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 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31 9240281 541 89 
 
HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
HISTORY- 
 
 COMMUNE OF PARIS. 
 
 ^^e- BY 
 pfyESINIER, 
 
 ex-mehber and secretary of the commune, and redacteur en chef du 
 ' "journal OFFICIEL." 
 
 TRANSLATED FROM THE [FRENCH BY J. V. WEBER. 
 
 LONDON ; 
 
 CHAPMAN AND HALL, 193, PICCADILLY. 
 
 1872. 
 
LONDON : 
 
 PRINTEIJ BY VIRTUE AND CO. 
 
 CITY ROAD. 
 
TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. 
 
 The Commune of Paris, the first Government 
 erected by the working classes, may justly be 
 considered as the beginning in earnest of the 
 struggle between Capital and Labour. 
 
 The power of Capital is so great, and the belief 
 in the sacredness of private property so old and so 
 deeply rooted in the mind of man, that their aboli- 
 tion does not appear to be so near at hand as some 
 predict. Labour cannot be entirely free until most 
 of our political and social institutions and class 
 distinctions, together with private property, the 
 foundation of our social condition, have passed 
 away. 
 
 We can see no other solution of this tremendous 
 and most perplexing question, the great question 
 of our age. All the remedies which have been 
 proposed up to the present time are nothing but 
 quack palliatives, and completely powerless to 
 reconcile the opposite class interests to each other. 
 Indeed, their reconciliation is a downright impos- 
 sibility. 
 
vi translator's preface. 
 
 Education, true, complete education — for the 
 education of the wealthy is likewise iriadequate— 
 can alone cure the social and political- malady ol 
 modern society, and prevent and supersede Revo- 
 lution. But we do not — as some reformers preach 
 — expect from those in possession of wealth and 
 power, who fear the enlightenment of the masses 
 as much as, if not more so than, Revolution, such 
 an education as would make men wise and free\ 
 without a struggle. 
 
 How easily liberty may be taken from an igno- 
 rant multitude France has proved, and may prove 
 again ; and how insufficient a semi-education, Ger- 
 many has fully demonstrated ; for after having 
 enjoyed it for more than half a century, it still lies 
 powerless at the feet of king, emperor, and priest. 
 
 It would scarcely be right to conclude thesis few 
 timid remarks without a word in reference to this 
 History of the Commune of Paris and its author. 
 
 This History is the result of study, experience, 
 and close observation; it is instructive to those 
 who agree with the principles it teaches, as well as 
 to those opposed to them. In the face of the many 
 misstatements which have been made, the truth 
 told by a man of M. Vesinier's integrity and worth 
 should be welcome to all. 
 
 J. V. Weber. 
 
AUTHOR'S PREFACE. 
 
 The History of the Commune of Paris, the events 
 of which are still fresh in the memory of every- 
 body, and occupy the minds of all, will, we venture 
 to hope, prove interesting and useful. 
 
 Our position as member and secretary of the 
 Commune, and chief editor of the Journal Officiel, 
 gave us an intimate knowledge of the men and 
 things of the Commune. 
 
 Having preserved and procured a great number 
 of documents relating' to its history, and assisted 
 by the recollection of recent events in which we 
 took an active part, we possessed the necessary 
 elements for writing this book with a perfect know- 
 ledge of the case. 
 
 We hope we have accomplished this task with 
 that conscientiousness and' sincerity which should 
 characterise every true and honest man when 
 describing events. We have never recoiled from , 
 the assertion of what we considered to be the truth,, 
 nor from the recital of events, whatever they may 
 have been. Good and bad acts have been equally 
 
viii author's preface. 
 
 registered. In this book we have set down with im- 
 partiality facts we have seen, words we have heard, 
 and deeds we have assisted in accomplishing. 
 
 Since the fall of the Commune, the press in the 
 pay of the reactionary parties has engaged in a 
 perfect orgie of calumnies, defamations, denuncia- 
 tions, injuries, and outrages against both it and 
 its defenders. To refute all these infamies was 
 out of the question, as many volumes would be 
 insufficient for it. * 
 
 We content ourselves with proving the falsity of 
 the principal accusations, and exhibiting the acts 
 and objects of the Commune in their true light, 
 without going too deeply into the senseless and 
 calumnious accusations of which it has been the 
 victim. 
 
 Concerning ourselves in particular, we have 
 suffered the most odious calumnies and the coarsest 
 outrages, so disgusting and unjust as seldom fall 
 to the lot of man to endure. This disgraceful 
 press has surpassed in cynicism against us any- 
 thing ever heard of to this day. 
 
 It had been our first intention to refute all these 
 false accusations and infamous calumnies, but after 
 mature reflection we came to the conclusion that 
 it would be more dignified and becoming not to 
 lower ourselves by refuting accusations so false and 
 • coming from a source so corrupted. We considered 
 that these prostituted journalists and chartered 
 scribblers, who wete deeper in the mire than 
 
AUTHOR S PREFACE. IX 
 
 harlots, and so degraded and vile as to act the 
 part of spies, denunciators, and purveyors for the 
 bagnio and the fusillade, true assistants of the 
 Paris executioners, were not worthy of an answer, 
 and only deserved disdain and contempt. 
 
 Those acquainted with us know that we are 
 incapable of committing a single one of the bad 
 actions with which those miserable secret agents 
 of a police press reproach us. Others will have no 
 difl&culty in informing and convincing themselves 
 of the falseness of the accusations of these calum- 
 niators branded with infamy. Our life is no 
 •mystery. For more than twenty years we have 
 occupied ourselves with politics. Our writings 
 and our acts are sufficiently known to guide their 
 judgment. Let them make their choice between 
 the calumnies of tainted journalists, objects of 
 universal contempt, and the protestations of a man 
 who has nothing to reproach himself with, and 
 who defies his enemies to bring forward a single 
 fact tarnishing his honour. If any man has cause 
 to complain of us, and is able to prove us guilty 
 of an unjust deed against him, let him rise in 
 accusation. 
 
 As one of its members, we have served the Com- 
 mune with all the devotion of which we were 
 \ capable. We fought to the very last moment ; we 
 
 rere as zealous and courageous as possible; and. 
 
 ire never used any but legitimate means against 
 oW enemies. 
 
X author's preface. 
 
 In our votes and acts we were inspired by a 
 sense of justice and right, which was the basis oi 
 our convictions. 
 
 Not for a single moment did we depart from the 
 obligations of duty, imposed by morality and 
 equity ; and, in the midst of terrible and tragical 
 events, we have neither to reproach ourselves with 
 a bad proposition nor a bad deed. 
 
 We were guilty of no violence or injustice. We 
 never made an attempt against the liberty, the 
 produce of the labour, or the life of a single 
 citizen. 
 
 We fought against the aggressors of Paris, the 
 soldiers of Versailles, but we never struck an un- 
 armed enemy. 
 
 We did our duty to the Commune, and we 
 have written this history with a calm conscience, 
 without fearing the judgment of our contempo- 
 raries or posterity. 
 
 P. Vesinier, 
 
 Ex-member and Secretary of the Commune, 
 Delegate to the Journal Officiel. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 PART FIRST. 
 THE REVOLUTION OF MARCH i8th. 
 
 CHAP. PACE 
 
 I. CAUSES OF THE REVOLUTION . . .^ . . I 
 
 II. THE EIGHTEENTH DAY OF MARCH ... -14 
 
 III. THE PRINCIPLES AND IDEAS OF THE PROLETARIAT DUR- 
 
 ING THE REVOLUTION OF MARCH i8tH ... 47 
 
 IV. ROLE OF THE DEPUTIES, MAYORS, AND ADJUNCTS OF 
 
 PARIS 70 
 
 V. REACTIONARY ATTEMPTS 98 
 
 VI. CONCILIATORY ATTEMPTS OF THE MAYORS AND ADJUNCTS 
 
 OF PARIS WITH THE ASSEMBLY AT VERSAILLES . I05 
 
 VII. ELECTION OF THE COMMUNE I24 
 
 PART SECOND. 
 THE PARIS COMMUNE. 
 
 I. PROCLAMATION OF THE COMMUNE I33 
 
 II. THE BATTLE 184 
 
 III. THE POLICY OF THE COMMUNE . . . . 225 
 
 IV. THE INVASION OF PARIS . . . . . . .272 
 
 V. THE BATTLE IN THE CENTRE OF PARIS .... 30O 
 
 Vr. THE LAST ACT ' . 317 
 
PART FIRST. 
 
 THE REVOLUTION OF MARCH i8th. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 CAUSES OF THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 THE Revolution of March i8th prepared the 
 event of the Commune, and was, as it were, 
 its prologue. We cannot, therefore, dispense with 
 a brief sketch of it, in order to the better under- 
 standing of the history we are writing. 
 
 With this observation let us commence. 
 
 In searching for the material causes of the agita- 
 tion which produced the Revolution of March 1 8th, 
 we find that the preliminaries of peace, and the 
 entrance of the Prussians into Paris, created this 
 mighty popular rising. There were also other less 
 direct and less obvious political and social causes 
 at play. 
 
 All messages and newspapers from the capital 
 during the last days of February prove the state of 
 popular ebullition, and ascribe it to the two causes 
 we have pointed out. The following very remark- 
 able extract from the correspondence of an imperial 
 newspaper inimical to the Revolution, which can- 
 
 B 
 
2 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 not be suspected of any partiality, gives an exact 
 idea of the agitation by which the poptilation of 
 Paris were animated, and of the causes which 
 created it : — 
 
 " Paris, Febniary 28th, 1871, evening. 
 
 "The agitation, after having a little diminished 
 throughout the day, seems to gain this evening 
 near the boulevards in the northern and eastern 
 suburbs (Montmartre, Belleville, La Chapelle, 
 Menilmontant). 
 
 " There are animated groups near the boulevards, 
 sometimes growing into important meetings. At 
 eight o'clock there was an assembly near the Porte 
 Saint-Denis of more than two thousand persons. 
 
 " The northern and eastern suburbs have the 
 appearance of the day before a battle. We meet 
 armed men, and see solidly-built barricades, well 
 armed with cannons and mitrailleuses. These 
 pieces belonged to the artillery park taken from 
 the Place Wagram. A formidable barricade, 
 raised from the English workshops in the Rue 
 Tredaine, and armed with fifteen mitrailleuses, 
 bars the Boulevard Ornano. The construction oi 
 two others is going on by torchlight in the Rue 
 Doudeauville at La Chapelle, and in the Chauss^e 
 Clignancourt at Montmartre. The inhabitants oi 
 these quarters will under no condition allow the 
 enemy to enter. The proclamation of Thiers and 
 the order of the, day of Vinoy, announcing the 
 preliminaries of peace and the entrance of the 
 Prussians into Paris, and recommending quietnes; 
 to the population, have had very little success 
 The placards of General Vinoy have been torn 
 
CAUSES OF THE REVOLUTION. 3 
 
 down in such a manner that no traces of them are 
 left. . . . Till now everything indicates defensive 
 intentions. 
 
 " In the central quarters calm and sadness re- 
 place the feverish emotion and lively agitation of 
 the suburbs. Here the patriotic resentment is 
 secured and tempered by cool reason, so that the 
 feeling of resignation seems to predominate among 
 the groups and at the meetings on the boulevards. 
 Rage murmured in the very bottom of the heart 
 just as much as, or perhaps more than, at Belleville. 
 There the most moderate dream of a terrible 
 revenge in the future. 
 
 " The quarters on the left bank are more calm, 
 and those to be occupied by the enemy to-morrow 
 look like a desert." 
 
 Another correspondent says : — 
 
 " Paris, February 28th. 
 
 " In consequence of the preliminaries of peace 
 and the approaching entry of the Prussians, great 
 agitation reigned yesterday at Paris. The National 
 Guard, answering to the beat to arms, is marching 
 to the Champs Elys6es, and to other positions on 
 the ramparts,, to drive back the enemy. There was 
 no disorder. ... 
 
 "The popular emotion is this morning very 
 great. AH the quarters to be occupied by the 
 Prussians will be surrounded by barricades. 
 
 " Sentinels will be placed so as to prevent the 
 foreign soldiers going beyond the zone of occupation. 
 
 *' The National Guards and the regulars are very 
 discontented at the entry of the Prussians. 
 
4 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 ".At midnight a great crowd besieged the Cafe 
 des Princes, Boulevard Montmartre, composed, 
 mostly of students of the Central School. 
 
 " The troops left their barracks in the Faubourg 
 du Temple at one o'clock, and returned to the 
 camp. 
 
 "The barracks of Prince Eugene had also been 
 evacuated. At half-past one the Place du Chateau 
 d'Eau was covered with National Guards, shouting, 
 ' Vive la R^publique ! ' 
 
 "The 17th battalion of the National Guards has 
 determined to go to the Place Wagram with the 
 view of taking the two hundred cannons, so as to 
 prevent them falling into the hands of the Prus- 
 sians. The 190th took its course to the Pare de 
 Monceaux, headed by its commander and its vivan- 
 difere. Stopping before the artillery park, after a 
 parley of ten minutes, the 1 90th took two cannons, 
 only ten artillerists having made any resistance. 
 
 "The Marseillaise Club, 51, Rue de Flandre, 
 took some cannons, which, being levelled from the 
 court, now defend its entrance. 
 
 " The Committee of Vigilance is permanently j 
 sitting in the hall of the Marseillaise. Every " 
 evening, and the greater part of the day and night, 
 public meetings are held by this club. 
 
 " Vigilance Committees are being organised in 
 all quarters, as also a Committee of the National 
 Guard. 
 
 "On the I St of March the cannons from the 
 Place Wagram were transported to the Place des 
 Voges. 
 
 "The 1 66th battalion of the National Guard last! 
 night transported eleven mitrailleuses to the top of! 
 
CAUSES OF THE REVOLUTION. 5 
 
 the Buttes Montmartre, and refused to deliver them 
 up to the authorities. 
 
 "Belleville and Montmartre are in a state of 
 great exaltation. In these quarters barricades 
 bristling with cannons and mitrailleuses are con- 
 structed. General Vinoy is impotent against the 
 population, who possess . more than two hundred 
 cannons. 
 
 "All battalions refuse to surrender their cannons." 
 
 We have quoted all these despatches and corre- 
 spondence of different newspapers to show that 
 the preliminaries of peace and the entrance of the 
 Prussians into Paris were the first causes of the 
 deep agitations of February 26th, the prolongation 
 of which led to the Revolution of the i8th of 
 March, and created the Commune. 
 
 From the foregoing citations we see that the 
 causes we have described were the very first to 
 incite the National Guard of the old suburbs to 
 barricade Paris and to take the guns, Those who 
 maintain that the insurrectionary actions after 
 the siege of Paris were the result of a conspiracy 
 secretly organised are either grossly deceived or 
 utter impudent falsehoods. The enmity, defiance, 
 and insurrectionary resistance were spontaneous. 
 
 In addition to those already stated, other causes 
 powerfully helped to force the people into insurrec- 
 tion. 
 
 The National Guard and the whole population 
 of Paris had reason to accuse the Government of 
 the National Defence of incapacity and treason, 
 and to attribute to it the defeat, ruin, dismember- 
 ment, and shame of the nation. 
 
6 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 The heroic National Guard of Paris had a deep 
 conviction that if the Government of the National 
 Defence had utilised its courage and its loyalty, 
 as well as the forces and all the means of action 
 possessed by Paris and the provinces, the enemy 
 could have been beaten and driven back. 
 
 This belief, which will be hereafter justified by 
 history, inspired the whole nation with the deepest 
 contempt, and even more, with the profoundest 
 hatred, against these incapable and traitorous 
 men, the authors of all its evils. 
 
 The spirit of reaction of the Versailles Assembly ; 
 the royalist opinion of the majority ; the openly- 
 avowed projects for monarchical restoration ; its 
 Jesuitic, ultramontane, and Catholic tendencies; 
 its reactionary voting ; its liberty-killing leanings ; 
 its defiance and hostility against the population of 
 Paris, refusing to hold its sittings in this town, and 
 threatening its decapitalisation ; everything con- 
 tributed to the alienation of Paris from Versailles, 
 and to enlarge the abyss which had already sepa- 
 rated the people of Paris from the Government of 
 M. Thiers and the majority of the National As- 
 sembly. 
 
 Incontestable symptoms of this deep rupture, 
 this incurable disaffection, were manifest from the 
 commencement of March. On the 4th of that 
 month delegates from different battalions of the 
 National Guard of Paris assembled, and decided 
 by a vote that if the National Assembly should 
 remain at Bordeaux, or in any other town than 
 Paris, and the royalist majority of the Assembly 
 wished to restore the monarchy, and put a Bourbon 
 or an Orleanist on the throne, the National Guard 
 
CAUSES OF THE REVOLUTION. 7 
 
 would proclaim the liberty, independence, and 
 autonomy of the capital and the Paris Republic. 
 
 A few days later, through the nomination of 
 General d'Aurelle de Paladines to the command of 
 the National Guard, the defiance of Paris was 
 increased, and the population was more firm in its 
 resolve to nominate all its own ofl5.cers without 
 exception, from the corporal to the general. 
 
 General d'Aurelle issued an order of the day. 
 which did much to increase the mistrust and rage 
 of the National Guard, and to make them insist 
 upon nominating their own commander-in-chief. 
 In this ofiicial document the royalist general 
 spoke of nothing but respect "of the discipline^ 
 " ol order, which alone was capable of bringing back 
 prosperitvJl — » 
 
 He declared " his unswerving determination to 
 suppress with the greatest energy everything 
 damaging to order and calmness," &c., &c. 
 
 In fine, he added: "It is necessary for labour 
 to repair as soon as possible the misfortunes of 
 war." 
 
 Now, in this precarious situation, in the face of 
 danger, ruin, and disaster to the fatherland, to 
 speak of the resumption of labour appeared to the 
 working man a derision and a bitter irony. He 
 understood as well as M. d'Aurelle de Paladines 
 that for the moment there was no hope of the 
 resumption of labour, and he feared that the com- 
 mander of the National Guard wished to disarm 
 and send him home without means of subsistence, 
 under the pretence of the resumption of labour. 
 
 Citizen Brette, captain of the National Guard of 
 Belleville, expressed in an energetic manner, in a 
 
8 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 proclamation to his company, the violent indigna^ 
 tion which had taken possession of all hearts : — 
 
 " Citizens ! we have arms, we have amnaunition : 
 who dares to take them away ? Those who should 
 try will have our bullets in their hearts." 
 
 Here is another proclamation from the same 
 general to the National Guard, which leaves no 
 doubt as to the hostility by which M. d'Aurelle de 
 Paladines was animated against the great majority 
 of the Paris National Guard, who had given their 
 vote to the members of the Central Council : — 
 
 " To the National Guard of the Seine. 
 
 " The Government expects from you the defence 
 of your capital, your family, and your property. 
 
 " Some misguided men, having put themselves 
 beyond the pale of the law, obey secret chiefs, and 
 level the cannons rescued from the power of the 
 Prussians against Paris. 
 
 "They resist by force the army and the National 
 Guard. 
 
 " Will you bear this ? 
 
 "Will you act like them under the eyes of the 
 enemy, ever ready to profit by our disorder ? 
 
 " Will you abandon Paris to treason ? 
 
 " If you do not strike at the root of the evil the 
 Republic will be done for, and perhaps France 
 also. 
 
 " Their fate is in your hands. 
 
 "The Government has decided that you shall 
 keep possession of your arms. 
 
 " Use them with the resolution of re-establishing 
 the reign of law, and of saving the Republic from 
 anarchy, which would be its ruin. 
 
CAUSES OF THE REVOLUTION., 9 
 
 " Stand by your chiefs ; this is the only way to 
 prevent ruin and the domination of the foreigner. 
 " The Commander-in-Chief of the National 
 Guard, 
 
 " D'AURELLE. 
 "The Home Minister, 
 
 " Ernest Picard. 
 
 " Paris, March i8th, 1871." 
 
 The personality of M. d'Aurelle de Paladines 
 was such as to- justify pretty well all the fears, 
 antipathies, and distrust of the people. 
 
 Here is his portrait by one of his biographers : — 
 
 "D'Aurelle de Paladines lost his command at 
 Marseilles on account of his well-known royalist 
 opinions. 
 
 " Brutal even to cruelty, he made himself de- 
 tested by his soldiers. 
 
 " As a general he left his troops isolated, with- 
 out orders, at Orleans. He abandoned those who, 
 in their heroism, pushed in advance, and the 
 marines he left alone to defend their field-pieces. 
 He destroyed bridges filled with soldiers, whose 
 corpses were found buried in the ice, and he 
 retired at the moment when the defenders of 
 Paris stretched out their hands from the plateau 
 of Avron. 
 
 " As a deputy, he signalised himself by calling, 
 in ' expediency,' a Republican deputy fi-om Alsace 
 to order, because he demanded for his country the 
 help of France. 
 
 "This is the man who, by common consent, 
 sends us the legitimist, the Orleanist, and espe- 
 cially the clerical reaction. 
 
10 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 " This general marches with forty thousand men 
 of the army of the Loire to subjugate the Repub- 
 lican National Guard of Paris. 
 
 "Fortunately, those men of the army of the 
 Loire, which was lost by him, are more willing to 
 give their hands to their brethren of Paris than to 
 play the part of pretorians to this general, who 
 was nowhere victorious but in the court-martial." 
 
 Such was the man on whom the profound wisdom 
 of M. Thiers bestowed the command-in-chief of 
 the National Guard. 
 
 The following is the report of a meeting of the 
 chiefs of battalions and mayors of Paris, convened 
 on March 8th by the same commander of the 
 National Guard, and describes pretty perfectly 
 the state of mind at that period, the fears and 
 mistrust of the National Guard, the anguish of 
 public opinion, and the sorrow of the Parisian 
 population : — 
 
 " Yesterday, March 8th, at one o'clock. General 
 d'Aurelle de Pa,ladines convoked the staff-officers 
 of the National Guard, the chiefs of battalions of 
 four arrondissements, composed of the Fourth 
 Section, and the mayors of these arrondissements. 
 
 "The mayor of the First Arrondissement, that of 
 the Louvre, the most aristocratic of Paris, showed 
 in very warm terms that the distrust of the National 
 Assembly, which persists in its unwillingness to 
 sit in the capital, was an injury to the population 
 of Paris, and especially to the National Guard. . 
 
 " He implored the general to make use of his 
 influence, so that this state of uncertainty might 
 cease. 
 
 " Afterwards, the mayor of the Ninth Arrondisse- 
 
CAUSES OF THE REVOLUTION. ii 
 
 ment, likewise a reactionary quarter, said he feared 
 that through the too sudden suppression of the 
 allowance of ifr. 50 c. a day, granted to the citizens 
 of the National Guard, who to a great extent have 
 no means and no work, grave disorders would arise 
 in the capital. 
 
 " He spoke also on the subject of rent ; and he 
 .saw in the solution of this question difficulties 
 which the sooner they were settled the better. 
 
 " General d'Aurelle replied that these questions 
 were under consideration, and that the reorganisa- 
 tion of the National Guard, as to battalions and 
 quarters, was being actively pushed forward. 
 
 " He added that the Home Minister had already 
 named a Commission of competent men, and that 
 their work would be done in three or four days. 
 
 " As to rent, the general advised the landlords to 
 be very humane towards their tenants. 
 
 " The municipality of the Eighteenth Arrondisse- 
 ment having been attacked by a chief of battalion, 
 the mayor, citizen C16menceau, said that the official 
 news from Paris received at Bordeaux made him 
 fear great troubles in his arrondissement, and that 
 on his arrival in Paris he was agreeably surprised 
 to find all quiet, even round the famous cannons of 
 Montmartre, which had so greatly frightened the 
 quarters of the centre. 
 
 "With respect to these cannons, Commander 
 Barberet gave an account to his colleagues, as well 
 as to the general, of the culpable articles of the 
 reactionary press, which for eight days had openly 
 incited to civil war. 
 
 "Citizen Barberet called attention to the belief 
 among the battalions oi the centre that those of 
 
12 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 the outside quarters would come to plunder them, 
 while in the outside' quarters they imagined that 
 those of the centre were trying to take their cannons 
 for the military authorities. 
 
 "Everywhere the call to arms is sounded; all 
 citizens are on the alert day and night, looking for 
 an enemy who has no existence. 
 
 "Such a state of things cannot last much longer.. 
 Commander Barberet declared that it ought to be 
 known that if the National Guard had taken some 
 cannons now on the rising ground of Montmartre, it 
 was first to prevent their falling into the hands of 
 the Prussians, and then to serve as instruments for 
 a pretorian army, the ambitious design of a tyrant 
 trying to make another 2nd of December. . 
 
 "He affirmed that these cannons.were not levelled 
 against the citizens of Paris ; that a civil war was 
 not wanted at Montmartre nor elsewhere ; and that 
 if they were confided to the National Guard, the 
 citizens who actually had care of them would will- 
 ingly give them up to the different battalions of 
 the Paris National Guard. 
 
 " In concluding his observations, citizen Barberet 
 begged of General d'Aurelle to contradict ofl&cially 
 the vile projects against the Parisians which were 
 laid at his door by unworthy newspapers. 
 
 "The general answered with all the common- 
 place talk usual on such occasions. He declared 
 himself to be an honest man, who had thirty years' 
 good and loyal service, &c., &c. 
 
 "At last a mayor said that calmness was not 
 perfect because the people had no confidence in the 
 Government nor in the National Assembly, and 
 that in order to put an end to this uneasiness of 
 
CAUSES OF THE REVOLUTION. 13 
 
 spirit, the deputies must hold their sittings at Paris, 
 and the Government and ofl&cers publicly declare 
 that the Republic was not to be called in question." 
 All these laments and sensible observations, these 
 just reclamations and reasonable conclusions, gave 
 no satisfaction, and had no success. On the con- 
 trary, the situation became worse from day to 
 day. 
 
CHAPTER 11. 
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH DAY OF MARCH. 
 
 The National Guard, greatly shocked and filled 
 with disgust, seeing their fatherland given up to 
 the stranger, notwithstanding all its efforts, good- 
 will, and heroism ; the Republic betrayed, left in the 
 hands of its most cruel enemies ; and the royalists 
 and the reaction every day making rapid progress, 
 resolved at least to save the Republic, since it was 
 impossible to secure the independence of France 
 and the integrity of its territory. Then it came to 
 the determination of organising itself independently 
 of the Government, and of leaning and depending 
 on its own resources. 
 
 It was this resolution which inspired the idea of 
 forming its provisional Central Committee. This, 
 in fact, took place. Each company of the National 
 Guard elected two delegates, and as each battalion 
 had twelve companies, the number of its delegates 
 was twenty-four. The delegates of the battalions 
 of an arrondissement nominated the members for 
 an Initiative Commission of their arrondissement, 
 which was to act in concert with the Republican 
 Central Committee. 
 
 In addition, the delegates of each arrondissement 
 elected four members, so as to form the Central 
 
THE EIGHTEENTH DAY OF MARCH. 15 
 
 Committee of the National Guard ; and Paris having 
 twenty arrondissements, this Committee had eighty- 
 members. 
 
 This was effected on Wednesday, March 15 th, at 
 a meeting of the delegates of two hundred and 
 fifteen battalions of the National Guard, which 
 took place at Vauxhall, and at which nearly five 
 thousand delegates were present. 
 
 This organisation, at once so simple and so 
 mighty, since it had the support and co-operation 
 of two hundred and fifteen out of two hundred and 
 sixty-five battalions of the National Guard, greatly 
 facilitated its acting, according to circumstances, 
 with a promptitude, energy, decision, and force 
 which would easily defy any attempt of the reaction 
 to overthrow the Republic. 
 
 The Central Committee of the National Guard 
 and the Committee of the Republican Confedera- 
 tion united a few days afterwards, and adopted the 
 following statutes : — 
 
 "Republican Federation of the National Guard. 
 
 " Statutes. 
 
 " Preliminary Declaration. 
 
 "The only possible government is the Repub- 
 lican ; it admits of no dispute. 
 
 " The- National Guard has the absolute right to 
 choose all its chiefs, and to recall them as soon as 
 they have lost the confidence of the electors, after 
 a preliminary inquiry so as to insure justice. 
 
 " Art. I. The Confederation of the National 
 Guard is organised as follows. It includes : 
 
1 6 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 " I. The General Assembly of delegates ; 
 
 " 2. The circle of battalions ; 
 
 " 3. The Legion Council ; 
 
 " 4. The Central Committee. 
 
 " Art. II. The General Assembly is formed : 
 
 " I . Of a delegate elected, without distinction of 
 grade, by every company ; 
 
 "2. Of one officer for each battalion, elected by 
 the ofl&cers ; 
 
 "3. Of each chief of battalion ; 
 
 "4. These delegates, whoever they may be, are 
 always revocable by the electors. 
 
 " Art. III. The circle of battalions is formed : 
 
 " I . Of three delegates from each company, 
 elected without distinction as to grade ; 
 
 "2. Of the officer delegated to the General As- 
 sembly ; 
 
 "3. Of the chief of the battalion. 
 
 " Art. IV. The Legion Council is formed : 
 
 " I. Of two delegates from the circle of battalions, 
 elected without any distinction ; 
 
 "2. Of the chiefs of the battalions of the arron- 
 dissement. 
 
 " Art. V. The Central Committee is formed : 
 
 " I. Of two delegates from each arrondissement, 
 elected by the Legion Council, without distinction 
 as to grade ; 
 
 "2. Of one chief of battalion for each legion, 
 elected by his brother-officers. 
 
 "Art. VI. The delegates of the circle of bat- 
 talions, the Legion Council, and the Central Com- 
 mittee are the defenders of the rights of the National 
 Guard. They have to watch over the maintenance 
 of the armament of all special and other corps of 
 
THE EIGHTEENTH DAY OF MARCH. 17 
 
 the said Guard, and to prevent any attempt to over- 
 throw the Republic. 
 
 " Art. VII. The meetings of the General Assem- 
 bly will be held on the first Sunday of each month, 
 urgency excepted. 
 
 " The different fractions of the Federal Constitu- 
 tion have to fix, by an interior regulation, the time 
 and place of their deliberations. 
 
 "Art. VIII. To supply funds for the administra- 
 tion, publication, and other matters of the Central 
 Committee, a rate is to be levied on each company, 
 which ought to produce at least a monthly payment 
 of 5 fr., to be made from the ist to the 5th of each 
 month by the delegates, into the hands of the treasurer. 
 
 "Art. IX. To each delegate, member of the 
 General Assembly, will be given an entrance card 
 to the meetings. 
 
 "Art. X. All the National Guards are conjointly 
 liable for the costs ; and the delegates of the Fede- 
 ration are placed under the immediate protection 
 of the whole National Guard." 
 
 [The Signatures}) 
 
 The National Guard of Paris, inspired by events 
 and urged on by circumstances, became in this 
 manner completely isolated from the Versailles 
 Government, and created for itself a free and in- 
 dependent organisation, raising and disposing by 
 itself of considerable forces. 
 
 From the day of its self-constituted organisation 
 the National Guard was the only power in Paris 
 before which the Government of M. Thiers, elected 
 by the rural and reactionary Assembly of Versailles, 
 should have vanished. 
 
i8 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. , 
 
 The Central Committee of the National Guard 
 was the only and veritable Government of the 
 capital. 
 
 Events soon verified this opinion. 
 
 On the loth of March the following proclamation 
 to the National Guard was posted upon the walls of 
 Paris : — 
 
 "TO THE ARMY. 
 
 " The Delegates of the Paris National Guard. 
 
 " Soldiers, children of the people ! 
 
 "Odious reports have been spread in the pro- 
 vinces. 
 
 "There are 300,000 National Guards in Paris, 
 and troops are still being sent there, and deceived 
 as to the spirit of the Parisian population. The 
 very men who have organised our defeat, dismem- 
 bered France, and given up our treasure, are trying 
 to escape from the responsibility to which they are 
 liable for creating civil war, taking you for the 
 instruments of their meditated crime. 
 
 " Soldier-citizens, will you obey the impious order 
 to shed the blood of your brethren ? Will you tear 
 out your own hearts ? No, you will never consent 
 to become parricides and fratricides ! 
 
 " What is it that the people of Paris demand ? 
 
 " To keep their arms, to elect their chiefs, and to 
 recall them as soon as they have lost their confi- 
 dence. 
 
 "That the army should be sent home, and the 
 heart of the soldier be restored to his family, and 
 his arms to labour. 
 
 " Soldiers, children of the people, let us unite to 
 save the Republic. We have had enough of evil 
 
THE EIGHTEENTH DAY OF MARCH. 19 
 
 from emperor and king. You must not tarnish 
 your life. Orders cannot free yDur conscience from 
 responsibility. In the presence of those who, for a 
 place and a king, try to make us annihilate each 
 other, let us embrace. 
 
 " Long live the Republic ! 
 
 "Voted on the loth of March, at Vauxhall, 1871." 
 
 [The Signatures^ 
 
 This call was heard and understood by the 
 National Guard and the army; and that the 
 Central Committee of the Republican Confedera- 
 tion manifested their sympathy and their devotion 
 we shall soon see. 
 
 After the preliminaries of peace the army and 
 Mobile Guard, with the exception of one division, 
 numbering an effective force of 1 2,000 men (after- 
 wards, with the consent of the Prussians, raised to 
 40,000 men by the Versailles Government), were 
 disarmed by the Prussians. This army of reserves 
 was mostly composed of gendarnies, the old 
 guardians of Paris, who were joined by a few 
 regiments of the line. These troops were, accord- 
 ing to the conditions imposed by the enemy, 
 specially destined to keep order in Paris. 
 
 The National Guard, as well as these 40,000 
 men, had the privilege of keeping their arms. One 
 of the greatest humiliations, and the most painful 
 punishment to which they had been exposed, was 
 the sorrowful spectacle of the regular army giving 
 up their arms to the enemy. With tears in their 
 eyes, with curses and sighs of indignation, did the 
 National Guards witness the deiiling of 1,800 
 splendid cannons and mitrailleuses, and 200,000 
 
20 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 chassepots from the regular army, to be given up 
 to the Prussians, and assist at the heart-rending 
 and no less painful spectacle of the re-entrance of 
 our soldiers and Mobile Guards with downcast 
 heads and without arms. 
 
 In the presence of these misfortunes and this 
 disgrace, the National Guards, pressing their arms 
 convulsively, resolved never to part with them, nor 
 to forget that incapable and cowardly men were 
 the cause of all this misery. 
 
 The National Guards had not only saved their 
 guns, but their cannons also, the product of their 
 own subscriptions. 
 
 A great number of those adorning and defending 
 the ramparts were, as required by the prelimina- 
 ries of peace, dismounted and thrown under their 
 carriages ; others were formed into parks. After 
 the entrance of the Prussians all were abandoned 
 and left without guards. 
 
 Inspired by a sentiment of preservation, and a 
 very natural love for these arms, on which they 
 reckoned for defence against the foreigner, the 
 National Guards gathered with much pains the 
 cannons so carelessly abandoned by the so-called 
 National Defence. Having placed them on their 
 carriages, they put the horses to, and guided them to 
 the Buttes Montmartre, La Villette, or Batignolles, 
 to be parked or put in batteries, watching carefully 
 so that they should not fall into the hands of the 
 Prussians or of the police, old sergents de ville, 
 gendarmes, or guardians of Paris. 
 
 As we said before, these cannons mostly be^ 
 longed to the National Guard, being bought with 
 their own subscriptions. We need not, therefore. 
 
THE EIGHTEENTH DAY OF MARCH. 21 
 
 be astonished at their anxiety for their property. 
 Alas ! who would believe that this very senti- 
 ment for their preservation, so natural and so 
 legitimate, could have served M. Thiers and his 
 Government as a pretext to provoke civil war, and 
 to incite the people to insurrection ? 
 
 M. Ernest Picard, the Home Minister, published 
 in ^& Journal Officiel, and posted on the walls of 
 Paris, a proclamation in which the conduct of the 
 National Guard was incriminated. 
 
 " Facts much to be regretted," he said, "have been 
 consummated, which greatly menace the peace of 
 this city. Armed National Gruards, disobeying the 
 orders of their legitimate chiefs, and yielding to an 
 anonymous Central Committee, which can give no 
 orders without committing a crime punishable by 
 the law, have taken a great number of arms and 
 war ammunition, under the pretext of keeping 
 them from the Prussians, by whom they feared 
 an invasion. Such acts should cease after the 
 Prussian invasion. . . . 
 
 "Those who provoke these disorders undertake 
 a terrible responsibility," &c. 
 
 The National Guards did not care much for this 
 proclamation, and peaceably guarded the cannons, 
 round which they quietly, made their tour. 
 
 The greatest tranquillity prevailed in the capital, 
 the inquisitive going to visit the artillery parks at 
 Montmartre, La Villette, BatignoUes, and the Place 
 des Voges. These visits were very agreeable, and 
 nobody, the Government excepted, had his mind 
 much absorbed on account of the cannons of the 
 . National Guard, for none had a doubt as to the use 
 the citizen soldiers would make of them. 
 
22 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 The authorities made a few attempts to take 
 these cannons by surprise, but they failed. Thus, 
 for example, on March 1 7th the gendarmes marched 
 to the Place Wagram, where a park of artillery of 
 the National Guard was posted, with the intention 
 of taking those cannons ; but they were driven back 
 by the battalion on guard. The call to arms was 
 heard in the whole quarter of Saint-Antoine. The 
 National Guards, being immediately on the alert, 
 surrounded the gendarmes, and carried the cannons 
 to the park at the Place des Voges, and thence to 
 Montmartre. 
 
 All this was done without violence or collision, 
 and the public tranquillity was in no way disturbed. 
 But on March i8th great were the astonishment 
 and consternation in Paris when, on its awaking, 
 the population read the following threatening pro- 
 clamation of M. Thiers and his Government, which 
 was posted on every wall : — 
 
 " Inhabitants of Paris,' 
 
 "We address ourselves again to you, to your 
 reason and your patriotism, hoping to find a 
 hearing. 
 
 "Your great city, which can only live by order, 
 is in some quarters much troubled, and though the 
 disaffection does not spread to others, it is sufficient 
 to hinder the return of labour and freedom. 
 
 « Under the pretext of resisting the Prussians, 
 who left your city some time ago, evil-intentioned 
 men have taken possession of some quarters erect- ^ 
 ing strongholds, mounting guard, and forcing you 
 to do the same by order of an occult Committee J 
 pretending ±0 oammand a part of the NationJ 
 
THE EIGHTEENTH DAY OF MARCH. 23 
 
 Guard, setting aside the authority of General 
 d'Aurelle (who is so worthy to be at your head), 
 and intending to constitute a government in oppo- 
 sition to yoxir legal Government elected by universal 
 suffrage. 
 
 "These men, who have already caused you so 
 much evil, and whom you dispersed on the 31st 
 of October, pretend to defend you against the 
 Prussians, who, on account of these disorders, 
 retard their definite departure ; they level cannons, 
 which being fired would only destroy your houses, 
 your children, and yourselves ; and, lastly, instead 
 of defending the Republic, they compromise it, for 
 if the opinion be established in France that the 
 Republic is the battle-field for disorder, then it is 
 doomed. Do not believe them, but hear the truth, 
 which we speak sincerely ! 
 
 "The Government, which is instituted by the 
 whole nation, could have taken these cannons, and 
 destroyed these ridiculous entrenchments, which 
 hinder nothing but trade, and given over to the 
 hands of justice the criminals who are not afraid of 
 transforming the war with the foreigner into a civil 
 war; but we will give these misguided men time 
 to separate from the seducer. 
 
 " But the time given to honest men to separate 
 from the dishonest is taken from your peace, your 
 well-being, and the welfare of all France. It must 
 not be prolonged indefinitely. So long as this 
 state of things exists, commerce will be arrested, 
 the workshops deserted, orders suspended, you will 
 remain without work, credit will not revive, and 
 the money of which the Government is in want to 
 free our country from the presence of the foreigner 
 
24 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 will not be forthcoming. In your own interest, in 
 the interest of your city and of France, the Govern- 
 ment has resolved to act. The guilty, who have 
 pretended to establish a government of their own, 
 will be given up to regular justice. The stolen 
 cannons will be again put into the arsenals, and 
 the Government reckons on your help to execute 
 this act of urgent justice and reason. Let the 
 good citizens separate from the bad ; let them 
 help the public power instead of resisting it. The 
 return of plenty will be hastened, as well as a 
 great service done to the Republic itself. 
 
 " Parisians, we speak to you in this manner, 
 knowing your good sense, your prudence, and your 
 patriotism ; but after this advice you will approve 
 of our returning to force, since not a day must be 
 delayed in reviving order, the only condition for 
 our entire, immediate, and unalterable welfare. 
 
 " Thiers, President of the Council, Chief 
 of the Executive of the Republic. 
 
 " DUFAURE, Minister of Justice. 
 
 " E. PiCARD, Home Minister. 
 
 " PouYER-QuERTiER, Minister of Finance. 
 
 " Jules Favre, Foreign Minister. 
 
 " General Le Flo, Minister of War. 
 
 " Admiral Pothuau, Minister of Marine. 
 
 "Jules Simon, Minister of Public In- 
 struction. 
 
 " De Larcy, Minister of Public Works. 
 
 " Lambrecht, Minister of Commerce. 
 
 "Paris, March 17th, 1871.'' 
 
 It will be easily seen that this proclamation was 
 a challenge to the National Guard and to public 
 
THE EIGHTEENTH DAY OF MARCH. 25 
 
 Opinion, a true provocation to civil war, and it was 
 followed by the most serious consequences. 
 
 Nobody knew better than M. Thiers that the 
 cannons claimed by him belonged rightfully to the 
 National Guard ; and if there had been any em- 
 bezzlement of them, the battalions of the National 
 Guard, which were able to show clearly that they 
 were their property, would have had the right to 
 reclaim them. 
 
 The Government could not be ignorant of the 
 fact that the National Guard of Montmartre had 
 bills posted, and articles published in the news- 
 papers, offering the cannons to those battalions 
 which should come to claim them as their pro- 
 perty. 
 
 Nor could M. Thiers ignore the inoffensive 
 manner in which they had been parked and watched 
 over, or the peaceable intentions of their possessors. 
 And he knew also that if his Government had 
 possessed the patience and sagacity to wait a few 
 days, so that the irritation brought about by the 
 preliminaries of peace and the entrance of the 
 Prussians might have calmed a little, the National 
 Guards would most probably not have insisted upon 
 watching over these cannons, but, as many had 
 already done, would have been disposed to give 
 them up to an artillery, corps of the National 
 Guard as soon as it was formed. 
 
 It was not difficult to find a peaceable solution 
 as to the conflict about the cannons of La Villette, 
 BatignoUes, and Montmartre ; and if M. Thiers 
 had only been willing to do so, it is certain that, 
 with his compliant temper, he might have termi- 
 nated this misunderstanding to the satisfaction of 
 
26 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 all concerned, without any violence, and without 
 the spilling of a single drop of blood. 
 
 But such a pacific solution did not enter into the 
 view of the Chief of the Executive. He wanted a 
 pretext not only for taking the cannons, but also for 
 the disarmament of the National Guard, and espe- 
 cially for the dissolution of the Central Committee. 
 
 M. Thiers desired the dissolution and disarma- 
 ment of the working men, in order that he might 
 easily and securely work out his plan of monarchical 
 restoration, with which idea he had been busy 
 from the beginning of the war. The old minister 
 of Louis Philippe had his plan, which he followed 
 up with tenacity and perseverance ; and the hour 
 was approaching, as he said in his proclamation, 
 "for having recourse to force, for order must be at 
 once reinstated — entire, immediate, and unalterable 
 order at any price." Now let us see how events 
 answered the expectations of the Chief of the 
 Government. 
 
 During the night of the 1 7th to the 1 8th of March 
 troops of different arms marched on Montmartre 
 with the view of taking the cannons of the National 
 Guard. 
 
 At four o'clock in the morning the exterior 
 boulevards were taken possession of, from Ba- 
 tignolles to the Rue Puebla, as also the Boulevards 
 la Chapelle, Rochechouart, Pigalle, &c. A double 
 cordon of sentinels was posted in the entrance of 
 the Rue de Clignancourt. 
 
 Cannons and mitrailleuses were placed on the 
 Boulevard de la Chapelle, levelled in the direction itji 
 of La Villette and BatignoUes. fflfe: 
 
 Another mitrailleuse at the entrance of the Rue 
 
THE EIGHTEENTH DAY OF MARCH. 27 
 
 Virginie menaced Montmartre ; others were levelled 
 against the entrance of the Rue Biot, facing the 
 Rue de Clichy, and in different other thoroughfares. 
 . Artillery and detachments of the line, were 
 posted at these mitrailleuses. At the Place de 
 Clichy there was a station of different companies 
 of the line, a squadron of Republican Guards, 
 horse gendarmes, and two or three pieces of horse 
 artillery. 
 
 All the streets from the boulevards upwards were 
 guarded by companies of the line belonging to the 
 137th, 38th, i2ist, 136th, 35th, 109th, and 88th 
 regiments of the army of the Loire. On the Place 
 de Clichy were three cannons, placed so as to 
 thread the Avenue de Clichy and the Rue Biot. 
 The Rues des Martyrs, Dancourt, and others were 
 occupied by mitrailleuses. 
 
 The Paris Guard was in battle array at the 
 Boulevard de la Villette. 
 
 In the streets leading upwards all .circulation 
 was suspended, and parks of artillery with armed 
 forces were posted there. 
 
 Some Republican Guards (the old Municipal and 
 Paris Giiards) and detachments of ex-sergents de 
 ville, transformed into guardians of the peaccj and 
 armed with chassepots, received orders to take the 
 cannons under the care of a picket of the 159th 
 battalion of the National Guard, numbering forty 
 men all told. 
 
 The commander of the Republican Guards de- 
 manded from the National Guard the surrender of 
 the cannons and arms, which was refused. 
 
 After exchanging a few gun-shots the National 
 Guards retreated, and the attacking party, far 
 
28 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 superior in numbers, took the position, which was 
 occupied by strong detachments of the 129th of the 
 line, and by chasseurs de Vincennes, under the 
 command of Lecomte, General of Division. 
 
 All over Montmartre the call to arms was heard 
 during the time of taking possession of the heights 
 by the troops, so as to assemble the National 
 Guard, and to retake the position thus easily lost 
 by surprise. The i66th, 129th, and 158th battalions 
 of the National Guard, which were rapidly con- 
 centrated, in a short time surrounded the Repub- 
 lican Guards, the sergents de ville, and the other 
 soldiers occupying the Buttes. 
 
 The artillery, who had yoked their horses to ten 
 cannons, conveyed the latter to the corner of the 
 Rue Lepic and the Rue des Abbesses, where they 
 were stopped by a crowd of about four hundred 
 people, mostly composed of women and young 
 men. 
 
 A detachment of infantry, sent to the assistance 
 and liberation of the artillery, was surrounded, 
 circumvented, and ' disarmed by the crowd. The 
 conductors of the cannons, finding themselves 
 incapable of fulfilling their mission, imitated the 
 example of the other soldiers by giving way to the 
 solicitations of the people, and restoring the cannons 
 to the National Guards, who took them at a quick 
 pace to the mairie of Montmartre. 
 
 In a short time the greater part of the soldiers of 
 the line, the artillery, and also some Republican 
 Guards, imitated the example of their comrades, 
 and fraternised with the people, turning their rifles 
 downwards, and refusing to fire. The 88th of the 
 line was remarkable for its Republican sentiments 
 
•THE EIGHTEENTH DAY OF MARCH. 29 
 
 and its sympathy with the National Gruard, frater- 
 nising the first instant. Raising butt-ends en masse 
 in the air, loud cries of " Vive la ligne !" " Vive la 
 Garde Nationale ! " " Vive la R^publique ! " were 
 uttered by the National Guard and the popu- 
 lace. 
 
 General Lecomte, who had four times commanded 
 the troops to fire on the people, which they flatly 
 refused to do, was abandoned by them, arrested, 
 and taken as a prisoner to the Chiteau-Rouge. 
 
 The mitrailleuses and cannons belonging to the 
 regulars were at the same time, with good grace, 
 given to the National Guards. 
 
 Every^vhere, and particularly on the boulevards, 
 might be seen crowds of soldiers of all arms frater- 
 nising with the National Guard, vociferating " Vive 
 la R^publique ! " and singing the Marseillaise and 
 the Hymne des Girondins. 
 
 At eight o'clock in the morning the victory of 
 the people was complete. 
 
 The friendly attitude of the troops had secured 
 the triumph of the Revolution and prevented the 
 shedding of blood. But a few conflicts, much to be 
 regretted, had been provoked by some of the higher 
 oificers, and seven' or eight lives were lost. This 
 was certainly a great misfortune. But we may 
 congratulate ourselves that the insensate provoca- 
 tion of M. Thiers and his colleagues did not entail 
 more serious consequences, and that on this day 
 rivers of blood were not shed. 
 
 During the whole day many workmen, of their 
 own free will,' laboured on the fortifications of the 
 Buttes Montmartre, digging trenches and solidify- 
 ing the redoubts. 
 
30 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 A great number of barricades were erected in the 
 suburbs, especially at Montmartre. 
 
 Citizens, protected by a line of National Guards, 
 erected a strong barricade at the top of the Rue 
 des Martyrs, at the corner of the Boulevards Roche- 
 chouart and Clichy. This barricade was then 
 armed with a cannon, levelled in such a way as to 
 sweep the Rue des Martyrs. 
 
 The Rue Germain Pilon was likewise barricaded, 
 and defended by a cannon. The square formed by 
 the meeting of the Rues Lepic, des Abbesses, and 
 des Dames was defended by an enormous barri- 
 cade, furnished with four pieces of artillery, sweep- 
 ing the Rue Lepic and the Place Blanche. The 
 latter was similarly barricaded at the entrance of 
 the Rue Blanche and the Rue de la Fontaine. 
 
 The Eleventh Arrondissement followed the ex- 
 ample of Montmartre. The Rues Saint-S^bastien, 
 Saint-Sabin, Sedaine, and Chemin Vert were 
 covered with solid, well-constructed barricades of 
 paving-stones. 
 
 At Belleville, where the insurrection had also 
 triumphed, the Rue de Paris, between the exterior 
 boulevard and that of Puebla, was swept by the can- 
 nons of five barricades. The side streets were like- 
 wise barricaded, as well as the Rue du Faubourg 
 du Temple and the Rue Saint-Maur. The same 
 was the case with most of the suburbs of Paris 
 and the quarters of Saint- Antoine and the Bastille. 
 
 At four o'clock in the afternoon General C16ment 
 Thomas, in the dress of a citizen, was discovered 
 on the Boulevard Rochechouart, at the corner of 
 the Rue Marie-Antoinette, taking the plan of the 
 barricades of the defenders of Montmartre. Arrested 
 
THE EIGHTEENTH DAY OF MARCH. 31 
 
 as a spy by the National Guard, he was marched 
 off to the Ch4teau-Rouge, near General Lecomte, 
 who had been previously arrested. At a quarter- 
 past four o'clock these two generals were removed to 
 the Rue des Rosiers, near the Buttes Montmartre, 
 where a great number of National Guards, Gari- 
 baldians, and soldiers of the line were assembled. 
 
 The execution of the two generals, C16ment 
 Thomas and Lecomte, is narrated with circum- 
 stantial details by a fellow - prisoner, Captain 
 Beugnot, who was an eye-witness of the dismal 
 scene. We shall allow him to speak, because, as 
 he belonged to the army of Versailles, the adver- 
 saries of the Commune will have no reason to doubt 
 his veracity. 
 
 The following is his narrative : — 
 
 " At nine o'olock in the morning I was made a 
 prisoner by the insurgents near the Boulevard 
 Magenta. I was on horseback, followed by an 
 escort of two troopers, with orders from General Le 
 Flo, the Minister of War, to explore the quarters 
 of Belleville and Montmartre, and to report on the 
 projected operation for taking the cannons. 
 
 " Notwithstanding the advice of numerous passers- 
 by, who feared for the security of an officer in 
 uniform proceeding towards these much-agitated 
 quarters, I passed by the Gare du Nord, advancing 
 to the heights; but, as soon as I arrived at the 
 junction of the Boulevard Magenta and the old 
 exterior boulevard, I was surrounded by a crowd of 
 thirty or forty armed National Gruards, who emerged 
 from a neighbouring guard-house, and, taking 
 ipy horse by the bridle, threw it down' into the 
 
32 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 middle of the pavement. In a few minutes I was 
 surrounded by four hundred madmen, yelling and 
 gesticulating with their guns in a manner anything 
 but reassuring, ' They have come to shoot us ; they 
 have come to kill our brothers ! You are giving 
 orders to the troops! Down! down with him!' 
 My horse, taking fright at their yells, reared, and, 
 profiting by its movements, a foot was passed be- 
 neath the saddle, and I was thrown on the ground. 
 My two troopers had been also surrounded by the 
 crowd, so that help was impossible. I was marched 
 oiF by a line of a hundred or a hundred and fifty 
 National Guards to the Central Committee, which 
 they said was sitting at the Chateau-Rouge, an 
 establishment for public balls, in the Rue Clignan- 
 court. During this journey, which took about half 
 an hour, they excited each other, and loaded me 
 with insults and menaces. 
 
 " At length we arrived at the Chateau-Rouge, arid 
 after traversing the yard, I was led into the pavi- 
 lion, where I should have to give a report to the 
 said Committee as to my conduct. I had to stand 
 before the door more than half an hour, the National 
 Guards constantly around me growing all the more 
 menacing because no one gave any orders.* 
 
 " It was then about ten o'clock. Some proposed I 
 to leave me in the garden, while others wanted to 
 lead me into the house before the Committee. The 
 latter prevailed, and after a violent dispute with 
 their comrades, I was taken to the first floor of the 
 house. There I was shown into a room, where a 
 captain of the 79th battalion of the National Guard 
 received pie, I admit, in a most polite manner, but 
 without any explanation as to the authority which 
 
THE EIGHTEENTH DAY OF MARCH. 33 
 
 caused me to appear before him, or as to the right of 
 arresting me. He contented himself by saying, in 
 an evasive but always polite manner, that his party 
 must have guarantees, and that we were considered 
 as hostages. The grand word was spoken, and I 
 was open to all possible reprisals. 
 
 " I asked the captain for his name : he said it 
 was M. Mayer ; that he was a journalist, having a 
 son in the service, a prisoner of the Prussians, and 
 would be always willing to mitigate the severity of 
 my position as far as lay in his power. He told 
 me that General Lecomte had been made prisoner 
 by a furious crowd, that he was abandoned by his 
 troops, and that a young captain of the i8th bat- 
 talion of foot chasseurs, M. Franck, tried to follow 
 and liberate the general up to the very last moment. 
 I perceived, in fact, that Captain Franck, whom I 
 had at first taken for an officer of the National 
 Guard, was present. 
 
 "Two armed National Guards never lost sight 
 of us, and communication with General Lecomte 
 was impossible. In the meanwhile other prisoners 
 taken by the insurgents arrived: M. de Poursargues, 
 chief of battalion of the 1 8th regiment of foot chas- 
 seurs, under the orders of General Lecomte, who, 
 having heard of the arrest of the general and in- 
 quiring about his fate, was arrested ; also a chief 
 of battalion of the 89th infantry ; two captains of 
 the 115th of the line, abandoned by their men at 
 the Gare du Nord ; and a captain of the 84th in 
 private clothes, returning from his German cap- 
 tivity, arrested as a mouchard on his arrival at 
 the railway. I remained in company with these 
 gentlemen till half-past three. Captain Mayer, 
 
 D 
 
3+ HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 whom we much questioned about the Committee 
 of which everybody spoke, was very kind to us, 
 but greatly embarrassed for an answer. 
 
 " At this moment I walked to the window, and 
 saw a movement of bad omen in the garden :-. 
 National Guards formed a line with fixed bayonets. 
 All seemed to me the announcement of a departure. 
 It was evident that we were to leave the Chateau- 
 Rouge. Indeed, Captain Mayer came to inform 
 us that he had orders to march us to the Buttes 
 Montmartre, where the Committee, after being 
 sought the whole morning, was holding its sittings. 
 I then saw that this Committee either had no 
 existence, or that it would have nothing to do with 
 us; and from this I came to the conclusion that 
 we were doomed — that we were destined for 
 another act in the tragedy of General Br6a and his 
 aide-de-camp, cowardly assassinated on the 24th 
 of June, 1848, at the Barriere Fontainebleau. 
 
 " We descended, and then, for the first time, I 
 saw General Lecomte, who had been guarded in 
 secret in a separate room : he was calm and reso- 
 lute. We saluted him, and the officers of the 
 National Guard did the same ; but the men who 
 formed the line abused us, and threatened us with 
 a speedy end. This I was weU prepared for. 
 
 " On arriving at the Buttes we were led into a 
 small house in the Rue des Rosiers. I took notice 
 of the name of this street. This house had a 
 carriage entrance, a covered yard, a ground-floor, 
 and two stories. 
 
 " We were pushed into a narrow and dark hall 
 on the ground-floor, and an old Knight of the 
 Legion of Honour of July, with a white beard told. 
 
THE EIGHTEENTH DAY OF MARCH. 35 
 
 US that the Committee was deciding our fate. 
 General Lecomte demanded to see the Committee 
 immediately, frequently repeating that we had 
 been arrested since morning without cause and 
 without judgment. The answer was that he would 
 be called. Captain Mayer, our protector against 
 the brutality of the armed men at the Chiteau- 
 Rouge, did not come up with us to the Rue des 
 Rosiers. But, in his absence, we had much cause 
 to praise Lieutenant Meyer, of the 79th battalion, 
 who frequently made his body a rampart to us, 
 and a young National Guard, whose name I have 
 unfortunately forgotten, and who defended me 
 twenty times against the attacks of the crowd. 
 
 "The Committee did not arrive. The crowti 
 outside, tired of waiting for it and its decision, 
 broke the window-panes, and every moment 
 levelled a gun at us ; but the officers of the Na- 
 tional Guard, seeing the gravity of our position, 
 and finding too late that it was gross carelessness 
 to make us leave the Chateau-Rouge, and expose 
 us to the rage of a populace who believed that each 
 of us had killed at least ten men with his own 
 hands in the morning, — these oflELcers thrust back 
 the arms that were directed against our breasts, 
 and spoke to the crowd, who yelled, ' To death ! ' 
 and did everything to gain time, promising to 
 defend our lives with their own. 
 
 " But all this only irritated the crowd the more, 
 who loudly and unceasingly demanded our death. 
 
 " The window-frame was broken by the efforts of 
 those outside, and gave passage to the most furious 
 of them. Must I say that the very first who laid 
 their hands on the general were a corporal of the 
 
36 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 3rd battalion of foot chasseurs, a soldier of the 88th 
 infantry, and two Mobile Guards ? One of the 
 two last-named miserable men, striking his face 
 with his fist, cried out, ' You once put me in 
 prison for thirty days : it is I who will give you 
 the first shot.' This was a horrible scene, enough 
 to make us mad, although we were ready to sacri- 
 fice our lives. It was five o'clock, an immense 
 clamour drowned everything else, a horrible dis- 
 turbance took place in the yard, and all at once an 
 old man, whom I did not know, was thrown into 
 the midst of us, who evidently had only a few 
 instants to live. Lieutenant Meyer told me that he 
 was Clement Thomas, who had been arrested in 
 the Rue Pigalle, while going for a walk as a 
 spectator; that he had been recognised by Na- 
 tional Guards, and dragged to the Buttes Mont- 
 martre to share our fate. 
 
 " At this time the rage of the National Guards 
 knew no bounds : it was a wonder their courageous 
 officers, who defended us with energy and des- 
 peration, were not murdered, but they foresaw 
 their inability to protect us much longer. In vain 
 an individual in a red shirt climbed upon a wall 
 and adjured the crowd to elect a court-martial to 
 judge the prisoners; in vain he told them that 
 .they were about to commit a cowardly murder^ 
 and contaminate the Republic they so much 
 cherished. All was useless. The unexpected 
 arrival of the unfortunate General Thomas, so 
 much detested bj these battalions of Montmartre 
 and Belleville on account of his just severity' 
 during the siege, had ruined us all. The crowd, 
 like unchained and furious beasts, wanted blood! 
 
THE EIGHTEENTH DAY OF MARCH. 37 
 
 That of element Thomas was shed first. Notwith- 
 standing the resistance of Lieutenant Meyer and a 
 few other courageous citizens, who were compelled 
 to fall back exhausted, he was grasped by the 
 neck, while we, being constantly watched and 
 every instant aimed at, could not move. 
 
 " The old captain of the Legion of Honour of 
 July was one of the most ardent in inveighing 
 against the unfortunate general, who, disappearing 
 from our sight, was dragged a few steps aside, and 
 killed by ten or a dozen shots, which echoed 
 dismally in our hearts. It was not a platoon fire, 
 but isolated, one shot after another, like that of 
 tirailleurs. 
 
 " A few; moments later, the unfortunate General 
 Lecomte had to submit to a like fate in the same 
 manner. It was half-past five. 
 
 " Then came our turn. We were well prepared 
 for death, and each of us expected to commence 
 the funeral march. But our defenders of the Na- 
 tional Guard, after half an hour's last eifort, partly 
 succeeded in appeasing . the crowd, who, enlight- 
 ened after the murder of the two generals, con- 
 sented to our being led back to prison at the 
 Ch4teau-Rouge, to be once more at the disposal of 
 the Committee. 
 
 " It was now six o'clock. We quitted this house, 
 of blood, where we had been for two mortal hours, 
 and from which none of us expected to .go forth 
 alive. The line of National Guards who escorted 
 us seemed to have recovered from their odious 
 instincts of the morning. The abominable crime 
 which h3,d been committed lay heavily on their 
 consciences and oppressed their hearts. Scarcely 
 
38 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 had we advanced a few steps in the descent of 
 the Buttes when we saw running a very pale, 
 wild-looking man dressed in black, and wearing 
 crosswise a tricoloured scarf. 
 
 '"Where are you leading these officers?' cried 
 he. He thought we were being marched to execu- 
 tion, and the misunderstanding which arose be- 
 tween him and our escort, by ^stirring up the mob 
 once more, caused us to lose time, and very nearly 
 proved fatal to us. On inquiring who this man 
 was, we were informed that he was M. Clemenceau, 
 the mayor of the Eighteenth Arrondissement, and 
 the deputy for Paris. M. Clemenceau afterwards 
 gave an explanation of his conduct from the tri- 
 bune of the National Assembly. We can only say 
 that he did not make his appearance during these 
 shameful and sanguinary scenes, which he might 
 perhaps have prevented, till six o'clock in the 
 evening, after the murder of the two generals. 
 
 "At last we reached the Chateau-Rouge. At 
 the moment of our entrance we met Captain Mayer, 
 bearing a paper, which he said was an order 
 of release for all the prisoners, the unfortunate 
 generals included. He said that the many jour- 
 neys he had been obliged to make to get this order 
 from the Committee had cost him so much time 
 that he did not arrive till after the perpetration of 
 the crime. 
 
 "We were reinstated in the pavilion of the 
 Chateau - Rouge, and, constantly watched by 
 National Guards, were told to wait for the decision 
 of the invisible Committee. 
 
 "Lieutenant Meyer returned at seven o'clock 
 with an order from the Committee. This order 
 
THE EIGHTEENTH DAY OF MARCH. 39 
 
 was for me to appear immediately before the Cen- 
 tral Committee. . Was it a new sentence of death 
 or a glimpse of hope ? I was perfectly ignorant. 
 But after the emotions of this terrible day I feared 
 nothing, and I was conveyed to a house in the 
 Rue de Clignancourt, near the ChAteau-Rouge, 
 where my fate was to be decided. 
 
 "At the entresol of this house two rooms had 
 been converted into bureaux, where two men were 
 writing ; and in a very narrow place at the back I 
 was presented to a chief of battalion of the National 
 Guard, a M. Jaclard, who seemed much confused 
 in his questions and ill versed in his mandate. He 
 contented himself with listening to the recital of 
 the events of the day, and seemed to attach great 
 importance to my wor4s, which he partly wrote 
 down. At the end of this examination I was 
 liberated; but this was a dangerous step for my 
 security, the streets being full of National Guards 
 and people excessively excited. 
 
 " But, thanks to the night, and especially to the 
 presence of Lieutenant Meyer and the young 
 National Guard of whom I have spoken before, 
 'I made my escape, and reached home safe and 
 sound. An hour later Captain Franck left the 
 Chateau-Rouge ; but the other prisoners, of whom 
 Commander Poursargues was one, did not escape 
 before the next morning, as the National Guards 
 in possession of them would not acknowledge the 
 orders emanating from the bureau by which I was 
 liberated. 
 
 "Such is a truly exact account of the 1 8th day 
 of March as regards the assassination of the 
 two generals and the deeds at Montmartre and 
 
40 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 Chateau-Rouge. The officers of the National 
 Guard, the chiefs of the movement in the morning, 
 comprehended at noon the dreadful consequences 
 of their acts, and, to speak the truth, did all in 
 their power to save the two victims and the other 
 prisoners, whose doom for two long hours seemed 
 sealed. 
 
 "What was most to be lamented was that 
 Fren ch soldiers were the first, at such a mome nt, 
 ^o ^fire on tSeir general, alone and disarm gdj. that 
 the authorities of Montmartre, as well as that famous 
 Committee which every instant was spoken of, did 
 not show themselves at the Chateau-Rouge, nor at 
 the house in the Rue des Rosiers ; and that 
 throughout the day they did not make a single 
 visible effort to save even appearances. 
 
 " Signed : Captain Beugnot, 
 " Ordnance Officer of the Minister of War. 
 
 " Versailles, March 23rd, 1871." 
 
 This statement is an evident proof that the 
 execution of Generals Clement Thomas and Le- 
 comte was the result of popular irritation — of the 
 exasperation of an infatuated crowd of people, 
 accusing the former of being a spy and making 
 plans for the erection of barricades for their mas- 
 sacre, and the latter of having four times given 
 orders to fire on the people. 
 
 This document shows also that the officers and 
 many National Guards did all in their power to 
 save the two unfortunate generals. 
 
 Their death, therefore, can only be attributed to 
 the exasperation of the masses, and it is notoriously : 
 
THE EIGHTEENTH DAY OF MARCH. 41 
 
 unjust to lay the responsibility of it on the Central 
 Committee. 
 
 On the same day, General Chanzy and M. Ed- 
 mond Turquet, deputy of the Aisne and formerly 
 Imperial Procureur, were arrested, and, on arriving 
 at six o'clock in the evening in the train from 
 Tours, placed at the disposal of the Central Com- 
 mittee. The same evening the Belleville and 
 Montmartre battalions occupied the Staff Office at 
 the Place Vendome. 
 
 Such was the 1 8th day of March, which resulted 
 in the triumph of the Central Committee of the 
 National Guard, and prepared the advent of the 
 Commune. 
 
 The following are the terms in which the Journal 
 Official gave an account of this day : — 
 
 " Citizens, 
 
 ".The 1 8th day of March, interestedly disguised 
 in an odious manner, will be called in history the 
 day of the people's justice ! 
 
 " The fallen Government, always unskilful, sought 
 to provoke a conflict, without having taken into 
 account either its unpopularity or the fraternity 
 of the different troops. The whole army, com- 
 manded by a fratricide. General Vinoy, responded 
 to the order for the massacre of the people with 
 the cry: 'Vive la R6publique! Vive la Garde 
 Nationale ! ' Only two men, who had made them- 
 selves unpopular by acts which to-day we call 
 iniquitous, were smitten by the crowd in a moment 
 of indignation. 
 
 " The Committee of the Confederation of the 
 National Guard is doing justice to the truth by 
 
42 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 declaring itself unconnected with these two execu- 
 tions. 
 
 "To-day the ministries are constituted, the puri- 
 fied Prefecture of Police enters on its functions, the 
 different administrations commence their work, and 
 we invite all citizens to maintain calmness and 
 keep perfect order. 
 
 " Citizens, you have seen the work of the federa- 
 tion of the National Guard under the greatest diffi- 
 culties. By what we have already done, you may 
 judge of the work we should have been able to do 
 for the national defence, and what will be our 
 future exertions for the salvation of the Republic. 
 
 "For the Central Committee, 
 
 " Vesinier, Delegate of the Journal Officiel." 
 
 In addition to this, the Central Committee pub- 
 lished the following proclamations, informing the 
 people and the National Guard of the victory of 
 March i8th: — 
 
 " To the People. 
 " Citizens, 
 
 " The people of Paris have thrown off the yoke 
 which was sought to be imposed upon them. 
 
 "Calm and unmoved in their power, without 
 fear and without provocation, they awaited the 
 shameless fools who sought to lay hands on the 
 Republic. 
 
 " This time our brethren of the army did not lay 
 their hands on the holy ark of our liberty. 
 
 " Thanks to all, and may Paris and France in 
 common lay the foundation of a Republic, joyfully 
 welcomed, with all its consequences, the only 
 
THE EIGHTEENTH DAY OF MARCH. 43 
 
 government which will close for ever the era of 
 invasions and civil war ! 
 
 " The state of siege is raised. 
 
 "The people of Paris have been convoked in 
 their sections to make their communal elections. 
 
 "The security of all citizens is secured by the 
 co-operation of the National Guard. 
 
 "The Central Committee of the National Guard: 
 
 "Signed: Ant. Arnaud, Assy, Billoray, 
 Ferrat, Babick, Ed. Moreau, 
 DUPONT, Varldst, Boursier, 
 
 MORTIER, GOUHIER, LAVALETTE, 
 
 Fr. Jourde, Rousseau, Ch. 
 LuiLLER, Henri Fortune, G. 
 Arnold, Viard, Blanchet, 
 J. Grollard, Barroud, H. 
 Geresme, Fabre, Bergeret, 
 Bouit. 
 
 " H6tel-de-Ville, Paris, March 19th, 1871." 
 
 " To the National Guards of Paris. 
 
 " Citizens, 
 
 "You have entrusted us with organising the 
 defence of Paris and of your rights. 
 
 " We are confident of having fulfilled this mis- 
 sion. Assisted by your generous courage and 
 admirable coolness, we have overturned the Govern- 
 ment which betrayed us. 
 
 "Our mandate has now expired, and we return 
 it to you, having no desire to usurp the places of 
 those whom the popular will has overthrown. 
 
 "Prepare and proceed to your communal elec- 
 
44 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 tions in order, and give us the only recompense 
 hoped for, the establishment of a true Republic. 
 
 "In the meantime we keep possession of the 
 H6tel-de-Ville in the name of the people. 
 
 " The Central Committee of the National Guard. 
 [The signatures of the Central Committee.) 
 ' " H6tel-de-Ville, Paris, March 19th, 1871." 
 
 These two brief and simple documents need no 
 comment. Have more modest, more moderate, and 
 more honest victors ever been seen \ The victory of 
 the 1 8th of March had placed them in power, and 
 the very next day, the 19th, they laid it down by 
 convoking the electors in their several districts, and 
 asking for successors. 
 
 Let any one compare the conduct of these men 
 with that of members of the Government of the 
 so-called National Defence, who, after perpetuating 
 themselves for seven months, refused to dissolve 
 when the people of Paris, after the summons of 
 October 3 1 st and January 2 1 st, gave them for the 
 third time, on March 1 8th, the most formal dismis- 
 sal, and we may frankly ask on which side were 
 moderation, propriety, and justice ? 
 
 The following is the proclamation in which the 
 Central Committee convoked the electors for the 
 nomination of the members of the Commune : — 
 
 "French Republic. 
 
 "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity. 
 
 " The Central Committee, considering the imme- 
 diate creation of a Communal administration of 
 Paris urgent, 
 
THE EIGHTEENTH DAY OF MARCH. 45 
 
 " Decrees : 
 
 "Art. I. That the elections of the Communal 
 Council of Paris shall take place on Wednesday- 
 next, March 22nd. 
 
 "Art. II. That the voting shall be by ballot in 
 each arrondissement. Each arrondissement shall 
 nominate a councillor for every twenty thousand 
 inhabitants, or fraction exceeding ten thousand. 
 
 "Art. III. That the balloting shall take place 
 from eight o'clock in the morning till six in the 
 evening, when the inspection will be immediately 
 proceeded with. 
 
 "Art. IV. That the municipalities of twenty 
 arrondissements shall be charged, each in its own 
 district, with the execution of the present decree, 
 
 "A subsequent placard will announce the number 
 of councillors to be elected in each arrondissement. 
 
 " The Central Committee of the National Guard. 
 
 [Signatures.) 
 "Hotel-de-Ville, Paris, March 19th, 1871." 
 
 The members of the Central Committee of the 
 National Guard, after having honestly and courage- 
 ously accomplished their mandate, addressed the 
 following affecting adieu to the electors of the 
 Commune -.-r— 
 
 "French Republic. 
 
 "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity. 
 
 " Central Committee. — Electors of the 
 Commune. 
 
 " Citizens, 
 
 "Our mission has terminated: we return 
 our places in the H6tel-de-Ville to your newly- 
 
46 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 elected representatives, your regular manda-' 
 taries. 
 
 " By the help of your patriotism and devotedness 
 we have been able to perform the diiiicult task 
 undertaken in your name. Thanks for your per- 
 severing help ; solidarity is no empty phrase ; the 
 welfare of the Republic is secured. 
 
 " If our advice is of any value in your resolutions, 
 permit your most zealous servants to make known 
 to you, before the elections, what we expect to-day. 
 
 " Citizens, 
 
 " Do not lose sight of the fact that the men who 
 will best serve your cause are those whom you elect 
 from your own order, those who live your own life, 
 and who bear in common with you the same evils. 
 
 "Mistrust the ambitious and the upstart; both 
 only consult their own interests, and end by re- 
 garding themselves as indispensable. 
 
 " Suspect also mere talkers incapable of action, 
 who sacrifice everything for a speech, an oratorical 
 effect, or a witty saying. 
 
 "Shun likewise those too much favoured by 
 fortune, since the possessor of wealth is ill disposed 
 to look on workmen as his brethren. 
 
 " Lastly, seek out men with sincere convictions, 
 men of the people, resolute, active, just, and of 
 acknowledged probity. Give preference to those 
 who do not court your votes. True worth is modest, 
 and it is the duty of electors to know their men. 
 
 " We are convinced that if you take these obser- 
 vations into account you will at last inaugurate a 
 popular Assembly, and find representatives who 
 will never consider themselves your masters. 
 
 " The Central Committee of the National Guard." 
 
 [Signatures.) 
 
CHAPTER III. ■ 
 
 THE PRINCIPLES AND IDEAS OF THE PROLETARIAT 
 DURING THE REVOLUTION OF MARCH i8TH. 
 
 After the modest and honest conduct of the 
 Central Committee, it was natural to expect the 
 approval of the political world and the press. 
 Alas ! such was not to be the case. On receiving 
 the news of the convocation of the electors, all the 
 members of the Government and of the Assembly 
 of Versailles uttered loud cries of usurpation, 
 anarchy, demagogism ! The newspapers protested 
 against the conduct of the Central Council of the 
 National Guard, which, according to their view, 
 had no right to convoke the. electors, and which in 
 doing so usurped the sovereignty of the people. 
 And immediately putting into practice their reac- 
 tionary and Jesuitical theories, twenty-two journals 
 published the following protest : — 
 
 " Considering the convocation of the electors as 
 an act of national sovereignty, only to be accom- 
 plished by the power emanating from universal 
 suffrage ; 
 
 " Considering that the Committee established at 
 the H6tel-de-Ville has consequently no right nor 
 quality to make such a convocation ; 
 
 "The representatives of the newspapers con- 
 
48 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 sider the convocation fixed for the 22 nd of this 
 month as the day for election as null and void, 
 and request the electors to take no notice of it. 
 " Signed : 
 
 " Le Journal des Debats, Le Constitutionnel, 
 L' Electeur - Libre, La Petite Presse, La 
 Verite, Le Figaro, Le Gaulois, Paris- 
 journal, Le Petit-journal, Le National, 
 L' Univers, La Cloche, La Patrie, Le Fran- 
 fais, Le Bien-Public, Le Journal des Villes 
 et des Campagnes, Le Journal de Paris, Le 
 Moniteur Universel, La France-Nouvelle, 
 La Gazette de France, La Monde." 
 
 This open call to disobedience and resistance 
 against the decree of the Central Committee of the 
 National Guard was a positive instigation to civil 
 war, and, as such, should have been suppressed by 
 the Committee. 
 
 This Committee was, as we have said, the product 
 of a free election by two hundred and fifteen out 
 of two hundred and sixty-five battalions of the 
 National Guard, incontestably representing the 
 great majority of the National Guard and citizens. 
 
 Under the empire of universal suffrage and the 
 government of majorities, nobody could seriously 
 contest its right. No body ever did better represent 
 the sovereignty of the people of Paris than the 
 Central Council. It had also the incontestable 
 right to convoke the electors for the nomination 
 of a Communal Assembly, and it was besides its 
 strictest duty to do so. The whole argument of 
 the reactionary press against this right and this 
 duty was worthless. 
 
PRINCIPLES OF THE PROLETARIAT. 49 
 
 The Central Council had not merely the right, 
 but it had also the power at its disposal, because 
 the army had not only refused to act against it, • 
 but had made common cause with the National 
 Guard to serve the Central Council. 
 
 The Central Council might have severely punished 
 the editors of the twenty-two newspapers who 
 dared to publish this protest, as an undoubted pro- 
 vocation to civil war. Well, it did nothing of the 
 kind. It preferred mansuetude and forbearance, 
 and refirained from prosecuting this culpable press, 
 which was accustomed to every reaction and vio- 
 lence. It contented itself With the publication of 
 the following warning in the Journal Officiel: — 
 
 "After the incitement to civil war, the gross 
 abuse and odious calumnies, it may be assumed 
 that open provocation to contempt and disobedience 
 against the government at the H6tel-de-Ville will 
 follow. 
 
 " Several newspapers published to-day a provo- 
 cation to disobedience against the decree of the 
 Central Committee of the National Guard, con- 
 voking the electors for the 22nd of this month, for 
 the nomination of the Communal Assembly of 
 Paris. 
 
 " This act, committed by the editors of the re- 
 actionary press, is an undoubted attempt against 
 the sovereignty of the people of Paris. 
 
 "The Central Committee of the National Guard, 
 sitting at the H6tel-de-Ville, respects the liberty of 
 the press, as it has already declared ; that is to 
 say, the right possessed by all citizens to control, 
 discuss^ and criticise its acts by all means, of pub- 
 
 K 
 
so HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 licity. But it will exact respect for the decisions 
 of the representatives of the sovereignty ■ of the 
 people of Paris, and it will not any longer permit 
 with impunity the committal of such an offence as 
 the incitement to disobedience against its decisions 
 and decrees. 
 
 " A stringent suppression will be the consequence 
 of such attempts if continued. 
 
 "P. Vesinier, 
 " Delegate of the Journal Officiel." 
 
 The Central Committee of the National Guard 
 published the following remarkable declaration, 
 which we conimend to our readers : — 
 
 " Republican Federation of the National 
 Guard. 
 
 " Organ of the Central Committee. 
 
 " If the Central Committee of the National Guard 
 were a government, it might easily, for the dignity 
 of the electors, disclaim to vindicate itself. But, 
 as its first affirmation was to declare ' that it did 
 not pretend to ' take the place of those who were 
 overturned by the popular breath, resolving, in 
 simple honesty, to preserve the exact limits of the 
 mandate which had been confided to it, it is, 
 nevertheless, a compound of personalities, having 
 the right of defence. 
 
 " Offspring of the Republic, having for its de- 
 vice the grand word Fraternity, it forgives its 
 calumniators, but desires to open the eyes of 
 honest but ignorant men who have accepted the 
 calumny. 
 
PRINCIPLES OF THE PROLETARIAT. ji 
 
 " It is not occult : every document is signed by 
 its members ; and if their names are obscure, they 
 have never eluded their great responsibility. 
 
 " It was not unknown, for it was the issue of the 
 free expression of the suffrages of , two hundred 
 and fifteen battalions of the National Guard. 
 
 " It is no abetter of disorder, for no excesses nor 
 reprisals have been committed by the National 
 Guard, who honoured it with its leadership. It is 
 strong by its sagacity and moderation. 
 
 " But, for all this, provocations have not been 
 wanting ; whilst the Government of Versailles has 
 adopted the most shameless means for the per- 
 petration of the foulest crime — civil war. 
 
 *' It has calumniated Paris, and excited the pro- 
 vinces to sedition against it. 
 
 " It has armed against us our brethren of the 
 army, who have died of cold in our streets, whilst 
 their homes had the greatest need of them. 
 
 " It wanted to impose a general-in-chief upon us. 
 
 " It has, by nocturnal efforts, tried to take our 
 cannons, after we had prevented the delivering of 
 them up to the Prussians. 
 
 " It has, lastly, with the aid of its scared accom- 
 plices from Bordeaux, said to Paris, 'You are 
 about to show yourself heroic ! We fear you, and 
 we will take away your crown, the capital ! ' 
 
 " What was the answer of the Central Committee 
 to these attacks ' It founded the Federation ; it 
 preached moderation ; let us say, generosity. At 
 the commencement of the armed attack it said to 
 all, 'No aggression, and only reply at the very 
 last extremity!' 
 
 " It has called together all intelligences and all 
 
52 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 capacities ; it has solicited the help of the officers ; 
 it has opened its doors to all comers for the sake 
 of the Republic. 
 
 " On which side were right and justice ? on which 
 side wrong and injustice ? 
 
 "This history is too short and too near us 
 to have passed from the memory of any one. If 
 we write on the eve of our retirement, we do so for 
 the sake of honest men who lightly believed calum- 
 nies worthy only of those who hurled them. 
 
 " One of the greatest causes of their rage is the 
 obscurity of our names. Alas ! many names were 
 known, well known, and their notoriety has been 
 fatal to us. 
 
 " Shall we make known to you one of the last 
 means they have used against us ? They have 
 refused bread to the troops who preferred to be 
 disarmed rather than fire on the people. And yet 
 we are called assassins by men who punished with 
 hunger those who refused to assassinate ! 
 
 "Well, we say it indignantly, the attempt to 
 tarnish our honour by hurling sanguinary mire at 
 us is a vile infamy. Not one death warrant has 
 been signed by us ; the National Guards have never 
 taken part in the perpetration of a crime. 
 
 " What interest could they have in it ? and what 
 had we ? 
 
 " It is as absurd as it is infamous. 
 
 " Moreover, it is almost a disgrace to defend our- 
 selves. Our conduct plainly shows what we are. 
 Have we solicited salary and honours ? If we 
 were unknown, and could still get the confidence of 
 two hundred and fifteen battalions, which in fact 
 was the case, was it not because we scorned to 
 
PRINCIPLES OF THE PROLETARIAT. 53 
 
 form ourselves into a propaganda? Notoriety is 
 cheap : a few empty phrases or a little cowardice 
 are sufficient, as a recent event has proved. 
 
 "The mandate with which we have been en- 
 trusted lies heavily on our hearts ; we have accom- 
 plished it without hesitation, without fear; and, 
 having now reached our goal, we say to the people, 
 ' Take back the mandate confided to us : our duty 
 ends where personal interests begin; do as you 
 please. Being masters, you are free to do so. 
 Having been obscure yesterday, we return obscure 
 into your ranks, showing how easily we can 
 descend, with head erect, fi-om the H6tel-de-Ville, 
 with the certainty of feeling the clasp of your 
 true and vigorous hand.' 
 
 " The members of the Central Committee : 
 " Ant. Arnaud, Assy, Billoray, Ferrat, 
 Babick, Ed. Moreau, C. Dupont, Varlin, 
 BOURSIER, Mortier, Gouhier, Lavalette, 
 Fr. Jourde, Rousseau, Ch. Lullier, 
 Henri Fortune, G. Arnold, Viard, 
 Blanchet, J. Grollard, Barroud, H. 
 Geresme, Fabre, Bergeret, Bouit." 
 
 The Journal Officiel contained, besides, a reason- 
 able and moderate address to the departments, 
 stating events at the capital with as much simpli- 
 city as truth. The publication of the following 
 document produced the greatest effect in the pro- 
 vinces : — 
 
 " To the Departments. 
 
 "The people of Paris, having given, since 
 September 4th, an incontestable proof of their 
 
54 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 patriotism and their devotion to the Republic, after 
 bearing with praiseworthy resignation and courage 
 the sufferings and strife of a long and painful siege, 
 keep pace with the present circumstances by the 
 courage and devotedness which our country justly 
 demands. 
 
 " By their calm, imposing, and vigorous attitude, 
 and their Republican spirit of order, they were 
 enabled to rally an immense majority of the National 
 Guard, to engage the sympathy and active help 
 of the army, to maintain, public tranquillity, to pre- 
 vent the effusion of blood, to reorganise the public 
 services, and to respect international agreements 
 and the preliminaries of peace. 
 
 " They hope that the whole press will acknow- 
 ledge and verify their moderation and honesty, 
 their courage and devotion, and that the ridiculous 
 and odious calumnies spread in the provinces will 
 cease. 
 
 "The enlightened and disabused departments 
 will do justice to the people of the capital, and will 
 comprehend that the union of the whole nation is 
 indispensable for the common weal. 
 
 "Since the elections of i86g and the P16biscite, 
 the great towns have shown that they were ani- 
 mated by the same Republican spirit as Paris. 
 The new Republican authorities hope, under the 
 present circumstances, for serious and energetic 
 co-operation, and expect a helping hand in the 
 work of regeneration and salvation which they 
 undertake amidst the greatest dangers. 
 
 " The peasantry should be jealous to imitate the 
 towns. After our disasters the whole of France has 
 but one object in view— to secure the common welfare. 
 
PRINCIPLES OF THE PROLETARIAT. 55 
 
 "This is a great task, -worthy of the French 
 people, and it will not fail. 
 
 "The provinces, uniting with the capital, will 
 prove to Europe and to the whole world that France 
 wishes to avoid all intestine division and the shed- 
 ding of blood. 
 
 " The present powers are essentially pro-visional, 
 and will be replaced by a Communal Council, to be 
 elected on Wednesday next, the 22nd instant. 
 
 " Let the provinces hasten to imitate the ex- 
 ample of the capital in organising themselves - in 
 a Republican style, and put themselves as soon as 
 possible in relation with the capital by delegates. 
 
 " The same spirit of concord, union, and Repub- 
 lican love must inspire us all. Let us have one 
 hope only — our country's welfare, and the triumph 
 of the democratic, social, the one and indivisible 
 Republic. 
 
 " The Delegate of the Journal Ojfficiel." 
 
 The chief editor of the official organ of the 
 Central Committee also published an article on 
 the proletariat and bourgeoisie, in which the role 
 to be played by the former in the coming Revolu- 
 tion was explained. 
 
 We subjoin this article, with the reflections of 
 the Bonapartist writer by whom it was reproduced. 
 In our opinion it is interesting to read the judg- 
 ment passed on the Commune by defenders of the 
 Empire ; and their estimate is all the more curious 
 as it is addressed to the chief editor of the Journal 
 Ojfficiel, who is one of the most implacable enemies 
 of the Empire. He fought desperately against the 
 coup d'Etat of September 2nd, 1851, and was con- 
 
j6 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 demned in consequence to transportation. The 
 author of the reflections, on this article in the 
 Journal Ojfficiel was ignorant of this circumstance. 
 
 Here is the document in question, preceded and 
 followed by the estimate of the imperial jour- 
 nalist : — 
 
 " Shall we to-day accord our attention to the in- 
 famous Government whose first care, after basely 
 and clumsily provoking Paris, was to proclaim, 
 through its prefects, the necessity of placing itself 
 in safety at Versailles ? 
 
 " Others besides the defunct claim our attention 
 at the present moment. 
 
 " Shall we accord it to those journalists who, 
 after having applauded the 4th of September, piti- 
 lessly condemn the i8th of March, without appear- 
 ing to have any idea of the direct solidarity be- 
 tween these two dates ? 
 
 " Other matters besides impotent venality and 
 audacious cynicism demand our consideration at 
 this moment. 
 
 " Shall we give our attention to those deputies 
 of Paris who, seized with dismay at their misdeeds, 
 disown them at Versailles, and abandon the people 
 they have misguided, through fear of having to 
 place themselves to-morrow between their breast 
 and the bullets cast by order of M. Thiers ? 
 
 " Others far more than hypocrites and cowards 
 claim it at this moment. 
 
 " It is to the victors of the Government ; to the 
 logical opponents of a usurping Assembly ; to the 
 instinctive lovers of justice towards a condemned 
 press ; to the instruments, freed at last, of thirty 
 political leaders, unmasked by their own victory ■ 
 
PRINCIPLES- OF THE PROLETARIAT. 5? 
 
 that we shall to-day give our attention," says the 
 Bonapartist writer. 
 
 " We consider it necessary to republish the re- 
 markable reply of the Central Committee, in the 
 ■ Moniteur of last Monday, to its accusers : — 
 
 " ' The reactionary journals continue to mislead 
 public opinion, and to distort with premeditation 
 and dishonesty the political events of which the 
 capital has for three days been the theatre. The 
 grossest calumnies, the most false and outrageous 
 accusations are published against the courageous 
 and unselfish men who, amidst the greatest perils, 
 assumed the heavy responsiblity of the welfare of 
 the Republic. 
 
 " ' Impartial history will surely do them the jus- 
 tice they deserve, and prove that the Revolution of 
 March i8th was another step in the march of 
 progress. 
 
 " ' But yesterday obscure prol^taires, whose 
 names will soon be spread all over the world ; 
 animated by a profound love of justice and right, 
 and an unlimited devotion to France ; inspired by 
 these generous sentiments, and by a courage proof 
 against everything, they have resolved to save their 
 invaded country and their imperilled liberty. This 
 will be their merit before their contemporaries and 
 before posterity. 
 
 " * The proletaires of the capital, amidst exhaus- 
 tion and the treason of the governing classes, have 
 comprehended that the hour has come for them to 
 save the situation and to take in hand the direction 
 of public affairs. 
 
 " ' They have used their powers with a moderation 
 and wisdom which cannot be too highly praised. 
 
S8 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 " ' They have remained calm under the provo- 
 cations of their enemies, and prudent in presence of 
 the foreigner. 
 
 " ' They have given proof of the greatest disin- 
 terestedness and the strictest abnegation. Scarcely 
 come to power, they hastened to convoke the people 
 of Paris to their comitia, in order to immediately 
 nominate a Communal Municipality, into whose 
 hands they might abdicate their authority of one day, 
 
 " • In all history there is not an instance of a 
 provisional government more eager to lay down its 
 mandate in the hands of those elected by universal 
 suffrage. 
 
 " ' In presence of such disinterested, honest, and 
 democratic conduct, we ask with amazement how 
 such an unjust, dishonest, and shameless press 
 dares to exist, and to cast calumny, injury, and. 
 outrage on respectable citizens, whose acts are 
 worthy of all praise and admiration. 
 
 " ' Shall the friends of humanity, the defenders 
 of right, be again defeated, and for ever be the 
 victims of falsehood and calumny ? 
 
 " ' Are the workers, who produce everything and 
 enjoy nothing, who suffer accumulated misery,- the 
 fruit of their labour and their sweat, for ever to be 
 exposed to outrage ? 
 
 " ' Are they never to be allowed to work un- 
 molested at their emancipation, without raising a 
 concert of maledictions ? 
 
 " ' Will the bourgeoisie, their elder brothers, 
 having accomplished, nearly a century ago, their 
 emancipation, and preceded them in the track of 
 Revolution, never comprehend that the turn for the 
 emancipation of the proletariat has arrived ? 
 
PRINCIPLES OF THE PROLETARIAT. 59 
 
 " ' The public disasters and calamities into which 
 its political incapacity and its moral and intel- 
 lectual decrepitude have plunged France should be 
 taken as proof that its time has passed, that the task 
 imposed in the year '89 is accomplished, and that if 
 not forced to give place to the workers, it at least 
 must not hinder them accomplishing in turn their 
 social emancipation. 
 
 " ' In presence of real catastrophes, the concur- 
 rence of all is requisite for our preservation. 
 
 " ' Why, in fatal blindness and with an unheard- 
 of persistency, refuse to the proletariat their legiti- 
 mate share of emancipation ? 
 
 " ' Why deny them for ever the common right ; 
 why oppose with all its power and means the free 
 defvelopment of the working classes ? 
 
 " ' If, since the 4th of last September, the 
 governing class had given free scope to the aspira- 
 tions and needs of the people ; if it had frankly 
 accorded to the working classes common justice 
 and the exercise of all their liberties ; if it had 
 permitted them to develop all their faculties, to 
 practise all their rights, and to satisfy their neces- 
 sities ; if it had not preferred the ruin of the nation 
 to the certain triumph of the Republic in Europe, 
 we should not be where we now are, and our dis- 
 asters would not have come to pass. 
 
 " ' The proletariat, in spite of the permanent 
 menacing of their rights, the absolute denial of all 
 Hieir legitimate aspirations, the ruin of their coimtry, 
 and of all their hopes, have comprehended their 
 imperative duty and absolute right to be masters of, 
 their own destiny, and to secure their triumph by 
 taking the power into their own hands. 
 
6o HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 " ' For this reason they have replied by Revolution 
 ,to the mad and criminal provocations of a blind and 
 culpable Government who did not fear, in the pre- 
 sence of invasion and occupation by the foreigner, 
 to provoke civil war. 
 
 " ' The arnjy, which had orders from the Govern- 
 ment to march against the people, refused to turn 
 its arms against them, and joined its brethren. 
 
 " ' May the blood spilt, if ever so little, and 
 always to be lamented, fall on the heads of the 
 instigators of civil war, and of the people's enemies, 
 who for more than half a century have been the 
 authors of our intestine strifes and national ruin ! 
 
 " ' The march of progress, interrupted for the 
 moment, is beginning anew, and the proletariat, in 
 spite of everything, will accomplish their emancipa- 
 tion. 
 
 " ' VfSiNiER, Delegate of the Journal Officiel.' 
 
 " Does not this language contrast most favour- 
 ably to its author with that of the men of the 4th 
 of September, which the Government of M. Thiers 
 used yesterday, and which the deputies of Paris 
 would surely have given to the workmen, if they 
 had had the courage to accept the direction of a 
 Revolution which owed its still unknown propor- 
 tions to their but too evident cowardice ? 
 
 " There is a great distance between these precise 
 declarations, these modest pretensions, these dis- 
 interested and patriotic sentiments, and the lies 
 imposed by telegraph, the ambitious boasting, 
 the dictatorial demands, and the egotistical sen- 
 timents of MM. Favre, Thiers, and Floquet. 
 
 "We yesterday gratuitously dishonoured the 
 
PRINCIPLES OF THE PROLETARIAT. 6l; 
 
 author of this article by placing him in the same 
 rank as these men. The lines we have reprinted 
 compel us to declare that we were in the wrong. 
 The delegate of the Journal Official is an honest 
 man. MM. Thiers, Favre, and Floquet are not 
 honest men." 
 
 The Central Committee of twenty arrondisse- 
 ments of Paris also published a very remarkable 
 programme of reforms, in the form of a manifesto, 
 to be accomplished by the Commune. 
 
 Here is this document : — 
 
 "Manifesto of the Committee of Twenty Arrondisse- 
 ments. 
 
 " By its Revolution of the 1 8th of March, and the 
 spontaneous and courageous efforts of the National 
 Guard, Paris has regained its autonomy ; that is to 
 say, the right to organise its public force, its police, 
 and its financial administration. 
 
 "On the eve of the sanguinary and disastrous 
 defeat suffered by France as the punishment it had 
 to undergo for the seventy years of the Empire, 
 and the monarchical, clerical, parliamentary, legal, 
 and conciliatory reaction, our country again rises, 
 revives, begins a new life, and retakes the tradition 
 of the Communes of old and of the French Revo- 
 lution. This tradition, which gave victory to 
 France, and earned the respect and sympathy of 
 past generations, will bring independence, wealth, 
 peaceful glory, and brotherly love among nations in 
 the future. 
 
 "Never was there so solemn an hour. The 
 
(>2 HISTORY OP THE COMMUNE. 
 
 Revolution which our fathers commenced and we 
 are finishing — pursued through centuries with 
 such ati abnegation and heroism by the artisans of 
 the middle ages, by the citizens of- the re7iaissance, 
 by the combatants of 1789, and which cost the lives 
 of so many glorious and obscure heroes — is going 
 on. without bloodshed, by the might of the popular 
 will, speaking supremely by depositing its votes 
 in the um. 
 
 " To secure the triumph of the Communal idea, 
 which we are pursuing to its peaceable accomplish- 
 ment, it is necessary to determine its general 
 principles, and to draw up in due form the pro- 
 gramme to be realised and defended by your 
 mandataries. 
 
 " The Commune is the foundation of all political 
 states, exactly as the family is the embryo of 
 human society. 
 
 "It must have its autonomy; that is to say, 
 self-administration and self-government, agreeing 
 with its particular genius, traditions, and wants ; 
 preserving, in its political, moral, national, and 
 special group, its entire liberty, its own character, 
 and its complete sovereignty, like a citizen of a 
 free town. 
 
 " To secure the greatest economic development, 
 the national and territorial independence and 
 security, association is indispensable ; that is to 
 say, a federation of all communes, constituting a 
 united nation. It will find its organisation in the 
 affinity of races, language, geographical situation, 
 historical community, relations, and interests. 
 
 "The autonomy of the Commune guarantees 
 liberty to its citizens ; and the federation of all the 
 
PRINCIPLES OF THE PROLETARIAT. 63 
 
 eommunes increases, by the reciprocity, power, 
 wealth, markets, and resources of each member, the 
 profit of all. 
 
 " It was the Communal idea, pursued from the 
 twelfth century, confirmed by morality, right, and 
 science, which triumphed on the i8th of March, 
 1871. 
 
 " It implies, as a political form, the Republic, 
 which is alone compatible with liberty and popular 
 sovereignty. 
 
 " The most complete liberty to speak, to write, to 
 meet, and to associate. 
 
 " Respect to the individual, and the inviolability 
 of opinion. 
 
 "The sovereignty of universal suffrage, being for 
 ever its own master, and constantly able to convoke 
 and manifest itself. 
 
 "The electoral principle for every functionary 
 and magistrate. 
 
 " The responsibility of mandataries, and conse- 
 quently their permanent revocability. 
 
 "The imperative mandate, that is to say, the 
 precise statement and limitation of the power and 
 mission of those elected. 
 
 " As to Paris, the mandate could be determined 
 as follows : — 
 
 " Immediate organisation of the districts accord- 
 ing to the industrial and commercial situation of 
 each quarter. 
 
 " Autonomy of the National Guard, formed of all 
 electors, nominating all its chiefs and its general 
 staff-oflB.cers, and preserving the civil and federal 
 organisation of the Central Committee, to which 
 the triumph of the 1 8th of March is due. 
 
64 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 " Suppression of the Prefecture of Police. Sur- 
 veillance of the city by the National Guard, under 
 the direct command of the Commune. 
 
 " Suppression of the standing army, so dangerous 
 to liberty, and so burdensome to social economy. 
 
 " Financial organisation, which will permit Paris 
 to dispose internally and freely of its budget, sub- 
 ject, however, to its share of contributions towards 
 the general expenditure for the public service, and 
 to distribute according to the right of equity the 
 losses and charges in proportion to services re- 
 ceived. 
 
 " Suppression of all subsidies to creeds, theatres, 
 and the press. 
 
 " The spread of entirely secular education, con- 
 ciliating the liberty of conscience, the interests and 
 rights of children, with the rights and liberty of 
 the head of the family. 
 
 " The immediate opening of an inquiry to fix the 
 responsibility on public men guilty of the disasters 
 suffered by France ; to state precisely the financial, 
 commercial, industrial, and social situation of the 
 city ; the capital and the force at its disposal ; 
 and to furnish the means and elements for a 
 general and amicable liquidation requisite for the 
 paying up of arrears and the recovery of credit. 
 
 " Organisation of a Commimal assurance system 
 against all social risks, crises, and failures. 
 
 " Constant and assiduous researches to find out 
 the best means of furnishing the producer with 
 capital, tools, markets, and credit, so as to settle 
 for ever the question of wages and horrible 
 pauperism, and to prevent the return of their fatal 
 consequences, sanguinary revenge and civil war. 
 
PRINCIPLES OF THE PROLETARIAT. 65 
 
 " Such is the mandate which we propose, and 
 which we demand of you, citizens, to give to those 
 whom you elect. If they discharge it as they ought 
 to do, with intelligence and fidelity, Paris will, by 
 the glorious and brotherly Revolution of the i8th 
 of March, be the fireest and most fortunate of all 
 cities — not only the capital of France, but of the 
 world. 
 
 "It depends upon you, citizens, to complete peace- 
 ably, with the pride and calmness of sovereignty, 
 the greatest act of our century and of all history 
 by recording your vote, by which means your 
 capacity, your idea, and your power will be 
 asserted. 
 
 " In the name of the Delegation of the Com- 
 mittee of Twenty Arrondissements, 
 " Pierre Denis, Dupas, Lefrancais, 
 Edouard Roullier, Jules Valles." 
 
 A peep at the documents we have quoted will be 
 sufiicient to convince us that, besides the material 
 causes, the accidents of war, and the political 
 phenomena which gave rise to the Revolution of 
 the 1 8th of March, there were others of a philosophi- 
 cal, economical, and social order still more grave 
 and urgent, the solution of which would prove far 
 more beneficial, and which, indeed, was impera- 
 tively demanded. 
 
 First, we must say that philosophical and re - 
 ligious teachings are no loncrer in karmony -^y^^li 
 thft wants-nf our time : that the progress of humanj[ 
 intellect, as well as the light of reason, rejects the 
 antiquated philosophical theories, the absurd super-J 
 stitions and dogmas of modern systems of religion! 
 
66 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 Without going more deeply into this subject, and 
 turning to economical and social matters, we say, 
 that whether thevprivileged and governing classes 
 comprehend it or not, the gre at question of our 
 ti;ne is the proMtariat. the solut io n of which must 
 be found and applied. 
 
 It is absolutely necessary, under pain of deca- 
 dence or death, that this question should be 
 resolutely broached. It is indispensable that the , 
 proletariat should be transformed, and the ^alariat 
 abolished. This social ^oblem must be solved. 
 ' The present society cannot act, cannot any 
 longer be endured, and cannot live. It must either 
 die or be transformed. But since it cannot die, it 
 must be transformed. 
 
 ~ The progress of the arts and sciences, by its 
 development, expands the horizon, the wants, and 
 the appetites of the disinherited classes ; enlightens 
 them, and also increases the 'knowledge of their 
 rights ; gives them an earnest and rational con- 
 science ; and incites them, whether they will or not, 
 to the acquisition of these rights and the satisfac- 
 tion of their wants, which are indispensable to the 
 intellectual development of the individual. 
 
 Another reason for this transformation is the 
 growing difficulty which workmen-prol6taires ex- 
 perience in procuring the necessaries of life. 
 
 The equilibrium between production and con- 
 sumption becomes day by day more disturbed. 
 The difference between wages and the wants of 
 material life is constantly increasing; that is to 
 say, the price for work falls more and more, while 
 the cost of maintenance is considerably, augmented. 
 The disparity between the producing and the 
 
PRINCIPLES OF THE PROLETARIAT. f; 
 
 selling price becomes greater, and misery follows 
 in the same proportion. The workmen are unable 
 to procure sufl&cient sustenance, on account of the 
 constant decrease in their wages ; they suffer, they 
 are on the rack, in misery, and rapidly sink into 
 pauperism. 
 
 Our society, it is sad to say, has arrived at this 
 point, this terrible situation ; but it must be stated. 
 The misery of the workmen-prol6taires increases 
 in direct and proportional ratio to the progress 
 of labour, industry, arts, trades, sciences, and 
 wealth. The latter is accumulated in the hands 
 of a few, a scheming minority, who alone profit 
 by it, and in this manner gain the means and 
 power of oppression against the great majority of 
 workmen, whose misery they unceasingly augment. 
 A social organism which has arrived at this point, 
 which produces such disastrous effects, growing 
 worse from day to day, is a bad order of things, 
 and doomed to perish, for its days are numbered. 
 
 Societies, like individuals, can only exist under 
 certain normal conditions ; when these fail, and 
 the elements indispensable to their life are want- 
 ing, they lie at the point of death, and speedily 
 succumb. 
 
 These are precisely the phenomena of to-day. 
 Blind are those who do not see them, and culpable 
 are those who, from personal interests, will not 
 yield to evidence, but seek in empirical means for 
 remedies which can only be found by the aid of 
 social science. 
 
 Because the governing classes have not appre- 
 ciated all this, because they closed their eyes 
 against the light, because they stopped up their 
 
68 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 ears so as not to hear, because they persistently re- 
 fused to comprehend, we have been brought to the 
 crisis into which we are plunged to-day, and which 
 produced the Revolution of the 1 8th of March. 
 
 The men in power, their satellites, associates, co- 
 partners, accomplices, and domestics, who dare to 
 insult, slander, and calumniate us every day in the 
 most infamous manner, should study the causes of 
 this evil, and seek for the natural remedies which 
 science teaches ; and surely this would be of more 
 value than their outrage upon us. Let them read 
 us ; let them inquire into our past and present 
 conduct, our ideas and principles, our tendencies 
 and aims, and they will see that those whom they 
 so readily treat as barbarians; as rude, stupid, 
 and ignorant; as incapable and culpable; as dis- 
 honest; as the rabble; as miscreants, scoundrels, 
 and robbers — are honest and earnest men, skilful 
 and intelligent, who ought to be heard and studied 
 rather than insulted. 
 
 To seek to dishonour opponents in social economy, 
 adversaries in philosophy, and political enemies; 
 to imprison, proscribe, and shoot them; to massacre 
 them en masse; to frighten and terrify a popula- 
 tion; to depopulate a city like Paris ;^this is no 
 solution of the vexatious social questions we pro- 
 pound : only to do such things rather aggravates 
 instead of healing them. 
 
 All the mistakes, all the crimes of individuals, of 
 parties, and of society, are deviations from natural 
 laws, errors of the human intellect, outrages against 
 common sense, reason, and justice; and if the 
 governing classes are guilty thereof, grave acci- 
 dents, profound commotions, catastrophes, and 
 
PRINCIPLES OF THE PROLETARIAT. 69 
 
 revolutions will be the result. The 1 8th of March 
 ought, in our humble opinion, to have opened the 
 eyes of the least clear-sighted. This tremendous 
 social commotion should have persuaded and con- 
 vinced them that the great and most difi&cult 
 problem of the proletariat demanded solution. 
 
 Alas ! it was unfortunately otherwise. The ter- 
 rible events which- have happened since the i8th 
 of March — the inexorable, sanguinary, and foolish 
 reaction — have proved to us that the emigrants of 
 Versailles, like those of Coblentz, have forgotten 
 nothing and learnt nothing ; they are deaf, blind, 
 and pitiless. 
 
 They inexorably and fatally lead us on to the 
 most tremendous misfortunes, the most terrible 
 catastrophes, and into the deepest abysses. But, 
 in spite of them, and whether it is agreeable or 
 not, the solution they most dread, on account of 
 their triple exploitation — religious, political, and 
 economical — ^will be accomplished. The present 
 proletariat will be abolished in the same manner 
 as slavery and modem bondage. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 r6i.e of the deputies, mayors, and adjuncts 
 
 OF PARIS. 
 
 Now let us see what was the part played by the 
 mayors, adjuncts, and deputies of Paris during the 
 events we are narrating. 
 
 On March 19th the municipal magistrates of 
 Paris held meetings at two and six o'clock in the 
 afternoon, in the mairies of the Third and Second 
 Arrondissements, under the presidency of M. 
 Tirard. These gentlemen decided, at both meet- 
 ings, to send a deputation to the Government at 
 Versailles, to obtain the revocation of the Bona- 
 partist general, Vinoy, one of the men most com- 
 promised at the time of the coup d'Etat of the 2nd 
 of December, 1851, as well as of the royalist 
 general, D' Aurelle de Paladines, whom the Govern- 
 ment of the Assembly at Versailles had the un- 
 lucky idea to nominate as commander-in-chief of 
 the National Guard of the Seine. 
 
 The meeting of the mayors and adjuncts of Paris 
 demanded, in addition, that these two superior 
 officers should be replaced by General Billaut and 
 Lieutenant-colonel Langlois. 
 
 The revocation of the prefect of police, Valentin 
 commander of gendarmes, and of the mayor of Paris 
 
ROLE OF THE DEPUTIES, ETC. 71 
 
 Jules Ferry, was also demanded, and that MM. Ed- 
 mond Adam and Dorian should take their places. 
 
 After many proceedings and a great number 
 of preliminary conversations, the Government de- 
 cided to give way as to the replacement of General 
 d'Aurelle de Paladines by M. Langlois, and M. 
 Ferry gave in his resignation as mayor of Paris. 
 
 The new commander of the National Guard then 
 repaired to the H6tel-de-Ville to inform the Central 
 Council of his nomination. 
 
 He .was asked by Commander Brunet,.who re- 
 ceived him, if he acknowledged the power of the 
 Central Committee of the National Guard. 
 
 " No ! " was the arrogant answer of Lieutenant- 
 colonel Langlois. 
 
 " Then," replied citizen Brunet, " we can neither 
 acknowledge you nor accept you as commander of 
 the National Guard of Paris ;" and M. Langlois 
 retired. 
 ^ The mayors and adjuncts of the capital, who were 
 soon joined by the deputies, continued negotia- 
 tions with the Government of Versailles, without 
 arriving at any satisfactory solution. 
 
 The deputies of Paris, in concurrence with the 
 mayors and adjuncts, resolved to bring the question 
 before the Assembly of Versailles, in order, if pos- 
 sible, to hasten its solution. 
 
 The following is the proclamation published in 
 Paris, in which the electors were informed of their 
 intentions and resolutions : — 
 
 " Citizens, 
 " Feeling the absolute necessity of saving Paris 
 and the Republic, and of avoiding all cause of 
 
72 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 collision, and convinced that the best means for 
 realising this supreme result is to give satisfaction 
 to the legitimate wishes of the people, we have 
 to-day resolved to induce the National Assembly 
 to adopt two measures, which we hope will not be 
 rejected, and which will contribute to re-establish 
 calmness in your minds. 
 
 "These two measures are the election of all the 
 chiefs of the National Guard, and the formation of 
 a Municipal Council nominated by all the citizens. 
 " What we desire, and what, under present cir- 
 cumstances, is necessary for the common welfare, 
 is order in and by liberty. ' Vive la France ! ' 
 ' Vive la R6publique ! ' 
 
 "Signed: Louis Blanc, Schoelcher, Pey- 
 RAT, Adam, Floquet, Bernard, 
 Langlois, Lockroy, Farcy, 
 Brisson, Greppo, Milliere." 
 
 The following is Paschal Grousset's opinion qn 
 the proclamation and the conduct of the deputies 
 of Paris : — 
 
 " It was with no astonishment, but with veritable 
 pain, that we read this morning, on the walls, the 
 manifesto of the deputies and mayors of Paris. 
 
 " Certainly we do homage to the eagerness with 
 which those elected by the people have accepted, 
 on their personal account, the two principal points 
 of the popular programme — the Communal election 
 and the independence of the National Guard. We 
 willingly acknowledge the good grace they have 
 shown in attesting publicly, and by means of 
 placards, their adhesion to a movement which was 
 accomplished without their assistance. 
 
ROLE OF THE DEPUTIES, ETC. 73 
 
 " To those who know the littleness and the 
 miseries of politics, this sacrifice — for it is a veri- 
 table sacrifice — has its value : it would be unjust 
 not to appreciate it. 
 
 ■" But making these reservations, where are we, 
 in what a degree of political decadence is France, 
 if those elected by Paris believe themselves bound 
 to subordinate the programme of the i8th of March 
 to the approbation of the Assembly of Versailles ? 
 
 "What! citizen Louis Blanc, citizen Lockroy, 
 citizen Greppo, and citizen Millifere, do you 
 seriously think that the people of Paris are in 
 want of the authorisation of the worthy peasants 
 to lay the foundation of their municipal liberty ? 
 
 " What ! do you think that such an authorisation 
 could be of any value whatever ? 
 
 " Seriously, we cannot believe it. 
 
 " The right of Paris . not to submit any longer 
 to the oppression of the provinces — not to allow 
 the spirit to be stifled by matter, or science obscured 
 by stupidity — is too evident not to be seen by 
 every one, and especially by the representatives of 
 Paris. 
 
 " In point of fact, of what value at the present 
 moment can be the opinion of a rural Assembly, 
 which has not even one bayonet remaining in its 
 small towns, against a population of three hundred 
 thousand men armed to the very teeth, united in 
 one idea, and masters of the position ? As far as 
 facts are concerned, we say, it must be patent in 
 itself, and cannot be judged in two ways. 
 
 " What, then, can be the reason for this proposi- 
 tion, which the deputies of Paris persist in dragging 
 before the Assembly at Versailles ? 
 
74 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 "Is it a fine project to give an appearance of 
 ' legality ' to the act of taking possession of their 
 sovereignty by the people of Paris ? 
 
 "Are they of opinion that this politeness will 
 touch the hearts of the provincials, and settle the 
 act of union which they think necessary between 
 Paris and the provinces ? 
 
 " If this be the case, poor policy, like all parlia- 
 mentary policy, and as little as possible adapted to 
 the spirit of the present Revolution ! 
 
 " Go on, we have no need to take these mittens ! 
 The departments as well know that they cannot do 
 without 'Paris, as Paris knows that it can do very 
 well without them. 
 
 " And if it were otherwise, what would they do ? 
 We have power, which they have not. We have 
 right, which they cannot contest, because they were 
 the first to repudiate us, and to put us under the 
 ban of the nation. 
 
 "The present situation is stronger than the 
 reasoning of the whole world. 
 
 " We wish to organise ourselves and govern our- 
 selves. We have the power to do this. We have 
 the will. We are going to do it. 
 
 " The departments have only to bow down their 
 heads ; and it is already too much to condescend 
 to give them this advice." 
 
 In order to afford a still more exact idea of the 
 negotiations commenced by the deputies of Paris, 
 we wi-U give an impartial resume, of the discussions 
 on this subject in the Assembly of Versailles. 
 
 In the sitting of March 2oth' M. C16menceau laid 
 a proposition before the Assembly relative to the 
 municipality of Paris in these terms : 
 
ROLE OF THE DEPUTIES, ETC. 75 
 
 " Under the grave circumstances through which 
 we are passing, I lay this bill, signed by different 
 members of this Assembly, on the table : — 
 
 " Art., I. To proceed as speedily as possible 
 with the municipal elections of Paris. 
 
 "Art. II. The Municipal Council of Paris shall 
 be composed of eighty members. 
 
 " Art. III. The Council shall nominate its pre- 
 sident, who shall have the same powers as the 
 mayor of Paris. 
 
 "Art. IV. There shall be incompatibility be- 
 tween the functions of the mayor and adjuncts of 
 the different arrondissements and those of the 
 Municipal Council. 
 
 " Signed : Louis Blanc, Langlois, Lockroy, 
 Martin - Bernard, Tirard, 
 Clemenceau." 
 
 The depositor of the bill added, " We demand 
 urgency." 
 
 " The President. — But since bureaux meetings 
 are to be held, urgency cannot be demanded. 
 
 " M. Clemenceau. — We did not come to provoke 
 a debate, and it is on this account that we do not 
 wish to develop our reasons for urgency. (' Speak, 
 speak.') 
 
 " There is at the present moment no other power 
 in Paris but that of the municipalities. The 
 Government has left its post. (Protestations from 
 the Government benches.) 
 
 "The post of the Government was where danger 
 lay. It is certain, then, that in Paris no other 
 power exists but the authority of the munici- 
 palities. 
 
76 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 " M. Picard.— That authority is disputed.' 
 
 " M. Climenceau. — All the more reason to demand 
 urgency ; but, as I have already twice said, there is 
 no other authority in Paris. 
 
 " The President. — You have no right to say that 
 there is no authority in France. 
 
 " M. Climenceau. — I did not say so. I should not 
 be here if I did not recognise the supreme power 
 of this Assembly. If you wish to get out of this 
 fearful situation, organise a municipal authority.in 
 Paris at once, so that all those who desire order 
 may draw around that authority. 
 
 " That authority can only emanate from the vote 
 of Paris. You will find no other point of support 
 which you could offer to all who are willing to 
 return to legality. 
 
 "J/. Picard. — If a municipality were the only 
 question, I should not contradict the honourable 
 member who has just spoken. But in the face of 
 an insurrection which does not recognise certain 
 municipalities, and to-morrow will not recognise 
 any, is it possible to make true, that is to say, free 
 elections ? No. We demand that the Chamber 
 shall pronounce itself against urgency. 
 
 " M. Tirard. — ^We do not contest this point. Yes^ 
 it is indispensable that the elections should be free. 
 But believe me, we only demand urgency because 
 we feel its absolute necessity. We have done all 
 in our power; we have for two days faced the 
 greatest danger. 
 
 " M. Thiers. — And so have we. 
 
 " M. Tirard. — But Paris has been abandoned by 
 the Government. 
 
 "■M. Thiers.— '^o\ 
 
ROLE OF THE DEPUTIES, ETC. 77 
 
 " M. Picard. — The ministers have been expelled 
 by force. 
 
 "M. Tirard. — I will only prove one fact; we 
 blame nobody. . . . 
 
 "I return to the question. We met at our 
 mairies, without power to intervene even in trifles. 
 I was yesterday with two of my colleagues at the 
 Home OflB.ce. The National Guard came to take 
 possession of it, and we had to retire. In a word, 
 we remained in our mairies, and only to-night has 
 the Home Minister sent us power to act in an ad- 
 ministrative sense. We received delegates from 
 the H6tel-de-Ville, to whom we declared that we 
 were the only persons elected by universal suffrage, 
 and that we would not allow our mandate to be 
 endangered. 
 
 "Amongst the causes which have placed us in this 
 situation, some have strongly impressed all minds. 
 At iirst astonishment was expressed that the Na- 
 tional Guard did not respond to the call of the 
 Government. The law on bills of exchange had a 
 little to do with it.. Besides, Paris has no municipal 
 administration. I guarantee the end of the civil 
 war as soon as the honest men of Paris are appealed 
 to by placards inviting them to elect mandataries. 
 
 " M. Picard. — But the electors have already been 
 convoked. 
 
 '"M. Tirard. — To the objection of the Home 
 Minister I reply that there are placards inviting 
 them to the elections on the 22 nd. We have de- 
 clared that we will oppose them. And you tell us 
 that we make common cause with the rioters ! Be 
 assured that the population will be with us if you 
 only do what we ask of you. 
 
78 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 "M. Picard.—The Chamber has heard the ex- 
 planations of some members. What difference is 
 there between them and us ? A shade. In the 
 present circumstances we must not be stopped 
 by shades. It appears to me that the proposition 
 for urgency should not be rejected by the Cham- 
 ber. Besides, several of our colleagues know that' 
 we have for some time been disposed to propose a 
 bill for the municipal elections. . . . 
 
 " Urgency was then put to the vote and adopted." 
 
 In the sitting of March 2 1 st a member of the 
 Assembly again spoke on the subject of the muni- 
 cipal elections in the following terms : — 
 
 "We have this morning examined the question 
 of the Municipal Council of Paris. This question 
 affects the elections for the whole of France. The 
 Assembly should at the present moment know how 
 to accept its mandate. Time presses on you to de- 
 cide that the commissioners named by the bureaux 
 shall at once commence. Ought we to remain 
 here all night ? 
 
 " While we are here doing nothing, the insurgents 
 are at work. Activity is wanted. We cannot call 
 this being active, retiring at two o'clock when the 
 whole day is before us. 
 
 * * • * * # # 
 
 " M. Climenceau. — I have already declared that 
 we recognise no other authority than yours, and 
 that I only demand the re-establishment of this 
 authority in Paris. This may be attained either by 
 force or by peace. I believe that we can accomplish 
 it by peace. 
 
, ROLE OF THE DEPUTIES, ETC. 79 
 
 "We have said that we wish to intervene be- 
 tween Paris and the Central Committee. But in 
 order to intervene, a basis is requisite. This basis 
 is the municipal election. If we make these elec- 
 tions, the struggle will be a peaceable one. You 
 will re-establish calmness in Paris without shed- 
 ding a drop of blood. (Loud cries on the Right.) 
 But you cannot make the siege of Paris ! The 
 chiefs of battalions are there, but their men do 
 not obey them. Believe me, there is only one 
 means of saving order, and that is the municipal 
 elections of Paris ; but let us make haste. 
 
 " M. Langlots. — I am of the same opinion as 
 M. Clemenceau. But I wish the Assembly to de- 
 clare, since the elections to be made to-morrow 
 will be void, that the municipal elections shall take 
 place soon. Give from this day to Paris the com- 
 mon right of municipal elections — that is the 
 practical solution. By this means you will di- 
 minish the number of those who vote under the 
 compulsion of the Central Committee. Do this, 
 I implore you. 
 
 " M. Brisson. — We all acknowledge that the 
 proposition of citizen Langlois is of extreme 
 urgency. But we declare that this municipal 
 assembly will have no right over France. If the 
 report of the Commission on the elections cannot 
 be got ready in time, let the Assembly place Paris 
 under the common right by a law made by an 
 order of the day. 
 
 " The President. — It is deplorable that all the 
 bureaux have not nominated commissioners. Here 
 is the order of the day laid on my bureau : — 
 
8o HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 " ' Considering that a free Government has re- 
 placed the arbitrary Government which has fallen ; 
 
 " * The National Assembly decrees : 
 
 " ' The city of Paris shall return to its common 
 right respecting its municipal administration.' 
 
 " M. Thiers. — It is true this question is of enor- 
 mous importance; we comprehend the interest 
 which it exercises. Will you say to Paris that it 
 shall be treated like the rest of France? Yes. 
 But France cannot bear the yoke of Paris, know 
 that. (Applause on the Right.) 
 
 "The common right cannot be accepted as it 
 has been explained. Under the last regime Paris 
 was not represented ; it was governed by a Com- 
 mission nominated by the prefect of the Seine. If 
 you mean by common right that Paris shall be 
 governed by its representatives, I am of your 
 opinion. 
 
 " But if you say that Paris shall be governed by 
 three hundred thousand men, no ! We must con- 
 trive measures so as to organise a system agree- 
 able to Paris before voting a law. 
 
 " If Paris requires this guarantee that it shall 
 have a Municipal Council like all other towns, we 
 will give it ; but if Paris will be the slave of sec- 
 tions, we love Paris too well to do so. Give us a 
 few days, and before long Paris shall govern itself 
 We ask only for time to vote a law. 
 
 " M. Louis Blanc. — ^We join with all our heart 
 in the words of the Chief of the Executive power. 
 But in order to give all good citizens a centre 
 around which to rally, we must hasten to grant 
 Paris a Municipal Council. 
 
 " On the Right. — Yes, yes ! 
 
ROLE OF THE DEPUTIES, ETC. 8i 
 
 " M. Louts Blanc. — Let the Assembly declare it 
 immediately. 
 
 " M. Clemenceau. — ^I'thank the Chief of the Exe- 
 cutive for his declaration; but he demands time, 
 and time is just the thing that we cannot spare. It 
 is true that we cannot make a law in a hurry. But 
 could we not proceed with the municipal elections, 
 and vote the law afterwards ? 
 
 " On the Right. — Come then, nonsense ! 
 
 " M. Climeficeau. — If I spoke in that manner, 
 gentlemen of the Commission, I did so because I 
 did not wish to give my country up to civil war. 
 You are afraid, it seems to me, of appearing to 
 make common cause with the riot. 
 
 "But if the government of the H6tel-de-Ville 
 is obeyed, the elections will be made to-morrow in 
 Paris. 
 
 " I free myself from all responsibility for the 
 misfortunes that may follow. If you do not pass 
 this law speedily, we shall go down into the abyss 
 — know this. 
 
 " On the Right. — Close, close ! 
 
 " A Member. — Has Paris regular electoral lists ? 
 (' Yes,' on the Left.) We shall allow Paris to come 
 under the common law as soon as it returns to 
 itself. 
 
 ^^ Admiral Saisset. — I was called to the chief 
 command of the National Guard of the Seine, and 
 immediately wrote to the mayors that if they 
 would assist me with their authority I could draw 
 around my flag all good citizens. 
 
 "After this I wrote to a commune to send me 
 two battalions in order to take the Elys6e and the 
 Home OfRce ; but they would not come. There 
 
82 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 was danger in delay. Requisitions were made at 
 one's own house. Citizens were arrested. General 
 AUain was made prisoner, and kept as a hostage ; 
 and, as I have been assured, his wife also. 
 
 "I was told in Paris that after having been 
 abandoned by the Assembly (murmurs), nobody 
 knew whom to follow. I found three hundred men 
 at my disposal; but these were not enough to 
 master the situation. Yes, the position is terrible ; 
 the insurrection is capable of anything. I speak 
 as a man who knows the state of affairs. Listen 
 to me : give every facility to Paris for making the 
 municipal elections. Let the elections take place 
 the day after to-morrow. (Uproar.) 
 
 " For two days have I been in the midst of all 
 this, and blush to have been obliged to be there. 
 I am ready to fight against the insurgents, but we 
 must remember that five hundred thousand women 
 and innocent children are there. 
 / " M. Tolain. — After these explanations it appears 
 to me that all your delusions ought to vanish. If 
 you desire to avoid civil war, give to the deputies 
 and mayors of Paris the means of acting. You 
 must bow down if you wish to save Paris and the 
 Republic. (' Oh, oh ! the Republic ! ') 
 
 "I do not argue whether, justly or unjustly, 
 the insurrection is in the wrong. Yes, if I believed 
 the insurrection to be just, I should be at the Hotel- 
 de-Ville. 
 
 " I have done all I could to re-establish order in 
 Paris — I who am not, as you know, a declared 
 partisan of order. (Uproar.) My name is not 
 precisely identical with conservative opinions, but 
 lor all that, it does not prevent me wishing for. 
 
ROLE OF THE DEPUTIES, ETC. 83 
 
 order in the hearts and in the streets. If you would 
 save the population of Paris, that population which 
 for six months has suffered so much misery, and 
 which at this moment is so sad, allow us to carry 
 the news to Paris that in a few days it can hold 
 its municipal elections. 
 
 " One member thinks the proposition out of place. 
 (' Oh, oh ! ') 
 
 "tI/. Thiers. — Paris complains of not being re- 
 presented like other towns of France. It is right. 
 But we only ask it to recognise the absolute impos- 
 sibility, at this hour, of gratifying its wishes. We 
 must combine a system ; we will do so as soon as 
 possible. How can you make so important a law 
 in twenty-four hours ? Do you believe that the 
 men in possession of Paris, who have killed 
 
 Thomas, the soul of the Republic 
 
 " M. Jules Favre. — Outlaw of December! It 
 was the Bonapartists who killed him. 
 
 " M. Thiers. — Who have taken Chanzy as a 
 hostage — ^for if we make a mistake, it is he who is 
 responsible — do you believe that these men will 
 listen to you — you, Lockroy; you, Cl^menceau? 
 And if you are not Republicans, who then is ? We 
 have heard that Admiral Saisset had an ovation on 
 the boulevards ; we nominate him General-in-Chief. 
 ^^ Admiral Saisset. — I have been condemned to 
 death. 
 
 "J/. Thiers. — Let us clear up the situation. 
 What have we done in Paris ? You have been told 
 that the cannons would be given up. I was not of 
 that opinion. I consented to wait. After this you 
 said to us, 'What! you support the spectacle of a 
 hundred cannons levelled at Paris, menacing 
 
84 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 affairs, and keeping the Prussians on the soil of 
 France ! ' 
 
 " We agree with you (to the Left), you said to 
 us, ' They will be given up to you.' But they were 
 not surrendered. I resolved to take them, and I 
 prefer being beaten rather than to refuse to fight. 
 If we have been beaten, it is because of the con- 
 fusion. The troops were surrounded by women 
 and children, and did not fire. 
 
 " In the year 1 848, the Government, dear to me, 
 fell for the same reason. On that occasion I at 
 once raised the troops out of that chaos; I sent 
 them to the other side of the Seine; and there 
 they made the law and the national sovereignty 
 respected. General d'Aurelle certainly demanded 
 ten thousand National Guards to fight by the side 
 of the active army ; but they made no appearance. 
 As Paris did not wish to save itself, we have 
 resolved to save France and you. 
 
 "It is on account of this Revolution that we 
 have saved the army, and found for our meetings a 
 place protected by the faithful army and the whole 
 of France. (Bravos.) 
 
 " We know that Paris has saved the honour of 
 France, but we must not sacrifice its right. 
 
 "Paris did not help us to deliver it from the 
 insurgents. Paris has given us the right to prefer 
 France to itself But, for all that, we shall come 
 to the aid of Paris as soon as we can. (Murmurs 
 on the Left.) 
 
 " No, I defy your ability to make a law which 
 will be accepted by these men. If assassination 
 could not open the eyes of Paris, a bill never 
 will. 
 
ROLE OF THE DEPUTIES, ETC. 85 
 
 "J/. Tolain. — ^We protested on the same day 
 against assassinations ; we told them so. 
 
 "il/. Thiers. — ^Yes, Paris shall be represented; 
 we shall make a law — perhaps not after our own 
 ideas, but we shall make it hopelessly — so that these 
 men may have no further excuse for their blind- 
 ness. They are not to be disarmed by reason. The 
 firm attitude of this Assembly and of France will 
 alone disarm them. In an instant they will find 
 themselves isolated, and then we hope that Paris 
 will save itself; but the offer of three hundred men 
 to Admiral Saisset seems to prove that they are 
 little disposed to do so. 
 
 " We do not wish to attack Paris. Let it open its 
 arms to us, and we shall do the same. Paris has 
 rights ; we shall not refiise them recognition. But 
 let there be no illusions ; for if the law be made, I 
 defy you to put it in execution. 
 
 " M. Clemenceau. — The Chief of the Executive has 
 explained to you how he was led to become the 
 principal cause of the events which have taken 
 place. (General rumours.) 
 
 " M. Jules Fwvre. — That is an act of accusation. 
 
 " M. Clemenceau. — I believe that the Government 
 has made mistakes ; but those mistakes are nothing 
 compared with the crimes committed. (* Ah, ah ! ') 
 
 " The mayors had promised to do all in their 
 power towards a peaceable solution. I told the 
 Home Minister that had it not been for the re- 
 moval of the National Assembly to Versailles and 
 the suppression of the five journals, all would have 
 been ended ten days ago. 
 
 " The Chief of the Executive power said to us, 
 ' You will never satisfy these men with your law ; 
 
86 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 but I do not care to satisfy them. I wish to give a 
 support to the men of order in Paris. They are in 
 the majority. Without this you will be obliged to 
 use force ; you will have to bear all the responsi- 
 bility of your acts.' 
 
 " M. Jules J^avre.— Just now the President of the 
 Council said, ' Let Paris give a sign, and we shall 
 be with it.' We have never ceased to be with it. 
 But time presses; the evil must be crushed by 
 energetic acts. The citizens of Paris bear the 
 shameful yoke with trembling. Some journals 
 have set a noble example. Under the knife of 
 the assassins they have published the following 
 protest. 
 
 " (He read the protest of the journals and the 
 signatures.) 
 
 "You see that the press of Paris has almost 
 unanimously protested against the culpable attempt 
 of which Paris is the victim. And concerning the 
 question we are debating, I say, Yes, Paris shall 
 have its representation. We have, in concert with 
 the Home Minister, prepared a bill with this view. 
 If the only question was to give to Paris the liberty 
 of election, the majority of this Assembly would 
 before now have accorded to Paris the rights we 
 are debating. But these questions are not the 
 same as those which are debated in Paris. 
 
 " There are some fatal doctrines which in philo- 
 sophy are called individualism, and in politics 
 materialism : the Republic above universal suf- 
 frage. With that Paris may be made to believe 
 that it can have its own individuality, that it can 
 live upon its autonomy; and it is sad, after so 
 many centuries, to find ourselves facing a sedition 
 
ROLE OF THE DEPUTIES, ETC. 87 
 
 which might be compared to the fable of the mem- 
 bers and the stomach. 
 
 " How then ! Would Paris separate itself from 
 the provinces, the ' rurals,' as they call them ? 
 How could Paris stand this political and social 
 error after that siege which it has sustained with 
 so much heroism ? It should have comprehended 
 that separation from the provinces would be its 
 death. A free Commune is direct servitude. 
 
 " It appeared to me that during such an extraor- 
 dinary movement it was not unreasonable to point 
 out the error which has led simple-minded men 
 astray. How is it that we should hesitate to take 
 energetic steps for destroying such an opprobrium ? 
 (Bravos on the Right.) 
 
 " Is not this situation of Paris that of civil 
 war ? Requisitions have commenced. We shall 
 see that the mistake of those who did not under- 
 stand taking up arms for their defence caused the 
 whole of society to give way. If the Government 
 quitted Paris, it did so to save the army. But let 
 the imeute thoroughly understand that though the 
 Government is now at Versailles, it hopes to return. 
 
 " The imeute, doubting whether we have the right 
 to suppress it, appeals to a foreign army. How 
 can we give security for our solvency after such 
 shocks ? They came to ask if we would not con- 
 tinue to negotiate with the Prussians. (Laughter.) 
 
 " You must not laugh over such serious things, 
 and, in my opinion, men who seek to ruin you 
 deserve no pity. To give you an idea of their 
 morality, I will read the following article from their 
 official journal. 
 
 " (M. Jules Favre read the article in the Officiel 
 
88 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 relative to the assassination of Generals Lecomte 
 and Clement Thomas, accompanying it with some 
 commentaries.) 
 
 " However, what have we done ? 
 
 " The Prussians wanted to disarm the National 
 Guard. With considerable efforts we saved their 
 arms. Let France know that, come what may, we 
 shall be with her. 
 
 " Admiral Saisset. — ^Well, call on the provinces, 
 and let us march to Paris. 
 
 " M. Tolain. — We are not paid with words ; we 
 want a vote. 
 
 " M. Tirard. — I come from Paris. All the mayors 
 are assembled at the mairie of the Second Arron- 
 dissement. A great number of mairies are occu- 
 pied by the real mayors. (Murmurs.) We are in 
 front of men from the H6tel-de-Ville ; we keep 
 them at bay. I pass my days at the mairie. I am 
 going to return after the sitting. I know better 
 than any one what is passing in Paris. 
 
 " I tell you, in all sincerity, that Paris may be 
 saved by measures of preservation. It is a measure 
 of preservation which we have proposed. The 
 measure was announced, and the result was imme- 
 diately felt. I called the chiefs of battalions to- 
 gether, and said to them, ' This must come to an 
 end,' and they signed the' proclamation which is 
 placarded at this very hour in my arrondissement. 
 
 " I am not in the secret of the means at the dis- 
 posal of the minister, but a great portion of the 
 battalions of the National Guard are armed with 
 chassepots. There are red trousers in the ranks of 
 the insurgent National Guards. I do not believe 
 you to be strong enough. (Uproar.) 
 
ROLE OF THE DEPUTIES, ETC. 89 
 
 " One word in conclusion. One thing in the 
 speech of the Foreign Minister has greatly im- 
 pressed me — the division sought to be created 
 between Paris and the provinces. Well, facts are 
 transpiring in Paris which I have no wish to make 
 known. (' Speak, speak ! ' 'No, no!') I announce 
 to you that our work is going on well : do not pre- 
 vent us following it up 
 
 " On the Right. — And Chanzy ? 
 
 " Chanzy ! We have been looking out for him. 
 
 " If you will adopt our project, tranquillity will 
 return. In three days we shall be masters of the 
 H6tel-de-Ville. If we return to Paris this evening 
 with empty hands, I do not know what may happen. 
 I leave you to say. 
 
 " M. Thiers. — The graver the circumstances, the 
 longer the discussions. I thank M. Tirard for his 
 courage under these difficult circumstances. 
 
 " Let it be well understood that we do not intend 
 to march upon Paris ; we expect that Paris will 
 come to reason. We will grant Paris its rights, 
 with one single restriction : we shall take measures 
 to prevent such infamies in the future. 
 
 " The President. — I have received several voted 
 orders of the day. 
 
 " MM. Picard and Jules Favre declare that the 
 Government accepts the orders of the day without 
 distinction. 
 
 " A member having demanded the order of the 
 day, pure and simple, M. Favre replied that the 
 adoption of this proposition would be regarded as 
 hostile to the Government. 
 
 " The following order of the day is adopted : — 
 
 " ' The National Assembly, in concert with the 
 
go HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 Executive, declaring that the municipal adminis- 
 tration of Paris and the departments shall be con- 
 structed upon the principle of elected councils, 
 passes to the order of the day.' " 
 
 After this vote, which afforded no guarantee to 
 the population of Paris, because it neither named 
 the time, nor by whom, nor how the Municipal 
 Councils were to be elected, the deputies of the 
 Left, and the mayors and adjuncts of Paris, pub- 
 lished the following protest against the elections 
 of the Communal Council, to be held on the next 
 day, March 22nd : — 
 
 " Citizens, 
 
 " Your wishes have been laid before the National 
 Assembly : the Assembly has satisfied them by a 
 unanimous vote, guaranteeing the municipal elec- 
 tions in Paris and in all the communes of France. 
 
 " Pending these elections, which are the only 
 legal and regular ones, and conformable to true Re- 
 publican ■principles, it is the duty of good citizens 
 to pay no attention to a call addressed to them 
 without title or authority. 
 
 " We, your municipal representatives and depu- 
 ties, declare that we shall keep entirely aloof from 
 the elections announced for to-morrow, and protest 
 against their illegality. 
 
 " Citizens, let us unite to respect the law, and 
 the country and the Republic will be saved. 
 
 " Vive la France ! Vive la R^publique ! " 
 
 {Signatures^ 
 
 We see, by this proclamation, that the mayors, 
 
ROLE OF THE DEPUTIES, ETC. 91 
 
 adjuncts, and deputies of Paris denied the electors 
 of the capital the right of proceeding with the 
 elections of the Communal Assembly without the 
 sanction of the majority at Versailles. 
 
 This protest of the municipal magistrates and 
 deputies, which had no foundation in eSquity, was 
 productive, in a moral sense, of the most fatal 
 consequences. 
 
 The secession of the magistrates and deputies 
 from the Central Committee of the National Guard 
 on so grave a question as the communal elections 
 was fatal not only to the cause of the Commune, 
 but also to that of the Republic. 
 
 If on March 21st, three days after the triumph 
 of the Revolution of the i8th, the adjuncts, 
 mayors, and deputies of Paris had united them- 
 selves with the cause of the Revolution, re- 
 cognised by the electors of the 22 nd, it would 
 have been victorious in public opinion, and the 
 Assembly of Versailles and the Government of 
 M. Thiers would have been powerless any longer 
 to oppose its definite triumph. But unfortunately 
 such was not the case. The deputies of the Left, 
 the mayors, and the adjuncts, in supporting the 
 Assembly of Versailles, gave a fatal blow to the 
 Revolution and the triumph of the Communal 
 cause, and created civil war, massacres, and trans- 
 portations. The representatives and magistrates 
 may justly be considered as responsible for the 
 bloodshed and the reaction which followed. 
 
 If one day the Republic succumbs, they may 
 with justice accuse themselves of having been the 
 principal authors of its ruin. 
 The difficulties and opposition which the deputies. 
 
92 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 mayors, and adjuncts of Paris put in the way of 
 the communal elections, which were to have been 
 held on March 22 nd, compfelled the Central Com- 
 mittee of the National Guard to adjourn them till 
 the following Sunday, the 26th. 
 
 The sulDJoined proclamation of March 22nd, 
 placarded on the walls of Paris, will give an exact 
 idea of the arbitrary and reactionary spirit of the 
 mayors and adjuncts of Paris, and will leave no 
 doubt on the minds of our readers : — 
 
 "French Republic. 
 "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity. 
 
 "The assembly of the mayors and adjuncts of 
 Paris, by virtue of the powers conferred upon it ; 
 
 " In the name of universal suffrage, of which it 
 is the issue, and the principles of which it intends 
 to make respected ; 
 
 "Pending the promulgation of the law which 
 will confer the right of election on the National 
 Guard of Paris ; 
 
 " Urgency considered, nominates provisionally : 
 
 " Admiral Saisset, representative of the Seine, 
 superior commander of the National Guard of 
 Paris ; 
 
 " Colonel Langlois, representative of the Seine, 
 staff-general- in-chief; 
 
 " Colonel Schoelcher, representative of the Seine, 
 commander-in-chief of the artillery of the National 
 Guard. 
 
 " The mayors and adjuncts of Paris." 
 
 [The Signatures^ 
 
ROLE OF THE DEPUTIES, ETC. 
 
 93 
 
 The people of Paris, on reading this proclama- 
 tion, asked with surprise how long it was since the 
 municipal magistrates, mayors, and adjuncts elected 
 for the administration of the mairies had received 
 the mandate to nominate to military commands of 
 the first order, and where they had borrowed the 
 right to usurp the sovereignty of the people, and to 
 take away their imprescriptible right to elect the 
 chiefs of the National Guard, from the corporal to 
 the general-in-chief. 
 
 This pretension of the municipal magistrates, so 
 ridiculous, presumptuous, and arbitrary, after the 
 people's Revolution of the l8th of March to acquire 
 the selfsame right to nominate the commanders- 
 in-chief of the National Guard and the Communal 
 Assembly, did much towards inspiring the pro- 
 foundest contempt and raising the general indig- 
 nation. 
 
 In consequence of this step, the mayors, adjuncts, 
 and representatives of Paris were estimated at their 
 just value ; that is to say, as reactionary allies of 
 Versailles, and enemies of the people, their rights, 
 and their political and social emancipation. 
 
 Admiral Saisset, who had exclaimed, in the 
 Assembly of Versailles, " Let us at once march on 
 Paris ! " anxiously strove to mitigate the bad effect 
 which his nomination had produced. 
 
 With this object he published the following pro- 
 clamation : — 
 
 " Dear Fellow- Citizens, 
 " I hasten to inform you that, in common with 
 the deputies of the Seine and the mayors of Paris, 
 we have obtained from the Government of the 
 
94 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 National Assembly the complete recognition of 
 your municipal franchise, and your right to elect 
 all officers of the National Guard, the commander- 
 in-chief included; a modification of the law con- 
 cerning bills of exchange ; and a bill in favour of 
 all occupiers paying not more than 1,200 francs 
 rent. 
 
 " Till you have either confirmed my nomination or 
 I am replaced, I shall keep at my post, in order to 
 insure the execution of the laws of conciliation 
 which we had the good fortune to obtain, and 
 through them to contribute to the consolidation of 
 the Republic. 
 
 " Signed : Saisset. 
 
 "Paris, March 24th, 1871." 
 
 To find a more cunningly lying proclamation 
 would be a rather hard problem. 
 
 It is sufficient to read the debates on the subject 
 of the elections of the Communal Council to see 
 that the Assembly of Versailles never expressed 
 its willingness to accord "the complete recog- 
 nition of the municipal franchise, and the right to 
 elect all the officers of the National Guard in- 
 cluding the commander-in-chief," &c. 
 
 It was more for the sake of form, and under the 
 express reserves of M. Thiers and his colleagues, 
 that the Assembly of Versailles voted an order of 
 the day declaring that " the municipal administra- 
 tion of Paris and of the departments shall be con- 
 stituted on the principle of elected councils" with- 
 out saying by whom or how these councils should 
 be elected, or what were to be their attributes and 
 their rights. This vote bound the Assembly to 
 
ROLE OF THE DEPUTIES, ETC. 95 
 
 absolutely nothing, and was no more than juggling 
 hjrpocrisy. 
 
 The project of a municipal law, which was sub- 
 sequently votied, was an indubitable proof of the 
 reactionary spirit of the Assembly as to election 
 and other matters. 
 
 The following are its principal articles : — 
 
 "Art. I. The municipal elections shall be held 
 in the whole of France ; the powers conferred by 
 the electors shall not extend beyond three years. 
 
 " Art. II. The municipal commissions shall give 
 up their functions, &c. 
 
 "Art. III. The law of July 3rd, 1849, for the 
 choice of mayors, is provisionally reinstituted. 
 
 " Art. IV. Of the twenty arrondissements of 
 Paris each shall nominate three members to the 
 Municipal Council, elected from eligible dwellers 
 in the arrondissement in which their business is 
 carried on, and who are ' of g,t least three years' 
 standing. 
 
 " Art. VIII. To each department of the twenty 
 arrondissements there shall be one mayor and 
 three adjuncts, selected by the Chief of the Executive 
 power. . . . 
 
 " Art. IX. The prefect of the Seine and the 
 prefect of the police shall assist at the sittings 
 of the Municipal Council, with the right of dis- 
 cussion. 
 
 " Art. X. The Municipal Council can only be con- 
 voked by the 'prefect of the Seine. . . . 
 
 " Art. XII. Every year a special meeting shall 
 be held for the presentation and discussion of the 
 budget. This sitting must not last more than a 
 month. 
 
g6 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 " Art. XIII. The Municipal Council shall vote 
 the budget, and deliberate on objects of municipal 
 administration only," &c. 
 
 The whole economy of this law is contained 
 in these reactionary provisions : — ^The Municipal 
 Council of three members, selected from those who 
 have dwelt three years in the arrondissement, con- 
 voked and assembled under the superintendence 
 of the mayor and the prefect of police, and the con- 
 trol of the Government, which has the right of dis- 
 solving it. It has no other right but that of voting 
 on the budget which is presented to it : it is a voting 
 machine for the Government. And by its side are 
 the twenty mayors p.nd ninety adjuncts nominated 
 by the Government. This municipal law is a bitter 
 irony, a mystification, an outrage on the popula- 
 tion of Paris, which it puts under tutelage, and 
 whose rights it confiscates. 
 
 As to the nomination of the commander-in-chief 
 of the National Guard, the staff general-in-chief, 
 the commander-in-chief of artillery, and the chiefs 
 of legions, not even a word was spoken during the 
 discussions of the Assembly. 
 
 Admiral Saisset was not ignorant of the opinion 
 of the Government and Assembly of Versailles 
 upon this subject. He well knew that the Chief 
 of the Executive power, the ministers, and the 
 whole Assembly, without exception, comprising 
 amongst it himself. Admiral Saisset, MM. Schoel- 
 cher, Louis Blanc, Langlois, and all the deputies of 
 the Left, were positively opposed to the nomination 
 of the superior of&cers of the National Guard by 
 the latter. 
 
ROLE OF THE DEPUTIES, ETC. 97 
 
 Was not the nomination of Commanders 'Saisset, 
 Langlois, and Schoelcher, by the mayors and ad- 
 juncts of Paris, to such high functions the most 
 absolute negation of the rights of the National 
 Guard ? 
 
 After that, and after having accepted the benefits 
 of this illegal nomination, was Admiral Saisset 
 a fit man for the promise to respect the rights of 
 the National Guard ? 
 
 Nobody could have had the least doubt as to the 
 secret aim pursued by the mayors, adjuncts, and 
 deputies of Paris attached to the Assembly at 
 Versailles. All they wanted was to stifle the Re- 
 volution of March 1 8th in its cradle. 
 
 H 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 REACTIONARY ATTEMPTS. 
 
 Admiral Saisset tried, by means of a second 
 conciliatory proclamation and a feigned respect for 
 the Republic, to rally around him the National 
 Guards of the party of order, in the hope of destroy7 
 ing the Central Council of the National Guard, 
 and restoring the power of the tottering Govern- 
 ment of Versailles. 
 The following is this second document : — 
 
 " Paris, March 25th. 
 
 " By the consent of the elected mayors I enter 
 to-day upon the functions of commander-in-chief 
 of the National Guard. I have no other title to 
 the honour of commanding you than the wish to 
 share in your heroic resistance in defending the 
 forts and the positions under my command against 
 the enemy. I hope, by persuasion and good ad- 
 vice, to effect the reconciliation of all Republicans ; 
 but I am firmly resolved to lay down my life for 
 the defence of order, and to exact respect for person 
 and property, as my only son has given his in the 
 defence of his country. Rally around me ! Give me 
 your confidence, and the Republic will be saved. 
 
 " My device is, Honour and Country ! " 
 
REACTIONARY ATTEMPTS. gt) 
 
 What Admiral Saisset, as well as all the Ver- 
 sailles men, desired was to rally around his name, 
 and those of MM. Schoelcher and Langlois, all the 
 friends of order and all honest and moderate Re- 
 publicans, so as to form a mighty reactionary 
 nucleus, capable of neutralising the power of the 
 Central Council of the National Guard, until a 
 favourable opportunity presented itself of destroy- 
 ing it altogether. 
 
 The debates of the Assembly of Versailles super- 
 abundantly prove the intention of the mayors, ad- 
 juncts, and deputies of Paris. 
 
 All the reactionary journals made no secret of 
 it, and openly confessed it, saying, "Admiral 
 Saisset, commander-in-chief of the National Guard, 
 M. Langlois, and M. Schoelcher, are occupied in 
 concentrating the battalions which do not recog- 
 nise the authority of the Commune. 
 
 " Admiral Saisset is at this moment at the head 
 of twenty thousand well-armed men, composed of 
 zouaves, marines, mobiles, pupils of the Poly- 
 technic School, and a battalion formed entirely 
 from the army. The National Guards, friends of 
 order, will receive their pay every day at the 
 Bourse. 
 
 " Admiral Saisset hopes, by this means, to get a 
 greater number of followers. 
 
 " Admiral Saisset has received cannons and am- 
 munition by the Northern Railway. 
 
 " Cannons and mitrailleuses were brought into 
 Paris in flour bags, and transported by the National 
 Guards, the friends of order, at ten o'clock thif^ 
 morning, to the Place de la Bourse. 
 
 " A great number of the Mobile Guards unite 
 
100 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 with the friends of order. The chassepots taken 
 from the National Guard will be given to them. 
 A battalion will be formed for the special defence 
 of the Bourse. Many zouaves have placed them- 
 selves under the orders of the legitimate authori- 
 ties. 
 
 "The Bourse is guarded by the 8th, nth, and 
 228th battalions. 
 
 "An artillery corps, armed with mitrailleuses, 
 has rallied round the cause of order, and taken the 
 Grand-Hotel, where Admiral Saisset has esta- 
 blished his head-quarters. 
 
 " Battalions of order occupy the Marche Saint- 
 Honor6, the Palais-Royal, the Rue Montmartre, 
 the Grand-Hotel, and the Saint-Lazare Station. 
 
 " The attitude of the Sixteenth Arrondissement 
 is firm. 
 
 "The 32nd battalion of Montmartre has refused 
 to obey the Central Committee, &c., &c " 
 
 But the National Guards of the reactionary 
 quarters, enrolled under the flag of order by MM. 
 Saisset, Langlois, Schoelcher, the mayors, and ad- 
 juncts, soon had occasion to act openly against 
 their brethren who were devoted to the socialist- 
 democratic Republic, the Revolution of the i8th of 
 March, and the Central Committee. 
 
 The following extracts from an official report 
 prove this in the most incontestable manner : — 
 
 "The friends of order, determining, on March 
 22nd, to commence the fight and bloodshed, and to 
 provoke civil war, organised numerous meetings 
 and demonstrations, so as, if possible, to attempt a 
 surprise in the name of order. 
 
 " At half-past one, the manifestation, which since 
 
REACTIONARY ATTEMPTS. loi 
 
 noon had been massing on the Place du Nouvel 
 Op6ra, began the engagement in the Rue de la 
 Paix. The National Guard recognised in the 
 first ranks, amongst a much-excited group, MM. 
 Heckeren, De Coetlogon, and H. de P6ne, old 
 friends of the Empire, violently brandishing a flag 
 without any inscription. Arrived at the top of the 
 Rue Neuve Saint-Augustin, the mob surrounded 
 two detached sentinels of the National Guard, and 
 disarmed and maltreated them. They were only 
 saved by flight, till, without guns and with torn 
 garments, they found refuge at the Place Ven- 
 dome. 
 
 "The National Guards, seizing their arms, imme- 
 diately marched in battle array to the top of the 
 Rue Neuve des Petits-Champs. 
 
 "If bA)ken, the first line was ordered to raise 
 butt-ends in the air, and to fall behind the third ; 
 the second to act in the same way ; and the third 
 only was to cross bayonets, but was recommended 
 not to fire. 
 
 "The first rank of the crowd, numbering from 
 about eight hundred to a thousand persons, soon 
 found themselves face to face with the National 
 Guards. The character of the manifestation quickly 
 assumed a distinct form. From the ranks of the 
 so-called men of order arose the cries, ' Down with 
 the assassins ! ' * Down with the Central Committee 
 of the National Guard ! ' The Republican National 
 Guards were subjected to the rudest insults. They 
 were called ' Assassins ! brigands ! cowards ! ' 
 
 " Some enraged men seized the muskets of some 
 National Guards and the sword of an ofiicer. The 
 cries increased. The demonstration was trans- 
 
I02 • HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 formed into a riot. A revolver was fired by orie of 
 this band of furious savages, styling themselves 
 defenders of order, which wounded citizen Majournal, 
 staff-lieutenant, and member of the Central Com- 
 mittee, in the thigh. 
 
 " General Bergeret, who commanded the place, 
 immediately hurried up to the first line, and sum- 
 moned the rioters to retire. 
 
 "Ten summonses were made, and the beat of the 
 drums lasted for more than five minutes, as pre- 
 scribed by law. The defenders of order replied 
 by cries, insults, and shots. Two National Guards 
 fell badly wounded. Still their comrades hesitated 
 to fire on the rioters, and discharged their guns in 
 the air. , 
 
 "The reactionary insurgents, growing bold, fell 
 upon their too-indulgent adversaries, and attempted 
 to disarm them and break their lines. 
 
 '*But at last the Republican National Guards 
 lost their patience and forbearance, and, forced 
 either to defend themselves or be slaughtered, used 
 their arms. With the first salvo at the insurgents 
 they dispersed in all directions, and escaped. 
 
 " General Bergeret immediately ordered the dis- 
 continuance of the firing. All the officers united 
 their efforts to those of the general, and precipi- 
 tated themselves in front of their men to prevent 
 bloodshed. 
 
 "In the meantime some shots still resounded 
 from the pretended defenders of order, concealed 
 and lying in ambush in houses, cowardly assassinat- 
 ing some National Guards who had left off firing 
 at them and their accomplices." 
 
 Two defenders of order, in the truest sense of the 
 
REACTIONARY ATTEMPTS. 103 
 
 word, citizens Wahlin and Fran9ois, belonging to 
 the 7th and 215th battalions of the Republicans, 
 were killed ; and nine, namely, citizens Majournal, 
 Cochet, Miche, Antelot, Legat, Reyer, Pingamot, 
 Train, and Laborde, badly wounded. 
 
 The pretended men of ordpr, who were guilty of this 
 bloodshed, likewise had some killed and wounded.. 
 The first who was deadly wounded and c.arried to 
 the ambulance was Vicomte de Molinet, who, in the 
 first rank of the insurgents, was struck in the head 
 from behind. He fell at the corner of the Rue de la 
 Paix and the Rue Neuve des Petits-Champs, near 
 the Place Vendome. Vicomte de Molinet must 
 have been killed by the insurgents ; for if he had 
 been struck in flight his body would have fallen in 
 the direction of the Nouvel Grand Op6ra. A 
 poniard fixed to his girdle by a little chain was 
 found upon him. 
 
 A great number of revolvers and sword-sticks 
 belonging to the rioters were collected in the Rue 
 de la Paix, and carried to the staff-office of the 
 place. 
 
 Dr. Ramlow, surgeon-major of the Toulouse 
 camp, residing at 32, Rue de la Victoire, and 
 Drs. Nole, Pannard, DoUe, Tr^lat, and Leclerc, came 
 to give their help to the wounded, and signed the 
 proces-verbaux. . 
 
 The property found on the rioters was put under 
 seal, and deposited at the staff-office. 
 
 It is to the coolness and firmness of General 
 Bergeret, who knew how to curb the just indigna- 
 tion of the National Guards, that we are indebted 
 for the prevention of greater misfortunes. 
 
 The American General Sheridan witnessed these 
 
104 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 sad events from a window in the Rue de la Paix, 
 and testified that the first shots were fired by men of 
 the manifestation, falsely calling themselves the 
 friends of order. 
 
 On the next day, March 23rd, whilst a certain 
 number of National Guards, partisans of the 
 Central Committee, were peaceably crossing the 
 Rue de Valois, drawing two waggons filled with 
 muskets, the men of order, far superior in numbers 
 and without warning, surrounded and fired shots 
 at them, wounding three, taking twenty-two 
 prisoners, disarming fifty, and carrying off the two 
 waggons laden with arms. This culpable aggres- 
 sion caused great panic in the quarter ; the shops 
 were immediately shut up, and the streets deserted. 
 
 As on the i8th of March and always, so on the 
 22nd and 23rd the pretended defenders of order 
 were the aggressors : it was they who were the first 
 to provoke civil war and shed blood. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 CONCILIATORY ATTEMPTS OF THE MAYORS. AND 
 ADJUNCTS OF PARIS WITH THE ASSEMBLY AT 
 VERSAILLES. 
 
 The violent aggressions, attempts at insurrection, 
 and rash enterprise at the Place Vendome, far from 
 being beneficial to the party of order, only served 
 to show its cruelty, weakness, and powerlessness. 
 The rioters were dispersed, and obliged to take to 
 ignominious flight. The deputies, mayors, and 
 adjuncts of Paris saw, with the greatest anxiety, 
 their authority disappear, while every day the in- 
 fluence and power of the Central Committee of the 
 National Guard increased. Above all, they dreaded 
 the approaching elections of the Communal Council. 
 To avert the danger by means of a Municipal 
 Council with fixed powers, created by a vote of the 
 Assembly, the municipal magistrates of the capital 
 proceeded to Versailles, and used all their power 
 and influence to induce the deputies to resolve to 
 convoke the electors of Paris without delay, in 
 order to nominate the Municipal Council, and to 
 hinder the communal elections. 
 
 We give the following extract of the sitting of 
 the Assembly on March 23rd, which will thoroughly 
 enlighten pur readers concerning the spirit by 
 
io6 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 which the mayors and adjuncts o£ Paris were ani- 
 mated, and which, at the same time, will clearly 
 prove the sort of reception the Paris magistrates 
 met with from the majority of the Assembly : — 
 
 "M.Arnaud (of the Ariege). — ^In view of the 
 gravity of circumstances, all my brother-magistrates 
 came from Paris to Versailles with the object of 
 putting themselves in communication with the 
 National Assembly. They knew that, according 
 to the general rule of the house, members only 
 were allowed to enter its hall ; but they believed 
 that an exception would be made in their favour. 
 (Protests on the Right.) 
 
 "Be assured that a brother -deputy will be 
 charged with this communication, so that all 
 thought of disorder may be dismissed. The 
 Assembly will decide as it thinks proper and con- 
 venient. 
 
 " I was charged with this communication. I 
 have conscientiously made it. Since some of the 
 mayors of Paris are likewise deputies, one of them 
 will read from the tribune the . proposed commu- 
 nication. I may observe, however, that as all of 
 them came in a body as delegates charged with 
 this communication .... 
 
 " On the Right. — Delegated by whom ? (Clamour.) 
 
 " Some voices. — Is it by authority ? 
 
 " M. Floquet. — You desire, then, the continuance 
 of the civil war ? 
 
 "J/. Arnaud (of the Ariege). — In speaking of 
 the delegation, I do not think there is any necessity 
 to give an explanation, since we only acknowledge 
 the power issuing from universal suffrage. If it 
 
CONCILIATORY ATTEMPTS OF MAYORS, ETC. 107 
 
 had been a question of convenience, we could 
 have easily settled it. 
 
 " But what I have to state is, that we all came 
 here to make known the results of our common 
 efforts, and I may add that we hope to be triumph- 
 ant. We desire to be strengthened by the opinion 
 and co-operation of the Assembly. 
 
 "I leave it in the hands of the President to 
 choose the best means of conciliating everybody. 
 
 " I ask at least that a tribune may be granted to 
 my brother-magistrates of Paris'. 
 
 " The President. — There is nothing more simple 
 than to conciliate the rights, prerogatives, and 
 interests of the Assembly, which ought never to be 
 sacrificed, with the regard we owe to the mayors of 
 Paris. 
 
 " M. Arnaud (of the Ari^ge) has said that the 
 mayors of Paris had to make a communication to 
 this Assembly. Among them are found several of 
 our colleagues. As the mayors have no idea of 
 alternately occupying the tribune, it will be suf- 
 ficient that one of them, being our colleague, should 
 be the organ of their communication. 
 
 "As far as regards the deference due to the 
 mayors of Paris, it is easy to give them satisfac- 
 tion. A tribune shall be placed at their disposal ; 
 and I may as well add that the questors have 
 already taken steps in the matter. 
 
 " M. Baze. — I have put the most conspicuous 
 places at the disposal of the mayors. (A laugh.) 
 
 " It was six o'clock. Fourteen members of the 
 Paris municipality entered a tribune of the first 
 class. Each mayor and adjunct wore a scarf across 
 his shoulder. They remained standing. On their 
 
io8 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 entry into the hall, the Assembly rose and applauded 
 loudly. The Left uttered ^oud cries of 'Vive la 
 France ! ' and ' Vive la Republique ! ' On the 
 Right they only cried ' Vive la France ! ' 
 
 " The mayors answered with, ' Vive la France ! 
 Vive la Republique ! ' 
 
 "Scarcely were these cries uttered by the 
 Parisian municipality when fifty or sixty members 
 of the extreme Right, pointing to the mayors, 
 vociferated, ' Order, order ! The Assembly is not 
 respected! Clear the tribune! They have no 
 right to stand up in this manner! They are on 
 a level with the public ! ' These exclamations of 
 the extreme Right, seconded by another part of 
 the Right, were intermixed with protestations from 
 the Left in favour of the mayors. 
 
 " At this moment the tumult was so great that 
 it was impossible to understand the divers excla- 
 mations crossing and recrossing from Right to 
 Left. 
 
 " About thirty deputies of the extreme Right 
 put on their hats, although the President remained 
 uncovered in his arm-chair, and had neither an- 
 nounced the suspension nor the breaking up of the 
 sitting. 
 
 "Loud cries were heard on the Left, ' Hats off! 
 Respect your President ! Respect yourselves ! 
 Uncover ! ' 
 
 " M. Floquet, addressing the Right. — ^You insult 
 Paris ! 
 
 " A voice on the Right. — And you insult France ! 
 
 "Far from becoming appeased, the agitation 
 grew stronger instead of weaker. The deputies of 
 the Left kept their seats. A great number of the 
 
CONCILIATORY ATTEMPTS OF MAYORS, ETC. 109 
 
 Right, on the contrary, left their places and pre- 
 pared to go away. 
 
 "The President, unable to control this profound 
 emotion, announced that the sitting was closed, 
 that the meetings in the bureaux vyould imme- 
 diately take place, and that another sitting would 
 be held in the evening. 
 
 " The sitting closed at half-past six." 
 
 By this more than malignant reception the 
 unfortunate municipal magistrates of the capital 
 perceived the spirit of hostility, intolerance, ani- 
 mosity, and hatred with which the royalist majority 
 of the Assembly at Versailles were animated 
 against the capital. If they had failed to gain an 
 insight into it before, it wanted but the experience 
 of that day to convince them that this refractory 
 and inexorable majority desired no accommodation 
 with the Parisian population, whom it regarded 
 with the greatest horror. The spirit and ideas of 
 the National Guard of Paris were to them an 
 abomination, only worthy of being covered with 
 tlfieir wrath and foul anathemas, and then exter- 
 minated, in order that the Republic might be 
 thoroughly overthrown, and the monarchy, their 
 dream and ideal, restored. 
 
 As had been already agreed upon, the sitting of 
 the Assembly was resumed at ten o'clock at night. 
 The mayors of Paris were no longer there. The 
 tribune was reserved for them, but it remained 
 empty. They had set out again for the capital. 
 
 The President tried with all his might to mitigate 
 the bad effect which the thoughtless insult of the 
 deputies of the Right produced on public opinion, 
 
no HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 and especially on the minds of the municipal magis- 
 trates of Paris. 
 
 " The incident which closed our last sitting," 
 said he, " revealed an emotion which appears to 
 me to be the result of a deplorable misunderstand- 
 ing. 
 
 " The President of this Assembly regrets that it 
 should have led to the closing of its sitting during 
 the reception of the mayors of Paris, who gave 
 such laudable examples of courage, and of devoted- 
 ness to liberty and order." 
 
 But this parliamentary holy water failed to efface 
 the disastrous impression caused by the outrageous 
 insult on the mayors of Paris. After the affront to 
 which they had been subjected, they should have 
 renounced, at least for the present, every species of 
 conciliation between the right of the Versailles 
 Assembly and the Parisian population. But such 
 was not the case. Before leaving Versailles they 
 instructed their brother-magistrate, M. Arnaud, to 
 communicate to the Assembly the petition of the 
 Parisian electors. 
 
 This deputy acquitted liimself of his charge in 
 the following terms : — 
 
 " M. Arnaud. — In the name of the magistrates 
 of Paris, I come to lay a communication of the 
 greatest importance before the Assembly. 
 
 " Paris is on the eve not only of an insurrection, 
 but of a most horrible civil war. , Under such cir- 
 cumstances the mayors of Paris think that mea- 
 sures should be promptly taken. 
 
 " We consider the resolutions we propose to you 
 to be calculated to prevent greater bloodshed. 
 
CONCILIATORY ATTEMPTS OF MAYORS, ETC. iii 
 
 " We are convinced that the re-establishment of 
 order and the welfare of the Republic demand the 
 following measures : — 
 
 " ' I. The Assembly shall in future put itself in 
 more direct and intimate communication with the 
 municipalities of Paris. 
 
 " * 2. That the mayors shall be authorised to take 
 measures according to circumstances. 
 
 " ' 3. That the elections of the National Guard 
 shall be held before the 28th of this month. 
 
 " ' 4. That the elections of the Municipal Council 
 shall, if possible, take place before the 3rd of April. 
 That the domicile clause shall be reduced to six 
 months, and the mayors and adjuncts be eligible 
 for election.' 
 
 "This communication," continued M. Arnaud, 
 " was drawn up before the departure of the mayors 
 of Paris, and nothing has since been altered. The 
 event alluded to by the President had no influence 
 whatever on the terms of our communication. 
 Allow me to make a fresh appeal for conciliation. 
 There was some misunderstanding. 
 
 "A voice. — That was all. 
 
 " M. Arnaud. — Nothing of this sad incident 
 should remain either on one side or the other. 
 (Prolonged applause.) 
 
 " The President. — This propositioa can only 
 emanate from a member of the Assembly. I invite 
 M. Arnaud to sign it. 
 
 " M. Arnaud having complied with the request 
 of the President, a resolution of urgency was 
 unanimously adopted." 
 
 Before the close of the sitting the Assembly 
 
112 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 decided on holding a public meeting at ten o'clock 
 in the evening. 
 
 After numerous negotiations and difficulties the 
 Commission nominated for this object decided on 
 making its report on the proposition of M. Arnaud. 
 M. de Peyramont expressed himself on this sub- 
 ject as follows : — 
 
 " Gentlemen, we understand the restlessness of 
 the Assembly : it is very legitimate ; but your 
 Commission demands permission to affirm that not 
 a single minute was lost in fulfilling the mission 
 confided to it. 
 
 " It was nominated at two o'clock. During the 
 course of our sitting it constituted itself, and im- 
 mediately began its deliberations. It has heard 
 the mayors of Paris, or at least one of them. It 
 has listened to them with the sentiment which 
 their attitude under the present circumstances 
 commands. 
 
 " After having heard the mayors, it felt the 
 necessity of hearing the President of the Executive 
 also. It desired to know his opinion on the said 
 proposition, the importance of which assuredly de- 
 manded it, as well as on the state of affairs in Paris. 
 
 " Your Commission has this instant c6me firom 
 the President of the Council. It received his 
 words with the religious attention due to them, 
 and, after mature reflection, it is unanimously con- 
 vinced that the proposition of the honourable M. 
 Arnaud would, under present circumstances, only 
 involve a discussion fraught with danger, and with- 
 out the least advantage. (Assent from several' 
 benches.) 
 
!,'■ ?■■■ 
 
 CONCILIATORY ATTEMPTS OF MAYORS, ETC. 113 
 
 " An imprudent word would cause great blood- 
 shed, and in this situation, which it thoroughly 
 appreciates, your Commission has unanimously 
 charged me to point out to you the dangers of such 
 a discussion; and it adjures the honourable mem- 
 ber, my brother-magistrate, to withdraw his pro- 
 position. (Exclamation on the Left.) 
 
 " He has presented it under the influence of the 
 noblest sentiments, in a spirit of pacification ; but 
 the end which he proposes would be far more surely 
 attained by withdrawing it than by yielding it up 
 to our debates. (' Very good, very good.') 
 
 " M. Ducuing. — I demand to speak. 
 
 " Some members. — Let the authors of the proposi- 
 tion speak. 
 
 " M. Amaud conversed with some of his brother- 
 magistrates under the tribune. 
 
 " The President. — ^The authors of the proposition 
 should lay their heads together, and give us. their 
 resolutions to-morrow. ('Yes, yes.' 'No, no.') 
 
 " M. Climenceau. — Oh no, it is impossible ! 
 
 " The President. — If the authors of the proposition 
 are agreed now, they might let us know their 
 decision. 
 
 " Many voices. — To-morrow, to-morrow. 
 
 " M. Tirard ascended the tribune, and descended 
 a moment afterwards in consequence of the agita- 
 tion. 
 
 " M. Arnaud immediately occupied his place. 
 
 "il/. Arnaud. — Gentlemen, I cannot understand 
 the impatience of the Assembly. There is no 
 doubt about the gravity of the circumstances. 
 Events hurry on, not hourly, but momentarily. 
 We have news from Paris. Well, we have just 
 
 I 
 
114 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 been told that a single word in the discussion 
 might have the effect of a spark falling into in- 
 flammable matter, and become a sufficient pro- 
 vocation to make blood flow in streams. (Inter- 
 ruption.) 
 
 " It is necessary, then, that I, and those of my 
 colleagues who have signed the proposition, should 
 at least be allowed a hearing. (' Yes, yes.') There 
 is joint liability between us. 
 
 " Consequently, whatever may be the impatience 
 of the Assembly. . . . 
 
 ^^ Some members. — It is not impatient. 
 
 "il/. Arnaud. — You must understand that an 
 act made in haste would be unpardonable. The 
 circumstances are so grave that this very evening ' 
 we should know what ought to be done. Let us, 
 thfen, understand each other. ('Yes, yes.' 'To- 
 morrow.') 
 
 " M. Paris. — I demand that the sitting shall be 
 suspended for a quarter of an hour, in order to 
 give the authors of the proposition time to agree 
 upon this question. ('No, no.' 'Yes, yes.' Con- 
 fusion.) 
 
 " M. Thiers, Chief of the Executive power, 
 ascended the tribune, and silence was restored. 
 
 " The President. — The Chief of the Executive 
 power wishes to speak. 
 
 " M. Thiers. — I beseech all the members of 
 this Assembly, of whatever opinion they may be, 
 to ponder well their words and their acts. 
 
 " In the presence of such immense events every 
 one here has a grave responsibility. Return to 
 yourselves ; stifle your passions ; think only of the 
 public interest ; and, if you do this, you will 
 
CONCILIATORY ATTEMPTS OF MAYORS, ETC. 115 
 
 undoubtedly arrive at a right solution. (* Very- 
 good, very good.') 
 
 "As to us who are members of the Government, 
 were a debate to take place, we should have 
 nothing to fear from publicity. It is not on our 
 account, then, that I now demand of you to keep 
 silence, but for the sake of our country. Great 
 events may result from explanations in a public 
 sitting. It is possible that a single thoughtless 
 word, spoken without bad intention, may cause 
 torrents of blood to flow. 
 
 " Well, allow me to speak frankly. In the midst 
 of great events we feel an inward agitation which 
 can only find satisfaction in discussion. This is 
 the temptation to be resisted. (Approbation.) I 
 adjure you, if you are a truly political Assembly, 
 to vote for the proposal of the Commission, and 
 not to ask for explanations which, at the present 
 moment, would be so very dangerous. (' You are 
 right.' ' Very good.') 
 
 "I say again that if a discussion should take 
 place, to the misfortune of our country, you would 
 find out that we had no interest in remaining 
 silent. (Commotion. ' To-morrow, to-morrow ! ') 
 
 " The President. — ^Under no condition can this 
 discussion take place. The deliberation cannot be 
 opened, since no report has been made by the 
 Commission. The president of the Commission 
 has contented himself with adjuring one of the 
 authors of the proposition to withdraw it. He has 
 not yet received an answer: the situation is still 
 the same. Before the report of the Commission dis- 
 cussion is impossible. ('That is just.' 'Very good.')" 
 
 M. Thiers well knew that he told a falsehood in 
 
ii6 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 order to frighten the Assembly when he declared 
 that a single word, though without any evil inten- 
 tion, might cause " torrents of blood to flow," and 
 that he grossly exaggerated imaginary dangers 
 which had no existence at that moment. 
 
 M. Thiers also knew but too well that the men 
 of the Central Committee did everything in their 
 power to prevent civil war and bloodshed. He 
 had a convincing proof of this in the prudent, 
 moderate, and conciliatory manner in which they 
 acted against the reactionary party of the National 
 Guard of the First and Second Arrondissements, 
 who occupied the mairies of the Louvre, the Grand- 
 Hotel, the Banque, the Bourse, &c. The more 
 than moderate repression of the culpable act of 
 aggression against the National Guards, partisans 
 of the Central Committee, by the friends of order, 
 near the Place Vendome, on the 22 nd of March, 
 proved in the most striking manner the spirit of 
 moderation and humanity by which the former 
 were animated. 
 
 The leaders of the National Guard had, since the 
 18th of March, such considerable forces at their 
 disposal that it would have been a very easy 
 matter to silence the opposition of their adversaries. 
 
 Out of two hundred and sixty-five battalions, 
 which composed the entire strength of the National 
 Guard, two hundred and fifteen belonged to the 
 Central Committee ; forty battalions did not parti- 
 cipate in the election ; and many remained neutral 
 or indifferent. There were only about five or six 
 battalions openly hostile, and even these contained 
 a Republican element. The friends of order could 
 never give to Admiral Saisset more than two thou- 
 
CONCILIATORY ATTEMPTS OF MAYORS, ETC. 117 
 
 sand National Guards, notwithstanding all their 
 efforts, manoeuvres, and means of action and influ- 
 ence. The admiral himself declared that he had 
 only three hundred, but this number was greatly 
 underrated. 
 
 One thing is but too positive — that if the Central 
 Committee of the National Guard had only desired 
 to make an end of the reactionary leaders and their 
 seides, it would have been very easy to accomplish 
 their object. If it did not do so, it was because it 
 was animated by the most peaceable intentions, 
 looked upon civil war with horror, and wished to 
 employ all possible means of preventing bloodshed. 
 
 M. Thiers knowingly outraged truth by aflirming 
 that one imprudent word spoken in the Assembly 
 might be the cause of torrents of blood. 
 
 The very day on which M. Thiers uttered these 
 deplorably exaggerated fears, the Assembly, by its 
 dishonest, offensive, and rude reception of the 
 mayors of Paris, had surely done all it could 
 to excite civil war, had that been possible ; and 
 after the imprudent and provocative scene which 
 transpired on the entrance of the mayors into their 
 tribune, it cannot be supposed that a population 
 which had endured the rudest outrage against 
 their magistrates without a murmur would be 
 disposed to " shed torrents of blood " on account of 
 a single word from the tribune. M. Thiers, how- 
 ever subtle, acute, and profligate he may be, will 
 never succeed in making an intelligent, true man 
 believe in his terrible hypothesis. 
 
 The Chief of the Executive power had a secret 
 aim in conjuring up the sanguinary phantom of 
 civil war before the Assembly. He wished to 
 
irS HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 prevent all compromise, all means of conciliation 
 between the Assembly and the population of Paris. 
 He 'desired to let events which he plainly foresaw 
 be accomplished ; to let the Commune, which he 
 sought to destroy, be installed, so as to gain time 
 for the organisation of an armed force capable of 
 stifling the Revolution of the i8th of March; to 
 annihilate the Commune; and to drown both in 
 torrents of blood. He was resolved not to draw 
 back before the sanguinary deluge which, at the 
 same time, he pretended to fear. Clever, cold, and 
 cruel in policy, he prepared the ground and the 
 elements necessary for his sanguinary triumph. 
 
 The adhesion of the Assembly to the communal 
 elections, or the acceptance of the proposition of 
 the mayors detailed by M. Arnaud, would have 
 had a chance of leading, if not to .a reconciliation, 
 certainly to a compromise, between Paris and Ver- 
 sailles, and would have destroyed M. Thiers' plan, 
 which was precisely what he did not want. This 
 was the real motive of his burying the Arnaud 
 proposition beneath the flowers of his perfidious 
 rhetoric. 
 
 As with Caesar, the die of this fatal man had been 
 cast ; the realisation of his plan and his political 
 projects must be accomplished, even if a Rubicon 
 of blood had to be crossed. 
 
 While M. Thiers was planning his parliamentary 
 intrigues and succeeding in repelling M. Arnaud's 
 proposition, the Central Committee was not idle. 
 It made laudable efforts to secure the free success 
 of the elections which were to be held on March 
 26th, and decided upon energetic means capable of 
 compelling the inimical municipalities to allow the 
 
CONCILIATORY ATTEMPTS OF MAYORS, ETC. iig 
 
 elections to go on. There was no time to be lost, 
 for they were to take place the next day. On the 
 25th of this month, at three o'clock, a column of 
 three thousand National Guards, with three can- 
 nons and preceded by some horsemen, quitted the 
 Place de I'Hotel-de-Ville for this purpose. It pro- 
 ceeded along the Rue de Rivoli to the mairie of 
 the First Arrondissement, where it halted. Dele- 
 gates of the Central Committee presented them- 
 selves to the adjuncts, who, in the absence of the 
 mayors, received them. The negotiations lasted 
 nearly an hour. The crowd was enormous, and 
 the anxiety general. A conflict was feared. 
 
 The propositions of the Committee were at length 
 accepted. It was decided by common consent that 
 next day, the 26th, the elections for the Communal 
 Council by direct universal suffrage, and the nomi- 
 nation of the commander-in-chief of the National 
 Guard, should take place. 
 
 Afterthe Second Arrondissement had also been in- 
 duced to approve of these conditions, the battalions 
 of the Federation continued their march through 
 the Rue de Rivoli, traversing the Place du Palais- 
 National, and following the Rue de Richelieu to 
 the Rue Neuve des Petits- Champs, which they 
 entered, so as to gain the Rue Vivienne, where a 
 halt was made. 
 
 The delegates then made their way to the Bourse, 
 where twelve or fifteen mayors and adjuncts re- 
 ceived thenj. 
 
 There' again great difficulties arose. On one 
 side the municipal magistrates opposed the pro- 
 posed ultimatum, and refused to accede to proposi- 
 tions made by an armed force and manifestation ; 
 
120 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 on the other, the delegates of the Central Council 
 declared that delay was dangerous, that the 
 elections could no longer be adjourned, that they 
 should be held at any price, and that, whatever 
 might be decided upon, they should take place 
 the next day. 
 
 At last, after a stormy debate of an hour and a 
 half, the propositions of the Committee were also 
 accepted, and the municipalities of the arrondisse- 
 ments, which had till then refused, consented to give 
 their assistance at the elections on the morrow. 
 
 At the termination of the meeting the delegates 
 announced to the National Guards, drawn up in 
 battle array before the Bourse, the fortunate result 
 at which they had arrived. On hearing this excel- 
 lent news the countenances of the citizen soldiers 
 glowed with joy, their brows became smooth, and 
 they raised the butt-ends of their muskets in the 
 air and defiled before their brethren of the aristo- 
 cratic quarters, who in their turn imitated this good 
 example, lifted butt-ends into the air, and received 
 them with cries a thousand times reiterated of " Vive 
 la Republique !" The drums beat a salute, and the 
 greatest enthusiasm prevailed among all the in- 
 habitants. 
 
 The ladies at the windows participated in the 
 general joy, mingled their cheers with those of the 
 National Guards, and applauded the Republic. 
 
 The population of the central quarters' crowded 
 en masse to the boulevards, and made friends and 
 united with those of the suburbs ; hands were 
 pressed, hearts were gladdened, and faces were 
 radiant with joy. Every one felt, in presence of the 
 complicated situation which a quarter of an hour 
 
CONCILIATORY ATTEMPTS OF MAYORS, ETC. 121 
 
 before seemed without a solution, an oppressive 
 weight removed. 
 
 A rendezvous was agreed upon for the evening 
 at the Bourse, so that the mayors who were absent 
 might have an opportunity of adopting the conven- 
 tions already agreed upon by their brother-magis- 
 trates. 
 
 The reconciliation was general, and the deputies 
 of Paris agreed to the electoral conditions made by 
 the mayors and adjuncts. 
 
 As a public consecration of this treaty the follow- 
 ing proclamation was placarded all over Paris : — 
 
 " Paris, March 25th, six o'clock in the evening. 
 
 " Citizens, 
 
 " The deputies of Paris, the mayors, and the 
 adjuncts, reinstated in the mairies of their arron- 
 dissements, and the members of the Federal Central 
 Committee of the National Guard, convinced that 
 the only means of preventing civil war and blood- 
 shed in Paris, and at the same time of strengthen- 
 ing the Republic, is to proceed to immediate 
 elections, consequently convoke all citizens in their 
 electoral districts for to-morrow (Sunday). 
 
 " The bureaux will be open from eight o'clock in 
 the morning until midnight. 
 
 " The inhabitants of Paris must understand that 
 under the present circumstances their patriotism 
 demands that all of them should come and take 
 part in the voting, in order that the elections may 
 have the serious character which alone ,can secure 
 the public peace of our city." 
 
 {The Signatures^ 
 
122 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 Admiral Saisset and the so-called battalions of 
 order, who occupied the Grand-Hotel, the Saint- 
 Lazare Terminus, the Boulevard des Capucines, the 
 First and Second Arrondissements, &c., gave up 
 these posts to the battalions of the Central Com- 
 mittee. 
 
 M. Louis Blanc, in the name of the deputies of 
 Paris, announced to the Assembly at Versailles 
 that placards signed by the mayors and adjuncts 
 of Paris called the Parisian electors together for 
 to-morrow to nominate a Municipal Council. He 
 added that to retard the elections would seriously 
 endanger the position of affairs. He consequently 
 conjured the Assembly, in the name of the deputies 
 of Paris, to recognise the decision imposed by cir- 
 cumstances, and to make a declaration to the effect 
 that the mayors and adjuncts of Paris had acted as 
 good citizens. 
 
 The proposition of M. Louis Blanc was sent to 
 the Initiative Committee, which was instructed to 
 bury it in good and due form. 
 
 On the next day, the reporter of the Parliament- 
 ary Initiative Committee declared from the tribune 
 that this Commission, " in continuing to adhere to 
 the wisdom and firmness of the Government, was 
 of opinion that the proposition of M. Louis Blanc 
 and his co-deputies could not be taken into con- 
 sideration." 
 
 These conclusions were immediately adopted by 
 the Assembly. 
 
 A deputy, whose name, I am sorry to say, is 
 unknown to me, deposited, on behalf of eight of his 
 colleagues, a resolution couched in the following 
 terms : — 
 
CONCILIATOR ATTEMPTS OF MAYORS, ETC. 123 
 
 " The National Assembly declares the municipal 
 elections to be held in Paris null and void." 
 (Exclamations on the Left, applause on the 
 Right.) 
 
 This proposition, signed by eight deputies, and 
 applauded by the Right, was a proof of the scorn 
 of the majority against the sovereignty of the people 
 and universal suffrage, which they invoked daily 
 when it was their interest to do so. 
 
 Nevertheless, from a feeling of fear inspired by 
 the victorious Revolution o"f Paris, and also that it 
 might not furnish a flagrant proof of its antipathy 
 to universal suffrage, it repelled the urgency of this 
 proposition. 
 
 The Assembly of capitulators, elected only to 
 make peace, implicitly recognised that its power 
 was gone, and that there were no more orders of the 
 day, as the report of one of its last sittings so well 
 observed. 
 
 But the rural Assembly at Versailles, notwith- 
 standing all the serious reasons which ought to 
 have constrained it to limit its mission to the tacit 
 mandate which it had received to conclude peace 
 with the Prussians, persisted none the less, in 
 the liberticide work which it had pursued from its 
 first meeting. It continued, against all right, to 
 holdT its sittings, and persisted in its pretension to 
 erect itself into a sovereign Assembly, and to im- 
 pose itself by might on the population of the capital, 
 who repudiated it. We shall see it make another 
 siege of Paris, bombard that city, cover it with ruin 
 and dead bodies, shed rivers of blood, and depopu- 
 late it. 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 ELECTION OF THE COMMTJNE. 
 
 Without taking into account the ill-will, hostility, 
 hatred, ridiculous propositions, and odious, sinister, 
 and senseless projects of the Assembly of Ver- 
 sailles, the electors of Paris proceeded, on March 
 26th, with calmness, good order, and complete 
 liberty, to the election of the Commune. 
 
 On that day the weather was beautiful ; an im- 
 mense crowd promenaded the streets ; all was 
 quiet, and the most perfect order reigned every- 
 where. So said all the journals, without distinc- 
 tion as to political creed. 
 
 The ballot boxes for the election of the Commu- 
 nal Council were opened at eight o'clock in the 
 morning. The electors went peaceably to the dif- 
 ferent polling-places of the twenty arrondissements, 
 so as to fulfil their electoral duty as citizens ; and 
 each of them voted with the fullest liberty. Never 
 was freedom of voting so scrupulously observed. 
 
 The Central Committee of the National Guard 
 had, from first to last, given proof of its liberal 
 spirit and impartiality, its respect for the sove- 
 reignty of the people and universal suffrage. Its 
 loyalty was equal to its modesty and disinterested- 
 ness. 
 
ELECTION OF THE COMMUNE. 125 
 
 To give another proof of its moderation) it libe- 
 rated General Chanzy the same day. 
 
 The Central Committee, had it been less inclined 
 to exercise clemency, might have kept this supe- 
 rior officer of the army, and condemned him ; for it 
 had proof that he came with his army to organise 
 resistance to it, and to conspire against it in com- 
 pany with Thiers, Jules Favre, Saisset, Schoelcher, 
 Langlois, and all the renegades of the 4th of Sep- 
 tember. 
 
 But the Central Committee appeared to have for- 
 gotten or ignored this crime. Clemency, always 
 the best counsellor, swayed its spirit, and we most 
 sincerely applaud it. This was a generous as 
 well as an intelligent manner of doing honour to 
 the elections of the 26th, and of preparing under 
 the best auspices the advent of the new power. 
 
 The elections gave satisfaction to the partisans 
 of the Commune ; its devoted candidates, in fact, 
 triumphed in all the arrondissements, except the 
 First, Second, Ninth, and Sixteenth, where the 
 Conservatives carried the day. 
 
 In the First Arrondissement, that of the Louvre, 
 one of the most aristocratic of Paris, the candidates 
 of the Commune, citizens Vesinier, Miot, and Pillot, 
 had more votes than they anticipated: the first- 
 named had 3,500 votes. The same phenomenon 
 was repeated in the Second Arrondissement. 
 
 A great number of influential members of the 
 Central Committee of the National Guard were 
 elected as members of the Commune, and the 
 Workmen's International Association met with the 
 same success. 
 
 The communal elections of March 26th were a 
 
126 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 great and peaceable victory gained by the social 
 and democratic Revolution. 
 
 Nearly all those elected were proletaires; the 
 bourgeois element was in a small minority. The 
 greatest number of them were workmen ; all, ex- 
 cept the candidates of the First, Second, Ninth, 
 and Sixteenth Arrondissements, were men labour- 
 ing either with the hand or head. Some, it is true, 
 belonged to the so-called liberal professions, but 
 they were none the less devoted to the cause of the 
 social and democratic Revolution, and to the 
 emancipation of the proletaires. Amongst these 
 were the names of Felix Pyat, Delescluze, Blanqui, 
 Flourens, and Miot, whose Republican principles 
 are sufficiently known. 
 
 Some other less celebrated citizens were not 
 working men, but all of them served the Repub- 
 lican cause with devotedness and courage. Among 
 them we may mention : — 
 
 Citizen Tridon, advocate, who had only exercised 
 his profession in defending himself against the tri- 
 bunals of the Empire, by which he was condemned 
 to many years of imprisonment, and finally to 
 transportation. 
 
 Citizen Rigault, student, late editor of Za Marseil- 
 laise, La Patrie en Danger, and several other Repub- 
 lican, socialist, and free-thinking journals. Rigault 
 gave proofs of his capacity under the Empire by 
 fighting courageously for the cause of the people and 
 of the Revolution. He had braved and submitted 
 to numerous condemnations in the defence and 
 vindication of his political, philosophical, and social 
 ideas. Rigault was one of the most devoted, cou- 
 rageous, and intelligent members of the Commune. 
 
ELECTION OF THE COMMUNE. 127 
 
 Citizen Protot, a very distinguished young 
 advocate, one of the accused of the so-called 
 Renaissance, whose admirable pleadings before 
 the Sixth Chamber had been much taken notice 
 of. Though very young, citizen Protot had already 
 worked hard for the deliverance of the proletariat. 
 
 Citizen Vermorel, advocate, journalist, and pub- 
 licist, author of several volumes of history, who 
 always attracted attention by his vigorous attacks 
 against the men of the Opposition, whom he rightly 
 accused of having ruined the Republic, and com- 
 promised all liberty by their culpable conduct, 
 reactionary measures, and liberticide decrees. 
 
 Citizen Paschal Grousset, late editor oiLa Mar- 
 seillaise, an original, revolutionary, daring, and 
 devoted writer, condemned by the Court of Blois. 
 
 Citizen Vaillant, a learned student, very intelli- 
 gent, and with deep convictions, who placed his 
 knowledge at the service of the social Revolution. 
 
 Citizen Jules Vallfes, a talented writer and popu- 
 lar journalist, who took part in a great number of 
 social and democratic publications, and ,was one of 
 the most esteemed pamphleteers of the Parisians. 
 
 Citizen Cournet, chief editor of the Riveil, a 
 militant Republican, well known for his zeal and 
 devotion. 
 
 Citizen Arthur Arnould, formerly editor of the 
 Rappel and La Marseillaise. 
 
 Citizens R6g6re, doctor; Lefran9ais, ex-school- 
 master ; Goupil, doctor ; Parisel, doctor ; Jules 
 Allix, economist; Eudes, student; Verdure, ex- 
 tutor, editor oi La Marseillaise ; Leo Meillet, advo- 
 cate; J. B. Clement, journalist; Bergeret, officer, 
 &c., did not belong to the working classes properly 
 
128 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 SO called, but all of them had precisely the same 
 aspirations and needs, and pursued similar objects 
 in politics, philosophy, and social economy. 
 
 The other members of the Commune were work- 
 ing men in the strictest sense. There was another 
 member, M. Beslay, who was not a working man, 
 but a rich, independent gentleman. 
 
 The following is an authentic list of the com- 
 munal elections of March 26th : — 
 
 First Arrondissement [Louvre). 
 
 . (Complete Result. — Four Councillors to be elected.) 
 
 Adam 7.272 
 
 Meline 7i2Sl 
 
 Rochard 6,629 
 
 Barre 6,294 
 
 (These four candidates were returned.) 
 
 Vesinier . 3,565 
 
 Grandjean ^ 4i;8 
 
 Dr. Pillot 3329 
 
 Jules Miot 3,219 
 
 Second Arrondissement [Bourse). 
 
 (Complete. — Four Councillors to be elected.) 
 
 Brelay 7_02c 
 
 Loiseau-Pinson 6 922 
 
 Jl^"^ • 61386 
 
 Cheron 6_q68 
 
 (These four candidates were returned.) 
 
 Po'liier 4,422 
 
 Serraillet 3 711 
 
 '^X^''^ ^ '■ '■ zfis(> 
 
 Johannard 3,53^ 
 
 Third Arrondissement [Temple). 
 
 (Seven Sections.— Five Councillors.) 
 
 ^■^■^^i 8,679 
 
 g.^^y 8,736 
 
 ^;f y 7 816 
 
 Clovis Dupont i:'66i 
 
 These five candidates were rptumprl '. 
 
 (These five candidates were returned.) 
 
ELECTION OF THE COMMUNE. 129 
 
 Fourth Arrondissement. 
 
 (Eleven Sections. — Five Councillors.) , 
 
 Lefran9ais 8,705 
 
 Arthur Arnould 8,584 
 
 Clemence 8,173 
 
 GSrardin ....... 8,104 
 
 Amouroux ....... 7>90o 
 
 (These five candidates were returned.) 
 
 Louis Blanc ....... 5,232 
 
 Fifth Arrondissement. 
 
 (Five Sections. — Five Councillors.) 
 
 RegSre 4,026 
 
 Jourde 3,949 
 
 Tridou 3.948 
 
 Blanche 3,271 
 
 Ledroit 3)236 
 
 Sixth Arrondissement [Saint-Sulpice). 
 
 Albert Leroy 5,800 
 
 GoupU 5.III 
 
 Varlin 3,602 
 
 Beslav 3.714 
 
 Dr. Robinet 3,904 
 
 (These five candidates were returned.) 
 
 G. Courbet 1,172 
 
 Laccord 1,146 
 
 Herisson 956 
 
 Seventh Arrondissement. 
 
 (Twelve Sections otit of Nineteen.) 
 
 Dr. Parisel 3.367 
 
 Ernest Lefivre 2,859 
 
 Urbain 2,803 
 
 Brunei 1,947 
 
 (These four candidates were returned.) 
 
 Ribeaucourt 968 
 
 Amaud (de I'AriSge) 653 
 
 Toussaint 627 
 
 Eighth Arrondissement. 
 
 RaoulRigault 2,175 
 
 VaiUant 2,145 
 
 Arthur Arnould 2,114 
 
 Allix 2,028 
 
 (These four candidates were returned.) 
 
 K 
 
1 30 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 Camot. ...,.■•• 1.922 
 
 Anbry ''84° 
 
 Deporraandie I'°°4 
 
 BelUard i'°'° 
 
 Ninth Arrondissement. 
 
 (Six Sections out of Nine.— Five Councillors.) 
 
 Ranc 8,950 ; 
 
 Desmarest ....••• 4.232 
 
 Ulysse Parent 4.77° 
 
 E. Ferry 3.732 
 
 Nast 3.691 
 
 (These five candidates were returned.) 
 
 Dupont de Bussac 2,005 
 
 George Avenel 1.449 
 
 Dr. Semerie . . ... 1,382 
 
 Briosne 1.085 
 
 Tenth Arrondissement. 
 
 (Complete result. — Five Councillors.) 
 
 Fortune (Henri) 11,042 
 
 Pyat (Felix) . 11,813 
 
 Gambon II.734 
 
 Rastoul 10,325 
 
 Babick 10,738 
 
 Olive 3.985 
 
 Eleventh Arrondissement. 
 
 Mortier 19,397 
 
 Delescluze 18,379 
 
 Protot 18,062 
 
 Assi 18,041 
 
 Eudes 17,392 
 
 Avrial 16,193 
 
 Verdure 15,577 ' 
 
 Twelfth Arrondissement [Bercy-Reuilly). 
 
 (Eighth and Eleventh Sections.) 
 
 Varlin 2,312 
 
 Geresme 2,194 
 
 Fruneau 2,173 
 
 Theisz 2,150 
 
 (In the First, Second, and Third Sections the same candidates were 
 returned by a very large majority.) 
 
ELECTION OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 Thirteenth Arrondissement. 
 
 Leo MeiHet 6,531 
 
 General E. Duval 6,'482 
 
 Chardon 4,663 
 
 Frankel ^^^80 
 
 Fourteenth Arrondissement [Montrouge). 
 
 (Three Councillors — Complete result, except one Section.) 
 
 Billoray 6,100 
 
 Martelet 5,927 
 
 Descamps 5,830 
 
 (These three candidates were returned.) 
 
 Fifteenth Arrondissement {Grenelk). 
 
 Parisel 2,773 
 
 Lefevre 2,370 
 
 Urbain 2,304 
 
 Brunei 1,528 
 
 Ribeaucourt 1,247 
 
 Sixteenth Arrondissement [Passy-Auteuil). 
 
 (Two Councillors.) 
 
 Dr. Marmottan ...... 2,036 
 
 De Bouteiller 1,909 
 
 FSlix Pyat . 1,332 
 
 Victor Hugo 1,274 
 
 (The first two were returned.) 
 
 Seventeenth Arrondissement {Batignolles). 
 
 Varlin 9,3S6 
 
 Clement 7,I2I 
 
 Gerardin . 6,142 
 
 Chalin 4,547 
 
 Malon 4,199 
 
 (These candidates were returned.) 
 
 Eighteenth Arrondissement {Montmartre). 
 
 (Six Sections out of Twelve. — Seven Councillors.) 
 
 Dereure 
 Theisz . 
 Blanqui 
 J.-B. Clement 
 Th. Ferre . 
 Vermorel 
 Paschal Grousset 
 I (These candidates were returned with about 14,000 votes.) 
 
132 history of the commune. 
 
 Nineteenth Arrondissement. 
 
 (Ten Sections out of Sixteen.) 
 
 Paget 9.S47 
 
 Oudet 10,060 
 
 Delescluze S.840 
 
 Jules Miot 5.520 
 
 Coumet 5.54° 
 
 Ostyn 4.100 
 
 (These six candidates were returned.) 
 
 Twentieth Arrondissement. 
 (Belleville and Charonne). 
 
 Ranvier 14.127 
 
 Bergeret 14,003 
 
 Blanqui 13.498 
 
 Flourens 13,333 
 
 The Nouvelle Rtfullique gives the following sum- 
 mary as the definitive result of the elections : — 
 
 "Number of voters, more than 250,000. 
 
 " The average number of votes received by the 
 elected candidates exceeded a fourth of the inscribed 
 electors. It was far above the ordinary average 
 majority in the municipal elections. 
 
 " Out of twenty arrondissements the Revolu- 
 tionary list triumphed in sixteen, namely, the 
 Third, Fourth, Fifth, Sixth, Seventh, Eighth, 
 Tenth, Eleventh, Twelfth, Thirteenth, Fourteenth, 
 Fifteenth, Seventeenth, Eighteenth, Nineteenth, 
 and Twentieth, and obtained a half-success in the 
 Ninth. 
 
 "Only the First, Second, Ninth, and Sixteenth 
 Arrondissements voted for the reaction, as repre- 
 sented by the mayors and adjuncts," 
 
PART SECOND, 
 
 THE PARIS COMMUNE. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 PROCLAMATION OF THE COMMXJNE, 
 
 The proclamation of the result of the communal 
 election was made with affecting and imposing 
 solemnity, at four o'clock in the evening of March 
 28th, in the Place de l'H6tel-de-Ville. 
 
 At two o'clock the battalions of the National 
 Guard began to arrive from all directions ; over 
 the bridges, from the quays, the squares, and out 
 of all the leading streets ; joyous, sprightly, full of 
 animation and enthusiasm, with a martial step, to 
 the beat of drums, the sound of clarions, the 
 singing of the Marseillaise, and with flags flying, 
 being ever3rwhere received with a hearty welcome 
 and -with sympathising acclamations, to which they 
 responded with enthusiastic vivats in favour of the 
 Republic and the Commune. 
 
 The whole of the National Guard of Paris took 
 part in this imposing filing off. Towards even- 
 ing the flowing tide of battalions overran the place, 
 and broke into the Rue de Rivoli, the squares. 
 
134 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 the quays, the Avenue Victoria, and the Boulevard 
 Sebastopol, which were all inundated by it. 
 
 The crowd of spectators was immense. Every- 
 where they squeezed and packed themselves 
 together upon the footpaths, in the warehouses, 
 and in the lanes ; the apartments of houses were 
 crammed ; all the windows were lined with spec- 
 tators ; while the barricades served as stages, on 
 which men, women, and children were so closely 
 packed as to cause some of them to give way. 
 
 The equestrian statue of Henri IV., which deco- 
 rates the fa9ade of the H6tel-de-Ville, was veiled 
 with red tapestry, on the top of which, over- 
 shadowed with red flags, and with a Phrygian cap 
 on its head, was raised the bust of the Republic. 
 Before the central door, under the popular goddess, 
 and communicating with the inside of the Hotel- 
 de-Ville through a passage, arose a large stage 
 covered tightly with red, and furnished with seats 
 and a table, serving as a bureau. 
 
 The people's red flags floated on the summit - of 
 the H6tel-de-Ville, as also on the Tuileries and all 
 other public monuments. The flag of the Com- 
 mune was in front of the Communal monument, 
 and those of the battalions of the National Guard 
 had been piled before the platform. 
 
 The members of the Central Committee and of 
 the Commune made their appearance on the plat- 
 form at four o'clock, and took their places around 
 the bureau. They were welcomed with the greatest 
 enthusiasm and most lively applause, and with 
 innumerable cries of "Vive la Commune!" 
 " Vive la R^publique ! " 
 
 All Paris was with them. 
 
PROCLAMATION OF THE COMMUNE. 135 
 
 The greater part of the newly-elected members 
 were in private clothes, while others were in the 
 uniform of officers of the National Guard ; but all 
 wore a red scarf fringed with gold, and had ribbons 
 of the same colour, with similar fringes, in their 
 button-holes. 
 
 As soon as the members of the Commune and 
 the Central Committee had taken their places the 
 President of the latter rang a bell, and the thunder 
 of the cannons from the Quai de Grfeve was heard, 
 and was answered by other detonations from all 
 parts. 
 
 At this moment the Place de I'Hotel-de-Ville 
 presented the most grand, solemn, and exciting 
 spectacle. The flags of the battalions; the stand- 
 ards of the companies floating in the breeze ; the 
 forest of muskets and bayonets glittering in the 
 sun ; the innutaerable uniforms everywhere dis- 
 played ; the bronzed and martial figures of the 
 National Guard, animated and sparkling with 
 enthusiasm, and their eyes glistening with hope ; 
 — all seemed as if a regenerating breath had 
 ■passed over.this immense multitude, who had been 
 weighed down for more than twenty years beneath 
 the shameful despotism of a monomaniac tyrant 
 — who, by his stupid ambition, had delivered it 
 over to the foreigner — and who all at once uplifted 
 themselves by the revivifying breath of liberty. 
 
 In presence of the inauguration of this Com- 
 mune, which was a personification of all their 
 wishes and all their hopes, the end of their 
 misery and their evils, a future of reparation, 
 liberty, and justice, the people recovered their 
 native pride, their unaffiected goodness,, their 
 
136 _ HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 courage, their dignity, their greatness, their con- 
 science — all their good qualities and virtues. They 
 wanted to be great, strong, and generous. For 
 the first time in twenty years they felt themselves 
 to be really supreme, worthy of themselves, and of 
 the great cause — the deliverance of the prol6taires. 
 At this moment of sublime enthusiasm their joy 
 and delirium burst out at the sound of the cannons, 
 aiid manifested themselves again and again with 
 the cries, a hundred thousand times repeated, 
 " Vive la Commune ! " " Vive la R6publique ! " 
 
 As if with an electric, magnetic, and irresistible 
 movement, all the National Guards swung their 
 arms, put their k^pis on the points of their bayonets, 
 lifted up and brandished their muskets, and uttered 
 frantic hurrahs. 
 
 The President of the Central Committee rose 
 and rang the bell again. The cannons were silent, 
 the cries ceased, and the crowd stood still. The 
 silence was now as profound as the roaring of the 
 artillery, 1;he flourish of the cavalry trumpets, and 
 the cries of the people a few minutes ago had 
 been great. The President then read, in a power- 
 ful voice, the names of the newly-elected members 
 of the Commune. 
 
 We give this list just as it was published at the 
 Place de I'Hotel-de-Ville :— 
 
 First Arrondissement (four councillors to be 
 elected).— Adam, M61ine, Rochart, Barre. 
 
 Second Arrondissement (four councillors.) — 
 Brelay, Loiseau-Pinson, Tirard, Charon. 
 
 Third Arrondissement (Temple ; five councillors)* 
 — Demay, Amaud, Pindy, C16ray, Dupont. 
 
PROCLAMATION OF THE COMMUNE. lyj 
 
 Fourth Arrondtssement (five councillors). — Le- 
 fran9ais, Arthur Arnould, Gerardin, Amouroux, 
 Cl^mence. 
 
 Ftfih Arrondtssement (five councillors). — Jourde, 
 Reg^re, Tridon, Blanchet, Ledroit. 
 
 Sixth Arrondtssement (Saint-Sulpice). — Albert 
 Leroy, Goupil, Dr. Robinet, Beslay, Varlin. 
 
 Seventh Arrondtssement. — Dr. Parisel, Ernest 
 Leffevre, Urbain, Brunei. 
 
 Eighth Arrondtssement [Faubourg Saint-Honor^ ; 
 four councillors). — Raoul-Rigault, Vaillant, Arthur 
 Arnould, Jules AUix. 
 
 Ninth Arrondissement (five councillors). — Ranc, 
 Ulysse Parent, Desmarest, E. Ferry, Nast. 
 
 Tenth Arrondissement (five councillors). — Gam- 
 bon, Felix. Pyat, Henri Fortune, Champy, Ba- 
 bick. • 
 
 Eleventh Arrondissement. — Eudes, Mortier, Pro- 
 tot, Assi, Avrial, Verdure. 
 
 Twelfth Arrondissement — (Bercy-Reuilly). — ^Var- 
 lin, Fruneau, Geresme, Theisz. 
 
 Thirteenth Arrondissement (Gobelins). — L6o Meil- 
 let, Duval, Chardon, Frankel. 
 
 Fourteenth Arrondissement — (Montrouge; three 
 councillors).^ — Billoray, Martelet, Decamp. 
 
 Fifteenth Arrondissement (Vaugirard - Grenelle). 
 — Clement, Jules Vall^s, Langevin. 
 
 Sixteenth Arrondissement (Passy-Auteuil ; two 
 councillors). — Dr. Marmoteau, De Bouteiller. 
 
 Seventeenth Arrondissement (Batignolles). — Var- 
 lin, Clement, Gerardin, Chalain, Malon. 
 
 Eighteenth Arrondissement (Montmartre; seven 
 councillors). — Blanqui, Theisz, Dereure, J.-B. Cle- 
 ment, Th. Ferre, Vermorel, Paschal Grousset. 
 
138 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 Nineteenth Arrondissement. — Oudet, Puget, De- 
 lescluze, Cournet, J. Miot, Ostyn. 
 
 Twentieth Arrondissement (Belleville). — Ranvier, 
 Bergeret, Flourens, Blanqui. 
 
 The reading of the names was twenty times 
 interrupted by applause, which again burst forth 
 after the proclamation of the names for each ar- 
 rondissement ; and when it was ended numberless 
 ■vivats succeeded. The bands of the National 
 Guard then played the Marseillaise, the Chant du 
 Depart, and other Republican airs. 
 
 Several speeches, alternately followed by music 
 and patriotic songs, were made by citizens Lava- 
 lette, Assi, Ranvier, and Beslay, and very loudly 
 applauded. 
 
 The following is the speech of citizen Beslay, the 
 oldest member of the Commune, and the only one 
 taken down in shorthand : — 
 
 " Citizens, 
 
 " Our presence here attests to ■'Paris and to 
 France that we have no doubt that the Commune 
 of Paris is the enfranchisement of all the com- 
 munes of the Republic. 
 
 " For fifty years mere practitioners of the old 
 politics tossed us about with the grand words of 
 decentralisation, and the government of the country 
 by the country ; fine phrases, which cost us much 
 and have given us nothing. 
 
 "More valiant than your ancestors, you have 
 acted like the philosopher who marched about in 
 "order to prove the nature of movement. You have 
 marched, and we are satisfied that the Republic 
 will march with you. 
 
PROCLAMATION OF THE COMMUNE. 139 
 
 " This is, in fact, the crowning of your peaceable 
 victory. Your adversaries said that you would 
 strike the Republic. We answer, that if we did 
 strike it, it was only as we should a pile which we 
 strove to bury deeper in the earth. 
 
 " Yes, it is on account of the complete liberty of 
 the Commune that the Republic takes root with 
 us. The Republic of to-day is no longer what 
 it was in the days of our great Revolution. The 
 Republic of '93 was a soldier, who, in order that 
 he might be able to fight both at home and abroad, 
 had need to concentrate all the power of our 
 country in his hand. The Republic of 1871 is a 
 labourer, who requires liberty for the fertilisation 
 of peace. 
 
 " Peace and labour! This is our future — the certi- 
 tude of our revenge and social regeneration ; and 
 in this sense the Republic is able to make France 
 the supporter of the weak, the protector of the 
 worker, the hope of all the oppressed, and the 
 foundation of the universal Republic. 
 
 " The enfranchisement of the Commune is there- 
 fore, I repeat, the enfranchisement of the Republic 
 itself. Each of the social groups will recover its 
 simple independence and its full liberty of action. 
 
 " The Commune will occupy itself with local 
 matters. 
 
 "The departments will look after their trans- 
 actions. 
 
 " The Government will employ itself in national 
 affairs. 
 
 " And let us say it boldly, the Commune which 
 we have founded will be a model Commune. 
 Whoever says 'work/ proclainis order, economy, 
 
140 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 honesty, and strict control; and it is not under 
 the Commune that Paris will find frauds of four 
 hundred inillions. 
 
 " On its side, the Government, reduced by half, 
 will be nothing more than the docile mandatary 
 of universal suffrage and the guardian of the Re- 
 public. 
 
 " This, citizens, is, in my opinion, the path to be 
 followed. Let us enter upon it boldly and reso- 
 lutely. Let us not overstep the limits fixed by our 
 programme, and the country and the Government 
 will be happy and proud at having assisted in this 
 great day's work, which to us is the day of salva- 
 tion. My age will not permit me to take part in 
 your work as a member of the Commune of Paris ; 
 my strength would too often betray my courage, 
 and you are in want of vigorous athletes. In the 
 interest of the propaganda I am compelled to give 
 in my resignation ; but be assured that as far as 
 lies in my power I shall afford you my most de- 
 voted help, and, like yourselves, serve the holy 
 cause of labour and the Republic. 
 
 " Vive la R6publique ! Vive la Commune ! " 
 
 As soon as the speeches came to an end the Pre- 
 sident closed this inauguration, and once more the 
 cannons resounded, and the battalions began to 
 file off. The drummers beat a salute, the trumpets 
 sounded, the exclamations redoubled, and during 
 two hours more than two hundred and fifty thou- 
 sand National Guards defiled before their elected 
 members, with the cries, a million times repeated, 
 " Vive la Commune ! " " Vive la R6publique ! " 
 
 The enthusiasm was general ; it prevailed among 
 
PROCLAMATION OF THE COMMUNE. 141 
 
 all. Everywhere, in all the streets, on all the 
 quays and boulevards, the crowd — men, women, 
 and children, prol^taires and bourgeois — greeted 
 the National Guard on its passage with the most 
 sympathising manifestations and acclamations. 
 
 The windows were crowded with joyous specta- 
 tors, the houses adorned with red flags, and nobody 
 was at all alarmed by them. 
 
 In the evening, the H6tel-de-Ville, the Tuileries, 
 the Louvre, and a great number of other public 
 monuments and private houses were illuminated. 
 Paris and its suburbs made holiday. 
 
 The Commune was proclaimed under the best 
 auspices. 
 
 The following are the terms in which the Central 
 Committee announced the happy advent of the 
 Commune, and made its adieux to the people and 
 the National Guard : — 
 
 " Citizens, 
 
 "We have to-day (March 28th) had the pleasure 
 of assisting at the most magnificent popular spec- 
 tacle we have ever witnessed. Our hearts are 
 gfladdened. Paris has saluted and applauded the 
 Revolution. Paris has opened a new leaf of its 
 history, on which it has inscribed its name. 
 
 " Two hundred thousand free men have presented 
 themselves to affirm their liberty and proclaim the 
 new Constitution with the thunder of artillery. 
 The Versailles spies prowling around our walls 
 may tell their masters what it was that made the 
 voice of a whole population heard ; how this voice 
 not only filled the city, but re-echoed beyond its 
 walls. '" Let these spies, who glided into our ranks. 
 
142 HISTORY OP THE COMMUNE. 
 
 give them a faithful picture of this admirable spec- 
 tacle of a people regaining their sovereignty, crying 
 with all their might, and in a manner truly sublime, 
 * We will die for our country ! ' 
 
 " Citizens, 
 
 "We return into your hands the work with which 
 you entrusted us. At the last moment of our 
 ephemeral power, and before finally quitting our 
 places in the Committee of the National Guard, 
 from which events recall us, we wish to express 
 our gratitude to you. 
 
 " By the help of your admirable patriotism and 
 wisdom, we have, without violence, but also without 
 weakness, performed our task. Bound in our pro-' 
 ceedings by a loyalty which forbade our setting 
 ourselves up as a government, we have, supported 
 by you, at least prepared a radical Revolution in 
 the short space of eight days. You know all we 
 have done, and with pride we submit our actions to 
 your judgment. But, before undergoing your ex- 
 amination, we are happy to say that everything 
 which has been done has been done by you. 
 
 " We also wish to proclaim aloud that, in your 
 quality of absolute and legitimate masters, your 
 power was principally established by your gene- 
 rosity. If you have prosecuted your rights and 
 made demands, you have never used reprisals. 
 
 "France, for twenty years guilty of weakness, 
 now comprehends the necessity of its regeneration, 
 of redeeming itself from the tjTanny and indolence 
 of the past by means of peaceable liberty and 
 labour. Your liberties will be energetically de- 
 fended by those whom you have elected to-day. 
 They will devote themselves to it for ever* The 
 
PROCLAMATION OF THE COMMUNE. 143 
 
 work depends upon you, and carrieis with it its own 
 reward. 
 
 " Rally, then, with confidence round your Com- 
 mune. Facilitate its labours by devoting your- 
 selves to necessary reforms. Brothers, be guided 
 by brothers. March firmly and bravely upon the 
 path of the future. Be an example to others by 
 showing them the value of liberty, and you will 
 assuredly attain the wished-for end — ^The Uni- 
 versal Republic. 
 
 " The following are the signatures of the mem- 
 bers of the Central Committee of the National 
 Guard : — 
 
 "Avonsr fils, Antoine Arnaiid, G. Arnold, 
 Assi, Andignoux, Bouit, Jules Bergeret, 
 Babick, Baroud, Billoray, Blanchet, 
 L. Boursier, Castioni, Chouteau, C. 
 DupoNT, Fabre, Ferrat, Henri Fortune, 
 Fleury, Fougeret, C. Gaudier, Gouhier, 
 H. Geresme, Grelier, Grollard, 
 Jourde, Josselin, Lavalette, Lisbonne, 
 Maljournal, Edmond Moreau, Mortier, 
 
 PrUDHOMME, ROSSEAU,RAISrVIER,VARLIN." 
 
 The people followed the advice given by the 
 Central Committee. Good and generous as ever, 
 they placed their confidence in the newly-elected 
 members. 
 
 They chose an immense majority of them out of 
 their midst, from among the travailleurs-proMtaires. 
 If they selected some from the bourgeoisie, it was 
 only those who had for a long time given abundant 
 proof of devotion to their cause, and whom, for this 
 
144 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 reason, they believed to be worthy of representing 
 them. 
 
 They elevated them to the platform, and made no 
 stipulations with them about power. They put at 
 their service all the strength, resources, good-will, 
 and courage they possessed. 
 
 They placed in their hands and confided to them 
 the immense resources of the capital, namely, the 
 administration, the ministries, the municipalities, 
 the arsenals, the workshops, the magazines, the 
 supplies, the finances, all the armed force of the 
 capital, 300,000 National Guards, 1,800 cannons, 
 all the arms, all the munitions accumulated during 
 the siege, powerful machines, all the treasures, all 
 public property, all domains belonging to the city 
 and the state, the barracks, the forts, a fortified 
 enceinte, immense means of attack and defence, 
 destruction and production, all the resources of a 
 city with two and a half million inhabitants, a 
 population the best instructed, the most civilised, 
 the best cultivated, and one of the richest in the 
 world. 
 
 But this was not all. The people of Paris gave 
 to the men whom they elected, for the service of 
 the great humanising cause confided to them, not 
 only all the social resources and collective forces of 
 the city, but also all those of the individual ; all 
 the private property, life, and goods of each citizen 
 and his family. In addition to this, they confided 
 to them that which was the most inviolable, the 
 most precious, the most sacred — that from which 
 a nation should never alienate itself — their liberty, 
 sovereignty, and honour! 
 
 The members of the Communal Council, then, 
 
PROCLAMATION OF THE COMMUNE. 145 
 
 had in their hands all the resources, forces, and 
 power of which the people of Paris had to dispose. 
 It depended, then, on them to render immense 
 service to the sublime cause whose triumph they 
 ought to secure. 
 
 If they were devoted, capable, intelligent, honest, 
 industrious, and courageous in the height of their 
 mission and its circumstances, they would be able 
 to accomplish an immense work — that of saving 
 Paris and France from civil war, freeing them from 
 the occupation of the foreigner, raising their country 
 from the abyss of misery, ruin, shame, and corrup- 
 tion into which royalty and the Empire, the bour- 
 goisie and Catholicism, had plunged them ; they 
 could put them upon the right track, rescue them 
 from the deleterious influence of the oligarchical 
 despotism of a retrograde Assembly, and from a 
 majority worthy only of the middle ages and feu- 
 dal times, which dreams of the restoration of the 
 throne and the altar, the Popedom and legitimacy, 
 in all their monstrous deformity and hideous reality. 
 They would be able for ever to prevent the restora- 
 tion of despotism in France ; to emancipate the 
 people for good from the threefold yoke of the 
 Church, royalty, and capital; that is to say, to 
 destroy religious, political, and economical tyranny, 
 and to secure for the future, throughout the whole 
 world, the triumph of the philosophical, political, 
 and social Revolution. 
 
 Such was the gigantic task which the Parisian 
 electors of March 26th and the travailleurs-prol6- 
 taires of the whole world expected from the 
 Commune. 
 
 The Commune was perfectly aware of its im- 
 
 L 
 
146 HISTORY OP THE COMMUNE. 
 
 portant mission, but such was not always the case 
 with some who believed themselves authorised to 
 speak in its name. The following article, pub- 
 lished in the Journal Offi-ciel, sufficiently proves 
 thaf its author had no very just idea of the spirit 
 of this Revolution and its consequences. "All 
 political movements," said he, "without a new, 
 creative, and fertile idea, or which, having such 
 an idea, are unable to produce men capable of 
 carrying it out and defending it, are doomed, 
 even after a brilliant victory by force, to miserably 
 miscarry." 
 
 This is very true, but let us quote the continua- 
 tion of this article, and see if the ideas which it 
 contains are as just as the one mentioned : — 
 
 " These, men of deep reflection and rapid action 
 were found ready in the first days of 1789. They 
 gave soul, intelligence, life, in fact, to the instinc- 
 tive tumultuous movements of the crowd; they 
 transmuted them into human, and, as it were, 
 philosophical movements, and in a few months 
 the instinctive crowd became a great people, con- 
 scious of itself, the people of the Revolution. 
 
 " Socratic originators of ideas were not wanting 
 either at the Revolution of the 18th of March. 
 After having made it, they cheered, defended, and 
 demonstrated it. Yesterday it spoke ; to-day it 
 acts, and in this manner it still demonstrates itself. 
 
 "The champions of August loth were not con- 
 tent with proclaiming liberty, equality, and fi-a- 
 ternity : they defined the meaning of these great 
 words, which, united in this immortal triad, had 
 in them something' strange, vague, and indetermir 
 nate for their contemporaries ; they indicated the 
 
PROCLAMATION OF THE COMMUNE. 147 
 
 range and the consequences of them ; and they 
 showed the application of them to civil and politi- 
 cal life. 
 
 "If the rioters of March i8th had been merely 
 capable, on the day after their victory, of stammer- 
 ing out the word Commune without determining 
 from the first its elementary principles, the pri- 
 mordials of the Communal organisation, perhaps 
 nothing of its valour and strength would have 
 remained to-day but the memory of its defeat. 
 
 " In the course of twenty years, perhaps, they 
 would have succumbed to the outrages and calum- 
 nies of a lying history, like the insurgents of 1 848, 
 who, in order to triumph, only lacked the power of 
 comprehending, if but imperfectly, the imperious 
 and redoubtable question which they had felt and 
 stated. 
 
 " We confess the task was less difficult to the 
 men of the i8th of March. The deplorable mis- 
 understanding which in the days of June armed 
 two classes one against the other, both, it is true, 
 not equally interested in the great economical 
 reforms — this fatal mistake, which made the re- 
 pression of Jure so sanguinary, could not be 
 renewed. 
 
 " This time the class-antagonism did not exist ; 
 there was no other object in this war than the old 
 one, so often renewed, and doubtlessly soon to be 
 finished, of liberty against authority, municipal 
 and civic right against an absorbing and arbitrary 
 Government. 
 
 "In a word, Paris was ready to rise for the 
 recovery of its independence, its autonomy ; it 
 wanted, until the nation should become of the 
 
148 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 same disposition, self-government; that is to say, 
 the Republic. 
 
 " Oh no ! the Executive was not calumniated by 
 those who accused it of conspiring for the monarchy. 
 The indignant Executive protested its sincerity and 
 its good intentions. , 
 
 " Well, what could the intentions of the Execu- 
 tive do against the people of Paris? There is 
 something which rules the intentions of men— the 
 force of things and the logic of principles. 
 
 " Centralisers to the extreme, on the point of 
 depriving Paris for months, and without fixing a 
 term for its forfeiture, of this subordinate munici- 
 pality — a restriction which the governmental guar- 
 dianship conceded to the smallest village — and of 
 maintaining the humiliating stigma which the 
 Empire had implanted, that shameful character of 
 a caravansary town, which effaced its originality 
 and its genius every day ; centralisers by taste 
 and system, the Executive again precipitated us 
 into the most perfect form, the most material ad- 
 ministrative and political centralisation, royalty. 
 
 " Let the partisans of the centralised Republic, 
 the bourgeoisie, which is founded on the antagonism 
 of citizen and State, of labour and capital, of the 
 middle class and the common people — let the for- 
 malist reflect on this : their Utopia has ever served 
 as a bridge to monarchy. It is that which for a 
 long time has killed even the idea of a Republic 
 in France. 
 
 "To-day this dejected idea again stands erect, 
 more proud and triumphant, audaciously hoisting 
 its first flag, and afiixing its new name to its old 
 patronymic title. True to its traditions, con- 
 
PROCLAMATION OF THE COMMUNE. 149 
 
 scious of itself, the Republic is also the Com- 
 mune. 
 
 " This is the return for science and labour, liberty 
 and order, the advent of which has been retarded 
 for nearly a century by governmental routine. 
 Rising above the mists which enveloped it, divested 
 of the obstacles which barred its passage, sure of 
 its power, the Revolution comes again, by its 
 example and its propaganda, to diffuse over the 
 world liberty, equality, and justice." 
 
 This remarkable article contains erroneous esti- 
 mations, and proves, as we have stated, that its 
 author did not thoroughly understand the Revolu- 
 tion of the 1 8th of March, and its economical con- 
 sequences. 
 
 He was fight in saying that all revolutions 
 " without a new, creative, and fertile idea, or which, 
 having such an idea, are unable to produce men 
 capable of carrying it out and defending it, are, 
 even after a brilliant victory by force, doomed 
 to miserably .miscarry." These admirable words 
 will be eternally true. But their author did not 
 foresee that the tragical catastrophe of which he 
 spoke would so soon be realised, and unfortu- 
 nately he conjured up for himself strange illusions 
 on the situation, men, and things, when he added, 
 " Socratic originators of ideas were not wanting 
 at the Revolution of the 1 8th of March." "We could 
 wish above everything in the world, we would give 
 our life and shed our blood to the very last drop,- that 
 the author of this assertion had not deceived him- 
 self ; but alas ! events have but too truly proved 
 that the men capable of redeeming and defending 
 the new, creative, and fertile idea of the Revolu- 
 
ISO HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 tion of the i8th of March were wanting, and were 
 not to be found among the elected of March 26th, 
 "since, after a brilliant triumph by force," this 
 Revolution has "miscarried," and to-day its authors 
 " succumb to the outrages and calumnies of a lying 
 press, like the insurgents of June, 1848," who, 
 according to our author, " lacked nothing but the 
 power of comprehending, if but imperfectly, the 
 imperious and redoubtable question which they 
 had felt and stated." 
 
 We do not share in his ideas and estimate of the 
 insurgents of 1848. Whatever may be said to the 
 contrary, and notwithstanding historical calumny, 
 they possessed, not imperfect, but very clear and 
 complete ideas of the social emancipation for 
 which they rose with the battle cry, "To live 
 working, or to die fighting!" The insurgents of 
 June, 1848, like their brothers of 1 871, fought for 
 their enfiranchisement, for the abolition of the 
 exploitation of man by man ; and they knew it. 
 If, like the members of the Commune, they suc- 
 cumbed, it was not the idea that caused their 
 defeat any more than with the revolutionary 
 socialists of 1871. No; it was because, in their 
 sanguinary struggle, in the deadly duel in which 
 they were engaged with the old spciety, their well- 
 organised, long-standing enemies, the last-named 
 had a well-appointed mechanism for war, were 
 better armed, better disciplined, and possessed 
 material elements of success far superior to them. 
 In 1848, as in 1871, right was defeated by might; 
 but it has not been, and never can be, definitively 
 conquered. 
 
 The writer in the Journal Officiel advances 
 
PROCLAMATION OF THE COMMUNE. 151 
 
 another even more venturesome and less earnest 
 idea when he says : — 
 
 "We confess the task was less difficult to the 
 men of the i8th of March. The deplorable mis- 
 understanding which in the days of June armed 
 two classes one against the other, both, it is true, 
 not equally interested in the great economical 
 reforms — this fatal mistake, which made the re- 
 pression of June so sanguinary, could not be 
 renewed." 
 
 This is a great error, which has been most 
 unfortunately and cruelly belied by recent events. 
 
 This anonymous writer in the Official evinces, 
 besides, a much-to-be-regretted ignorance of the 
 situation of 1871, and which proves that he had 
 formed erroneous ideas as to the cause of the 
 Revolution of the i8th of March, when he adds : — 
 
 " This time (i 87 1) class-antagonism did not exist ; 
 there was no other object in this war than the old 
 one, so often renewed and doubtlessly soon to be 
 finished, of liberty against authority, municipal 
 and civic right against an absorbing and arbitrary 
 Government." 
 
 The terrible events which have unfortunately 
 been perpetrated since the 22nd of May — the 
 massacre of the defenders of the Commune, their 
 arrest en masse, and the project of transporting 
 more than fifty thousand of them^-give the flattest 
 contradiction to this paragraph, and prove that in 
 the year 1871 the antagonism of classes was much 
 greater than in 1 848, and that it has increased and 
 become more envenomed during the last twenty- 
 three years of political oppression and economical 
 exploitation. 
 
152 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 Blind indeed must those have been who did not 
 perceive this, and who, like the journalist we have 
 just quoted, saw in the Revolution of March i8th 
 nothing "but the old war of liberty against 
 authority, municipal and civic right against an 
 absorbing and arbitrary Government." 
 
 To endeavour to reduce the great social demand^ 
 of the Paris workmen of March, 1 871, to a muni- 
 cipal movement is to do them the grossest injury. 
 It is to suppose that the proletaires of Paris rose 
 for the sake of a municipal franchise, so as to have 
 the pleasure and right of nominating their alder- 
 men, replacing MM. Haussmann and Ferry by a 
 Prefect of the Seine, or by mayors of their own 
 choice, discussing and voting the budget of the city, 
 watching over the sewers, the public lighting, &c. 
 
 Nothing is more certain than that the principal 
 question of March i8th and 26th was the ever- 
 lasting social demand of the disinherited, who 
 have succeeded each other through centuries since 
 the Gracchi, Spartacus, the Wagres, the Plussites, 
 the peasant companions of Hutten, the Maillotins, 
 the Jacques, the English trade-unions, the Hebert- 
 ists, the Babouvistes, to the insurgents of 1848, 
 the internationals of 1865, the Revolutionists and 
 the Commune of 1871. This is the veritable filia- 
 tion and import of the Revolution which gave rise 
 to the Commune. 
 
 The reactionary bourgeois did not deceive them- 
 selves as to its tendency and import ; they under- 
 stood and judged it accordingly, which is the very 
 reason why they carried on a war to the knife, ex- 
 termination to the death, and drowned its authors 
 in blood. 
 
PROCLAMATION OF THE COMMUNE. 153 
 
 In another article the semi-official interpreters of 
 the Communal idea confessed that the triumphant 
 Revolution could not be confined to municipal 
 powers only, but that it had also another mission 
 to fulfil. They freely acknowledged it, but post- 
 poned it until its definitive triumph, the realisation 
 of its political and economical object. The follow- 
 ing is a comminatory article on this subject pub- 
 lished in the Officiel: — 
 
 " Certain journals believe they see in the first 
 acts of the Commune of Paris an intention of 
 setting aside the municipal powers. It cannot be 
 doubted that in giving to Paris decrees for the 
 reduction of rents, the abolition of the conscription, 
 &c., &c., the Commune has deviated from the 
 narrow circle within which the old legislation had 
 enclosed municipal liberty. But it would be a 
 strange and puerile illusion to imagine that the 
 only object of the Revolution of March i8th was 
 to secure to Paris an elected communal repre- 
 sentation under the despotic influence of a strong 
 centralised national power. In France this law 
 has never satisfied, either in Paris, the towns, or 
 the villages, the want of independent and firee 
 administration, which is a condition absolutely 
 necessary to the regular life, stability, and progress 
 of a Republican state. 
 
 " It is, as has been stated from the first day, to 
 gain and secure for the future the independence of 
 all the communes of France, and also of all the 
 superior groups, cantons, departments, or provinces, 
 bound together for their common interest by a 
 truly national compact; it is to guarantee and 
 perpetuate at the same time the Republic, and put 
 
154 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 it on a proper basis, that the mdn of March i8th 
 have fought and conquered. 
 
 "What enlightened and true spirit would venture 
 to maintain that Pa:ris, after the sufferings and 
 dangers of the siege, faced the sorrowful though 
 momentary consequences of a violent rupture in 
 order to submit with a good grace to a law which 
 it had not even discussed — a law which would have 
 left it neither the administration of its police, the 
 supreme disposition of its finances, nor the direc- 
 tion of its National Guard — a law which would not 
 only involve the forfeiture of its liberty, but also be 
 the seal of its servitude ? 
 
 " In constituting itself into a Commune, if ^aris 
 renounced its apparent omnipotence, identical, in 
 fact, with its forfeiture, it did not renounce its role 
 as initiator ; it did not abdicate its moral power, 
 that intellectual influence which has so often given 
 victory to its propaganda in France and Europe. 
 Paris free, Paris autonomous, should be none the 
 less the centre of the economical and industrial 
 movement, the seat of the Bank, the railways, and 
 the great national institutions, from which life is 
 more largely distributed through the veins of the 
 social body, which, on their side, carry it back 
 more actively and intensely. 
 
 " While anticipating that the final triumph of its 
 cause would give to free Paris the influential but 
 not dominating role which the nature, economical 
 evolution, and progress of ideas assure to it, the 
 Commune would be content with defending its in- 
 tegrity, interests, and rights. In matters of muni- 
 cipal organisation, rent, or exchange, its legislation 
 might be supreme, because these are its own affairs. 
 
PROCLAMATION OF THE COMMUNE. 155 
 
 its own interests, which can only be satisfied by 
 those whom they concern, and not by those who 
 ruin or deny them. 
 
 " The Commune would be right in acting in this 
 manner in the face of a central power which, re- 
 duced to its proper functions, would be no more 
 than the guardian and defender of the general 
 interests. With greater reason should it do so in 
 presence of a usurping power which only obeys 
 reasons of State, appeals to nothing but social 
 hatred and craven terror, and which, to those who 
 demand a contract and guarantees, talks of nothing 
 but repression and vengeance." 
 
 After recognising that the Commune could not 
 confine its action within the narrow limits of a 
 municipality, the article adds that " the men of 
 ■March i8th struggled and fought to obtain and 
 assure for the future the independence of all the 
 communes of France, as well as of all the superior 
 groups, cantons, departments, or provinces united 
 to each other, for their general interests, by a truly 
 national compact." 
 
 From what has already preceded we see that, 
 accprding to this writer, the revolutionary move- 
 ment of March 1 8th preserved the old topographical 
 organisation — commune, canton, arrondissement, 
 department, and province — of France. It would 
 not, therefore, be necessary to organise the Com- 
 mune on a fresh basis, to form new communes in 
 harmony with their role, their wants, and their 
 aim, but simply to emancipate, enfranchise, and 
 render independent the thirty- six thousand com- 
 munes, cantons, arrondissements, and departments 
 or provinces of France. 
 
156 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 We content ourselves here with merely noticing 
 this declaration, reserving our criticism till later 
 on ; but before we do so, we request permission of 
 our readers to quote another article published in 
 the Officiel on the programme of the Commune. 
 The following is this third document :— 
 
 "At the hour in which we write the Central 
 Committee ought, if it has not done so already, to 
 have given place to the Commune. Having ful- 
 filled the extraordinary mandate with which neces- 
 sity had invested it, it will reduce itself to the 
 special function which gave rise to its existence, 
 and which, violently contested by the power, com- 
 pelled it to fight, conquer, or die with the city of 
 which it was the armed representation. 
 
 " As the expression of municipal liberty legiti- 
 mately, judicially insurgent against an arbitrary 
 Government, the Committee had no other mission 
 than that of preventing at any price the wresting 
 from Paris of the primordial right which it had 
 triumphantly gained. On the eve of the vote, we 
 must say that the Committee has done its duty. 
 
 "As to the elected Commune, its role and its 
 means will be very different. First and foremost, 
 it will be necessary to define its mandate and fix 
 the limits of its powers. This constituent power, 
 so largely, indefinitely, and confusedly accorded by 
 France to a National Assembly, it should exercise 
 for itself ; that is to say, for the city of which it is 
 only the expression. 
 
 " The first work of those elected should be the 
 discussion and drawing up of their charter— that ■ 
 act which our forefathers of the middle ages called 
 
PROCLAMATION OF THE COMMUNE. 157 
 
 their Commune. This done, they will have to think 
 upon the means for getting the municipal autonomy- 
 acknowledged and guaranteed by the central power. 
 This part of their task will not be very hard if the 
 movement, legalised in Paris and a few other large 
 towns, allows the present National Assembly to 
 perpetuate a mandate which common sense and 
 the force of circumstances limited till the conclu- 
 sion of peace, which has already been accomplished 
 some time. 
 
 " To a usurpation of power the Commune should 
 not reply with usurpation. Federated with the free 
 communes of France, it should in its own name, 
 and in those of Lyons, Marseilles, and soon per- 
 haps of ten other great towns, study the clauses of 
 the contract which should bind it to the nation, 
 and state the ultimatum of the treaty which it is 
 willing to sign. 
 
 " What will this ultimatum be ? Firstly, it is well 
 understood that it should be a guarantee for the 
 autonomy and the reconquered municipal sove- 
 reignty. Secondly, it should secure the free play 
 of communication with the representatives of the 
 national unity. Lastly, it should impose upon the 
 Assembly, if it consents to negotiate, the promul- 
 gation of an electoral law, so that for the future the 
 representation of towns may not be absorbed and 
 swamped by the rural representation. So long as 
 an electoral law conceived in this spirit remains 
 unapplied, the national unity and social equilibrium, 
 now destroyed, cannot be restored. 
 
 " On these conditions, and on these only, can the 
 insurgent city again become the capitajL. Its spirit, 
 circulating more freely over France, would soon 
 
IS8 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 become the spirit of the nation, the spirit of order, 
 progress, and justice ; that is to say, of Revolution." 
 
 This article then demanded : — 
 
 " I. The constituent power for Paris and for all 
 the other communes of France. 
 
 " 2. A Communal Charter containing the rights 
 of Paris. 
 
 " 3. A federative contract between all the free 
 communes of France. 
 
 " 4. An electoral law guaranteeing the free re- 
 presentation of towns, so that their mandataries 
 should no longer be absorbed by the rural districts. 
 
 " 5. The fimction of the ca^pital to be preserved 
 to Paris. 
 
 " 6. The acceptation of the proposition, as laid 
 down in these five paragraphs, by the central 
 power." 
 
 This is an epitome, according to the last article 
 we have quoted from the Journal Officiel, of what 
 the programme of the Commune ought to be. 
 
 In our opinion, setting economical and social 
 questions aside, one thing, and that the principal, 
 is wanting in this declaration — the topographical 
 organisation of the Commune, of which not the 
 slightest mention is made in any one of the articles 
 in the Officiel. 
 
 What ought a well-organised Commune to be, 
 what its area, what its population, resources, &c. ? 
 These are the questions to be solved. 
 
 In our view, the Commune should be an associa- 
 tion of citizens with a strong mutual affinity and 
 common interests, living together in not too large 
 a district, so that their communications may be 
 
PROCLAMATION OF THE COMMUNE. 159 
 
 frequent, and their interests in harmony ; while, on 
 the other hand, the territory should be large 
 enough to afford necessary resources for the free 
 development of all their faculties, the satisfaction 
 of all their wants, and the guarantee of all their 
 rights. Without these conditions a Commune 
 cannot possess the elements necessary for the 
 realisation of the object anticipated. 
 
 The present communal division could not be 
 more defective. ■ Out of the thirty-six thousand 
 communes of which France is composed, some 
 are exceedingly large, whilst, on the contrary, a 
 great number are very small. Among the latter 
 it would be vain to seek the necessary elements 
 for a good organisation of a communal associa- 
 tion. The majority of them count merely a few 
 hundred inhabitants, and contain no resources in 
 agriculture, industry, commerce, arts, science, &c. 
 They have neither political nor social, life, and 
 scarcely participate in the civilising and pro- 
 gressive movements of our time. They lead a 
 vegetative life rather than that of the modern 
 world. They have kept beyond the pale of the 
 progress of the nineteenth century. 
 
 The present communal division and organisation 
 are the principal causes of the decadence of 
 France, and must be abandoned. To seek to pre- 
 serve, enfranchise, and leave to themselves the 
 communes as they now exist would, under the 
 circumstances, be the greatest absurdity. It would 
 be to abandon them to the preponderating influ- 
 ence of the priests, the nobles, and the great pro- 
 prietors ; it would be to deliver up their future, the 
 Revolution, and the liberation of the prol6taires to 
 
i6o HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 their most deadly enemies ; and certainly this was 
 not the wish of the Paris Commune. It desired to- 
 establish in France a certain number of large com- 
 munes like its own, strong, powerful, active, pro- 
 gressive, full of life and movement, having, as we 
 said before, in its territory, population, wealth, 
 products, agriculture, mines, industry, science, arts, 
 commerce, &c., all the necessary resources for a 
 free development. That is the Commune which 
 the men of the i8th and the 26th of March and the 
 16th of April wanted to create. 
 
 All the communes constituted in this manner 
 should be bound to each other, as we have seen in 
 the article in the Officiel, by some federative contract 
 freely discussed and accepted. The central or 
 federal administration, sitting, so long as it should 
 be considered beneficial, in Paris, should have the 
 mission of watching over the strict fulfilment of 
 the synallagmatic contract agreed upon by all the 
 federated communes ; of causing the general prin- 
 ciples of a superior justice, which are the founda- 
 tion of the rights of men and of the citizen, to be 
 respected ; and of watching over the punctual admi- 
 nistration of the great public services, which are 
 of general interest to the whole Communal Con- 
 federation, such as the vast network of the central 
 railways, the post, the telegraph, and the admi- 
 nistration of foreign affairs. This is the sort of 
 organisation on which, in our humble opinion, 
 the semi-official interpreters of the Commune should 
 have first informed themselves and then expounded 
 to us. 
 
 Now let us see the Commune at work ; let us 
 study its acts, its means, and its aim, and, 
 
PROCLAMATION OF THE COMMUNE. i6i 
 
 as serious historians, render to it the justice which 
 it merits. 
 
 On the 28th of March, the day of its inaugura- 
 tion, the Commune held its first sitting at nine 
 o'clock in the evening, in the deliberation-room of 
 the Municipal Council at the H6tel-de-Ville, under 
 the presidency of citizen Beslay, as the oldest 
 member. 
 
 Fifty-five members took part at this sitting, 
 and occupied themselves in a general way with 
 various propositions relating to the role, preroga- 
 tives, and pow^ers of the Commune, but without 
 coming to a decision on these diverse questions. 
 The discussion was, nevertheless, very interesting 
 and animated. A Commission was appointed to 
 report on the elections. The constitution of the 
 bureau and the jlimits of its powers were agitated. 
 
 The sitting lasted till half-past twelve P.M., and 
 it was decided that the next meeting should be 
 held at one o'clock on the following afternoon. 
 
 On that day, March 1 9th, the sitting of the Com- 
 mune was opened with cries of " Vive la R6pub- 
 lique ! " Citizen Beslay, as the oldest member, again 
 took the chair. 
 
 He begged the Assembly to elect its President, 
 and citizen Lefrangais was nominated. 
 
 Citizens Rigault and Ferr6 were provisionally 
 elected secretaries ; Bergeret and Duval, assessors. 
 
 The President called upon the Assembly to regu- 
 late the composition of the bureau. 
 
 It was decided that two assessors, as well as two 
 secretaries, should be nominated. 
 
 The nominations to be weekly. 
 
 The sittings to be secret. 
 M 
 
i62 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 On the proposition of citizens Assi, Billoray, 
 Rigault, and Henri Fortune, the Foreign Secre- 
 taries were to be admitted. Citizen Assi, on behalf 
 of the Central Committee, returned the powers 
 with which its members had been invested by the 
 force of circumstances and the will of the National 
 Guard. He thanked the chiefs of the National 
 Guard for their devoted help to the Committee ; 
 and he also returned thanks to the National 
 Guards, mayors, and adjuncts, who by their atti- 
 tude had prevented bloodshed. 
 
 Citizen Eudes rose to beg of his colleagues that 
 the new Municipal Council should be called the 
 Commune of Paris. 
 
 Citizen Ranc seconded this proposition by saying 
 that it was indispensable to break off from the 
 past. The name of Commune of Paris would alone 
 indicate that this great city desired to have its full 
 and entire municipal franchise ; in a word, self- 
 government. 
 
 The name of Commune was accepted with accla- 
 mation. 
 
 The President read a proposition that the Council 
 of the Commune should declare that the members 
 of the Central Committee had acted like good 
 citizens, and had deserved well of the Commune. 
 
 Citizen Delescluze seconded the proposition, 
 and said, "The members of the Committee have 
 well deserved the thanks not only of Paris and 
 France, but also of the universal Republic." 
 Citizen Cournet also supported this proposition, 
 declaring that had it not been for the calm and 
 energetic attitude of the Committee, France would 
 have been a prey to terror and reaction. 
 
PROCLAMATION OF THE COMMUNE. 163 
 
 The thanks were unanimously voted, except by 
 a few members of the Committee, who were un- 
 willing to vote for themselves. 
 
 The President charged those of the Committee 
 who were present to transmit to the absent or non- 
 elected members the thanks of the Commune of 
 Paris. 
 
 On the proposition of citizens Cournet, Assi, 
 Delescluze, Eudes, and Bergeret, the Assembly, in 
 order to facilitate the despatch of business and the 
 examination of motions, decided on forming them- 
 selves into ten Commissions. Each Commission 
 was to possess the same powers as the old minis- 
 tries, except that of Religion, the budget of which 
 was to be suppressed, and placed under the juris- 
 diction of the Commission of General Safety. In 
 addition to these, certain particular Commissions 
 were instituted in order to meet the pressing neces- 
 sities of the moment. 
 
 The ten Commissions were : — 
 
 " I . The Executive. — ^This Commission is charged 
 with the execution of the decrees of the Commune 
 as well as of those of the other Commissions. 
 Nothing shall be done without the consent of the 
 Commune. This Commission will sit at the Hotel- 
 de-Ville, which shall also be the seat of the Com- 
 mune. 
 
 " 2. The Military Commission, which replaces 
 the Committee of the National Gruard. This Com- 
 mission is charged with the discipline, armament, 
 clothing, and equipment of the National Guard. It 
 is also instructed to elaborate motions relating to 
 the National Guard. 
 
 " The staff-office of the Place Vendome shall he 
 
1 64 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 independent. In concert with the Commission of 
 General Safety, it will watch over the security of 
 the Commune and the proceedings at Versailles. 
 This Commission replaces the Ministry of War. 
 The armed boats on the Seine are placed under its 
 orders. 
 
 " 3. The Commission of Supply, which shall 
 superintend the victualling of Paris, and keep 
 detailed and full accounts of all the victuals now 
 in the magazines. 
 
 " It is instructed to secure, by all possible means, 
 provisions indispensably necessary for three months 
 at least. 
 
 " It has the direction and administration of all 
 the provisions in reserve. It is also empowered, 
 should occasion demand it, to distribute flour 
 to the most necessitous. Until a new law shall 
 be made on the town dues, this Commission is 
 charged with receiving the taxes. It will likewise 
 keep an account of the resources of the wine 
 stores. 
 
 " 4. The Finance Commission. — ^This Commission 
 is charged with establishing the budget of Paris on 
 a new basis. Questions of finance, taxes, rents, 
 exchange, &c., come under its jurisdiction, as also 
 the Bank of France. It has likewise to collect 
 taxes, and to inquire strictly into the position of 
 the finances of Paris. 
 
 " Should the necessity arise, it is empowered to 
 inquire into the best means of contracting a loan 
 on the most economical terms. 
 
 " This Commission shall also occupy itself with 
 the reduction of the debts of Paris by the least 
 oppressive measures. All demands for the necessary 
 
PROtLAMATlON OF THE COMMUNE. 165 
 
 funds of the other Commissions are to be made to 
 the Commission of Finance, and approved of and 
 signed by the Commune. 
 
 " This Commissioil shall secure, by all possible 
 means, a quick and economical collection of the 
 taxes. It will do away with all unnecessary em* 
 ployment ; and the public loan oifices, being in the 
 department of the Ministry of Finance, are to be 
 under its control. 
 
 *' 5. The Commission of Justice. — For a time this 
 Commission is charged with raising the existing 
 state of justice to the elevation of democratic and 
 social institutions. 
 
 " It is empowered to take possession of the courts 
 of justice until a decree has definitively settled the 
 question. 
 
 " 6. The Commission of General Safety, with the 
 powers of the Prefecture of Police. This Com- 
 mission is entrusted with the public safety and 
 order. It will at the same time watch over the 
 public morals, and see that individual liberty is 
 respected as much as possible. In a word, it is 
 charged with the general police. It is bound to 
 preserve the safety of the Republic and to keep an 
 eye on suspected citizens. 
 
 "7. The Commission of Labour, Industry^ and 
 Exchange, having in its province a part of the 
 public works and commerce. It is also entrusted 
 with the dissemination of socialist doctrines. It 
 has to seek means for the equalisation of labour 
 and wages. It will occupy itself with the advance- 
 ment of national and Parisian industry. It is also 
 the duty of this Commission to find means for the 
 development of international exchange, so as to 
 
1 66 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 attract foreign industry and make Paris the great 
 centre of production. 
 
 " 8. The Commission of Public Service. — ^This 
 Commission is charged with the supervision of 
 the great services, the post-office, telegraphs, and 
 public ways. It will likewise see that all these 
 services act regularly and economically, watch 
 over the railway companies, and organise relations 
 with the services of the provinces. 
 
 " It is bound to study the means for putting all 
 the railways into the hands of the communes of 
 France, without damaging the interests of the 
 companies. 
 
 " 9. The Commission of Foreign Affairs. — This 
 Commission is empowered to entertain amicable 
 relations with all the communes of France, so as to 
 lead to a general federation. It is enjoined to con- 
 tribute to the enfranchisement of the country by its 
 propaganda. 
 
 " It is likewise empowered, as occasion presents 
 itself, to send representatives to the different States 
 of Europe, and especially to Prussia, as soon as 
 the attitude of this power towards the Commune 
 shall become known. 
 
 " 10. The Commission of Instruction, having for 
 its province the public education. It will occupy 
 itself with educational reforms. It shall also pre- 
 pare a motion for gratuitous, compulsory, and 
 exclusively secular instruction. The number of 
 scholarships at the colleges is to be augmented." 
 
 The next proceeding was to elect the different 
 members of these Commissions. 
 
 The following citizens were elected : — 
 
 "i. The Executive Commission. — Citizens Eudes 
 
PROCLAMATION OF THE COMMUNE. 167 
 
 Tridon, Vaillant, Lefran9ais, Duval, F. Pyat, and 
 Bergeret. 
 
 "2. The Finance Commission. — Citizens C16ment 
 (Victor), Varlin, Jourde, Beslay, and Reg^re. 
 
 " 3. The Military Commission. — Citizens Pindy, 
 Eudes, Bergeret, Duval, Chardon, Flourens, and 
 Ranvier. 
 
 " 4. The Commission of Justice. — Citizens Ranc, 
 Protot, L60 Meillet, Vermorel, Ledroit, and Babick. 
 
 " 5. The Commission of General Safety. — Citizens 
 Raoul Rigault, Ferr6, Assi, Oudet, Chalain, 
 G^rardin, and Coumet. 
 
 " 6. The Commission of Supply. — Citizens 
 Dereure, Champy, Ostyn, Jean-Baptiste Clement, 
 Parisel, Emile Clement, and H. Fortune. 
 
 " 7. The Commission of Labour, Industry, and Ex- 
 change. — Citizens Malon, Frankel, Theisz, Dupont, 
 Avrial, Loiseau-Pinson, Eug. Gerardin, and Puget. 
 
 " 8. The Commission of Foreign Affairs. — 
 Citizens Paschal Grousset, Ch. Gerardin, Antoine 
 Arnaud, Ranc, Arthur Arnould, Delescluze, and 
 Parent. 
 
 " g. Commission of Instruction. — Citizens Goupil, 
 Ernest Lefevre, Jules Valles, Demay, Miot, 
 Blanchet, Robinet, Verdure, and Albert Leroy. 
 
 " ID. The Com^mission of Public Service. — Citizens 
 Ostyn, Billoray, J.-B. Clement, Martelet, Mortier, 
 and Rastoul. 
 
 Citizen Varlin, Delegate of the Finance Commis- 
 sion, demanded urgency for a " decree to suspend 
 the sale of things at the public loan of&ce until a 
 special law for the administration of this institution 
 on more advantageous terms to the prol^taires 
 shall be passed," 
 
1 68 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 This decree was unanimously voted. 
 
 The proposition of citizens Assi and Varlin con- 
 cerning rents was also voted with urgency. On 
 the proposition of citizen Billoray, an article was 
 added respecting tenants in furnished lodgings. 
 The following is the decree, including the amend- 
 ment of citizen Billoray : — 
 
 "The Commune of Paris, considering that labour, 
 industry, and commerce have had to bear all the 
 costs of the war, and that it is nothing but just 
 that private property should bear its share of the 
 sacrifices, decrees : 
 
 "Art. I. Remission of rent to lodgers from 
 October, 1870, to January and April, 1871. 
 
 "Art. II. All moneys paid for rent by lodgers 
 during these nine months shall be adjusted on 
 future terms. 
 
 " Art. III. Remission shall also be made of rent 
 due for furnished lodgings. 
 
 "Art. IV. All leases may be cancelled at the 
 option of lodgers during -a period of six months, 
 dating from the day of this decree. 
 
 " Art. V. On the demand of lodgers, all notices 
 given shall be prolonged for three months. 
 
 "The Commune of Paris. 
 
 " H6tel-de-Ville, March 29th, 1871." 
 
 The Commune organised the municipal adminis- 
 tration of twenty arrondissements of Paris by the 
 following decree : — 
 
 " The Commune of Paris decrees : 
 
 " Art. I. That the members of the Commune shall 
 
PROCLAMATION OF THE COMMUNE. i6g 
 
 have the administrative direction of their arron- 
 dissement. 
 
 " Art. II. They are invited to associate with 
 themselves, at their own option and responsibility, 
 a Commission for the expedition of business. 
 
 "Art. III. Only members of the Commune shall 
 have the right to proceed with civil acts. 
 
 "The Commune of Paris." 
 
 On the proposition of citizen Beslay, the question 
 of interest on mortgages was put as the order of the 
 day. After hearing citizen Beslay, and on the pro- 
 position of citizen Varlin, urgency was rejected, 
 and the question of the day was maintained. 
 
 On the proposition of the Military and Finance 
 Commission, the conscription was abolished, and 
 the National Guard declared to be the only regular 
 armed force, by the following decree : — 
 
 " The Commune of Paris decrees : 
 
 " I . That the conscription is abolished ; 
 
 "2. That no other military force than the Na- 
 tional Guard shall be created or introduced into 
 Paris; 
 
 "3. That all able-bodied citizens shall be mem- 
 bers of the National Guard. 
 
 "The Commune of Paris. 
 
 " H6tel-de-Ville, Marcli 29th, 1871." 
 
 On the proposition of twenty-three of its mem- 
 bers, the Assembly declared the Commune of Paris 
 to be the only regular power; By another decree 
 an act of accusation was instituted against the 
 members of the Versailles Government, and their 
 property in Paris confiscated. 
 
iro HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 It next decreed that the functions of all ojB&cers 
 who recognised the Versailles Government should 
 be revoked, and that they should be accused and 
 prosecuted. 
 
 By another decree it ordered the suppression of 
 the budget of Religion, and the resumption of pro- 
 perty in mortmain. 
 
 The citizen President was empowered to sign all 
 decrees. 
 
 On the proposition of the President, three mem- 
 bers were nominated to draw up an address to the 
 people of Paris. Citizens Assi, Eudes, and Bergeret 
 were chosen. 
 
 The following is the address : — 
 
 " Commune of Paris. 
 " Citizens, 
 
 " Your Commune is constituted. 
 
 "The vote of March 26th has sanctioned the vic- 
 torious Revolution. 
 
 " A cowardly aggressive power has taken you by 
 the throat ; you have, in legitimate self-defence, 
 repelled from your walls the Government which 
 sought to dishonour you by giving you a king." 
 
 "To-day, the criminals whom you have not even 
 desired to pursue abuse your magnanimity by 
 organising at the very gates of your city a focus 
 of monarchical conspiracy. They invoke civil 
 war ; they set in motion every sort of corruption ; 
 they accept any accomplice ; they have dared to 
 tell falsehoods in order to obtain help from the 
 foreigner. 
 
 " We appeal to the judgment of France and of the 
 world against these execrable conspiracies. 
 
PROCLAMATION OF THE COMMUNE. 171 
 
 " Citizens, 
 
 " The institutions you have just created defy all 
 attempts. 
 
 " You are the masters of your destiny. Strength- 
 ened by your support, the representation which you 
 have established will repair the disasters caused by 
 a fallen power. Compromised industry, suspended 
 labour, and paralysed commercial transactions will 
 receive a vigorous impulse. 
 
 " To-day, the expected decision about rent ; 
 
 " To-morrow, that of exchange ; 
 
 "All public services re-established and simplified ; 
 
 "The National Guard, henceforth the only armed 
 force of our city, reorganised without delay : 
 
 " Such will be our first acts. 
 
 " The elected of the people only ask your confi- 
 dence in order to assure the triumph of the Re- 
 public. 
 
 " As for them, they will do their duty. 
 
 "The Commune of Paris. 
 
 " H6tel-de-Ville, March 29th, 1871." 
 
 The reading of this proclamation was loudly ap- 
 plauded. 
 
 The order of the day was then regulated for 
 next day (March 30th) as follows : — Motion on ex- 
 change ; mortgage question ; the provisioning of 
 Paris ; motions on the National Guard and the 
 priests. 
 
 On the following day the Assembly sat in Com- 
 missions. 
 
 The sitting commenced at three o'clock. 
 
 The sitting, of which we gave an account, was of 
 all others the most remarkable. 
 
172 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 The Commune of Paris, in constituting itself into 
 ten sections, as the protocol of its sitting on March 
 29th shows, gave proof of great practical spirit. 
 The choice and powers of its ten Commissions were 
 the best that could be made. By means of these 
 Commissions it concentrated in its departments all 
 the governmental and administrative machinery of 
 the city of Paris. 
 
 The adversaries of the Commune wanted to con- 
 fine its role and circumscribe its action within the 
 narrow circle and derisive powers of a Municipal 
 Council in tutelage. Thus they regarded the acts 
 of its first sitting as monstrous usurpations of 
 power, and protested with all their might against 
 the firm disposition manifested by the Commune 
 to govern and administer Paris, so as to make it a 
 free, independent, and autonomous city, preserving 
 all its influence and powers as the capital. 
 
 To the defenders of order, the law on rents was 
 an attack on property. No term could be found 
 strong enough, no expression too energetic, to 
 manifest their indignation. 
 
 The Assembly of Versailles, in its holy rage 
 against the Communists who dared to lay their 
 guilty hands on the sacred rights of proprietors, 
 devoted its attention to the framing of a law on rent, 
 which not only ordered the integral payment of 
 the latter, but also gave security to the proprietors 
 against every risk and danger of losses which the 
 contingencies of the siege, the bombardment, and 
 the suspension of business had caused to their pre- 
 tended rights. 
 
 The bill of which we speak made the Commune 
 responsible for the entire payment of the rent of 
 
PROCLAMATION OF THE COMMUNE. 173 
 
 insolvent tenants. This little love-law would have 
 burdened Paris with hundreds of millions of debt. 
 It would have been one more ruinous blow to its 
 finances, already in so deplorable a state through 
 the maladministration of MM. Hausmann and 
 Ferry, and the disasters of the siege. But it mat- 
 tered little to the Burgraves of Versailles whether 
 Paris was ruined or made bankrupt, provided the 
 principles, rights, and all the inviolable and sacred 
 privileges of property were saved. " 
 
 Between this Draconian property legislation and 
 the decrees of the Commune there lay an abyss. 
 
 The postponement of the payment of the interest 
 on mortgages proved another heavy blow to pro- 
 perty, which made the gentlemen of the Versailles 
 Government tremble with indignation. 
 
 The abolition of the conscription, of which the 
 speedy suppression of the standing army was the 
 most direct consequence, and the only means of re- 
 generating France and Europe, raised a cry of indig- 
 nation in the ranks of moderate men of all shades. 
 The approaching suppression of the permanent 
 army, that fine product of the conscription, was 
 another cause of deep pain to all privileged and 
 designing men. How subjugate the people, how 
 keep them under the yoke, how perpetuate des- 
 potism, the proletariat, misery, and pauperism, 
 without an army ? 
 
 The standing army was the keystone of the 
 building constructed by the modern bourgeoisie in' 
 France. The conscription abolished, the perma- 
 nent army dissolved, there remained no power 
 capable of keeping working men under the yoke ; 
 and the whole privileged classes were in danger. 
 
174 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 The accusation of the members of the Versailles 
 Government, and the sequestration of their pro- 
 perty in Paris, were well calculated to inspire the 
 Versailles Assembly not only with rage and re- 
 probation, but also with horror. 
 
 In their eyes the Commune was the antichrist, 
 the enemy of all their rights and privileges ; it 
 was the infdme to be crushed at all hazards. To 
 sequestrate the property of the Thiers, Jules Pavres, 
 Jules Simons, the Picards, and the Ferrys, so 
 swiftly and so nobly acquired since the 4th of 
 September, by honest and moderate means known 
 to everybody, was a dreadful crime. 
 
 But the greatest abomination of all, and which 
 especially raised against the Commune the old 
 men and rural Catholics of the majority of Ver- 
 sailles, was the decree suppressing the budget of 
 Religion, and the return of mortmain property 
 into the Communal domain. In the eyes of the 
 pious sons of the Crusaders this law was more 
 than a crime against property ; it was a dreadful, 
 an abominable sacrilege. 
 
 It will be seen that since the dibut of the Com- 
 mune the abyss which separated Paris from the 
 Versailles Government grew wider and wider, and. 
 the idea of ever filling it up had to be at once 
 abandoned. Versailles and Paris were in every 
 sense two opposite powers, each repelling the 
 other. Versailles, or the majority of the Assembly, 
 represented feudalism, the middle ages, the old 
 royalist and Catholic society, with all its prejudices 
 and antiquated privileges, anti-revolutionists for 
 whom the years 1789, 1792, 1830, 1848, 1870, 1871, 
 and the whole nineteenth century, had no exist- 
 
PROCLAMATION OF THE COMMUNE. 175 
 
 ence ; Paris, or the Commune, personified the 
 aspirations and hopes of the travailleurs-prol6taires 
 for a new and better world by the complete trans- 
 formation of society ; it was the negation, the 
 destruction, the absolute overthrow of present 
 institutions, and the radical abolition of all exploi- 
 tation. This was how the question stood from the 
 first sitting of the Commune. 
 
 In saying this we do not mean to assert that all 
 the members of the Commune were revolutionary 
 Communists. No ; many, the greater part, even 
 the immense majority, were not Communists. The 
 greater number, indeed almost all, were indivi- 
 dualist socialists ; but the circumstances, the wants, 
 and absolute necessities of the moment were such 1 
 as to force all members of the Commune to the 
 most radical reforms, each of which, in the opinion 
 of the reaction, was a violent attack against the 
 so-called principles of order. 
 
 The natural conclusion to be drawn from the 
 facts and phenomena we have just stated is, that 
 any transaction, conciliation, or synthesis between 
 the resistance of the past and the wants of the 
 present was impossible, and that the existing social 
 order in France had attained such a degree of 
 incompatibility with the necessities of the actual 
 situation of the times that it could only be main- 
 tained by force ; that from the day of its abandon- 
 ment, as on the i8th of March, all religious, political, 
 and economical institutions would be powerfully 
 menaced and attacked ; and that even if those who 
 were charged with the overthrow of the old social 
 order should act unconsciously, it would neverthe- 
 less be destroyed by the force of circumstances. 
 
176 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 It is possible, however (and facts have since 
 proved it), that by a series of circumstances beyond 
 the control of those to whom the accident of events 
 had confided the mission of the present Revolution, 
 the latter has been a failure ; but it will not be so 
 for long; its triumph is only postponed; every 
 stand-still renders it more necessary and more 
 indispensable. 
 
 But let us set aside previsions of an inevitable 
 future, and return to the realities of a past of a few 
 weeks only, and to the present. 
 
 The Commune, on its first sitting, instructed a 
 Commission to report on the elections. The fol- 
 lowing was the result : — 
 
 " Report of the Commission vn the Elections. 
 
 " The Commission charged with the verification 
 of the elections had to inquire into the following 
 questions : — 
 
 " ' Is there any incompatibility between the man- 
 date of a deputy of the Versailles Assembly and 
 that of a member of the Commune ? ' 
 
 "Considering that the Versailles Assembly, in 
 refusing to acknowledge the Commune elected by 
 the people of Paris, does not deserve to be recog- 
 nised by that Commune ; 
 
 " That plurality ought to be interdicted ; 
 
 " That it is, besides, absolutely impossible to 
 attend to the labours of two Assemblies ; 
 
 " The Commission considers that the functions 
 are incompatible. 
 
 " ' Can foreigners be admitted to the Commune ?' 
 
 "Considering the flag of the Commune to be 
 that of the universal Republic ; 
 
PROCLAMATION OF THE COMMUNE. 177 
 
 " Considering that every city has the right of 
 bestowing the title of citizen upon foreigners who 
 serve it ; 
 
 " That this custom has existed for a long time 
 among neighbouring nations ; 
 
 " Considering that the title of member of the 
 Commune is a greater mark of confidence than 
 that of citizen, which latter quality has been tacitly 
 permitted ; 
 
 " The Commission is of opinion that foreigners 
 may be admitted, and proposes the admission of 
 citizen Frankel. 
 
 " ' Can the elections be considered valid accord- 
 ing to the law of 1849, which requires that an 
 eighth part of the registered electors shall vote for 
 those returned ? ' 
 
 " Considering it has been stipulated that the 
 elections should be made according to the law of 
 1849, the Commission is of opinion that an eighth 
 part of the registered votes is legally indispens- 
 able. 
 
 "But considering that an examination of the 
 electoral lists of 1871 has brought to light such 
 important irregularities that no reliable estimate 
 of the number of electors can be obtained ; that 
 the causes of this inaccuracy are of different kinds, 
 namely, the imperial P16biscite, which produced an 
 unusual augmentation ; the P16biscite of November 
 3rd; the deaths during the siege, the number of 
 inhabitants who left Paris after the capitulation, 
 and, on the other hand, the vast number who 
 sought refuge in Paris during the siege, &c., &c. ; 
 
 " Considering that it was almost impossible to 
 rectify all these errors in time, and that no reliance 
 
 N 
 
1 78 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 could be placed on such an evidently erroneous 
 legal basis ; 
 
 "The Commission proposes, in consequence, to 
 declare valid all elections which obtained an eighth 
 part of the votes, as well as the other six in sus- 
 pense, in consideration of the relative majority of 
 those who discharged their duty as citizens by 
 going to the ballot. 
 
 " On behalf of the Commission, 
 
 " The Reporter, 
 
 "Parisel." 
 
 The decision of the Commission was very justly 
 approved of by the Communal Assembly. 
 
 The incompatibility of the mandate of the mem- 
 bers of the Commune with that of the representa- 
 tives of the Versailles Assembly is incontestable. 
 Besides, as the Commune was labouring for the 
 triumph of the universal Republic, it was bound, 
 after its election, to admit citizens of all nationali- 
 ties who were willing to fight in its ranks for the 
 same object. 
 
 The reasons which the report assigned for the 
 non-observance of the clause enacting an eighth of 
 the votes of all registered electors in order for an 
 election to be valid, were most serious and just. 
 The Commune, then, acted wisely in declaring 
 valid the elections of which we have just spoken. 
 
 Citizens Delescluze, Cournet, Gambon, &c., 
 elected as members of both the Commune and the 
 Versailles Assembly, did not wait for the pro- 
 mulgation of the law made by the Commune to 
 give in their resignation as deputies of the people 
 to the Versailles Assembly. The following is a 
 
PROCLAMATION OF THE COMMUNE. 179 
 
 letter from citizen Delescluze justly estimating the 
 political spirit of that Assembly : — 
 
 To the Citizen President of the Assembly at 
 Versailles. 
 " Citizen, 
 " Having for eight days taken no part in the 
 deliberations of the Assembly over which you 
 preside, and in which I only remained during the 
 time of the accusation against the dictators of the 
 4th of September, and being, besides, unwilling to 
 associate myself either with its insanity or its 
 passions, I have the honour to inform you that I 
 give in my resignation as a representative of the 
 people for the department of the Seine. 
 
 " I may add that, having had the honour of 
 being elected by two arrondissements for the 
 Commune of Paris, I accept that delegation. 
 " Salutation and fraternity. 
 
 " Signed : DELESCLUZE." 
 
 The letters of Cournet and Gambon are quite as 
 severe against the Assembly as that of their col- 
 league Delescluze. 
 
 Citizens Floquet and Lockroy, members of the 
 Versailles Assembly, also tendered their resignation 
 in the following letter : — 
 
 " Monsieur le President, 
 
 " We have done all in our power to prevent civil 
 war in the face of the armed Prussians still on our 
 soil. 
 
 " We swear before the nation that we are in no 
 way responsible for the blood which is being shed 
 
i8o HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 at this moment; but since, notwithstanding our 
 past efforts, and those which we are still making 
 to bring about a reconciliation, the battle has com- 
 menced by an attack on Paris, we, the representa- 
 tives of Paris, feel that our place is no longer at 
 Versailles. 
 
 " Our place is with our fellow-citizens, with 
 whom, as during the Prussian siege, we shall share 
 the dangers and sufferings in store for them. We 
 have no other duty than that of defending as 
 citizens, and according to the inspirations of our 
 conscience, the menaced Republic. "We return into 
 the hands of our • electors the mandate confided to 
 us, and we are ready to give them an account of 
 our acts. 
 
 " The representatives of the people of Paris, 
 
 "Ch. Floquet. 
 
 "Edouard Lockroy." 
 
 This letter, so remarkable for its dignity and 
 appropriateness, was an honour to its authors. 
 
 Citizen Milli^re, another deputy of the Versailles 
 Assembly, was also unwilling to take part any 
 longer in its sittings. The disgust and indignation 
 with which it inspired him are plainly shown by 
 the following letter to his electors : — 
 
 " Citizens, 
 "Notwithstanding the profound disgust with 
 which the heinous and violent passions expressed 
 by the majority inspired me, I considered it to be 
 my duty to remain as long as possible in the 
 National Assembly, in order to fiilfil the mandate 
 entrusted to me by the people of Paris ; that is to 
 
PROCLAMATION OF- THE COMMUNE. l?i 
 
 say, as long as I was able to Contend for the cause 
 of justice, and to combat the party of disorder, 
 coalesced against the Republic. 
 
 " Without taking the liberty of judging, and still 
 less of blaming those citizens wjio, from a con- 
 scientious and disinterested sentiment, viewed their 
 duty in a different light from myself, I considered 
 that a resignation, pure and simple, was not the 
 best method of accomplishing the task imposed on 
 a representative of the people. 
 
 " I was confirmed in this opinion by the advice 
 of a great number of members of electoral com- 
 mittees who had proposed my candidature ; and I 
 was enabled to appreciate the justness of it'when I 
 saw with what satisfaction our enemies received 
 the resignation of several deputies who had been 
 elected by the Republican party. 
 
 " But the abominable outrage of the Executive, 
 the crime perpetrated by the Versailles Government 
 against right and humanity, affords an opportunity 
 to the deputies of Paris of making a last use of 
 their mandate by solemnly reproving a policy 
 whose evident aim is to deluge the Republic in the 
 blood of the people, which knows no other means 
 of pacification but civil war, the end of which, if 
 realised, would be the absolute ruin of our country. 
 
 "It was in this spirit that I wished to present 
 myself at to-day's sitting. 
 
 "I intended to question the Government about 
 the attack on Paris, and to demonstrate to the 
 country, deceived by the falsehood of M. Thiers, 
 what was the true situation of the capital. 
 
 " It is well that the whole of France should know 
 that Paris is not in a state of insurrection, but 
 
1 82 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 rather in a state of legitimate self-defence ; that it 
 has only peaceably exercised its right — the right 
 which belongs to it as to every other commune of 
 France ; that after having, in a most infamous and 
 treacherous manner, unparalleled in history, de- 
 livered it up to its enemies, these miserable men, 
 who have sacrificed our country to their ambition, 
 seek to stifle the spirit of municipal liberty and 
 independence, which would not allow them to 
 enjoy with impunity the fruit of their treason ; and 
 that, notwithstanding outrages, defiance, and pro- 
 vocations, the calm, peaceable, and unanimous 
 population of Paris had attempted no aggression, 
 committed no violence, and caused no disorder 
 when the Grovemment attacked them with the old 
 imperial police organised into pretorian troops, 
 and commanded by ex-senators of the Empire. 
 
 "This is what I consider to be the duty of a 
 representative of the people. It is thus that. I 
 should have fulfilled my duty could I have been at 
 Versailles. I should have declared to the world 
 from the tribune that the reactionary majority and 
 its Executive were responsible for the new calami- 
 ties which they let loose on our unfortunate country; 
 and, on quitting the Assembly, I should have 
 shaken the dust from my shoes. 
 
 " MiLLIERE." 
 
 Never to our knowledge, from the Rump Parlia- 
 ment of Cromwell's time to the Undiscoverable 
 Chamber of 1816, has an Assembly been treated 
 with such disdain, and never has one inspired such 
 an aversion in any of its members. 
 
 If some of the Versailles deputies retired from it in 
 
PROCLAMATION OF THE COMMUNE. 183 
 
 disgust, several of the reactionary members of the 
 Commune, actuated by far less honourable motives, 
 likewise tendered their resignation. They had 
 only allowed themselves to become candidates in 
 order to prevent the nomination of devoted Repub- 
 licans ; but finding, on its first sitting, that it was 
 too revolutionary, they retired. 
 
 The following are the names of the principal 
 gentlemen who resigned : — MM. Desmarest, E. 
 Ferry, Nast, Cheron, Rochart, Tirard, Leroy, Bre- 
 lay, Adam, Meline, Barre, Robinet, Frimeau, Loir 
 seau, Marmottan, De Bouteiller, RanCj &c. 
 
 Most, of these gentlemen considered liie Com- 
 mune had usurped power in occupying itself with 
 other matters besides the municipal administration. 
 They voluntarily forgot that the Commune of Paris 
 was not a Municipal Council, and ingeniously con- 
 founded these two very distinct institutions. 
 
 Their retreat gave more homogeneity to the Com- 
 mune, and increased its strength. It was, there- 
 fore, no misfortune. 
 
CHAPTER II. I 
 
 THE BATTLE. 
 
 Since March 19th two armies encamped within 
 sight of each other, the one at Versailles, the other 
 at Paris. 
 
 The former, that of the reactionary Government 
 at Versailles, consisted of all those soldiers of 
 France who were hostile to the Republic and 
 enemies of the people. It was composed of the 
 ban and arriere-ban of the most reactionary mili- 
 tary elements ; namely, the old Municipal Guard 
 of the monarchy, transformed by the Empire into 
 the guardians of Paris, and by the Government of 
 the National Defence into Republican Guards ; 
 different regiments of provincial gendarmes, accom- 
 plices of the authors of the ambuscade of the 2nd 
 of December, 1851 ; all the ex-sergents de ville of 
 the Empire, Corsican bravoes, slaughterers and 
 garrotters of the people for twenty years, trans- 
 formed into guardians of the peace by the Govern- 
 ment of the 4th of September ; Chouans, Vend6ans, 
 and Pontifical zouaves of Charette; royalist and 
 Catholic volunteers, with mobiles of the depart- 
 ments ; sailors and marines ; rough and fanatical 
 Bretons ; half-savage turcos ; a few regiments of 
 the line, forced to march in the midst of these re- 
 
THE BATTLE. 185 
 
 actionary hordes ; and a corps of cavalry under the 
 command of the Marquis de Galifet, an old friend 
 at the Tuileries, and a ferocious and bloodthirsty 
 officer ; full of valour when women, children, and 
 disarmed and chained-up prisoners were to be 
 butchered, but a coward in the face of a foreign 
 enemy invading- our country. This saloon-hero, 
 antechamber soldier, and alcove-runner, had only 
 recently returned from Germany, whither the Prus- 
 sians had sent him prisoner after the shameful 
 defeats at Sedan and Metz. All this heap of 
 corrupted and besotted old soldiers of the Empire, 
 rude gendarmes, police assassins, wild bravoes, 
 degraded mercenaries, royalist Bretons, Catholic 
 Vendeans, and fanatical Chouans, were commanded 
 by traitor generals, felons of the 2nd of December ; 
 among whom the Vinoys, Ducrots, Galifets, L' Ad- 
 miraults ; the royalist officers Cissey, Daurelle, 
 Besson, &c. ; and leaders of bands like that of 
 Charette, distinguished themselves. The whole of 
 them were placed under the commandership-in- 
 chief of a marshal of the Empire, Mac-Mahon, who 
 proved himself as incapable as cowardly at Sedan, 
 and, next to the sinister man of December, the 
 principal author of all our evils, defeats, invasion, 
 ruin, misery, humiliation, and shame. Such, as a 
 whole, was the army of Versailles. 
 
 The despatches from this town of April ist said: — 
 "All precautions have been taken to protect 
 Versailles against a surprise. Fresh troops arrive 
 every day. We are on the point of erecting new 
 camps near Porchefontaine and Villeneuve-l'Etang. 
 Three battalions of the foreign legion have arrived 
 here from Besan9on. The troops at this moment 
 
1 86 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 at Versailles are composed of eight divisions of 
 infantry and three of cavalry. 
 
 " The Government has taken care to send all the 
 troops not to be depended upon into the provinces. 
 Yesterday morning several emissaries from Paris, 
 vi^ho attempted to collect adherents among the 
 soldiers to the Central Committee, were arrested. 
 
 " A great many soldiers, late prisoners in Ger- 
 many, are continually returning to swell the ranks 
 of the Versailles army." 
 
 The army of Paris formed a complete and strik- 
 ing contrast to that we have just described. It was 
 composed of the same heroic National Guard of 
 Paris which had defended the capital for six 
 months, and fought with such perseverance, cou- 
 rage, and fearlessness against the formidable Prus- 
 sian army. It numbered among its ranks the whole 
 Parisian population, comprising the most intelli- 
 gent, energetic, courageous, devoted, and heroic 
 men of France. 
 
 At the head of the battalions, nominated and 
 chosen by them, were the most devoted and popu- 
 lar Republican chiefs ; and they were led by young 
 citizen generals who had won their rank in a few 
 months by marching at their head against the 
 enemy, and the greater number of whom had been 
 the principal actors on the memorable day of 
 March 1 8th. The best known among them were 
 Generals Flourens, Duval, Bergeret, and Eudes. 
 
 The first of these two armies had been in the ser- 
 vice of the most backward monarchical and clerical 
 reaction that ever sullied France, dreaming of no- 
 thing else but the restoration of the throne, the altar, 
 and the monarchical institutions of the period before 
 
THE BATTLE. 187 
 
 1789; seeking not only to re-establish the divine 
 right of royalty and the supremacy of Catholicism as 
 the State religion, but also to destroy all that re- 
 mained of the economical state of affairs brought 
 about by the conquests of the great French Revolu- 
 tion. The little liberty, franchise, and rights enjoyed 
 by the working class were menaced. The humbler 
 citizens and prol^taires of Paris knew perfectly well 
 that if the Government of Versailles, which had fled 
 from Paris on the i8th of March, should return 
 victorious to the capital, it would place them more 
 rigorously under the triple yoke of royalty, clergy, 
 and the exploitation and monopoly of capitalists. 
 
 , The second of these armies — that is to say, the 
 National Guard of Paris — ^had firmly resolved to 
 resist to the very knife this restoration of the past, 
 which it would not have at any price, and to fight 
 to the last extremity, to death, to massacre, and, 
 if necessary, even to annihilation, in the defence 
 and preservation of the Republic, menaced by the 
 reactionary majority of the Versailles Assembly. 
 It desired the independence, liberty, and autonomy 
 of Paris and of all the other communes of France — 
 a free Paris in a free France. It wanted to secure 
 all the rights of the man and of the citizen. Above 
 all, it demanded the first, most just, most useful, 
 most indispensable, primordial, and, at the same 
 time, the most contested of all its rights — that 
 which it had never possessed to this day — the 
 entire, absolute, and complete benefit of the pro- 
 duce of its labour, without the loss of the slightest 
 part, the smallest particle. 
 
 The armed people of Paris were fighting then, 
 above all, for the abolition of the exploitation of 
 
1 88 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 man by man ; for the destruction of all privi- 
 leges, monopolies, despotism, and economical, 
 political, and religious tyrannies; for the sup- 
 pression of the proletariat, of misery and pau- 
 perism ; in a word, for the complete, radical,, 
 and absolute emancipation of all the working 
 ' classes. 
 
 These were the two diametrically opposite ends 
 for which the armies of Versailles and Paris were 
 going to war, which were now facing each other in 
 battle array, and between which the slightest con- 
 tention, the most trifling accident, would cause the 
 fight to commence. 
 
 Versailles was the pole of iniquity, Paris that of 
 justice. 
 
 We shall soon see how the frightful storm we are 
 describing broke out between these two opposite 
 elements. 
 
 But let us first explain the situation of these two 
 armies at the end of March. 
 
 The Communal troops, and those of Versailles, 
 were face to face, and the outposts could bid 
 defiance to each other. Whilst in Paris every 
 barricade gave way to peaceful occupations, out- 
 side the walls the footstep of war was plainly 
 visible. The forts on the left bank of the Seine, 
 as well as the redoubt of the Hautes-Bruy^res, 
 were each occupied by three battalions of National 
 Guards, who were on duty, on an average of six 
 times, twenty-four hours. The forts were armed 
 with pieces of artillery, and furnished with every- 
 thing requisite for service in the way of personnel 
 and ammunition. From the Barri^re Fontainebleau 
 to Bas-Meudon the different gates were each pro- 
 
THE BATTLE. 189 
 
 tected by four cannons levelled against the exterior 
 of Paris. 
 
 Sorties and reconnaissances went on day and 
 night, and several battalions, organised as march- 
 ing companies, were continually directed against 
 divers points. 
 
 The outposts of the Commune extended from 
 Vincennes to Mont Val^rien. There was a corre- 
 sponding cordon of the enemy on the other side of 
 the Seine. Through the again budding woods, on 
 the slopes at the entrance of the park, the eye en- 
 countered nothing but municipal guards and ser- 
 gents de ville. 
 
 The marines and foot-soldiers remained at Ver- 
 sailles ; the cavalry at both Versailles and Saint- 
 Germain. The chasseurs d'Afrique and the 
 zouaves were likewise close to the Assembly, as 
 also the mobiles and volunteers, all but too well 
 prepared to show no mercy to Paris. 
 
 On April 2nd, at eight o'clock in the morning, 
 troops from Versailles marched against the out- 
 posts of the National Guards. About a hundred 
 metres from the Courbevoie circus, the advanced 
 guard, composed of troops of the line, made a halt. 
 The commanding oJB&cer advanced towards the 
 commander of the 1 1 8th battalion of the National 
 Guard ; but the latter, not wishing to fire on their 
 brethren of the army, turned their butt-ends up. 
 The commander of the line requested the defenders 
 of Paris to lay down their arms. On their refusal, 
 the Versailles soldiers fell back, likewise unwilling 
 to be the first to fire upon their countrymen. 
 Several companies of gendarmes, men capable of 
 anything, then marched upon the National Guards 
 
igo HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 up to the point previously occupied by the line> 
 ITie officer of gendarmerie then spurred his horse, 
 and advanced towards the Parisian battalions. A 
 sentinel of the latter, crossing his bayonet, called 
 out, " Who goes there ? Halt ! " The gendarme 
 seized his revolver and aimed at the sentinel ; but 
 before this madman had time to discharge his 
 weapon the sentry fired, and the officer of gen- 
 darmes fell from his horse mortally wounded. The 
 horse was taken and brought into Paris, and imme- 
 diately a fight commenced between the gendarmes 
 and National Guards. 
 
 At the same moment the Versailles troops 
 unmasked their mitrailleuses, which gave fire and 
 spread confusion in the ranks of the Federals, who, 
 having been joined by five hundred National 
 Guards from Courbevoie, retired fighting to the 
 bridge, pursued by the gendarmes. 
 
 While this was going on, the Versaillists placed 
 some pieces of artillery at the circus of Courbevoie, 
 and no sooner had the National Guards reached 
 the Avenue de Neuilly than the aggressors sent 
 their bombs into them, which put the finishing- 
 stroke on the disorder of their ranks. 
 
 Mont Valerien also hurled some projectiles: 
 about thirty cannon-shots were fired. Two bombs 
 fell in the Avenue de la Grande Arm6e between 
 eleven and twelve o'clock in the day. The house 
 No. 79, and the fifth on the side of the fortifica- 
 tion, were struck. 
 
 Towards one o'clock the white flag of the Ver- 
 saillists was hoisted on the lamp attached to the 
 pedestal from which the statue of Napoleon I. had 
 been thrown down. 
 
THE BATTLE. 191 
 
 The dead and wounded were picked up, those of 
 the National Guard being laid on litters and carried 
 into Paris by the inhabitants of Courbevoie. 
 
 At two o'clock the drawbridge of the Porte 
 Maillot was lowered for the passage of the ambu- 
 lances and surgeons. 
 
 Battalions came successively to the Porte de 
 Neuilly, and were sent off to the different bastions. 
 
 The gates on the right and left banks had beeti 
 closed from Montrouge to Ternes, where, through 
 mismanagement, a line of waggons waited in vain 
 for the lowering of the bridges. 
 
 The drums beat to arms in several quarters. 
 The 208th battalion, occupying the Saint-Lazare 
 Terminus, received orders to depart. 
 
 Embrasures were made, and the ramparts armed 
 with cannons, and along the whole of the west line 
 work was actively carried on. 
 
 Commander Flourens arrived at the head of his 
 battalion, and marched through the Porte des 
 Ternes. Battalions continually succeeded each 
 other, until the Avenue de la Grande Arm6e was 
 completely covered with National Guards and 
 spectators. 
 
 Some deserters, Versailles soldiers of the line, 
 entered Paris. 
 
 The zouaves of Charette fought under the white 
 flag. Each of them wore a Jesus-heart of white 
 cloth on his breast, with the inscription, " Stand 
 still ; the heart of Jesus is truth." It was also 
 stated that they cried " Vive le roi ! " 
 
 "The gendarmes," says the Vengeur, "having 
 made prisoners some of the 93rd battalion of the 
 National Guards, fastened them to the tails of their 
 
192 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 horses, and dragged them to Mont Valerien to be 
 shot. The mangled bodies of these unfortunate men 
 were subsequently found and brought to the mairie 
 of Neuilly, where crowds of people flocked to see 
 them. One of the bodies had been mutilated in a 
 most outrageous and barbarous manner." 
 
 These were the first acts of ferocious cruelty 
 committed by the troops of Versailles, soon to be 
 followed by many others which excited the de- 
 fenders of Paris to desperation, and resulted in 
 their making terrible reprisals. 
 
 By four o'clock several batteries descended the 
 avenue, and the National Guards assisted in draw- 
 ing the cannons up the ramparts and fitting them 
 into the embrasures. Ammunition was collected 
 and stored in the magazines. 
 
 At half-past four General Bergeret, with some of 
 his staff, arrived in a closed carriage, escorted by 
 several officers. 
 
 At that moment the firing of cannons was heard 
 in the distance, which, without doubt, proceeded 
 from the army of Versailles. But be that as it 
 may, there was not the least doubt that during the 
 night or the next day a serious engagement would 
 take place ; and the National Guards marched out 
 in great numbers with artillery and mitrailleuses. 
 
 At six o'clock battalion after battalion defiled 
 along the boulevards, through the Rue de Rivoli, 
 towards Neuilly. Eight seven-pounders passed 
 through the Rue Richelieu in the same direction. 
 
 At eight the drums beat to arms in the quarters 
 of the Palais-National. 
 
 It will clearly be seen that on April 2nd, as on 
 January 2nd and March i8th, the troops of the 
 
THE BATTLE. 193 
 
 Versailles Government commenced the attack, and 
 were the first to inaugurate those long series of 
 atrocious crimes which were fraught with siich 
 terrible consequences. 
 
 Let the responsibility of this war, and of the 
 bloodshed, misfortunes, disasters, executions, mas- 
 sacres, and barbarous execution of prisoners, that 
 followed as a necessary consequence of the attack 
 of April 2nd, fall on the heads of the guilty and 
 cruel aggressors, the authors of our first disasters, 
 of our defeat in the foreign invasion, and of the 
 surrender of Paris ; who, for the sake of personal 
 interests and a royalist, clerical, and bourgeois 
 reaction, after having provoked a foreign war, 
 did not hesitate to kindle civil war, to shed 
 rivers of French blood, to bombard Paris after the 
 Prussians, to set it on fire again, to cover it with 
 ruin and disaster, and to plunge it into an abyss 
 of evils, misery, and desolation, unnamed and un- 
 paralleled in history ; and all this in the face of a 
 foreign enemy, brought there by them, and still 
 occupying our territory. 
 
 The following are the eloquent terms in which 
 Paul Meurice stigmatises in the Rappel the crime of 
 high treason against humanity committed by the 
 Versailles Government : — 
 
 " Well ! we did not believe it ; no, we did not, 
 could not believe that the Versailles Government 
 would have dared to attack the people of Paris. 
 We had registered its provocations and its threats, 
 but if we had been asked whether we believed it 
 would put them in execution, we should have 
 replied, * We think not.' 
 
 " We said to ourselves, ' M. Thiers speaks in a 
 o 
 
194 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 high tone; he tries to intimidate Paris by the 
 clatter of his swords and the enumeration of his 
 forces ; he holds reviews and councils ; he write^ 
 circulars: these are his diplomatic tricks and 
 parliamentary artifices to secure for himself better 
 conditions m a possible treaty. But he is too 
 clever a politician, and perhaps too good a French- 
 man at bottom, to risk his reputation, and also to 
 precipitate his country into that horrible adventure 
 of civil war.' 
 
 " Well ! we deceived ourselves. See how 
 bravado turns into outrage, and a profligate act 
 becomes a crime ! That braggart phrase in his 
 circular of April i st which made us laugh, ' One of 
 the finest armies France ever possessed has been 
 organised at Versailles,' became one of the most 
 abominable by-words ever uttered when that ' fine 
 army ' really threw itself upon this great Paris ! 
 
 " They have attacked ! 
 
 " They dare not deny it ! The fact is averred 
 ^nd incontestably proved; the most moderate 
 journals give in to it ; the signal was given by two 
 cannon-shots fired from Versailles. Besides, the 
 National Guards only occupied Courbevoie since 
 yesterday, where they were surprised ; they had not 
 fortified themselves, and were in small numbers, 
 with only a few cartridges against cannons and 
 
 mitrailleuses There cannot be any doubt or 
 
 equivocation : those of Versailles commenced the 
 attack ! 
 
 " We will not for the moment look upon anything 
 else ; we set aside every political question, all 
 estimation of principles ; we will not try to find out 
 which side is right, or which ought to be victorious • 
 
THE BATTLE. 195 
 
 we content ourselves with stating this fact : the 
 Government of M. Thiers, which may or may not 
 be legal or even right, which may or may not be 
 victorious, is and must for ever stand arraigned 
 and condemned of having commenced the civil 
 war in the presence of the enemy, the still threaten- 
 ing Prussians, the National Guard and the French 
 army still wounded and bleeding: the Govern- 
 ment was the first to set one against the other. 
 Whatever may happen, and even if it should gain 
 the day, this Government is doomed : ruined by its 
 own partisans, now and for ever. Never, never can 
 it rise again before history and before our country. 
 
 " In fact, the country, like a mother between two 
 contending sons, neither knows nor wishes to know 
 which of the two is in the right or wrong, which is 
 the stronger or the weaker ; but, in order that it 
 may decide which shall be arraigned and con- 
 demned, it simply asks — 
 
 " ' Who commenced? ' " 
 
 Oji the news of the attack on the troops of the 
 Commune by those of Versailles, and the atrocities 
 committed by the latter, the Executive Commission 
 made the following proclamation : — 
 
 " To the National Guard of Paris. 
 
 " The royalist conspirators have attacked. 
 
 " Notwithstanding the moderation of our attitude, 
 they have attacked. 
 
 "Not being able to trust the French army, they 
 have attacked with Pontifical zouaves and the im- 
 perial police. 
 
 " Not content with cutting off all communication 
 with the provinces, and making useless efforts to 
 
196 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 defeat us by hunger, these infuriated men have 
 imitated the Prussians, and bombarded the capital. 
 "This morning the Chouans of Charette, the Ven- 
 deans of Cathelineau, and the Bretons of Trochu, 
 supported by the gendarmes of Valentin, bombarded 
 the inoffensive village of Neuilly, and commenced 
 the civil war against our National Guard. 
 "There have been some killed and wounded. 
 "Elected by the population of Paris, it is our 
 duty to defend the great city against the guilty 
 aggressors. With your help we will defend it. 
 " The Executive Commission, 
 
 "Bergeret, Eudes, Duval, Le- 
 FRANCAis, Felix Pyat, Tridon, 
 
 AND VAILLANT. 
 " Paris, April 2nd, 1871." 
 
 The Government of Versailles also gave an ac- 
 count of these facts, dissembling all the odiousness 
 of the criminal attack of which it hid been guilty 
 against Paris. 
 
 The following is the address which it sent to the 
 provinces : — 
 
 "Versailles, April 2nd, 187 1, six o'clock in the evening. 
 
 " For two days movements have commenced near 
 Reuil, Nanterre, Courbevoie, and Puteaux ; and the 
 Pont de Neuilly having been barricaded by the 
 insurgents, the Government could not allow these 
 attempts to go unpunished, and has given orders 
 for them to be immediately suppressed. 
 
 "General Vinoy, after having assured himself 
 that a demonstration of the insurgents near Ch4til-' 
 lon was not of a serious character, departed at 
 six o'clock with the Audel Brigade of the Faron 
 
THE BATTLE. 197 
 
 Division, and the Bernard Brigade of the Bruat 
 Division, protected on its left by General Galifet's 
 division of chasseurs,, and on its right by two 
 squadrons of the Republican guard. 
 
 " The troops advanced in two columns, one by 
 Reuil and Nanterre, the other by Vaucresson and 
 Montretout. 
 
 " They effected a junction at the circus of Ber- 
 geries. Four battalions of the insurgents held the 
 position of Courbevoie, as well as the barracks and 
 the circus round the statue. 
 
 "The troops carried these barricaded positions 
 with remarkable spirit; the barracks were taken 
 by the marines ; the great barricade at Courbevoie 
 by the 113th of the line. The troops then rushed 
 at the descent which adjoins the Pont de Neuilly, 
 took the barricade, and closed the bridge. 
 
 " The insurgents beat a precipitate retreat, leav- 
 ing a number of dead, wounded, and prisoners in 
 our hands. The spirit of the troops accelerated 
 this result. Our losses were almost nil. 
 
 " The exasperation of our soldiers was extreme, 
 especially against those deserters who were recog- 
 nised.- At four o'clock the troops re-entered their 
 cantonments, having rendered good service to the 
 cause of order, which will not be forgotten by 
 France. General Vinoy never quitted his com- 
 mand for an instant. 
 
 " The miserable men whom France is forced to 
 fight have committed another crime. M. Pasquier, 
 the chief surgeon, who advanced too near the 
 enemy, has been killed." 
 
 It will be seen from this report that the authori- 
 
igS HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 ties of Versailles, while dissembling their crimes 
 and exaggerating their successes, themselves de- 
 clare that their troops attacked those of the Com- 
 mune ; and they own, besides, that " the exaspera- 
 tion of their soldiers was extreme." We need not, 
 therefore, be astonished that the gendarmes, muni- 
 cipal guards, and sergents de ville of M. Thiers' s 
 army were guilty of atrocious crimes, and that 
 they should be reproached with having murdered 
 the prisoners of the Commune in a most cruel 
 and barbarous manner. 
 
 But neither this sudden attack, the cruelties com- 
 mitted by their enemies, the furious ardour of the 
 Versailles gendarmes, the fanatical ferocity of the 
 Pontifical zouaves of Charette, the rough dash of 
 the Breton marines, the superiority of the arma- 
 ment, nor the precision of the fire of the Versailles 
 soldiers, could discourage the defenders of the 
 Commune. 
 
 The whole night was spent in assembling and 
 rallying together the battalions of the National 
 Guard. 
 
 Next day, April 3rd, at daybreak, a great num- 
 ber were ready, and moved off in the direction of 
 Versailles. 
 
 The troops of the Commune, destined to act on 
 that day were divided into three army corps. 
 
 The first column, forming the right wing, was 
 commanded by General Bergeret. It had orders 
 to advance along the Avenue de la Grande Arm6e, 
 clear the fortifications through the Porte Maillot' 
 march along the Avenue de Neuilly, cross the 
 Seine, pass to the circus of Courbevoie, wheel 
 round Mont Val^rien, and march on Versailles by 
 
THE BATTLE. 199 
 
 Reuil and Bougival. General P'lourens, with the 
 battalions of Belleville and his own volunteers, 
 formed part of this column. 
 
 The centre, under the command of General 
 Duval, supported by the cannons of Fort Issy, was 
 to advance by the heights of Meudon and Sevres, 
 take them, and then march on Versailles. 
 
 The left, commanded by General Eudes, was to 
 march on Versailles by Vitry, Villejuif, Bourg-la- 
 reine, Sceaux, Plessy, Viroflay, &c., under the pro- 
 tection of Forts Ivry, Bic^tre, and Montrouge. 
 
 These three columns formed an effective force of 
 nearly one hundred and twenty thousand men, 
 with about two hundred cannons and mitrailleuses. 
 
 General Bergeret's column began moving at five 
 o'clock in the morning between Neuilly and Courbe- 
 voie. For a long time he encountered no resist- 
 ance, and a part of his corps marched on Versailles 
 by the road which defiles close to Mont Valerien. 
 
 The latter was silent, and did not appear to be 
 guarded : not a single soldier was to be seen. The 
 ofiicers, and a commander of mobiles who was at 
 the head of the column advancing directly within 
 the fire of Mont Val6rien, assured their men that 
 friendly troops occupied that citadel, and that the 
 commander of the fort had promised not to fire on 
 the National Guards. The troops of the Commune, 
 fiill of confidence in these promises, continued their 
 march, the 1 1 8th battalion of the National Guard 
 being at the head. But no sooner had the latter 
 entered the road which encircles the glacis than 
 the hitherto silent and inanimate fortress was I't 
 up by a circle of fire; a frightful rolling of the 
 thunder of cannon was heard ; and the guns of the 
 
200 HISTORY OF THE C03IMUNE. 
 
 citadel vomited balls, bombs, and grape-shot on 
 the imprudent and too-confiding National Guards, 
 whom their chiefs had inconsiderately led within 
 the very mouths of the cannons. 
 
 Many of the National Guards fell dead, and a 
 still greater number were wounded. Fortunately 
 for them, the commander of the fort had allowed 
 them to approach too near, and being in a hollow 
 of the road, the greater part of the projectiles 
 passed over their heads. 
 
 But this formidable welcome, totally unexpected 
 as it was by the National Guards, inflicted great 
 disorder and absolute panic among their ranks. 
 Many fled, crying out "Treachery!" which spread 
 disorder among the other troops, and even into the 
 midst of those encamped at the ramparts. Some 
 of the fugitives found their way into the fortified 
 enceinte, and re-entered the city, spreading the 
 most alarming news about the d6but of the expe- 
 dition. 
 
 Before proceeding with our narrative let us 
 observe that the chiefs of the Federals, in so im- 
 prudently leading their men within range of Mont 
 Valerien, had acted honestly in saying that this 
 fortress would not fire. This rumour had been 
 spread some days before, and they imprudently re- 
 echoed it ; but we must confess that they were 
 guilty of an unpardonable fault in acting as they 
 did. Some of them considerably aggravated their 
 guilt by asserting that the fort was occupied by 
 friendly National Guards, who would not only not 
 fire, but give up the fortress to the Federals. 
 
 These lying promises were productive of very 
 serious consequences. They threw the ranks of the 
 
THE BATTLE. 201 
 
 National Guards into the greatest disorder, and 
 exercised a most melancholy influence on the com- 
 mencement of the campaign. 
 
 During this accident the bulk of the column, 
 consisting of about fifteen thousand men, with 
 General Bergeret at its head, had succeeded in 
 passing Mont Valerien, and marched on to Nan- 
 terre. 
 
 Some of the chiefs of the Federals maintained 
 that the direct march of the 11 8th battalion on 
 Mont Val6rien was undertaken with the view of 
 diverting the attention of the defenders of the 
 fortress, and of occupying their artillery while the 
 principal columns rounded the fort and effected 
 their passage to the other side. 
 
 A hot engagement took place at Nanterre, Reuil, 
 Bougival, and Courbevoie. Attacked by superior 
 forces, without ammunition and provisions, the 
 National Guards defended their position foot by 
 foot. A member of the Commune was at their 
 head. The rural troops of Versailles were con- 
 tinually reinforced ; and the battalions of the Com- 
 mune found themselves compelled to fall back to 
 the Seine, leaving behind them a number of killed, 
 wounded, and prisoners. 
 
 Soldiers of the line taken prisoners from the 
 ranks of the National Guard were immediately 
 shot without pity by the murderous armed bands 
 of Versailles, which mostly consisted of gendarmes 
 and sergents de ville. 
 
 Some honest >soldiers of the 58th of the line, 
 comprehending the odious work for which the 
 Thiers Government had destined them, reftised to 
 fire on their fellow-countrymen who were fighting 
 
202 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 in defence of their rights, which were likewise 
 those of the prol6taires of the entire army. 
 
 The brigands who furnished them with weapons 
 for the sanguinary and liberty-destroying work 
 which the pitiless reaction expected them to do, 
 ordered the sergents de ville to seize, disarm, and 
 immediately shoot in front of their regiment the 
 unfortunate men who had refused to commit the 
 most detestable of all crimes — the murder of the 
 defenders of right and justice. 
 
 The following is the proclamation of one of the 
 chiefs of the Versailles hordes to his soldiers : — 
 
 " War has been declared by the bands of Paris. 
 
 "Yesterday, the day before, and to-day they 
 assassinated my soldiers. 
 
 "I declare war without truce or pity against 
 these assassins. This morning I made an example. 
 May it be beneficial ! I do not wish to be driven 
 to such an extremity again. 
 
 "Do not forget that the country, the law, and 
 right are on the side of Versailles and the National 
 Assembly, and not on that of the grotesque Assem- 
 bly of Paris, calling itself the Commune. 
 
 " The General commanding the Brigade, 
 
 " Galifet. 
 
 "April 3rd, 1871." 
 
 Citizen Flourens commanded a column of the 
 right wing, composed of the battalions of Belle- 
 ville, Montmartre, BatignoUes, and La Villette. 
 At daybreak these troops crossed the Seine by a 
 bridge constructed on the island opposite Puteaux, 
 and sheltered from the projectiles of Mont Valerien. 
 
THE BATTLE. 203 
 
 But at the circus of Bergeries, on the heights of 
 Puteaux, bombs from the fortress struck the bat- 
 talions of Flourens. This threw the ranks into the 
 greatest disorder, some were killed and wounded, 
 and three or four battalions fell back and recrossed 
 the Seine. 
 
 Commander Flourens, with a part of his troops, 
 nevertheless continued his advance on Reuil, which 
 was occupied by from about twelve to fifteen hun- 
 dred nien, who quartered themselves partly in the 
 barracks and partly on the inhabitants. 
 
 Flourens immediately constructed barricades in 
 the broad avenue leading to Saint-Germain, and 
 posted a cordon of tirailleurs along the Seine, in 
 order to guard against a surprise from the Ver- 
 sailles troops. In company with some of his staff- 
 officers, he stationed himself near the terminus. 
 
 Notwithstanding the surveillance of the tirail- 
 leurs, which had been very badly executed, a squad 
 of gendarmes on a reconnoitring tour crossed the 
 Seine in boats, and unexpectedly presented them- 
 selves in front of the terminus. On seeing the 
 enemy, Flourens fired his revolver and wounded 
 one of the gendarmes badly ; his aides-de-camp 
 immediately surrounded him, and a hand-to-hand 
 fight commenced, in which the unfortunate general 
 of the Commune fell mortally wounded by two 
 sword-cuts on the nape of the neck. It was the 
 officer in command of the squad who killed him. 
 
 His two aides-de-camp were disarmed and made 
 prisoners, one of them being seriously wounded. 
 The body of Flourens was conveyed to the house 
 of a cultivator in the avenue, and, being placed in 
 a dung-cart filled with straw, was sent to Versailles, 
 
204 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 where it was publicly exposed in order to gratify 
 the brutal curiosity of the abject mob of the royal 
 town of the Parc-aux-Cerfs, the Great and the Little 
 Trianon. This populace made itself remarkable 
 for its rage against the unfortunate prisoners of 
 the army of the Commune. 
 
 To reform the human race, the poor modem 
 people, after the model of the great Hellenes, 
 by a free life, free thinking, and free speech, was 
 the fixed idea of the unfortunate Flourens. La 
 Science de I' Homme was the -title of his great work, 
 which by his premature death has been left un- 
 finished. Science teaching the art of life, the 
 philosopher becoming the instructor of the people, 
 as in the time of the Greek legislators — it was this 
 conviction which brought him to the sword of the 
 gendarmes, and which cost him his life. The 
 Revolution was his means of action. He precipi- 
 tated himself into it with ardour, without any 
 reserve, staking his life, and losing it. From plot 
 to conspiracy, from insurrection to revolution, he 
 had just reached the day on which the Commune 
 risked its first great battle, when he became one 
 of its first martyrs. He consecrated with his 
 blood the great cause of the proletariat, which may 
 succumb to-day, and perhaps even to-morrow, but 
 which nevertheless will and must be victorious in 
 the end; 
 
 The day is not far distant when social doctrines 
 will lead to the application of such reforms as must 
 infallibly result in the emancipation of the working 
 classes. Neither right nor science can be stifled. 
 The demands of those in misery, the cry of the 
 ignorant for instruction, and the desire of the abject 
 
THE BATTLE. 205 
 
 to rise from their humiliation, cannot for ever be 
 rejected. No ; they are not to be stifled by execu- 
 tions, cannonadings, and massacres en masse. 
 
 Never is a cause so near its triumph as when its 
 apostles fall beneath the blows of the enemy. 
 Nothing more advances the budding and fructifica- 
 tion of just ideas than the blood of its martyrs. 
 
 The defenders of Paris honoured the brother of 
 General Henry, who was also killed, with a grand 
 funeral, worthy of the heroic young man and of 
 themselves. Fifty thousand National Guards fol- 
 lowed him to his grave. 
 
 While the right wing was undertaking its heroic 
 but imprudent attack, General Duval, who com- 
 manded the centre of the army of the Commune, 
 made a movement with twenty battalions in the 
 direction of Arcueil, Bagneux, Chatillon, Clamart, 
 and Meudon. 
 
 The first shots wefe fired from Bas-Meudon at 
 seven o'clock. The fight soon extended in the 
 direction of the woods, across the territory of 
 Moulineaux and Val-Fleury, where it assumed the 
 proportions of a battle. 
 
 The guardians of the peace and the gendarmes 
 occupied the heights of Meudon, and two batteries 
 were hastily erected on the terrace of the chateau. 
 
 Everywhere the musketry fire was very lively. 
 The fire of the mitrailleuses ■ intermingled its 
 sinister crackling with the roll of the cannons of 
 Fort Issy, which fired on the batteries at the 
 Chiteau de Meudon. The field-pieces of the 
 Federals vomited grape-shot. The thunder was 
 even greater than the heaviest cannonading of the 
 Prussians. 
 
206 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 The outposts of the Versaillists were vigorously 
 attacked and everywhere dislodged, while the 
 gendarmes ran as fast as possible from the glass- 
 works of Sevres. 
 
 The artillery, with their batteries, retired from 
 Meudon to Montalets, in order to oppose the 
 passage of the Federals, and likewise to get be- 
 yond the reach of the fire from Fort Issy. Two 
 seven-pounders attempted to force the battery from 
 Val-Fleury, and some of the horse artillery were 
 placed on the heights of Meudon, above the 
 chateau. 
 
 The following was the hourly progress made by 
 the Federals against the Versaillists : — 
 
 At nine o'clock the attack extended along the 
 whole line. Attacked in the rear by the Federals, 
 the fire of whose muskets and cannons was heard 
 in the woods of Meudon, Viroflay, Jouy, the hamlet 
 of V^lizy, and Grace-de-Dieu, the Versaillist artil- 
 lery was forced to remove its scarcely-erected bat- 
 teries to the heights of Meudon. 
 
 The glass-works of Meudon, used as a station by 
 the gendarmes, were attacked, and all resistance 
 proving fruitless, they descended and fled as fast 
 as their legs would carry them before the musketry 
 fire of the Federals. 
 
 At ten o'clock the National Guards climbed, by 
 cross-roads and fields, the heights of Clamart and 
 Chitillon; others marched through the village of 
 Clamart towards the redoubt of Chatillon. Fifteen 
 well-horsed pieces of artillery defiled in the streets. 
 A detachment from Fort Issy encamped at the 
 entrance of the village. 
 
 At eleven o'clock a desperate fight began on the 
 
THE BATTLE. 207 
 
 line of the Bois de Meudon and- in the streets ot 
 Val-Fleury. 
 
 The fire of small arms was sharp. The shots fell 
 thick and fast. 
 
 At Moulineaux the National Guards, in ambush 
 at the back of the houses, fired at the gendarmes 
 posted on the right, and in less than five minutes 
 thirty of them were hors de combat, and eight lay 
 dead at the Bellevue Station. The artillery of the 
 forts, the batteries, and the field-pieces mingled 
 with the crackling of the mitrailleuses. The pro- 
 jectiles whistled and crossed each other in the air. 
 It rained bombs. Some burst at the top of the 
 village, others in the centre ; and the whole popu- 
 lation was in a dreadful fright. All the shops were 
 closed. 
 
 At noon the cannons roared with greater vio- 
 lence, and the small-arm fire very nearly equalled it. 
 
 The heights of Chatillon and the Clamart woods 
 were in possession of the Federals, as also part of 
 those of Bas-Meudon, where the Versaillists still 
 maintained a battery. 
 
 At two o'clock Fort Issy fired on the two bat- 
 teries of the Chiteau de Meudon, which replied 
 vigorously. 
 
 A well-sustained fire from the tirailleurs was 
 unceasingly heard in the woods of Clamart, and 
 from time to time the rolling of the mitrailleuses 
 drowned the noise of the small arms. 
 
 Several wounded ofiicers arrived from Fleury in 
 ambulances, and many of the dead were placed 
 in waggons requisitioned from the villagers of 
 Clamart. 
 
 During the whole of this day the National 
 
208 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 Guards displayed the greatest courage, and fought 
 like old soldiers. They vigorously attacked and 
 handled the enemy, whom they several times dis- 
 lodged and forced to retreat. In a word, the 
 citizen soldiers were admirably heroic and cool, 
 and there is not the least doubt that if they had 
 possessed a little more experience and better com- 
 manders they would have been victorious. 
 
 Their attack on Meudon was not only made 
 with great courage, but with a good deal of skill. 
 At iirst they advanced in skirmishing order in 
 two lines ; but, on account of the resistance they 
 encountered, they were unable to dislodge their 
 adversaries. Finding these tactics would not do, 
 they reformed into columns, and, by a clever 
 movement, turned the viaduct of Val-Fleury, and 
 attacked the enemy in flank, supported by the 
 artillery of Fort Issy. But the precision of the fire 
 from the Versailles artillery posted on the terrace 
 of Meudon caused heavy losses. It rained bombs, 
 and heavy carnage among their ranks was the 
 result. Nevertheless they maintained their posi- 
 tion well, and continued to advance against the 
 enemy, who was forced to remove his cannons to 
 the heights. 
 
 Had it not been for a sad accident the success of 
 the Federals at this point would have been com- 
 plete. Their battery at the redoubt of Moulinet 
 was so badly served by inexperienced artillery-men 
 that most of their bombs, instead of reaching the 
 troops of Versailles, found their way into the ranks 
 of the National Guard, causing considerable dis- 
 order and confusion, and killing and wounding 
 great numbers. These losses were the more to be 
 
THE BATTLE. 209 
 
 regretted as they were inflicted by friends, and 
 were the principal cause of the failure of the attack 
 on the chiteau and heights of Meudon. 
 
 At four o'clock the retreat was sounded, but the 
 fire did not cease until six. After the signal for 
 retreat, a great number of National Guards wanted 
 to continue the fight, and retired behind the en- 
 trenchments of Issy in a state of fury. 
 
 During these events a desperate fight took place 
 in the Clamart woods, occupied by the Federals, 
 who disputed their ground foot by foot for four 
 hours. From this dangerous position they fell 
 back, in order to avoid being cut off by the troops 
 of Versailles ; but they retired in good order, not- 
 withstanding the fire from the concealed batteries 
 of Meudon, which showered bombs into the column 
 of General Duval, causing it to suffer greatly, as it 
 was taken in a hollow, slanting road. 
 
 Towards four o'clock the ammunition began to 
 fail, and the soldiers of the Commune, harassed and 
 tired out by thirty hours' work, effected a retreat in 
 good order, and established themselves in ambush 
 in and behind the houses of the villages of Issy 
 and Vanves. The 6ist and the 79th suffered heavy 
 losses, a great number of the officers being killed 
 by grape-shot. 
 
 Another column then took possession of the 
 plateau of Chatillon ; a detachment occupied the 
 redoubt; whilst the 41st, 8ist, and 125th battalions 
 advanced to the farm-house of Chaville. Night 
 having come on, and ammunition and victuals 
 being very short, they were also compelled to 
 retire. This retreat was the signal for a furious 
 attack by the gendarmes, sergents de ville, and 
 
210 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 Breton mobiles. The field-pieces and mitrailleuses 
 committed fearful execution in the ranks of the 
 National Guards, compelling them to hasten their 
 flight and take refuge in the redoubt, closely fol- 
 lowed by the enemy. A great number of killed 
 and wounded was the result of this day's battles. 
 
 At night the retreat of the Federals commenced 
 along the whole line. The fire slackened, and a 
 few cannon-shots were heard at intervals, but the 
 action was over. 
 
 The wounded were brought in by ambulances. 
 The Necker Hospital received a great number of 
 the 67th, 127th, 129th, and 194th battalions of the 
 National Guard. The wounds being generally of a 
 serious nature, many amputations were necessary. 
 Most of these wounds had been received at close 
 quarters. AH these men were wounded in the 
 morning at the fight of Meudon. Fortunately some 
 doctors from Issy, Moulineaux, and Meudon most 
 laudably lent their assistance in the first dressing 
 of the wounds. During the day several ambulances 
 were re-established on the left bank of the river. 
 
 The 67th battalion suffered badly during the fight 
 at Moulineaux in the morning. This battalion had 
 engaged in a narrow lane of Meudon, and was 
 assailed by a murderous fire from the windows. 
 
 The loist battalion of the Twelfth Arrondissement 
 (Gobelins) took a mitrailleuse by storm near Cha- 
 tillon. During the night the National Guard occu- 
 pied the trenches between the redoubt of Moulin- 
 de-Pierre and Chitillon. Some houses in Moulin- 
 de-Pierre were set on fire by the cannons of Fort 
 Issy. 
 
 At Belleville, Montmartre, and La Villette no 
 
THE BATTLE. 2!i 
 
 'able-bodied men remained at home : all were at 
 battle. 
 
 To-day, at two o'clock in the afternoon, a great 
 number of National Guards reached Villemombes, 
 about five English miles from Versailles, but were 
 beaten by the Government troops, with a loss of 
 two hundred and fifty men. 
 
 The left wing, under the command of General 
 Eudes, had but a small share in that day's fighting, 
 and consequently did not suffer much. It marched 
 by the south of Paris on the road to Choisy-le-roi, 
 Sceaux, and Bagneux, turning its back to the 
 heights. But behind the Meudon woods and Villa- 
 coublay the head of the column was received by a 
 heavy musketry fire, to which the Federals promptly 
 replied. The small band of assailants was driven 
 back. 
 
 As we have seen, the whole was a great battle 
 offered by the Commune to the disciplined troops 
 of Versailles, who were commanded by a marshal 
 of the Empire, old and experienced generals, and 
 skilled ofiB.cers. To oppose these the Commune 
 had only young generals, inexperienced in warfare, 
 whose audacity, courage, and genius had to stand 
 in place of study, art, and practice. 
 
 The army of the Commune was to a great extent 
 composed of married men with families, and we 
 need not, therefore, wonder that they were deficient 
 in the practice, stability under fire, and especially 
 in the discipline of the regular army. Its ofl[icers 
 had neither the military knowledge which study 
 alone can give, nor the habit of command or ex- 
 perience only to be acquired by long practice. 
 
 There was no cavalry, and the artillery was very 
 
212 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 inferior in comparison with that of the enemy. The 
 artillery-men, being National Guards, were but in- 
 sufficiently instructed. The conductors of the teams 
 did not understand how to manoeuvre, and the 
 horses, sadly deficient in number, had never been 
 under fire. 
 
 Such were the principal causes of the inferiority 
 of the army of the Commune. But, in spite of all 
 this, they did not hesitate to give battle outside the 
 fortifications of the city, to face the fire of Mont 
 Valerien, and to march on Versailles. Yes, perhaps 
 it was audacious. And yet up to three o'clock in 
 the afternoon the chances of battle were not so very 
 unfavourable to this bold undertaking. If the rear- 
 guard of the columns of Bergeret and Flourens had 
 retreated fighting under the fire of Mont Valerien, 
 the bulk of these two corps had succeeded in 
 doubling that fortress and marching on the road to 
 Versailles. And, further, if the centre, under the 
 command of Duval, had had sufficient provisions 
 and ammunition, and had been properly supported 
 by the right and left wings, so as to allow the 
 reserve to, be brought forward, it was quite pos- 
 sible they would have won the battle. Up to 
 three o'clock in the afternoon the Federals gained 
 positive successes over the Versaillists, who were 
 forced back, while some of their batteries were 
 silenced. 
 
 The ammunition and victualling departments 
 were badly arranged, and greatly contributed to 
 the defeat. For three days the greater part of the 
 National Guard had nothing to eat but bad biscuits ; 
 other victuals were not to be had; and at the 
 plateau of Chatillon even water was unobtainable. 
 
 \ 
 
THE BATTLE, 213 
 
 In consequence, the National Guards suffered con- 
 siderably from hunger and thirst. Badly as the 
 administration was managed during the siege, it 
 was. even worse after the 1 8th of March. 
 
 The National Guards were frequently forced to 
 abandon their positions and beat a retreat from 
 want of ammunition. The direction and manage- 
 ment of the staff-office and administration were 
 very inferior. Nevertheless the National Guards 
 gave abundant proofs of courage, spirit, and gal- 
 lantry. They stood fire, bombs, and bullets like 
 old soldiers. This their enemies have acknowledged, 
 declaring their astonishment that the Government 
 of the National Defence should have made no better 
 use of these elements of resistance and attack 
 against the Prussians. 
 
 The days of the and and 3rd of April proved 
 that the army of the Commune wanted nothing but 
 a skilful chief, a Hoche or a Marceau, in order to 
 win the battle and take Versailles. Perhaps the 
 Commune might have found such a commander-in- 
 chief in the person of General Duval, had time 
 been granted him to develop his talent. 
 
 The 'young generals commanding-in-chief the 
 columns marching against Versailles, being at the 
 same time members of the Executive Commission, 
 the Commune, in order to give them gre"^ter 
 freedom of action, replaced them in the latter by 
 three of their colleagues — citizens Delescluze, Ver- 
 morel, and Cournet, and nominated General Clu- 
 seret Delegate to the Ministry of War. 
 
 The following decree confirmed these different 
 nominations •.^— 
 
2J4 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 To Citizens Bergeret, Duval, and Eudes, 
 
 " Citizens, 
 
 " We have the honour of acknowledging to you 
 that the Commune has entrusted the direction of 
 the War Administration to General Cluseret, in 
 order that you may have full scope for the perform- 
 ance of your military operations. 
 
 " The Assembly has thought fit, under the grave 
 circumstances in which we are placed, to establish 
 unity in the administrative services of war. 
 
 " The Commune also considers it indispensably 
 necessary to replace you provisionally in the 
 Executive Commission, as your military work will 
 not permit of your attending to its duties. 
 
 " In arriving at this twofold decision there is no ' 
 necessity to add that the Commune is far from 
 being displeased with you, or desirous of weakening 
 your important position as commanders-in-chief of 
 corps. You will see nothing in this act but the 
 necessities of the moment. 
 
 " Salutation and fraternity. 
 
 " The members of the Executive Commission, 
 
 "Ch. Delesclxjze. 
 "Felix Pyat. 
 
 "Paris, April 3rd, 1871." 
 
 On its side, the Government of Versailles 
 addressed the following despatch to the pre- 
 fects : — 
 
 "Versailles, April 3rd, evening. 
 "The insurgents returned in great force from 
 Courbevoie to Nanterre, Reuil, and Bougival. At 
 the same time columns from Paris marched on 
 
THE BATTLE. 215 
 
 Besons and Chateau-Croissy. At daybreak Mont 
 Valerien opened fire against the insiwgents, and 
 compelled them to seek shelter at Nanterre, Reuil, 
 and Bougival. They subsequently attacked our 
 positions. 
 
 "The Gamier, Dandel, and Dumont Brigades 
 opened a cannonade and repulsed the enemy. 
 General Vinoy, with the cavalry brigade of Du- 
 breuil, threatening to take them in flank, the insur- 
 gents fled in the greatest disorder, leaving many 
 killed and wounded behind. A total rout ensued. 
 
 "While this was going on, Sevres, Meudon, 
 and Petit-Bicfetre were attacked by strong forces 
 of the enemy. The Lamariouse Brigade and the 
 gendarmes pushed forward to Meudon, and were 
 received by shots from the windows of the houses. 
 But the brigade dislodged the insurgents, who left 
 a great number of dead and wounded behind. 
 
 "The Bruat and Derocrat Brigades, under the 
 command of Admiral Pothuau, bombarded Petit- 
 Bicfetre on the right. The day ended in the flight 
 of the insurgents in the direction of the Chitillon 
 redoubt. 
 
 "This day caused heavy losses to those who 
 allowed themselves to be blindly led by such 
 malefactors, and gave a decisive blow to the insur- 
 rection, which, finding itself powerless, will be 
 forced to abandon Paris. 
 
 "Thiers." 
 
 We have seen that the troops of the Commune, 
 after their first success on April 3rd, were com- 
 pelled to take flight in the evening and to abandon 
 some positions, and that a great part of the troops 
 
21 6 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 sought refuge under the protection of the cannons 
 of Forts Issy and Vanves. But the National 
 Guards did not abandon all the positions they had 
 occupied on the plateau of Chatillon : they still- 
 retained some of them, including the redoubt. 
 They also took possession of the trenches between 
 the redoubt of Moulin-de-Pierre and Chatillon, 
 lately occupied by the Prussians. 
 
 During the night the Federals, to the number of 
 about fifteen thousand, had massed at Bel-Air, 
 between Forts Vanves and Issy. Batteries were 
 erected in front of the forts, but they were badly 
 protected by weak trenches. The line of battle 
 extended from the Versailles Railway, on the left, 
 to a place called Croix-d'Arcueil, on the left of 
 Fort Montrouge. 
 
 At midnight the conflict recommenced with re- 
 newed vigour ; but notwithstanding their obstinate 
 resistance the National Guards were compelled to 
 give way before the foot-chasseurs and soldiers 
 of the line, who were in superior force. 
 
 The Versailles troops marched on Chitillon, and 
 gained some ground. At daybreak they strongly 
 entrenched themselves on the plateau, in the posi- 
 tions constructed by the Prussians. The line of 
 battle extended from Bagneux to Meudon. 
 
 Both parties commenced reconnoitring early in 
 the morning, and at half-past five the batteries of 
 Chatillon gave the signal for a fresh- attack. The 
 trenches of the Federals were simultaneously 
 attacked with a well-sustained fire of artillery, 
 which threw their ranks into disorder. It was not- 
 without great difficulty that the commanders suc- 
 ceeded in rallying their battalions. The trumpets 
 
THE BATTLE. 217 
 
 sounded, the drums beat, and Forts Montrouge, 
 Vanves, and Issy replied vigorously. Commander 
 Ranvier directed a part of the military opera- 
 tions, and sent a great number of orderlies in all 
 directions. 
 
 In order to reform their lines the Federals sought 
 the shelter of the undulating bends in the hilly 
 country between Chatill'on and Vanves ; but the 
 troops of Versailles left them no time to accom- 
 plish this, charging them with great vigour, and 
 again forcing them to fall back under the protec- 
 tion of their two forts, the fire from which, as well 
 as that of the batteries established on some neigh- 
 bouring ridges, converged on the opposite plateau, 
 occupied by the regular army of Versailles. The 
 Versaillist batteries erected in the trenches con- 
 structed by the Prussians fired furiously. It was 
 a perfect artillery duel. Some of the battalions of 
 the National Guard suffered heavy losses, especially 
 the 2 19th, half of which was hors de combat. 
 
 The Chatillon redoubt, constructed at the com- 
 mencement of the siege to protect Paris against 
 the Prussians, and a few other neighbouring 
 positions, were still in possession of the sol- 
 diers of the Commune. The Versaillists, who 
 already occupied a part of the plateau of Cha- 
 tillon, sent the Pelle Division and the D^rqjo 
 Brigade, with two twelve-pounder batteries, to 
 attack and to take this small fortress. The bat- 
 talion in charge of this position was only five 
 hundred strong ; but they defended themselves 
 vigorously against a far superior force. Several 
 assaults with cannon and small arms were re- 
 pulsed. The besiegers, finding it impossible to 
 
2i8 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 take the "fort from its heroic defenders by force, 
 resolved to try stratagem. 
 
 The Daily Telegraph, a journal unfriendly to the 
 Commune and sympathising with the Versaillists, 
 describes this deed of April 4th in the following 
 terms : — 
 
 " The soldiers of the Government advanced with 
 butt-ends in the air, crying, ' Vive la Garde Na- 
 tionale ! ' The latter replied, ' Vive la ligne ! ' and 
 in their turn raised their butt-ends in the air. The 
 Communists, fancying this a defection of the line, 
 looked upon it as a confirmation of their hopes. 
 Without fear they allowed the troops of Versailles 
 to approach, and even marched out to meet them ; 
 but they were soon cruelly undeceived. 
 
 " Seeing that they might approach with impunity, 
 the Government troops were no sooner close to the 
 insurgents than they levelled their muskets at them, 
 and sent a volley of bullets into their ranks. The 
 National Guards retired in stupefaction, closely 
 followed by the enemy, who, after a lively engage- 
 ment, succeeded in capturing the redoubt." 
 
 Such, in truth, was this odious piece of treachery, 
 for which the Daily Telegraph has not a single word 
 of blame. 
 
 But the honest journalist forgot to mention that 
 the traitors in red trousers who were guilty of such 
 infamy were not soldiers of the line, but despicable 
 disguised sergents de ville. 
 
 Nearly two hundred of these far too confiding 
 National Guards were killed or wounded. Three 
 hundred of the 219th battalion, with Commander 
 Henry and the commanders of the 105th and 127th 
 battalions, were compelled to lay down their arms, 
 
THE BATTLE. 219 
 
 and taken prisoners. A drummer, who refused to 
 give up his drum-sticks, was disembowelled by a 
 sergent de ville. A lieutenant of the 219th bat- 
 talion shot this miserable man dead, and by 
 unexpected good fortune was enabled to break 
 through and escape. 
 
 This frightful act of felony committed by the 
 troops of the defenders of order not only led to 
 the loss of the Chatillon redoubt, but also caused 
 the ^eatest disorder, and had the worst effect 
 among the ranks of the National Guards, several 
 battalions of which, encamped near the plateau, fell 
 . back skirmishing to the side of Forts Issy and 
 Vanves. 
 
 Such was the shameful treachery to which the 
 soldiers of the honest Versaillists resorted to sur- 
 prise and beat the defenders of the Commune. 
 Such infamous ambuscades, frequently repeated, 
 were a dishonour to the Grovemment and its party, 
 and deserve to be made known to, and stigmatised 
 by, all men of heart and honour. 
 
 La Commune branded them in the following 
 manner : — 
 
 " Citizens, the monarchists sitting at Versailles 
 do not go to war like civilised men ; their warfare 
 is that of savages. The Vendeans of Charette and 
 the agents of a Pi6tri shoot their prisoners, assassi- 
 nate the wounded, and fire on ambulances. Twenty 
 times have these wretches, who dishonour the 
 uniform of the line, raised their butt-ends in the 
 air, and then traitorously shot the gallant men 
 who too confidingly approached them. 
 
 " Citizens, such treachery, such atrocity, cannot 
 bring victory to the eternal enemies of your rights. 
 
220 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 In the energy, courage, and devotedness of the 
 National Guards .we have a pledge for the Republic. 
 Their heroism and constancy have been admirable. 
 The artillery-men have directed their fire with re- 
 markable precision ;so much so,, indeed, that it has 
 several times silenced that of the enemy, who have 
 left a mitrailleuse in our hands. 
 
 " National Guards, the Commune congratulates 
 you, and declares that you deserve well of our 
 country." 
 
 After this defeat a great number of wounded 
 were brought in through the Porte dTssy. 
 
 On the news, of all these atrocities, treachery, . 
 and massacres, M.. Thiers exclaimed in the Ver- 
 sailles Assembly, amidst the applause of the Right, 
 " France has recovered its army ! " 
 
 On the day before he had already said : — 
 
 " The insurrection showed itself in force at 
 Meudon. The foot-gendarmes were heroic. Fresh 
 divisions arrived in the evening. The insurgents 
 fell back, but a certain number of them remained 
 in the Chatillon redoubt. It was then too late to 
 attack them. 
 
 " The bulk of the insurgent army was driven 
 back under the walls of Paris. 
 
 " To-morrow a few cannon-shots will sufBce to 
 dislodge the last insurgents ; and we have not 
 the least doubt that these unfortunate men, misled 
 by malefactors, will soon be but too happy to im- 
 plore clemency from the Government, which will 
 readily accord it. (Applause on the Left.) 
 
 "A mice on the Right— Yes, the clemency of 
 the gendarmes. 
 
 " M. Thiers.— M.md, I should not think of ae- 
 
THE BATTLE, 221 
 
 cording indulgence to crime ; it will only be be- 
 stowed on those who have been misled. (On the 
 Left, ' Very good, very good ! ')" 
 
 The following is an account of the combats as 
 they occurred on that day : — 
 
 The Federals could not leave their trenches until 
 half-past ten o'clock. At that time the forts slack- 
 ened their fire — Meudon, Chitillon, and Clamart 
 were almost silent — and the Federals, profiting by 
 this, erected batteries parallel with the railway, 
 with the intention of cutting off the columns coming 
 from Ch^tillon. 
 
 At eleven o'clock a company of National Guards 
 left the fort, and directed its course in quick march 
 to the Issy redoubt, where the troops of the Com- 
 mune had erected a battery. 
 
 At one o'clock Vanves and Issy, having received 
 a supply of ammunition, opened a tremendous fire 
 on Meudon, in order to protect an advance move- 
 ment of the Federals. Suddenly some waggons 
 covered with blinds arrived by railway from Meu- 
 don, and vomited grape-shot along the whole line 
 of the advancing column, so that the Federals were 
 once more obliged to seek the shelter of Forts Issy 
 and Vanves. 
 
 An artillery battle recommenced in the finest 
 style. 
 
 Some reinforcements arrived for the Federals : on 
 the right wing from Billancourt, and on the left 
 from Montrouge, which until now had been very 
 little engaged. 
 
 At half-past two some batteries descended from 
 Meudon, and, protected by a shower of grape-shot, 
 effected a turning movement. The Federals defiled 
 
222 HISTORY CF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 to the right of Issy, and opened a terrible artillery 
 fire and a lively fusillade on the advanced columns 
 of the enemy ; but being again forced to abandon 
 their position in consequence of the fire from 
 Meudon, Clamart, and Chitillon, they for the third 
 time retired under the protection of their forts. 
 
 Meudon now slackened its fire, and Fort Issy, 
 profiting by it, launched its projectiles at a column 
 of the Versailles army, which, nevertheless, con- 
 tinued its flank march, and succeeded in joining 
 the troops occupying the Chitillon plateau. 
 
 At three o'clock, following up this manoeuvre, 
 the army of Versailles succeeded in advancing its 
 line of battle, and the cannons of Meudon, Clamart, 
 and Chitillon protected the erection of fresh bat- 
 teries in the valley. 
 
 The Federals sustained heavy losses ; there were 
 not enough ambulance waggons to carry off the 
 wounded, and many remained lying on the ground 
 with their wounds undressed. There was a great 
 deficiency of surgeons. The troops of Versailles 
 likewise suffered very heavy losses. Among their 
 officers wounded on April 3rd and 4th were M. de 
 Dumast, struck by two pieces of shell; Captain 
 Lesur, by two bullets in the chest, who succumbed 
 to his wounds ; and ten other superior officers, more 
 or less seriously wounded. 
 
 The military hospital at Versailles received one 
 hundred and twenty wounded men, of whom forty 
 were National Guards. The prisoners at Versailles 
 were treated very badly. 
 
 While these deadly combats were going on, citi- 
 zen Duval, commander of the centre of the Com- 
 munal army, at the head of fifteen hundred or two 
 
THE BATTLM. 223 
 
 thousand men, had a battle to the knife with the 
 Versaillists, and advanced for the purpose of re- 
 taking the plateau and redoubt of Chdtillon, but, 
 on account of the general retreat of his army corps, 
 he was soon isolated and surrounded by a superior 
 force, and he and his detachment were made pri- 
 soners. 
 
 General Vinoy, one of the accomplices of the 
 ambuscade of the 2nd of December, 1851, who had 
 won his general's epaulets by massacring the de- 
 fenders of the Constitution and the Republic, was 
 commander-in-chief of the troops who took Duval 
 and his soldiers prisoners. 
 
 The old hired imperial assassin, now in the ser- 
 vice of a Republic — and a fine one too ! — which he 
 helped to destroy in the year 185 1, galloped to the 
 firont of the prisoners. 
 
 "Is there among you," said he, "a gentleman 
 who calls himself General Duval ? Where is he ?" 
 
 "Here I am," said Duval, stepping from the 
 ranks with two other chiefs of battalion, who were 
 also called out. 
 
 " If you had taken me prisoner," said the impe- 
 rialist general, "would you have had me shot?" 
 
 "Without hesitation," coolly replied the cou- 
 rageous Duval. 
 
 " March these prisoners to this field, and shoot 
 them immediately," said the ferocious Vinoy, point- 
 ing to a place near at hand. 
 
 The intrepid Duval and his two heroic com- 
 panions walked resolutely and without moving a 
 muscle to the place appointed for their execution. 
 Their calmness and composure never deserted them 
 for a single instant. They took off their coats 
 
224 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 themselves, and proudly regarded their assassins, 
 who were deeply moved by so much firmness and 
 courage. These three stoical heroes, after laying 
 bare their breasts, gave the signal for execution 
 themselves, exclaiming in a firm voice, "Vive la 
 Commune ! " " Vive la Republique !" 
 
 Eighty other unfortunate prisoners were slaugh- 
 tered by the troops in the service of the royalist 
 and clerical reaction of Versailles. 
 
 The simple and laconic reply of Duval to Vinoy, 
 when he asked him whether he would have had him 
 shot, was admirable. Those two words, "Without 
 hesitation," so simple, so laconic, and so energetic, 
 were the sublimity of expression, idea, courage, 
 audacity, and heroism. 
 
 This Lacedsemonian reply was worthy of a Leo- 
 nidas, and the " Let him die ! " of old Horace. 
 
 Vinoy, the stupid soldier, besotted since 1851 by 
 the massacres of which he had been guilty, was 
 quite unconscious of the fresh infamy he had com- 
 mitted by ordering the execution of his prisoners. 
 This guilty man, blinded by crime, did not even 
 dream that in assassinating Duval he had mur- 
 dered a true hero. 
 
CHAPTER ni. 
 
 THE POLICY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 The terrible war which the Commune maintained 
 against the Versailles army did not prevent it 
 continuing its philosophical, political, and social 
 reforms. Like the National Convention, it was at 
 once the soldier and the legislator of the Revolu- 
 tion. It defended the latter by gannon and decrees. 
 
 Several of its members having sent in their 
 resignation, the Commune issued the following 
 decree : — 
 
 "The electors of the First, Second, Sixth, 
 Eighth, Ninth, Twelfth, Sixteenth, Seventeenth, 
 Eighteenth, and Nineteenth Arrondissements are 
 convoked for Wednesday, April 3rd, to elect new 
 members." 
 
 The Commune, being of opinion that the posses- 
 sion of the entire military power by one man was 
 fraught with great danger to public liberty, pro- 
 mulgated the following decree : — 
 
 " I . The title and functions of the commander-in- 
 chief are suppressed ; 
 
 " 2. Citizen Brunet is unattached; 
 
 " 3. Citizen Eudes is nominated Delegate of War, 
 Bergeret delegate to the staff of the National 
 
 Q 
 
226 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 Guard, and Duval to the military command of the 
 ex-prefecture of police. 
 
 "The Executive Commission. 
 
 [Signatures}) 
 
 "Paris, April 1st, 1871." 
 
 In order to do away with the abuse of over-pay, 
 the Commune issued another wise decree. It was 
 as follows : — 
 
 " The Commune of Paris, 
 
 " Considering that the highest posts of the public 
 service have up to this day been looked upon as 
 places granted by favour ; 
 
 " Considering that sinecures and over-pay should 
 have no existence in a genuine democratic Re-, 
 public ; 
 
 "Decrees : 
 
 " Sole article. — The highest salary for the differ-- 
 ent services of the Commune is fixed at;^24oper 
 annum. 
 
 "The Commtjne of Paris. 
 
 " H6tel-de-Vffle, April 2nd, 1871." 
 
 In order to ameliorate the condition of labour 
 and industry as much as possible, the Commission 
 of Labour and Exchange decreed as follows : — 
 
 " Sole article. — A Sub-commission is nominated, 
 
 composed of citizens Bertin, Levy Lazare, Minet, 
 
 and RouveyroUes, to present, with the shortest 
 
 delay, a detailed estimate of unfinished public 
 
 works, and to furnish a plan for the execution of 
 
 such works by the Commune of Paris. 
 
 [The Signatures} 
 " H6tel-de-Vme, April ist, 1871." 
 
THE POLICY OF THE COMMUNE. 227 
 
 To secure the payment of the provisional con- 
 tributions towards the maintenance and pay of the 
 National Guard, the Delegates of Finance issued the 
 following decree : — 
 
 " Citizens Simon, Langlois,Delamarche, Champe- 
 val, and Lefranc are nominated as a Commission 
 for the reorganisation and regulation of town dues. 
 They will act in concert with citizen Volpenile, 
 whom we have nominated Director-General, and 
 will take such measures as they may think neces- 
 sary for the financial interests of the Commune of 
 Paris. 
 
 " The Members of the Commune of Paris, 
 Delegates of Finance, 
 
 "Varlin, D.-Th. R£gere." 
 
 The Commune and its delegates devoted them- 
 selves from the first to the different branches of the 
 public administration. The finances, labour, in- 
 dustry, exchange, taxes, public security, com- 
 merce, rents, the means of defence, the organisation 
 and armament of the National Guard, &c., took up 
 the time of their first sittings. 
 
 Unfortunately, the violence, cruelties, ferocities, 
 and atrocities of the troops of Versailles compelled 
 the Commune to depart from this wise and Inoderate 
 course, and, much against its will, to engage in 
 reprisals for the sake of its own security. 
 
 The police hordes, and the rude, corrupt, and 
 fanatical bands in the service of Versailles, were 
 daily guilty of the greatest crimes and cruelties 
 against the unfortunate National Guards who were 
 made prisoners. Contrary to every law ,of war, 
 they massacred them without pity, or outraged 
 
228 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 them in the most inhuman and barbarous manner. 
 On arriving at Versailles they were most abomin- 
 ably ill-treated. The correspondent of the Indi- 
 pendance Beige, who surely cannot be suspected 
 of too much good-will towards the Communal 
 prisoners, and who was an eye-witness of these 
 repulsive and inhuman scenes, was so indignant 
 at them that he could not dissemble his reprobation. 
 " I returned to Versailles," said he, "just in time 
 to see the entry of the prisoners. I cannot speak 
 without regret of the over-excited attitude of the 
 crowd. Not only did it demand the instant death 
 of all the prisoners, but even assailed them with 
 stones. The calmer spectators carefully suppressed 
 every manifestation of pity ; no sort of appeal to 
 the laws of humanity could be breathed without 
 running the risk of becoming a victim of the 
 popular fury. Some spectators were maltreated 
 and arrested for imprudently manifesting a feeling 
 of pity. 
 
 "The women especially behaved in the vilest 
 and most odious manner. They filled one's heart 
 with disgust." 
 
 Another correspondent, speaking on the same 
 subject, expressed a similar horror of the conduct 
 of the Versaillists : — 
 
 " To the Members of the Cominu7ie of Paris. 
 
 "Paris, April 5th, 1871. 
 
 " I have arrived from Versailles much affected 
 and profoundly indignant at the horrible deeds I 
 have witnessed. 
 
 "The prisoners were received at Versailles in 
 a most atrocious way. They were struck down 
 
THE POLICY OF THE COMMUNE. 229 
 
 without pity. I saw some bleeding-, with their ears 
 wrenched off, and their face and throat torn to 
 pieces as if by the claws of wild beasts. I saw 
 Colonel Henry in this state, and to his honour and 
 glory must I confess that, scorning this band of 
 barbarians, he walked proudly and calmly to his 
 death. 
 
 " Under the eyes of the Government there exists 
 a provost-court ; that is to say, death cuts down 
 our fellow-citizens taken prisoners. 
 
 " The cellars into which they were thrown were 
 wretched holes, confided to the tender mercies of 
 gendarmes. 
 
 " I thought it the duty of a citizen to inform you 
 of these cruelties, the memory of which, for a long 
 time to come, will fill me with indignation. 
 
 " Barrere." 
 
 Citizen Barrfere is a relative of the well-known 
 Girondin of that name. Citizen Leroux, commander 
 of the 84th battalion of the National Guard, testi- 
 fied to the truth of the above letter. 
 
 Well, who would have believed that these firightfiil 
 atrocities, which were enough to move the most 
 unfeeling to pity, could have inspired M. Picard 
 with the following odious and cruel language ? 
 
 " Never," said he, speaking of the unfortunate 
 prisoners who were so cruelly insulted by an in- 
 furiated crowd, " did low demagogues present to 
 the afflicted view oi honest men figures more vile." 
 
 Well, these "vile figures" were the electors 
 whose vote was belied by M. Picard. 
 
 Another witness of similar facts says in the 
 Indipendance Beige.:— r 
 
230 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 "The soldiers loaded the prisoners with injuries 
 and curses. One of the latter, in the uniform of a 
 soldier of the line, was beaten with the butt-ends 
 of muskets. Three were summarily shot by 
 soldiers. Even the most seriously wounded re- 
 ceived no indulgence, but were pitilessly mocked. 
 Greater animosity could not have existed. 
 
 "The gendarmes were the most insensible to 
 pity. I heard one of them say there was no 
 necessity to look for cords to bind the prisoners, 
 for if they made the slightest attempt to escape they 
 would be shot. Another assured me that all the 
 superior officers would undoubtedly be shot." 
 
 The Moi d' Ordre relates the following abomin- 
 able execution : — 
 
 " At about nine o'clock in the morning two 
 boats containing eighteen National Guards crossed 
 the Seine from Reuil to Chatou, to breakfast with 
 a wine merchant. At ten o'clock fifteen of them 
 returned in the boats to Reuil. The captain, a 
 sergeant, and a guard of the 4th company, remained 
 to finish their meal. 
 
 " The Marquis de Galifet, apprised by a miser- 
 able informer of the presence of the three National 
 Guards at the wine merchant's house, marched 
 thither at the head of five or six hundred cavalry, 
 among whom were many gendarmes. He took the 
 three guards prisoners, and had them immediately 
 shot in the Route de Saint-Germain." 
 
 They all had families, and left their unfortunate 
 wives- and little ones without support, without 
 bread, and in the greatest misery. 
 
 Executioner Galifet enjoyed this sanguinary 
 orgie, thinking only of the noble debauchery in 
 
THE POLICY OF THE COMMUNE. 231 
 
 which he would soon be enabled to revel on his 
 entrance into Paris. 
 
 Neither the ambulances nor the medical corps 
 were respected by the soldiers of the Versailles 
 Government. The war against the Commune was 
 a war of savages. 
 
 This is irrefragably proved by the following 
 letter to the journal La Commune: — 
 
 " Citizen Editor, 
 "We bring to your notice an unheard-of fact 
 accomplished by the artillery of Mont Valerien on 
 the 3rd of April. About twenty surgeons, ac- 
 companied by seven waggons belonging to the 
 International Ambulance Society, bearing the red 
 cross of the Geneva Convention on white iiags, 
 were made targets of, and had it not been for a 
 bend in the ground, in which they took shelter, the 
 shells would have struck the surgeons and the 
 
 wounded, &c 
 
 " The Physician-in-Chief of the H6tel-de-Ville, 
 
 "Dr. Herzfeld." 
 " Deputy Physician, 
 
 "Dr. Claude." 
 
 French soldiers in the pay of the royalist and 
 clerical reaction were guilty of deeds never enacted 
 by the Prussians during the siege — they bombarded 
 the ambulances. Never had such a thing been 
 seen. But we need not be astonished that this or 
 any other infamy should have been perpetrated by 
 men who violated and murdered honest ambulance 
 women, who, at the risk of their lives, devoted 
 themselves to the care of the wounded. 
 
232 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 While these horrible scenes, worthy only of 
 savage hordes, were being enacted, the Govern- 
 ment of Versailles, finding that the courts-martial 
 were too slow, and that French blood was not 
 flowing fast enough, laid a bill before the Assembly 
 for the more speedy acceleration of proceedings 
 before the military tribunals engaged in trying 
 prisoners. Urgency was voted. Could anything 
 be of greater urgency to the Versaillists than the 
 shooting of their fellow-citizens ? 
 
 But massacre and shooting were not enough for 
 the wild beasts of Versailles. In their eyes virtue 
 was a crime. The exercise of hospitality, which is 
 respected even by barbarians, was punished as the 
 greatest of offences by these insensate fools, who 
 seemed possessed by a sanguinary monomania for 
 carnage. 
 
 M. Baratte, a peaceable citizen of Courbevoie, 
 living in the Route de Saint-Germain, gave shelter 
 to two wounded National Guards. Five sergents 
 de ville not only shot the two unfortunate wounded 
 men, but murdered M. Baratte, his wife, and two 
 daughters, after having most shamefully outraged 
 the latter under the very eyes of their despairing 
 parents, whom they had bound together. 
 
 Such are the crimes with which the defenders .of 
 order, the throne, and the altar — the support of the 
 family, religion, property, and the entire civilised 
 society — have sullied themselves. 
 
 We could cite thousands of infamous cruelties : 
 speak of the violation and murder of many ambu- 
 lance women and cantiniferes ; the massacre of hun- 
 dreds of prisoners in the most atrocious manner; 
 of horrors so dreadful that none but the hired 
 
THE POLICY OF THE COMMUNE. 233 
 
 assassins of Versailles, the reiters of the Empire 
 escaped from German prisons, and the fanatical 
 Chouans of Charette, could have been capable of 
 them ; but we have no wish to afflict our readers 
 too much by the recital of this repugnant carnage. 
 The examples we have cited will more than suffice 
 to give a true idea of the ferocity and lewdness of 
 the saviours of order. The summary executions, 
 not only in contempt of the laws of war, but in 
 gross outrage to every feeling of humanity — all 
 these atrocities not only inspired the most violent 
 indignation and the greatest horror, but also the 
 desire for just reprisals, and forced the Commune 
 to seek means for protecting its defenders — the 
 National Guards of Paris — from the massacre, 
 shooting, and murder to which they were exposed 
 on being taken prisoners. 
 
 The Commune hesitated a long time before 
 taking any measui-es for reprisals, which were, 
 unfortunately, but too well justified; but with its 
 elevated sentiment of respect for human life, it felt 
 instinctively repugnant to use the only means in 
 its power for putting an end, if possible, to the 
 shedding of the blood of their fellow-citizens like 
 water by the hired assassins of Versailles. 
 
 A week had nearly passed since the Versaillists 
 had dragged at the tails of their horses and mur- 
 dered some unfortunate prisoners ; it was already 
 some days after the horrible and cowardly murder 
 of Flourens, Duval, and their courageous com- 
 panions, when the Commune voted the law con- 
 cerning hostages with which it has so often been 
 reproached, but which was nevertheless very 
 mild in comparison with the courts-tnartial which 
 
234 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 M. Dufaure, the sanguinary Minister of Justice of 
 Versailles, found to be too weak and slow. Yes, the 
 hostage law was indeed too mild and too just for the 
 barbarous practices of the lynchers of Versailles, 
 who day after day killed their prisoners without 
 even according them a summary judgment, which 
 the terrible American Judge Lynch never refused 
 to the greatest criminal. 
 
 Vinoy and Galifet, those sinister executioners, 
 burdened with more crimes than they could count 
 hairs on their guilty heads, did not even interro- 
 gate their victims. Without anything being known 
 of them, they were killed simply because they had 
 the misfortune to attract their attention or to dis- 
 please them. At a sign their hired bravoes pre- 
 cipitated themselves on the unfortunate innocents, 
 and instantly murdered them without the least 
 sign of pity. Even women found no favour with 
 these ferocious janizaries, who first violated and 
 then massacred them. 
 
 The following is the hostage law of the Com- 
 mune. If read with care it will be found, as we 
 have already remarked, very humane in comparison 
 with the crimes for the prevention of which it was- 
 made. 
 
 " The Commune of Paris, 
 
 " Considering that the Government of Versailles 
 has openly trampled every law of humanity and 
 war under foot ; that it has been guilty of horrors 
 with which even the invaders of French soil did 
 not sully themselves ; 
 
 " Considering that it is the imperative duty of 
 the representatives of the Commune of Paris to 
 
THE POLICY OF THE COMMUNE. 235 
 
 defend the honour and lives of the two millions of 
 inhabitants who have placed the care of their 
 destiny in its hands ; that it is important at once 
 to take all necessary measures which the situation 
 requires ; 
 
 "Considering that the politicians and magis- 
 trates of the city are bound to insure the common 
 welfare, with due respect for individual and public 
 liberty ; 
 
 " Decrees : 
 
 " Art. I. All persons accused of complicity with 
 the Versailles Government shall be at once ar- 
 raigned and imprisoned. 
 
 " Art. II. A jury of accusation shall be instituted 
 within twenty-four hours to take cognizance of 
 crimes brought before it. 
 
 " Art. III. The jury shall make a report within 
 forty-eight hours. 
 
 " Art. IV. All accused persons found guilty by 
 the verdict of the jury of accusation shall be 
 hostages of the people of Paris. 
 
 "Art. V. All executions of prisoners of war, or 
 of partisans of the regular Government of the 
 Commune of Paris, shall immediately be followed 
 up by the execution of a triple number of hostages 
 retained by virtue of Art. IV., and who will be 
 drawh by lot. 
 
 " Art. VI. All prisoners of war shall be taken 
 before the jury of accusation, which shall imme- 
 diately decide whether they are to be set at liberty 
 or retained as hostages." 
 
 If we coolly examine the spirit of this law, we 
 shall see at once that it only applies to accomplices 
 
236 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 of the Versailles Government; that is to say, to 
 spies and traitors, and not to prisoners of war, 
 properly so called. It never entered into the mind 
 of the members of the Commune to put this law in 
 force towards soldiers made prisoners. According 
 to Article I. all those accused of complicity with the 
 Versaillists were to be brought before the jury of 
 accusation, which was to decide as to the liberation 
 or retention of them as hostages. By this it will 
 be clearly seen that soldiers, properly so called, 
 who had not been traitors, were set at liberty. It 
 is well known with what kindness and regard sol- 
 diers of the regular army who were made prisoners 
 were treated by the Commune. If gendarmes 
 and sergents de ville were declared hostages, it was 
 not in their military capacity, but for their acts 
 in the police service of the enemy. The Govern- 
 ment of Versailles, by enlisting into its army the 
 whole personnel of the police, exposed them to 
 reprisals, justified over and over again by the 
 infamous conduct of the whole police corps, not 
 merely since the i8th of March, but even from the 
 2nd of December, 1851. 
 
 Article II. of the hostage law instituted a jury of 
 accusation, before which all persons accused of 
 complicity with Versailles were to be taken ; and 
 by another law it enacted that this jury should be 
 chosen by lot from the delegates of the National 
 Guard. Ordinarily, in time of war, accomplices 
 of the enemy are not judged by a jury, but by a 
 court-martial, or they are condemned as spies. To 
 be brought before a jury, composed of honourable 
 citizens elected by universal suffi-age, was a great 
 safeguard to them. The National Guards, prisoners 
 
THE POLICY OF THE COMMUNE. 237 
 
 of war at Versailles, would have thought them- 
 selves very fortunate if they had had such juridical 
 securities. But the reactionary Government of 
 Versailles arraigned them in batches before courts- 
 martial which were passively submissive to its 
 authority, and which pitilessly condemned them 
 either to death or hard labour, according to orders. 
 
 By the hostage law, if any one was accused of 
 complicity with the enemy, and found guilty by 
 the jury of accusation, he was neither condemned 
 to death nor to hard labour, nor even to imprison- 
 ment, but merely retained as a prisoner of war 
 until peace should be concluded ; and only when 
 his allies or partisans, the defenders of the Govern- 
 ment of Versailles, committed fresh cruelties to- 
 wards the prisoners of the Commune, contrary to 
 the laws and usages of war, was he in real danger. 
 
 The Government of Versailles and its military 
 chiefs had it, therefore, in their power to prevent 
 the application of it. It would have sufficed for 
 them not to assassinate the prisoners, and to treat 
 them in conformity with the laws of war. Was 
 this asking too much ? 
 
 The hostage law was a just one, since it only 
 applied to accomplices of the Versailles Govern- 
 ment found guilty by a jury which offered abundant 
 security in point of honesty, impartiality, and in- 
 dependence. The utmost liberty and facility of 
 defence were freely accorded. 
 
 It was a very humane law, for it guaranteed the 
 lives of accomplices of the enemy, and even those of 
 traitors and spies. They had only to put up with 
 temporary imprisonment, which could not have 
 been prolonged beyond the war. 
 
238 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 This exceptional measure, , Necessitated by cir- 
 cumstances, and rendered . indispensable by the 
 cruelties perpetrated by the Versailles soldiery, 
 was inspired by the ardent wishes of the mem- 
 bers of the Commune to put a stop to these pitiless 
 massacres. 
 
 It only depended,, then, upon the so-called de- 
 fenders of order to prevent the shedding of a single 
 drop of blood of prisoners of war, or even of a spy. 
 It would have sufficed to respect the laws and 
 usages of war, and to treat the prisoners of the 
 Commune with the same humanity as the latter 
 displayed towards theirs. 
 
 What earnest, conscientious, and really honest 
 man, taking into consideration the terrible situa- 
 tion of the Commune, created as it was by the short- 
 comings and crimes of the Versailles Government, 
 would be so foolhardy as to condemn this measure 
 of the defenders of Paris ? 
 
 We well know that, regarded from the stand- 
 point of absolute right, as represented by the Com- 
 mune, human life should have been sacred. But 
 we may observe, in extenuation of the Government 
 at the H6tel-de-Ville, that the war of Versailles 
 forced it to defend itself- — to fight with equal arms. 
 It was its absolute duty to employ all means con- 
 sistent with the rights of man for protecting, the 
 lives of the National Guards, honest citizens and 
 fathers of families ; and under no pretext whatever 
 could it allow their massacre to pass unpunished. 
 If on philosophical principles inviolability of 
 human life be admitted by one party and con- 
 tested by another, nobody can deny that there 
 should always exist an absolute equality and 
 
THE POLICY OF THE COMMUNE. 239 
 
 reciprocity of procedure between combatants 
 until the advent of true civilisation has abolished 
 war. This principle of justice does not allow one 
 adversary to shoot prisoners, and at the same 
 time enact that the other shall respect their 
 lives. 
 
 The only reason of any real weight against the 
 hostage law is this — a man can only be held 
 responsible for his own acts. Offences and crimes 
 are personal. It is unjust, therefore, to make 
 hostages expiate the crimes to which they were 
 strangers, and to which they had not in any way 
 contributed, since they were prisoners at the very- 
 time they were committed. This is a serious 
 reason, and we are bound in justice to mention 
 and acknowledge it. Had we been a member of 
 the Commune at the time, we should not have 
 voted for the hostage law without proposing, as an 
 amendment, that this law should have no retroactive 
 effect on the hostages who were in prison at the 
 time of the perpetration of punishable crimes. Those 
 who were arrested after the committal of such 
 crimes should have the facility of proving their 
 complete innocence before the jury, and, if they 
 did so prove it, they should be liberated, and simply 
 kept in Paris till the conclusion of peace.. We 
 consider that under no pretext whatever should the 
 great principles of justice and immutable right, 
 which ought to be the basis of all the acts of honest 
 men as well as of social order, be departed from. 
 And we are fortunate, whatever our enemies may 
 think or say to the contrary, in never having 
 violated these principles, for they have invariably 
 regulated our conduct. 
 
240 HISTORY OF TUB COMMUNE. 
 
 The following proclamation of the Commune 
 preceded the promulgation of the hostage law : — 
 
 " Every day the banditti of Versailles massacre or 
 shoot their prisoners, and we are constantly hear- 
 ing of the perpetration of assassinations. You are 
 well aware who are guilty of these crimes — the 
 gendarmes of the Empire, the royalists of Charette 
 and Cathelineau, marching on Paris with the cry, 
 ' Vive le roi ! ' and with the white flag at their 
 head. The Government of Versailles acts contrary 
 to the laws of war and humanity, and if it con- 
 tinues to disregard the common usages of civilised 
 nations, we shall be forced to make reprisals. ~If 
 our enemies assassinate a single one of our soldiers, 
 we shall retaliate by executing the same or double 
 the number of prisoners. The people of Paris, even 
 in their anger, detest the shedding of blood as 
 they detest civil war ; but they must protect them- 
 selves against the savage outrages of their enemies, 
 cost what it may — eye for eye, tooth for tooth. 
 
 (Signed) " The Commune of Paris." 
 
 The assassinations of Flourens, Duval, several 
 commanders of the National Guard, and a great 
 number of privates, as well as of the cantiniferes and 
 ambulance women, the latter of whom were first 
 shamefully outraged by the bravoes of Versailles, 
 with all the other horrors, might logically provoke 
 the Commune to reprisals and the adoption of 
 rigorous measures. 
 
 On the 5th of April the Archbishop of Paris and 
 M. Daguerry, vicar of the Madeleine, were arrested 
 on the charge of conspiring against the Republic 
 
THE POLICY OF THE COMMUNE. 24.1 
 
 and of complicity with Versailles. For the same 
 reasons, M. Isard, superior of the Seminary of 
 Saint-Sulpice ; M. Bertans, vicar of Saint-Sulpice ; 
 the vicar of Saint-S^verin ; the chaplain-general 
 of prisons ; the rector of Notre-Dame de Lorette 
 M. Blondeau, vicar of Notre-Dame de Plaisance 
 M. Groses, ordinary of the Roquette Prison ; M 
 Ducoudray, rector of the Sainte-Genevifeve School 
 M. Bertaux, vicar of Saint-Pierre de Montmartre 
 Father Bosquet, superior, and eleven other fathers 
 and one brother of the Congregation of Picpus; 
 M. Bagle, vicar-general ; Miguel, first vicar of 
 Saint-Philippe du Roule ; Brother .Calixte, of the 
 Christian Doctrine; Lurt^que, vicar of Saint-Leu; 
 Millaud, vicar of Saint-Roch ; Geslain, vicar of 
 Saint-M6dard ; Sire, professor at Saint-Sulpice,; 
 .the vicar of Saint-Bernard la Chapelle, &c., i&c., 
 were also imprisoned. 
 
 In effecting the arrests of these ecclesiastics the 
 Commune had principally in view the stopping of 
 the massacre of Parisian prisoners by the Versailles 
 army. It hoped that M. Thiers would not expose 
 the Archbishop of Paris and the principal eccle- 
 siastics of the capital to such terrible reprisals, and 
 that these arrests would suffice to put a stop to the 
 cruelties and barbarities of the Versailles Govern- 
 ment. The best proofs of the sincerity of these in- 
 tentions are the two letters addressed to M. Thiers 
 by the Archbishop of Paris and the vicar of the 
 Madeleine, imploring the Chief of the Executive 
 power to discontinue the massacre and ill-treatment 
 of prisoners. M. Bertaux, vicar of Saint-Pierre 
 de Montmartre, took the two letters to Versailles, 
 promising to return in three days with the answer. 
 
 R 
 
242 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 This he did, bringing back the written reply of 
 M. Thiers, in which the executioner of Duval, FIou- 
 rens, and so many others, impudently denied all 
 the crimes committed by his police assassins. The 
 bombarder of Paris remained deaf to the entreaties 
 of the archbishop and the vicar of Sainte-Madeleine, 
 and, as we shall see further on, notwithstanding 
 their prayers, continued to have the prisoners 
 massacred, without taking into consideration the 
 dangers to which the hostages of the Commune, 
 were consequently exposed. M. Bertaux was libe- 
 rated on his return. ' 
 
 The Commune was also forced to take severe 
 measures against the Press. On March 19th the 
 Central Committee suppressed the Figaro and the 
 Gaulois. All the reactionary journals of the capital 
 had not only openly attacked the Central Com- 
 mittee and the Commune, their members and their 
 acts, in a most unworthy manner, with lies, gross 
 calumnies, injuries, and defamation, but they had 
 publicly preached revolt and civil war against 
 them. It was, therefore, the duty of the Commune 
 and the Central Committee to take the most ener- 
 getic measures for defending themselves against 
 this venal and criminal press, which was in the 
 pay of the enemy, and a real danger to Paris in its 
 critical situation. ^ 
 
 All Europe knows well enough the unworthy 
 role which a portion of the French press has played 
 for twenty-two years. It has been a scandal and 
 a disgrace to France. The Commune had not only 
 the right and the power, but it was also its duty to 
 suppress it ; and it did well to put an end to the 
 culpable excesses of that venal, degraded, and vilr 
 
THE POLICY OF THE COMMUNE. 243 
 
 tainous press, which for twenty years had only 
 existed by the toleration of the police, as a regular 
 branch-office of the Rue de Jerusalem. 
 
 By the suppression of all these immoral organs, 
 defenders of the Versailles Government, the Coni- 
 mune, at war with the latter, did no more than 
 defend itself by using the right of legitimate re- 
 prisals. It could not reasonably be expected that 
 it would permit the enemy to have his organs, 
 defenders, and devoted partisans, who were nothing 
 more nor less than spies, in the very heart of Paris, 
 which was being besieged by, the Versaillists. By 
 this act it only made a just use of reciprocity. 
 
 The Versailles Government not only did not 
 allow the publication of any journal favourable to 
 the Commune, but seized all the socialist Repub- 
 lican journals issuing from Paris. The following 
 is the verbatim decree on this subject by M. Picard : 
 — " I order the seizure of all the Paris journals, 
 and their circulation is interdicted." Every one 
 was seized; even friendly papers were not ex- 
 cepted. 
 
 But the Government of the National Defence 
 had already, previously to the war, suppressed six 
 popular joiirnals; and* all these honest and very 
 moderate organs, which had for eighteen years 
 applauded the suppression of the liberty of the 
 press, now loudly complained of their own sup- 
 pression, which was all the more unwelcome on 
 this account. 
 
 While Versailles continued the war to the very 
 knife, the representatives of the free associations of 
 Paris endeavoured to put an end to hostilities by 
 well-meant intervention. The delegates of the 
 
244 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 Republican League of the Rights of Paris and of 
 the General Syndicate of the National Union also 
 tried to interpose between the belligerents. The 
 Republican League adopted the following pro- 
 gramme : — 
 
 " Recognition of the Republic ; 
 
 " Recognition of the right of Paris to self-govern- 
 ment, to regulate its police, finances, public chari- 
 ties, and instruction by a freely-elected and supreme 
 council, as well as to the exercise of liberty of con- 
 science; 
 
 "The guarding of Paris exclusively by the 
 National Guard, which is composed of all valid 
 electors ; 
 
 " A full and complete amnesty to all citizens who 
 have taken part in the Revolution of the i8th of 
 March and in the acts of the Commune ; 
 
 "And the conclusion of an armistice for the lay- 
 ing down of the conditions of a definite peace." 
 
 The propositions of the General Syndicate of 
 the National Union were similar to those of the 
 Union for the Rights of Paris. 
 
 The delegates of these two associations were only 
 able to obtain the favour of an interview with M. 
 Thiers on condition that they did not present them- 
 selves in the name of the Commune, with which 
 the Chief of the Executive, the man elected by the 
 departments under the Prussian yoke, would not 
 treat, not acknowledging its right as a belligerent. 
 
 The delegates, after declaring that they had 
 received no mandate firom the Commune, and were 
 only the representatives of a free and independent 
 meeting which had nothing in common with the 
 Government of the H6tel-de-Ville, had an audience 
 
THE POLICY OF THE COMMUNE. 245 
 
 of M. Thiers, who, having listened to the object of 
 their mission, replied : — 
 
 "That negotiations of an official character could 
 only be broached provided it was first admitted in 
 principle that Paris would lay down its arms. 
 
 " That as long as he (M. Thiers) was in power 
 the Republic should not be overthrown. 
 
 "That Paris should enjoy the same municipal 
 franchise as the other towns of France, in accord- 
 ance with a law to be voted by the Versailles 
 Assembly. 
 
 "That to Paris should be given the common 
 right — nothing more, nothing less. 
 
 "That the National Guard should be reorganised, 
 biat that the guarding, of Paris could not belong 
 exclusively to the Natiomal Guard, nor could the 
 exclusion of the regular army be admitted 'in prin- 
 ciple. 
 
 " That the right of belligerents to men en- 
 gaged in strife against the National Assembly 
 being inadmissible, he could not and would, not 
 treat with them for an armistice ; but that if no 
 musket nor cannon were fired by the National 
 Guards, the troops of Versailles likewise should 
 not fire until a certain time to be fixed, when the 
 Executive power should resolve on action and 
 commence the war. 
 
 "That all those who discontinued their armed 
 strife — ^that is to say, who abandoned their hostile 
 attitude and returned to their homes — should be 
 exempt from prosecution, except those whom 
 M. Thiers called the assassins of Generals, Lecomte 
 and Clement Thomas, who, if discovered, should 
 be condemned." 
 
246 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 Such was the answer given to the delegates of 
 the Union of the Rights of Paris, according to a 
 circular of M. Thiers to the prefects, dated 
 April 1 3th : — 
 
 " Delegates have arrived at Versailles. Had they 
 been sent by the Commune, they would not have 
 been admitted ; but, being true Republicans from 
 Paris, they were received. I have invariably said 
 to them, ' None but assassins menace the Repub- 
 lic. The lives of the insurgents shall be saved. 
 The unfortunate workmen shall be provisionally 
 assisted. Paris must return to the common right. 
 All secessions shall be suppressed in France, as 
 they were in America.' Such was my reply." 
 
 It is easy to see that the reply of M. Thiers 
 afforded no chance of success, because the Na- 
 tional Guards would never consent to lay down 
 their arms, nor could they accept the reactionary 
 municipal law elaborated by the Versailles Assem- 
 bly, or the insufficient and humiliating alms 
 accorded by M. Thiers, in his munificence, to the 
 needy workmen. The Commune also refused to put 
 itself in relation with the Versailles Government, 
 and interdicted the meetings of the conciliators. 
 
 The Commune, comprehending the grave incon- 
 veniences arising from its secret sittings, decided, 
 not on holding them publicly, but on publishing 
 reports of every one of them. 
 
 In its sitting of April 12 th the Commune de- 
 cided upon the formation of a council of war for 
 every legion of the National Guard, and reduced 
 the price of passports to fivepence. But the decree 
 of this sitting which caused the greatest sensation 
 and resentment was the following : — 
 
THE POLICY OF THE COMMUNE. ' 247 
 
 " The Commune of Paris, 
 
 "Considering that the imperial column in the 
 Place Vendome is a monument of barbarity, a 
 Symbol of brutal force and false glory, an affirma- 
 tion of 1[^hauvinism, a negation of international 
 rights, a permanent insult of the victor towards 
 the vanquished, a perpetual outrage against one 
 of the three great principles of the French Repub- 
 lic, fraternity ; 
 
 " Decrees : 
 
 "Sole article. — ^The column of the Place Ven- 
 d6me shall be demolished. 
 
 "Paris, April I2th, 1871." 
 
 It would be difficult to say whether the adoption 
 of this decree inspired hatred or anger against the 
 Commune. We attach little importance to monu- 
 ments dedicated to the memory of false glory and 
 the flattery of national vainglory. We believe they 
 merit nothing but disdain and contempt. But it is 
 always a good and moral thing to obliterate them, 
 so that they may no longer recall to the mind of 
 the pi-esent and future generations the ephemeral 
 triumph of tyranny and the butchery of nations 
 for the sole benefit of crowned banditti, who are 
 pleased to call pillage, arson, and the destruction 
 of human life glorious war. And of all the monu- 
 ments symbolising the epochs of carnage and 
 heroic brigandage none better deserved to be 
 razed to the ground than the column of the Place 
 Vendome. Were it only to obliterate and trample 
 under foot the statue of the imperial scoundrel in 
 the costume of a Roman emperor standing on the 
 top, the Commune, in demolishing this remem- 
 
248 HISTORY OF THE COMMUlStE. 
 
 brance of the first Empire, the cursed forerunner 
 of the second, would have rendered important 
 service to France and to humanity. 
 
 Next day the Commune ordered the formation of 
 ambulance companies. 
 
 A Commission of five members, composed of 
 citizens Theisz, Vermorel, V. Clement, Parisel, 
 and Lefran9ais, was nominated to examine dif- 
 ferent projects respecting the postponement of the 
 bills of exchange due and becoming due, and to 
 report thereon. 
 
 The following proposition of citizen Tridon was 
 adopted : — 
 
 "The Commune decides to send two of its 
 members to attend the funeral of Pierre Leroux ; 
 declaring that this homage was not to be con- 
 sidered as due to the partisan of a mythical philo- 
 sophy, but to the politician who courageously 
 defended the vanquished of June." 
 
 The proposition of citizen Vermorel to notify 
 evefy arrest immediately to the Delegate of Justice 
 was adopted by the Commune. 
 
 This exceedingly useful decree permitted citizen 
 Pfotot to control all arrests in a serious manner, 
 and to immediately set at liberty all who were 
 arrested by mistake. 
 
 The conflict now daily became greater, and 
 the Commune thought it necessary to address 
 another manifesto to the provinces, in order to 
 enlighten them as to its intentions, to put a stop 
 to the misunderstandings which existed amongst 
 them, and to call upon the departments to prevent 
 the further progress of the sanguinary conflict 
 which was devastating the capital. But alas ! this 
 
THE POLICY OF THE COMMUNE. 249 
 
 appeal never reached the departments. The Ver- 
 sailles Government prevented all communication 
 between the provinces and Paris. It drew closer 
 and closer the circle of iron and fire with which 
 it had surrounded the latter, so that the pro- 
 vinces might be kept in ignorance and apathy. 
 Paris stood alone in its struggle to the knife 
 against the Versailles Government. 
 
 The great towns which had followed its example 
 — Lyons, Marseilles, Toulouse, Bordeaux, Avignon, 
 Limoges, Grenoble, and Creuzot — and tried to gain 
 their autonomy by proclaiming the Commune, had 
 been vanquished and placed under the yoke of the 
 centralising Government of Versailles. The mani- 
 festo of the Commune, then, had no chance of 
 producing any effect in the provinces. 
 
 On April 2oth the Commune decreed : 
 
 " I . The executive power remains provisionally 
 confided to the delegates of the nine Commissions 
 into which the administrative powers are dis- 
 tributed ; 
 
 "2. The Commune will nominate the delegates 
 by a majority of votes ; _ 
 
 " 3. -The delegates shall meet every day, and 
 decide the propositions in each department by a 
 simple majority of votes ; 
 
 "4. A report of all measures proposed or exe- 
 cuted shall be presented daily to the Secret Com- 
 mittee of the Commune." 
 
 The following were the citizens nominated to the 
 Executive Commission : — 
 
 War Cluseret. 
 
 Finances Joukde. 
 
 Subsistence .... Viard. 
 
250 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 Foreign Minister 
 Justice . 
 Instruction 
 Public Safety . 
 Labour and Exchange 
 Public Service 
 
 Paschal Grousset. 
 Protot. 
 
 Vaillant. 
 
 R. RiGAULT. 
 
 Frankel. 
 Andrieux. 
 
 This new organisation of the Executive Com- 
 mission laboured under a great inconvenience, 
 which its author, a politician of some experience, 
 ought to have anticipated. 
 
 The delegates of the different public services or 
 ministries were all burdened with so much admi- 
 nistrative work that most of their time and power 
 were absorbed by it. To coniide to them the execu- 
 tive power likewise was to overwhelm them with a 
 new and important mission which they were unlit 
 to fulfil. It was materially impossible for them 
 to meet every day for deliberation as members of 
 the Executive Commission, in order to imprint 
 an intelligent and energetic direction on the pro- 
 gress of public affairs, the war, and the armament 
 and defence of Paris. To watch over the progress 
 of events was quite as impossible, for time and 
 strength were necessary to do this efficiently, and 
 these were daily absorbed by administrative work. 
 
 At a time of such great difficulties and laborious 
 work this bad organisation soon made itself felt 
 and bore its fruits. The Committee of Public 
 Safety speedily followed as a modification. 
 
 In the sitting of April 2 1 st it was decided that 
 a large number of copies of the Journal Officiel 
 should be posted up, and that its price should be 
 reduced to a halfpenny ; but, notwithstanding this 
 vote, it continued to be sold for three halfpence. 
 
 On April 22nd, a decree proposed by citizen 
 
THE POLICY OF THE COMMUNE: 251 
 
 Protot, the Delegate of Justice, for the institution 
 of a jury of accusation was adopted. The following 
 were its principal provisions : — 
 
 "Art. I. The jury shall be chosen from the dele- 
 gates of the National Guard ; 
 
 " Art. II. The jury of accusation shall consist of 
 four sections, each comprising twelve jurymen, 
 chosen by lot at a public sitting convened for the 
 
 purpose by the Commune The accused and 
 
 the prosecutor shall alone have the right of ex- 
 emption 
 
 " Art. V. The accused shall have the right of 
 summoning his witnesses at the cost of the State. 
 The sittings shall be public. The accused shall be 
 freely allowed to choose his own advocate, even 
 though the latter should pot belong to the corpora- 
 tion of advocates. He may propose any excep- 
 tion which he thinks will prove beneficial to his 
 defence 
 
 "Art. IX. The accused shall not be pronounced 
 guilty unless there is a majority of eight out of 
 twelve votes " 
 
 This was a very liberal decree, and it afforded 
 substantial guarantees to the accused. 
 
 The unfortunate National Guards of Paris, who 
 had lingered for four months in the casemates and 
 on the pontoons, would have been but too happy to 
 be tried before so equitable a jurisdiction. 
 
 The following was another decree, proposed on 
 the next day by the Delegate of Justice, and adopted 
 by the Commune : — 
 
 " Art. I. The ushers, notaries, appraisers, and re- 
 gistrars of all courts nominatedfrom this day shall re- 
 ceive a fixed salary. Security maybe dispensed with. 
 
252 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 " Art. II. All moneys collected by virtue of their , 
 office must be paid every month into the hands of 
 the Delegate of Finance. 
 
 "Art. III. The Delegate of Justice is charged 
 with the execution of this decree." 
 
 Citizen Vall^s proposed, and the Commune 
 adopted, an additional security to arrested persons, 
 the object of which was to prevent them being 
 secretly kept prisoners behind the prison gates 
 by arbitrary acts. It was as follows : — 
 
 " Every member of the Commune shall have the 
 right to visit the prisons, and all the public, civil, 
 and military establishments." 
 
 A most touching incident happened during the 
 sitting of April 26th. Delegates from the Free- 
 masons announced that a considerable number of 
 their brethren wished, in the interests of humanity, 
 to be received by the Commune. The latter as- 
 sented, and they were at once received in the court 
 of honour. 
 
 Several thousands of the venerable brethren, 
 dressed in all their insignia, were introduced. 
 They declared themselves willing to make a last 
 effort of conciliation with the Government at 
 Versailles, namely, to plant their banners of peace 
 on the ramparts, to march before the army of Ver- 
 sailles, and to adjure their brethren in the ranks to 
 put an end to this fratricidal war. If their suppli- 
 cations were not heard, and if a single ball struck 
 their flags of peace, all the Freemasons, young and 
 old, would enlist in the ranks of the National 
 Guards, and march against the common foe. 
 
 The Freemasons, with a Commission of the Com- 
 mune at their head, then quitted the H6tel-de-Ville 
 
THE POLICY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 2£3 
 
 and took the direction of the Place de la Bastille, 
 following the line of the great boulevards to the 
 Avenue de la Grande Arm^e. 
 
 More than fifteen thousand Freemasons in full 
 dress, decorated with their insignia, and carrying 
 all their banners, took part in the procession, which 
 was joined by nearly all the members of the Com- 
 mune, and forty or fifty thousand citizens. They 
 were everywrhere received with the greatest sym- 
 pathy and enthusiasm. 
 
 ■ On its arrival at the Arc de Triomphe de I'Etoile, 
 the peace procession was assailed with a shower of 
 bombs and shells from the savage banditti in the 
 pay of the traitorous Government which had de- 
 livered France over to the foreigner, and which 
 now wanted to reign over the ruins of Paris. 
 
 This fresh act of savage ferocity committed by 
 the barbarians under the command of Mac-Mahon 
 was received with a tremendous cry of "Vive la 
 Commune!" "Vive la Republique universelle ! " 
 , The procession halted. Some citizens were wounded. 
 The venerable members of the Masonic lodges ad- 
 vanced alone, under the fire of the enemy, to the 
 ramparts, where they planted their banners as 
 symbols of peace. A few of them were wounded. 
 Some of the flags were pierced by bullets, and the 
 staff" of one of them was broken in two. 
 
 The white banner of Vincennes, on which were 
 inscribed the words " Love one another," floated in 
 the air. Doubtless some of the assassins could 
 read this admirable and fraternal legend from that 
 distance, for the fire was suspended, and the bul- 
 lets ceased to fall. 
 
 About forty delegates advanced by the Route de 
 
254 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 Neuilly to the Courbevoie barricade, then in the 
 possession of gendarmes. General Leclerc re- 
 ceived them in front of the bridge, and conducted 
 them to General Montandon, the superior com- 
 mander of the division occupying Courbevoie. 
 
 This officer, himself a Freemason, received them 
 courteously, and proposed that three Masons should 
 be sent as a deputation to M.Thiers. This was done. 
 
 The bombarder of Paris gave the most unfeeling 
 and frigid reception to the devoted and humane 
 men who had braved his bombs, shells, and bullets 
 in order to stop bloodshed, and to put an end to 
 this fratricidal war. 
 
 "We do not negotiate with rebels," he repeated. 
 ■" Let the Parisians lay down their arms. To those 
 who do so we guarantee the safety of their lives : 
 only the assassins of Generals Lecomte and Clement 
 Thomas will find no clemency." With this haughty 
 declaration the delegates were drily dismissed. 
 
 When Paris heard next day of the haughty and 
 unbecoming reception of the Freemasons, it was 
 highly indignant. 
 
 On the proposition of citizen Leo Meillet, the 
 following decree was adopted by the Commune in 
 its sitting of April 27 th : — 
 
 " The Commune of Paris, 
 
 " In consideration that Brea Church, erected in 
 memory of the general of that name, one of the 
 assassins of the combatants of June, 1848, is a 
 standing insult to the vanquished of June who fell 
 whilie defending the cause of the people, 
 
 " Decrees : 
 
 " Art. I. That Br^a Church shall be demolished ; 
 
THE POLICY OF THE COMiMUNE. 255 
 
 " Art. II. That the place where it stood shall be 
 called the Place de Juin ; 
 
 " Art. III. That the municipality of the Thirteenth 
 Arrondissement shall be charged with the execu- 
 tion of this decree." 
 
 Citizen V^sinier, considering it only just to take 
 cognizance of the victim as well as the executioner, 
 proposed the following additional articles, vAich 
 were adopted : — 
 
 "Art. rV. The Commune declares and grants 
 amnesty to citizen Nourry, who for twenty-two 
 years has been a prisoner at Cayenne for the execu- 
 tion of the traitor Br6a. He shall be set at liberty 
 as quickly as possible. 
 
 "Art. V. It grants to his mother, the widow 
 Nourry, who for twenty-two long years has be- 
 wailed her innocent son, the same pension as to 
 widows of National Guards killed in battle." 
 
 In a previous sitting, citizens Gambon, Langevin, 
 and V6sinier were instructed to hold aji inquest on 
 the bodies of four National Guards cowardly assas- 
 sinated by the murderers of Versailles, of which 
 the following was the report read to the Commune 
 by citizen V6sinier : — 
 
 " Citizens Langevin, Gambon, and Vesinier were 
 sent to Bicfetre to hold an inquest on four National 
 Guards of the 185th battalion. Accompanied by 
 citizen R. Rigault, procurator of the Commune, 
 and citizens Ferre and L4o Meillet, they visited 
 citizen • Scheflfer, a guard of the said battalion be- 
 longing to the Thirteenth Arrondissement, in the 
 hospital at Bic^tre. 
 
256 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 " Citizen Scheffer was bedridden in consequence 
 of a bad wound in the chest. The doctor having 
 declared that the invalid was able to answer any 
 questions, citizens Gambon and V^sinier examined 
 him. Citizen Scheffer declared that on April 25th, 
 at Belle-Epine, near Villejuif, he and three of his 
 comrades were surprised by horse chasseurs, who 
 demanded their surrender. Surrounded by a large 
 force, resistance was impossible, so they laid down 
 their arms and surrendered. The soldiers made 
 them prisoners without violence or threat. 
 
 ''They had only been prisoners a few minutes 
 when a superior officer of chasseurs came up on 
 horseback, and fell on them with his revolver. 
 Without saying a single word, he fired at one and 
 killed him on the spot, after which he shot at 
 Scheffer, who received the bullet in his breast, and 
 fell by the side of his comrade. 
 
 " The other two guards drew back in terror at 
 these infamous acts ; but the ferocious captain 
 killed both of them with his revolver. 
 
 " The chasseurs retired with their chief after 
 these brutal, atrocious, and cowardly acts, leaving 
 their victims on the ground. 
 
 " After their departure citizen Scheffer rose, and, 
 by a desperate effort, reached his battalion, which 
 was encamped at some distance. 
 
 " Two of the slain National Guards could not be 
 found. 
 
 " The body of the fourth was discovered not far 
 from the place of the murder. 
 
 "The condition of Scheffer is all that can be 
 wished. His wound is very serious, but there is no 
 danger, and the doctor says that he can answer for 
 
THE POLICY OF THE COMMUNE. 257 
 
 his recovery. He has a young wife, who has only 
 been confined ten days. 
 
 " The Members of the Commune : 
 
 "Ferdinand Gambon. 
 
 "Vesinier. 
 
 " C. LANGEvnsr. 
 
 " April 27tli, 1871." 
 
 A subsequent inquest proved that the miserable 
 author of this quadruple assassination was the 
 ferocious beast in human form named Galifet. 
 
 By a decree of April 28th the Executive Com- 
 mission interdicted night-work in bakehouses. 
 
 On April 30th the capture of Fort Issy by the 
 Versaillists was rumoured in Paris. The facts were 
 that the fort was in a most critical position, as it 
 was completely dismantled, and covered with bombs 
 and shells. Its defenders spiked the guns and left 
 it, all except one man, a young citizen, who quietly 
 remained within its half-5emolished ramparts. 
 
 This news caused the greatest excitement in 
 Paris. The Commune deliberated in a secret com- 
 mittee, energetic measures were adopted, and Fort 
 Issy reoccupied. 
 
 The Executive Commission declared that "the 
 thoughtlessness and carelessness of the Delegate 
 of War had compromised the possession of Fort 
 Issy, and the Executive Commission considered 
 itself bound, in consequence, to propose the arrest 
 of citizen Cluseret, which was accordingly decreed." 
 
 At the same time the following decree appeared 
 in the Officiel: — 
 
 " Citizen Cluseret is dismissed from his functions 
 as Delegate of War. His arrest is ordered by the 
 
2S8 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 Executive Commission, and approved of by the 
 Commune. 
 
 " The provisional replacement of citizen Cluseret 
 is provided for. The Commune is taking all neces- 
 sary measures for security. 
 " The Executive Commission decrees : 
 "Citizen Rossel is provisionally charged with 
 the functions of Delegate of War. 
 " The Executive Commission : 
 
 " Jules Andrieux, Paschal Grousset, 
 Ed. Vaillant, F. Cournet, Jourde. 
 
 " Paris, April 30th, 1871." 
 
 Scarcely was citizen Rossel installed in office 
 when he issued' the following decree :^- 
 
 " Citizen Gaillard, sen., is charged with the con- 
 struction of barricades behind the fortifications as a 
 second line of defence. In conjunction with the 
 municipalities, he will appoint engineers or dele- 
 gates to each of the exterior arrondissements, who 
 shall work at these constructions under his orders. 
 
 " He will receive orders from the Delegate of 
 War as to the sites and armament of the barri- 
 cades. 
 
 " In addition to the second line of defence of 
 which we have just spoken, barricades, forming 
 three citadels, are to be erected at the Trocad^ro, 
 the Buttes Montmartre, and the Pantheon. 
 
 " The laying out of these citadels will be deter- 
 mined on the ground by the Delegate of War as 
 soon as the engineers shall have been appointed 
 for their construction. 
 
 " General Wroblewski will have the entire com- 
 
THE POLICY OF THE COMMUNE. 259 
 
 mand of the left bank of the Seine, and of the 
 troops and forts of Issy and Ivry. 
 
 "The commanders efforts, commanders of troops, 
 and all other of&cers of the Commune, will acknow- 
 ledge his quality and obey his orders. 
 "The Delegate of "War, 
 
 " ROSSEL. 
 " Paris, April 30th, 1871." 
 
 The check experienced by Fort Issy was produc- 
 tive of another result : it proved the defectiveness 
 of the Executive Commission of which we have 
 already spoken, and led to its replacement by the 
 Committee of Public Safety. 
 
 On the proposition of citizen Miot, and after 
 two days' noisy discussion, the following decree 
 was adopted by forty-five against twenty-three 
 votes : — 
 
 " Art. I. A Committee of Public Safety shall be 
 at once organised. 
 
 " Art. II. It shall be composed of five members, 
 voted separately by the Commune. 
 
 " Art. III. The most extended powers over all 
 the Commissions are given to this Committee, 
 which shall only be responsible to the Commune." 
 The Committee of Public Safety, with the object 
 of increasing the order, energy, and regularity of 
 the War Department, decrees : 
 
 "The War Delegation is composed of two divi- 
 sions: the military ditfection and the administra- 
 tion. 
 
 " Colonel Rossel is charged with the chief direc- 
 tion of military operations. 
 
 "The Central Committee of the National Guard 
 
2Co HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 is charged with the different services of the War 
 Administration, under the control of the Military 
 Commission." , 
 
 Citizens Ferre, Dacosta, Marainville, and Hugue- 
 not were nominated as deputies of the procurator 
 of the Commune. 
 
 After several days of laborious deliberation, the 
 Commune issued the following important decree 
 concerning goods in pawn establishments : — 
 
 " Art. I. All pledges in pawn prior to April 25th, 
 1 87 1, such as clothes, furniture, linen, books, 
 tools, and bedding, under the sum of twenty 
 francs, shall be returned gratuitously from the 
 1 2 th of May. 
 
 " Art. II. The above-mentioned articles are only 
 to be delivered up to the original ticket-holders, 
 who will have to prove their identity. 
 
 " Art. III. The Delegate of Finance is instructed 
 to come to an arrangement with the administration 
 of the pawn establishments concerning the settle- 
 ment of the indemnity to be allowed according to 
 the present decree." 
 
 During the night of May 4th a fresh misfortune 
 overtook the Commune. The Versaillists, dressed 
 as National Guards, treacherously entered the re- 
 doubt of Moulin Saquet, after having given the 
 watchword to the sentinel. The 55th and i2oth 
 battalions, which occupied it, were driven out, the 
 artillery-men killed, and aix cannons and three 
 hundred prisoners captured. 
 
 The news of this great disaster created • the 
 utmost excitement, which, three days later, was 
 destined to be still further augmented by the 
 evacuation of Fort Issy for the second time. 
 
THE POLICY OF THE COMMUNE. 261 
 
 Citizen Rossel, the Delegate of War, was called 
 before a secret sitting of the Commune to give 
 explanations respecting these fresh calamities. 
 
 Citizen Rossel answered the questions of the 
 President and other members with great accuracy* 
 cliearness, and laconism. 
 
 He complained bitterly against the Committee of 
 Public Safety for having given orders for the dis- 
 placement of Generals Dombrowski, Wroblewski, 
 and Lacecilia, without either communicating with 
 or consulting him, by which act the defence had 
 been disorganised and compromised. 
 
 Citizen Pyat, member of the Committee of Public 
 Safety, declared, in the presence of the Delegate of 
 War, that he had sent no direct despatches to the 
 generals under the command of Rossel, neither 
 had he displaced any of them. 
 
 Citizen Rossel insisted upon his statement, and 
 further declared that he had himself seen the de- 
 spatches to Dombrowski, Wroblewski, andLacecilia, 
 but that he had not got them in his possession. 
 He also declared that he could not answer for the 
 safety of Paris till the evil caused by the said de- 
 spatches had been repaired. 
 
 On the following day citizen Arnold communi- 
 cated to the Commune and the members of the 
 Committee of Public Safety the different orders in 
 question addressed by the latter to the generals. 
 The most important of them was signed by Ch. 
 G6rardin, Ant. Arnaud, and L60 Meillet, with a 
 postscript signed by Fdlix Pyat. Having looked 
 at it, the latter declared that he had no recollec- 
 tion of it, but candidly admitted that his memory 
 had become weakened by excessive work ; and he 
 
z62 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 gave in his resignation as a member of the Com- 
 mittee of Public Safety. 
 
 In consequence of this Rossel published a bitter 
 letter, in which he accused the Artillery Committee, 
 the Central Committee of the National Guard, the 
 commander and garrison of Fort Issy, the chiefs 
 of legions, and the Commune of indecision, in- 
 action, weakness, and incapacity. He ended his 
 violent letter by giving in his resignation and 
 demanding " a cell at Mazas." 
 
 At the same time, he had placarded bills on the 
 walls of Paris, announcing, in the strangest terms, 
 the occupation of Fort Issy by the Versaillists. 
 
 " The tricoloured flag," said he, "floats over Fort 
 Issy, abandoned by its garrison." 
 
 After the publication of these two documents the 
 Committee could only do one thing — accede to the 
 wishes of citizen Rossel by granting him " a cell 
 at Mazas," which was done. But the Delegate of 
 War, after reflection, very reasonably preferred 
 the pure air of liberty. 
 
 After having been consigned to the H6tel-de- 
 Ville, under the charge of Ch. Gerardin, member 
 of the Committee of Public Safety, citizen Rossel 
 and his obliging guard profited by the occasion, 
 and vanished. Unfortunately, however, after es- 
 caping out of the hands of the too good-natured 
 Commune, Rossel fell into those of the executioners 
 of Versailles, who arraigned him before a court- 
 martial on the charge of desertion to the enemy. 
 He is now condemned to death, and we sincerely 
 hope that he may escape execution. When before 
 the Commune, citizen Rossel committed only one 
 fault, that of giving way to his irritable and 
 
THE POLICY OF THE COMMUNE. 263 
 
 violent temper. He might have afforded great 
 assistance in the war if he had only contented 
 himself with exerting his talent in the service of 
 the popular cause. 
 
 After the explanations concerning the despatches 
 of the Committee of Public Safety which had given 
 rise to incidents so greatly to be regretted, and 
 compromised the defence of Paris, this Committee 
 was recomposed of citizens Gambon, Eudes, Billo- 
 ray, Ranvier, and Ant. Arnaud. 
 , In the sitting of the Commune of May 8th citizen 
 Vesinier was nominated secretary to the above 
 Committee, and, on the 15 th of the same month, 
 chief editor of the Journal Officiel. The price of 
 this journal was reduced to five centimes, in con- 
 sequence of which its daily circulation rose from 
 2,500 to 25,000 copies. 
 
 Citizen Ferr6 was nominated Delegate of General 
 Safety in place of citizen Cournet. 
 
 M. Thiers not only continued to bombard Paris 
 and massacre the prisoners, but also made public 
 appeals to treachery by means of a bill placarded 
 slily on the walls of Paris. The Committee of 
 Public Safety resolved, therefore, to punish these 
 atrocities in the most exemplary manner, and 
 issued the following decree : — 
 
 " In view of the placards of M. Thiers, in which 
 he styles himself Chief of the French Republic ; 
 
 " Considering that this placard, printed at Ver- 
 sailles, has been posted on the walls of Paris by 
 the orders of M. Thiers ; 
 
 " That in this document he asserts that his army 
 did not bombard Paris, whilst every day women 
 
264 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 and children are victims of the fratricidal projectiles 
 from Versailles ; 
 
 "That, feeling the absolute impossibility of van- 
 quishing the heroic population of Paris, and taking 
 the city by other means, he has appealed to 
 treachery ; 
 
 " The Committee of Public Safety decrees : 
 
 "Art. I. The furniture belonging to M. Thiers 
 shall be seized by the administration of the 
 domain. 
 
 "Art. II. The house of M. Thiers in the Place 
 Georges shall be pulled down. 
 
 "Art. III. Citizen Fontaine, delegate of the 
 domain, and citizen J. Andrieux, Delegate of Public 
 Service, are charged, as far as it concerns each of 
 them, with the immediate execution of the present 
 decree. 
 
 " The Members of the Committee of Public 
 Safety : 
 "Ant. Arnaud, Eudes, F. Gambon, . 
 G. Ranvier. 
 
 "Paris, Flor^al 21, year 79." 
 
 This decree was immediately executed. 
 
 On May 12 th, on the report and by the proposi- 
 tion of citizen Delescluze, the Commune decreed 
 that the 128th battalion of the National Guard had 
 " deserved well of the Commune and the Republic," 
 for having, under the command of General Dom- 
 browski, destroyed the Pare de Sablonville, occu- 
 pied by the Versaillists. 
 
 "The Committee of Public Safety decrees : 
 " Art. I. The Military Commission shall in future 
 be composed of seven instead of five members. 
 
THE POLICY OF THE COMMUNE. 26^ 
 
 ^'Art. li. Citizens Bergeret, Cournet, Geresme, 
 
 Ledroit, Sicard, and Urbain are nominated mem- 
 
 "bers of the Military Commission, in place of 
 
 citizens Arnold, Avrial, Johannard, Tridon, and 
 
 Varlin. 
 
 [The Signatures^ 
 " H6tel-de-Ville, Florgal 25, year 79." 
 
 " The resignation of citizen Gaillard, sen., charged 
 with the construction and command of barricades, 
 is accepted under the twofold title. 
 
 "The battalion of barricaders under his orders 
 is dissolved, and the men who composed it are 
 placed at the disposal of the director of the engineer 
 corps, who shall proceed as far as he thinks fit with 
 the works already commenced. 
 
 " The Civil Delegate of War, 
 " Delescluze. 
 
 "Paris, May isth, 1871." 
 
 "The Committee of Public Safety calls upon 
 the workmen, excavators, carpenters, masons, and 
 mechanics over forty years old. 
 
 " An office will immediately be opened in every 
 municipality for the enlistment and forming of 
 brigades from these workmen, who shall serve- 
 during the war under the orders of the Committee 
 of Public Safety. 
 , "Their pay will be 3 fr. 75 c. per day. 
 
 [Signatures^ 
 "Paris, May i6th, 1871." 
 
 The decree ordering the demolition of the Ven- 
 dome column was executed on May 1 6th in presence 
 of a vast crowd. This cursed bronze, the statue of 
 
266 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 tyrants whose glory was made up of blood and 
 tears, fell to the ground amidst vociferous exclama- 
 tions of "Vive la Republique!" "Vive la Com- 
 mune ! " and the red flag replaced the monument of 
 glory of the Empire. 
 
 In the sitting of May 17 th a report was laid 
 on the table respecting a fresh act of brutal and 
 ferocious cruelty perpetrated by the janizaries of 
 Versailles, and which was far more infamous than 
 any of which they had been guilty up to that time. 
 Citizen Butin, lieutenant of the 3rd company of 
 the 105 th battalion, testified, in a written report, 
 that a young ambulance woman had been assaulted, 
 violated, and massacred by the criminal, savage, 
 and degraded soldiers of Versailles, who were ani- 
 mated by the basest, most infamous, and most 
 shameful passions. 
 
 On the reading of this report a thrill of horror 
 ran through the Assembly, and several members 
 demanded that energetic measures should be taken 
 to put a stop to the unparalleled atrocities of which 
 these degraded beings in the pay of Versailles, lost 
 to all sense of honour, and covered with the foulest 
 crimes, were daily guilty. Propositions to this 
 effect were put, but, on the demand of citizen Protot, 
 the following order of the day was adopted : — 
 
 " The Commune, referring to its decree of April 
 7th concerning hostages, demands its immediate 
 execution." 
 
 This incident and this vote are the best reply 
 to the accusation of ferocity brought against the 
 Commune. It was a month and six days since the 
 decree respecting hostages had been voted, which 
 ordered that all executions of partisans of the 
 
THE POLICY OF THE COMMUNE. 267 
 
 Commune by the bands of Versailles should at 
 once be followed up by a threefold execution of 
 Versaillist prisoners. But notwithstanding the 
 daily execution of prisoners by the Versaillists, 
 and the quadruple assassination proved by citizens 
 Gambon, V^sinier, and Langevin, the Commune 
 allowed the hostage law to slumber, and had exe- 
 cuted no one. It needed the proof of a new and 
 atrocious crime of violation and murder perpetrated 
 on an innocent ambulance woman to recall the 
 existence of the hostage law. And, as we shall 
 show further on, notwithstanding the order of the 
 day which it had just voted, the Commune would 
 not have made reprisals had not the Versaillist 
 hordes again sullied themselves with greater 
 crimes. 
 
 The following is the report of the staff of the 
 Seventh Legion, read in the sitting of the Com- 
 mune, and inserted in the Officiel, confirming the 
 infamous facts previously narrated by Lieutenant 
 Butin, and others, if possible, still more odious and 
 disastrous : — 
 
 "The staff of the Seventh Legion lays the 
 following facts before the Military Commission : — 
 
 "To-day we sent Lieutenant Butin with his 
 company, accompanied by Dr. Leblond and M. 
 Labrune of the infirmary, as parlementarians to 
 Fort Vanves and its environs, to seek and pick 
 up the dead and wounded which our legion left 
 behind in evacuating the fort. 
 
 " At our outposts they met a commander at the 
 head of his men, who shook hands with them and 
 bade them adieu, affirming that he had no occasion 
 
268 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 to say, 'Till we meet again.' And in order to 
 confirm his words the commander added, 'This 
 morning I saw with my telescope a wounded man 
 abandoned on the plain. I immediately sent to 
 his assistance an ambulance woman, furnished with 
 armlet and papers en regie. Scarcely had she 
 arrived at the place where the guard lay, when the 
 Versaillists seized, outraged, and shot her on the 
 spot, without our being able to afford her any help.' 
 
 " Notwithstanding this. Lieutenant Butin and his 
 companions advanced, preceded by a trumpeter and 
 a white flag, as well as the flag of the Geneva 
 Society. 
 
 " At a distance of about twenty metres they were 
 received by a lively musketry fire. The lieutenant, 
 thinking this a mistake, marched on. A second 
 platoon fire proved to them the sorrowful reality 
 of this violation of parlementarian usages and the 
 rights of civilised nations. A third fusillade in- 
 duced them to fall back. 
 
 "This lieutenant was compelled to return with 
 his men, leaving seventeen killed and seventy 
 wounded in the hands of the enemy. 
 
 " On his arrival he made his report to us, and I 
 have hastened to communicate it to the Military 
 Commission in order that Lieutenant Butin may be 
 cited before it to give his explanations. 
 
 "The Chief of the Staff of the Seventh Legion." 
 
 Let those who accuse the Commune on account 
 of the hostage law remember all these abominable 
 and criminal executions, all the horrors committed 
 by the troops of Versailles ; and let them not 
 forget that the law on hostages was only voted for 
 the prevention of these crimes. 
 
THE POLICY OF THE COMMUNE. 2C9 
 
 In the sitting of May 17th citizen V^sinier laid 
 on the table of the Assembly of the Commune the 
 projects of the following decree, to be put on the 
 order of the day, and to be sent before competent 
 Commissions : — 
 
 **' I. Titles, coats of arms, liveries, aristocratic 
 privileges, and all honorary distinctions are 
 abolished. The pensions, revenues, and appanages 
 accruing therefrom are suppressed. 
 
 " 2. Entailed estates of all kinds, with their 
 revenues, pensions, and privileges, are abolished. 
 
 "3. The Legion of Honour and all other orders 
 are abolished. 
 
 " Another decree shall determine the pensions of 
 the legionaries which are to be preserved." 
 
 Other propositions : — 
 
 "The law of May 8th, 1816, is re-established; 
 and the decree of March 21st, 1803, promulgated on 
 the 31st of the same month, is put in force. 
 
 " All. acknowledged children are legitimate, and 
 shall enjoy the same rights as legitimate children. 
 
 "All natural children are acknowledged by the 
 Commune as legitimate. 
 
 "All male citizens of eighteen, and female 
 citizens of sixteen years of age, who shall declare 
 iDefore a magistrate their wish to be united in 
 marriage, shall be considered as united, on con- 
 dition that they make a further declaration that 
 they are not already married, and are not within 
 the degree of consanguinity which the law regards 
 as a hindrance to marriage. 
 
 " All other formalities are dispensed with. 
 
 " Their children, should they have any, will be 
 considered legitimate on their simple declaration." 
 
270 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 All the so-called honest journals put themselves 
 in a rage on account of these propositions, which 
 they declare to be very immoral. To bring marriage 
 and the family within reach of all appears, to Con- 
 servatives and pretended Liberals, very immoral ; 
 to abolish concubinage and bastardy by declar- 
 ing natural children legitimate, and to let the 
 legitimacy of a union depend only on mutual con- 
 sent, is called immoral. We frankly confess that 
 we do not understand this modest and honest 
 morale, and are astonished that such a decree 
 should be reproached with immorality. 
 
 In one of its last sittings, that of May 19th, the 
 Commune, which has been so unjustly accused by 
 its enemies of theft and crime, promulgated the 
 following decrees, which are sufficient proofs of its 
 disinterestedness, probity, and morality. 
 
 The first of these decrees was proposed by 
 citizen Cournet : — 
 
 " Considering that in times of Revolution the 
 people, by their instinctive respect for justice and 
 morality, have always proclaimed this maxim, 
 'Death to thieves ! ' 
 
 " The Commune decrees : 
 
 "Art. I. All functionaries guilty of extortion, 
 depredation, or theft, shall, as long as the war 
 lasts, be brought before a court-martial. All those 
 found guilty shall be punished with death. 
 
 " Art. II. As soon as the bands of Versailles are 
 defeated, an inquiry shall be instituted against all 
 those who have had the management of the public 
 funds." 
 
 The second was proposed by citizen Vaillant : 
 
THE POLICY OF THE COMMUNE. 271 
 
 " Considering that a Communal Government 
 should provide a sufficient indemnity for the sub- 
 sistence and dignity of those whom it employs, 
 
 " The Commune decrees : 
 
 " Plurality of salaries is interdicted. 
 
 "All functionaries called upon to perform 
 services not appertaining to their normal occupa- 
 tion shall have no right to additional indemnities 
 for such services." 
 
 Citizens Miot, R^gfere, and Pothier proposed the 
 third, which was as follows : — 
 
 " The Commune decrees : 
 
 " Art. I. The authorisation of a superior Com- 
 mission for accounts. 
 
 " Art. II. It shall be composed of four accountants 
 nominated by the Commune. 
 
 " Art. III. It shall take charge of the general 
 verification of accounts of the different Communal 
 administrations. 
 
 " Art. rV. It shall furnish a monthly report of its 
 labours to the Commune. 
 
 "Paris, May 19U1, 1871." 
 
 The last sitting of the Commune, on May 21st, 
 was devoted to the examination of citizen Cluseret, 
 and resulted in his liberation. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE INVASION OF PARIS. 
 
 We had wished to relate the heroic struggle sus- 
 tained for two months by the National Guard out- 
 side Paris against the Versailles army ; but we are 
 obliged to suppress a very important part of this 
 epoch, that between the death of Flourens and 
 Duval on April 3rd and 4th, and the entry of the 
 Versaillists into Paris on May 21st. 
 
 This important and very dramatic period, com- 
 prising forty-eight days of heroic combat, will find 
 its place in another volume, which we intend to 
 publish under the title of " The Siege of Paris under 
 the Commune." In the same volume will also be 
 found the history of the Commune in the Provinces, 
 for which, likewise, we have no space here. 
 
 Should circumstances permit, we also intend to 
 publish a biography of our colleagues of the Com- 
 mune, the martyrology of the National Guards, 
 women, and children, defenders of the Commune, 
 who had the misfortune to fall into the hands of 
 their enemies — executioners we should have said — 
 the slaughterers of Paris and its heroic population. 
 In our opinion this will be the most interesting 
 of the three volumes, which will form a complete 
 history of the Commune. 
 
THE INVASION OF PARIS. 273 
 
 From the 2nd of April the troops of the Com- 
 mune sustained a war to the knife against the army 
 of Versailles. Terrible battles took place every- 
 day. Between Forts Issy, Vanves, Montrouge, 
 Bic^tre, Ivry, the batteries of the Haute s Bruyferes, 
 Moulin Saquet, Moulineaux, the iramparts of Paris, 
 and the bastions on one side, and Mont Val^rien, 
 the batteries of Chatillon, Clamart, Meudon, Mon- 
 tretout, &c., on the other, a gigantic struggle was 
 constantly going on. All the positions of the Ver- 
 saillists had been occupied by the Prussians a few 
 months ago. 
 
 These tremendous battles, in which the artillery 
 played the principal part, and in comparison with 
 which those against the Prussians sank into insig- 
 nificance, met with alternate success and defeat. 
 The National Guards fought with spirit and courage 
 •against the veteran troops of Versailles. But 
 serious and competent observers did not fail to 
 perceive that the progress of the Versaillists, 
 though slow — often very slow — was none the less 
 sure. Little by little did they advance their 
 positions against the forts and fortifications of 
 Paris. 
 
 On the other hand, the materiel and personnel of 
 the Versaillists were daily reinforced. Batteries, 
 siege and marine pieces, mortars, howitzers, and 
 field-artillery were sent every day from the strong- 
 holds and seaports to Versailles. Recruits, also, 
 arrived daily from the provinces or from Prussia 
 to swell the ranks of its army ; the prisoners of the 
 French army in Germany were allowed to depart 
 in great numbers to augment the forces of Ver- 
 sailles ; whilst those of the Commune could not be 
 
2 74 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 recruited from the outside, and weTe constantly 
 diminishing by losses. 
 
 Every day the Versaillists advanced their works 
 of attack nearer to the forts, and contracted their 
 line of investment. By the help of their reinforce- 
 ments of artillery, new batteries were erected da:ily, 
 and their fire grew stronger and stronger. 
 
 Under such circumstances, the Commune had 
 not only to renounce the hope of conquering the 
 army of the Versailles Government outside the 
 ramparts, but likewise to look forward to an attack 
 under the walls and in the streets of Paris. Since 
 the defeat of the provincial towns which had sided 
 with the Commune, only one chance remained for 
 Paris^-that of annihilating the Versaillists in its 
 streets. This was where the final struggle, which 
 would decide not only the triumph or defeat of the 
 Commune, but also of the Revolution or counter-* 
 revolution, would have to be made. 
 
 With the prospect of such a street war all the 
 efforts, plans, means, and powers of the defenders 
 of the capital should have coincided. It was their 
 duty to provide for and protect themselves against 
 this terrible event. All necessary measures, pre- 
 cautions, and dispositions should have been taken 
 to turn this struggle, on which the success of all 
 their undertakings, and perhaps the destiny of their 
 sublime cause, depended, to their advantage, so as 
 to come victorious o,ut of the battle. 
 
 The people of Paris knew that all their great 
 battles had been won, and the Revolution made 
 triumphant, behind the barricades; and they be- 
 lieved they would again be victorious behind their 
 ramparts of stone and earth. 
 
THE. iNV-AStON OP PARIS. 275 
 
 Under the Government of the National Defence, 
 a laughable Barricade Cojnmission, at the head 
 of which were citizen Rochefort and some other 
 barricade builders of the same stamp, had ordered 
 a few old barrels and some baskets full of earth 
 and stones to be placed at the entrances of the prin- 
 cipal avenues. But these playthings of barricades 
 were as far from being made in earnest as every 
 other step taken by the so-called Government of the 
 National Defence. After the»i 8th of March a great 
 number of barricades of paving-stones had been 
 erected by the National Guard. Some time after- 
 wards citizen Gaillard, sen., was charged by the 
 Administration of War with the construction of 
 strong barricades at strategical points indicated to 
 him. 
 
 Citizen Gaillard worked zea'lously at the im- 
 portant task confided to him. His barricades were 
 built with much art and considerable good taste. 
 Some were really small fortresses. That at the 
 angle of the Rue de Rivoli and the Rue de Saint- 
 Florentin was a veritable redoubt, supporting itself 
 to the right on the Ministry of Marine, and to the 
 left on the Tuileries. It was constructed of earth, 
 .and sacks filled with earth, and pierced with .five 
 embrasures. Four other barricades defended the 
 Place de la Concorde. The Places Vendome, 
 Madeleine, and that of the H6tel-de Ville were very 
 strongly barricaded, as were also a great many 
 Streets in the heart of the city and in the most 
 populous arrondissements, inhabited by the work- 
 ing classes. But most of these barricades were 
 built for the purpose of protecting certain districts 
 rather than for the general strategic defence of Paris. 
 
2^6 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 It was necessary, before everything, to secure 
 the inviolability of the fortified walls of the capital. 
 Should the besiegers succeed in forcing a gate or 
 making a breach in the walls, it would then be 
 imperative to prevent them passing through and 
 spreading into the interior of the city. This would 
 necessitate a second line of defence ; and, in case 
 that should fail, a third, fourth, or even a fifth 
 would have to be constructed. 
 
 This plan had been broached by General Cluseret 
 before he became Minister of War, and he reprinted 
 it in the Mot d'Ordre of May i6th as follows : — 
 
 " Dear Fellow-Citizens, 
 
 " The difference between the st3,te of the defence 
 as I left it and as I found it on the 15th of May 
 forces me to break the silence which I had imposed 
 upon myself. 
 
 " Before my arrest I had several times told citizen 
 Gaillard to leave off constructing useless barricades 
 in the interior, and to concentrate all his energies 
 on the Barri^re de I'Etoile, the Place du Roi de 
 Rome, and the Place d'Eylau. 
 
 "This triangle forms a natural place of defence; 
 and, by connecting with it the Place Wagram and 
 barricading the space between the Porte de Passy 
 and the Pont de Grenelle, we should have a second 
 fortress considerably stronger than the first. 
 
 "I had ordered Colonel Rossel to get these 
 works constructed, and, for greater security, I 
 deviated from hierarchical rules, and issued this 
 order direct to citizen Gaillard in presence of 
 Colonel Rossel, being afraid he would not obey 
 the latter. 
 
tsn INVASION OF Paris. s?? 
 
 " Not content with this, on the second day after 
 my arrest I wrote to citizen Protot and to the 
 Executive Commission, recommending them to de- 
 vote all their attention to this indispensable work. 
 
 "Wer6 my orders executed? I was told they 
 were not. It is of importance that they should be 
 executed at once. If the population will only com-^ 
 mence in earnest, they may be accomplished in 
 twenty-four hours. 
 
 " But the works at the Barri^re de I'Etoile, at 
 the Trocad^ro, at Wagram, and at the circus of 
 Grenelle must be no playthings ; they should be as 
 solid as those of the Rue de Rivoli, 
 
 "These works, which I had ordered as pre- 
 cautionary measures, have now become works of 
 urgency, since in my absence Issy has been taken, 
 and the enormous fault committed of allowing the 
 Bois de Boulogne to be invaded — a movement 
 which I had watched day and night, and which 
 under my command should never have been ac- 
 complished. 
 
 " Now we have to submit to a regular siege. 
 
 " If you do not wish to awake one of these morn- 
 ings and find the enemy in Paris, you must oppose 
 to their siege works counter siege works. Battery 
 must be opposed to battery, earth to earth. In a 
 word, you must make the war one of positions. 
 
 " To oppose nothing but human breasts to pro- 
 jectiles is simply insane. 
 
 "It is professional skill, nothing hut professional 
 skill, always professional skill, that is wanted; and 
 that is the reason why I was not astonished on per- 
 ceiving what a difference there was between the 
 situation of the defence on April 30th and May 1 5th. 
 
278 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 " But recriminations are useless r it is action, and 
 science that are required. 
 
 " I tell the people what they ought to do : let 
 them do it, or have it done. Let us construct a 
 third line of defence, extending from the Pont de la 
 Concorde to the Porta de Saint-Ouen, which will 
 utilise the famous barricade of the Rue de Rivoli. 
 
 "E.. Cluseret." 
 
 When Cluseret wrote this letter a great part of 
 these useful recommendations- had been executed, 
 and had he been at liberty he might have seen 
 them. 
 
 A young colonel, commanding the engineers, 
 had been charged with the execution of Cluseret's 
 plan, and he performed his duty zealously and 
 skilfully. Having been nominated to the direction 
 of the corps of engineers by the Committee of 
 Public Safety, and having, consequently, to watch 
 over the construction of the barricades, we regu- 
 larly assisted, during the last eight or ten days 
 previous to the entry of the Versaillists, in all the 
 defensive works, and since comparatively few are 
 acquainted with these matters, we deem it advisable 
 to give a description of them here. 
 
 It had long been known by competent military 
 men that the Point du Jour, between the Porte de 
 Passy and that of Saint-Cloud, was one of the 
 weakest and most exposed places of all the fortifi- 
 cations of Paris. It was, therefore, easy to foresee 
 that an attack might be made from this side, and 
 that it was consequently necessary, before every- 
 thing, to strengthen this position. Preparations 
 for this event were made. 
 
THE INVASION OF PARIS. 279 
 
 , The commander of the corps of engineers, of 
 whom we have just spoken, had the viaduct of the 
 Auteuil Railway walled, barricaded, and fortified 
 as a second line of defence between the Porte de 
 Passy and the Seine. He barricaded the passage 
 of the Portes du Point du Jour, Saint-Cloud, 
 Auteuil, Passy, Muette, Dauphine, &c. A battery 
 placed between the railway viaduct and the forti- 
 fications opposite Bastion 62 took the Portes de 
 Saint-Cloud and Point du Jour on the slant, and 
 defended the approach to the Porte de la Muette. 
 Another battery, near the barricades at the inter- 
 section of the same railway viaduct and of the 
 streets leading to the Portes de Saint-Cloud and 
 Point du Jour, defended the two entrances of the 
 latter, as well as the covered waggons laden with 
 artillery at the Ceinture Railway, and made this 
 position almost impregnable. 
 
 A strong barricade at the Quai d' Auteuil, near 
 the Rue Guillon, commanded the quay, the Auteuil 
 Viaduct, and the Porte de Billancourt. Facing this, 
 on the Quai de Javel, on the other side of the river, 
 another barricade swept the quay, and defended 
 the Porte du Bas Meudon. 
 
 Between the Porte de la Muette and the Seine, 
 from Bastion 58 to 67, barricades had been erected 
 at all the intersections of the streets, avenues, and 
 roads in the neighbourhood. Gunboats defended 
 the passage of the Seine, and threatened the en- 
 virons occupied by the enemy. 
 
 The place in front of the Porte d' Auteuil, at the 
 intersection of the Rues Moli^re, La Fontaine, 
 Boileau, and P^rechamps, as well as the one before 
 the Passy Station, at the angle of the Avenues de 
 
28o HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 la Muette and Beaus^jour, were barricaded. Finally, 
 the Place d'Eylau, an important strategical point, 
 was fortified in a formidable manner. Strong bar- 
 ricades were placed at the angle of the Avenues 
 Malakoff, Bugeaud, Eylau, and the Rues Leonard 
 de Vinci, Sablons, Boissiere, and Copernic, which 
 terminate here. 
 
 These four places were united by covered roads, 
 and their barricades connected with each other by 
 underground trenches. The cellars of the houses 
 in the neighbourhood served as casemates. These 
 habitations, which had not been occupied since 
 the siege, were crenellated, and the windows pro- 
 tected by sacks of earth, thus forming so many 
 small fortified places for the use of the National 
 Guards. 
 
 The four fortified places formed a very strong 
 first line of defence behind the enceinte, and were 
 capable of opposing a serious resistance to the 
 taking of one or more of the gates, or the storming 
 of the walls. 
 
 A strong barricade at the Quai de Passy, near 
 the Jesuits' College, commanded the quay and 
 the Pont de Grenelle, and defended the Porte de 
 Billancourt. 
 
 The religious institution which we have just 
 mentioned is a large building, admirably adapted 
 for being transformed into a stronghold ; and this 
 was done. The walls were crenellated; the 
 windows blocked up ; the terrace surrounded with 
 sacks of earth, through which loopholes were 
 made ; and a large gallery in front, commanding 
 the Portes du Point du Jour and Saint- Cloud, 
 was furnished with sacks of earth and loopholes. 
 
THE INVASION OF PARIS. 281 
 
 and made fit for artillery, the fire of which would 
 destroy any attacking force trying to enter between 
 Bastions 62 and 68. These cannons protected, 
 besides, the barricades and batteries under the 
 viaduct of the Circular Railway. The walls of the 
 college garden and of others in the neighbourhood 
 were all crenellated ; all of them communicated 
 with each other by holes in the walls, or by 
 covered ways. The whole of the neighbouring 
 streets were barricaded, and the terraces so ad- 
 justed as to be capable of receiving mitrailleuses 
 and cannons. All the gardens, houses, and streets 
 between the Rue Beethoven and the Avenues de 
 Passy and Ingres were similarly barricaded and 
 fortified. This sort of irregular quadrilateral, com- 
 prised within these limits and the line of fortifica- 
 tions, formed a veritable labyrinth of barricades 
 and fortified places, inextricable and impregnable 
 if furnished with cannon and mitrailleuses, and 
 properly manned by National Guards. The earth- 
 works, trenches, embankments, barricades, covered 
 ways, crenellated houses, and fortified yards would 
 have made of these positions an impregnable for- 
 tress, if properly armed and occupied by a propor- 
 tionate number of troops. Some months would 
 have been required to dislodge their defenders and 
 to conquer them; and the troops of Versailles 
 could never have taken the Portes du Point du 
 Jour and Saint-Cloud by surprise, and invaded the 
 interior of Paris, as they did. 
 
 But in order to give greater strength to the 
 defence, and to prevent the forcing of the Portes 
 Dauphine, Maillot, Ternes, Neuilly, Villiers, Cour- 
 telles, and Asni^res, three other important stra- 
 
282 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 tegical points, the Trocadero, the Place de I'Etoile, 
 and the Place Wagram, were barricaded-. 
 
 Citizen Gaillard, sen., was charged with fortifying 
 the first and most important of these positions, the 
 Trocadero, and he did it in a most perfect manner. 
 
 The Avenue de la Muette was obstructed by an 
 enormous barricade of earth to the height of the 
 first floor, upon which a huge platform, capable of 
 holding five or six pieces of artillery, had been 
 constructed. This platform not only commanded 
 the avenue and defended the Portes de la Muette 
 and Passy, but it was also enabled to cannonade 
 Mont Valerien. An enormous trench in front, and 
 a covered casemated way on its right, served as 
 impregnable supports to its defenders. 
 
 A very strong barricade defended the Rue 
 Franklin. The Avenue du Prince Imperial, leading 
 to the Porte Dauphine ; the Avenue Malakoff, 
 leading to the Place d'Eylau and the Porte de 
 Neuilly ; the Avenue du Roi de Rome, leading to 
 the Arc de Triomphe de I'Etoile ; the Avenue de 
 I'Empereur and the stairs of the Trocadero, leading 
 to the quay, were barricaded in such a manner a,s 
 to form a large entrenched camp. Siege-pieces 
 and mitrailleuses were to be placed behind the ba,r- 
 ricades, and field-pieces in such situations as to be 
 immediately available at menaced points. This 
 most important position of the Trocadero was 
 capable of preventing troops invading the right 
 bank of the Seine, after they had forced the forti- 
 fications from the Point du Jour to the Porte 
 Maillot ; and, in addition, its batteries commanded 
 the left bank, and could easily destroy the enemy, 
 should he try to settle down in the Champ de Mars, 
 
THE INVASION OF PARIS. 283 
 
 at the Eeole Militaire, or upon the Esplanade des 
 Invalides ; they swept the quays, and bridges of 
 both banks,, from the Porte duBas Meudon to Pont 
 Neuf; and,, in case the enemy should take the 
 Prefecture of Policej, the Coneiergerie, the Palais de 
 Justice, and the barracks in the neighbourhood, the 
 bombs and shells of the Trocadero would drive 
 them out. 
 
 A large cemetery, situated on a terrace formed 
 by n.'ature betweea the barricades of the Rue 
 .Franklin and the Avenue de la, Muette, was also 
 fortified and crenellated^ to serve as, an advanced 
 post and entrenchment against attacks, from the 
 line of fortifications on the side of Point du Jour. 
 
 The Place de I'Etoile was as strongly fortified as 
 the Plaee du Roi de Rome. All the avenues which 
 end there — namely^ those of the Grrande Armee, 
 Roi de Rome, Wagram, Champs-Elysees, Jose- 
 phine, Jena, Esseling, &c. — had been strongly bar- 
 ricaded. The Are de Triomphe de TEtoiLe had 
 been transformed into a veritable citadel. On a 
 high platform, surrounded by sacks of earth and 
 trenches, were placed eight cannons and mitrail- 
 leuses, capable of cannonading and bombarding at 
 a great distasce, and sweeping all the surrounding 
 avenues. This miniature fortress had been stocked 
 with provisions and ammunition, a& well as water, 
 for a fortnight. The Place Wagram, which had a 
 park of artillery, was solidly fortified. It defended 
 the Portes de Courcelles, Asniferes, and Clichy, 
 and commanded the Versailles, Saint-Quen, and 
 Ceinture Railways. These three important points, 
 the Trocadero, the Place de I'Etoile, and the Place 
 "Wagram, were connected with each other by 
 
284 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 covered ways; the surrounding houses were pro- 
 tected by earth in sacks, and loopholed ; and their 
 cellars communicated with the barricades by under- 
 ground passages, and were available as casemates. 
 The gardens, yards, and all other enclosures in the 
 neighbourhood communicated with each other by 
 openings. This third line of defence was for- 
 midable, and if it had been well defended, an army 
 of a hundred thousand men, after having succeeded 
 in clearing the fortifications at the Point du Jour 
 and the next line of defence, might have been kept 
 in check for several months. 
 
 The circus of the Champ-Elys^es and the Pare de 
 Monceaux, two important points lying in the 
 rear, were well fortified. 
 
 But another strong point of defence was that of 
 the Place de la Concorde and the Tuileries. All 
 Paris visited the forts and strong barricades at the 
 entrance of the Rues de Rivoli and Saint-Floren- 
 tin, the Rue Royale, the Avenue Cardinal, the 
 Cours de la Reine, and the quay. The railings 
 and terraces of the Tuileries gardens were likewise 
 barricaded. The terrace at the water-side, the one 
 in front, and that at the other side of the garden, 
 were secured by sacks of earth, loopholes, and 
 cannons ; and the windows looking into the private 
 garden, and those of the pavilion facing the Pont 
 Royal, were defended by cannons, which swept 
 the quays, bridges, and avenues, and defended the 
 roads leading to the palace. All these were trans- 
 formed into impregnable citadels by citizen 
 Gaillard. Gunboats under the bridge were ready 
 to sweep the approaches and defences of that 
 position. 
 
THE INVASION OF PARIS. 285 
 
 The Rue de Castiglione and the Rue de la Paix, 
 as well as the Place Vend6me, which, with the Rue 
 de la Madeleine and the ' Rue de rOp6ra, form a 
 triangle protecting the right side of the Tuileries, 
 were strongly barricaded. 
 
 The Western Railway Terminus and the Place 
 de Clichy, in the same line of defence, were solidly 
 barricaded and well armed. 
 
 Finally, the Buttes Montmartre, armed with two 
 hundred cannons, surrounded by barricaded streets, 
 and protected by the cemetery metamorphosed into 
 an entrenched camp, defended the Portes de Clichy, 
 Saint-Ouen, Montmartre, and Clignancourt. The 
 Buttes Montmartre, thus armed, and commanding, 
 by their elevation, the whole town, could bombard 
 all the positions in the interior of the enceinte, cover 
 them with fire and iron, and prevent the invader 
 taking foot there. Montmartre was the Mount 
 Aventine, the Capitol of the defenders of Paris, and 
 the key of the capital. 
 
 We have thus shown the formidable lines of 
 defence, on the right side of the Seine, from the 
 Point du Jour to the Tuileries and Montmartre. If 
 these positions had been properly defended, the 
 enemy could never have forced the wall of the 
 enceinte between the Porte de Billancourt and that 
 of Clignancourt, from Bastion 57 to Bastion 37. 
 
 The fortified enceinte on the left side of the Seine, 
 between the Porte de Meudon and the Orleans 
 Railway Station, from Bastion 58 to Bastion 94, 
 was defended by Forts Issy, Bic^tre, Montrouge, 
 Vanves, Ivry, and the redoubts of Hautes Bruy^res, 
 Moulin Saquet, and Moulineaux, against the exterior 
 approach of the enemy. Up to May 21st, the day 
 
286 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 on whicli the Versaillists took the Porte du Point 
 du Jour, only one of these forts, Issy, had suc- 
 cumbed to the enemy. But this check would not 
 have endangered the fortified enceinte on the left 
 bank had it been properly defended. Works similar 
 to those on the right bank of the river should have 
 protected it. 
 
 Well, the principal strategical points on the left 
 bank had been fortified. We will not go further 
 into detail on this subject ; it will be suf&cient to 
 say that interior barricades defended the Portes de 
 Meudon, Sevres, Issy, Versailles, Plaisances, &c, ; 
 and that other fortified places situated behind these 
 formed a second strategical line of defence, of which 
 the strongest were those at the Quai de Javel, Rue 
 Lecourbe, Rue de Vaugirard, Rue de Vanves, Rue 
 de la Sant6, Petit Montrouge, Place d'Enfer, Place 
 d'ltalie. Boulevard de Montparnasse, Rue Vavin, 
 Deux Moulins, the quay of the Orleans Railway 
 Station, &c. 
 
 A second line behind this had as its principal 
 points the Champs de Mars, the Ecole Militaire, 
 the Montparnasse Railway Station, the Place de 
 rObservatoire, &c. 
 
 The third line commenced at the Invalides, and 
 extended to the Luxembourg, the Pantheon, and 
 the Jardin des Plantes. 
 
 The last was erected at the Corps L^gislatif, in 
 the Rue du Bac, Rue des Saints-P6res, Rue de 
 Verneuil, Rue des Ecoles, Place Saint -Michel, 
 Place Mouffetard, and in all the streets between 
 the Boulevard Saint-Michel, the top of the Boule- 
 vard Saint-Germain, and the Halle aux Vins and 
 Jardin des Plantes. 
 
THE INVASION OF -PARIS. 287 
 
 This line of defence was as solid as that on the 
 right bank. Defended in this manner, and pro- 
 tected as they were by the exterior forts, the fortifi- 
 cations on the left were almost impregnable. Con- 
 siderable fortifications had been made during the 
 Prussian siege, in the form of terraces in front 
 of the Ceinture Railway, from the Rue de Vau- 
 girard to the quay at the Orleans Railway Station. 
 They formed a series of round points, horseshoes, 
 forts, small barricaded redoubts, surrounded by 
 trenches, &c., which afforded considerable shelter 
 and solid strategical positions, and in which a 
 hundred thousand men and a great number of 
 artillery might easily have been placed to render 
 the fortified enceinte insurmountable. 
 
 Such were the means of defence at the disposal 
 of the military chiefs of the Commune on the 20th 
 of May last. Five or six thousand workmen 
 laboured day and night, under the surveillance of 
 the auxiliary corps of engineers, to complete the 
 works of defence which we have described. 
 
 Having been, as we have already observed, a 
 delegate to this corps of engineers, to watch over 
 and push forward the construction of barricades 
 and other artificial works requisite for the defence 
 of the capital, and to prevent the besieging army 
 from taking the enceinte of the fortifications, we, 
 after working at night at the editing of the Journal 
 Officiel, with which we had been charged, made a 
 surveying tour of the works, the oversight of which 
 had been confided to us. As soon as they were 
 sufficiently advanced for arming, we drew up a 
 report to the Delegate of War and the Committee 
 of Public Safety, urging that they should be occu- 
 
288 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 pied by the National Guard, and armed with mitrail- 
 leuses and cannon in such numbers as to be able 
 to destroy the enemy, should he succeed in taking 
 the enceinte. 
 
 The colonel charged with the superior direction 
 of these works made a similar request to the Dele- 
 gate of War. 
 
 But alas ! notwithstanding these demands and 
 many other proceedings of a similar nature, these 
 strategical lines were never armed nor occupied ; 
 and those constructed for the defence of the Porte 
 de Saint-Cloud and the Porte d'Auteuil at the Point 
 du Jour, the weakest and most exposed parts of 
 the fortifications, had neither been occupied nor 
 armed on Sunday morning, May 21st, when we 
 made our tour around these greatly-jeopardised 
 points, especially since the taking of Fort Issy and 
 the occupation of the Bois de Boulogne by the 
 Versaillists. 
 
 At five in the morning the ramparts between the 
 Porte de la Muette and those of Saint-Cloud and 
 Versailles, which we visited, were very severely 
 bombarded, and we ran a great risk. This part of 
 the fortifications was riddled by shells, bombs, and 
 shot from Forts Mont Valerien, Issy, and Montre- 
 tout, which fired with all their pieces ; by the re- 
 doubts of Chitillon, Meudon, and Gennevilliers ; and 
 by the siege batteries at Clamart, Bagneux, Sfevres, 
 Saint-Cloud, Bellevue, Grande Jatte, Chateau de 
 Becon, Courbevoie, and Asniferes, some of which 
 had as many as seventy-six pieces of heavy calibre, 
 and most possessed large siege and marine pieces. 
 The situation was terrible, and became more and 
 more critical. The fortifications were so ploughed 
 
THE INVASION OF PARIS. 289 
 
 by shell and -ball that it was almost impossible to 
 stop on the ramparts, or on the roads near them ; 
 and it was easy to see that these gates could not be 
 occupied much longer, and would have to be aban- 
 doned, as they were already half demolished. It 
 was then of the greatest and most urgent necessity 
 that the solid works behind the fortifications should 
 at once be armed and occupied. ■ 
 
 We could not understand the reason why the 
 armament we had persisted in demanding had not 
 been effected. We feared lest the place should be 
 taken ; but all the superior .officers to whom we 
 communicated our fears assured us that there was 
 no danger of the fortifications being forced. 
 
 At six o'clock in the evening, at the close of the 
 sitting of theCommune,Dombrowski sent a despatch 
 announcing the taking of the Porte du Point du Jour, 
 without expressing much uneasiness, saying that 
 he had no fear of repulsing the Versaillists. This 
 communication created great sensation in the 
 Commune, and seemed to considerably agitate the 
 members of the Committee of Public Safety. 
 Citizen Delescluze, the Delegate of War, appeared 
 very anxious. 
 
 As to ourselves, we were in the greatest dis- 
 quietude, for we knew that the defences behind the 
 Porte du Point du Jour and the Porte de Saint- 
 Cloud were neither armed, guarded, nor defended, 
 and that by a coup de main the enemy could invade 
 Paris as far as the Trocad^ro and the Arc de 
 Triomphe. 
 
 In the evening, after the sitting of the Commune, 
 we, in company with citizen Gambon, went to 
 the Ministry of War to recommend the execution 
 
 u 
 
2yo HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 of those measures which, in our opinion, were the 
 only means of averting the imminent danger which 
 threatened Paris. We met citizen Cluseret first, 
 to whom we submitted the plan of defence. This 
 general, who, as we have already shown, had 
 himself recommended these means of defence, told 
 us that he was going to speak of it to the Delegate 
 of War, and that he hoped the necessary measures 
 would be taken to prevent the further progress 
 of the enemy. A moment afterwards General 
 Lacecilia entered the Ministry of War, and we 
 made the same observations and recommendations 
 to him, begging him to have the works of defence 
 on the left, adjoining the fortifications, immediately 
 armed, and to oppose the passage 'of the Pont de 
 Grenelle and the railway viaduct with all his 
 strength, so that in the event of the troops of 
 Versailles entering by the Point du Jour, they 
 might not be able to spread over the left bank. 
 General Lacecilia promised to take our observations 
 into consideration, and to watch over the positions 
 confided to him. Arriving at last, with citizen 
 Gambon, in the presence of citizen Delescluze, the 
 Minister of War, we repeated, to him all we had 
 said to Generals Cluseret and Lacecilia. We , 
 made him understand the utility and indispensable 
 urgency of the measures proposed, telling him that 
 if they were neglected a third of Paris would be 
 taken possession of by the enemy the next morning, 
 and that then we should be lost. General Henry, 
 who had visited the works with us, joined in our 
 demand for their armament. Citizen Delescluze 
 promised to issue orders according to our wishes, 
 and that he would not forget our recommendations. 
 
THE INVASION OP PARIS. 291 
 
 General Henry said that he himself would watch 
 over their execution. We also recommended that 
 citizen Gambon should at once visit the points in 
 jeopardy, and secure their defence. He departed 
 immediately for Passy and Auteuil. We greatly 
 regretted our inability to accompany him, as our 
 occupations kept us all night at the Journal Officiel, 
 the editing and management of which had been 
 confided to us. 
 
 The shells and bombs from the Trocad^ro and 
 the Arc de Triomphe, where the Versaillists had 
 settled down, fell the whole night on the office of 
 the Officiel, situated on the Quai Voltaire. One 
 shell burst its door open. 
 
 At four o'clock in the morning we observed a 
 great number of National Guards traversing the 
 Pont Royal. On inquiring the reason of this 
 movement, we were informed that the Portes du 
 Point du Jour and Saint-Cloud had been taken by 
 the enemy ; that they had been outflanked on the 
 left at Muette, and on the right at Vaugirard; 
 that the enemy had passed the Seine by the Pont.de 
 Grenelle; that the whole of the left bank was 
 taken, and probably the right as far as the 
 Trocad^ro and the Arc de Triomphe de I'Etoile. 
 These National Guards added that they had fought 
 for nearly two months as outposts, and were now 
 going to defend their own quarters. We readily 
 understood the meaning of all this: our recom- 
 mendations, so often repeated for eight days, and 
 renewed only the day before, had not been exe- 
 cuted ; our sorrowful prophecy had been fulfilled ; 
 the enemy's troops had advanced into the city, 
 and captured, without meeting any serious resist- 
 
292 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 ance, the very considerable works of defence before 
 they had been manned or armed ; and that it was 
 now high time to organise the defence at other 
 points. 
 
 The following is what had happened. Com- 
 mander Treves, astonished at the silence of the 
 defenders of Paris, which had lasted for some time, 
 advanced, at three o'clock in the afternoon of May 
 2 1 St, to the Porte de Saint-Cloud. During his 
 examination of that gate he perceived a man in 
 civilian dress at the left bastion, who was hoisting 
 a white flag on it. This unknown man said some- 
 thing, which the commander believed to be, 
 " Come on, there is nobody." On this invitation 
 he leaped into the trench, followed by Sergeant 
 Constant of the 3rd battalion of the 91st regiment, 
 ran to the bastion, sprang on to the drawbridge, 
 only a single plank of which remained, and joined 
 'his interlocutor. 
 
 " My name is Ducatel," said he. " I am an 
 overseer of roads and bridges, and an old officer of 
 marines. You can trust me and my words. Paris is 
 yours if you will only take it. Let your troops enter 
 without loss of time. See, everything is abandoned." 
 
 And the bastions on the right and left were, in 
 fact, completely evacuated, and neither near nor 
 far was a National Guard to be seen. 
 
 Commander Treves invited M. Ducatel to 
 accompany him out of Paris, and give an account of 
 the situation to the general-in-chief. He then ad- 
 dressed the following despatch to Generals Douay 
 and Verge at Villeneuve I'Etang and Sevres .- 
 
 "I have just entered Paris with M. Ducatel 
 through the Porte de Saint-Cloud. Everything is 
 
The invasion of paris, igj 
 
 abandoned. I am going to cut the wires of the 
 torpedoes." 
 
 Half an hour later the fire along the whole lijie 
 was silenced. 
 
 Commander Treves, accompanied by M. Ducatel, 
 Captain Garnier, and a section of his engineers, 
 entered Paris. 
 
 Two companies of the 37th of the line from the 
 Verg6 Division, with a few sappers and artillery- 
 men carrying a 0*15 mortar, penetrated one by one 
 into the place at half-past three. Some National 
 Guards, having observed this invasion, returned 
 and commenced a charge of musketry. A twelve- 
 pounder was immediately levelled against them, 
 whilst a foot-bridge was erected on the ruins of the 
 drawbridge. The guards in the trenches and the 
 workmen were hastily led on to sustain the fight. 
 
 General Mac-Mahon, whose head-quarters were 
 then at Mont Valerien, on being informed of the 
 event, immediately gave orders to all commanders 
 of corps to make the necessary dispositions for 
 entering the place in the track of General Douay's 
 Corps. 
 
 General Berthaut, commander of the Seventeenth 
 Division of the Fourth Corps, followed the two 
 companies of the Thirty-seventh which entered 
 the place first. The Gandil Brigade of that divi- 
 sion penetrated it at half-past six, followed by the 
 Carteret Brigade. General Berthaut had orders 
 to take the square formed by Bastions 62 to 67, 
 the Seine, and the viaduct of the Ceinture Rail- 
 way, a very important position, which formed an 
 excellent battle-field inside the walls. 
 
 This operation was executed by marching along 
 
294 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 the fortifications by the Boulevard Murat, so as to 
 turn the defences of the viaduct bridge facing the 
 Partes du Point du Jour and Saint-Cloud. The 
 invaders soon afterwards took the Porte d'Auteuil, 
 and gave access to other troops. 
 
 The Verg6 Division entered Paris at half-past 
 seven, and took the direction of the Versailles road 
 to the Pont de Grenelle, which it traversed in 
 order to take the Portes de Meudon, Sevres, Issy, 
 and Versailles, open them to the besieging troops 
 on the left bank, and allow them to take Grenelle, 
 Vaugirard, and Montrouge. 
 ■ If the line of defence of the Auteuil Viaduct 
 between the Seine and the Porte d'Auteuil had 
 been properly armed and defended ; if the batteries 
 under the viaduct facing the Portes du Point du 
 Jour and Saint-Cloud, and the covered waggons 
 had assailed the attacking party as soon as they 
 issued through these two openings ; if the batteries 
 of the strategical road at Bastion 62 had swept the 
 Boulevard Murat, and taken the assailants in flank, 
 they could never have advanced to the Porte 
 d'Auteuil. If the barricade armed with cannons, 
 situated on the quay near the Pont de Grenelle, 
 which commanded the Porte de Billancourt and 
 the Quai d'Auteuil, had properly swept the latter, 
 the Verge Division could never have marched in 
 the direction of the Pont de Grenelle ; and if the 
 cannons of the barricade at the Quai de Passy, at 
 the angle of the Rue Beethoven, had fired at the 
 Pont de Grenelle, the latter would have been im- 
 passable. If the Jesuits' College at Passy, which 
 had been transformed into a fortress, had been 
 manned and armed ; if its terrace, capable of 
 
THE INVASION OF PARIS. 295 
 
 holding eight or ten cannons, had been armed; 
 and if - this terrible battery, which commanded 
 the famous square between Bastions 62 and 67, 
 the Seine, and the railway viaduct, had fired on 
 the besiegers, it is certain that they could not have 
 occupied it for a single minute. The Auteuil 
 Viaduct might also have been armed by flying 
 batteries and mitrailleuses, capable of defending 
 the approach to and the taking of the Portes 
 d' Auteuil, Point du Jour, and Saint-Cloud. 
 
 Nothing could have been more easy than to pre- 
 vent the invasion of Paris from this side. It wpuld 
 have been sufiicient to arm and defend the strate- 
 gical positions forming the second line of defence — 
 positions which were truly formidable. Through 
 the neglect of this, the army of Versailles pene- 
 trated into Paris, massacred forty thousand National 
 Guards, took as many prisoners, and vanquished 
 the Revolution. May the responsibility of this 
 misfortune fall on the heads of the guilty ! 
 
 These remarks made, let us continue the recital 
 of the invasion of Paris by a quotation from the 
 report of the general-in-chief of the Versaillists, 
 Mac-Mahon : — 
 
 "The Berthaut and Herillier Divisions (Fourth 
 Corps), after taking the Porte d' Auteuil and the rail- 
 way viaduct, advanced to attack the second line of 
 defence, situated between Muette and the Rue 
 Guillon. They took the Saint-P6rin Asylum, the 
 church, and the Place d' Auteuil. 
 
 " On the right the Verg6 Division took a formid- 
 able barricade on the quay at the top of the Rue 
 Guillon ; it then advanced to the strong position 
 of the Trocadero, taking 1,500 prisoners." 
 
296 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 The Gaulois narrated the capture of the barricade 
 in the Rue Guillon, the principal defence of the 
 Quai de Passy in the following style : — 
 
 " The capture of the Guillon barricade was one 
 of the most fortunate affairs. This extremely strong 
 barricade belonged to the so-called second line of 
 defence. It was armed with three twelve-pounders. 
 Captain Jacquet, commander of the picked sharp- 
 shooters of the goth, entered the barricade at the 
 very moment in which six hundred National Guards 
 came running to secure its defence. With remark- 
 able self-possession, this oificer commenced by 
 taking the revolver from the chief of the insurgents 
 before entering into conference with him. During 
 this time a deserter of the army named Monthus, 
 formerly secretary to Colonel Monclat, arrived by 
 mistake amidst us, provided with an order from 
 Dombrowski to escort a flying battery to be placed 
 at the Point du Jour Viaduct. The commander 
 of the Federals took on himself to order the 247th, 
 in charge of the battery, to retire, and made us 
 masters of the barricade after the firing of only 
 about twenty musket-shots." 
 
 If this account be correct, which we very much 
 doubt, it would appear that the order to defend the 
 second fortified line and to arm the Auteuil Viaduct 
 had been given too late ; that the Point du Jour had 
 been occupied by surprise ; and that the barricade 
 of the Rue Guillon was taken by the enemy through 
 the weakness or the treachery of its commander. 
 
 Even after the forcing of the enceinte and the 
 first position behind it, the Trocad^ro could never 
 have been taken if the enormous and formidable 
 barricades at the entrance of the Avenue de ITm- 
 
THE INVASION OF PARIS. 297 
 
 p^ratrice, Avenue de la Muette, and the Rue 
 Franklin had been armed and defended. As we 
 said before, these barricades were really covered 
 redoubts, crenellated and provided with loopholes 
 and casemates. Had they been defended, a whole 
 army might have been detained for a long time. 
 
 The report of Mac-Mahon adds : " General 
 Clinchant entered the place at about nine o'clock 
 in the evening with the Blot Brigade, through the 
 Porte de Saint-Cloud, followed by the Brauer 
 Brigade ; he turned to the left, and following the 
 Boulevards Murat and Suchet, took the Porte de 
 Passy. The Courcy Brigade then entered through 
 this gate. 
 
 " The important position of the Chiteau de la 
 Muette," continues the official report, " which rested 
 its defences on the ramparts, and prolonged them 
 to the Seine, became the object of General Clin- 
 chant. Defended by ditches, walls, and iron rail- 
 ings, it was almost unassailable from the rampart 
 side. The general moved to the east, tjirned, and 
 took it." 
 
 The taking of the Chateau de la Muette, which 
 was defended by so skilful and courageous a general 
 as Dombrowski, appears to us inexplicable. This 
 superior ofl&cer was thoroughly acquainted with 
 the ground on which he fought ; he could not have 
 been ignorant of the considerable defensive works 
 executed at this part of Paris, with the defence of 
 which he had been entrusted ; he must have known 
 that the weakest and most threatened position was 
 the Point du Jour ; and we never could comprehend 
 why he did not formidably arm and vigorously 
 defend these positions and works, which com- 
 
298 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 manded the Portes de Saint-Cloud and Point du 
 Jour, and which rendered them impregnable. To 
 us this is an inexplicable mystery, since the intelli- 
 gent and able Dombrowski was well aware of this ; 
 and we are convinced that he might have prevented 
 the taking of the Portes de Saint-Cloud and Point 
 du Jour by the Versaillists. 
 
 The Grenier and Laveaucoupet Divisions of the 
 First Corps penetrated into the place at three 
 o'clock in the morning. The Bruat and Faron 
 Divisions of Vinoy s army entered Paris at two 
 o'clock in the morning. The Faron Division re- 
 mained at Passy as a reserve. The Bruat Division 
 crossed the Seine for the purpose of taking the 
 Porte de Sevres and of facilitating the entry of the 
 Second Corps. With this view the Bernard de 
 Seigneurens Brigade of this division passed over 
 the viaduct bridge. It met with some difficulties 
 in attacking Grenelle, but it overcame them at the 
 moment when the troops of General de Cissey, who 
 had forced the Porte de Sevres, came to rejoin them. 
 
 It was sixteen hours since the invading troops 
 passed through the Porte de Saint-Cloud before 
 they encountered any resistance. The reason of 
 this is very simple : the strong barricades at the 
 angle of the Rues de Vaugirard and Desnouettes 
 were armed. 
 
 As soon as this position had been occupied the 
 Porte de Versailles was opened, and the Bochet 
 Division entered. The head-quarters of Mac-Mahon 
 were then shifted to the Trocad^ro. General Douay, 
 on the right, was ordered, on the evening of the 
 22nd, to occupy the Palais de I'lndustrie, the Palais 
 de I'Elysee, and the Ministry of the Interior. 
 
THE INVASION OF PARIS. 2qg 
 
 "General Clinchant/' says Mac-Mahon in his 
 report, "will endeavour to make himself master 
 of the Western Railway Station, the Pepini^re 
 Barracks, and the College Chaptal. 
 
 " On the left bank General de Cissey will wheel 
 round the Ecole Militaire, the Invalides, and the 
 Montpamasse Station on the east. 
 
 " At the close of the day the Bruat Division will 
 occupy the Emperor's stables and the tobacco 
 manufactory. 
 
 "The Faron Division of General Vinoy's army 
 will remain near the Trocad^ro as a reserve." 
 
 It will be seen that notwithstanding the weakness 
 of the defence, the Versaillist troops advanced with 
 considerable hesitation. It was only on the evening 
 of the 22 nd that the Place de I'Arc de Triomphe de 
 I'Etoile and that of Eylau were occupied. The 
 Palaces of the Elys^e and Industrie were taken' on 
 the same day. 
 
 All the formidable defences erected with so much 
 art and at the cost of such enormous labour, from 
 Point du Jour to the Champs-Elys^es and the 
 Saint-Lazare Railway Station on the left, to the 
 Rue de Vaugirard on the right, which would have 
 secured the inviolability of the enceinte of Paris, 
 east and south, for months, if they had been pro- 
 perly armed and defended, fell with ' scarcely a 
 struggle in the short space of twenty-four hours. 
 The enemy was permitted to take all those parts 
 of Paris between Bastions 44 and 72, which gave 
 free passage to a torrent of the invaders, who pre- 
 cipitated themselves on the interior, and took a 
 third of Paris in a day. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE BATTLE IN THE CENTRE OF PARIS. 
 
 On seeing this frightful result of the 22nd, we 
 readily comprehended that no other resource re- 
 mained to the devoted defenders of the Commune 
 than that of resisting to the death in those parts of 
 Paris still in the power of the people, and that it 
 was of the utmost importance to secure an ef&cacious 
 resistance in the popular quarters of the capital, the 
 hearth of the Revolution. We knew the blood- 
 thirsty ferocity, the blind rage with which the 
 royalist, clerical, and police hordes in the service 
 of the Versailles Assembly were animated ; we 
 knew the thirst for vengeance and blood, the savage 
 cruelty of the ferocious generals who commanded 
 the pretorians of the second Empire, now the hired 
 assassins of the reaction. We resolved to organise 
 a vigorous defence against these beasts of prey, 
 who thirsted for the blood of the socialist Repub- 
 licans. We wanted to throw an obstacle in the 
 way of the sanguinary orgie which these bandits 
 were already enjoying in anticipation. 
 
 With this object we proceeded to No. 145, Rue 
 Haxo, at Belleville, the meeting-place of the 
 Engineer Division, where we found some officers \ 
 assembled. We drew up a plan of the barricades S 
 
THE BATTLE IN THE CENTRE OF PARIS. 301 
 
 necessary for the defence of La Villette, Belleville, 
 Menilmontant, and Charonne, the strategical de- 
 fences of which were very insufficient. From the 
 Place du Chateau d'Eau to the Porte de Romain- 
 ville there were scarcely any barricades in the Rue 
 de Paris, Belleville. Alt the others were open. The 
 military road along the ramparts from Bastion 10, 
 near the Porte de Vincennes, to Bastion 27, by the 
 side of the Ourcq Canal, was not barricaded, so 
 that Belleville and the neighbouring arrondisse- 
 ments were completely at the mercy of a rapid 
 advance of the invading army along the fortifica- 
 tions. They could not only be forced from the 
 front, but turned and taken in the rear ; and then 
 the defence of Paris would be at an end. This 
 pressing danger required to be remedied at once. 
 The engineers to whom we had been delegated 
 marked on the ground, in our presence, the barri- 
 cades agreed upon, according to the plan of Paris ; 
 and the auxiliary workmen laboured day and night 
 at them. 
 
 In four-and-twenty hours the Place du Chateau 
 d'Eau, the Boulevard Voltaire, the canal, the Rue de 
 Faubourg du Temple, that of Saint-Maur, the place 
 at the top of this street and at the entrance of the 
 Rue de Paris, the latter itself, the Boulevard 
 Puebla, the Rues de Romainville, Haxo, Saint-Far- 
 geau, and Tourelles, the Place des Trois Communes, 
 and the rampart road of the Portes de Romain- 
 ville, Pantin, and Vincennes, were covered with 
 enormous barricades as if by magic. Some of them 
 were veritable redoubts, armed with artillery, and 
 guarded by devoted National Guards. Those near 
 the Porte de Romainville, the post-barracks of 
 
302 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 Bastion i8, and those at the bottom of the Rue des 
 Lilas, near Bastions 21 and 22, were very strong, 
 and armed with rampart cannons. Above the 
 American quarries, near the Rue des Lilas, was a 
 battery of heavy pieces, commanding the strategical 
 rampart road to the Porte de Pantin, and defending 
 the passage of the canal and La Villette basin, the 
 bridges of which were mined. On the other side, 
 between Bastion 10, at the Porte de Vincennes, 
 and Bastion 1 9, at the Porte de Romainville, solid 
 barricades, armed with 24-pounders, intercepted 
 the rampart road at the angles of the Rue Saint- 
 Fargeau, in front of the Portes de Menilmontant, 
 Bagnolet, Montreuil, and Vincennes, in such a 
 manner as to prevent the enemy wheeling round 
 the old suburbs and taking them in rear. These 
 works secured the defenders of La Villette, Belle- 
 ville, Menilmontant, Buttes Chaumont, and P^re 
 Lachaise against surprise ; they protected their 
 rear, and would save them from a general massacre. 
 
 Having now given some idea of the means of 
 defence against an attack on the heights of Belle- 
 ville and their environs, let us hastily follow the 
 sanguinary march of the invading army. 
 
 The Ecole Militaire was occupied by the Susbielle 
 Division without the firing of a shot ; and a park 
 of two hundred cannons, and enormous depots of 
 gunpowder, ammunition, and victuals, fell into 
 its hands. Lieutenant-colonel Razoua had been 
 charged with the defence of this important posi- 
 tion. The following is the account of the heroic 
 manner in which he fulfilled the commission con- 
 fided to him, and which he himself published in a 
 letter from Geneva: — "Nominated commander of 
 
THE BATTLE IN THE CENTRE OF PARIS. 303 
 
 the -Place de I'Ecole Militaire, with the rank of 
 lieutenant-colonel, by Cluseret, the Minister of 
 War, I remained at my post till the 22nd, the day 
 on which the Versaillists entered Paris. At six 
 o'clock in the evening of the same day I evacuated 
 the position with my staff, I being the last, under 
 the fire of the Versaillists, who occupied the Troca- 
 d6ro and the Champ de Mars. At about seven 
 o'clock I went straight home to No. 6, Rue Dup6re, 
 where, being worn out with fatigue, I rested myself. 
 At eleven I carefully dressed in plain clothes, and 
 visited one of my friends, where I remained, with- 
 out once going out, till the evening of June 23rd, 
 when I took the express to Greneva, where I arrived 
 safe and sound on the 24th." 
 
 This gentleman, it will be seen, rgmained at his 
 post until the arrival of the enemy, whom he no 
 sooner perceived than, instead of defending the 
 position confided to him, he abandoned it, and 
 saved himself by running home to dress in private 
 clothes; and instead of rejoining his colleagues 
 who were fighting for the Commune, many of 
 whom were killed. Monsieur Razoua betook him- 
 self to the railway, and cowardly saved himself by 
 flight to a foreign country. This is the sort of staff- 
 ofiicer who made the entrance of the enemy into 
 Paris so easy, and brought about the massacre of 
 , forty thousand National Guards. 
 
 During the fall of the Ecole Militaire, the Lian 
 Brigade took the Montparnasse Railway Station. 
 The Second Brigade of the Bruat Division occupied 
 the Ministry of Foreign ABEairs and the palace of 
 the Corps L^gislatif on the same day (May 22nd). 
 
 On May 23rd the defenders of the Commune 
 
304 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 cannonaded with bomb and shell from the Buttes 
 Montmartre, which were armed with two hundred- 
 cannons and commanded the whole of Paris, the 
 enemy's positions at the Champ de Mars, the 
 Trocad^ro, &c., in such a style that they were 
 almost untenable. These heights formed the most 
 important, most elevated, and best armed position 
 of the Commune. The efforts of the invaders were, 
 therefore, early on the morning of the 23rd, prin- 
 cipally directed against them. 
 
 At all the principal approaches to Montmartre, 
 especially the Places de Clichy, Blanche, and 
 Pigalle, and the entrances of the Rue de Clignan- 
 court and the Boulevard Ornano, formidable barri- 
 cades had been constructed. All of them had been 
 armed with mitrailleuses and cannons from the 
 Buttes Montmartre, where more than a hundred 
 remained, which cannonaded the south and south- 
 east positions of the enemy. But notwithstanding 
 its armament, Montmartre was a very defective 
 and weak point. At the walls of the enceinte it 
 was almost entirely undefended, and consequently 
 easy to attack. The officers and the Committee of 
 War charged with its defence had erroneously be*- 
 lieved that it could not be attacked from the rear, 
 and had neglected to fortify that point. This 
 was a terrible mistake. The Versaillist generals 
 perceived this. In his report Mac-Mahon expresses 
 himself on this subject in the following manner : — 
 
 " The barricades and batteries of the heights of 
 Montmartre being directed against the south and 
 interior of Paris, the best plan of attack was to 
 wheel round these defences, and gain the same 
 elevation on the opposite side. General Ladmirault 
 
THE BATTLE IN THE CENTRE OF PARIS. 
 
 3'-iS 
 
 was to attack on the north-east, and General Clin- 
 chant on the west. 
 
 "At four o'clock in the morning the attacking 
 party began moving. The Gr^nier Division, march- 
 ing along the fortifications, dislodged the enemy 
 from the bastions, and with the greatest spirit 
 overthrew all obstacles. Arrived at the top of the 
 Rue Mercadet, the Abbatucci Brigade pursued its 
 march to the Boulevards Bessi^res and Ney, took 
 the barricades of the Porte de Clignancourt and the 
 Northern Railway bridge, and gained the goods 
 station, when it wheeled to the right in order 
 to reach the Buttes by the Rues des Poissonniers 
 and Lubat. On arriving at the Rue Mercadet, it 
 found itself arrested in its course in a quarter 
 bristling with barricades, between the railway and 
 the Boulevard Ornano. 
 
 "The Pradi6 Brigade, which had followed the 
 Rue Mercadet, advanced slowly under a strong 
 fire from the heights and cemetery of Montmartre, 
 which it only entered after the greatest efforts. 
 
 " The Laveaucoupet Division marched along the 
 fortifications, and reached the Rues des Senelles 
 and Mont Cenis, by which it tried to arrive at the 
 heights of Montmartre. 
 
 "The Fifth Corps, that of Clinchant, following 
 the Boulevard des Batignolles and the streets 
 running parallel with it, took the mairie of the 
 Seventeenth Arrondissement and the great bar-, 
 ricade at the Place Clichy, and marching along 
 the foot of the heights, overcame all obstacles and 
 penetrated into the cemetery by the south, at the 
 same moment as the First Corps entered on the 
 north. 
 
 X 
 
3o6 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 "At that moment the heights of Montmartre 
 were surrounded on the north and west by the 
 troops of the First and Fifth Corps, and a general 
 attack was made through all the streets running 
 parallel with the slope. 
 
 "The Clinchant Corps, advancing through the 
 Rue Lepic, took the mairie of the Eighteenth 
 Arrondissement. 
 
 " The Pradi6 Brigade of the First Corps, at the 
 head of which were the volunteers of the Seine, 
 arrived first at the battery of Moulin de la Galette ; 
 and soon afterwards a company of the loth battalion 
 of chasseurs, supported by a vigorous attack from 
 General Wolff, hoisted the tricolour on the Sol- 
 f6rino Tower. It was one o'clock. 
 
 " We were masters of the great fortress of the 
 Commune, the heart of the insurrection — a for- 
 midable position, from which the insurgents could 
 cover all Paris with their fire. More than a hun- 
 dred cannons with considerable stores of arms and 
 ammunition fell into our hands." 
 
 The barricades of the Barri^re Clichy were de- 
 fended with much courage, and the Versaillists 
 only made themselves masters of them after the 
 most murderous engagements. That of the Place 
 Blanche stood its ground for four hours. The next, 
 in the Place Pigalle, did not resist quite as long ; 
 while the other, in the Rue de Clignancourt, might 
 have offered a long resistance, had it not been 
 turned by the taking of the Buttes Montmartre. 
 
 Summary executions, domiciliary visits, and 
 arrests immediately commenced. All National 
 Guards found with arms in their possession were 
 massacred. The prisoners were marched to Cha- 
 
THE BATTLE IN THE CENTRE OF PARIS, 307 
 
 teau-Rouge, or to No. 6, Rue des Rosiers, into 
 the same garden in which, two months before, 
 Generals Lecomte and C16ment Thomas were shot. 
 As soon as they were masters of the Buttes Mont- 
 martre, the Versaillists erected several batteries ; 
 among others, one with eight marine pieces of 
 heavy calibre, with which Paris, the Buttes Chau- 
 mont, Belleville, and Pfere Lachaise had been 
 terribly bombarded. 
 
 General Dombrowski was killed on the same 
 day at the Ornano barricade. 
 
 On May 23rd, the goods station of the Northern 
 Railway, the Place Saint -Georges, Notre-Dame 
 de Lorette, the College RoUin, the mairie of the 
 Ninth Arrondissement, the Grand Op6ra, and the 
 Madeleine on the right bank fell into the power 
 of the enemy. 
 
 On the left, the Barri^re du Maine, the Observa- 
 tory, Montparnasse Cemetery, the Place d'Enfer, 
 the horse-market, Bois Abbey, and the Babylon 
 Barracks were taken. The Place Saint-Pierre 
 was turned on the rampart side, and attacked 
 in front ; and the defenders of this enormous bar- 
 ricade, armed with eight cannons, were obliged to 
 abandon it. 
 
 The crossway of the Croix-Rouge was vigorously 
 defended, and was not taken until late at night. 
 The same was the case with the barricades in the 
 Rues Martignac and Belle Chasse, where the 
 National Guards sustained heavy losses. The 
 ,Rue de Grenelle Saint-Germain, the Ministries of 
 War and Public Works, and the Telegraph OfEce 
 were also occupied by the enemy. 
 
 The barricades at the top of the Rue de Rennes, 
 
3o8 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 and those of the Boulevard Montparnasse, at the 
 angle of the Rue Vavin, having been taken, 
 General Levassor-Sorval advanced his attacking 
 party to the Luxembourg. 
 
 We experienced a heavy bombardment from the 
 Versaillist batteries during the night of the 23rd 
 to the 24th, which we passed at the national 
 printing-office superintending the publication of 
 the Officiel. It was principally from those of 
 Montmartre, which poured volleys on the Quar- 
 tier du Temple and the H6tel-de-Ville. Several 
 shells fell in our office and in the yard. On going 
 to the H6tel-de-Ville in the morning, we had 
 to crouch on the ground and seek shelter behind 
 barricades in order to avoid the bursting bombs. 
 The H6tel-de-Ville and the Place de Gr6ve were 
 struck by numerous projectiles. 
 
 At the Committee of Public Safety we found only 
 citizens Eudes and Arnaud. They told us that 
 the Place Vendome was taken at two in the niom- 
 ing, and that the Tuileries and the Palais-Royal 
 were set on fire by the enemy's bombs, and had 
 fallen into their hands. The attack continued 
 furiously, and fresh fires broke out in the Rue 
 de Rivoli. Soon the H6tel-de-Ville was bom- 
 barded by all the Versaillist batteries, and a heavy 
 fire was opened on the surrounding barricades. 
 Their defenders resisted courageously. The Th64- 
 tres Lyrique and Chatelet caught fire. The bom- 
 bardment on the left bank was quite as severe. The 
 Palais de Justice, the Prefecture of Police, the Con- 
 ciergerie, the Rues du Bac and Lille, the crossway 
 of Croix-Rouge, the Rues Vavin, Brea, Notre-Dame 
 des Champs, &c., became the prey of the flames. 
 
THE BATTLE IN THE CENTRE OF PARIS. 309 
 
 Notwithstanding a vigorous resistance, the Lux- 
 embourg and Panth66n, bombarded by order of 
 General de Cissey, fell into the hands of the enemy 
 at four o'clock. All their defenders who were 
 unable to escape were piteously massacred. The 
 garden of the Luxembourg, covered with dead 
 bodies, was metamorphosed into a slaughter-house 
 and a cemetery. There the prisoners were shot, 
 and their graves dug at their side. The steps of 
 the Pantheon reisembled a charnel-house; they 
 were covered with blood and corpses. 
 
 It was near the garden of the Luxembourg that 
 the unfortunate Raoul Rigault was shot. Poor 
 Rigault, so devoted, so intelligent, so courageous, 
 and so young ! His assassins have charged his 
 memory with the blackest calumnies ; they have 
 depicted him as a monster ; and yet never was 
 there a man who possessed a finer sense of justice 
 than he. We shall never forget his words at the 
 debate on the hostage law : " I should much rather 
 prefer to let all the gililty escape than to execute 
 one innocent man." And yet this is the man who 
 has been described as a cruel monster ! 
 ' After having assassinated the son, the execu- 
 tioners of Versailles arrested the father, a very 
 respectable old man, who had never taken any 
 part in. politics. By dint of numerous proceedings 
 he was at length liberated, and his son's body 
 ordered to be given up to him. He had it dis- 
 interred from the garden of the Luxembourg. 
 
 On the same day (the 24th) the Versailles army 
 took the Bank, the Bourse, the Conservatory of 
 Music, the Exchange, the Porte Saint -Denis, 
 Month olon Square, Saint-Vincent de Paul, and 
 
310 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 the stations of the Northern and Strasbourg Rail- 
 ways. At nine in the evening the H6tel-de- Villa 
 fell into the hands of the enemy. But it was all 
 on fire : a gunboat at the Quai de Grr^ve had 
 literally riddled it with shells. After having bom- 
 barded Paris with the utmost severity, and riddled 
 its monuments with bomb and shell, those infamous 
 calumniating journals, the organs of the Ver- 
 saillists, carried their baseness so far as to accuse 
 their victims of all the detestable acts of which 
 they knew themselves to be guilty. Not con- 
 tent with firing anywhere and ever5rwhere, the. 
 savage invaders shed rivers of blood and mas- 
 sacred en masse. 
 
 The old mayors, on reoccupying their mairies, 
 instituted permanent courts-martial. The ofiicers 
 held their sittings surrounded by National Guards, 
 defenders of order, and sentenced to death all the 
 unfortunate suspected individuals who were brought 
 before them. Terror and massacre were every 
 where systematically organised on a gigantic scale. 
 Blood ran in streams. All National Guards who 
 had defended the Commune were shot. Soldiers 
 penetrated into the houses and massacred every- 
 body; even the women and children were not 
 spared. 
 
 The barracks at the Place Lobau and the 
 Chitelet were turned into slaughter-houses, where 
 thousands of victims were sacrificed to the blood- 
 thirsty tigers of Versailles. In these dens of crime, 
 miserable officers, metamorphosed into execu- 
 tioners, sent the unfortunate victims made pri- 
 soners by Bashi-Bazouks drunk with wine and 
 blood to execution. Not one found favour firom 
 
THE BATTLE IN THE CENTRE OF PARIS. 311 
 
 these feeders of the courts-martial. All — men, 
 women, and children — were pitilessly sent to death. 
 Though blood flowed in streams, the executioners did 
 not proceed fast enough for the gold-laced monsters. 
 By the end of the day the massacre became so 
 horrible, so atrocious and disgusting, that one of 
 the paid assassin-colonels felt ashamed of his work, 
 and, disgusted with his infamous role, refused any 
 longer to continue sullying himself with the shed- 
 ding of innocent blood, and demanded to be 
 replaced, threatening to resign his commission. 
 Another executioner, ambitious of donning the lace, 
 stepped in to perform the execrable work. In the 
 square near the Tour de Saint-Jacques a large 
 ditch was dug, into which were thrown the still 
 warm and quivering bodies of the victims, many of 
 whom were yet alive. The living were buried with 
 the dead. All night the neighbours heard agonising 
 sobs, lamentations, and desperate appeals for help 
 and pity. Fierce, half-tipsy sentinels, accomplices 
 of assassins, without a spark of human feeling in 
 them, mounted guard, and with a ferocious mien 
 threatened with death any passer-by who dared to 
 make the least appeal to their pity. Wives, 
 daughters, and mothers weeping and imploring 
 pity for husbands, fathers, and sons massacred 
 and buried alive, were pitilessly and brutally 
 beaten with bayonets and butt-ends of muskets. 
 Ten thousand children were murdered. 
 
 Similar unheard-of cruelties were likewise com- 
 mitted on the Boulevard Rochechouart. The 
 Independance Beige, a paper exceedingly hostile to 
 the partisans of the Commune, and which no one 
 can accuse of sympathising with them, or of 
 
312 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 exaggerating the cruelties of their enemies, says on 
 this 'Subject : — 
 
 " It is . probable that the number of insurgents 
 killed in Paris will never be known. The execu- 
 tions of the Communists continued during the 
 whole of Saturday afternoon in the barracks near 
 the H6tel-de-Ville. The hospital waggons were 
 filled with corpses after each musketry charge. 
 
 " More than twenty thousand persons were ar- 
 rested on Saturday. 
 
 " The wounded were thrown alive into holes, at 
 the angle of the Rue du Boulevard Rochechouart, 
 near the Cafe du Delta. Horrible cries were heard 
 in these quarters all night. It is already feared that 
 the great numbers of dead and wounded accu- 
 mulated in Paris will bring on epidemics, the 
 consequences of which would be horrible." 
 
 Such were the deeds of the assassins, bravoes, 
 brigands, and defenders of that most horrible 
 Government, the Government of Versailles. The 
 wounded were buried alive. To the cries and sobs 
 of their victims they were as insensible as to their 
 death-rattle. They left them all night yelling, 
 crying, and mixed up with corpses, without coming 
 to their help. They left them to die a prey to the 
 greatest tortures. It is a duty to hold up to public 
 hatred and execration the wretches who were 
 guilty of such infamy. It is a duty to denounce 
 and stigmatise these abominable executioners in 
 the face of the whole world, in order that all who 
 possess a spark of human feeling may abhor them. 
 It has been said that the greatest horror ever 
 invented by the most abominable tyrant was that 
 of interring the living with the dead. But no 
 
THE BATTLE IN THE CENTRE OF PARIS. 313 
 
 tyrant ever thought of such a refinement of cruelty 
 as to bury wounded enemies pell-mell with the 
 dead. The infamous torturers of Versailles were 
 the originators of this ferocious idea. Their per- 
 versity, cruelty, and baseness exceeded all limits. 
 These banditti plunged into an infinity of crime — 
 a boundless atrocity. 
 
 On the evening of May 24th, which witnessed 
 the shedding of so much blood and the kindling of 
 so many conflagrations by the criminal and bar- 
 barous invaders of Paris, we beheld, from the top of 
 the Belleville heights, the most imposing, terrific, 
 and horrible spectacle that can possibly be 
 imagined. A long line of fire lighted up Paris as 
 if it were broad day, the Seine separating and 
 cutting it in two. The flames seemed to reach 
 the clouds and lick the heavens. They were as 
 intense and brilliant as the rays of the sun. The 
 hearths firom which they arose were more white-red, 
 more incandescent than the hottest furnace. In 
 comparison with them the electric light grew pale. 
 Some, with fiercer nuclei in their midst than the 
 rest, displayed a brilliancy beyond all description. 
 From time to time terrific explosions were heard, 
 while immense sheaves of flame and balls of fire 
 and sparks rose above the rest to the heavens, 
 piercing the clouds. They were like enormous 
 bouquets of fireworks. Never had we beheld such 
 terrifying sublimity. And all the time we yrere 
 witnessing this imposing and fearful spectacle the 
 Versaillist batteries poured forth bomb and shell, 
 whose sinister flashes, curves, globes, and cylinders 
 of fire, leaving as it were their trails on the night, 
 we followed with the eye. Their fiery lines crossed 
 
314 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 each other high over the burning Paris. It was 
 magical, sublime, terrible. It seemed as though, 
 in a world of fire, we were attending a pyrotech- 
 nical exhibition, a lightning-play of invisible 
 giants juggling with fire-balls. The conflagrations 
 sprang up under the effect of bomb and shell as 
 if by magic. Wherever any shells burst, they 
 seemed to burn weakly at first, but rapidly in- 
 creased in intensity, and rising like giants, illu- 
 minated the horizon. It is no exaggeration to 
 say that they multiplied with the rapidity of 
 lightning. It was a sight of terror to behold the 
 spontaneous bursting of these multitudes of brilliant 
 ovens. The fires in Paris increased in a most 
 fearful manner. The city presented the aspect of a 
 parterre of fire, with conflagrations instead of 
 roses. 
 
 We were petrified and astonished, not being able 
 to understand the incendiary madness which 
 prompted the invaders to burn their finest quarters 
 and the palaces which were their own appanages ; 
 and we were then far from believing that they 
 would dare to defy all evidence, and accuse the 
 defenders of the Commune with having fired the 
 capital, when one had only to open his eyes in 
 order to see the Versaillist bombs from the Tro- 
 cad^ro, the Arc de Triomphe de I'Etoile, the 
 Champ de Mars, the Invalides, the Luxembourg, 
 the bastions, Montrouge, the Palais Legislatif, the 
 great boulevards, Montparnasse, the Madeleine, the 
 Place Wagram, Montmartre, the Northern and 
 Western Railway Stations, and the gunboats on 
 the Seine, pouring forth fire, in the truest sense of 
 the word, on Paris, kindling immense confla- 
 
THE BATTLE IN THE CENTRE OF PARIS. 315 
 
 grations which reduced it to ashes. This any one 
 might have seen ; and he must needs be notori- 
 ously dishonest who will not acknowledge it. 
 Undoubtedly the defenders' projectiles caused 
 some disasters — we should be the last to deny it ; 
 but they were on a much smaller scale, because, for 
 every shot of the National Guards, the Versaillists 
 fired ten. But nevertheless the victors of Paris, 
 who burnt and massacred, and covered it with fire 
 and blood, are called saviours, and its defenders, 
 who protected it against the excesses of the Ver- 
 saillist hordes, are accused of murder and arson. 
 Those who had the good fortune to escape the 
 flames and the shooting are called brigands, and 
 their incendiary executioners honest men. The 
 victims were arraigned before murderers trans- 
 formed into judges. In Paris, as in Berlin, St. 
 Petersburg, Constantinople, Pekin, and everywhere 
 else, might oppresses right, and the lot of its de- 
 fenders is calumny and massacre. 
 
 While all these crimes and massacres were being 
 accomplished in the interior of Paris, Forts Issy 
 and Vanves had already fallen into the hands of 
 the enemy; and on the 25th those of Montrouge, 
 Bicfetre, and Ivry, and the redoubts of Hautes 
 Bruyeres and Villejuif, were taken. Most of their 
 defenders were massacred, only a few saving them- 
 selves in the vaults. 
 
 The Barri^re d'ltalie, the Butte aux Cailles, the 
 station of the Orleans Railway, the Jardin des 
 Plantes, and the Halle aux Vins, on the left bank ; 
 the station of the Lyons Railway, Mazas, the 
 Grenier d'Abondance, the national printing-office, 
 the Place du Chateau d'Eau, Prince Eugene Bar- 
 
3i6 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 racks, and the Arts and Metiers Square, on the 
 right bank, were occupied. 
 
 On the evening of the 25th the whole of the left 
 bank was lost to the Commune, and the Versaillists 
 advanced by the right bank to Bastion 33, near 
 the Porte de la Chapelle. The Bastille, the Place 
 du Trone, and the Villette Rotonda were in jeo- 
 pardy. 
 
 Next day, the 26th, the Place de la Bastille was 
 turned on the east, and all the avenues, boulevards, 
 and streets abutting on it were taken possession of 
 by the enemy. Surrounded and attacked in this 
 way on all sides, it was soon taken. A little later 
 the same tactics led to a similar result with the 
 Place du Trone and that of the Villette Rotunda ; 
 and simultaneously the victorious troops advanced, 
 by way of the fortifications, along the ramparts, as 
 far as the Saint-Denis Canal. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 THE LAST ACT. 
 
 The last defenders of the Commune were shut up 
 between the Porte de Pantin and the Ourcq Canal, 
 on the north-east ; the Saint-Martin Canal and the 
 Boulevard Richard Lenoir, on the west ; the Place 
 du Tr6ne and the Porte de Vincennes, on the south; 
 and by the line of fortifications between Bastion lo, 
 near the Porte de Vincennes, and Bastion 26, close 
 ' to that of Pantin. This line of fortifications ran 
 on the other side along a neutral zone, outside of 
 which the Prussians were encamped. It was within 
 this comparatively small space, which did not com- 
 prise a fifth part of Paris, that the last battle be- 
 tween the VersaiUists and the Commune was about 
 to be fought. 
 
 The tactics of Mac-Mahon were very simple. 
 They consisted in turning all the positions and 
 barricades defended by the National Guards. When 
 the latter were thus cut off from behind, and sur- 
 rounded on the right and left, they could in most 
 ca^s do nothing else but abandon their positions, 
 since, if they persisted in defending them, they 
 would speedily be overpowered and massacred. 
 
 Had not care been taken to prevent it, the Ver- 
 saiUists would have turned Belleville and M6nil- 
 
3i8 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 montant, the last important points of defence, in a 
 similar manner. 
 
 The Buttes Chaumont and P^re Lachaise had 
 within the last four days been converted into strong 
 places, protected by formidable artillery; but the 
 defences in their rear had been neglected. The 
 rampart road between the Porte de Vincennes and 
 that of Pantin, near the Ourcq Canal, had not been 
 barricaded. This was an unpardonable oversight, 
 and had it not at once been repaired, the Versaillists 
 might have advanced right and left along the 
 fortifications, parting at Bastion i o, near the Porte 
 de Vincennes, and Bastion 27, adjoining the Ourcq 
 Canal, so as to rejoin each other at the Poi-tes de 
 Menilmontant and Romainville. All the fortifica- 
 tions and gates would then have been in their 
 power; and the remnant of the defenders of the 
 Commune, surrounded by an army of a hundred 
 thousand men, between the eastern ramparts, the 
 Saint-Martin Canal, the Boulevard Richard Lenoir, 
 and the Avenue d'Aumenil, could have done no- 
 thing but " surrender or die," as Mac-Mahon said 
 in his report. 
 
 From the 22nd of May, Mac-Mahon's plan was 
 clear to every intelligent person. 
 . In order to oppose this dangerous plan we con- 
 structed and armed numerous barricades at the 
 ramparts, and between the Portes de Vincennes 
 and Pantin; and, in addition, barricaded all the 
 great thoroughfares leading from the centre of Paris 
 to the ramparts, so as to secure the rear of La Petite 
 Villette, Menilmontant, Belleville, and Charonne. 
 Strong batteries on the heights opposite Bastions 
 19, 20, and 21, near the Portes de Menilmontant 
 
THE LAST ACT. 319 
 
 Prds Saint-Gervais, and Romainville, swept the 
 rampart road up to the Fortes de Pantin and Vin- 
 cennes. 
 
 At four o'clock in the morning of the 27th, from 
 the battery on the heights between the Rue de 
 Belleville and the Rue des Lilas, opposite Bastion 2 1 , 
 we observed the flashes and heard the whistling 
 of bombs from new batteries erected during the 
 night by the Versaillists in the metal-road in front 
 of the cattle-market, near the Ourcq Canal and 
 Bastions 26 and 27. The projectiles speedily 
 reached the Rue des Lilas, in which some burst 
 with a frightful crash, demolishing and firing the 
 houses, the inhabitants of which hastily fled. 
 
 The fire from these batteries was a certain proof 
 to us that the turning movement, and the attack 
 against our positions from the rear of M^nilmontant 
 and Belleville, had commenced. We at once took 
 our dispositions accordingly. Our batteries in 
 position on the heights in front of the Rue des 
 Lilas and at the Place des Pr^s Saint-Gervais 
 opened a well-sustained fire on the positions of the 
 enemy on the banks of the Ourcq Canal and the 
 Villette Basin. The hail of projectiles that fell on 
 the Versaillist batteries soon silenced them, while 
 the firing from Belleville also ceased. 
 
 At the same time that the besiegers' batteries 
 opened fire against the positions of the Portes des 
 Romainville and Pres Saint-Gervais, the left wing 
 of the Ladmirault Division, commanded by General 
 Pradi6, advanced along the fortifications, and took 
 shelter behind the railway, near the slaughter- 
 house of La Villette. But we had foreseen this 
 manoeuvre, and no sooner had the column cleared 
 
320 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 the Ourcq Canal than a lively cannonade from the 
 battery in the Rue des Lilas forced it to halt and 
 turn back. 
 
 This vigorous attack and unexpected resistance 
 caused considerable hesitation in the movements 
 of the enemy, and induced him to modify his plan. 
 Renouncing for the moment his turning movement 
 along the ramparts, he decided on attacking the 
 Buttes Chaumont in front. He commenced action 
 against the barricades in the Rue de Flandre, the 
 mairie of the Nineteenth Arrondissement, and the 
 church of Saint-Jacques. In the meantime the 
 Dumont Brigade turned the Villette Basin, cleared 
 the Place de la Rotonde, took the barricade in the 
 Rue d'AUemagne, and established itself in the 
 market of the Rue de Meaux. 
 
 The Lefebvre Brigade, on the right wing, con- 
 centrated itself in the streets of the Buttes Chau- 
 mont and Terrage, cleared the canal under a 
 hail of bullets, took the large barricade at the 
 circus and that in the Rue des Ecluses Saint- 
 Martin, and reached the Boulevard de la Villette 
 by. the Rues Grange aux Belles, Vicq d'Azis, and 
 Chopinette. But only with the greatest sacrifices, 
 the most frightful combats and massacres, was this 
 movement, which we have thus described in a few 
 lines, executed. It was a terrible struggle. The 
 houses of the Boulevard de la Villette were riddled 
 from top to bottom by ball and shell. At La 
 Villette, as in the whole of Paris, the Versaillists 
 bombarded the houses in a furious manner, without 
 the least care for the immense ruination of property 
 and destruction of innocent human life which they 
 occasioned. They reserved to themselves the power 
 
THE LAST ACT. 321 
 
 of accusing their enemies of being the authors of 
 all the frightful disasters of which they well knew 
 themselves to be guilty. 
 
 In these quarters the conflict lasted three days 
 and three nights, the 25th, 26th, and 27th of May. 
 At the barricade in the Rue de Puebla alone sixty of 
 the defenders were killed. The heroic martyrs well 
 knew that they fought for the most just and most 
 honourable of causes — the emancipation of the 
 working classes, to which for a long time they had 
 sacrificed their all, and for which they gloried in 
 shedding their blood. Such were the noble and 
 generous sentiments which inspired them, and 
 which sufficiently explain their heroic resistance. 
 They were no ordinary combatants, but sublime 
 heroes, who shed their blood for a cause the most 
 humane — the abolition of the proletariat, pauperism, 
 and misery. 
 
 The slaughter-houses, docks, and warehouses of 
 La Villette on the bank of the canal, and the great 
 saw-mill of M. Falck, were fired and totally de- 
 stroyed by the Versaillist batteries erected along 
 the canal, on the Boulevard de la Chapelle, behind 
 the barricades of the Rue Lafayette, which the 
 enemy had taken, on the Boulevards Ney and Mac- 
 donald, and on the goods stations of the Northern 
 and Montmartre Railways. From all these posi- 
 tions the Versaillists bombarded the National 
 Guards, who occupied the triangle between the 
 Rue de Flandre and the Rue d'AUemagne, of which 
 the circus of the Rotunda is the apex, and Bastions 
 27 and 28 the base. The slaughter-houses, docks, 
 and custom-houses, as we said before, were reduced 
 to ashes by the besiegers. Their loss has been 
 
322 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 estimated at twenty millions of francs. Two months 
 afterwards, when the rubbish was cleared out, they 
 were still smoking. • 
 
 On the 27th, at six in the morning, the Dumont 
 and Abbatucci Brigades advanced to the foot of 
 the heights, where they drew up 'in a semicircle. 
 The attack was sounded, and the assault began. 
 The heights and surrounding positions were 
 taken by storm, and the ferocious victors rendered 
 themselves guilty of the most cruel executions, 
 massacring the soldiers of the Commune to the 
 very last man. The park was strewn with dead 
 bodies. The spectacle was so horrible that the 
 inhabitants vowed they would one day be avenged 
 on these soldier-assassins. They were "obliged to 
 burn the bodies of the massacred National Guards 
 in great numbers, in order to prevent infection by 
 their putrefying. After the work of carnage the 
 assassins transformed themselves into buccaneers. 
 Strong railings were fitted up at regular distances 
 on the green lawns amidst beds of roses, fires of 
 coke and pit-coal lighted, and their victims cal- 
 cined. They took the precaution of carefully closing 
 the park gates, in order that there might be no 
 spectators of their infernal work. They did not 
 dare to confront the public gaze, and hoped to 
 obliterate every trace of their crime ; but the odour 
 of burning flesh and the dense smoke arising on 
 all sides to the heights betrayed the calciners of 
 human flesh, who reduced the remains of their 
 victims to ashes. From Sunday to Monday night, 
 with the assistance of petroleum, more than a 
 thousand corpses were burnt. La Liberti advised- 
 the pulverising of the dead bodies of the defenders 
 
THE LAST ACT 323 
 
 of Paris with quicklime, so as to prevent future 
 revolutionists from rendering honour to their bones. 
 These miserable men imagined they could stifle 
 the noble feeling of veneration for the dead. What 
 infamous wretches ! But let us leave the remains 
 of the martyrs in the hands of these infernal 
 executioners, and resume the narrative of the 
 battle. 
 
 In arresting the turning movement of General 
 Ladmirault's left along the rampart road, it was 
 impossible to save the heights, they being open in 
 front and flank, and opposed to va.stly superior 
 forces ; but at all events the effort of the enemy to 
 advance along the fortifications to the Porte de 
 Romainville, so as to join the reserve under Vinoy, 
 the object of which was to enclose the remnant of 
 the Commune within a circle of iron and fire, had 
 been paralysed. Had the armies of Ladmirault 
 and Vinoy been able to unite at the heights of 
 Belleville, they would have marched from the west 
 on the positions of the defenders of the Commune, 
 forced them back, and beaten them up like game 
 against the corps of Douay and .Clinchant, which 
 were firmly established on the banks of the Saint- 
 Martin Canal and the Boulevard Richard Lenoir, 
 so as to take them between two fires and ex- 
 terminate them to the last man. The Roquette 
 Prison, the Place Voltaire, and the mairie of the 
 Eleventh Arrondissement, the last points of defence, 
 would then have been lost. 
 
 " After having partially defeated the plan against 
 the Buttes Chaumont, efforts were made to prevent 
 the execution of a similar design against the ceme- 
 tery of P^re Lachaise. Unfortunately there was no 
 
324 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 battery on that side high enough to command the 
 rampart roads from Bastion lo to Bastion i8. It 
 was only defended by a row of barricades, which 
 could be successively taken, and thus a passage 
 opened up for the enemy. It would even suffice to 
 take the one nearest the Porte de Vincennes for all 
 the rest to be doomed. 
 
 The Lamariouse Brigade was arrested in its 
 m^rch along the fortifications by a vigorous fire 
 from the barricade at the Porte de Montreuil. The 
 reserve corps under General Derroja was stationed 
 at the Cours de Vincennes, while the ^Qernard de 
 Seigneurens Brigade advanced through the Rue 
 de Puebla, and, after a terrible struggle, took 
 numerous barricades. 
 
 A battalion of the ist regiment of marines, sup- 
 ported by two battalions and a regiment of the 
 Faron Division, attacked the cemetery of P^re 
 Lachaise, which, from the 24th of May, had been 
 fortified and defended by two batteries. One, con- 
 sisting of six guns and a mitrailleuse, on the plat- 
 form of the cemetery chapel, commanded the Rue 
 de la Roquette and the entire side of the Bastille ; 
 the other, of two 24-pounders, on the elevated 
 position of the small esplanade in front of the 
 Morny Chapel, was intended to reply to the cannons 
 of Montmartre. The Versaillist troops were re- 
 ceived with a lively fire, and encountered an 
 energetic resistance. 
 
 The enemy commenced the assault from the large 
 terraces commanding the exterior boulevards. 
 The defenders, sheltered by the tomb-stones, drove 
 them back until reinforcements of artillery arrived 
 from the Bastille. The newly-erected batteries 
 
THE LAST ACT. 325 
 
 bombarded and smashed the large gate of the 
 cemetery. Behind the gate an enormous barricade, 
 protected by twelve-pounders, was taken before its 
 defenders, who were unaccustomed to handle cannon, 
 had time to fire. The besiegers advanced through 
 the breach, while other columns climbed the steep 
 declivity on the north and Charonne sides. The 
 terrible battle at this asylum of the dead lasted 
 half an hour. The besieged, forced back on 
 all sides, retreated skirmishing, sheltering them- 
 selves behind the tomb-stones ; but the troops, 
 advancing through the avenues, soon reached the 
 high grounds of the cemetery, where, at the foot of 
 the Demidoff monument, the most dangerous bat- 
 teries had been erected. It was not until after a 
 most desperate fight, the massacre of the gunners at 
 their pieces, and the shooting down of the National 
 Guards, that the cemetery was taken. More than 
 six thousand dead bodies strewed the avenues and 
 tombs. Many were murdered in the graves where 
 they had sought shelter, and dyed the cof&ns with 
 their blood. The massacre was frightful. 
 
 About the same time the mairie of the Twentieth 
 Arrondissement fell into the hands of General 
 Lamariouse. The Douay Corps, and those of 
 Generals Faron and Clinchant, erected batteries to 
 enfilade the principal outlets by which they feared 
 the National Guards might break through their 
 line of battle, and cannonaded the Place Voltaire, 
 the mairie of the Eleventh Arrondissement, and 
 the church of Saint- Ambroise. 
 
 Thus, on May 27th, the Buttes Chaumont, Pfere 
 Lachaise, the mairie of Belleville, and the Boule- 
 vard Puebla fell into the hands of the enemy, with 
 
326 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 a vast quantity of matiriel and several thousand 
 prisoners, after a most horrible massacre, which 
 lasted till the following day. 
 
 After the loss of these three important positions 
 no hope remained. It was, in fact, impossible 
 to continue the resistance much longer, after the 
 loss of the three principal strategical points, the 
 Buttes Chaumont, P^re Lachaise, and the Boule- 
 vard Puebla. The left wing of the enemy's First 
 Army Corps advanced on Bastion 22, which was 
 defended by an enormous barricade armed with 
 cannon, and protected by another battery on the 
 height opposite Bastion 21. The right wing of 
 Vinoy's reserve corps, commanded by General 
 Lamariouse, took some barricades on the rampart 
 road between the Portes de Vincennes and Bagrio- 
 let, which had been abandoned by their defenders 
 after the loss of the cemetery of P^re Lachaise, 
 who feared they would be cut off and massacred. 
 Soon afterwards the Porte de Bagnolet was 
 taken. 
 
 In the evening of May 27th the defenders were 
 enclosed within the space of a few hundred m^res 
 in width, and the distance from Bastion 1 5 to 2 1 in 
 length, forming a segment of a circle. Supported 
 by the fortifications, they were protected on the 
 right by a strong barricade at Bastion 21, and by 
 the Place des F^tes, which was very strongly barri- 
 caded and heroically defended ; on the left by the 
 barricades of the Place des Trois Communes, the 
 Rue des Tourelles, and the Porte Menilmontant. 
 On the east the line of barricades extended to the 
 Rues des Pr6s Saint- Gervais, Calais, and Bois. 
 They were shut up within a triangle, the periphery 
 
~ THE LAST ACT. 327 
 
 of which was half a kilometre, and in this confined 
 space the battle lasted twenty-four hours. 
 
 The last defenders of the Commune expected the 
 fall of their barricades every instant, and with 
 them the loss of their only remaining position. 
 They lost all hope of seeing the following day. A 
 magnificent light illumined the night, and rose 
 with the brilliant isplendour of an aurora borealis 
 in north and south. Never had we beheld so 
 intense a light. Rays and floods of sparks rose 
 high over the Villette Basin. Intermingled with 
 the curving and whistling of the projectiles falling 
 and bursting near us, we heard tremendous explo- 
 sions from the docks and custom-houses of La 
 ' Villette, set on fire by Clinchant's batteries, and 
 blazing in a grand and sinister manner. 
 
 To the south-west another hearth of fire illumi- 
 nated the banks of the Seine. An enormous column 
 of flame and smoke, shining with phosphorescent 
 brightness, shot up to the clouds. It seemed as 
 though immense tongues of fire were licking the 
 heavens. We have since been told that this extra- 
 ordinary flame was caused by the burning of the 
 dead bodies of the unfortunate defenders of Paris, 
 which had been accumulated on the Champ de 
 Mars, and burnt with petroleum by the ferocious 
 Versaillists. Possibly such was the case ; for we 
 should not be at all astonished to find that those 
 who have so falsely accused the Commune of 
 having set Paris on fire with petroleum were the 
 first to use this mighty weapon of destruction, 
 not only for the burning of the corpses of their 
 enemies, but also for incendiary purposes, in the 
 form of, petroleum bombs, as was proved by Assi 
 
328 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 and his advocate at the third court-martial of Ver- 
 sailles. 
 
 A little more to the south, on the right bank of 
 the Seine, another fire lighted up the heavens. It 
 was the Grenier d'Abondance, the damage to which 
 amounted to ten or fifteen millions of francs, and 
 which had been set on fire by the batteries of the 
 Faron Division and the gunboats, which likewise 
 riddled with shell and bomb the Boulevard 
 Bourdon, the Quai de laRap^e, and the neighbour- 
 hood of the Bastille. 
 
 The fires multiplied in many other parts of the 
 capital ; and what was incomprehensible and in- 
 explicable to us was the uselessness of bombard- 
 ment in the midst of such disasters. 
 
 During all these calamities, and while Paris was 
 in flames, unheard-of scenes of carnage were being 
 enacted at the cemetery of P^re Lachaise, the 
 Buttes Chaumont, the Boulevard Puebla, and the 
 mairie and streets of Belleville. Terrible fusillades, 
 frightful platoon fires, intermingled with the crack- 
 ling noise of mitrailleuses, plainly told of the 
 wholesale massacre of our unfortunate companions 
 who had been taken prisoners. On hearing these 
 dreadful sounds we were filled with indignation, 
 and broken-hearted. We redoubled our activity 
 and vigilance in order that our position might not . 
 be turned, and so the last defenders of the Commune 
 fall into the hands of those brigands who would 
 have ruthlessly murdered all of them. 
 
 The daylight, which we no longer hoped to see 
 again, came at last. The dawn witnessed a more 
 intense battle. Nevsrly-erected batteries poured 
 forth a surging sea of lead and fire, the fusillade 
 
THE LAST ACT. 329 
 
 approaching nearer and nearer, with a din of iron 
 and the roar of a metallic wave, crushing every- 
 thing in its passage of destruction. The billows of 
 rattling grape made one shiver. We waited 
 anxiously for the dinouement of this horrible 
 struggle. Our cannons, which had been silent 
 during the night in order to conceal our positions, 
 now replied vigorously, and retarded the progress 
 of the surging sea which was advancing and 
 encircling us closer and closer with fire and iron. 
 Relatively speaking, however, we lost little ground 
 and but few men. 
 
 The Langourian Brigade advanced to the 
 Avenue Philippe-Auguste, and at five in the 
 morning took Roquette Prison. Here a fearful mas- 
 sacre was enacted, not one of its defenders being 
 spared. A friend of ours, who saw this theatre 
 of carnage a few days afterwards, told us that it 
 was impossible to imagine a more horrible sight. 
 
 The same brigade then descended the Rue de la 
 Roquette, and attacked the Place Voltaire, which 
 Vinoy at the same time also bombarded from the 
 Places du Trone and Bastille. Citizen Delescluze 
 then repaired to the third barricade, which stood 
 the shock of the 2nd provisional regiment of 
 tirailleurs, and, in conjunction with Colonel Brunei, 
 attempted to prevent the abandonment of this 
 important position. At the expiration of about 
 twenty minutes Colonel Brunet declared that it 
 was impossible to hold it any longer. The Delegate 
 of War protested against this, and ordered the 
 continuance of the struggle ; but the fire became so 
 murderous that it was abandoned, notwithstanding 
 this order. Brunet tried several times to draw 
 
330 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 citizen Delescluze away ; but he resisted, and 
 remained alone behind this heap of paving-stones, 
 which shook beneath the bullets and shells. The 
 Delegate of War fell, struck by two bullets from 
 the foremost soldiers. Wounded in the right 
 temple, he was killed as if by a thunder-stroke. 
 
 The houses near this barricade were levelled to 
 the ground by bombs. The old Republican sank 
 beneath a burning beam, and the skin of his fore- 
 head was almost entirely burnt off. His body was 
 found among those of eighteen other defenders of 
 the barricade, being recognised by the card of 
 the Commune. In his pocket was found a letter 
 addressed to his colleague Vesinier, asking for 
 reinforcements. He still possessed his gold watch, 
 but no money ; and his gold-headed walking-stick 
 was picked up near him. He was attired, as in- 
 variably, in civilian clothes, consisting of the 
 everlasting brown great-coat with deep pockets, 
 black trousers, cravat of the same colour, and a 
 black silk hat. Citizen Delescluze detested the 
 military uniform ; and he was the only man among 
 his brilliant, much-gilded, and belaced general 
 staff who wore neither insignia nor decoration of 
 any sort. For the last few days he had been con- ' 
 tinually armed with a revolver, which he always 
 held in his hand while walking with his usual gait 
 straight on, under the hail of shell and bomb, 
 without moving a muscle or ever looking back. 
 He was a man of great courage and coolness, 
 having for a long period sacrificed his all to the 
 Republican cause, in which he fell a martyr. 
 Delescluze died as he had lived, simple, honest, 
 and heroic. He was a man of the antique mould, 
 
THE LAST ACT. 331 
 
 stoical, disinterested, and incorruptible. Like 
 another Cato, he did not wish to survive the 
 Republic. He would not and could not become 
 the victim or plaything of the victorious reaction : 
 after so many defeats he " could not bear another," 
 as he wrote in a touching letter to his much-beloved 
 sister. 
 
 The last head-quarters of the defenders of the 
 Commune, the mairie of the Eleventh Arrondisse- 
 ment, fell into the power of the soldiers of Versailles. 
 All the National Guards who were taken prisoners 
 by these infuriated madmen were killed. In one 
 room on 'the ground-floor lay seventy-five dread- 
 fully mutilated corpses. Those who have seen 
 towns taken by storm, and know from experience 
 the horrors of war, could never imagine a more 
 disorderly, frightful, and sanguinary spectacle than 
 that presented by the municipality of the ^Eleventh 
 Arrondissement. The mixture of blood, dirt, 
 weapons, fi-agments of uniforms, and corpses was 
 a sight loathsome to behold, and made one 
 shudder. It seemed as though a herd of jaguars, 
 tigers, hyaenas, or jackals had passed by, and 
 glutted their thirst for blood and carnage. On 
 looking at this charnel-house it was difficult to 
 believe that men, fellow-citizens, could be guilty 
 of such atrocious, unheard-of deeds ; and yet such 
 was the work of the Versaillist murderers. 
 
 In all Paris nothing remained but the small 
 corner between the Portes de Bagnolet and Pres 
 Saint-Gervais. A few thousand National Guards 
 and some cannons still defended this weak position 
 at the ramparts, on which now alone floated the red 
 flag of the Commune. 
 
332 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 The Derroj a Brigade advanced by the Boulevard 
 de Charonne towards P^re Lachaise, which since 
 the day before had been in the possession of the 
 enemy, and took the barricades in the Rues des 
 Amandiers, Tlemsen, Cendrier, and Menilmontant. 
 At the same moment another column attacked the 
 market-place, which was bristling with barricades, 
 and defended with great courage. After a desperate 
 and murderous conflict it was taken. The space 
 occupied by the Commune now became still more 
 contracted, and Bastions i8, 19, 20, and 21 alone 
 remained in its possession. 
 
 On the right General Grenier advanced from the 
 Porte des Pr6s Saint-Gervais, and took the great 
 barricade at the rampart road near Bastion 22 
 and the Rue des Mignottes. The Place des Fetes, 
 solidly barricaded and armed with two well-served 
 cannons, commanding the Rues de Crim^e, Soli- 
 taires, and Compans, opposed a most vigorous 
 resistance, and for a long time arrested the onward 
 march of the enemy ; but the barricades were at 
 length taken, as well as those at the angle of the 
 Rues des Bois and Pres Saint-Gervais. 
 
 On the left the Lamariouse Brigade advanced, 
 by the Boulevard Mortier, against the Porte de 
 Romainville, and took the barricades of the Porte 
 de Menilmontant and the Rue Saint-Fargeau. 
 
 In the centre the Faron and Derroja Divisions 
 advanced by the Rues des Pr6s Saint-Gervais, 
 Romainville, Negro, Paris - Belleville, and Bor- 
 rego, and, after a lively engagement, the barri- 
 cades at the junction of the four last-named streets, 
 with that of the Rue Haxo, were taken. A great 
 number of the defenders were killed, and two thou- 
 
THE LAST ACT. 
 
 333 
 
 sand taken prisoners. Once master of the Rue 
 Haxo, the enemy advanced like an irresistible sea 
 of fire. 
 
 On the left the barricades at the Place des Trois 
 Communes, and on the right those at the angle 
 of the Rues des Bois and Haxo and the Boulevard 
 Serrurier, were now the only ones which still held 
 out ; but they, in their turn, were speedily attacked. 
 They were defended by fifteen hundred men, the 
 last remnant of the National Guards. But longer 
 resistance against the sixty thousand men who 
 took part in the attack on Belleville was impos- 
 sible. If taken, they would have been shot to the 
 very last man : the Versaillists gave no quarter. 
 Only one way of saving themselves from certain 
 death remained — to clear the fortifications and 
 seek refuge in the neutral zone. This was at once 
 decided upon and executed. The drawbridge at 
 Romainville was lowered, the flags floating on 
 Bastions 19 and 20 taken down, and the last de- 
 fenders of the Commune marched across the ram- 
 part ditch. Unwilling to give up their arms either 
 to the VersaiUists or the Prussians, they broke 
 them in pieces, and buried them in the ditch as 
 they passed over it. 
 
 On arriving without arms in the village of 
 Romainville, they found themselves in front of the 
 Prussian outposts, who prevented their passage. 
 
 Two Freemasons in fuU insignia advanced, and 
 made us a sign to follow, saying that we, in com- 
 mon with a few friends, might be saved. We, in 
 fact, were conducted to a house in the neighbour^ 
 hood, where we met with a hospitable reception. 
 A number of National Guards gave themselves up 
 
334 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 as prisoners to the Prussians, and were conducted 
 to Fort Noisi le Sec ; others in private clothes, or 
 only disguised with blouses, remained with the 
 inhabitants or gained the open country ; while 
 many took their way along the neutral zone to 
 Vincennes. 
 
 No sooner had the National Guards passed 
 through the Porte de Romainville than the Ver- 
 saillists took the barricades at Bastions 19 and 20, 
 and, without the slightest respect to the neutral 
 territory, fired on the last defenders of the Com- 
 mune. Their bullets fell in great numbers in the 
 streets of Romainville and in the Prussian lines. 
 The Prussian soldiers left their barricades, and 
 advanced in quick march towards the fortifications 
 of Paris in order to stop the firing, and to prevent 
 the violation of the neutral territory. This was an 
 extremely favourable movement for us and our 
 comrades of the National Guard ; for the Prussian 
 lines advanced so far that we found ourselves in 
 their rear, and were enabled to escape across the 
 country. 
 
 We still heard some artillery and musketry fire. 
 This was undoubtedly caused by the shooting of 
 the unfortunate prisoners by the Versailles ban- 
 ditti. The noise grew fainter and fainter as we 
 got further away. The struggle soon came to an 
 end. The last defenders of the Commune were 
 either killed, prisoners, or in flight. In depopu- 
 lated Paris, order, massacre, arrests en masse, and 
 the wildest and most sanguinary terror reigned 
 supreme. Property, religion, and society were 
 once more saved. With the assistance of an army 
 of vagabonds and brigands enlisted from the most 
 
THE LAST ACT. 335 
 
 torrupt, vile, base, and cruel elements of France — 
 the sbirri, the convicts, gendarmes, and sergents de 
 ville, and the traitprs of Metz, Sedan, and the 
 National Defence — the bourgeoisie had again con- 
 quered the proletariat. The socialist-republican 
 workmen were exterminated or imprisoned en 
 masse, pending their transportation to New Cale- 
 donia, condemnation to death, or hard labour. Old 
 men, women, and children shared the same fate of 
 sanguinary destruction and general extermination. 
 The victorious bourgeoisie showed neither pity nor 
 mercy. It had sworn to annihilate the revolu- 
 tionary and socialist prol6tariat for ever — to drown 
 it in its own blood. Never had a better occasion 
 presented itself; and it profited by it with fero- 
 cious joy. To destroy its enemies was its highest 
 enjoyment. Within six days forty thousand men 
 were massacred, and as many more imprisoned ; 
 and even yet its abominable crimes have not come 
 to an end. The Communists, and all suspected of 
 being partisans, were ferreted out and pursued 
 with jealous ferocity, and without the least dis- 
 tinction as to age or sex. Ten thousand women 
 and children were killed, and about the same 
 number imprisoned. Paris is depopulated, com- 
 merce and industry annihilated ; but that matters 
 little to it, so long as its so-called order is re- 
 established, and provided it reigns and governs, 
 be it over corpses and a lifeless, down-trodden 
 population. 
 
 It is contented, happy, and proud. It can now 
 respire and digest freely; and it rejoices at the 
 standstill of progress, fondly imagining it has 
 {Stifled all reform. ; secured the reign of misery, 
 
335 HISTORY OF THE COMMUNE. 
 
 pauperism, and ignorance ; and perpetuated its 
 domination and the exploitation of the proletariat. 
 It takes for granted that it has for ever chained 
 the unfortunate working classes to its system, of 
 compulsory labour, without profit and without 
 hope. 
 
 Yes, the bourgeoisie is implacable in all its re- 
 actionary work, and oppresses without limit, 
 mercy, or pity. It will proceed on its path of 
 crime to the end ; it will load itself with shame 
 and infamy. It is destitute of decency and heart, 
 deaf and blind, cowardly, cynical, and infamous. 
 The French bourgeoisie is in a fair way of dis- 
 honouring itself completely and for ever in the eyes 
 of the whole world — of proving its weakness and 
 its incapacity. We congratulate it on this course. 
 Our epoch was in need of so shameful a spectacle 
 to become disgusted with everybody and every- 
 thing, and to surround itself with misery, corrup- 
 tion, degradation, and decay. 
 
 The bourgeoisie, glorying in its apogee, is ap- 
 proaching its decline and its fall. Its decomposi- , 
 tion has already begun, and the proletariat is near 
 its complete emancipation. The blood of forty thou- 
 sand martyrs which has been shed, and that which 
 is yet to be spilt — the tears of forty thousand other 
 victims in prison, and of their children and parents 
 suffering in misery — will fertilise the principles of 
 right and justice sown eighty A'ears ago, and to 
 make which germinate was the mission of the 
 Commune. 
 
 The prophetic words uttered by citizen Deles- 
 cluze only a few days before his death will be 
 verified : " Out of each drop of its blood, and of 
 
THE LAST ACT. 337 
 
 that of all the massacred defenders of the Com- 
 mune, will six avengers qne day arise to establish 
 the reign of justice and right, the triumph of which 
 was only prevented to-day by the want of educa- 
 tion." 
 
 The proletariat will be abolished, in the same 
 way as slavery and serfdom have been. 
 
 There is no power in this world capable of 
 arresting the onward march of progress. The 
 principles of justice are indestructible, and the 
 persecutions and blood of their defenders will 
 make them germinate and fructify. 
 
 The Commune will rise again from the ashes of 
 its martyrs burnt by the executioner-incendiaries 
 of Versailles. The wind has already borne them 
 to the four corners of the heavens, to sow the fields 
 of Revolution, whose final triumph is certain. 
 
 THE END. 
 
 VIRTLE AND CO., PItlNHJRS, CifY ROAD, LONDON. 
 
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