private report for which Burnet, in 
 
 ' Macaulay, vi. 220 ; McCormick, * Supra, pp. 391-2. 
 p. 253. Macaulay's remarks, vii. ' In fact he seems to have obtained 
 199-200, as to the date when the from the Parliament an address re- 
 outcry became urgent, are quite incom- questing the king to confer a Scotch 
 patible with Burnet's remarks, supra, peerage on Portland (Macaulay, vi. 
 pp. 372-3 ; which Macaulay must have 390); an honourwhich Portland appears 
 overlooked. to have desired (McCormick, p. 155). 
 
 " Supra, pp. 372-3, 391. Macaulay's ° Hist. ed. 1858, pp. 390-2. The 
 
 view (vii. 200), based on the preamble observations on p. 391 and note I 
 
 to the Commission of 1695, seems think quite incorrect. Cf. Johnstone to 
 
 misleading. Carstares, McCormick, p. 153, last line, 
 
 ' Hist.ed. 1858, vi. 388-92. John- p. i54,first line, with Burnet's account, 
 stone's account of the session, in his ' See supra, p. 393. 
 
 letters to Portland and Carstares ° See Johnstone's letters in McCor- 
 
 {State Papers, 153-84, April i8-May mick. 
 
 27, 1693), which should be read, cor- ' McCormick, p. 93 ; supra, p. 415. 
 
 roborates Burnet. '° Supra, pp. 372-3, 4I5- 
 
544 Burnetts Account of Scotch Affairs [app. 
 
 his original Memoirs, makes Johnstone responsible was burked ; 
 but when in the summer of 1695 the Scotch Parliament, after two 
 years' recess, met once more, the outcry became menacing ; and the 
 Court was compelled to grant a Parliamentary investigation. The 
 animus displayed in the prosecution of the affair was largely 
 ascribed to Johnstone ' ; and it is not surprising, though it is regret- 
 table, that Portland ^ and Carstares ^ should have been impelled to the 
 discreditable policy of shielding the guilty. The fall of Stair therefore, 
 though a censure mild indeed for the occasion, became for John- 
 stone * a triumph, for his colleagues a serious rebuff; Portland indeed 
 in the irritation of the moment renounced all further concern with 
 the affairs of Scotland ^ But his retirement, if real, was at any rate 
 temporary ; for when, six months later, the Darien crisis became 
 acute, he doubtless combined with Carstares (who disclaimed any 
 vindictive feeling in the matter *) in urging that the Secretary should 
 be ' thrown to the lions '.' If Burnet's version of events should be 
 even approximately correct, Johnstone's action in the Darien affair 
 was very ill requited; and the historian's observations, supra, p. 415, 
 no doubt represent the not unnatural bitterness of the discarded 
 Secretary. After his fall, the influence of the two friends, of whom 
 Ogilvy became the instrument, remained supreme, and was only 
 terminated in Portland's case by his voluntary withdrawal from public 
 life ' ; in that of Carstares by the death of William III. That Car- 
 stares, after his retirement, retained feelings of dislike to Johnstone is 
 clear from the language used by his correspondents " ; while Johnstone 
 is said in his later years to have made certain insinuations adverse to 
 Portland's fair fame '". These may possibly have referred to the mas- 
 sacre of Glencoe, though other interpretations were hazarded ; but it 
 is more probable that he merely touched upon a supposed complicity 
 in the arts of Parliamentary corruption, as practised in Scotland. 
 
 ^ Cunningham, Htst. i. 131-2 (see stares (McCormick, p. 94 ; ibid. pp. 
 
 also pp. 365, 412-5); Macaulay,vii. 201. 269-527, /ia5«»» ; Lockhart of Carn- 
 
 ^ Supra, pp. 411, 415. warth'sAfs>«o«Vs,ed. 1817, i. 72; Macky, 
 
 ^ McCormick, pp. 236, 257. pp. 181-2). 
 
 ' McCormick, p. 99 ; Burton, Hist. ' Story, pp. 254-5. 
 
 Scotland, i. 172 ; Caveat against the ' Macky, Secret Memoirs, p. 210 
 
 Whigs, pt. 3, p. 74. (Macky was the spy who warned 
 
 ' See McCormick, p. 263. The sug- Johnstone previously to La Hogue); 
 
 gestion may have been faint. It seems Lord Minto's introduction to the Jervis- 
 
 to have been made to Ogilvy, wood Correspondence, second page. 
 Stair's successor, who, though intro- ' See Hist. ii. 235. 
 
 duced into business by Johnstone, ' McCormick, pp. 729, 736, 745. 
 
 was the creature of Portland and Car- •" Lockhart of Carnwarth, i. 367-8. 
 
VII 
 
 Notes prefixed to Harl. MSS. 6584 545 
 
 VII 
 
 THE SHEET OF NOTES PREFIXED TO HARL. MSS. 
 6584 ; BELIEVED TO BE IN THE HAND OF ROBERT 
 HARLEY (see Introduction, pp. vi, ix, x). 
 
 / 2 (a). Materials. 
 
 July 17, 1699. 
 
 Sr wr Ye rem: away 
 Mr. Hampden's usage (the word abdicate was Hasty) 
 Whigs tho they had many places had not al, therefore 
 
 displeased ["]. 
 A council for protecting the Prot[estant] Religion to be 
 established with 200000'! a year &c \y\. 
 
 When ministers make their masters believe, that 
 al they reckon to be their enemys are also the 
 kings, the common practice cried out ag' in ye last 
 reigns [«]. 
 
 That men go away w[i]th vast grants the Pillage 
 of ye country the reward of long service to be 
 swallowed in a moment. 
 
 They had ruin'd y* by their Heats about the 
 
 Corporation Bill & self seeking &c. when ye 2d Parlpament] 
 
 was chosen [d] 
 
 Lieutenancy of London changed (a meer trifle) 
 first whigs put in, then chang[e]d for ye torys &c. 
 upon ye new Parliam[en]t : 1690 [ej 
 
 They outraged y* Parlia[men]t as Jacobites, yet [? y'] 
 
 did more for ye governm[en]t than others 
 
 How did the whiggs oppose one anothers Elections &c. 
 
 Green & Somers 
 
 The wh[igs] desire power and use it ye worst in ye world 
 
 They set on another [act ?] of abjuration in order to 
 
 g^t al ye offices of profit in y^' hands & al power [f] 
 
 " Cf. Harl. MSS. 6584, f. 289(A) (^supra, p. 313). " Ibid. f. 230 (a) {supra, 
 
 p. 237). " Ibid. f. 48 (fl) {supra, p. 335). ^ Ibid. f. 49 (6) {supra, pp. 337-8). 
 ' Ibid. ' Ibid. f. 51 (i) {supra, p. 342). 
 
 FOXCROFT N n 
 
546 Notes prefixed to Harl. MSS. 6584 [app. vn 
 /. 2 {b). 
 
 July 21, 1699. 
 
 The P:[rince of] 0:[range's] declaration was ag^* surrender 
 
 of Charters and directing writts to illegal officers to choose 
 
 Parlia[ment] [''J and now have not these broken through 
 
 al those things treated [? cyted] on in ye declaration & y® 
 
 late king 
 
 'Bewdly 
 
 Malmesbury 
 
 ^v . J Plimouth 
 Charters-(^ . , 
 Dunwich 
 
 Hertford 
 
 lOrford 
 
 Instead of non obstantes did not they set up the 
 
 Royal oke lottery contrary to law 
 
 did not Judges go circuits to elude 
 
 the Law, to shew how near they 
 
 could go & not sin ; this ought 
 
 to be animadverted on. Howe they could 
 
 dare to set such an example 
 
 Sheriffs pricked for example Carbery to serve 
 
 England & Wales. 
 
 Marshal Law exercised when no Law for it 
 
 justified by S^ R. R. & S^ S. S. [? G.] 
 
 and so their fetters struck of[f ]. 
 
 This faction have tryed to do what neither 
 
 they nor anything else can 
 
 bring about, to discredit ye Govern[men]t 
 
 for ye Beachy fight 1690 we had not 
 
 2000 men in England '^ & yet our beaten 
 
 fleet defended us, f] tho[ugh after ?] ^ pressed for 
 
 20000 here. 
 
 " Cf. Harl. MSS. 6584, f. 269 {supra, p. 285). " Ibid. ff. 53-4 {supra, 
 
 PP- 344-5) ; 63 (rt) {supra, p. 361) ; 70 (a) {supra, p. 375). 
 
 ' From the fact that the Harleian the second and larger numeral may 
 
 transcripts make mention of 1000 only, have been employed by Harley merely 
 
 Mrs. Lomas argues that Harley had in antithesis to ' 20,000.' 
 access to a different copy. This seems ^ Letters very illegible, 
 
 overstrained ; 1000 is ' not 2000 ' ; and 
 
INDEX 
 
 Affairs, Englisi — 
 Temp. Q. Elizabeth, -p^. 1^2-4, 177-8; 
 
 temp. James I, 174-5, 178; temp. 
 
 Charles J, 1 75-7 ; temp. Cromwell, 
 
 229-42, 243. 
 Temp. Charles II-Anne : 
 Administrative, 76-8, 134, 144-5, 265- 
 
 6, 277-8, 312-5, 381-2, 394-6, 4°8> 
 427-8, 431, 439- 
 
 The Court. 74-6, 133, 135-45, 150, 
 152-4, 182-3, 187-90, 205-7, 225-6, 
 259-62, 264-6, 270-1, 274-6, 280-2, 
 284, 295-7, 301, 312-3, 373-4, 404-6, 
 427, 493-4, 508. 
 
 Diplomatic, 145-7, 15°, I57, 161, 184, 
 186, i8g, 200-3, 206, 221-3, 227-8, 
 2£5-6i, 377-8, 42 1-3, 428, 43°, 439- 
 40, 443, 445-8. 
 
 Ecclesiastical, 45-7, 67-74, i°°-3, 
 104, 106-7, '92, 210-20, 224, 226, 
 227, 255-61, 263-4, 266-8, 271-4, 
 277-8, 314-8. 326-7, 329-33, 358-60, 
 386-90, 396-7, 404, 406-7, 422, 426- 
 
 7, 436-7, 44°, 443-4, 449, 463-4, 
 494-508, 528-9, 530. 
 
 Financial, x n. 1, 76, 78, 134, 137-8, 
 140, 147-8, 150, 183, 206-7, 221, 
 227-8, 318-9, 334, 337, 401-2, 413- 
 4, 432, 434-6, 437-8, 441, 444, 448- 
 
 Legal, 110-6, 118-27, 132, 140, 
 163, 167-9, 208-18, 353-5, 381-2, 
 395-6, 401, 449-50- 
 
 Military, x«. i, 76-80, 98, 160-7, 193, 
 226, 269-70, 277, 282, 289, 291-2, 
 298-9, 302, 319, 320-1, 343-6, 350, 
 356, 360-6, 374, 376-7, 382-5, 394, 
 397, 408-9, 416-7, 418-9, 423-S, 
 428-30,432-4, 438, 440-1, 445, 530- 
 
 5- 546- 
 
 Naval, 78-80, 180, 193, 221, 223, 277, 
 292-5, 297-8, 312, 321-2,344-6, 353, 
 361, 366, 374-6, 385-6, 397-8, 409- 
 10, 418, 426, 434, 438-9, 528-9, 546- 
 
 Parliamentary, x/z. 1,68, 70-3, 99-100, 
 
 Affairs, English (cont.) — 
 
 101-3, 105-6, 137-8, 139, 148-50, 
 163-4,169-70,172,180,200-1,207-8, 
 306-11, 313, 315-9, 337-42, 351-3, 
 367-9, 379-81, 396-7, 399-403, 412- 
 4, 418, 419-20, 426-7, 431-6, 437-8, 
 440-3, 444, 446-8, 449, 484-5, 508, 
 512-3. 536-6, 545-6. 
 Parties, Political : 
 
 (i) During Protectorate : Common- 
 wealth's party, 231-i, 235, 241 ; 
 Royalists, 231-2, 235, 240-1 ; Fifth 
 Monarchy Men, 232. 
 
 (2) temp. Charles II and James II: 
 Court party, 99 k., 208, 306 ; Church 
 party, 263-4, 290, 294 ; Tory party, 
 294 ; Country party (or ' the factious 
 party,' or ' the party,' or ' the party 
 that opposed the Court'), 99 and n., 
 106, 121-2, 137, 147, 151, 258; 
 Whigs, 145; Commonwealth's party, 
 1 1 3, 1 1 5, 264 ; King's Head Club, 132 
 and n. 
 
 (3) temp. William and Mary, and 
 William: Church party, 314, 316, 
 318, 322, 338; High Church party, 
 333, 358, 387 ; Tories, 313-5, 319, 
 
 •337-9, 340-2, 380, 382, 388, 395; 
 (party against or opposed to Court), 
 396, 399, 402 ; "Whigs, 313-4, 316, 
 318-9', 333', 334-5, 338-9, 341. 
 369, 380, 382, 386-8, 393-5,404, 413, 
 546-6; Republican party, 287,313-4, 
 318, 369, 413; Jacobites, or King 
 James'sparty, 318, 326, 333, 336,339, 
 342, 346-7, 357-8, 371, 373, 378, 
 392-3, 396, 404, 407-8, 4", 413-4- 
 
 (4) temp. Anne: High Church party, 
 420 ; Tories, 431 , 448-9, 513; October 
 Club, the, 440; Whigs, 416, 418-9, 
 436, 442-3, 449 ; Jacobites, 419, 427. 
 
 Revolution, the, 276-7, 282, 284-311, 
 
 528-36. 
 Affairs, Irish. — 
 Administrative, 60-2, 65, 133-5, I7°, 
 225,241,254-5,352,388-9,403,419. 
 
 1 Where they are called ' the violent party.' 
 
 2 bis ; once they are called ' the party.' 
 
 N n 3 
 
548 
 
 Index 
 
 Affairs, Irish (cont.) — 
 Ecclesiastical, 389, 432. 
 Military, 319-21, 343-5, 348-5o> S^i- 
 
 2, 364-6, 423. 
 Parliamentary, 369, 412. 
 The Rebellion in Ireland, 60-2. 
 The Revolution in Ireland, 285, 305-6. 
 Affairs, Scotch — 
 Burnet's knowledge of, 47. 
 Administrative, 4-7, 25-6, 41-3, 82-4, 
 
 9S-9, 108,170-6, 241, 253-5, 323-5, 
 
 357. 369-73. 385. 39f-4. 403. 410-2, 
 
 414-5. 475. 479-84- 
 Ecclesiastical, 2-3, 7-19, 26-8, 31-3, 
 
 39. 90. i°3-4. 253-5, 259, 322-4, 
 
 327-9. 347. 357. 370-1. 393-3, 411, 
 
 452-62, 466, 470-2, 476-8. 
 Legal, 18-23, 268, 419-20, 435. 
 Military, 5, 158-9, 325, 346. 
 Parliamentary, 17-8, 21-4, 80-2, 
 
 160, 254-5, 322-4, 346-7. 391-3. 
 
 410-2, 414-5, 482 ; (Parliament of 
 
 Great Britain), 418-9, 435. 
 ' Rye House ' or ' Carolina ' plot, 1 1 1 - 
 
 3, 118, 160. 
 Argyll's rebellion, 155-60. 
 The Revolution in Scotland, 285, 304-5. 
 Post-Revolution politics, 540-4. 
 Montgomery's plot, 334-7, 347. 
 Massacre of Glencoe, 371-3, 410-1, 
 
 415. 542-4- 
 The Darien scheme, 410-2, 414-5, 544. 
 Affairs, Colonial, 221-2, 235-6, 379, 
 389-90, 41 1-2, 414-5, 437, 438-9, 
 
 447- 
 Afifairs, Foreign — 
 
 Bantam, 221-2, 268. 
 
 Batavia [East Indies], 221-2. 
 
 Brazil, 199. 
 
 Burgundy, 201. 
 
 Denmark, 243, 363, 425, 439; Fred- 
 erick IV, King of, 425, 439. 
 
 Empire, the, 243, 283, 363, 366-7, 
 
 377. 38.3-4, 399, 423, 431, 447, 529; 
 Emperor, the (Leopold I), 243, 366- 
 7, 426; (Joseph I), 417, 426, 430, 
 436; (Charles VI), 438, 440,445,446, 
 447 (see also Affairs, Foreign, Spain, 
 Charles III, titular King of). Austria, 
 243, 283. Baden,PrinceLewisof,366, 
 396, 409. Bavaria, Elector of, 346, 
 356,363. 367.417,424.447- Branden- 
 burg, Elector of, Frederick William, 
 278-9, 283, 289 ; Frederick, 279-80, 
 283, 293, 370 (King of Prussia), 446 ; 
 Electress of, 279; Bohemia, 175. 
 Cologne, Elector of, Maximilian 
 Henry, 280; Elector of, Joseph 
 Clement, 397, 447. Hanover, House 
 
 Affairs, Foreign (cent.) — 
 
 of, 76. Hanover, Duke of, afterwards 
 Elector, Ernest Augustus, 280, 363, 
 367. Hesse, Landgrave of, Carl, 
 280. Hildesheim, bishopric of, 280. 
 Holstein Ploen, Duke of, John 
 Adolph, 397. Hungary, 175, 362, 
 366, 377. 410, 426, 431, 436, 445. 
 Munster, Bishop of, 184, 200, 363. 
 The Palatinate, 248, 434 ; Palatine, 
 Elector, Frederic (afterwards King 
 of Bohemia), 75, 175, 178, 242 n.; 
 Elector Charles, 75-6 nn., 178 ; 
 family of, 75-6 and n. ; Princess of, 
 afterwards Queen of Bohemia, 175. 
 Prussia, Kings of (Electors of Bran- 
 denburg), Frederic I and Frederick 
 William, 446. Salzbourg, Archbishop 
 of, 367. Saxe, Duke of, 363. Tran- 
 sylvania, 426 ; Prince of, Gabriel II 
 (Bethlem Gabor), 175. Westphalia, 
 200. Wurtemberg, 352. Wolfen- 
 biittel, Duke of, 280. Zell, Duke of 
 Bmnswick-Lunenburg, 280. 
 Flanders, 182, 234, 366, 367, 376, 
 
 383-4, 394, 397, 4°8-9, 416-7, 423- 
 4, 425, 428, 436. 
 France,6i, 95-8, 145, 146, 157, 162-3, 
 172-6, 177, 182-3, 184, 185, 187- 
 9, 193, 197, 205-7, 221-2, 234-7, 
 241, 243, 256, 282, 283, 293, 341, 
 345, 346, 348-9. 356, 361-7. 372, 377. 
 378-9, 383, 384, 385, 391-2, 394. 
 397-8, 409, 416-20, 421-3,425, 428, 
 
 430, 432-3, 436. 438-40, 443, 445. 
 446, 447, 467-8, 490 ; Louis XIII, 
 King of, 176 ; Louis XIV, King of, 
 his character, 228-9 ; see also 137, 
 157, 183, 184, 185, 189, 202-4, 206- 
 7, 243, 246, 257, 270, 283, 286, 363, 
 365. 375. 376, 408, 420, 422-3, 430, 
 435. 46° ; Louis XV, Kmg of, 443 ; 
 the Dauphin (' Monseigneur ' Lonis), 
 384,423, 436; the Danphin (Louis, 
 Duke of Burgundy), 417, 420, 436; 
 Anne of Austria, Queen of France, 
 75. 175-6 ; Maria Theresa, Queen of 
 France, 246. 
 
 Geneva, 237, 242 and n., 248, 490. 
 
 Holland : see Affairs, Foreign, United 
 Provinces. 
 
 Italy, 247 and nn. 2-5, 251, 425 ; 
 Pope Innocent XI (Benedict Ode- 
 scalchi), 171, 259-60, 270, 356; Pope 
 Innocent XII (Pignatelli), 356 ; 
 Clement XI (Albano), 425; Rome, 
 221, 237; Venetians, the, 156, 243, 
 362, 398, 410. 
 
 Japan, 221. 
 
Index 
 
 549 
 
 Affairs, Foreign (cent.) — 
 
 Muscovy, Peter the Great, Czar of, 
 4251 430, 436, 439, 446. 
 
 Poland, 243, 362, 425 ; John So- 
 bieski. King of, 243 ; Marie de la 
 Grange D'Arquien, Queen of, 399 ; 
 (Frederick) Augustus I, pretender 
 to the crown, 425 ; Stanislaus I, pre- 
 tender to the crown, 424-5. 
 
 Portugal, 79, 199, 244-6, 319, 422-3, 
 43^1 447 i Dom Alonzo VI, King of, 
 244-6 and «., 519 ; Marie Fran9oise, 
 Queen of, 244-6 and ». ; Prince Regent 
 of [King Peter 11], 244 and «. 
 
 Savoy and Piedmont, 237, 256, 362, 
 367. 379. 384. 397. 409; I>uke of, 
 Victor Amadeus II, 237, 346, 363, 
 
 379. 384. 417- 
 Spam, 199, 234-6, 241, 243, 255, 283, 
 
 356. 362, 384. 394. 397-8, 410, 422, 
 423, 428-9, 430, 432, 433, 436, 438, 
 440; Philip II, King of, 172, 308; 
 Charles II, King of, 367, 394 ; 
 Charles III, titular King of, 429-30, 
 432, 438 ; Philip V, King of (Duke 
 of Anjou), 422-3, 429-30, 432-3, 443. 
 
 Sweden, 243, 363, 424-5, 430, 431, 
 446 ; Gustavus Adolphns, King of, 
 177,231; Charles XII, King of, 417, 
 424-6,430-1,439,446-7. 
 
 Switzerland, 175, 237, 248, 491. 
 
 Turkey, 243-4, 362, 377-8, 398-9, 
 
 425-6, 430. 436, 439. 446. 447; 
 
 Grand Signior, Achmet III, 439, 447. 
 
 United Provinces, the, 90-5, 98-9, 
 
 105, 147. 150. 157. 177-S7. 193. 196, 
 197, 198, 199, 200-2, 221-3, 227, 
 
 241, 243, 248-9, 250, 252, 256, 269, 
 271, 276-7, 280, 282-8, 293, 294-7, 
 319. 345. 353. 356, 361. 363. 368-9. 
 373, 380, 383-6, 394, 399. 421, 424, 
 426, 429, 430-1, 434, 442-3, 445-7, 
 
 457. 49°-5- , ^ ^^. 
 Ahoab, a Jewish Rabbi, 91. 
 Airy, Dr., his edition of Burnet, xxix. 
 Albano, Cardinal, 425. 
 Albemarle, Duke of: see Monk. 
 Albeville : see White. 
 Allestry, Dr., 47 and »., 464. 
 Allibone, Mr. Justice, 273. 
 Amelia de Solms, Princess of Orange, 
 
 242, n. i. 
 
 Amelot, a French Ambassador, 383. 
 Amsterdam, affairs of, 198-201. 
 Anabaptists, Dutch, 93 ; English, 218. 
 Andrews, Bishop, 460. 
 Anglesey, Earl of : see Annesley. 
 Annandale, Earl of: see Johnstone, 
 William. 
 
 Anne, Princess, i, 75, 152-4, 207, 247 
 »■ 5, 274-5, 276 nn. I and 3, 291-2, 
 296-7, 299, 308, 309, 373-4, 493, 
 533; (QueenofEngland),4i7-8,42 3, 
 426-7, 428, 431-5, 437, 440, 444, 
 448, 51.V 
 
 Annesley, Arthur, first Earl of Angle- 
 sey, his character, 62 ; see also 55, 
 61, 118, 171 «. 
 
 Arbuthnot, Dr., xxii. 
 
 Argyll : see Campbell. 
 
 Arlington : see Bennet. 
 
 Armada, Spanish, 172, 174. 
 
 Arminians, Dutch, 92 ; English, 508. 
 
 Armstrong, Sir Thomas, 108, 11 1, 
 
 "5. 132. 
 
 Arran : see Hamilton. 
 
 Ashby, Admiral Sir John, 375. 
 
 Ashton, John,a Jacobite agent, 353-4. 
 
 Atkins, Sir Robert, 122-3. 
 
 Atterbury, Dean (afterwards Bishop 
 of Rochester), 437. 
 
 Aubigny, Lord (Lodovic Stuart, Sieur 
 de), 14, 74, 171. 
 
 Augustus : i^^ Affairs, Foreign, Poland. 
 
 Aumont, Due de, 445. 
 
 Austria : ite Affairs, Foreign, The Em- 
 pire. 
 
 Austria, Anne of: see Affairs, Foreign, 
 France. 
 
 AuTerquerque, Mr. de, 366. 
 
 Ayloffe, Mr. John, 156 «., 158, 159. 
 
 B. 
 
 Baden, Prince of : see Affairs, Foreign, 
 
 The Empire. 
 Baillie [Jerviswood], Mr., 108, 11 2, 1 1 8. 
 Baker, Admiral John, 423. 
 Balmerino, Lord : see Elphinstone, 
 Bantam : see Affairs, Foreign. 
 Barbesieux, M., 376. 
 Barillon, M., 133, 157, 189, 205, 227. 
 Barley, Sir Gideon, 492. 
 Barne veldt, 178. 
 Batavia : see Affairs, Foreign. 
 Bates, Mr., 403. 
 Bath, Earl of: see Granville. 
 Bavaria : see Affairs, Foreign. 
 Baxter, Captain, 269 «. i. 
 Baxter, Richard, 29 nn., 46, 68, 463. 
 Bayle, 91 n. 2, 95 n. i, 242 «. 2. 
 Beach, Dr. , xxvii and «. 
 Beach, Philip, xxii n., xxvii n., xxviii. 
 Beauolerk, Charles, first Duke of St. 
 
 Albans, 530. 
 Beaufort, Duke of: see Somerset. 
 Beaumont, Dr. Joseph, 464. 
 Bsauvilliers, Due de, 363. 
 
55° 
 
 Index 
 
 Bedel, Burnet's Life af,c^x(> and n. 
 
 Bedford, Earl of: see Russell.\ 
 
 Bellasis of Osgodby, Susan, Lady, 296. 
 
 Bellings, Sir Richard, 74. 
 
 Benedictines, 97. 
 
 Bennet, Henry, first Earl of Arlington : 
 character, 66-7; see also 73, 184. 
 
 Bentiuok, Hans William : his char- 
 acter, 196-7 ; see also 162, 279, 308- 
 9, 494, 496, 532 ; (Earl of Portland), 
 xix, xxii)2.4, 334-5' 41'' 4iS> 54°-4- 
 
 Berkeley, Charles, Baron, afterwards 
 Earl of Berkeley, 410. 
 
 Berkeley, Sir Charles, first Viscount 
 Fitzhardinge and Earl ofFalmouth, 65. 
 
 Berkeley, Sir Charles (his father), 
 second Viscount Fitzhardinge, 65. 
 
 Berkeley, Robert, of Spetchley, 509 n. 
 
 Berkshire, Earl of: see Howard. 
 
 Bernard, Dr., 464. 
 
 Berry, Admiral Sir J., 529. 
 
 Bertie, James, Lord Norris, afterwards 
 first Earl of Abingdon, 352. 
 
 Berwick, Duke of : see Fitz-James. 
 
 Beveridge, Dr., 359. 
 
 Biscaniers, or Biscayneers, 235 and n. 
 
 Blaokbourne, Rev. John, xxiv, xxv, 
 xxvii. 
 
 Blague, Captain, 124. 
 
 Blair, Mr., of Virginia, 389-90. 
 
 Blount, Charles, pamphleteer, 387 n. 
 
 Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 21, 24, particu- 
 lars concerning, vii, viii, 416, 451 11. 
 
 Bohemia : see Affairs, Foreign. 
 
 Boileau, M., 229. 
 
 Bolton, Duke of : see Paulet. 
 
 [Boineny,Paul],valettoLordEssex,i2o. 
 
 Booth, Henry, 115; second Lord Dela- 
 mere, afterwards Earl of Warrington, 
 152. 209, 531, 533- 
 
 Boreal, William, Dutch Ambassador 
 in England, 184. 
 
 Borghese, Prince, 142. 
 
 Boufilers, Marshal, 360, 409. 
 
 Bouillon, Cardinal de, 397. 
 
 Bower, George, the medallist, 1 36 «. 
 
 Bowyer, Mr., the printer, xxiv. 
 
 Boyle, Hon. Robert, 464-5, 487 n. 
 
 Boyle, Roger, first Earl of Orrery : his 
 character, 63 ; seealsoS5,6i, 65, 242. 
 
 Braddon, Laurence, 122-3. 
 
 Brady, Dr., 296. 
 
 Brandenburg: see Affairs, Foreign, 
 The Empire. 
 
 Brandon, Duke of: see Hamilton. 
 
 Brandon, Lord : see Gerard. 
 Breadalbane, Earl of : see Campbell. 
 
 Bremen, Major, 115. 
 Brisbane, Mr., no, 200. 
 
 Bristol, Earl of : see Dighy. 
 
 Brodriok, Sir Allan, 138-9. 
 
 Brownists (of Amsterdam), 93. 
 
 Buooaniers, 235 n., 236. 
 
 Buckingham, Duke of: see Villiers. 
 
 Burgundy : see Affairs, Foreign. 
 
 B\irgundy, Duke of : see Affairs, 
 Foreign, France. 
 
 Burmann, 91 ». 2. 
 
 Burnet, Sir Alexander, 458. 
 
 Burnet, Alexander, Archbishop 01 
 Glasgow, 90. 
 
 Burnet, Bishop Gilbert : his Memoirs, 
 History, and Autobiography, particu- 
 lars of, Introduction passim, 1-2, 
 416,451-2; hisbirth, 452 ; education, 
 454-5 i robust health and intellectual 
 vigour, 455-6 ; his probationary 
 trials, 456-7 ; refuses a benefice, 458; 
 his views concerning Hooker and 
 Andrews, 460; his friendship for 
 Nairn and Charteris, 2, 460-2; his 
 opinions concerning the Presbyterian 
 ministers, i!, 31-2, 459-60; he declines 
 the law, 4, 460 ; his friendship with 
 Leighton, 9-1 1, 30, 461-2; opinion 
 of the Scotch bishops, 18, 461; 
 relations with Lauderdale, 1 8 «. 2 ; 
 declines a living in the west, 28, 466 ; 
 'intercourse with Glencairn, Tarbot, 
 Lorn, Lady Balcarres, Leighton, 28- 
 30 ; studies mathematics with Keith, 
 30, 461 ; his early views on passive 
 obedience, 32-9 and App. I ; re- 
 ligious enthusiasm, 39-40; letter to 
 Sharp and consequent interview with 
 him, 40 ; reforming projects, 40-1 ; 
 visit to London on behalf of Warris- 
 ton, 41, 43 ; intercourse with Boyle, 
 Moray, and Drummond, 43-4, 464-6 ; 
 his acquaintance in London, Oxford, 
 and Cambridge, 45-7, 463-4; opinion 
 of the English Universities, 464 ; goes 
 north in summer, 1663, 80, 466 ; 
 renders last services to Warriston, 
 80-1 ; his views of friendship and 
 kindred, 81 ; his intimacy with Lau- 
 derdale's circle, meets his first wife, 
 84; would exclude women and 
 churchmen from politics, 85 and n. ; 
 meets Dr. Scougall and Sir Robert 
 Fletcher, 85, 466; his mother per- 
 suades him to defer taking Orders, 
 he meets Nairn and Charteris at 
 Lord Tweeddale's, 86 ; impressed by 
 the story of Tauler's conversion, 86- 
 8 ; is offered a benefice by Sir Robert 
 Fletcher, 88, 466 ; accepts it, 89, 466; 
 goes to London and is chosen Fellow 
 
Index 
 
 551 
 
 Burnet, Bishop Gilbert {cont.) — 
 of Royal Society, 89, 468 ; his views 
 as to men in power, 90 ; his travels 
 in Holland, 1664, and their effect on 
 his opinions, his views as to learning 
 in Holland, moderate men and zealots, 
 toleration, Dutch industry and govern- 
 ment, the English constitution, Dutch 
 care for the poor, manners of the 
 Dutch, and Dutch collegiate system, 
 90-5, 467-8 ; his visit to France, 
 intercourse with Holies, Morus, 
 Daillie, he studies the methods of 
 the French preachers, cannot meet 
 with the Jansenists or the Mystics, 
 his view of French Protestantism in 
 1664, of French religious orders and 
 Roman polemics, his acquaintance 
 with Lady Anne Lindsay, a nun, 95- 
 8, 467-8 ; his return to England, 98 ; 
 and Scotland, 468 ; his self-conceit, 
 44, 94, 98, 468 ; his Memoirs for the 
 years 1665-83 missing (loss in part 
 supplied by Autobiography), 99 ; his 
 settlement at Saltoun, his sense of his 
 own talents, his mathematicalstudies — 
 these interrupted by death of Fletcher, 
 468-9 ; his labours at Saltoun, and 
 private studies, 469-72 ; his sense of 
 the bishops' conduct, and the Me- 
 morial, 40 «., 472 ; his asceticism, 
 he abandons the pursuit of learn- 
 ing, his studies in the mystical 
 divinity, his view of mysticism con- 
 firmed by .a curious incident, the 
 spiritual effects of his austerities, 472- 
 5 ; he mingles in political life, 475 ; 
 is introduced by Lady M. Kennedy 
 to the Hamiltons, 475-6; makes a 
 proposal concerning vacant churches, 
 476 ; removes to Glasgow, 476-7 ; 
 his discomfort there, and scholastic 
 labours, 477-8 ; writes the Hamilton 
 Memoirs, 479 ; is summoned to Lon- 
 don by Lauderdale, 479-80; recon- 
 ciles Lauderdale and Hamilton, 480 ; 
 his favour at court, 480 ; discusses re- 
 lations between the Court and Prince 
 of Orange, 182 ; asked to write the 
 Duke of York's Memoirs, 50 ; ques- 
 tions the duke concerning a nun, 51 ; 
 remonstrates with the duke, 52-3; 
 his intercourse with Crew, Bishop of 
 Durham, 212; refuses a bishopric, 
 480;' his first marriage, 480-1; his 
 intercourse with the Lauderdales and 
 Hamiltons in 1671-3,481-3; breach 
 with Lauderdale and the Court, 483-4 ; 
 he leaves Scotland, 484; betrays 
 
 Burnet, Bishop Gilbert {conl.) — 
 Lauderdale's confidence, 484 ; is 
 settled at the Rolls, 484-5 ; the Popish 
 controversy, 485-6; literary labours 
 and popularity, amenability to lite- 
 rary criticism, 487-8 ; his interest in 
 the Exclusion question, 99 ; his stric- 
 tures on the clergy, and arguments 
 against bishops voting in causa 
 sanguinis, 100-3 i writes the History 
 of the Reformation, 486 ; intercourse 
 with Wilmot, Earl of Rochester, 486- 
 7 ; thanked for his sermon and Hist, 
 of Reformation, 105 ; his project of 
 a regency, 100; he retires from 
 political activity in 1681-3, applies 
 himself to devotional and scientific 
 study, declines preferment, 107-8, 
 488-90 ; Elliot's scurrilous insinua- 
 tions against, 107-8 nn. ; advises 
 Cochrane in 1683, 112; his acquain- 
 tance with Lady Russell, 116; his 
 kindness to Baillie, 118; testifies for 
 Rnssell, 1 26 ; his absence of mind, 
 126; his final intercourse with Rus- 
 sell, 128-31 ; examined concerning 
 Russell's speech, 489 ; liberality of the 
 Russell family to, 489 ; retorts upon 
 a saying of Charles II, 488 ; his 
 connexion with the Braddon affair, 
 1 2 1-3; he commences his Memoirs, 
 1-3 ; method he pursued in them, 72 ; 
 views on the state of the succession 
 in 1683, 75-6 ; he writes a book on 
 the evidences of Christianity, 489-90 ; 
 his views on the insolence of the 
 Duchess of Portsmouth, 136 ; dis- 
 missed from the Rolls, 490 ; opinions 
 concerning the change of monarchs, 
 143, 490; his relations with the 
 adherents of Monmouth, 15 1-2 ; his 
 relations with the Court, 151; his 
 views on the political situation, 152, 
 154; he leaves England, 155, 490; 
 his first wife's death, 151,490; sources 
 of his information given, 136-7, 146, 
 149-50, 152, 155-6 «., I59«., 490; 
 goes to France in 1685, 157, 227-9, 
 490 ; asked to influence Ruvigny, 203 ; 
 his intimacy with Montagu, 227, 
 490; and Schomberg, 227-8, 244; is 
 asked to write a life of Louis XIV, 
 229; leaves Paris and witnesses the 
 dragonades, 204-5 > '^'s influence at 
 Geneva, 490 ; meets the old Count of 
 Dohna, 242 ; his Italian travels, and 
 accounts of the same, 247 and «., 490; 
 his reflections on the state of con- 
 tinental religion, 247-50, 490-1 ; his 
 
552 
 
 Index 
 
 Burnet, Bishop Gilbert (cont.) — 
 reception at the Hague, 250, 491 ; his 
 relations with Cartwright and Parker, 
 216; his opinion of Penn, 218; his 
 intimacy with the Prince and Princess 
 of Orange, 227; he discusses predes- 
 tination with the prince, 191, her suc- 
 cession and the crown matrimonial with 
 the princess, 195, 308-10 ; his dislike 
 to favourites, 197 ; love of classical 
 authors, 198; his second marriage 
 and its circumstances, 250-3, 49i-3> 
 520-1, 522-6 passim; Albeville's 
 memorials concerning him and their 
 effect on his mind, 268-9, 49^ > ^^^ 
 change of view on the subject of 
 passive obedience and approval of 
 the prince's scheme, 277, 298 and n., 
 517-9, 522-4 ; his interference in 
 the negotiations with Hanover, 280 ; 
 his intention of going with the prince, 
 286, 525; his avoidance of previous 
 confidences, 287 ; his negotiations with 
 the Dutch ministers, and view of the 
 English ecclesiastical situation, 331, 
 495 ; his reflections and dispositions 
 previous to the expedition, including 
 his opinions upon religion in general, 
 and the Roman Catholic religion in 
 particular, 286, 522-8 ; his letters to 
 Herbert (close of 1688), 297 «., 298 
 «., 300»., 303 n., 528-36; interferes 
 in the matter of the crown matrimo- 
 nial, 308-10 ; he incurs the dislike of 
 William by his interference in various 
 matters, 496 ; the affair of the bishop- 
 ric of Durham, 496-7 ; made Bishop 
 of Salisbury, 326, 497; his resolu- 
 tions upon his consecration, 329-31, 
 537-40; his views on entering the 
 House of Lords, 327, 498; is blamed 
 for ecclesiastical changes in Scotland, 
 327-9 ; receives warning of the Scotch 
 plot, 335-6 ; views on the Abjuration 
 Bill, 341 ; concerned in a scheme for 
 abducting James II; 343 ; is snubbed 
 by 'William for his inquisitiveness, 
 349 ; his exertions in his diocese, 387, 
 498-506 ; the affair of the pastoral 
 letter, 387-8; in doubt as to the 
 expediency of establishing a. bank, 
 395 ; his veneration for Queen Mary, 
 390-1 ; present at her death, 404-5 ; 
 his grief for her loss, 405 ; the com- 
 mission for ecclesiastical affairs, 406 ; 
 dismal apprehensions, 407 and n. ; 
 relations with Savile, Marquis of 
 Halifax, 407 n. ; death of his second 
 wife, 493; intervention in the Fen- 
 
 Burnet, Bishop Gilbert {cont^ — 
 wick case, 102 «., 105 nn.\ his theo- 
 logical treatises, 506-8 ; made pre- 
 ceptor to the Duke of Gloucester, 
 493-4 ; a parliamentary attack upon 
 him fails, 508 ; his third marriage, 
 508-9 ; change of opinion concerning 
 Marlborough, the Whigs, and the 
 peace, 416 ; reasons for continuing 
 History, ^2^; not concerned in the 
 resolution to prosecute Sacheverel, 
 427; remonstrates with Queen Anne, 
 427-8 ; present at a debate, 441 ; 
 reflections on deaths at Versailles 
 and St. Germain, 443 ; motives for 
 writing History, sense of the spiritual 
 results of prayer, 449 ; his pecuniary 
 liberality, 387, 450,500, 505and«.;the 
 education of his children, his thoughts 
 on education, 510-2; his injudicious 
 interference in a Salisbury election, 
 512-3; relations with his dean, SI3«.; 
 list of his works, 513-4; his original 
 account of post-Revolution politics 
 in Scotland, 540-4; his opinion of 
 Secretary Johnstone, 540; his jealousy 
 of Carstares, 541 ; reflections on his 
 Memoirs by Robert Harley, 545-6; 
 his will, xxi-ii ; his papers, vii «. 5. 
 
 Burnet, Bishop Gilbert : his strictures 
 on the clergy: (English), 100-8, 132, 
 178. 317, 330-1, 495, 498-508; 
 (Scotch Presbyterian), 2, 32, 357,406; 
 (Scotch Episcopal), 254, 476 ; (co- 
 lonial), 389 ; (continental Protestant), 
 94, 173, 186, 248-50, 490-1; (con- 
 tinental Papist), 96-7, 523-4. 
 
 Burnet, Gilbert, son of Bishop Burnet, 
 xxi-iv, 510-2 and n. 
 
 Burnet, [Lady] Margaret (born Ken- 
 nedy), first wife of Bishop Burnet : 
 character, 84-5 ; see also 7, 18 n. i, 
 80 »., 151, 475, 480-1, 490, 492. 
 
 Burnet, Mistress, sister of Bishop Bur- 
 net, 3. 
 
 Burnet, Mrs. (bom Johnstone), mother 
 of Bishop Burnet, 3, 30, 41, 86, 459. 
 
 Burnet, Mrs. Elizabeth (bom Blake), 
 third wife of Bishop Burnet, 508-9 
 and n. 
 
 Burnet, Mrs. Mary (bom Scott), second 
 wife of Bishop Burnet, 251 and «., 
 253 and «., 327, 492-3, 497-8, 520-1, 
 523-6. 
 
 Burnet, Robert, father of Bishop Bumet: 
 character, 452-9; see also 12 and «., 
 18 n. i, 21, 28, 85, 510. 
 
 Burnet, Robert, brother of Bishop 
 Bumet, 4, 454, 460. 
 
Index 
 
 553 
 
 Burnet, Dr. Thomas, Master of the 
 Chatterhouse, 463, 
 
 Burnet, Sir Thomas, brother of Bishop 
 Bumet, 454. 
 
 Burnet, Sir Thomas, son of Bishop Bur- 
 net, Introduction /<w««, 510-2 and«. 
 
 Burnet, William, eldest son of Bishop 
 Burnet, 508, 510, 511 and 7t. 2, 512 
 
 «■ 2. 523. 525-6- 
 Bute, island of, 158. 
 Butler, James, first Duke of Ormond: 
 
 character, 60-2 ; see also 170, 217. 
 Butler, James, second Duke of Ormond, 
 
 422, 445, 531, 533. 
 Butler, Thomas, styled Earl of Ossory, 
 
 62. 
 
 Calixtus, and his disciples, 92. 
 Calvlnists (of Holland), 92 ; (of Ger- 
 many), 249, 278 ; (of England), 508. 
 Cambridge, University of, 46-7, 214, 
 
 463-4. 500. 5"- 
 Campbell, Archibald, eighth Eavl and 
 
 first Marquis of Argyll, 5—7, 
 Campbell, Archibald, Lord Lorn, ninth 
 
 Earl of Argyll, 5-7, 23, 25, 29 ««., 
 
 30, 83-4, 89, 99 «. I, 112, 116, 155- 
 
 61, 166, 251, 259. 
 Campbell, Archibald, tenth Earl and 
 
 first Duke of Argyll, 347. 
 Campbell, John, eleventh Earl and 
 
 second Duke of Argyll, 438. 
 Campbell, Sir John, first Earl of 
 
 Breadalbane, 347, 370, 371, 372, 410, 
 
 542-4- 
 Campbell of Cesnock, Sir Hugh, and 
 
 his son, 112, 160. 
 Capel, Arthur, first Earl of Essex, vii «. 4, 
 
 109, iig-23 passim, 212, 389, 488. 
 Capel, Elizabeth, Lady Essex (bom 
 
 Percy), iig-2i passim. 
 Capel, Sir Henry, Lord, 389, 412. 
 Capuchins, 97. 
 CaraflFa, Antonio, 367. 
 Carbery, Earl of: see Vaughan. 
 Cardenas, Don Alonzo de, 234, 236. 
 Carlisle, Earl of: see Howard. 
 Carmarthen, Marquis of: see Osborne. 
 Caratares, Mr. William, xxii«. 4, 160, 
 
 541-4- 
 
 Cartesians, Dutch, 91. 
 
 Carthusians, 97. 
 
 Cartwright, Dr., Dean of Ripon and 
 Bishop of Chester, 125, 215-6, 217. 
 
 Cary, Lucius, second Viscount Falk- 
 land, 67. 
 
 Cassillis, Earl of: see Kennedy. 
 
 Castlemaine, Earl of: see Pahner. 
 
 Castlemaine, Lady : see Palmer. 
 Castelmelhor, Marquis of, 244. 
 Catherine of Braganza, Queen ot 
 
 Charles II, 54, 73, 74-5, 79, 133, 
 
 141, 244 n. 2, 275. 
 Cavendish, William, fourth Earl and 
 
 first Dnke of Devonshire, 292 «., 494, 
 
 531- 
 
 Chamberlain, Dr., 275, 296. 
 
 Chamillard, M. de, 423. 
 
 Chancellor of Scotland in 1693, 392 ; 
 see Tweeddale, 
 
 Charles I, King of England, 11-2, 19, 
 20, 21, 54, 56, 57. 59. 61. 169, 175-7. 
 211, 241, 301, 453, 479, 516. 
 
 Charles II, King of England : his char- 
 acter, 47-50, 141-2 ; see also 4-8, 14, 
 16-8, 22-6, 41-3, 53-64 passim, 
 65, 66, 68, 69, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75-80, 
 
 82-3, 99. 100. i°5. 106-7. 109. 1". 
 112, 113, 114, 116, 118-20, 121, 124- 
 5, 127-8, 133-44 /ar«OT, 145. 146, 
 163, 166, 170-1, 181, 182-3, 187-90, 
 199, 200, 201, 206, 208, 216, 228, 
 229, 238, 243, 302, 314, 340, 396, 
 400, 449, 480, 482-3, 486, 488, 490. 
 
 Charles II: see Affairs, Foreign, 
 Spain. 
 
 Charles III : see Affairs, Foreign, 
 Spain. 
 
 Charles VI : see Affairs, Foreign, The 
 Empire. 
 
 Charles XII : see Affairs, Foreign, 
 Sweden. 
 
 Charles Lewis, Elector Palatine ; see 
 Affairs, Foreign, The Empire. 
 
 Charleton, Mr., 116, 151. 
 
 Charteris, Laurence, 2, 41, 86, 159 «., 
 462, 481. 
 
 Chatham, disaster of, 180. 
 
 Cherry, Mr., 530. 
 
 Chifflnoh, Mr., his lodgings, 141. 
 
 Chudleigh, Mr., 147. 
 
 ChuTOhill, Arabella, 225, 291. 
 
 Churchill, Admiral George, 418,530 «. 
 
 Churchill, John, Lord Churchill : char- 
 acter, 291-2 ; see also xix, xx, 290 
 «. 1, 299, 531-4; EarlofMarlborough, 
 35°. 368, 373-5. 380. 494; ■Dul^e, 
 416-9, 421-4, 428-9, 434, 438, 441- 
 2, 446. 
 
 Churchill, Sarah, Lady (born Jennings), 
 xxvii, 276 n. 3, 291-2, 373-4; Coun- 
 tess of Marlborough, 494; Duchess, 
 427. 
 
 Church party: see Affairs, English, 
 Parties, Political. 
 
 Clancarty, Lord : see Maccarty. 
 
 Clare, Earl of : see Holies. 
 
554 
 
 Index 
 
 Clarendon, Earl of : see Hyde. 
 
 Clarges, Lady, 53. 
 
 Clarges, Sir Thomas, 53. 
 
 Clifford, Thomas, Lord, 482. 
 
 Club, King's Head, 132 ». 
 
 Cocoeiua, Johannes, 467. 
 
 Cochrane, Sir John, Ii2, 118, 155-6, 
 158-9. 
 
 Coekburn, Dr. John , x and«., xi, 44 ?«. 2 . 
 
 Cohorn, Baron Menno, 409. 
 
 Colbatch, Dr. John, 244 nn. i, 2, 407 
 n. 2, 512. 
 
 Colchester, Lord : see Savage. 
 
 Coleman, Mr. Edward, 486. 
 
 Cologne : see Affairs, Foreign, The 
 Empire. 
 
 Commonwealth's party, see Affairs, 
 English, Parties, Political. 
 
 Compton, Sir Francis, 298 71. i, 530. 
 
 Compton, Dr. Henry, Bishop of Lon- 
 don, 2 1 1-3, 290, 292 n., 299, 339-4°> 
 449. 491. 494. 497, 529, 533- 
 
 Cond6, Prince of, Louis de Bourbon, 
 
 184. 234; 236. 238. 
 Confessor, Jesuit, of James II : see 
 
 Warner, Father, 
 Coningsby, Thomas, Lord Coningsby, 
 
 352- 
 Conway, Edward, third Viscount and 
 
 first Earl Conway, 66. 
 Cook, Sir Thomas, 403. 
 Cook, or Coke, Mr. John, member for 
 
 Derby, 1685,208. 
 Cooper, Anthony Ashley, Lord Ashley 
 
 and first Earl of Shaftesbury: char- 
 acter, 58-60; see also 55, 57, 63, 
 
 99-100, 103 K. 2, III, 116, 119, 171. 
 Cooper, Margaret (born Spencer), third 
 
 wife of above, 58. 
 Cordeliers, 97. 
 Cornbuxy, Lord : see Hyde. 
 Cornish, Mr., 169. 
 Country Party : see Affairs, English, 
 
 Parties, Political. 
 Court Party : see Affairs, English, 
 
 Parties, Political. 
 Cowley, Abraham, 29 «. 3. 
 Cowper, William, Lord Keeper, 431. 
 Craig, Mr., 512. 
 
 Crawford, Earl of : see Lindsay. 
 Cressaw, a Swedish general, 425. 
 Crew, Nathaniel, Lord, Bishop of 
 
 Durham, 212, 496-7 ; his family, 212. 
 Croissy, M. de, 378. 
 Cromwell, Oliver: character, 2 30-42; 
 
 see also 13, 59, 77 «., 113, 143, 181, 
 
 243, 255, 265. 
 Crone, Jacobite agent, 342-3. 
 Crowder, Dr., 225-6. 
 
 Cudworth, Dr., 464. 
 
 Culpepper (Colepeper), Thomas, 
 second Baron Culpepper or Cole- 
 peper, 302, 308. 
 
 Cumberland, Dr., Bishop of Peter- 
 borough, 359. 
 
 Cunningham, Alexander, xxii and n. 4, 
 190 n. 2, 191 n., 407 «. 2. 
 
 Cunningham, William, ninth Earl of 
 Glencairn, 28, 82-3. 
 
 Cunninghame, Sir John, of Capring- 
 ton, 511 ». 
 
 Cutts, John, afterwards Baron Cutts, 
 114. 
 
 D. 
 
 DailliS, Jean, 96, 467. 
 
 Dalrymple family, misfortunes of,xxvii. 
 
 Dalrymple, James, President of the 
 
 Court of Session and first Viscount 
 
 Stair, 323-4, 335, 357, 541. 
 Dalrymple, Sir John, second Viscount 
 
 and first Earl of Stair, 357, 372, 
 
 4". 415. 541-4- 
 Danby, Earl of: see Osborne. 
 Dankleman, Baron Eberhard Christoph 
 
 Balthazar von, 279. 
 Dartmouth, Earl of: see Legge. 
 Dauphin, the : see Affairs, Foreign, 
 
 France. 
 D'Avaux, Count, 282, 378. 
 Dawson, Mrs., 296. 
 Dean of St. Paul's (Edward Stilling- 
 
 fleet), 108. 
 Dehome, Mr., 200. 
 Delamere, Lord : see Booth. 
 Delaval, Admiral Sir Ralph, 380. 
 Denmark : see Affairs, Foreign. 
 Denmark, Prince of : see George. 
 Denmark, Princess of : see Anne. 
 Desborough, Major-Generaljohn, 234. 
 Descartes, 91 n. i, 461. 
 Des Marets, Samuel, 91, 186-7 3"'' "■ 
 Des MarSts, Daniel, his son, 187 n. 
 D'Estr^es, Jean, Vice-Admiral and 
 
 Mar^chal of France, 386. 
 Des Vardes, Marquis, 246. 
 Devonshire, Earl of : see Cavendish. 
 Dick, Sir Alexander, of Prestonfield, 
 
 Bart., 511 n. 
 Dickveldt, Everard van, 197-8, 256-8. 
 Digby, George, second Earl of Bristol: 
 
 his character, 64; see also 14, 72-4, 
 
 171. 
 Digby, John, third Earl of Bristol, 531, 
 
 533- 
 Dohna, Christophe von, 242 n. z. 
 Dohna, Friedrich, Reichsburggraf and 
 
 Graf zu Dohna, 242 and 7t., 243-4. 
 
Index 
 
 555 
 
 Dolben, John, Archbishop of York, 
 
 314-5- 
 Sotiglas, James, fourth Earl, second 
 
 Marquis and Duke of Queensberry, 
 
 418-19. 
 Douglas, Lieutenant-General James, 
 
 348- 
 Douglas, Robert, 2, 3, 27. 
 Douglas, William, tliird Earl, first 
 
 Marquis and Duke of Queensberry, 
 
 154,170-2,407. 
 Dorset, Earl of : see Sackville. 
 Drummond, James, first Earl of Perth, 
 
 154, 160, 170-2, 305. 
 Drummond, Jane, Countess of Perth 
 
 (bom Douglas) (first wife), 171. 
 Drummond, Mary, Countess of Perth 
 
 (bom Gordon) (second wife), 171. 
 Drummond, the Hon. John, first Earl 
 
 of Melford, 160, 170, 171. 
 Drummond, Mr. Patrick, 43, 44, 45, 
 
 465-6. 
 Dudley, Lord Robert, Earl of Leicester, 
 
 :78. 
 Dumblane, diocese of, 15. 
 Dujicombe, Mr., 389, 412. 
 Dundee, Viscount: see Graham. 
 Dunkirk, sale of, 78-9. 
 Duppa, Brian, Bishopof Winchester, 67. 
 Duras, Louis de, second Earl of Fevers- 
 ham, 165, 302. 
 
 E. 
 
 Sast India Company, Dutch, 199, 
 
 222. 
 East India Company, English, 221-2. 
 Udiubtirgli, Bishop of (Dr. Young), 48 1 . 
 Edward VI, his Prayer-book, 71. 
 Elizabeth, Queen, 71, 143, 172-4, 178. 
 Ellenberg, General, 409. 
 Elliot, Mr., a Jacobite agent, 354. 
 Elliot, Robert, his Specimens, xi and ?«., 
 
 xii, xxii, XXV, 99-ioS, &vA Addendum. 
 Elphinstone, John, second Lord Bal- 
 
 merino, 18-21. 
 Ely, Bishop of (Francis Turner), 147, 
 
 166, 302, 354, 358; (Simon Patrick), 
 
 406. 
 Enghien, Duchess of, 137. 
 Envoy, our, at Paris (Trumball), 206. 
 Essex, Earl of: see Capel. 
 Eugene, Prince, 362, 416, 421, 424, 
 
 441. 445- 
 Eyre, Robert, Solicitor-General, 427. 
 
 Eabrioius, Johann F., 178. 
 
 Pagel, Gaspard, Pensionary: his charac- 
 
 ter, 197 ; see also 105, 258-9, 269, 
 285, 29.^, 383, 494-5. 
 
 Fairfax, Sir Thomas, third Lord Fair- 
 fax, 231. 
 
 Pairfoul, Dr., Bishop of Glasgow,. 8, 
 16. 
 
 Falkland, Lord : see Cary. 
 
 Fall, Dr., 194 n. i, 515. 
 
 Falmouth, Earl of : see Berkeley. 
 
 FeU, Dr. John [Bishop of Oxford], 47 
 and n., 214, 464, 509 n. i. 
 
 Fenwiok, Sir John, ix, 10 1 n. 
 
 Ferguson, Robert, iii, 161, 162, 164, 
 168, 335. 
 
 Feversham, Earl of: see Duras. 
 
 Fihner, Sir Robert, 516. 
 
 Finch, Daniel, second Earl of Notting- 
 ham : character, 290-1 ; see also xix, 
 300 and «., 304, 312, 314-5, 317, 
 338, 340. 346, 356. 369. 374, 395. 
 401-2, 442, 496, 533-4. 
 
 Finch, Heneage, first Earl of Notting- 
 ham, 290. 
 
 Finoh,Hon.Heneage, Solicitor-General, 
 209, 272-3. 
 
 Finch, Dr., 302. 
 
 Firebraoe, Mr., 403. 
 
 Fitton, Sir Alexander, Chancellor of 
 Ireland, 225. 
 
 Fitzhardinge, Viscount : see Berkeley. 
 
 Fitz-James, James, Duke of Berwick, 
 225, 282. 
 
 Fitzpatriok, Col., no. 
 
 Fitz-Boy, Henry, first Duke of Grafton, 
 
 299. 350. S3I-2, 533- 
 Flanders : see Affairs, Foreign. 
 Fleetwood, Lieutenant - General 
 
 Charles, 234. 
 Fletcher, Andrew, of Saltonn, 89 ». i , 
 
 161, 162. 
 Fletcher, Sir John, 81. 
 Fletcher, Sir Robert, of Saltoun, 
 
 85 and n., 86, 88-9, 94, 466, 468, 469. 
 Flexman, Mr., 251 n. i. 
 Foley, Paul, 402, 413. 
 Fouciuet, M. Nicholas, 55. 
 Fowler, Dr., Bishop of Gloucester, 359. 
 Fox, Mr., member for Salisbury, 513 
 
 and n. 
 France : see Affairs, Foreign. 
 Franciscans, 97. 
 Fuller, William, 342-3. 
 Furatemberg, Cardinal, William Egon 
 
 von, 280, 283. 
 
 G. 
 
 Gage, Thomas, a priest, 235. 
 G-allas, Count of, 439-40. 
 
556 
 
 Index 
 
 Galloway, Bishop of, 1686 (James 
 
 Aitken), 254. 
 Gassendi, Peter, 461. 
 Gauden, Dr. John, Bishop of Exeter 
 
 and Worcester, 71. 
 Gaunt, Elizabeth, 169. 
 Geddes, Mr., 296. 
 Geneva : see Affairs, Foreign. 
 George, Prince of Denmark, 75, 
 
 269 »., 274, 291, 296, 417-8, 434, 
 
 53i> 533- 
 Gerard, Charles, Lord Brandon, after- 
 wards second Earl of Macclesfield, 
 
 115, 208-9. 
 Gibson, Col., 531. 
 Gifford, Dr., vi, I, 108, 132, 155 n. I, 
 
 211 n. 2, 279 n. i, 332 n. 2, 346 
 
 «. 1, 349 n. 1, 356 n. 2. 
 Ginkell, Godert de, Earl of Athlone, 
 
 361, 364, 366. 
 Glasgow, Archbishops of: see Burnet, 
 
 Alexander, Leighton, Robert, and 
 
 Paterson,John, 
 Gleneairn : see Cunningham. 
 Gloucester, Henry, Duke of (son of 
 
 Charles I), 75, 238. 
 Gloucester, William, Duke of (son of 
 
 Princess Anne),xii n. 2, xix, 493, 508. 
 Godden, vere Tylden, Dr. Thomas, 
 
 224 and n. 
 Godfrey, Col. C, 298. 
 Godolphin, Sydney, Earl of Godolphin, 
 
 xix, 104, 133 n. X, 313, 363, 446, 
 
 493. 533-4- 
 
 Golius, James, 94, 467. 
 
 Goodenough, Richard, 109, no, 116. 
 
 Goodwin, John, 233 n. 1. 
 
 Goodwyn, or Godwyn, Dr., Arch- 
 bishop of Cashel, 509 and n, 
 
 Gordon, George, first Duke of Gordon, 
 
 304. 322- 
 Gordon, George, first Marquis of 
 
 Huntley, 20. 
 Gordon, George, second Marquis of 
 
 Huntley, 6. 
 Gordon, Lewis, third Marquis of 
 
 Huntley, 6, 84. 
 Gordon of Buokey, 20, 21. 
 Grafton, Duke of : see Fitzroy. 
 Graham, James, first Marquis of Mont- 
 rose, 6. 
 Graham, James, fourth Marquis and 
 
 first Duke of Montrose, 419. 
 Graham, Sir Richard, Bart., first Vise. 
 
 Preston, 163, 353-5. 
 Graham of Claverhouse, John, first 
 
 Viscount Dundee, 305, 322, 325. 
 Grand Prior of IPranoe, the : see 
 
 VenciSme. 
 
 Grandval, 376. 
 
 Granville, John, first Earl of Bath, 
 
 148. 299. 531- 
 
 Green, parliamentary candidate, 545. 
 
 Grey, Ford, Lord Grey ofWerke (after- 
 wards Earl of Tankerville) ,111,114-5, 
 161, 162, 165-7, 208, 209 n. I, 352. 
 
 Grimston, Sir Harbottle, 484. 
 
 Groot, or Grotius, M. de, 1S4. 
 
 Grotius, Hugo, 458, 516. 
 
 Grove, Dr., Bishop of Chichester, 359. 
 
 Guiohe, Comte de, 246. 
 
 Guiscard, the Abbe, 435. 
 
 Guise, House of, 172-3. 
 
 Gunning, Peter (Bishop of Ely), 46. 
 and «., 68, 463, 464. 
 
 Gustavus Adolphus : see Affairs, 
 Foreign, Sweden. 
 
 Guy, Mr., 402. 
 
 H. 
 
 Haddock, Admiral Sir R., 529. 
 
 Haig, William, of Bemerside, Solicitor- 
 General of Scotland, 19, 20. 
 
 Hague, Courts of the, 201. 
 
 Hale, Sir Matthew, Chief Justice^ 126. 
 
 Hales, Sir Edward, 209. 
 
 Halifax, Earl of: see Montagu. 
 
 Halifax, Earl and Marquis of: see 
 Savile. 
 
 Halewyn, Corneille Terestein de, 179, 
 198, 200, 251-2, 383. 
 
 Halewyn, the younger, 383. 
 
 Hall, John, Bishop of Bristol (?), 507. 
 
 Hamburgh, 256. 
 
 Hamilton, Anne, Duchess of Hamilton, 
 4. 47.5-6, 479. 
 
 Hamilton, James, third Marquis and 
 first Duke of Hamilton, 479- 
 
 Hamilton, James, Earl of Arran, 118, 
 157, 275,488 (fourth Duke of Hamil- 
 ton), 419, 440, 445. 
 
 Hamilton, James, Bishop of Galloway, 
 8,9. 
 
 Hamilton, John, Bishop of Dunkeld, 
 
 264- 
 Hamilton, Richard, 306. 
 Hamilton, Sir Robert, 253 K. i. 
 Hamilton, William, fourth Marquis 
 
 and second Duke of Hamilton, 479. 
 Hamilton, William Douglas, third 
 
 Duke of Hamilton, 27, 323, 324, 391- 
 
 2, 4°7. 479-8°. 482-3. 
 Hammond, Dr. Henry, 36, 37, 
 Hampden, John, the elder, 231. 
 Hampden, John, the younger, 119, 152. 
 Hampden, Richard (?), 316, 545. 
 Hanover, House of: see Affairs, 
 
 Foreign, The Empire. 
 
Index 
 
 557 
 
 Harbord, Mr., 294 and «. 
 
 HaroouTt, Sir Simon, 431. 
 
 Harl. MSS. 6584, particulars concern- 
 ing, v-xvi, xxiv-v, I, 2, 99, 108, 
 131-2, 211 «. i, 279 n. 2, 332 «. 2, 
 412 n, 2, 416. 
 
 Harley, Robert, 431, 434-5, 439; 
 (Earl of Oxford), 439-41, 443, 446 ; 
 (his notes on the Burnet Memoirs), 
 vi, vii, ix-xi, xiii-v, xxix, 545-6. 
 
 Harley, Edward, second Earl of Ox- 
 ford, vi, xxiv-v. 
 
 Harrison, Thomas, 232. 
 
 Hastings, Theophilus, seventh Earl of 
 Huntingdon, 530-1. 
 
 Hatton, ' Lord ' : see Maitland. 
 
 Hay, John, second Earl and first Mar- 
 quis of Tweeddale,'4-5, 86, 88, 89, 
 369, 392, 410,415. 
 
 Hay, Mr., of Naughton, 20, 21. 
 
 Hayes, Mr. Joseph, his trial, 132. 
 
 Hedges, Sir Charles, 217. 
 
 Henunings, Mr., 276 «. 2. 
 
 Henrietta, Princess, ' Madame ' (Du- 
 chess of Orleans), 346; her children, 
 76 and nn. 
 
 Henrietta Maria, Queen, 42, 48, 61, 
 
 64. nh< 176, 301- 
 Henry VII, King of England, 308. 
 Henry VIII, King of England, 
 
 137- 
 
 Henry Frederick, Prince of Orange, 
 177. 
 
 Herbert, Arthur: character, 280-2 ; see 
 also xxix, 210, 223, 285, 292, 293, 
 297 «. 2, 298 «., 300 «., 303-4 »., 
 528-36 passim ; Earl of Tonington, 
 
 312> 321, 344. 345. 353, 375- 
 Herbert, Sir Edward, Lord Keeper, 
 
 210, 280. 
 Herbert, Sir Edward, Chief Justice, 
 
 209, 210, 281. 
 Herbert, Thomas, eighth Earl of Pem- 
 broke, 312,418, 426. 
 Hesse : see 4^2", -^<"'«'^«,The Empire. 
 Heydanus, Abraham, 467 and n. 
 Hickes, Dr. George, 9 »., 102 «., 104 
 
 ». 4, 516, Addenda. 
 Hickes, Mr., 169. 
 High Church Party : see Affairs, 
 
 English, Parties, Political. 
 Hildesheim : see Affairs, Foreign, The 
 
 Empire. 
 Hill, John, Major-General, 439. 
 Hispaniola expedition, 235-6. 
 Hoadley,Beniamin(afterwardsBishop), 
 
 427. 
 Holland : see Affairs, Foreign, United 
 
 Provinces. 
 
 Holies, Denzil, Lord, character, 63; 
 see also 55, 59, 95, 468, 484. 
 
 Holies, Gilbert, third Earl of Clare, 
 118. 
 
 HoUoway, James, 109. 
 
 Holstein Ploen : see Affairs, Foreign, 
 The Empire. 
 
 Holt, Chief Justice, 338. 
 
 Hone, William, 109, 124, 125. 
 
 Hooft (Mynheer van ?), 186. 
 
 Hooker, Dr., his Ecclesiastical Polity, 
 460. 
 
 Hoppius (C. Hoppe), 92. 
 
 Horn, Count, 383. 
 
 Hough, Dr., President of Magdalen, 
 and Bishop of Oxford, 217, 359. 
 
 Howard, Cardinal, 141 and «., 172, 
 215, 260. 
 
 Howard, Charles, first Earl of Carlisle, 
 242. 
 
 Howard, Henry, sixth Duke of Nor- 
 folk, 220, 396-7. 
 
 Howard, Lady Mary, Duchess of Nor- 
 folk (born Mordaunt), 396-7. 
 
 Howard, Messrs., brothers of Earl of 
 Berkshire, 118. 
 
 Howard, Thomas, first Earl of Berk- 
 shire, 23. 
 
 Howard, William, third Lord Howard 
 of Escrick, no, 112, 116,118,119, 
 120, 126, 130. 
 
 Howard, Sir William, first Lord Staf- 
 ford, 73, 164. 
 
 Huddleston, Father John, 141. 
 
 Hume , Sir Patrick, of Polwarth, after- 
 wards first Lord Polwarth and Earl of 
 Marchmont, 155-6 and«., 158, 160. 
 
 Humphreys, Humphrey, Bishop of 
 Bangor, 359. 
 
 Hungary: see Affairs, Foreign, The 
 Empire. 
 
 Huntingdon, Earl of : see Hastings. 
 
 Hiiutley, Marquis of : see Gordon. 
 
 Hutcheson, George, xiii, 2, 3, 4. 
 
 Hutchinson, Mrs., 77 n. 2. 
 
 Hutton, Dr. John, 247 and n., 350. 
 
 Hyde, Anne, Duchess of York, 50, 54, 
 225. 
 
 Hyde, Edward, Chancellor, first Earl 
 of Clarendon : his character, 53-6 ; 
 see also 22, 23, 25, 26, 42, 57, 58, 60, 
 63, 64, 65, 66, 68, 73, 74, 76, 78, 
 
 79, 98, 138, i39> 240, 242 »■ I, 479- 
 Hyde, Edward, Lord Cornbury, after- 
 wards third Earl of Clarendon, 298 
 and n., 530. 
 Hyde, Henrietta, Lady Rochester 
 
 (bom Boyle), 223. 
 Hyde, Henry, second Earl of Claren- 
 
558 
 
 Index 
 
 don, 65, 78, 120, 14s, 166, 221, 
 225. 3°°. 303, 306; 326, 332, 496. 
 
 Hyde, Hon. Laurence, first Earl of 
 Rochester, 104, 133, 134, 145, 147, 
 220-1, 223-6, 351, 386, 395, 401-2. 
 
 Hyde, Theodosia, Lady Clarendon 
 (born Capel), 276 n. 2, 295. 
 
 Independents, character of, 218. 
 Ireland : see Affairs, Irish. 
 Ireton, Henry, 231. 
 Ironside, Dr., Bishop of Bristol, 359. 
 Isabella Clara Eugenia, 177. 
 Italy : see Affairs, Foreign. 
 
 J- 
 
 Jacobites : see Affairs, English, 
 Parties, Political. 
 
 Jamaica, earthquake in, 379. 
 
 James, King, I of England and VI of 
 Scotland, 19, 26, 71, 172-5, 178. 
 
 James, Duke of York : character of, 
 50-3 ; see also 14, 48, 54, 55, 56, 
 65. 7i> 72, 74, 7.5, 78, 99 n. 2, 109- 
 II, 124-5, I27~S, 130, 133, 138-9, 
 141, 482-3 ; King James II, 142-59 
 passim, 161-71 passim, 18S-9, 195, 
 202-3, 205-15, 217-27, 237-8, 243, 
 247 n. 2, 250-78, 280-2, 287-92, 
 296-304, 305-7, 310-2, 314, 317, 
 318-9, 320-2, 325-8, 331, 333, 335, 
 336, 340. 34'. 342, 343; 344. 348> 
 363-4. 365. 370. 371. 373. 375-8, 
 3S0, 387, 392-3, 413, 490-1, 493, 
 
 495-6, 519, 524. 529-36, 546. 
 James Edward ('the Old Pretender'), 
 275-6, 283, 295, 307, 420, 440, 442, 
 
 443. 447, 535- 
 
 Jane, Dr., 224. 
 
 Jansenists, 13, 96, 468. 
 
 Japan : see Affairs, Foreign. 
 
 Jefflreys, Sir George, Chief Justice, 
 afterwards Lord Jeffreys, 50 ». 2, 132, 
 168, 169, 208, 211, 212, 214, 269, 
 
 295, 301,441- 
 Jenkins, Secretarj', 66, no, 115, 123. 
 Jephson, Mr., secretary to the Prince 
 
 of Orange, 532. 
 Jermyn, Henry, Earl of St. Albans, 25. 
 Jersey, Earl of : see Villicrs. 
 Jesuits, 97, 214, 215, 257-9, 260, 270, 
 
 523- 
 Jews (of Amsterdam), 91. 
 Johnstone, Sir Archibald, Lord War- 
 
 riston, xviii, 41, 80-1, S3, 459, 483 ; 
 
 his wife, 41. 
 
 Johnstone, James ('Mr. Secretary'): 
 his character, 370; see also xviii, xxii 
 and n. 4, 370, 372, 391-2, 408 n., 410, 
 411-2, 475, 528, 540, 542-4. 
 
 Johnstone, William, second Earl of 
 Annandale, 347. 
 
 Jones, a Jacobite agent, 348. , 
 
 Juxou, Dr. William, Archbishop of 
 Canterbury, 67. 
 
 K. 
 
 Keeling, John, 109, 1 10. 
 Keeling, Josiah, 109, no, 116, 124. 
 Keith, George, 30 and n. 2, 461. 
 Ken, Dr. Thomas, Bishop of Bath and 
 
 Wells, 141, 166, 359, 5*29. 
 Kennedy, John, fifth Earl of Cassillis, 
 
 18 and n. i, 475. 
 Ker, John, fifth Earl and first Duke of 
 
 Roxburgh, 419. 
 K^roualle, Louise de, Duchess of 
 
 Portsmouth, 133, 135-8, 140, 228. 
 Kerr, Robert, second Earl and first 
 
 Marquis of Lothian, 370. 
 Kidder, Dr., Bishop of Bath and 
 
 Wells, 359. 
 King, Dr., 140. 
 
 King Street, Westminster, 238. 
 Kirke, Lieutenant-Colonel Percy, 168, 
 
 269 7Z. 3, 291, 321, 530, 531. 
 
 L. 
 
 La Chaise, Father, 257. 
 Lambert, John, General, 232. 
 Langelius, a Dutch pastor, 93. 
 Langham, Sir James, 9. 
 Langston, Colonel, 298, 530. 
 Lanier, Lieutenant-General Sir John, 
 
 349- 
 
 Lauderdale : see Maitland. 
 
 Lauzun, Antonine, Count of, 343. 
 
 La Valliere, Mademoiselle de, 246. 
 
 Lee, Edward Henry, first Earl of Lich- 
 field, 532. 
 
 Lee, Mr., 116, 124. 
 
 Leeds, Duke of : see Osborne. 
 
 Legge, George, first Earl of Dart- 
 mouth, 80 n. I, 109, 282, 295, 529 n. 
 
 Leicester, Earls of: see Dudley and 
 Sydney. 
 
 Leighton, Dr. Alexander (father of 
 Archbishop Leighton), 9. 
 
 Leighton, Sir Elisha, 13-5. 
 
 Leighton, Dr. Robert, Bishop of 
 Dumblane and Archbishop of Glas- 
 gow, ^-16 passim, 17, 18, 30, 40 and 
 n. I, 93 n. 2, 461-2, 477, 515 n. i. 
 
 Leinster, Duke of: see Schomberg. 
 
Index 
 
 559 
 
 Iiennox, Charles, first Duke of Rich- 
 mond, 137. 
 Iiennoz, Duke of: see Stuart, Esmi. 
 Iieslie, Charles, xii-v, xxii and «. 2, 
 
 xxiv, 99-108 ^3J«V«, 427, 499 n. I, 
 
 506 »., 516; his 'brother,* xii, xxii. 
 Leslie, John, seventh Earl of Rothes, 
 
 afterwards Duke, 19, 20 {bis), 43, 
 
 82-3. 
 L'Estrange, Sir Roger, 163. 
 Ijexington, Lord : see Sutton. 
 Leyburn, Dr. George, 224 and n., 260. 
 Lichfield, Bishop of: see Lloyd. 
 Lichfield, Earl of : see Lee. 
 Lindsay, Alexander, Lord Lindsay of 
 
 Balcarres, 29 n. 3. 
 Lindsay, Anna, Lady Balcarres (born 
 
 Mackenzie), 29, 30, 44, 98 n., 474. 
 Lindsay, Lady Anne, a nun, 98 and n. 
 Lindsay, Lady Henrietta, 474 and n. 
 Lindsay, John, seventeenth Earl of 
 
 Crawford, 4, 21, 24, 43, 45. 
 Lindsay, William, eighteenth earl of 
 
 Crawford, 328, 542. 
 Linlithgow, Earl of: see Livingstone. 
 Lisle, Lady, 169. 
 
 Littleton, Sir Thomas, the elder, 485. 
 Littleton, Sir Thomas, the yoimger, 
 
 402. 
 Livingston, Sir James, Bart., first 
 
 Earl of Newburgh, 24. 
 Livingston, Sir Thomas, afterwards 
 
 Viscount Teviot, 346, 372. 
 Livingstone, George, fourth Earl of 
 
 Linlithgow, 369. 
 Lloyd, Dr. William, Bishop of St. Asaph, 
 
 Lichfield, Coventry, and Worcester, 
 
 52, 54. 297,311.406,487. 
 Lobb, Stephen, .272. 
 Lockhart, Sir James, 27. 
 Lockhart, Sir William, 27. 
 Lorge, Marshal de, 363, 384. 
 Lorn: see Argyll. 
 Lothian, Earl of: see Kerr. 
 Louis XIII, XIV, XV: see Affairs, 
 
 Foreign, France. 
 Louisa, Princess, 443. 
 Louvestein party, 179. 
 Louvois, Franfois-Michel le Tellier, 
 
 Marquis de, 184, 185, 363, 365. 
 Lovelace, John, third Baron Lovelace, 
 
 533- 
 
 Lower, Dr., 143, 274, 296. 
 
 Lucas, Robert, third Baron Lucas of 
 Shenstone, 301. 
 
 Lumley, Richard, Baron and Viscount 
 L'amley, afterwards Earl of Scar- 
 borough, 220, 290, 292 n. 
 
 Lundy, Colonel, 320. 
 
 Lunenburg : see Affairs, Foreign, The 
 
 Empire. 
 Lunt, Jacobite and informer, 401. 
 Lutherans (of Amsterdam), 91-2 ; (of 
 
 Germany), 249, 278. 
 Luxembourg, M. de, 184, 375, 408. 
 
 M. 
 
 Maoaulay, Lord, and Harl.MSS. 6584, 
 
 V. n. 3. 
 Maccarty, Colonel, 134-5. 
 Macoarty, Lady Arabella (born Went- 
 
 worth), 135 and n. 
 Maccarty, Donogh, fourth Earl of 
 
 Clancarty, 134-5. 
 Macchiavelli, 239. 
 Macdonal, Dr., 99. 
 MacDonald, Aeneas, Lord Macdonald, 
 
 99 n. I. 
 Macdonalds of Grlencoe, 371-2. 
 Maokay, Major-General Hugh, 325, 
 
 361, 376-7. 
 Maokenzie.Colin, first EarlofSeaforth, 
 
 29 n. 
 Mackenzie, Sir George, Bart., Lord 
 
 of Session (Tarbot), afterwards Vis- 
 count Tarbot, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 
 
 28, 81, 369. 
 Maoky, John, the spy, xxv and n., 544 «. 
 Macom, Mr., a minister, 172. 
 Magdalen C&Uege, Oxford, 217. 
 Maine, Duke of, 408. 
 Maintenon, Madame de : her character, 
 
 228-9 ; see also 365, 420. 
 Mainwaring, Dr., 427. 
 Maitland, Anne, first wife of first Duke 
 
 of Lauderdale (born Hume), 85. 
 Maitland, Charles, ' Lord ' Hatton, 
 
 afterwards third Earl of Lauderdale, 
 
 108 and n. 
 Maitland, Elizabeth, second wife of 
 
 first Duke of Lauderdale (bom 
 
 Murray), 481-3. 
 Maitland, John, first Earl of Lauder- 
 dale, 18 n. 2, 20, 21. 
 Maitland, John, second Earl and first 
 
 Duke of Lauderdale, xviii, 4, 5, 7, 8, 
 
 15-17, 18 and n. 2, 21-6, 41-5, 47, 
 
 80 nn., 82-4, 86, 90, 98-9, 108, 
 
 479-84. 
 Maitland, Secretary, 26. 
 Manchester, Earl of: see Montagu. 
 Mann, Mr., 441. 
 
 Manton, Dr. Thomas, 46 and n., 463. 
 Maria Theresa, Queen of France : see 
 
 Affairs, Foreign, France. 
 Marie, Queen of Poland : see Affairs, 
 
 Foreign, Poland. 
 
56o 
 
 Index 
 
 Marlborougli, Duke and Duchess of: 
 see Churchill. 
 
 Mar veil, Andrew, 216. 
 
 Mary, Princess Royal of England and 
 Princess of Orange (daughter of 
 Charles I), 75, 179. 
 
 Mary, Princess of Orange : character of 
 (1687), 194-6; see also i, 52, 75, 
 153-4. 189, 205, 206, 207, 213, 226, 
 247 «• 5, 249> 250-1, 257, 262 »., 264 
 «., idd, 267, 368, 270, 276 and «., 
 295.308-11,491,537,535; (Queen of 
 England), 312, 322, 326-7, 338, 341, 
 343. 346, 358, 359-60, 373-4. 386, 
 389-91, 404-8, 497-8, 602, 504, 507. 
 
 Mary of Modena, Queen of James II, 
 145. 150, 152-3. 223, 225, 362, 264 
 and «., 266, 270, 274-6, 295-6, 297 
 »■. 304, 348. 376. 
 
 Maxy Queen of Scots, 3, 172-4. 
 
 Masham, Mrs. (bom Hill), 427, 431, 
 
 439. 446- 
 Massey, Dean of Christ Church, 217. 
 Maurice, Prince of Orange, 59, 174, 
 
 175. 178- 
 Maynard, Sergeant, 163. 
 Mazarin, Cardinal, 200, 234. 
 Medina Celi, Duke of, 429. 
 Melfort, Earl of: see Drummond. 
 Melville, George, Lord Melville and 
 
 Earl of Melville, 155 »., 323, 328, 
 
 335. 346-7, 357. 370, 542- 
 
 Melville, Lady (born Lady Katherine 
 Lesley), cousin (not sister) to the 
 Duchess of Monmouth, 323. 
 
 Menonists : see Anabaptists. 
 
 Mesnager, Count of St. John, 439. 
 
 Middleton, Charles, second Earl of 
 Middleton, 252, 393. 
 
 Middleton, John, first Earl of Middle- 
 ton, 4, 5, 15, 17-8, 21-8, 41-2, 81. 
 
 Millington, Sir Thomas, 297. 
 
 Milton, John, 95 «. 2. 
 
 Mitchell, Mr. (Burnet's son-in-law), vii 
 
 «■ 5- 
 Mohun, Charles, fourth Baron Mohim, 
 
 445- 
 Monk, Christopher, second Duke of 
 
 Albemarle, 162. 
 Monk, George, first Duke of Albemarle : 
 
 his character, 53 ; see also 42-3, 59, 66. 
 Momnouth, Duke of: see Scott. 
 Monmouth, Earl of : see Mordaunt. 
 Montagu, Charles, Earl of Halifax, 
 
 xiv, 421. 
 Montagu, Edward, second Earl of 
 
 Manchester, 55. 
 Montagu, Ralph, Lord Montagu and 
 
 afterwards Duke of Montagu, 116, 
 
 136-7, 187, 188, 189, 190, 227-8 and 
 »., 490, 497. 
 
 Montbas, Comte de, 184. 
 
 Montespan, Madame de, 137, 228. 
 
 Montgomery, Sir James, tenth Bart, 
 of Skelmorlee, 323-4. 335. 347, 542 ; 
 his brother, 335-6. 
 
 Montrose, Marquis and Duke of: see 
 Graham. 
 
 Moray, Sir Robert : his character, 43- 
 4; see also 25, 29 n. 3, 43, 45, 47, 
 83, 89, 95, 96, 465, 468, 476. 
 
 Mordaunt, Charles, second Viscount 
 Mordaunt, 287-8 ; first Earl of Mon- 
 mouth, 312-3, 335; third Earl of 
 Peterborough, 433. 
 
 Mordaunt, Henry, second Earl of Peter- 
 borough, 148, 396. 
 
 More, Dr. Henry, 46 and n., 461, 463. 
 
 More, Dr. John, Bishop of Norwich, 
 
 369- 
 Morel, M., 376. 
 Morley, Dr. George, Bishop of 
 
 Worcester and Winchester, 67-9, 71. 
 Morrioe, Sir W., Secretary, 53 n. 2, 66. 
 Morrison MSS., Burnet papers in, vii 
 
 n. 5, xxix, 520-8, 537-40. 
 Morton, Sir Jo., 531. 
 Morus, Alexander, 95-6, 467. 
 Mouutjoy, Lord : see Stewart. 
 Mulgrave, Earl of : see Sheffield. 
 Munro, Commissary, 113, 118. 
 Munster: see Affairs, Foreigti, The 
 
 Empire. 
 Munster, Peace of, 199. 
 Murray, Earl of : see Stewart. 
 Murray, Sir Robert : see Moray. 
 Musaphia (Mustapha?), a Jewish 
 
 Rabbi, 91. 
 
 N. 
 
 Ifairn, Mr., 2, 35, 86, 89, 460-1, 
 
 466, 470. 
 Nantes, Edict of, Revocation of, 172, 
 
 20.3-4. 
 Welthorpe, Richard, 169. 
 KTesmond, Marquis of, 410. 
 Wewburgh, Earl of : see Livingston. 
 Nicholas, Mr. Secretary, 66. 
 Nimeguen, Peace of, 201, 205-6, 256. 
 Nisbet, Sir John, 82. 
 Norfolk, Duke of : see Howard. 
 Norris, Lord : see Bertie. 
 North, the Hon. Sir Francis, Lord 
 
 Keeper, 112; (Lord ' North,' i.e. Lord 
 
 Guilford), 169, 208. 
 Northumberland, Earl of : see Percy. 
 Nottingham, Earls of : see Finch. 
 
Inde^ 
 
 561 
 
 o. 
 
 Oates, Titus, 116, 164, 401. 
 
 October Club : see Affairs, English, 
 Parties, Political. 
 
 O'Farrell, brigadier, 409. 
 
 Ogilby, or Ogilvy of Boyn3, Sir 
 Patrick, 427. 
 
 Ogilvy, Sir James, Lord Seafield, 544 
 and n. 
 
 Oliverian, a drnnkeu (or Dutch) phy- 
 sician, 60. 
 
 Orange.Princesof : set Henry Frederick, 
 Maurice, William I, William II, 
 William III. 
 
 Orange, Princesses of: see Amelia de 
 Soliiis; Mary, Princess Koyal of 
 England ; Mary, Princess of Orange. 
 
 Orange, Principality of, 205-6, 243 n. 
 
 Onslow, Sir Richard, 418. 
 
 Orleans, Philip, Duke of (the Regentl, 
 443- 
 
 Ormond, Dnke of : see Butler. 
 
 Orrery, Earl of : see Boyle. 
 
 Osborne, Peregrine, Marquis of Car- 
 marthen (afterwards second Duke of 
 Leeds), 410. 
 
 Osborne, Sir Thomas, Earl of Danby, 
 100, loi, 187-90, 290, 292 and «., 
 308, 310, 494, 531 ; (Marquis of Car- 
 marthen), 312-3, 338, 340, 353; 
 (Duke of Leeds), 403, 410. 
 
 Ossory, Earl of : see Butler. 
 
 Ostenders, 236. 
 
 Ostia, 236. 
 
 Outram, Dr., 463. 
 
 Overton, Major-Gene ral Robert, 232. 
 
 Oxford, Bishop of (1687), 263 : see 
 also Parker. 
 
 Oxford, Earl of; see Harley and 
 Vere, de. 
 
 Oxford, University of, 46-7, 214, 217- 
 8, 302. 332 464. 495i 5°°-'. 5"- 
 
 Paget, William, seventh Lord Paget, 
 
 118. 
 Palatinate and Palatine, Elector : see 
 
 Affairs, Foreign, The Empire. 
 Palmer, Barbara, Lady Castlemaine 
 
 and Duchess of Cleveland (born 
 
 Villiers) : character, 64-5 ; see also 
 
 65-6. 73- 
 Palmer, Roger, Earl of Castlemaine, 
 
 65- 
 Paris, Archbishop of, 1685 (Fran9ois 
 de Harlay de Clianvallon), 229. 
 
 Parker, Jacobite intriguer, 376. 
 Parker, Dr. Samuel, Bishop of Oxford 
 
 215-6, 263. 
 Parliament : ^tt Affairs, English Jrish, 
 
 and Scotch. 
 Parma : see Affairs. Foreign, Italy. 
 Paterson, John, Archbishop of Glas- 
 gow, 254, 347. 
 Paterson, William, projector, 411-1. 
 Patrick, Dr. (Bishop of Chichester and 
 
 of Ely), 224, 359, 406, 463, 507. 
 Paulet, Charles, second Marquis of 
 
 Winchester and first Duke of Bolton, 
 
 •^h 333, 335- 
 Paulet, Lord William, x, xi and «., 
 
 xiii, XXV, 416. 
 Payne, Neville, 334-5, 392-3. 
 Peachall, Dr. J., Vice-Chancellor of 
 
 Cambridge, 214. 
 Pearson, Dr. J., Bishop of Chester, 
 
 2i4-6> 463- 
 Pemberton, Sir Francis, Chief Justice, 
 
 &c., 50 «. 2. 
 Pembroke, Earl of : see Herbert. 
 Pann, Admiral Sir William, 218, 219 
 
 and ». 
 Pdnn, William, 169, 218, 219, 227, 
 
 354- 
 Pepys, Samuel, 244 «. 2. 
 Percy, Algernon, fourth Earl of North- 
 umberland, 77-8, 113. 
 Perth, Earl of, and Countesses of : see 
 
 Drummond. 
 Peter the Great : see Affairs, Foreign, 
 
 Muscovy. 
 Peterborough, Earl of : see Mordaunt. 
 Petro, or Paters, Father, 259-60, 270, 
 
 272. 
 Piedmont : see Affairs, Foreign, Savoy. 
 Philip II : see Affairs, Foreign, Spain. 
 Philip "V : see Affairs, Foreign, Spain. 
 Philip's ITorton, fight at, 167. 
 Philoolerus : see Speculum Saris- 
 
 burianum. 
 Pierrepoint, Mr., 77 
 Plato, and the Platonists, 461. 
 Player, Sir Thomas, 116, 125. 
 Pocook, Dr. Edward, 464. 
 Poelenburg, Arnold, 92. 
 Poland : see Affairs, Foreign. 
 Pomponne, M. de, 184, 185, 363. 
 Popes : see Affairs, Foreign, Italy. 
 Porter, Sir Charles, 170, 225, 352, 412. 
 Portland, Earl of : see Bentinck. 
 Portman, Sir William, 531. 
 Portsmouth, Duchessof : s,e,e. Kiroualle . 
 Portugal ; see Affairs, Foreign. 
 Poulett, John, fourth Baron and first 
 
 Earl Poulett, 431. 
 
 O O 
 
562 
 
 Index 
 
 Powis, Sir Thomas, Solicitor-General, 
 
 209, 255. 
 Presbyterians, character ofthe English, 
 
 218-9. 
 Preston, Viscount : see Graham. 
 Pretender, the : see James Edward. 
 Primrose, Sir Archibald (Lord Car- 
 
 rington), 21, 36, 83. 
 Prior, Matthew, 439. 
 Pyrenees, Peace of, 139, 200. 
 
 Q- 
 
 Quakers, character of, 2i8. 
 Q,ueansberry, Marquis of, afterwards 
 Duke : see Douglas. 
 
 R. 
 
 Rioine, M., 229. 
 
 BadoUflfe, Dr., 297, 404-5. 
 
 Kafalsi, Prince : see Ragotski. 
 
 Bagotski, Prince, 426. 
 
 Banke, von, and Harl. MSS. 6584, v, 
 
 xviii-xx. 
 Baoollets, order of, 97. 
 Beotor of Q-lasgow University, 476. 
 Eefugees, French Protestant, 247-50. 
 ' B9ligion,The ' (the Huguenots) , 203-4. 
 Bemonstrants : see Arminians. 
 Bepublioau Party : see Affairs, Eng- 
 lish, Parties, Political. 
 Estz, Cardinal de, 139. 
 Bioh, Sheriff, 128. 
 Bichelieu, Cardinal, 176, I77- 
 Bichmoud, Duke of: see Stuart and 
 
 Lennox. 
 Boberti, a French intriguer, 383. 
 Bobinson, Dr. (Bishop of Bristol), 424 
 
 and n., 449. 
 Eochelle, 175-7. 
 Bochester, Earls of: see Hyde and 
 
 Wilmot. 
 Bohan, Duke of, 176. 
 Booke, Admiral Sir George, 375, 3S6. 
 Boswell, a Dissenting preacher, 132. 
 Eothes, Earl of : see Leslie. 
 Bouill^, President, 421. 
 Bouse, John, 116, 124-5. 
 Bouth, Dr., and Harl. MSS. 6584, 
 
 V n. ; and Bodl. Add. MSS. D. 24, 
 
 viii, 495 «. I, 497 n. I. 
 Boxburgh, Duke of: see Ker. 
 Bumbold, Col. Richard, 109, 158-9. 
 Bumsey, Col., 109-19, 123-4, 208. 
 Bussell, Admiral Edward, afterwards 
 
 Earl of Orford, 168, 287, 288-90, 
 
 292 «. 1 , 297-8, 34a, 374-6, 380, 398, 
 
 409, 426. 
 
 Bussell, Mr. Francis, afterwards Lord, 
 younger brother of Lord Russell, 532. 
 
 Bussell, Rachel, Lady (born Wriothes- 
 ley) : character of, 1 17-8; see also 
 II5«., 116, 127, 130, 131, 151, 202-3, 
 350 «. I, 489, 491. 
 
 Bussell, William, fifth Earl and first 
 Duke of Bedford, 118, 120, 127, 489. 
 
 Bussell, William, Lord, vii n. 2, xx, 3, 
 47 n. 4, 108, 111-3, 115 K. 2, 116, 
 118, 119, 120, 126-31, 289, 333, 
 488-9, 515. 
 
 Bussell, Wriothesley, afterwards second 
 Duke of Bedford, 202-3. 
 
 Butherford, Andrew, first Lord Ruther- 
 ford and Earl of Teviot, 90. 
 
 Buvigny, M. de, the elder, 117, 303-3. 
 
 Buvigny, M. de, the younger, Viscount 
 Galway, 377. 
 
 Buyter, Admiral, 180. 
 
 Bye House Plot, 105 «. i, 108-31, 158. 
 
 Saoheverell, Dr., 436-7, 431. 
 Saokville, Charles, sixth Earl of Dorset, 
 
 299. 439- 
 St. Albans, Duke of: see Beauclerk. 
 St. Albans, Earl of: s,tejermyn. 
 St. John, Mr., his trial, 140. 
 St. John, Henry (afterwards Viscount 
 
 Bolingbroke), 438. 
 Saint Buth, General, 361. 
 Saltoun, parish of, 3 «., 88, 466, 468-75, 
 
 477- 
 Salzbourg : see Affairs, Foreign, The 
 
 Empire. 
 Sancroft, William, Archbishop of 
 
 Canterbury, xix, 106, sii and «., 
 
 216 K., 271 «., 306 and »., 404, 529. 
 Sarsfield, Patrick, titular Earl of Lucan, 
 
 349- 
 
 Savage, Richard, Lord Colchester 
 (afterwards fourth Earl Rivers), 298. 
 
 Savile, Lady Anne (born Wentworth), 
 135 ». 1. 
 
 Savile, George, first Marquis of 
 Halifax, xiv, 48 «., 77 «., 94 k. 1, 99- 
 100. ISS-S. 13S and »., 144, 145, 
 149-50 and «., 151, 170, 171, 202-3, 
 319 «., 250 n., 291, 300 and n., .308, 
 312.313. 333, 335, 342, 352 »•. 407-8. 
 491, 494, 533-4- 
 
 Savile, Sir George, 135 k. i. 
 
 Savile, Gertrude, Lady Halifax (born 
 Pierrepoint), 77 n. 
 
 Savile, Sir William, 135 «. i. 
 
 Savoy ; see Affairs, Foreign. 
 
 Savoy Conference, 68. 
 
Index 
 
 563 
 
 Sawyer, Sir Robert, 372-3. 
 
 Saxe : see Affairs, Foreign, The Empire. 
 
 Saxton, or Saxon, Thomas, a witness 
 against Lord Delamere, 209. 
 
 Soarron, M., 228. 
 
 Schomberg, Frederic-Arm and, Marshal 
 (afterwards Duke), 79, 165, 227, 228, 
 244-5 and «., 283, 321,335, 344, 423. 
 
 Schomberg, Meinhardt, Duke of 
 Leinster, 356. 
 
 Scotland: see Affairs, Scotch. 
 
 Scott, Anne, Duchess of Monmouth, 
 113, 114, 165-6, 323. 
 
 Scott, James, Duke of Monmouth, 109, 
 III, 113, 114, 119, 124, 133, 137, 
 145-6, 147, 151, 156-7, 158, 160-9 
 passim, 204, 209, 382. 
 
 Scougall, Dr. Henry (Bishop of 
 Aberdeen), xi, 85, 89, 466. 
 
 Seaforth, Earl of: see Mackenzie. 
 
 Secretary for Scotland, 1683 (query, 
 either Alexander Earl of Murray or 
 Charles Earl of Middleton ?), 113. 
 
 Sedgemoor, battle of, 165, 167. 
 
 Sedley, Catherine, Countess of Dor- 
 chester, 146, 150. 
 
 Boignelay, M. de, 363, 365. 
 
 Seymour, Charles, sixth Duke of 
 Somerset, 264. 
 
 Seymour, Mr., afterwards Sir Edward, 
 
 163, 302. 369, 531- 
 
 Shaftesbury, Earl and Countess of : 
 see Cooper. 
 
 Sharp, James, Archbishop of St. An- 
 drews, XV, 7, 8. 15, 16, 17, t8, 27, 28, 
 40, 42, 44 «., 82, 83, 90, 103-4. 
 
 Sharp , Dr. John , afterwards Archbishop 
 of York, 211, 213, 359, 406, 504, 507. 
 
 Sharp, Sir William, xv. 
 
 Sheffield, John, Earl of Mulgrave, after- 
 wards Marquis of Normanby and 
 Dnke of Buckinghamshire, 220, 380. 
 
 Sheldon, Gilbert, Archbishop of Can- 
 terbury, 8, 28, 42, 54, 57, 67-69, 71. 
 
 Shepherd, Thomas, 111, 113-5. 
 
 Shovel, Sir Cloudesley, 345, 380. 
 
 Shrewsbury, Earl of: see Talbot. 
 
 Sibbald, Sir Robert, 254. 
 
 Sidney : see Sydney. 
 
 Signior, the Grand : see A fairs, 
 Foreign, Turkey. 
 
 Simpson, a spy, 334, 337. 
 
 Sinclair, J., xxii n. 3, xxvii. 
 
 Bkelton, Mr., 161-2, 256, 282. 
 
 Smith, Aaron, 119 and ». 
 
 Smith, Dr., his Select Discourses, 461. 
 
 Smith, Mrs,, a rich widow in Amster- 
 dam, 155-6 and «., 159. 
 
 Smyrna fleet, attack on Dutch. 201. 
 
 O O 
 
 Sobieski : see Affairs, Foreign, Poland. 
 
 Socinians (of Holland), 92. 
 
 Soissons, Comtesse de, 246. 
 
 Solms, Count, 376, 380. 
 
 Somers, Sir John, afterwards Lord, 
 382, 396, 418, 419, 449-50, 545[?]. 
 
 Somerset, Duke of : see Seymour. 
 
 Somerset, Henry, third Marquis and 
 first Duke of Beaufort, 531, 533. 
 
 Southampton, Earl of : see Wriothesley. 
 
 Southwell, Sir Robert, 244 n. i, 34S. 
 
 Spain : see Affairs, Foreign. 
 
 Sparrow, Dr., 464. 
 
 Speculum Sarisburianum, 100 k. 3. 
 
 Speke, Hugh, 122-3, 299~.?°o- 
 
 Spencer, Anne, Countess of Sunder- 
 land (born Digby), wife of second 
 Earl, 275. 
 
 Spencer, Charles, third Earl of Sundt r- 
 land, 419, 431, 433. 
 
 Spencer, Robert, second EarlofSunder- 
 land, 104, 130, 133, 134, 136, 145, 
 163, 170, 273, 295, 394-5. 
 
 Spottiswoode, John, Bishop of St. 
 Andrews, 20, 173. 
 
 Sprat, Dr. (afterwards Bishop of Ro- 
 chester), 105-6 and «., 273, 449. 
 
 Stafford, Lord : see Howard, 
 
 Stair, Earls of : see Dalrymple, 
 
 Stanhope, James, General, afterwards 
 Earl Stanhope, 428, 432, 433, 434. 
 
 Stanislaus ; %^tAffairs,Foreign^<A3n&. 
 
 Staremberg, Count, 433, 438. 
 
 Stewart, of King James I's bedchamber, 
 
 174- 
 
 Stewart, Alexander, fifth Eail of 
 Murray, 254. 
 
 Stewart, James, 258-9. 
 
 Stewart, Sir John, first Lord Stewart 
 of Traqnair, 30-1. 
 
 Stewart, Sir William, Bart., first Vis- 
 count Mountjoy, 306. 
 
 Stillingfleet, Edward (Bishop of Wor- 
 cester), 46 and «., 102, 108, 224, 359, 
 406, 463, 486, 507. 
 
 Stoupe, Brigadier Jean Baptiste, 205, 
 229-30, 234-40, 242, 246, 255. 
 
 Strafford, Lord : see Wenlworth. 
 
 Strangways, Colonel, 531. 
 
 Strasburg, 248. 
 
 Stratford, Dr., Bishop of Chester, 359. 
 
 Stratford, Canon William, xv n. 3, 
 xvi, xxiv-v. 
 
 Strickland, Admiral Sir Roger, 282, 
 
 529- 
 
 Strickland, Miss, and Harl. MSS, 
 6584, v ««., 2, 3. 
 
 Stuart, Charles, third Duke of Rich- 
 mond, 24-5. 
 
564 
 
 Index 
 
 Stuart, Esme, first Duke of Lennox, 
 172-3- 
 
 Stuart, Sir James, Queen's Advocate, 
 419. 
 
 Sunderland, Earls of : see Spencer. 
 
 Sutton, Robert, second Baron Lexing- 
 ton, 445. 
 
 Sutton, Thomas, 1 74 and n. 
 
 Sweden : see Affairs, Foreign. . 
 
 Swift, Jonathan, xxi n. i, 104 ». 4, 
 191 «. I, 306 «. 1,439, 516. 
 
 Swinton, Sir John, 29. 
 
 Switzerland : see Affairs, Foreign. 
 
 Sydney, Algernon, 47 n. 4, 112, 113, 
 118, 198, 284, 333,354. 
 
 Sydney, Henry : his character, 284 ; 
 see also 247 and n., 290, 292, 395, 397 
 n. 2, 308, 415, 494, 529; (Earl of 
 Romney), 352, 353, 369, 388. 
 
 Sydney, Philip, third Earl of Leices- 
 ter, 238-9, 284. 
 
 Sydserfe, Bishop of Galloway, then 
 Orkney, 8. 
 
 Synderoombe, Miles, 238-9. 
 
 T. 
 Taafe, an informer, 401. 
 Talbot, Charles, twelfth Earl and first 
 
 Duke of Shrewsbury : character, 288 ; 
 
 see also 220, 290, 292 «., 308, 312, 
 
 3131 336, 338, 340-2, 380, 381, 427, 
 
 494. 531, 533. 
 Talbot, Richard, Earl of Tyrconnell, 
 
 225. 255> 305-6, 348, 364- 
 Tangier, 79-80. 
 Tarbot : see Mackenzie. 
 Tauler, or Tbauler, J., 86-8. 
 Temple, Sir William, 306 and n. 
 Tenison, Dr., afterwards Archbishop 
 
 of Cnnterbury, 165-6, 332, 404, 406 
 
 and n. i, 444. 
 'Ve-viot:s,ze LivingstoneanA Rzttherford. 
 Thorndike, Herbert, 45 and n., 463. 
 Thurloe, Secretary John, 237-9. 
 Thursorosse, Dr. Timothy, 45 and »., 
 
 463- 
 Tillotson, Dr. John (Archbishop of 
 Canterbury), 46 and n., 105 «., 130, 
 
 224, 358, 386-7, 390, 404, 463, 487, 
 504, 506-7, 515. 
 
 Titus, Colonel, 137. 
 
 Tollemaclie, or Talmash., Lieuten ant- 
 General Thomas, 398. 
 
 Toroy, M. de, 421-2. 
 
 Torrington, Earl of : see Herbert. 
 
 Tory Party : see Affairs, English, 
 Parties, Political. 
 
 Townaend, Charles, second Viscount 
 To^^nsend, 432, 440. 
 
 Transylvania : see Affairs, Foreign, 
 
 The Empire. 
 Trant, Sir Patrick, 344. 
 TraoLuair : see Stewart. 
 Trelawny, Bishop (Sirjohn, Bart.), 29 1. 
 Trelawny, Charles (Major-General), 
 
 291, 531-2. 
 Trenohard, Sir John, 382. 
 Trumball, Sir William, 206, 377-S. 
 Turenne, M. de, 184. 
 Turkey : see Affairs, Foreign. 
 Turner, Dr. : see Ely, Bishop of. 
 Tweeddale, Earl and Marquis of: see 
 
 Hay. 
 Tyrconnell, Earl of: see Talbot. 
 
 y. 
 
 Van Beuning, Mr. : his character, 
 198, 201-2. 
 
 Van Hulst, 294. 
 
 Vaudemont, Prince, 408. 
 
 Vaughan, Richard, second Earl of 
 Carbery, 546. 
 
 Vendome, Duke of, 417, 430, 438. 
 
 Vondome, Philippe de, Grand Prior 
 of France, 1 35. 
 
 Venetians, the : see Affairs, Foreign, 
 Italy. 
 
 Veuner, rising of, 76. 
 
 Vere, Aubrey de, twentieth Earl of Ox- 
 ford, 635. 
 
 Vienna, 256 ; siege of, 243. 
 
 Villars, Marechal de, 423-4, 438. 
 
 ViUeroy, Marechal de, 409. 
 
 Villiers, Sir Edward, first Earl of 
 Jersey, 439. 
 
 Villiers, Elizabeth (afterwards Coun- 
 tess of Orkney), 191 «. i, 193 n, 2, 
 195 n. 2, 406 «. I. 
 
 Villiers, George, first Duke of Buck- 
 ingham, 175-7, 187. 
 
 Villiers, George, second Duke of Buck- 
 ingham : character of, 63-4 ; see 
 also 73-4, 113. 
 
 Viner, Sir Thomas, 45 and n. 
 
 Vizier Bassa, the, or Grand Vizier, 
 362, 366, 430, 439- 
 
 Voet, Gisbert ^Voetius), gi, 467. 
 
 W. 
 
 "Wade, Nathaniel, i6i and k., 166. 
 ■Waloot, Thomas, 109, 115, 120, 123-5. 
 ■Waldeck, Prince, 360, 385, 397. 
 "Walgrave, Dr., 296. 
 "Walker, Dr. Obadiah, 331. 
 "Wallis, Dr. John, 47 and n., 464. 
 "Walpole, Robert, 441. 
 
Index 
 
 565 
 
 ■Walsh, Ptter, 72-3. 
 "Walsingham, Secretary, 1 73-4. 
 "Warner, Father, confessor to James II, 
 
 259- 
 "Warrington, Earl of : see Booth. 
 Warriston, Lord : see Johnstone. 
 "Warwick, Sir Philip, 57 and n. 
 "Watson, Dr , Bishop of St. David's, 
 
 xii n. 2. 
 "Webbe, General, 418. 
 "Welsh, John, 103 n. 2. 
 Wentworth, Henrietta, Lady, 166. 
 "Wentworth, Philadelphia, Lady 
 
 Wentworth (born Carey), 296. 
 "Wentworth, Thomas, Lord Raby, 
 
 first Viscount Strafford, 440, 445. 
 "West, Robert, 109, no, 111, 116, 118, 
 
 119, 123-5. 
 "West India Company, Dutch, 199. 
 "Westphalia : see Affairs, Foreign, The 
 
 Empire, 
 "Wharton, Sir Miles, 441. 
 "Whichcote, Dr. Benjamin (or Whits- 
 cot), 46 and «., 463. 
 "Whig iParty: see Affairs, English, 
 
 Parties, Political. 
 "Whiston, Professor W., 437. 
 "White, Marquis D'Albeville, 252, 
 
 255-6, 257. 260-1, 266, 268, 282, 
 
 528. 
 "Whiteloeke, 77 n. 2. 
 "Whitford, 254. 
 "Whitseot : see Whichcote. 
 "Wigmore, Sir Richard, 1 73-4. 
 "Wildman, Major, 113, 151, 297, 307, 
 
 495- 
 
 "Wilkins, Dr. John (Bishop of Chester), 
 45 and «., 463, 487. 
 
 "William I, Prince of Orange, 178. 
 
 "William II, Prince of Orange, 1 79. 
 
 "William III, Prince of Orange : his 
 character, 190-3 ; see also xx, 75, 105 
 and n. i, 123 »., 137, 145-7, I67> 
 162-3, 181-98 passim, 202, 205-7, 
 213, 221, 227, 242 n. 2, 247 n. 5, 
 249, 250-2, 256-6T, 265, 267, 270, 
 276-80, 282-95, 298-304, 305, 311, 
 491, 494-6, 522, 524-5, 527; 531- 
 6, 546; (King of England), 312-29, 
 331-74. 376-7, 380-2, 384-95, 397, 
 399. 405-6, 408-iS, 435, 442, 443. 
 493-4,496-7.502. 512, 521 «., 541-4. 
 
 "Williams, John, Bishop of Chichester, 
 
 507- 
 "Williams, Sir William, Speaker, 272-3. 
 "Williamson, a Jacobite agent, 336-7.. 
 "Williamson, Secretary Sir Joseph, 
 
 66, 484. 
 "Willis, Dr., 54. 
 "Willis, Sir Richard, 240. 
 "Wilmot, John, second Earl of Rochester, 
 
 73-4, 486-7. 
 "Winchester, see of, 217. 
 "Windebank, Dr., 296. 
 "Wirtemberg : see Affairs, Foreign, The 
 
 Empire. 
 "Wishart, Dr. George (Bishop of Edin- 
 burgh), 17. 
 "Witt, de, the father, 1 79. 
 "Witt, de, Cornelius, 186, 187. 
 "Witt, de, John ; his character, 1 79-80, 
 
 i8l ; see also 180, 181, 183, 184, 
 
 185, 186, 187, 197, 2or. 
 "Wolfenbiittel : see Affairs, Foreign, 
 
 The Empire. 
 "Worcester, Bishop of (see also Lloyd, 
 
 William), 311 ; (see also Stilling- 
 fieet, Edward), 406. 
 "Wright, Chief Justice, 273. 
 "Wriothesley, Rachel (born Ru- 
 
 ■''g")'). Countess of Southampton, 
 
 117. 
 "Wriothesley, Thomas, fourth Earl of 
 
 Southampton ; character, 56-8 ; see 
 
 also 58, 59, 60, 65, 66, 71, 73, 78, 
 
 117. 
 "Wroth, Jane : see Zulestein,Jaiu. 
 "Wyohe, Sir Cyril, 389, 41 2. 
 
 Y. 
 
 York, Duchess of: see Hyde, Anne, 
 
 and Mary of Modetia. 
 ■yorfc, Duke of: see James. 
 Young, Robert, forger, 380. 
 Younger, Dean, 513 «. 
 
 Zell : ste Affairs, Foreign, The Empire. 
 Zuicker, or Zwioker, Daniel, 92-3. 
 Zulestein, Count, 195 «. 3, 302. 
 Zulestein, Jane, Countess of (born 
 Wroth), 195 «. 3. 
 
 THE END. 
 
OXFORD 
 
 PRINTED AT THE CLARENDON PRESS 
 
 BY HORACE HART, M.A, 
 
 PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY 
 
Recently Published, in Two vols., Demy Svo, cloth, price 2-.S. 
 
 BURNET'S 
 HISTORY OF MY OWN TIME 
 
 A NEW EDITION BASED ON THAT OF 
 M. J. ROUTH, D.D. 
 
 PART I. 
 THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE SECOND 
 
 EDITED, WITH INDEX, ETC., BY 
 
 OSMUND AIRY, M.A., LL.D. 
 
 OXFORD 
 
 AT THE CLARENDON PRESS 
 
 LONDON, EDINBURGH, AND NEW YORK 
 
 HENRY FROWDE 
 
iS/io/oa 
 
 CLARENDON PRESS, OXFORD. 
 SELECT LIST OF STANDARD WORKS. 
 
 DICTIONARIES page i 
 
 LAW ^ , 
 
 HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, ETC. . . .' i 
 
 PHILOSOPHY, LOGIC, ETC. . . . „ 6 
 
 PHYSICAL 8CIBNCE, ETC. ... ,,7 
 
 1. DICTIONARIES. 
 
 A NEW ENGLISH DICTIONARY 
 
 ON HISTOEICAL PEINCIPLES, 
 
 Founded mainly on the materials collected hy the Philological Society. 
 Imperial 4to, 
 
 EDITED BY DE. MUEEAY. 
 
 Present State of the "Work. £ g_ ^ 
 
 Vol. I. A, B By Dr. Murray Half-morocco 2 la 6 
 
 VoL II. C By Dr. Mukbay Half-morocco a la 6 
 
 Vol. III. D, E By Dr. Mukbay and Mr. Bradley Half-morocco ii la 6 
 
 VoL IV. F, G By Mr. Bradley Half-morocco 2 la 6 
 
 Vol. V. H — K By Dr. Mubbay Half-morocco a la 6 
 
 !Ii-liap o .A 6 
 Lap-Leisurely ...050 
 Leisureness-Lief . o a 6 
 
 Vol. VII. O, P By Dr. Murray . . O-Onomastio ...050 
 
 Vol. VIII. Q,— S By Mr. CsAiaLE ...Q, 026 
 
 The remainder of the work is in active preparation ; the distribution of the 
 letters into the volumes will be approximately as follows : 
 Vol. VIII Q-S By Mr. Ceaigib. 
 Vols. IX, X S-Z 
 Orders can be given through any bookseller for the delivery of the remainder of 
 the work either in complete Volumes or in Sections or in Parts. 
 
 HALF- VOLUMES. The price of half-volumes, bound, with straight-grained 
 persian leather back, cloth sides, gilt top, is £1 'Js. 6d. each, or 1C13 15*. for the ten 
 now ready, namely, A, B, C-Comm., Comm.-Czeeh, D, E, F, G, H, I-K. 
 
 SECTIONS. A single Section of 64 pages at 2s. 6d. or a double Section of 128 
 pages at 58. is issued quarterly. 
 
 PARTS. A Part (which is generally the equivalent of five single Sections 
 and is priced at 1 28. 6d.) is issued whenever ready. 
 
 Nearly all the Parts and Sections in which Volumes I-V were first issued are 
 still obtainable in the original covers. 
 
 FQJITHCOMING ISSUE, JANUARY i, 1903. Lief-Look. By Mr. 
 Bradley. 
 
 Oxford : Clarendon PreBS. London ; Henry Pbowde, Amen Comer, B.C. 
 
ENGLISH AND ROMAN LAW. 
 
 A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament, with 
 an Appendix containing the Biblical Aramaic, based on the Thesaurus 
 and Lexicon of Qesenius, by Francis Brown, D.D., S. E. Driver, D.D., 
 and C. A. Briggs, D.D. Parts I-X. Small 4to, 2s. dd. each. 
 
 Thesaurus Syriacus : collegerunt Quatremfere, Bernstein, Lorsbach, 
 Amoldi, Agrell, Field, Eoediger: edidit R. Payne Smith, S.T.P. 
 Vol. I, containing Fasciculi I-V, sm. fol., 5!. 6s. 
 Vol. II, completing the work, containing Fasciculi VI-X, 81. Ss. 
 
 A Compendious Syriac Dictionary, founded upon the above. 
 
 Edited by Mrs. Margoliouth. Parts I-III. Small 4to, 8s. dd. net each. 
 
 The Work will be completed in Four Parts. 
 
 A Dictionary of the Dialects of Vernacular Syriae as spoken 
 
 by the Eastern Syrians of Kurdistan, North-West Persia, and the Plain 
 of Mosul. By A. J. Maclean, M.A., F.E.G.S. Small 4to, 158. 
 
 An English-Swahili Dictionary. By A. C. Madan, M.A. Second 
 Edition, Revised. Extra fcap. 8vo, ys. 6d. net. 
 
 A Sanskrit-English Dictionary. Etymologically and Philologically 
 arranged, with special reference to cognate Indo-European Languages. 
 By Sir M. Monier- Williams, M.A., K.C.I.E. ; with the collaboration of 
 Prof. E. Leumann, Ph.D. ; Prof. C. Cappeller, Ph.D. ; and other scholars. 
 New Edition, greatly Enlarged and Improved. Cloth, bevelled edges, 3!. 1 3s. 6d. ; 
 half-morocco, 4I. 4s. 
 
 A Greek-English Lexicon. By H. G. Liddell, D.D., and 
 
 Eobert Scott, D.D. Eighth Edition, Revised. 4to. ll. i6s. 
 
 An Etymological Dictionary of the English Language, 
 arranged on an Historical Basis. By W. W. Skeat, Litt.D. Third 
 Edition. 4to. 2I. 4s. 
 
 A Middle-English Dictionary. By F. H. Stratmann. A new 
 edition, by H. Bradley, M.A. 4to, half-morocco, il. iis. 6d. 
 
 The Student's Dictionary of Anglo-Saxon. By H. Sweet, M.A., 
 Ph.D., LL.D. Small 4to. 8s. 6d. net. 
 
 An Anglo-Saxon Dictionary, based on the MS. collections of the 
 late Joseph Bosworth, D.D. Edited and enlarged by Prof. T. N. Toller, 
 M.A. Parts I-IIL A-SAE. 4to, stiff covers, 15s. each. PartIV, §1, 
 SAE-SWIDRIAN. Stiff covers, 8s. 6d. Part IV, § 2, SWljJ-SNEL- 
 YTMEST, i8s.6d. 
 
 An Icelandic-English Dictionary, based on the MS. collections of 
 the late Eichard Cleasby. Enlarged and completed by G. Vigfdsson, 
 M.A. 4to. 3I. 7s. 
 
 2. LAW. 
 
 Anson. Principles of the 
 
 English Law of Contract, and of Agency 
 in its Relation to Contract. By Sir 
 W. E. Anson, D. C. L. Ninth Edition. 
 8vo. I OS. 6d. 
 
 Anson. Law and CustoTn of 
 
 the Constitution. 2 vols. 8vo. 
 Part I. Parliament. Third Edition. 
 
 I2S. 6d. 
 Partll. TheCrowu. SecondEd. 14s. 
 
 Oxford ; Clarendon PresB. 
 
LAW. 
 
 Bryee. Studies in History 
 
 and Jurisprudence. 2 Vols. 8vo. 
 By the Right Hon. J. Biyce, M.P. 
 
 25s. net. 
 
 Digby. An Introduction to 
 
 the History of the Law of Real Property, 
 BySirKenelmE.Digby,M.A. Fifth 
 Edition. 8vo. 12s. 6d. 
 
 Qrueber. Lex Aquilia. By 
 
 Erwin Grueber, Dr. Jur., M.A. 
 8vo. I OS. 6d. 
 
 Hall. International Law. 
 
 By W.E. Hall, M.A. Fourth Edition. 
 8yo. 22s. 6d, 
 
 A Treatise onthe Foreign 
 
 Powers and Jurisdiction of the British 
 Crown. ByW.E. Hall, M.A. Svo. 
 I OS. 6d. 
 
 Holland. Elements of Juris- 
 prudence. By T. E. Holland, D.C.L. 
 Ninth Edition. 8vo. los. 6d. 
 
 Studies in International 
 
 Law. By T. E. Holland, D.C.L. 
 Svo. 103. 6d. 
 
 Gentilis, Alberici, Be 
 
 lure Belli Libri Tres. Edidit T. E. 
 Holland, LCD. Small 4to, half- 
 morocco. 2 IS. 
 
 The Institutes of Jus- 
 tinian, edited as a recension of 
 the Institutes of Gains, by T. E. 
 Holland, D.C.L. Second Edition. 
 Extra fcap. Svo. 5s. 
 
 Holland and Shadwell. Select 
 
 Titles frmn the Digest of Justinian. By 
 T. E. Holland, D.C.L., and C. L. 
 Shadwell, D.C.L. Svo. 14s. 
 Also sold in Parts, in paper covers — 
 Part I. Introductory Titles. 2s. 6d. 
 Part II. Family Law. is. 
 Part III. Property Law. 2 s. 6d. 
 PartrV. Law of Obligations (No. I ), 
 3s. 6d. (No. 2), 4s. 6d. 
 
 Ilbert. The Government of 
 India. Being a Digest of the 
 Statute Law relating thereto. 
 With Historical Introduction and 
 
 Illustrative Documents. By Sir 
 Courtenay Ilbert, K. C.S.I. Svo, 
 half-roan. 21s. 
 
 Legislative Forms and 
 
 Methods. Svo, half- roan. 16s. 
 
 Jenks. Modern Land Law. 
 
 By Edward Jenks, M.A. Svo. 15s. 
 
 Jenkyns. British Rule and 
 
 Jurisdiction beyond the Seas. By the 
 late Sir Henry Jenkyns, K.C.B. 
 With a Preface by Sir Courtenay 
 Ilbert, K.C.S.I. Svo, half-roan. 
 1 6s. net. 
 
 Markby. Elements of Law 
 
 considered with reference to Principles of 
 OeneralJurisprudence. By Sir William 
 Markby, D.C.L. Fifth Edition. Svo. 
 I2S. 6d. 
 
 Moyle. Imperatoris lus- 
 
 tiniani Institutionum Libri Quattuor, 
 with Introductions, Commentary, 
 Excursus and Translation. By J. B. 
 Moyle, D.C.L. Third Edition. 2 vols. 
 Svo. Vol. I. i6s. Vol. II. 6s. 
 
 Contract of Sale in the 
 
 Civil Law. Svo. los. 6d. 
 
 Pollock and Wright. An 
 
 Essay on Possession in the Common Law. 
 By Sir F. Pollock, Bart., M.A., and 
 SirE.S.Wright,B.C.L. Svo. 8s.6d. 
 
 Poste. Oaii Institutionum 
 
 Juris Cimlis Commentarii Quaituor ; or. 
 Elements of Roman Law by Gaius. 
 With a Translation and Commen- 
 tary by Edward Poste, M.A. Third 
 Edition. Svo. iSs. 
 
 Sohm. The Institutes. A 
 
 Text-book of the History and 
 System of Roman Private Law. 
 By Rudolph Sohm. Translated by 
 J. C. Ledlie, B.C.L. With an 
 Introduction by Erwin Grueber, 
 Dr. Jur., M.A. Second Edition, revised 
 and enlarged. Svo. iSs, 
 
 Stokes. The Anglo-Indian 
 
 Codes. By Whitley Stokes, LL.D. 
 
 Vol. I. Substantive Law. Svo. 30,5. 
 
 Vol. II. Adjective Law. Svo. 35s. 
 
 First and Second Supplements to 
 
 the above, 1887-1S91. Svo. 6s. 6d!. 
 
 Separately, No. I, 2s.6d.;No. 2,4s.6d_ 
 
 London i Henry Frowde, Amen Comer, E. C. 
 
HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, ETC. 
 
 3. 
 
 HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, ETC. 
 
 Adamnani Vita S. Coluvibae. 
 Ed. J. T. Fowler, D.C.L. Crown 
 8vo, half-bound, 8s. 6d. net (with 
 translation, gs. 6d. net). 
 
 Aubrey. ' Brief Lives,' chiefly 
 
 of Contemporaries, set down by John 
 Aubrey, between the Years 1669 and 
 1696. Edited from the Author's 
 MSS.,byAndrewClark,M.A.,LL.D. 
 With Facsimiles. 2 vols. 8to. 35s. 
 
 Baedae Historia Ecclesiastica, 
 
 etc. Edited by 0. Plummer, M.A. 
 2 vols. Crown 8vo. 21s. net. 
 
 Barnard. Companion to Eng- 
 lish History {Middle Ages). With 97 
 Illustrations. By F. P. Barnard, 
 M.A. Crown Svo. 8s. 6d. net. 
 
 Boswell's Life of Samuel 
 
 Johnson, LL.D. Edited by G. Birk- 
 beck Hill, D.C.L. In six volumes, 
 medium 8vo. With Portraits and 
 Facsimiles. Half-bound. 3!. 3s. 
 Bright. Chapters of Early 
 
 English Chwrch History. By W. 
 Bright, D.D. Third Edition, Revised 
 and Enlarged. With a Map. Svo. 12s. 
 
 Bryce. Studies in History 
 
 and Jurisprudence. By the Eight 
 
 Hon. J. Bryce, M.P. 2 "Vols. 8vo. 
 
 25 s. net. 
 Casaubon (Isaac), 1559-1614. 
 
 By Mark Pattison. Svo. i6s. 
 Clarendon's History of the 
 
 Rebellion and Civil Wars in England. 
 Ke-edited from a fresh collation of 
 the original MS. in the Bodleian 
 Library, with marginal dates and oc- 
 casional notes, by W. Dunn Macray, 
 M.A., F.S.A. 6 vols. CrownSvo. 2I. 55. 
 
 Earle. Handbook to the Land- 
 Charters, and other Saxonic Documents. 
 ByJohnEarle.M.A. Crown8vo.i6s. 
 
 The Alfred Jewel: An 
 
 Historical Essay. With Illustra- 
 tions and Map. Small 4to, buck- 
 ram. 1 2S. 6d, net. 
 
 Earle and Plummer. Tiuo of 
 
 the Saxon Chronicles, Parallel, with 
 
 Supplementary Extracts from the others. 
 A Revised Text, edited, with Intro- 
 duction, Notes, Appendices, and 
 Glossary, by Charles Plummer, 
 M.A., on the basis of an edition by 
 John Earle, M.A. 2 vols. Crown 
 Svo, half-roan. 
 Vol. I. Text, Appendices, and 
 
 Glossary. los. 6d, 
 Vol. II. Introduction, Notes, and 
 
 Index. 12S. 6d. 
 
 Freeman. The History of 
 
 Sicily from the Earliest Times. 
 
 Vols. I and II. Svo, cloth. 2I. 2s. 
 Vol. III. The Athenian and 
 
 Carthaginian Invasions. 24s. 
 Vol. IV. Prom the Tyranny of 
 
 Dionysios to the Death of 
 
 Agathokles. Edited by Arthur 
 
 J. Evans, M.A. 21s. 
 
 Freeman. The Reign of 
 
 William Rufus and the Accession of 
 Henry the First. By E. A. Freeman, 
 D.C.L. 2 vols. Svo. il. 16s. 
 
 Gardiner. The Constitutional 
 
 Documents of the Puritan Revoluti(m, 
 1628-1660. Selected and Edited 
 by Samuel Eawson Gardiner, D. C.L. 
 Second Edition. Crown Svo. ids. 6d, 
 
 Gross. The Gild Merchant; 
 a Contributionto British Municipal 
 History. By Charles Gross, Ph.D. 
 2 vols. Svo. 24s. 
 
 Hastings. Hastings and the 
 
 RohiUa War. By Sir John Strachey , 
 G.C.S.I. Svo, cloth. los. 6d. 
 
 Hill. Sources for Greek 
 
 History between the Persian and Pdopon- 
 nesian Wars. Collected and arranged 
 by G. F. Hill, M.A. Svo. los. 6d. 
 
 Hodgkin. Italy and her In- 
 vaders. With Plates & Maps. 8 vols. 
 Svo. By T. Hodgkin, D.C.L. 
 Vols. I-II. Second Edition. 42s. 
 Vols. III-IV. Second Edition. 36s. 
 Vols. V-VI. 36s. 
 Vol. Vll-VIli (completing the 
 work). 24s. 
 
 Oxford : Olarendon Press. 
 
HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, ETC. 
 
 Johnson. Letters of Samuel 
 
 Johnson, LL.D. Collected and Edited 
 byG.BirkbeokHill,D.C.L. 2 vols, 
 half-roan. 28s. 
 
 Johnsonian Miscellanies. 
 
 2 vols. Medium 8vo, half -roan. 28s. 
 
 Eitchin. A History of France. 
 With Kumerous Maps, Plans, and 
 Tables. By G. W. Kitchin, D.D. 
 In three Volumes. New Edition. 
 Crown Svo, each los. 6d. 
 
 Vol. I. to 1453. Vol. II. 1453- 
 1624. Vol. III. 1624-1793. 
 
 Kyd. ITie WorJes of Thomas 
 
 Kyd. Edited from the original 
 Texts, with Introduction, Notes, 
 and Facsimiles. By P. S. Boas, 
 M.A. Svo. 15s. net. 
 
 Le Strange. Baghdad during 
 
 the Abbasid Caliphate. By G. Le 
 Strange. Svo. i6s. net. 
 
 Lewis (Sir G. Gornewall). 
 
 An Essay on the Government of De- 
 pendencies. Edited by C. P. Lucas, 
 B.A. Svo, half-roan. 14s. 
 
 Lucas. Historical Geography 
 
 of the British Colonies. By C. P. Lucas, 
 B.A. With Maps. Or. Svo. 
 Introduction. 48. 6d. 
 Vol.1. The Mediterranean and 
 
 Eastern Colonies (exclusive of 
 
 India). 5s. 
 Vol. II . The West Indian Colo- 
 nies. 'js.6d. 
 Vol. III. West Africa. Second 
 
 Edition, revised to the end 0/1S99, 
 
 ly H. E. Egerton. 7s. 6d. 
 Vol. IV. South and East Africa. 
 
 Historical and Geographical. 
 
 9s. 6d. 
 Also Vol. IV in two Parts — 
 
 Part I. Historical, 6s. 6d. 
 
 Part II. Geographical, 3s. 6d. 
 Vol. V. The History of Canada 
 
 (Part I, New France). 6s. 
 
 Ludlow. The Memoirs of 
 
 Edmund Ludlow, LieiUenant-Oeneral of 
 the Horse in the Army of the Commcn- 
 weaUhofEngland,i62Ci-i6';2. Edited 
 by C. H. Firth, M.A. 2 vols. 36s. 
 
 Machiavelli. II Principe. 
 
 Edited by L. Arthur Burd, M.A. 
 
 With an Introduction by Lord 
 
 Acton. Svo. 14s. 
 Merriman. Life and Letters of 
 
 Thomas Oromwell. With a Portrait 
 and Facsimile. By R. B. Merriman, 
 B.Litt. 2 vols. Svo. iSs. net. 
 
 Morris. The Welsh Wars of 
 
 Edward I. With a Map and Pedi- 
 grees. By J. E. Morris, M.A. Svo. 
 9s. 6d. nAit. 
 
 Oman. A History ofthePenin- 
 
 sularWar. 6 vols. Svo. With Maps, 
 Plans, and Portraits. By C. Oman, 
 M.A. .TustPuHished. Vol. 1(1807-1809. 
 From the Treaty of Fontainebleau 
 to the Battle of Corunna). 14s. net. 
 
 P&ytie. History of the New 
 
 World called America. By E. J. 
 Payne, M.A. Svo. 
 
 Vol. I, containing The Discovery 
 
 and Aboriginal America, iSs. 
 Vol. II, Aboriginal America (con- 
 cluded), 14s. 
 
 Plummer. The Life and Times 
 
 of Alfred the Great. With an Appen- 
 dix and Map. By Charles Plummer, 
 M.A. Crown Svo. js. net. 
 
 Poole. Historical Atlas of 
 
 Modem Europe from the decline of the 
 Soman Empire, comprising also 
 Maps of parts of Asia, Africa, and 
 the New World, connected with 
 European History. Edited by 
 K. L. Poole, M.A. 5^. 155. 6(J. net. 
 
 Prothero. Select Statutes and 
 
 other Constitutional Documents, illustra- 
 tive of the Reigns of Elisabeth and 
 James I. Edited by G. W. Prothero, 
 M.A. Cr. 8vo. Edition 2. 10s. 6d. 
 Ramsay (Sir J. H.). Lancaster 
 
 and York. (a.d. i 399-1485). 2 vols. 
 Svo. With Index. 37s. 6d. 
 
 Ramsay (W. M.). The Cities 
 
 and Bishoprics ofPhrygia. 
 
 Vol.1. Parti. The Lycos Valley 
 and South-Westem Phrygia. 
 Royal Svo. iSs. net. 
 
 Vol. I. Part II. West and West- 
 Central Phrygia. 21s.net. 
 
 London : Henry Fbowtje, Amen Comer, E.G. 
 
PHILOSOPHY, LOGIC, ETC. 
 
 Banke. A History of Eng- 
 land, principally in the Seventeenth 
 Century. By L. von Eanke. Trans- 
 lated under the superintendence of 
 a. W. KitcMn, D.D., and C. W. 
 Boase, M.A. 6 vols. 8vo. 63s. 
 Revised Index, separately, is. 
 
 Bashdall. The Universities of 
 
 Europe in the Middle Ages. By Hast- 
 ings Eashdall, M.A. 2 vols, (in 3 
 Parts) 8vo. With Maps. 2I. 5s. net. 
 
 Kh^s. Studies in the Arthur- 
 ian Legend. By John Rhys, M.A. 
 8vo. I2S. 6d. 
 
 Celtic Folklore: Welsh and 
 
 Manx. Bythesame. 2 vols. 8vo. 21s. 
 
 Scacoario. De Necessariis 
 
 Observantiis Scaccarii Bialogiis. Com- 
 monly called Dialogus de Scacoario. 
 By Richard, Son of Nigel, Treasurer 
 of England and Bishop of London. 
 Edited by Arthur Hughes, C. G. 
 Crump, and C. Johnson. 8vo, 
 1 2s. 6d. net. 
 
 Smith's Lectures on Justice, 
 
 Police, Revenue and Arms. Edited, 
 with Introduction and Notes, by 
 Edwin Cannan. 8vo. los. 6d. net. 
 
 Wealth of Nations. 
 
 With Notes, by J. E. Thorold Rogers, 
 M.A. 2 vols. 8vo. 21S. 
 
 Stephens. The Principal 
 
 Speeches of the Statesmen and Orators of 
 the French Revolution, 1 789-1 795. 
 By H. Morse Stephens. 2 vols. 
 Crown 8vo. 21s. 
 
 Stubbs. Select Charters and 
 
 other Illustrations of English Constitu- 
 tional History, from the Earliest Times 
 to the Reign of Edward I. Arranged 
 and edited by W. Stubbs, D.D., 
 late Bishop of Oxford. Eighth 
 Edition. Crown 8vo. 8s. 6d. 
 
 The Constitutional His- 
 tory of England, in its Origin and 
 Development. Library Edition. 3 vols. 
 Demy 8vo. 2I. 8s. 
 Also in 3 vols, crown 8vo. 12s. each. 
 
 Seventeen Lectures on 
 
 the Study of Mediaeval and Modern 
 History and kindred subjects. Crown 
 8vo. Third Edition, revised and en- 
 larged. 8s. 6d. 
 
 Registrum Sacrum, 
 
 ilicanum. Small /4to. Secxmd 
 
 Edition. los. 6d. 
 
 Swift (r. D.). The Life and 
 
 Times of James the First of Aragon. 
 By P. D. Swift, B.A. 8vo. 12s. 6d. 
 
 VinogradoflE". Villainage in 
 
 England. Essays in English Medi- 
 aeval History. ByPaulVinogradoff. 
 8vo, half-bound. 16s. 
 
 4. PHILOSOPHY, LOGIC, ETC. 
 
 Bacon. Novum Organum. 
 
 Edited, with Introduction, Notes, 
 c&c, by T. Fowler, D.D. Second 
 Edition, 8 vo. 15s. 
 
 Berkeley. The Works of 
 
 Qeorge Berkeley, D.D., formerly Bishop 
 of Cloyne ; including many of his writ- 
 ings hitherto unpublished. With Pre- 
 faces, Annotations, Appendices, 
 and an Account of his Life, by A. 
 CampbellFraser,Hon.D.C.L.,LL.D. 
 New Edition in 4 vols. , crown 8vo. 
 24s. 
 
 The Life and Letters, 
 
 with an account of his Philosophy. By 
 A. Campbell Eraser. 8vo. 163. 
 
 Bosanquet. Logic; or, the 
 
 Morphology of Knowledge. By B. 
 Bosanquet, M.A. 8vo. 21s. 
 
 Butler. The Works of Joseph 
 
 Butler, D.C.L., sometime Lord Bishop 
 of Durham. Edited by the Right 
 Hon. W. E. Gladstone. 2 vols. 
 Medium 8vo. 14s. each. 
 
 Campagnae. The Cambridge 
 
 Platonists : being Selections from the 
 writings of Benjamin Whichcote, 
 John Smith, and Natbanael Culver- 
 wel, with Introduction by E. T. 
 Campagnae, M.A. Crown 8vo. 
 6s. 6d. net. 
 
 Oxford : Clarendon Press. 
 
PHYSICAL SCIENCE, ETC. 
 
 Powler. Logic; Deductive and 
 Inductive, combined in a single 
 volume. Extra fcap. 8vo. 7s. 6d. 
 
 Fowler and Wilson. The 
 
 Principles of Morals. By T. Fowler, 
 D.D., and J. M. Wilson, B.D. 8vo, 
 cloth. 14s. 
 
 Green. ProlegoTnena to Ethics. 
 By T. H. Green, M.A. Edited by 
 A. C. Bradley, M.A. Fourth Edition. 
 Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d. 
 
 Hegel. The Logic of Hegel. 
 
 Translated from the Encyclopaedia 
 of the Philosophical Sciences. With 
 Prolegomena to the Study of Hegel's 
 Logic and Philosophy. By W. Wal- 
 lace, M.A. Secorid Edition, Reiiised 
 and Augmented. 2 vols. Crown Svo. 
 10s. 6d. each. 
 
 Hegel's Philosophy of Mind. 
 Translated from the Encyclopaedia 
 of the Philosophical Sciences. With 
 Five Introductory Essays. By Wil- 
 liam Wallace, M.A., LL.D. Crown 
 Svo. los. 6d. 
 
 Hume's Treatise of Human 
 Nature. Edited, with Analytical 
 Index, by L. A. Selby-Bigge, M.A. 
 Second Edition. Crown Svo. 8s. 
 
 Enquiry concerning 
 
 the Human Understanding, and an 
 Enquiry concerning the Principles of 
 Morals. EditedbyL. A. Selby-Bigge, 
 M.A. CrovTn Svo. 7s. 6d. 
 
 Leibniz . The Mo nadology and 
 
 other Philosophical Writings. Trans- 
 lated, with Introduction and Notes, 
 
 by Robert Latta, M.A., D.Phil. 
 Crown Svo. 8s. 6d. 
 
 Locke. An Essay Concern- 
 ing Human Understanding. By John 
 Locke. Collated and Annotated, 
 with Prolegomena, Biographical, 
 Critical, and Historic, by A. Camp- 
 bell Fraser, Hon. D.C.L., LL.D. 
 
 2 vols. Svo. iL I2S. 
 
 Lotze's Logic, in Three Books 
 — of Thought, of Investigation, and 
 of Knowledge. English Translation; 
 edited by B. Bosanquet. M.A. 
 Second Edition. 2 vols. Cr. Svo. 12s. 
 
 Metaphysic, in Three 
 
 Books — Ontology, Cosmology, and 
 Psychology. English Translation ; 
 edited by B. Bosanquet, M.A. 
 Second Edition. 2 vols. Cr. Svo. 12s. 
 
 Martineau. Types of Ethical 
 
 Theory. By James Martineau, D.D. 
 Third Edition. 2 vols. Cr. Svo. Ijs. 
 
 A Study of Religion : 
 
 its Sources and Contents. Second Edition. 
 2 vols. Cr. Svo. 15 s. 
 Selby-Bigge. British Moral- 
 ists. Selections from Writers prin- 
 cipally of the Eighteenth Century. 
 Edited by L. A. Selby-Bigge, M.A. 
 2 vols. Crown Svo. iSs. 
 
 Spinoza. A Study in the 
 
 Ethics of Spinoza. By Harold H. 
 Joachim. Svo. los. 6d. net. 
 
 Wallace. Lectures and Essays 
 
 on Natural Theology and Ethics. By 
 William Wallace, M.A., LL.D. 
 Edited, with a Biographical Intro- 
 duction,byEdwardCaird, M. A. , Hon. 
 D.C.L. 8vo, with a Portrait. 12s. 6d. 
 
 5. PHYSICAL 
 
 Balfour. The Natural History 
 
 of the Musical Bow. AChapterinthe 
 Developmental History of Stringed 
 Instruments of Music. Part I, 
 Primitive Types. By Henry Balfour, 
 M.A. Koyal Svo, paper covers. 
 48. 6d. 
 
 SCIENCE, ETC. 
 
 Chambers. A Handbook of 
 
 and Practical Astronomy. 
 
 By G. P. Chambers, F.E.A.S. Fourth 
 
 Edition, in 3 vols. Demy Svo. 
 
 Vol, I. The Sun, Planets, and 
 Comets. 2 IS. 
 
 Vol. II. Instruments and Prac- 
 tical Astronomy. 2 IS. 
 
 Vol. III. The Starry Heavens. 14s. 
 
 London : Hknbt Fbowce, Amen Oomer, E.O. 
 
PHYSICAL SCIENCE, ETC. 
 
 De Bary. Comparative Ana- 
 tomy of the Vegetative Organs of the 
 Phanerogams and Ferns. By Dr. A. 
 de Bary. Translated by F. 0. 
 Bower, M. A., and D. H. Scott, M. A. 
 Royal 8 vo. 2 2s. 6d. 
 
 Comparative Morpho- 
 logy and Biology of Fungi, Mycetozoa 
 and Bacteria. By Dr. A. de Bary. 
 Translated by H. E. F. Garnsey, 
 M.A. Revised by Isaac Bayley 
 Balfour, M.A., M.D.,P.R.S. Royal 
 8vo, half-morocco. 22s. 6d. 
 
 Lectures on Bacteria. 
 
 By Dr. A. de Bary. Second Im- 
 proved Edition. Translated and re- 
 vised by the same. Crovyn 8vo. 
 6s. 
 
 Fischer. The Structure and 
 
 Functions of Bacteria. By Alfred 
 Fischer. Translated into English 
 by A. Coppen Jones. Royal 8vo, 
 with Twenty -nine Woodcuts. 
 8s. 6d. 
 
 Goebel. Outlines of Classifi- 
 cation and Special Morphology of Plants. 
 By Dr. K. Goebel. Translated by 
 H. E. F. Gamsey,M.A. Revised by 
 Isaac Bayley Balfour, M.A., M.D., 
 F.R.S. Royal 8vo, half-morocco. 
 2IS. 
 
 Organography of Plants, 
 
 especially of the Archegoniafae and Sper- 
 maphyta. By Dr. K. Goebel. Autho- 
 rized English Edition, by Isaac 
 Bayley Balfour, M. A., M.D., F.R.S. 
 Part I, General Organography. 
 Royal 8vo, half-morocco. 12s. 6d. 
 
 Miall and Hammond. The 
 
 structure and Life-History of the 
 Harlequin Fly (Chironomus), By L. C. 
 Miall, r.R.S., and A. R. Hammond, 
 F.L.S. 8vo. "With 130 Illustra- 
 tions. 7s. 6d. 
 
 PfefiFer. The Physiology of 
 
 Plants. A Treatise upon the Metabolism 
 and Sources of Energy in Plants. By 
 Prof. Dr. W. Pfeffer. Second fully 
 Revised Edition, translated and 
 edited by Alfred J. Ewart, D.Sc, 
 Ph.D., F.L.S. Part I. Eoyal 8vo, 
 half-morocco. 28s. 
 
 Prestwich. Geology — Chemi- 
 cal, Physical, and Stratigraphical. By 
 Sir Joseph Prestwich, M.A., F.R.S. 
 In two Volumes. Eoyal 8vo. 6is. 
 
 Sachs. A History of Botany. 
 
 Translated by H. E. F. Garnsey, 
 M.A. Revised by I. Bayley Balfour, 
 M.A.,M.D.,F.R.S. Crown8vo. los. 
 
 Solms-Laubach. Fossil Bot- 
 any. Being an Introduction to PaloM- 
 phytology from the Standpoint of the 
 Botanist. By H. Graf zu Solms- 
 Laubach. Translated and revised 
 by the same. Royal 8vo, half- 
 morocco, 1 8s. 
 
 OXFOED HISTOEY OF MUSIC. 
 
 Edited by W. H. Hadow, M.A. 
 The Polyphonic Period. Part I 
 
 (Method of Musical Art, 330-1330). 
 
 By H. E. Wooldridge, M.A. Svo. 
 
 15s. net. 
 The Seventeenth Century. ' By Sir 
 
 G. Hubert H. Parry, M.A, D.Mus. 
 
 15s. net. {Just Published.) 
 
 The Age of Bach and Handel. By 
 J. A. FuUer-Maitland, M.A. 155. 
 net. (Nearly ready.) 
 
 IN PREPARATION. 
 
 The Polyphonic Period. Part II. 
 By H. E. Wooldridge, M.A. 
 
 The Viennese School. By W. H. 
 Hadow, M.A. 
 
 The Romantic Period. By B, 
 Dauureuther, M.A. 
 
 OXFORD 
 
 AT THE CLARENDON PRESS 
 
 LONDON, EDINBURGH, AND NEW YORK 
 
 HENRY FROWDE