h-AMQE.i..mm /6X CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME OF THE SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND GIVEN IN 189I BY HENRY WILLIAMS SAGE Date Due / » iMMiJit-- ^ f^yq":- . 'C^rvfoan OH Cornell University Library The original of tliis bool< is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924029449224 LANCELOT ANDREWES AND THE REACTION EISHUl' ANDKEWKS From the original in the pnsNession of the Dean of Westminster LANCELOT ANDREWES AND THE REACTION DOUGLAS MACLEANE, M.A., Rector of Codford St. Peter ,• Proctor in Convocation ; Sometime Fellow of Pembroke College, Oxford j Pf^arden of Sacred Study, Diocese of Sarum Author of " Our Island Church," etc. WITH ILLUSTRATIONS LONDON GEORGE ALLEN & SONS 44, 45 RATHBONE PLACE 1910 [All Rights Reserved L X 7v f / Richard Clay & Sons, Limited, bread street hill, e.g., and BUNGAr, SUFFOLK. PREFATORY This book was originally designed for a place in a projected series — not, in the event, carried out — of biographies of great Churchmen. It was with some misgiving that I undertook the portraiture of a prelate concerning whom so much has been written and of whom a graceful memoir already exists from the pen of my friend Dr. Robert Ottley, now Regius Professor of Pastoral Theology in the Uni- versity of Oxford. I feared to serve up a half-cold dish, the crambe repetita of stale and over-familiar history. Nor was the career of Lancelot Andrewes an exciting or eventful one. Still, it stood in an important relation to the critical sub-Reformation era, and did much to determine the subsequent life and thought of the Church of England. And though his writings, compared with those of Hooker or Taylor, are (with the exception of the immortal Devotions) somewhat now neglected, they are representative of the best apologetic Anglican divinity. But it is the vi PREFATORY sweet, holy and patristic character of the man which chiefly has made his name to be reverenced by succeeding generations. Before us, as before his contemporaries, he sets the presentment of a truly apostolic bishop of the Catholic Church, one who might — as was said of a saintly Pastor of our own day, bishop Christopher Wordsworth — have seemed in place among the fathers of Nicasa or Ephesus ; of so primitive and reverend an exterior also that, says Fuller, " the Fathers are not more faithfully cited in his books than Uvely copied out in his countenance and carriage." Bishop Hall spoke of Andrewes as " the renowned," " the matchless," " that oracle of our present times." His abUities, though not possessing the rare divinum aliquid of originative genius, were brUliant and varied, so that another panegyrist of that day declares that he " was a man of great parts as mortal nature could receive or industry make perfect." Mark Pattison, with no prepossession towards eulogy of prelates, speaks of Andrewes' " witty ser- mons " and of " the brilliant cut, thrust and parry of his pamphlet fencing," and considers that "if he had not been a bishop, he might have left an eminent name in English litera- ture." Pattison deplored,, of course, the waste of Andrewes' talents on " theological polemic." PREFATORY vii But his polemic, besides defence of the position of the Church of England, was chiefly the expounding of the mysteries of the Christian Faith. " If," says dean Church, in his essay on Andrewes in Masters of English Theology, " the stupendous facts of the Christian Creeds are true, no attention, no thought, is too great for them, — and their greatness, their connex- ions, their harmony, their infinite relations to the system of God's government and discipline of mankind and to the hopes and certainties of human Ufe, are set forth with a breadth, a subtlety, a firmness of touch, a sense of their reality, a fervour and reverence of conviction, which have made Andrewes' Sermons worthy and fruitful subjects of study to Enghsh theologians." Andrewes was by nature an expositor, not a controversialist. An accident forced him into active resistance to the pohtical claims of the Papacy, which he met not simply de- structively but by a broader and bolder appeal to Cathohc standards than would have been possible half-a-century earlier. Against the fervent but arrogant Calvinism of the day he compiled no treatise. But he recalled an age which else would have stifled in the glooms of Protestant scholasticism into a diviner, purer, freer air, back to the many- viii PREFATORY sided thought, to the sanctified divinity, of the undivided Church, by the influence of which his contemporaries might be " led from a theology which ended in cross-grained and perverse conscientiousness to a theology which ended in adoration, self-surrender and bless- ing, and in the awe and joy of welcoming the Presence of the Eternal Beauty, the Eternal Sanctity and the Eternal Love, the Sacrifice and Reconciliation of the world." ^ It should be added that the core of this volume consists of three lectures dehvered at St. Paul's to the members of the St. Paul's Lecture Society in January 1907. A few of the pages have been anticipated in my book, Our Island Church. My labour has been greatly lightened by Bhss's edition of Andrewes' works in the Anglo-Catholic Library (1854). A tribute is also due to the Rev. Arthur Tozer Russell's industrious but somewhat diffuse collection of materials in his memoir of bishop Andrewes, published at Cambridge in 1860. ' Church, foe. dt., p. 90. CONTENTS CHAPTER I PAOK An Exponent of the Anglican Ideal — Difficulties of that Ideal — Has it existed only on Paper ? . . 1 CHAPTER II School and College — Studious Habits — A Linguist — Fellowship — Ordination . . . . .18 CHAPTER III The Catechistical Lectures . . . 29 CHAPTER IV Anti-Calvinian Reaction at Cambridge ... 40 CHAPTER V Direction of Souls — Taken North — Given Prefer- ments in London — Master of his College — Ministry of Reconciliation — Parochial and Court Sermons . 55 X CONTENTS CHAPTER VI PAGE Predestinarian Controversy — Andrewes refuses a Bishoprick — Dean of Westminster — His Sermon- Style 74 CHAPTER VII Coronation of James — Hampton Court Conference — Authorized Version — Andrewes accepts a Bishop- rick — Court Preacher — Scottish Conference — Altar and Throne ........ 93 CHAPTER VIII Roman Controversy — Andrewes Bishop-Almoner — Passed over for Primacy — Archbishop Abbot's Misadventure . . . . . . .109 CHAPTER IX Andrewes Bishop of Winchester — Influence at Court — Essex Case — Case of Roger Andrewes — Burning of Leggatt 121 CHAPTER X Casaubon — Grotius — Du Moulin and Episcopacy — Consecration of Scots Bishops — Channel Island Churchmanship — Hallowing of Churches . .144 CHAPTER XI AndreweSj Bacon and Herbert — Last Days of James — A Strange Consultation — Forebodings and Hopes — A Breathing-space . . . , . .164 CONTENTS xi CHAPTER XII PAGE Church Policy of the New Reign — Cases of Mountagu and Goodman — Coronation — Close of Andrewes' Life — Obsequies — Bequests — Andrewes' Tomb . 172 CHAPTER XIII Church Revival — Ceremonial used by Bishop Andrewes — Prayer-Book Notes — The " Preces Privatae" 186 CHAPTER XIV The Bellarmine Controversy — Pope and King . . 206 CHAPTER XV Examples of Andrewes' Teaching .... 227 Index .... .... 24.? LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS BISHOP ANDREWES . . . . Frontispiece From the original in the possession of the Dean of Westminster. To face page ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT . . . . 48 CARR, EARL OF SOMERSET . 130 LANCELOT ANDREWES . ... 178 Effigy in Reredos, Southwark Cathedral. Still pra)ring in thy sleep^ With lifted hands and face supine ! Meet attitude of calm and reverence deep. Keeping thy marble watch in hallow'd shrine. Thus in thy Church's need. Enshrined in ancient Liturgies, Thy spirit shall keep watch and with us plead, Wliile from our secret cells thy prayers arise. Still downward to decay Our Church is hast'ning more and more ; But what else need we but with thee to pray That God may yet her treasures lost restore ? Isaac Williams, The Cathedral {Sepulchral Recesses ; the Church- man's Friends). " Lifted hands " is not strictly accurate. One lies by his side ; the other clasps the book of Devotions to his breast. The effigy is thought to be the work of Gerard Jansen, who carved the bust of Shakespeare in Stratford-on-Avon church. LANCELOT ANDREWES AND THE REACTION CHAPTER I AN EXPONENT OF THE ANGLICAN IDEAL — DIFFICULTIES OF THAT IDEAL— HAS IT EXISTED ONLY ON PAPEE ? " 1626, September 21st, Monday, about four o'clock in the morning, died Lancelot Andrewes the right worthy ^ bishop of Winchester. A hght of the Christian world." Such is the brief record in Laud's Diary of the passing away of a father in Israel, one at whose feet he had himself sate. The controversy with cardinals Perron and Bellarmine and the generous encouragement given by him to a number of the best con- tinental students had brought Andrewes a European note. At home for thirty years or ■ Meritissimus ; lumen, not meritissimum lumen, as inscribed on Andrewes' tomb. The date sbouldj it seems, be Sept. 25th, which was a Monday. 2 LANCELOT ANDREWES more before his death he had been the most regarded doctor of the Church of England, in which the Reformation had evoked few men of striking eminence. The words lumen orbis Christiani are therefore not overstrained. In a time of transition perplexed minds in many- countries looked to him. He was the fore- most exponent of the true Church of England ideal of reformation. That ideal, as conceived in the earlier stage of the Reformation changes and as revindi- cated in the Stuart era, was not the pursuit of a phantom primitive Protestantism, ever eluding the historian's grasp and finally dis- appearing into the dim decades of the close of the first century, but a purified Catholic Church, the old historic, visible, familiar house- hold of faith, healed of its wounds and return- ing to its higher, earlier self. A reformed Catholicism would be such as Chrysostom or Alfred could feel at home in and David, Boniface, Chad or Anselm not repudiate as alien. It would make the average church- goer a better Catholic Christian than he was before. It would invoh'e no breach of con- tinuity, but be a riddance of those crying evils and festering humours which the holiest medieevals — Francis, Dominic, Catherine, Ger- son, Theresa, Ximenes, Nicholas of Cusa, and EXPONENT OF THE ANGLICAN IDEAL 3 many more, including even popes— had long deplored, and which at the birth of the modern era, with its fierce search-lights of critical scrutiny, the unanimous judgment of good men declared must at all costs be abolished. Yet it was not necessary to flay the sheep in order to remove the wool. The Reformation, to be sure, was, like most human things, a deplorably mixed business. " Its foundation," says bishop Harold Browne,^ "was laid both in the good and in the evil quahties of our nature. Love of truth, rever- ence for sacred things, a sense of personal responsibility, a desire for the possession of full spiritual privileges, co-operated with the pride of human reason, the natural impatience of restraint, and the envy and hatred inspired among the nobles by a rich and powerful hierarchy" to bring it about. Evangelical other-worldliness and secular impiety ahke sprang from it. Then again, the debased practices and doctrines which it attacked had in reahty roots going very far back and spring- ing usually out of some innocent or laudable usage 2 or mode of thought.^ The appeal to 1 Exposition of the XXXIX Articles, Introduction, p. 1. 3 " Every one of them, as far as I can see, is an exaggeration, an excess of that in which we feel there is a virtue and a power." — Bp. G. F. Browne, Ch. Hist. Soc. publications. No. VIII., p. 10. 5 " Of course Romanism is a real and continuous development B2 4 LANCELOT ANDREWES antiquity and Catholic consent was not, as we see now, the simple affair which reformers, genuinely eager for a "reversion to type," supposed it to be — for instance as regards purgatory, invocation of saints and clerical celibacy. There was, and has been since, a temptation to prosecute it only as far as seems convenient. An ascetic Christianity, whatever the corruption of its institutions and the falling away from its ideals, must be pronounced nearer than a non-fasting and easy-going Protestantism both to the " golden age of the Church," with its enthusiastic monasticism, and to the New Testament, with its austere calls to mortification.^ There was an immense deal to be said, to take a single instance, for relaxing, under wise restrictions, the ecclesi- astical — it could not reasonably be called scrip- tural — prohibition of marriage to the clergy. But no ancient Church, whether Eastern or Western, permitted priests to enter into wed- lock aftei' ordination — a rule referred to at the Council of Nicsea as the ancient tradition of the Church.'- In some matters both reformers and anti-reformers were alike frankly dissident out of the original Christianity." — Bp. Gore, Ch. Hist. See. publications. No. LXIII., p. 8. ■ Bishop Harold Browne, for example, observes that iu our day "the tone of popular opinion concerning marriage and celibacy is low and unscriptural." (On Art. XXXII.) 2 Paphnutius in Socrat., H. E. i. 11. DIFFICULTIES OF THE ANGLICAN IDEAL 5 from primitive Christianity. It is only the Eastern Church which retains Infant Con- firmation and Infant Communion. Bishop Jewel was sincere but rash when he wrote in the Apohgic : " As much as we possibly could, we are come very near to the order used in the old times." ^ And again: "Why return we not to the pattern of the old Churches ? Why may we not hear at this time amongst us the same saying Avhich was openly pro- nounced in times past in the Council of Nice by so many bishops and Catholique fathers, Wrj a^yaicL xpaTBiTa), that is to say, 'hold still the old customs'? "2 The 15.52 Prayer-book had also removed unction of the sick and prayer for the departed from our services — the one scriptural but uncertainly primitive, the other primitive but only inferentiaUy scriptural. Again, a radical breach with the great apostolic See of the West was probably inevit- able.^ But the earlier reformers, in denying that severance to be a novissimum remedmm, an extreme course, exposed the Church of Eng- land to damaging historical attack. It was one thing to challenge the claim of Rome to be by celestial right supreme and mistress over 1 Pt. v. c. xvi. § 6. 2 pt. VI. c. xvi. § 2. 2 But Andrewes assured Bellarmine : " Our Protestation will last only until you have renewed those matters which have fallen ipto abuse," 6 LANCELOT ANDREWES Christ's entire Church, and to protest that what had been originally a loyalty of love and reverential deference rather than a divinely- commanded duty and allegiance must be for a time withheld.^ It vi^as another to exult in separation, or to parade the paradox that the permanent alienation from the primatial See of the Christians of two island provinces, involv- ing contented indifference to the thought, life and worship of the rest of the Divine Society, represented a return to the ecclesiastical con- ditions of the first five or six centuries or to the early days of Anglo-Saxon Christianity. An unhappy solitariness, we may reasonably hold, was forced upon us. We are not to try to end it, before God's time, by compromise of truth. But it was undoubtedly a novel and anomalous situation, one that went far beyond the recovery of an independence familiar to the " old ancient fathers," who spoke of " epis- copatus unus " and of " Ecclesiae Catholicae individuum sacramentum," ^ an involuntary provincialism asking patience and prayer, not self-satisfaction and boasting. Undoubtedly, from Saxon times onwards, there had been ' So strongly auti-papal a theologian as the present bisliop of Bristol writes : " I always recognize the Bishop of Rome as the natural, proper head of the Catholic Church of the ^Vest." — Ch. Hist. Soc. publications. No. VIII., p. 19. 2 Cypr., Ep. ad Ant., p. 177. INDEPENDENCE AND ISOLATION 7 much resistance in England to the political encroachments of the Papacy.^ There was also a growing anti-clericalism and a deepening dissatisfaction with a corrupted system of reUgion very far gone from its original right- eousness. But controversialists have sometimes seemed almost to contend that the Church of England was Protestant before the Reforma- tion and Catholic afterwards. Let us be satisfied to show that she was not hopelessly ultramontanized then, and is not purposely insularized now. Elizabethan Englishmen did not feel the isolation of their religion as thoughtful men begin to feel it to-day, for they were elate with the new proud patriotism of the age. Moreover, whatever differences marked them off from Lutheran, Calvinist or Sacramentary, the cause of the Reformation seemed one throughout Europe. With the political danger that feeling passed, and a conservative revival, in making the Church of England more Catholic in feeling, rendered it, by a paradox, more insular in fact. Apart from tentative negotiations in the eighteenth century with 1 In Ireland the native Celtic Catholicism struggled helplessly against an alien Romanism calling itself the " Church of Eng- land" — down to the Reformation no O or Mac might hold an Irish benefice — but the struggle was political and racial^ rather than theological. 8 LANCELOT ANDREWES the Church of France, this enforced aloofness deepened, and became widely accepted as the mark of the special favour of Providence upon our nation, until the local tradition of three centuries hardened into " the distinctive prac- tice of the Church of England." Tractarian yearning after the fuUer Christian fellowship was compelled to feed upon the past. Recently the wider horizon of an imperial Anglicanism on which the sun never sets has seemed to offer satisfaction to lonely cravings. But pan- Saxon federation is not tlie same thing as Catholic unity ; indeed it may be a hindrance to it by deepening the groove of racial charac- teristics that need rather to be corrected and complemented. Imperialism ought not to be particularism writ large. Christianity stoops to earth, espouses to itself the life of this and that race, becomes bone of its bone and flesh of its flesh, blends its own Di^-ine institutions with the institutions of the nation, takes a special colour from the soil it is planted on, and so divides itself into national Churches ; yet all the while remains essentially detached, ecumenical, universal, " given " from above — not the anti-national conception of the Jesuit, yet extra-national and international.^ 1 That the same Court should still decide Admiralty and Matrimonial causes is a curious survival of the idea of Canon law as extra-territorial. CONTINUITY 9 Of late the continuous identity of the Ecelesia AngUcana through the Henrician and Edwardian changes has been admitted even by hostile witnesses.^ There was " in this Church of England " a technical and legal continuity,^ an essential continuity, an ideal, verbal and purposed continuity.^ But it would be uncandid to maintain that no big wrench took place, that the national con- ception of religion was not considerably changed, or that continuity of fundamental ' For instance, Mr. Asquith, speaking in tlie Lower House of Parliament on March 21, 1895, declared : " I am not one of those who think, as used to be currently assumed, that the legislation of Henry VIII transferred the privileges and endow- ments of a National Establishment from the C hurch of Rome to the Church of England. I believe that view rests upon imperfect historical information. I am quite prepared to admit, what I believe the best authorities of history now assert, that there has been amidst all these changes and developments a substantial identity and continuity of existence in our national Church from earliest history down to the present time." ^ For example, queen Mary Tudor and cardinal Pole died within the same twenty-four hours. Whereupon, Elizabeth suc- ceeding her sister, Matthew Parker is declared " elected arch- bishop of Canterbury in place of Reginald Pole, the late holder of that See, now vacant by the death of the said Reginald." ^ Stat. 23, Henrici VIII, cap. 20, says : — " Our Sovereign the King and all his natural subjects continue to be as obedient, devout, catholique, and humble children of God and Holy Cliurch as any people be within any realm christened." This was re-asserted in 26 Hen. VIII. cap. 21. But it is unnecessary to quote contemporary protestations of fidelity to the Catholic verity and against the charge of innovation. Somewhat later archbishop Bramhall writes : " We do not arrogate to ourselves a new Church, a, new Religion, or new holy Orders. Our religion is the same as it was ; our Church the same ; our holy Orders the same ; differing from what they were only as a garden weeded from a garden unweeded." — Works, p. 119. 10 LANCELOT ANDREWES institution was not for long periods disguised by an extreme contrast of ecclesiastical atmo- sphere, spirit and procedure. An Elizabethan mmister of the Word dispensing the Supper from his undraped tresseled board, or a pluralist rector of George TV's time performing his slovenly function between two race-meetings, M^ould hardly recall the mass-priest either of Bede's or of Grosseteste's days. On the other hand, neither did that mass- priest and his adjuncts very closely resemble St. Paul breaking bread in the upper room at Troas— one can only say that there was an identity in essentials. And it would be easy to point to infinitely more repellent contrasts between apostolic Christianity, or that of the martyr bishops of Rome, and the Christianity of the age of the Borgias. It is difficult, now that we have travelled beyond the glamour of the Reformation, to ideahze it, or regard it as more than an attempt, marred by much human waywardness and self-mU, to get back from a decadent to a cleansed and more primitive Christianity. Still, it was such an attempt, and the attempt was bound to be made. If amid the Elizabethan anarchy the remodelled Church of England began at once to produce a type of churchmanship which approximated to the ideal of what a DEFENCE OF ANGLICANISM 11 purified Catholicism should be ; if she brought forth sons able to defend her position with the highest intellect and learning ; if she was from the first fruitful in orthodoxy and sanctity ; then we may humbly believe that God the Holy Ghost piloted her ship through the storm and shifting mists. The glory and beauty and open vision of the ages of faith have departed, together with mediaeval violence and unabashed wickedness. But they ha^'e departed for papal Christianity as well. And we may further ask whether there has been any enduring blemish in our communion in the last three and a half centuries — Erastianism, secularity, opportun- ism, or any other — which has not been found in a worse form in the Latin communion. In both alike, the Church, whose life was once knit intimately together with the life of all the people, retains only a fraction of the population in her full communion and allegiance.^ In both alike a wide area of supernatural truth has ceased for the bulk of the people to exist. In both the godly discipline of the primitive Church is largely in abeyance. Now, if the 1 The communicants in England last year were 6^ per cent, of the population — in the dioceses of Durham and Birming- ham, however, only 3^ per cent. But in some Latin countries churchmanship is at an even lower ebb, and there are said to be many rural parishes where it is difficult to secure even one conjmunicant at Easter, 12 LANCELOT ANDREWES Roman system may fairly claim to be judged not by its worst but by its best — and that best is a very lofty one — why should the Church of England in its post-Reformation form be judged by times of reaction, of disorder or of lethargy ? That she could recover from her confusions and stand where she does to-day is surely proof of a Divine vitality. The re- formers left her with no thought-out principle of authority, and with a disciplinary machinery busily working but lacking any driving power except that which was derived precariously from the Crown. As the personal relation to the Church of the Christian prince, anointed by the Church herself to an office of great sacredness, became obsolete, spiritual govern- ance was found hopelessly in the grip of parliamentary and legal control. Nor has any plan yet been proposed but the crude, coarse and unscriptural method of " disestablishment " — secularizing God's State and dethroning Christ's Church — for disentangling them. But these sources of weakness and derision make the elastic power of recuperation shown by the Church of England, her theological stability and her power to hold parliamentary violation of her constitution at arm's length, all the more remarkable. It would be blindness to extol so loose an ecclesiastical system as VIA MEDIA 13 a transcript of the original Catholic ideal. But, as dean Church observes, it has borne the brunt of three centuries of constant jar and shock, and it has been able to inspire a passionate love and opposition. We could not have been surprised if the Reformation pendulum had swung much farther than it did. Many currents have since affected the ship's course. But admittedly the distinctively Anglican school of churchmanship is that of Hooker, Andrewes, Herbert and Laud. The first of these names stands for sanctified depth of philosophic thought, the last for devoted boldness of action, even unto death. Herbert is the beloved representative of English imaginative and high-bred piety, Andrewes of our old grave and reverend Anglo-Catholic di^sdnity and of the priestly life among us. It was a " Romish " state of things rather than Roman theory against which the Reforma- tion was a revolt. And Anglicanism equally has to stand or fall by the type of churchman- ship it actually produces rather than by the letter of its formularies or by views on paper. The Tractarians of two generations ago were met by the retort — " Your Via Media theory sounds very well ; but after all it is only a theory. Your Prayer-book may be fairly 14 LANCELOT ANDREWES orthodox and not un-Catholic ; but how many Enghsh Churchmen, lay or clerical, live accord- ing to its directions and ideals ? " Certainly there was a wide gulf in 1833 — there is a con- siderable interval even now — between form and fact, between theory and things. Yet there continued a tradition of apostolic churchman- ship, handed down from bishop Andrewes through the Carohne fathers, through Ken and Berkeley and Wilson and JoUy, and a great companionship besides. It is by this tradition that England has been especially leavened and the English character influenced. There is an epigram about England's Church being Catholic, not England's self. In An- drewes' boyhood, when prophet and priest were Calvinist and the people loth to leave the old ways behind,^ the reverse may be said to have been true. But at any rate the national Christianity, if not given to unearthly visions and incandescent glories, has yet caught from the national Church something of unworldli- ness and of diffused light and warmth. The true via media in religion is not a ^ A dispassionate historical writer, Mr. T. A. R. Marriott, has said recently that at the beginning of Elizabeth's reign " it is permissible to hazard the conjecture that the mass of the nation would have been M'ell content had the Reformation been permitted to stop at the point where Henry VIII left it" (Life of Falkland, p. 28). De Silva wrote to his master in 1564 : " The earl of Leicester admits that the Catholics are far the larger number. ' VIA MEDIA IS steering between Scylla and Charybdis, a trimming compromise/ a patched-up viodus Vivendi, a halting between two opinions. It will not prove the help which they think it should prove to statesmen — a vaccine to prevent the country becoming inconveniently rehgious in one direction or the other ; for our Lord came not to bring peace on earth but rather division. Certainly it will promote civic temperance, charity and law-abidingness ; but it will present difficulties of its own when the attempt is made to adjust it to the modern State, and will be peculiarly exasperating to politicians who had reckoned on finding it opportunist and compliant — hence the Church of England excites much more animosity when she advances a lofty, supernatural claim than the Church of Rome does. The golden mean, indeed, is not a point half-way between extremes but a harmony of extremes.^ In ' George Savile, marquess of Halifax (1630-95), in his Gharacter of a Trimmer, 1684, asserts, however, the conventional view that " our Church is a Trimmer between the frenzy of phanatick visions and the lethargick ignorance of popish dreams," just as ''our climate is a Trimmer between that part of the world where men are roasted and the other where they are frozen ; our laws are Trimmers between the excesses of unbounded power and the extra- vagance of liberty not enough restrained ; true virtue hath ever been thought a Trimmer and to have its dwelling in the middle between the two extremes ; even God Almighty Himself is divided between His two great attributes. His mercy and His justice." 2 Courage, for instance, is at once more discreet and prudent than cowardice, and more daring, in the proper time and place, than foolhardiness. This Aristotle showed long ago. The 16 LANCELOT ANDREWES Addison's ecclesiastical thermometer, the Church, represented by a fluid compounded of a fiery fermenting spirit and a kind of icy rock-water, stands at the exact middle point of the glass between Zeal on the upper register and JNIoderation on the lower, and thus fulfils the aspirations of every good eighteenth-century Englishman. Unfortunately the gospel was not intended to fit the good eighteenth-century Englishman or the British constitution quite so comfortably. On the other hand, a Christianity which really harmonizes extremes and does justice to ideals may be rightly called a Middle Way. Such a Christianity demands learning, a temper of devout reasonableness, an ensuing first of truth and then of peace. Without being consciously a mediator and daysman between the old and the new learning, bishop Andrewes by his life and writings was immensely instrumental towards bringing the views of either side into their due proportions and establishing the pattern of a true via media churchmanship, apart fi-om which the Church of England in the revolutionary storm that was coming must have gone to pieces. He holds, says Wakeman,^ reticence, again, and restraint of Greek art was not mediocrity but a unification of excellences in their highest degree. * Eistory of the Church ofEngkmd, 0th ed., p. 360. ANDREWES THE FIRST OF A LINE 17 "with Ken and Wilson and St. Hugh of Lincoln, the foremost place among the saintly bishops of the English Church." But he is also the first of a line. " I loved him," said bishop Buckeridge — Andrewes' successor and disciple, Laud's Oxford predecessor and tutor — preaching over his new- made grave, " and honoured him for above thirtie yeares' space, but yet my love doth not blind nor outs way my judgment."^ It is in a like spirit of discriminating reverence that I would endeavour to pen this memoir of a great and guileless preacher, scholar and saint, a master of the religious life. ^ Buckeridge did not long survive his master, dying May 23, 1631. CHAPTER II SCHOOL AND COLLEGE — STUDIOUS HABITS — A LINGUIST FELLOAVSHIP ORDINATION Lancelot Andrewes was during most of his life a Londoner — born in Thames Street among the scents and sounds and sights of England's coming maritime greatness, and buried as a parishioner seventy-one years later in St. Mary- Overie's, now the cathedral church of South- wark. He saw the light under Philip and JNIary, in the year of the burning of bishops Ridley and Latimer, 1555, and lived to take part, as prelate of the Garter, in the coronation of Charles I, passing away in what seemed to Clarendon ^ halcyon days of calm and felicity, before the gathering of that hurricane which, when it passed, left the Church of England more firmly rooted in the love and reverence of the nation than before, purified by suffering and consecrated by the blood and passion of her highest. To Andrewes it was not given to be either martyr or confessor for apostolical ' Life, i. 122. 18 PARENTAGE AND SCHOOLING 19 truth, but only to defend it with his learning and commend it by his example/ He was the eldest of thirteen children born to Thomas Andrewes, merchant-mariner, a man, says Winstanley, "(according to the religion of those antient times) very devout, being one of the Society of Masters of the Holy Trinity, commonly called Trinity House." -^ Lancelot Andrewes was wont in after years to pray "for my parents honest and good," and to render thanks that he had been born " of honest parentage, not a sorry egg of a sorry crow."^ At his christening in the parish church of AUhallows Barking there were doubtless the rejoicings for a first-born. The child received his first rudiments at the Coopers' school at RatclifFe in Stepney parish, under the ferule of Ward, who, when Lancelot's father would have prenticed him, probably to the sea, persuaded him that a boy of such pregnancy and aptness — " from his tender years he was totally addicted to the study of good letters " — should be bred a scholar. But just then («'. e. in 1561) Merchant Taylors' had been founded ; and Richard Mulcaster, the ' One of the thanksgivings in the Preces Privatae is this : "Blessed art Thou, O God, which didst take order with me that I should be ... in days of peace, not tossed about in storms." 2 Worthies, 1659. The gild or mystery of the ever-blessed Trinity was founded by Henry VIII. ' A proverb cited by Erasmus — mali corvi malum ovum, C2 20 LANCELOT ANDREWES first master, on the look-out for lads of promise, offered him a place as one of the hundred " poor scholars " in that school. Among his companions were Giles Thompson, afterwards bishop of Gloucester ; Thomas Dove, afterwards bishop of Peterborough ; Ralph Hutchenson, afterwards president of St. John's College, Oxford ; and, as is now known, Edmund Spenser.i But while his school-fellows were at play young Andrewes was usually deep in some volume, until forcibly driven from it. Bishop Buckeridge in his funeral sermon relates tliat " his late studying by candle and early rising at four m the morning procured him envie among his equaUs, yea, and with his Vshers also, because he called them up too soone." Such gluttony for learning is not a complaint of the boy or youth of our day, in which, while we elaborate the machinery of education, we seem to have lost the hunger for knowledge. As a matter of fact there was no playground at Merchant Taylors' — nor at St. Paul's School when Milton was there — and the scholars were forbidden to use cock-fighting or "tennys-play."^ ' This interesting circumstance was first brought to light by Mr. R. B. KnowleSj in the fourth report of the Historical MSS. Commission, p. 407. ^ See Clode's Early History of the Merchant Taylors' Company, ii. 165. School hours wei'e from seven to eleven and one to five. MERCHANT TAYLORS' 21 Mulcaster, a Cumbrian, had been himself trained at Eton under the severe pedagogy of Nicholas Udall, and this was his method of teaching — • '' In a morning he would exactly and plainly parce the lesson to his scholars ; which done, he slept his hour (custom made him critical to proportion it) in his desk in the school. But woe be to the scholar that slept the while. Awaking, he heard them accurately ; and Atropos might be persuaded to pity as soon as he to pardon, where he found just fault. The prayers of cockering mothers prevailed with him as much as the requests of indulgent fathers, rather increasing than mitigating his severity on their offending children. But his sharpness was the better endured because impartial, and many excellent scholars were bred under him." i Mulcaster taught his boys music and singing. Mulcaster was rather modern in his educational views. " From seaven of the clock, though ye rise sooner (as the lamb and the lark be the proverbial leaders when to rise and to go to bed), till ten a.m., and from two till five p.m., be the best and fittest hours and enough for children wherein to learn '' {Positions, 1581). He held that " maidens " should receive as good an education as boys. He also insisted on the importance of physical training. But when he remarks that schools in the heart of towns " might easily be chopt for some field situation " (ibid.), this is that they may be " far from disturbance " rather than for gain of grass and space. ' Fuller, Worthies (Westmorland), p. 139. Andrewes had a great reverence throughout life for his old master — who had quitted Merchant Taylors' with the bitter saying on his lips, Fidelis servus perpetuus asinus — always placing him at the upper end of his table, and after his death setting his portrait — " in all the rest of the house you could scautly see a picture " — over hie study door. To M oleaster's son Peter the bishop left a small legacy. He also remembered the family of his first preceptor. Ward. 22 LANCELOT ANDREWES He wrote many masques and interludes for presenting before the queen, which the children performed. He was also a good Greek and Hebrew scholar, and was sedulous that his best lads should become the same. One day in 1571, when Lancelot Andrewes was aged sixteen, di-. Thomas Wattes, a residentiary of St. Paul's, archdeacon of Middlesex and dean of Bocking, who had several times accompanied archbishop Grindal when visiting the school, desired master Mulcaster to name his best youths to hold four of the se^en Greek scholarships which he was then founding in Pembroke (otherwise Mary Valence) Hall, now called Pembroke College, in Cambridge, with which foundation the school was from the first connected, as well as with St. John's, Oxford. Andrewes was the first selected, and on St. Barnabas' Day, 1571, he left school for good. So that Aubrey had heard wrongly that he was " a great long boy of eighteen years old at least before he went to the university."^ "By his extraordinary industry and admirable capacity," says Isaacson,^ he had " outstript all the ' SJiort Lives, ed. Rev. A. Clark, vol. i., p. 29. 2 Henry Isaacson, the bishop's amanuensis (1581-1654), son of Richard Isaacson the chronologer and a member of Pembroke Hall, published an all too short memoir of his master in 1650. It is the copy of this as inserted in Fuller's Ahel Bedivivus from which I quote in this book. See also An exact narration of the CAMBRIDGE 23 scholars under Master Mulcaster's tuition, being become an excellent Grecian and Hebrecian." He left school, records Winstanley, with the promise of a golden harvest from so hopeful a seed-time. The future author of the Faerie Queene had gone up to Pembroke as a sizar two years earlier.^ In the Towneley MSS.^ there is a list of the bounties of dr. Robert, brother of dean Alexander, Nowell ^ to young Oxford and Cambridge students, and among them in 1573 are three gifts to one " Rycharde Hooker " (or " Mr Huker ") " of Corpus Christie Colledge in Oxford," and on " the xxviij" of Martch " in the same year "to one Lancelet Andrewes, poor SchoUer of Pembroke Hall, at the sute of Mr Lewes my lord of Lacester['s] gent, x^" Within a fortnight of Andrewes' leaving school letters patents were issued for the foundation of Jesus College, Oxford.* Though Life and Death of the reverend and learned prelate and painfull divine Lancelot Andrewes, late Bishop of Winchester, London, printed for John Stafford, 1650. This was reprinted recently in Three Biographical Tracts by J. T. Brockett, Newcastle. 1 Spenser took B.A. Jan. 16, 1572/3 ; M.A. June 26, 1576 , when, failing to get any emolument from the college, he seems to have retired to his kinsfolk in the north. Aubrey's remark is incorrect that he " misst at Pembrooke-hall the fellowship which Bishop Andrewes gott " (Short Lives, ii. 232). 2 Fourth report of Hist. MSS. Commission, p. 614. 5 Andrewes was an executor of the dean's will in 1591. * The Elizabethan-Jacobean age brought out a new class of foanders, inspired by no splendid Renaissance passioja for a goldea 24> LANCELOT ANDREWES intended chiefly for Welshmen, the founder, or first benefactor, dr. Hugh Price, wished to infuse into it a strain of Enghsh scholarship. " Having heard much of the fame of some young Merchant Taylors of Pembroke Hall, Cambridge, he prevailed on the queen to appoint them among the first scholars on that foundation. Of these the principal were Lancelot Andrewes and Thomas Dove. But they, retaining an affection for the university to which they were originally sent, determined to look for promotion in their own society." ^ Fifty years later, however, when both were prelates, Andrewes and Dove were still on the books of Jesus College as scholars,^ and the former incorporated M.A. of Oxford in 1581. Otherwise his connexion with that university seems to have been nominal. We find him there in after years in attendance on king James, and " as his custom was " sending fifty pounds to be distributed among poor scholars. Not a word has ever been breathed against the innocence of Andrewes' adolescent years. He bore, says Buckeridge, the yoke from his dawn of knowledge, but desirous of repairing the destructiveness of the age before and of equipping a learned clergy. ' History of Merchant Taylors' School, by Rev. H. B. Wilson, B.D., 1814. 2 History of Jesus College, Oxford, by E. G. Hardy, p. 16. Tliat Society possesses a fine portrait of bishop Andrewes. NATURAL PHILOSOPHY; LANGUAGES 25 youth. His habits, at Cambridge as at school, were lonely and studious. Isaacson records — " He hath beene sometimes heard to say that when he was a young scholer in the University, and so all his time onward, he never loved or used any games or ordinary recreations, either within doores (as Cards, Dice, Tables, Chesse, or the like), or abroad, as Buts, Coyts, Bowles, or any such. But his ordinary exercise and recreation was walking either alone by himselfe, or with some other selected Companion, with whom he might conferre and argue and recount their studies. And he would often professe that to observe the grasse, herbs, come, trees, cattle, earth, waters, heavens, any of the Creatures, and to contemplate their Natures, orders, qualities, vertues, uses, etc., was ever to him the greatest mirth, content and recreation that could be : and this he held to his dying day." Long afterwards, ere Bacon's day of trouble, he, remembering his "antient and private acquaintance " with Andrewes and his friend's eagerness in the interrogation of Nature, sub- mitted his writings to his judgment, and un- folded to him the great plan of the Instauratio, " fishing "also, he teUs us, for help in his schemes from the " rych and sickly " bishop's will. But Andrewes' especial strength, until he applied himself to the queen of sciences, was in languages.^ He had acquired before many ^ It is curious that Du Moulin apologized for not having- sent Andrewes a treatise of his, as having been told by divers that the bishop understood not French. 26 LANCELOT ANDREWES years were over not a superficial but a masterly and critical knowledge of fifteen — according to one account, of twenty — tongues, both classical and vernacular, including several eastern ones. FuUer says that he might have acted as inter- preter-general at the confusion of tongues. Orientalism was beginning to fascinate lovers of knowledge. For example, there was Henry Wyld, the " learned taylor " of Norwich, who while working at his craft mastered not only Latin and Greek but Hebrew, Sp-iac, Arabic and Persian. Andrewes became " one of the rarest linguists in Christendome." Whitelocke mentions one of his instructors. He says — "The famosest in the Hebrew tong about the towne was Hopkinson, he dwelt in Grub street, an obscure and simple man for worldly afFayres, but expert in all the left- hand tongs, as Hebrew, Chaldean, Syrian, Arabian, and writ them verye fair. He had at that time great lerned men that consulted him in those languages, and especially Dr Andrews, that is now bishop of Chichester." i This was probably during one or more of Andrewes' visits to his parents, for which purpose he took every year a month's Easter holiday, pacing the distance between Cam- bridge and London on foot ^ — at least till he ' Liber Famelicus, Camden Society, p. 13. ^ In the same way Hoolcer set out from Oxford to trudge to Exeter to visit his mother. But at Salisbury bishop Jewell lent him a walking-staJF for a horse. FELLOWSHIP— ORDINATION 27 had put on the priestly habit and taken B.D., when, as "divers friends began to find fault with him and misinterpret him, as if he had forborne riding only to save charges," he hired a nag. Against the time he should come to London, the worthy seaman his father, "directed by letters from his Son before he came, prepared one that should read to him and be his guide in the attaining of some language or art which he had not attained before. So that within a few yeeres he had laid the foundations of all Arts and Sciences, and had gotten skill in most of the modern languages." In 1575, the year of Grindal's accession to the primacy, he took his first degree. At Cambridge "he owed," says Isaacson, "little to his Tutors, but most to his owne paines and studie." In 1576, a fellowship at Pembroke falling vacant, " Sir Andre wes " (?. e. Andre wes, B.A.) was, after " scholastical exercises," elected against his old school-fellow Dove, whom, however, the college continued on its founda- tion as tanquam socius. In 1578 he took M.A., and in 1580 was ordained deacon, and the next year priest. His sermons preached in later years on the bestowing of holy Orders make it certain that he must have received the laying on of hands not merely with seriousness but with awe and with a fuller belief in 28 LANCELOT ANDREWES the indelible sacerdotal " character " imprinted thereby than was usual at that time. He argues, in his Whitsunday discourse preached before king James in 1616, that what is imparted is function rather than personal grace, and for this reason, and also because the out- ward sign is not the breathing recorded as used by our Lord, he wUl not call ordination a sacrament. But he asserts in that sermon that " the very operative words " in ordination are Receive the Holy Ghost; whose sins ye remit, etc.^ " Which words, had not the Church of Rome retained in their ordinations, it might well have been doubted (for all their Accipe pro- testatem, etc., Receive thou authority to sacrifice for the living and for the dead) Avhether they had any priests at all or no. But, as God would, they retained them, and so saved them- selves." Speaking of the afflation of God the Holy Ghost, he says, like one who had watched ships :— " Weak in appearance as it is, by it were great things brought to pass. By this puff of breath was the world blown about. About came the philosophers, the orators, the emperors. Away went the mist of error — Down went the idols and their temples before it." 1 The addition of the words for the office and xvork of a priest in the Church of God was not made till 1661. CHAPTER III THE CATECHISTICAL LECTURES Being now in holy Orders, Andrewes was appointed Catechist in his college. His lectures in this capacity may be regarded as almost the first earnest of the coming reviA al of technical theology in England. The text- books of Duns and the medieval school-men had fed bonfires, libraries had perished, and divinity students, as AVakeman says,^ had " eagerly turned to the one Protestant treatise which contained a logical and simple system of theology," viz. Calvin's Institutes. Andrewes struck out a line of his own. To hear him, " not onely out of other coUedges in the University but diverse also out of the Country did duely resort unto the Colledge Chappell as to a publique Divinity Lecture." Since the building of the present chapel by Sir Christopher Wren, at his nephew dr. Matthew Wren's charges, the old chapel has become the college library. The lectures were published soon after Andrewes' death under 1 History of the Church of England, 6th ed., p. 830. 29 30 LANCELOT ANDREWES the title of A Pattern of Catechistical Doctrine} Their subject is not predestin- ation and election — do we not, however, hear too little now of the Divine decrees ? — but the Ten Commandments,^ treated not unde- nominationally but theologically, systematic- ally, almost scholastically, and with constant reference to Holy Writ. It carmot be as- serted, however, that at this stage of his career the author had wholly emancipated himself from the confused thought and de- fective practice of the age. In the exposition of the law of the Sabbath, with which is identified the Lord's Day,^ the Resurrection is not once mentioned, nor do the numerous scriptural citations include the coming together ' The folio which appeared in 1642, entitled, "Tlie Morall Law expounded, 1. largely, 2. learnedly, 3. orthodoxly. That is. The long expected and much desired work of Bishop Andrewes upon the Ten Commandments : being his Lectures many years since in Pembroke Hall chappell in Cambridge, which have ever since passed from hand to hand in manuscripts and beene accounted one of the greatest treasures of private libraries, but never before this published in print," is made up, seemingly, of notes taken down in the lecture-room. Tliis was re-edited in a scholarly way and " purged from many thousands of errors, defects and corruptions ' in 1650, under the title, " The Pattern of Catechistical Doctrine at large." ^ One of the prefaces to the Rheims version of the Bible complains of the free handling of the deep mysteries of Holy Scripture, which led men to " contemn or easily pass over the moral parts." ' Years afterwards, in his Notes on the Book of Common Prayer, the bishop pointed out the distinction made by Canon 29 of the Council of Laodicea between the Sabbath and the Lord's Day. CATECHISTICAL LECTURES 31 of the disciples at Troas on the first day of the week to break bread. Again we read : " The sacraments and discipline are for the Sabbath day, but not for every Sabbath." And though to rest idly — bene vestiri et nil agere, mere bodUy repose, sabbatum bourn et asino7-um — is not to keep the Sabbath, which should be, he remarks, the soul's market-day, yet he says little about worship and holy joy. On the other hand, these lectures are ex- ceedingly rich, hvely, suggestive and packed with matter, as everything from Andre wes' pen is. Prefixed to the exposition of the Decalogue is a preface on catechizing by the help of summaries and on the pastoral train- ing of children — a point on which Calvinism, from the nature of its creed, has been always lukewarm. Teaching the Bible, Andrewes urges, must be graduated, " for in some places of the Scripture the lamb may wade, so in others the elephant may swim."^ Again, a course of religion must not presuppose belief in God's existence and the truth of Holy Scripture, " for we know that many have gone about to undermine the very foundation.' Wherefore "the builders of our age dig not ' A quotation from St. Gregory. Boccaccio in the same way speaks of poetry as ''un fiume piano e profondOj nel quale lagnello puote andare e il leofente natare." 32 LANCELOT ANDREWES deep enough ; they dig not to the rock." Accordingly Andrewes sets out to prove first of all (1) that there is a God, against the Atheist ; (2) that He rewards the good and punishes the evil, against the Epicure ; (3) that the Scriptures are His word and true, against the Turk ; (4) that " our religion " is truly grounded on His word, against the Jew and the Papist. The following quotation may suffice to illustrate Andrewes' manner — "If it be question how cometh it that there are some atheists, "First, we may answer with Seneca, mentmntur qui dicunl se noti sentire esse Demn. . . . " Secondly, it is true that some make their hearts fat and are sick with the pleasures of the world ; yet, what- soever he be, if God put His bridle into his mouth, those sparks and notions [motions ?] that God hath put into every man's soul will break forth, and the darkness shall not always be able to obscure the light ; as if God vex them with any of these — a. first, with trouble, as in jEschylus his tragedy called PerscE, when they must needs fall into the hands of the enemy unless they be holpen ; then, though they were never so evil, they would down on their knees and pray to God; 13. secondly, with sickness, as a philosopher and atheist called Diogenes, being afflicted with sickness and pain of the strangullion, detested his opinion ; y. thirdly, with age ; so Cephalus in Plato, De Repuh. i., in his age said to Socrates, whilst he was a young man he never thought there were any Styx, but now in his old age ROME AND CANTERBURY 33 he became to doubt^ What if there be one ? — So that these three thhigs do make the most wicked to confess God. ..." Also we may see there is a God by our conscience, God's deputy. " Let the wicked do some hainous deed in the wilder- ness where none seeth them, yet they will never be quiet, but the conscience will beat and whip the soul ; yea, they will tell it themselves either in sleep or in madness ; or at least they will be afraid that the bird in the air will tell it ; and their worm never dieth, Esay Ixvi. 24." To the objection that God would not suffer so much evil in natural and moral things if He had any care or providence over the affairs of men, the lecturer replies — " Those things which so come to pass, God hath no part in the doing of them ; for though the power that does them be from God, yet the power is in the soul, and the soul faulteth not, but the crooked body, the instrument of the soul, God so permitting it. And of this permission of evil we have three reasons," etc. The section on "our rehgion as different from the Papists' " consists of a few frag- mentary notes only. " In the way of Chris- tianity," Andrewes says, "there is yet no difference between us. They build themselves on the Word of God, and so do we, but of a diverse meaning." ^ 1 This was a view little in favour at the time. Cartwright, in reply to a question of the lord Treasurer's wliether a professor of the gospel might lawfully marry with a Papist, replied that God had put perpetual enmity between the seed of the woman and the seed of the serpeut. 34 LANCELOT ANDREWES " The main question between them and us is. Who have the tnie means to interpret ? As it is, 2 Pet. i. 20, the Scripture is of no private interpretation ; so to make it plain what we hold, we will first lay down these three grounds — "1. That as to the eunuch. Acts viii. 31, so much more to us there is need of an interpreter. " 2. That there is a certain and infallible interpreta- tion ; else, if we were always uncertain, how should we buUd on the rock ? "3. We must hold that God hath given the gift of interpretation ; which gift is not given to any but those who are in the Church, 1 Cor. ii. 10-14, and of those not to the common sort of every private man but to the learned. . . . It is not to be restrained to some one bishop." He then summarily rejects not only the Pope but the Fathers, the Councils and the Church. The Church, it would seem, because it at one time everywhere " ministered the Lord's Supper to infants." The Fathers and Councils because, "if there be doubt in the Scriptures, there is much more in the expo- sition." These crude scraps and jottings, then, appear to leave the reader under the necessity of finding the " certain and infallible interpreter " of God's Word, not in Church, Councils or Fathers, but in the learned — such, shall we say, as Du Perron, Suarez and BeUarmine ? It is impossible to beheve that Andrewes would have allowed this part of the Catechistical Doctrine to see the light in its present unripe and almost absurd form. PRINCES AND SUBJECTS 35 One more extract may be given, under the fifth command, regarding the duties of princes and subjects — " A king must acknowledge himself to be there not by himself but by God— per me reges regnant; and so their style runneth ' by the gi-ace of God ' ; and that therefore their power is not arbitraria but delegaia. And therefore he must say with the centurion, ' I myself also am under authority.' They are under God and must so rule as God Himself would rule. ... It is justice that must establish his throne, Prov. xvi. 12, and without it magna regna are nothing else but magna lairocinia. "^The second duty of the prince is — Seeing God hath been so liberal as to make him king and His deputy, he must not requite Him by breaking into that which is God's peculiar ; for we see our Saviour maketh a division, quae Caesaris, quce Dei, ' some things to Caesar, some to God ' : as namely the court of conscience ; the Lord only keepeth His court there. And therefore the king must not dominari conscientiae, he must command nothing to any man against his conscience. Yet those whose consciences are not well instructed they must labour to rectify them ; and, if they be obstinate and will not yield to religion, they must compel them, Luke xiv. 23 ; and if there be not intus voluntas, a will within, there must be Jvris necessitas, a necessity laid on them by others. And therefore let Papists come and hear that they may be taught." Self-contradictory as this reasoning appears, it is the hne taken in practice by most men — by the latitudinarian as much as by the Spanish friar. Luther's " On Obedience to the Secular Power" takes it. Consciences should not be D 2 36 LANCELOT ANDREWES forced, but if people are in the wrong their ideas must be compulsorily rectified. After all, no one with any principle allows another human being committed to his responsible charge — a child, for instance — to think and say and do just what he pleases without attempting some kind of constraint ; yet there is no idea of lording it over another's soul. Still, it provokes a smile to insist that Elizabeth must not break into God's right but confine herself to Caesar's things, and in the next sentence to declare that she must use compulsion to the ill- instructed consciences of the Pope's adherents. Just before we read : " Absolute obedience is due to God only, and kings are to be obeyed so far as their commandments are not repug- nant to God's commandments. ... It is no disobedience in the inferior if the superior go out of the line and the inferior keep it." But Andrewes is thinking of cases such as that of " Joab for obeying the king's letter and putting Uriah but to chance-medley, yet he is con- demned for it " ; or the Apostles in Acts v., who had received a direct command from the angel of the Lord to stand in the temple and speak to the people all the words of this life. He does not mean that either Papist or Puritan has a right to plead a Divine behest against the godly laws of England. But in after years, ORIGIN OF GOVERNMENT 37 confronting Bellarmine, he learned to express himself more cautiously. When we come to that controversy we shall notice the papalist doctrine that regal and temporal government was a declension from the original paradisal institution of God, and a consequence of the Fall. Curiously enough, Andrewes in this same lecture adopts much the same view. Thus, under " How there came to be magistrates ? " — "The power ecclesiastical would have been sufficient to have governed the world, but that Cain building a city. Gen. iv. 17, made the godly first take order for their defence. And so city against city was the occasion of civil government, because some men, like the horse and mule, Ps. xxxii. 9, would still be offering violence and injury if there were not a power to bridle them. " Now seeing they must have government, the main reason why they would be under one man, and give potestatem vitce et necis to one particular, was, prwstat timere unicm quam multos, better one wolf than a great many." Here is that " social compact " theory of society, that purely utilitarian and earthly origination of government, which ultramontane and Genevan writers alike were soon to use with much effect against the divinity that hedges kings from revolt and assassination. Men associated themselves together and created government, without which a country would be a pond where great fish devour 38 LANCELOT ANDREWES small, a wild forest " to which comes me " (Andrewes' ethical dative) "one Nimrod with a company of hounds at his tail (that metaphor it pleaseth God the Holy Ghost to use), and he takes upon him to be a hunter, that is, a chaser of men."^ Against such a troubler of the peace men perforce combined, and delegated their powers to a head constable to defend them. But may the constable be dismissed or punished ? Thirty years later the contrat social ideas of the sixteenth century had lost their hold on Andrewes' mind.^ In more than one sermon he declares that " in [the Bible] we find not any sovereign power ever seated in any body collective, or derived from them. That ever kingdoms came out of God's hand by any grant into the people's hand to bestow, we find not. . . . Dedi vohis regem, gift of grace, as even kings acknowledge in their styles that Dei gratia sunt quod suut. Given by Him, sent by Him, placed in their thrones by Him, vested with their robes by Him, ' See also Lent sei-mon (March 11^ 1589) on Ps. Ixxv. 3. 2 A more explicit propounder of the " government by consent " theory was Hooker, claimed in after days as master by Locke and the Whigs. He seems to apply it to Church as well as to StatCj though the theory leads inevitably to naturalism. In the State it becomes the famous declaration of the Rump Parlia- ment, put out in January 1649. In the Church it makes creed and worship a matter ultimately of individual preference and voluntary association. SOCIAL COMPACT 39 girt with their swords by Him, anointed by Him, crowned by Him. ... If our fear to the King be taught us by the law of man, it is not yet upon his true base."^ In the same way against Bellarmine Andrewes com- bats the Jesuit-Calvinist assertion that kings are made by, and responsible to, their sub- jects — populus creator prineipis, populus casti- gator?' On the other hand, princes are bound to devote themselves unselfishly to their people's welfare, remembering the account they must render hereafter to the chief Shepherd. With the accession of the Stuarts pohtical theory was veering back to a theocratic and mystical standpoint. Hence the coming con- flict. The supreme interest of the seventeenth century is that it was the stage on which we see fought out a struggle not for place or pelf but for principles, the clash not of interests but of ideas. 1 Sermons for November 6, 1613, and November 6, 1614. 2 Besponsio ad Apologiam Card. Bellarmini, p. 308. CHAPTER IV ANTI-CALVINIAN REACTION AT CAMBRIDGE Whatever criticisms we have had to pass on details ia the Catechistical Lectures, yet a strong recoil at Cambridge from the dominant Calvinism may be dated from their delivery. Of course Andrewes did not create this conservative reaction any more than Sir Walter Scott created the romanticist move- ment. Nevertheless the lecture-notes taken by those who heard them were circulated through hundreds of hands, especially among the divinity students. Among these notes, in the 1642 edition, produced under Puritan auspices,^ after a plea for apostohc handsomeness and good order, are the words : " On the other side, that the place of God's worship should be so homely and so ordered that the table of the Lord's Supper, where, one saith well, the dreadful ' Sparke the printer was also the publisher of Prynne's works. The editor, John Jackson, who sate probably in the Assembly of Divines, speaks of the Lectures in his Dedication to Parliament as " a very library to young divines, and an oracle to consult at to laureate and grave divines." 40 CALVINISM AT CAMBRIDGE 41 mysteries of God are celebrated, were fitter to eat oysters at than to stand in the sanctuary of the Lord, this is so far from pomp that it is far from decency ... As servile fear is the first work or beginning of things to be done, so a reverend and fihal fear is the last work and conclusion of aU things." ^ Such language had a reactionary sound at Cambridge, where unceremoniousness in the presence of God had for half-a-century been with many a religious principle. Even under Henry VIII, in the year 1545, an interlude performed by the students of Christ's, which satirized fasting and church ceremonies, had been received with applause. In fact, as early as 1528, in which year, according to Strype,^ rehgion first began to show itself at Cambridge, a little society of sympathizers with the continental movement was accustomed to meet, and received the nickname of " Germany." Of these, BUney, Latimer and Bradford suffered at the stake in Mary's reign. At her decease the returning exiles made Cambridge the centre and source of an acrid and insubordinate Zuinglianism. Many students, incited by their elders, refused to wear the surplice. After a sermon by one 1 Contrast Milton's savage scorn of the "crouching servility" of bended knee, bowed form and uncovered head— unworthy, as he thought, of God's sons and freemen {Of Reformation in England, 1641). ^ Qrindal, p. 32. 42 LANCELOT ANDREWES George Withers there was, contrary to the royal proclamation of 1560, a general breaking of painted windows.^ When the Latin Prayer- book authorized for use by the clergy and in places of learning was introduced early in Elizabeth's reign, the fellows of Bene't College rose and left their chapel rather than use " the pope's dreggs." With the help of Leicester the chancellor and of Elizabeth's puritanic Council, " divers stubborn Papists and head adversaries of God's true religion to the number of forty or more " were expelled, and the direction of divine service was thenceforth at the mercy of the most lawless. Meanwhile, the " two wells of the realm," to quote Bernard Gilpin, were almost dried up. Oxford still remained " a den of tliieves and those who hate the light" — it too went afterwards with the tide, — but the sister university was drinking deep of the new heady wine of revolution. To thousands Calvin's doctrine had been the great spiritual influence of their lives. But it was not a grave, devout Puritanism which had gained ascendency ; rather what the Protestant historian Froude describes as " Calvinism and profanity, like twin spirits of evil."^ So far the polemic was against ceremonies (the relics ' Strype, Parker, i., p. 382. ^ Hidory, viii., 93. CALVINISM AT CAMBRIDGE 43 of the Amorites) and the Cathohe doctrine of the sacraments. In 1564 the queen visited her university of Cambridge. I quote Curteis's description of what occurred — " For four days — owing to precautions which almost remind one of the Empress Catherine's journey amid pasteboard villages and scenic prosperity in Southern Russia — the shock- ing disorders of its long-standing Puritanism were concealed from her view. On the fifth day all was unintentionally revealed. A blasphemous pageant, in which a dog appeared carrying the Eucharist in its mouth, shocked and horrified the Queen above measure. She rose and hastily left the room. And she, no doubt, determined from that moment that duty both to God and man demanded of her a conscientious exercise of her visitatorial powers as ' supreme governor,' and resolved that her vacillation should no longer betray the Reformed Church of England to its In a previous royal progress, made in the eastern counties in 1561, Elizabeth had been scandalized by the "slender ministers and nakedness of religion." But this was worse than nakedness. She now wrote sharply to archbishop Parker, who despairingly asked how he could fight against sun and moon. He ends a letter to Cecil with the words : " I commit all to God. If I die in the cause (malice so far prevaihng) I shall commit my 1 Bampton Lectures, 1871, p. 69. 44- LANCELOT ANDREWES soul to God in a good conscience." ^ Disciplinary measures were taken, but the very next year we find continued agitation at Cambridge against the academic and priestly habits,^ and the younger Johnians — " fanatici superpelli- ceani et galeriani " — resorted to chapel without surplice or corner-cap. A few years later, however, the vestiarian and ceremonial controversy, though still iconoclastic and derisive of holy things, was passing into an intellectual and practical attempt to capture and subvert the govern- ment of the Church. The personal authority of John Calvin was now at its height. Hooker notes that Calvin's writing of but three lines in disgrace of any man was as forcible as any proscription throughout aU the reformed communions, while his rescripts and answers to questions were considered by many as of equal authority with decretal epistles.^ The austere, clear-cut Disciphne, or model of Church polity, imposed by him upon Geneva,* fascinated even the compromising Enghsh mind. " It may be remembered," wrote George Cranmer to Hooker,^ " that at first the greatest part of the 1 Strype, Parker, ii. 463. 2 Ibid. i. 386. 2 See Keble's Hooker, 3rd ed., i. 134 n. * Calvin's Church in Geneva has (July, 1907) by popular vote been disestablished. ^ Ibid. ii. 578. CALVINISM AT CAMBRIDGE 45 learned in the land were either eagerly affected or favourably inclined that way. The books then written for the most part savoured of the Disciplinary style ; it sounded everjrwhere in pulpits and in the common phrase of men's speech. The contrary part began to fear they had taken a wrong course. Many which impugned the Discipline yet so impugned it not as not being the better form of government but as not so convenient in regard of dangerous innovations hkely to grow. One man there was . . . who stood in the gap and gave others respite to prepare themselves for the defence." This was Whitgift, who afterwards as primate initiated a government of combat. When Andrewes went up to Cambridge in 1571, the year of the publication in their final form of the XXXIX Articles, the youth found the air charged with voices contending for and against Mr. Thomas Cartwright, B.D., who had just been refused his doctorate and deposed, through the influence of archbishop Grindal and Whitgift, then vice-chancellor, from the Lady Margaret chair of divinity, to which, though a fomenter of academic anarchy, he had been elected the previous year. This remarkable and erudite man — according to Beza the most learned man under the sun — was the leading preacher in the university, the 46 LANCELOT ANDREWES crowds that flocked to Great St. Mary's to hear him, when there was no room hi the church, besieging even the windows, which were taken down for the purpose. It was, however, his pubhc lectures that occasioned most stir, for in them he deUvered an assault on the whole system of Episcopacy. One of his disciples, Chark of Peterhouse, went so far as to affirm in a Latin sermon before the university that Episcopacy had been " introduced into the Church by Satan." So little did a semi- Zuinglian and opportunist Episcopate gain by taking a low view of its own office and founding it on shaky Erastian title-deeds. Cartwright, a man of "inordinate pride and conceit," inveighed in his violent way against confirm- ation ( " popish and peevish " ), against " fetch- ing the dead to church," collects, wafers, copes, caps, surplices, tippets " and such-like baggage." But his real gravamen against the Church of England was its retention of the old ecclesias- tical pohty. In this same year (1571) a direct attempt was made in Parliament to substitute a Calvinistic confession for the XXXIX Articles (with which, however, that eager disputant, Travers, professed himself satisfied), and to abolish the service for the consecration of bishops. On a renewal of this attempt in the following year, Elizabeth peremptorily ordered CALVINISM AT CAMBRIDGE 47 the Commons to leave these matters to Con- vocation. This gave rise to the Admonition to Parliament, 1572, the authors of which. Field and Wilcox, two clergymen, were forthwith committed to Newgate. In the Admonition, which has lately been printed with other Puritan invectives by the Church Historical Society, the Prayer-book was spoken of as "a mass-book culled and picked out of the popish dung-hill, full of abominations." The objections struck at the highest matters of doctrine — for example, the assertion of the Prayer-book that all men may, if they will, be saved — and the smallest minutiae of ceremony. Thus, to sing the Psalms antiphonally, as was done "in most places," is to "toss them Uke tennis-balls." Reading is no feeding, but worse than stage- playing. Cathedrals are " popish dens, patterns and precedents to the people of all super- stitions . . . dens of all loitering lubbers, where master dean, master vice-dean, master canons or master prebendaries the greater, master petty canons or canons the lesser, master chancellor of the church, master treasurer or otherwise called Judas the purse- bearer, the chief chaunter, squeaking quiristers, organ-players, gospellers, pistellers, pensioners, readers, vergers, etc., live in great idleness. If 48 LANCELOT ANDREWES you would know whence all these came, we can easily answer you that they came from the Pope as out of the Trojan horse's belly, to the destruction of God's kingdom." Instead of the hierarchy and their sub- ordinates, derided as " ravening rablers," there should be placed in every congregation a " lawful and godly seignory " (eldership). The Admonition protested against admission to the ministry of tag and rag, learned and unlearned. The existing priesthood were " empty feeders, dark eyes, ill workmen to hasten the Lord's harvest, messengers that cannot call, prophets that cannot declare the will of the Lord, un- savoury salt, blind guides, sleepy watchmen, untrustworthy dispensers of God's secrets, evil dividers of the Word, weak to withstand the adversary, not able to confute." They are a gainful, rather than as of old a painful, minis- try, droning homihes, dressed in anti-Christian apparel to which, as " garments of the idol, of Balaamites, of popish priests, enemies of God and all Christians, we should say, ' Avaunt, get thee hence ! ' " The whole Church system was " a packe of poperie and a pudle of corruption." But the master-hand of Cartwright, who had returned from visiting the Protestant universities overseas, was now again felt. He ARCHBISHOl" WHITGIFT CALVINISM AT CAMBRIDGE 49 published his Second Admonition, the begin- ning of a war of pamphlets between himself and Whitgift, the latter attacking the double basis of the Puritan " platform " — ministerial parity and the sufficiency of Holy Scripture as a directory of Church government and worship. It was safer to Calvinize the gospel than to undermine the legal constitution of this Church and realm — Whitgift, now made bishop of Worcester, hardly put the defence on higher ground — , and Cartwright found it expedient to expatriate himself for five years. But in 1580 he, together with Travers, after- wards Hooker's opponent at the Temple, pub- lished the Book of Discipline, a rival to the Book of Discipline approved by the Nether House of Canterbury Convocation, and re- turning to England suffered a short imprison- ment. Whitgift, in a happy hour, had now resigned his pen to Richard Hooker. Meanwhile the plan had been to establish the Genevan discipline in " every jot and tittle, all or none," through a great part of the kingdom, but especially in the Midlands, by creating a mapped-out network of classes, or boards of Puritan clergy. These examined ordination candidates,^ gave them their call, ^ The Puritans complained that "boyes, dolts, papists, drunck- ardes, idiots, idoUes (Zachar. ii), old monkes, friars, olde popishe 50 LANCELOT ANDREWES regulated the services of each parish — though, to comply with the law, the Prayer-book service was raced through by some hired literate, the minister coming in afterwards — and wholly superseded the jurisdiction of the diocesans, who were styled the superintend- ents of popish trumpery and corruptions. The first presbytery was set up in 1582 at Cockfield in Suffolk. " Cartwright and his friends," observes Mr. Wakeman, " aimed not at the reform but at the abolition of the Church of England,"' the Church of which they were commissioned priests. But Cartwright's platform was to be im- proved upon by another Cambridge divine — Cambridge produced abler men at that time than Oxford, — Robert Browne, a kinsman of Lord Treasurer Burghley. To Browne, with whose preaching the university began to ring in the year 1578, presbytery was no better than episcopacy. He not only regarded all "priests, parsons, vicars, curates, and the rest of that rabble," as Baal's hierophants, but denied any ineffaceable character whatever to the ministry. Each minister held office at the pleasure of a little democracy, the gathered priestes," and so forth, were '"^ allowed in place of true and faithfull pastors." — Ant. Gilby's Phasaunte Dialogue, 1581. ' Hist, of Oh. of England, 6tli ed., p. 338. CALVINISM AT CAMBRIDGE 51 brethren in one place, and might be pastor to-day, layman to-morrow. Separatism be- came not a painful duty but a fundamental principle. But though the founder of In- dependency, Browne ended his turbulent life, in 1630, as an obscure rector. A resolute and logical thinker, he does not seem to have been a man of any character or real principle.^ He is said, however, to have been so much awed by the solemnity of the excommunication pronounced upon him by bishop LindseU of Peterborough that an entire change took place in his ideas. He died in gaol at the age of eighty — boasting that he had been in thirty -two, — but this time it was for beating a constable. Sufferers as they were from Church censures and the temporal consequences thereof, it is not to be imagined that the Puritans resented this on principle. Thus Cartwright in his Second Admonition writes : — " The consistorie in every congregation shall not meddle with the civU magistrate's office, nor with any other punishment but admonition, and ex- communication of the obstinate." The offender must also first be shown the ' Dr. Dale admired Browne^ but Dr. Mackennal {Evolution of Congregationalism, p. 9) saySj "^'He was offensive to his opponents and objectionable to his friends." 52 LANCELOT ANDREWES " greevousnesse of his fact." But excom- munication, when at last pronounced, "is a fearfull thing. No punishment to it in this world, but onely hell eternally." The excommunicate "are not shut out of the Church doores but out of the Church of God and communion and fellowship of the Saints, and to be no more taken for Christian men, tiU they repent, than Heathens or Turks are . . . And beside, the Civill Magistrate (the nurse and foster-father of the Church) shall do well to provide some sharpe punish- ment for those that contemne this censure and disciphne of the Church." ^ It was in such a hotbed of controversial factiousness that Andrewes spent seventeen years of his early manhood. What were his own leanings 1 He had been brought up at school by a "warm Protestant." ^ At Cambridge he was attracted to the devotional side of Calvinism, and is said to have united vdth 1 Parts of this document are printed in Dearmer's Religious Pamphkts, 1898. Penance has been imposed on laymen in the Courts Christian as late as 1828 (Courtail v. Humfray), and an Act of 1813, abolishing other civil penalties, left an excom- municate person liable to six months' imprisonment. 2 But '^Protestant" was commonly opposed to "^ Puritan" — e.g. Fuller, Ch. Hist. lib. x, c. 14, " The one a known Protestant, the other a reputed Puritan." The "^^ Apology" of the very Calvinistic House of Commons of 1604 repudiated the charge of being " Puritan or Brownist." CALVINISM AT CAMBRIDGE 53 Knewstubs, Chaderton, Culverwell and others of that way of thinking in weekly meetings for prayer and expository exercises.^ Chader- ton was the first master of " the pure house of Emmamiel," founded in 1584 by Mildmay,^ who caused the chapel to be built north and south, and Ezekiel CulverweU was of the same society. Aubrey has a rather malicious story about its members. He says — "The Puritan faction did begin to increase in those dayes, and especially at Emanuel College. That party had a great mind to drawe in this learned young man^ whom if they could make theirs they knew would be a great honour to them. They carried themselves outwardly with great sanctity and stricknesse . . . They preached up very strict observing the Lord's Day, — made dam- nation to breake it . . . Yet these hypocrites did bowle in a private green at their coUedge every Sunday after sermon ; and one of their colledge (a loving friend to Mr. L. Andrewes) to satisfie him one time lent him the key of a private back dore to the bowling green, on a Sunday evening, which he opening, discovered these zealous preachers, with their gownes off, earnest at play. But they were strangely surprized to see the entry of one that was not of the brotherhood." ^ ' See Samuel Clarke's Lives of Thirty-two English Divines, p. 133. 2 "Sir Walter," the Queen said to him, "1 hear you have erected a puritan foundation." "No, madam," sayth he, "far be it from me to countenance anything contrary to your established laws. But I have set an acorn, which when it becomes an oak God alone knows what will be the fruit thereof." (Fuller.) ^ Brief Lives, ed. Clark, i. 29, 30. In the Martin Marprelate Epistle it is asked, " Who goeth to bowles upon the Sabboth ? 54 LANCELOT ANDREWES The saints and precisians were giving English folk the spirit of heaviness in lieu of the garment of praise ; but I doubt if hypocrisy — which begins with self-sophistication — was as yet a prevailing note of Puritanism. Aubrey was a seventeenth-century royalist and high- churchman. After aU, hypocrites do not count. It is the people in earnest who make history, for better or for worse. And all rehgious movements have an aspect which may be called in the higher sense puritan or evangehcal. Certainly Tractarianism had such a side. Dumbe dunstlcall John of London " — i.e. bishop Aylmer^ who had been tutor to Lady Jane Grey. But Calvin was found by Knox bowling of a, Sunday. CHAPTER V DtKECTION OF SOULS— TAKEN NORTH — GIVEN PREFERMENTS IN LONDON — MASTER OF HIS COLLEGE — MINISTRY OF RECONCILIATION — PAROCHIAL AND COURT SERMONS If Andrewes felt any sympathy with Puri- tanism while a young man at Cambridge, there were sacerdotal elements in the Cal- vinistic system very unlike the later low- church rejection of the doctrine of the keys and disHke of ghostly counsel and advice given in individual direction. Isaacson says : — " That which made him no less admired than his catechizing was that he was a man deeply scene in all cases of Conscience, and in that respect was much sought after by many." This may be illustrated by the foUovsdng anecdote of Aubrey's — " There was then at Cambridge a 'good fatt alderman that was wont to sleep at churchy which the alderman endeavoured to prevent but could not. Well ! this was preached against as a signe of reprobation. The'good'man was exceedingly troubled at it, and went to Andrewes his 55 56 LANCELOT ANDREWES chamber to be satisfied in point of conscience. Mr. Andrewes told him that was an ill habit of body not of mind, and that it was against his will ; advised him on Sundays to make a more sparing meale and to mend it at supper. The alderman did so, but sleepe comes upon [him] again for all that, and was preached at. [He] comes againe to be resolved, with tears in his eies ; Andrewes then told him he would have him make a good heartie meale as he was wont to doe and presently take out his full sleep. He did so ; came to St. Marie's, where the preacher was prepared with a sermon to damne all who slept at sermon, a certaine signe of reprobation. The good alderman having taken his full naj) before, lookes on the preacher all sei-mon time, and spoyled the designe. — But I should have sayd that Andrewes was most extremely spoken against and preached against for offering to assoile or excuse a sleeper in sei-mon time. But he had learning and witt enough to defend himself e." i But Andrewes, who had taken B.D. in 1585, reading for his exercise the Thesis de Usuris, was beginning to be known also as a pungent and eloquent preacher. Henry Hastings, third earl of Huntingdon (of whom Baker says that he spent his estate on Puritan ministers), hearing his fame, sent for him — this was in 1586 — and, says Isaacson, thought himself much honoured by his accompanyiag him into the north, whereof the earl was President, and where God so blessed his painful preachings and moderate private cori- 1 Brief Lives, ed. Clark, i. 30, GOES NORTH 57 ference that he brought over several popish recusants, both laymen and clergymen, to the reformed beliefs. He also was sent to confer with the recusant spirits in prison in the bishop of Ely's palace at Wisbech, afterwards his own.^ Andrewes' abilities were also taken especial notice of by Sir Francis Walsingham, Eliza- beth's Secretary of State, whose zeal for advanced Protestantism "had his head, his purse and his heart," and who was now giving especial attention to the universities with a view, says Antony Wood, to increasing the distance between the Churches of Rome and England. 2 The following account by Sir John Harington^ seems to show that the Puritan party stiU had hopes of Andrewes, but that his convictions were now firmly set against them. After saying that " a great Councillor " 1 Andrewes' sympathetic skill in interviews of this kind is shown hy a petition of Margaret Lady Monson, in April, 1616 to the Lords Commissioners, out of her godly care in saving the soul of her hushand, Sir Thomas Monson, then in question for his life, to permit him to have a conference with the bishop of Ely, to whom she believes he will freely unburden his conscience. ^ He is said to have offered the precisians, in 1583, in his royal mistress's name, that, provided they would conform in other points, kneeling at the Communion, the surplice and the cross in Baptism should be expunged from the Prayer-book. But they replying in the words of Moses to Pharaoh that they would not leave so much as a hoof behind, Walsingham became colder to them. 5 A Briefe View of the State of the Church of England, 1653, p. 141 ff. 58 LANCELOT ANDREWES {i. e. Walsingham himself) had bestowed hberal exhibition on Andrewes for his special toward- ness in his early studies, he goes on thus — " To come to Dr. Andrewes, that gathered before he did spend, reading both new writers and old writers, not as tasting but as digesting them, and finding according to our Saviour's saying, 6 TraXatos ^rja-TOTepo^, the old to be more profitable ; at last his sufficiency could be no longer con- cealed. But like as an industrious merchant, that secretly and diligently follows his trade with small show till, his wealth being grown so great it can no longer be hidden, is then called on for subsidies and loans and publique services : so did this man's excellency suddenly break forth. His patron (that studied projects of policy as much as precepts of piety), hearing of his fame and meaning to make use thereof, sent for him (as I have credibly heard) and dealt earnestly with him, to hold up a side that was even then falling, and to maintain certain state points of Puritanism. But he that had too much of the avSpeios^ in him to be scared with a councillor's frown or blown aside with his breath, answered him plainly, they were not only against his learning but his conscience. The Councillor, seeing this man would be no Friar Pinkie (to be taught in a closet what he should say at Paul's) dismissed him with some disdain for the time ; but afterward did the more reverence his integrity and honesty, and became no hinderer to his ensuing preferments." However, Buckeridge and Isaacson say nothing of this. The former states that Walsingham would never suffer Andrewes to 1 Bliss suggests this reading — Haringion's play on Andrewes' name. BROUGHT TO LONDON 59 take any country benefice, "lest he and his great learning should be buried in a country church. His intent was to make him a Reader of Controversies in Cambridge," assign- ing for his maintenance the lease of the parson- age of Alton, Hants. Isaacson simply says that the great man " wrought meanes to make him Vicar of St. Giles without Criplegate, London; then Prebend and Residentiary of Saint Paul's ; and afterwards Prebend of the CoUegiate Church of Southwell." ^ " Being thus preferred (to his owne contentment) he hved not idlely, but continued a painfull labourer in the Lord's vineyard. . . . And indeed, what by his often Preaching at St. Giles, and his no lesse often reading in St. Paul's, he became so infinne that his friends despaired of his life." Andrewes came to London — Shakspeare's London — early in 1589. In Easter week he preached one of the three Spital sermons — at that time delivered in the old churchyard of the Austin canons in Spitalfields — on 1 Tim. vi. ' Andrewes really succeeded bishop John Yonge in the pre- bendal stall of North Muskham, in the church of Southwell, on May 19, 1589, and was preferred ten days later to the stall of St. Pancras in St. Paul's, London. Andrewes writes to thank Walsingham " for the instant procurement of these two prebends, the one of them no sooner ended than the other of them straight began." According to Russell, he held both until his prefer- ment to Ely in 1609 ; but I imagine that he vacated the Southwell stall to take the one in London. 60 LANCELOT ANDREWES 17-19 {Charge them that are rich in this world, etc.). He commends the liberality of the City in founding schools, colleges, bedehouses. Their faith since the Reformation — " not the starting up of our Church, as the Papists fondly use to speak, but since the reforming of ours from the error of theirs " — had been proved by good works such as no other forty years could rival. (Yet it cannot be denied that the Reformation weakened the idea of the communion of saints.) Nevertheless, he warns them that be in wealth and authority that, if they cease to draw their power and opportunities from God and His Ego dixi Dii estis, an anarchic sociaUsm will over- whelm them. "The madness of the people would bear no government, but run headlong and overthrow all chairs of estate, and break in pieces all the swords and sceptres in the world ; which you of this city had a strange experience of in Jack Straw and his meinie, and keep a memorial of it in your city-scutcheon, how all had gone down if this Word of God had not held all up. And therefore honour it, I beseech you ; I say, honour it." Then the preacher speaks of that subject which through- out his life was the constant object of his attack — " simony and sacrilege, the sin of sins, corrupting and putrifying the Ark of God." If the Pope had set the example of " making MASTER OF PEMBROKE HALL 61 merchandise with this sin of the poor Church and her patrimony," we had shown ourselves " loth to be behind in this gain of blood, as all the world crieth shame." No service could please God better than for the opulent men he was addressing to redeem the orderly dis- posing of that patrimony to the Church's good. For some years Andrewes had been chaplain to Whitgift, since 1583 lord primate — that "little black husband" on whom Ehzabeth laid her " clergy-cares," and without a dispensa- tion from whom she declared she would never eat flesh in Lent. He had also in 1586 been made one of the twelve chaplains-in-ordinary to the queen ; and we find him in 1589 preach- ing his first sermon before her at Whitehall. On October 13 of that year he delivered his introductory lecture at St. Paul's. But in the previous August the headship of his college had been vacated by the death of Dr. Fulke, and Andrewes was elected in his room. Walsingham (who died a few months later in great indigence) was anxious that Andrewes' influence should not be lost to London, and the duties of the Cambridge mastership — "a place of credit but of little profit, for he ever spent more upon it than he received by it " — were not found incompatible with the retention 62 LANCELOT ANDREWES of St. Giles's and the stall in St. Paul's. He now proceeded D.D., though the grace was at first denied him by the dominant Puritans of the university. His exercise on this occasion dealt with sacrilege and the divine institution of Tithes. Twenty years later bishop Andrewes and other commissioners received at Lambeth the submission of John Selden, who in his History of Tythes had denied the right of the ministry to maintenance jwre divine.^ To return to London, Andrewes lectured at St. Paul's on Genesis i.-iv. thrice a week from Oct. 13, 1590, to Feb. 12, 1592,^ the remain- ing lectures, from Gen. iii. 13, onwards, being dehvered at St. Giles's from June 18, 1598, to Feb. 17, 1600. They were first published in 1657 under the title of Apospasmatia Sacra, or a Collection of Posthmnotis and Orphan Lectures. The prebendal stall, that of St. Pancras, carried also Avith it the office of penitentiary or confessioner. " While he held tliis place," writes Harington, " his manner was, especially 1 But in 1G21, Selden, having been committed as a principal promoter of the protest of the House of Commons before its dissolution, was released by Andrewes' interest after five weeks' confinement and restored to his studies. ^ The only months in 1591 in which he was not lecturing were March, September and December. Evidently his Cambridge duties allowed a good deal of non-residence. GHOSTLY COUNSELS 63 in Lent time, to walk daily at certain hours in one of the aisles of the church, that if any came to him for spiritual advice and comfort (as some did, though not many) he might impart it to them. This custom being agree- able to the Scripture and Fathers, expressed and required in a sort in the Communion Book, not repugning the XXXIX Articles, and no less approved by Calvin in his Institutions, yet was quarreled with by divers (upon occa- sion of some sermons of his) as a point of popery. The hke scandal was taken of some, though not given by him, for his reverent speaking of the highest mystery of our faith and heavenly Food, the Lord's Supper, which some are so stiff in their knees, or rather in their hearts, that they hold it idolatry to receive it kneeUng.^ But, whatsoever such barked at, he ever kept an even tenour of life and doctrine, exemplar and unreprovable." The sermon on Absolution appears to be one preached at Whitehall at a rather later date, viz. on March 30, 1600, about which Rowland White writes thus to Sir Robert Sydney ^ — "Dr. Andrewes made a strange sermon at Court on Sunday ; his text was the xx. chapter of the Gospel of ^ The communicants at the Temple Church, when Hooker was appointed master there, sate. ' Sydney Letters, ii. 185. 64 LANCELOT ANDREWES St. John, the 23rd verse, touching the forgiveness of sins upon earth. That contrition, without confession and absolution and deeds worthy of repentance, was not sufficient. That the ministers had the two keys of power and knowledge delivered unto them ; that whose sins soever they remitted upon earth should be remitted in heaven. The Court is full of it, for such doctrine was not usually taught there. I hear he was with Mr. Secretary about it, it may be to satisfy him." It may have been a doctrine highly incon- venient to Ehzabetli's courtiers and distasted by them, though there was then, and continued till mid- Victorian times, a "confessor of the Household."^ But the disciplinary and sacer- dotal side of religion was not nearly so obsolete then as it has since become. Cranmer, Latimer, Ridley, Becon, Jewel, Ussher, HaU, Rainolds, and other divines of the elder Protestant school, commend " ear-confession " and penance.^ Saravia and Hooker were con- fessors one to the other. Casaubon showed the system to be patristic.^ A generation later we find Buckingham, Hobbes, Evelyn, Monck, and many other prominent laymen — even Selden — making use of a ghostly father. The language of the Prayer-book and Canons ' A letter from bishop Andrewes about an appointment to "■the Confessorsbip " is printed in Russell's Memoir, p. 607. 2 See Catena in Hierurgia Anglicana, ed. Staley, 190i, Pt. Ill , pp. 31-82. ' Ephemerides, p. 817. THE KEYS OP DISCIPLINE GB is unmistakable.^ In later days, as bishop of Winchester, we find Andrewes inquiring of the churchwardens and " sworne-men " of his diocese — "Whether doth your Minister, before the several times of the administration of the Lord's Supper, admonish and exhort his Parishioners, if they have their consciences troubled and disquiete, to resort unto him or some other learned Minister, and open his grief, that he may receive, etc ? And if any man confess his secret and hidden sins, being sick or whole, to the JVIinister, doth or hath the said Minister at any time revealed to any person whatsoever any crime or offence so committed to his trust and secresy, contrary to the 113th Canon?" Again — " Whether doth your Minister keep a note of all persons excommunicate, and once every six months doth he denounce them which have not obtained their absolution on some Sunday in service time, that others may be admonished to refrain their company ?"2 Calviaism itself exalted, from a democratic ' The reader of bishop Vowler Short's History of the Church of England may be surprised at the emphatic words at pp. 141^ 142 on our modern declension from the Scriptural and Prayer-book standard on this point. Whitgift was Elizabeth's confessor. ? Among the muniments of St. Paul's is a sentence of ex- communication pronounced by Andrewes, acting for dean Nowell, against a petty canon named Williams. F 66 LANCELOT ANDREWES point of view, the Church's power to bind and and loose transgressions. Moreover " un- bosoming" to spiritual guides and ghostly experts was for some generations after the Reformation rather usual ; for upon the break- up of old landmarks men feel themselves drifting, sa?is chart, compass or pilot. They cry, " What shall I do to be saved ? " ^ The want of a new casuistry, of an authoritative direction, is realized, and it was to meet such a need that in the next age Jeremy Taylor penned his Ducto?' Dubitantium.^ In 1591 Andrewes was appointed, together with dean Nowell, to confer with Raleigh's ' In the Scholastic age, says Mr. W. F. Lofthouse, Christian ethics "might have been forgotten altogether by the regular authorities of the Church, had it not been necessary to lay down rules for the practice of penance and the guidance of father- confessors." — Ethics and Atonement, p. 37. - Take the following, for example, from Gilling's life of that remarkable Puritan, George Trosse, "minister of the gospel in Exeter " — " He did a great deal of Work in Private . . . He had an excellent Faculty in resolving Doubts and comforting Afflicted Consciences. Multitudes both in the City and Country, not only Dissenters but of the National Church, when they were under Temptations or in great Trouble of Mind, made their Application to him, some by Letter, some in Person. He was a skilful and compassionate Spiritual Physician of long Experience. And there were few of any Degree or Perswasion that liv'd near him, who did not send or come to him for Advice and Help if they had wounded /S'/i/;'!7.v, or suffer'd God's Terrors . . . He was often sent for by sick and dying Persons to discourse with them and assist them in their Preparation for another World ... As a good Shepherd he was diligent to know the State of his Flock, that he might apply himself suitably to their several Circumstances and Conditions." MARTIN MARPRELATE 67 favourite, John Udall, a Cambridge clergyman, then in prison for sedition and for virulent invective against the Episcopate. It is prob- able that Udall was Martin Marprelate himself. The campaign against the old order had opened a new and baser chapter in 1588 by the publica- tion of what Curteis calls the abominable and filthy lampoons contained in the scurrilous and blasphemous Marprelate tracts. In these — by which the reUgious controversy, hitherto con- fined to academic circles, was brought down into the streets — the bishops, themselves almost to a man coixforming Calvinists of one shade or another, and therefore the more exasper- ating to the nonconforming Calvinists whom they repressed, were described as impudent, shameless, wainscot-faced beasts, as incarnate devils, cozening knaves, horned monsters of the Convocation house ; the clergy as drunk- ards, dolts, hogs, foxes, proctors of Antichrist, a crew of bloody soul-murderers, a swinish rabble. The archbishop himself was the Beelzebub and Caiaphas of Canterbuiy, and so forth. It was while England was still echoing with this envenomed style of advocacy of the pure gospel that Richard Hooker in his country parsonage was penning the grave periods of the first four books of his Ecclesi- astical Polity. UdaU himself seems to have F 2 68 LANCELOT ANDREWES disliked the violence of the Martinists, but to have helped them with suggestions, and his Demonstratiofi of discipline, for which he was indicted, is a piece of headlong insolence. Nevertheless, he was a man of learning, and Whitgift is said to have obtained for him a reprieve. James VI of Scotland wrote an " afFectuous letter " to Elizabeth on behalf of him and Cartwright. Andrewes and NoweU argued with Udall in a friendly way, and gained his respect, if not his assent. They promised their good offices for his release ; but his end, which took place shortly afterwards in the Marshalsea, was hastened by the bitter- ness of disappointment. " By my sal," ex- claimed James on hearing of it, "then the greatest schoUer in Europe's dedd." On January 9, 1592, Andrewes preached at St. Giles's on the worshipping of imaginations, refuting the claim of the Puritans to foUow tlie Apostolic pattern, and asserting the scrip- turalness of Episcopacy. He defends the read- ing of the Apocrypha, and criticizes the long, rambling, incoherent prayings affected by the precisians. The Papist mass also is an imagin- ation, seeing that there is in it no breaking of bread ; but on the other hand he maintains against the Puritans that the Eucharist is not SERMONS ON THE TEMPTATION 69 a mere breaking of bread, but "a partaking of Christ's true Body (and not of a sign, figure or remembrance of it), 1 Cor. x. 16. For the Church hath ever beheved a true fraction of the true Body of Christ in that Sacrament." Idiolatry, he says, is as bad as idolatry. In this year 1592 were printed the seven sermons on the Temptation entitled The Wonderful Combat, with a dedication to lord keeper Puckering. This volume contains the long forms of bidding used by Andrewes before his parochial discourses. One of them reiterates the thought which was always so near the heart of this son of consolation : " In the Church of Christ let us be mindful of that part thereof which most especially needeth our remembrance, that is, the poor afflicted members of Christ .Tesus, in what place, for what cause, or with what cross soever ; that it would please God to minister into our hearts the spirit of compassion and fervency, now in their time of need." He refers to the " marvellous deliverance " from the Armada. The queen is " defendress of the faith, and over all estates and persons within these her dominions (next and immediately under God) supreme governess." ^ 1 The title of " Head " was last employed by queen Mary Tudor^ but only at the beginning of her reign. A rector's MS, 70 LANCELOT ANDREWES On February 20, 1593, Andrewes preached in Latin the famous Convocation sermon, from Acts XX. 28 ( Take heed imto yourselves and to all the flock over the which the Holy Ghost hath made you ove?'seers, etc.), frill of very outspoken admonition. He bade the clergy remember that " this congregation which we call the Church, and which so many of us so lukewarmly and slothfuUy tend, are, if we believe Peter, partakers of the divine nature ; if John, citizens of heaven ; if Paul, the future judges of angels." The preacher attacked the new emissaries of the Papacy and the anarchic factiousness of the Puritans, who were fast turning the English Zion into Babel. He besought the fathers of the Church to take more heed whom they admitted to the priesthood, and not to impoverish their sees by consenting to inequitable exchanges. This was in effect a rebuke to Ehzabeth. A few weeks later Andrewes, with three other divines, was deputed to confer with Henry Barrow, who had been respited on his way to the scaffold, to give him a last oppor- tunity of recantation.^ Barrow — lawyer, ex- will lies before me, dated May 10, 1553, in which Mary is styled " defendo' of the fayth and in earth of the churche of Euglande and Irelande supreme hedde." ' There were altogether fifty sectaries in London prisons, and forty-two theologians, mostly conforming Puritans, were told off for conference with them. CONFERENCE WITH BARROW 71 courtier and converted rake — was the founder of the more spiritual side of Independency ; but his writings were as vituperative as they could well be, and his assertion that reforma- tion ought to proceed "without staying for the prince," and against her prohibition, had brought him within the law of treason. The Christian people, through the mouth of the pastorate, might pronounce sentence of excom- munication on the sovereign. It was but one step, in both Papist and Puritan logic, from sentence of excommunication to sentence of death, and Hacket's plot to assassinate Elizabeth with a view to establishing the Genevan Discipline put the rope round the neck of several leaders. Barrow had been treated with consideration by the archbishop, but before the Council he painted Whitgift as " a monster, a miserable compound, the Second Beast spoken of in the Revelation." Andrewes, visiting Barrow in gaol, did not wrangle with him. The two had some high thoughts in common. " The solitary and contemplative life," the former said, " I hold the most blessed life. It is the Ufa I would choose." But the prisoner repelled his visitor's persuasions, and, though a second reprieve came as he and Greenwood, who was in holy orders, stood on the ladder eight days after 72 LANCELOT ANDREWES their first journey to the scaffold, they were finally hanged at Tyburn on April 6, 1593. Both held that the Church of England was no true Church, that her worship was idolatry and blasphemy, her clergy idol shepherds. Whatever the faults of the Elizabethan clergy, and they were many, it may confidently be said that there was never an age in which the clerical standard was not higher than the lay. Preaching that I^ent before the queen on St. Mark xiv. 4, 6 {To what purpose is this waste?), Andrewes denounced the prodigal selfishness and luxuriousness of the time, and the stinginess of the rich laity in the support of their poor, their clergy and their churches. After wasting many pounds, men complain of the penny expenditure on Christ's Body the Church. Themselves unreformed in their lives, they prate about Church reformation. In the following Lent, a time of dearth, he preached before the Court at Richmond on Dives and Lazarus. On the morrow, at Hampton Court, his text was Remember Lofs wife, commending EUzabeth for persevering in the establishment of true religion — "who (like Zorobabel) first by princely magnanimity laid the corner-stone in a troublesome time, and since by heroical constancy, through many both alluring proffers and threatening dangers, QUEEN ELIZABETH 73 hath brought forth the headstone also, with the prophet's acclamation, Grace, grace unto it." Doubtless an oblique admonition lay behind the words. Ehzabeth was no Temple-builder. But she had stood in the breach, and the devastating flood was now beginning to subside, the old Catholic landmarks to re-appear. Men were no longer cast hither and thither on the waters, clutching at sticks and straws, but were laying hold on the Ark, never wholly submerged. CHAPTER VI PUEDESTINARIAN CONTROVERSY — ANDRE^WES REFUSES A BISHOPRICK— DEAN OF WEST- MINSTER — HIS SERMON-STYLE In the year 1595 the Predestinarian contro- versy sprang up at Cambridge. That the tide was turning against the hitherto almost uni- versally accepted Calvmism was shown by the lectures delivered in this year by doctor Pierre Baron, a Frenchman, who had been chosen Lady Margaret professor in 1576. Almost at the same time, WUham Barrett, fellow of Caius, was convented before the Heads for preaching against assurance and irrespective reprobation. He had declared that Calvin lifted himself up above Almighty God, and had spoken dis- paragingly of Peter Martyr, Beza, and other heroes of the age. Barrett was censured and left the country, submitting himself for a time to Rome. The circumstances of the controversy remind us of the steps taken at Oxford two and a half centuries later to stamp out Tractarianism. Dr. Whitaker, the 74 PREDESTINARIAN CONTROVERSY 75 vice-chancellor, then submitted to archbishop Whitgift a draft of nine Articles, known afterwards as the Lambeth Articles, with a view to stereotyping Calvinism as the doc- trine of the Church of England. Elizabeth, however, interposed to prevent their being enforced upon the clergy. If such inter- position is Erastianism, it was by a similar use of regal prerogative that Strafford, forty years later, stopped the adoption of a Calvinistic formulary by the Church of Ireland. At this point Andrewes threw the weight of his great authority on the Catholic side. His intervention was the more notable from his position as one of the archbishop's chaplains. His Judgment upon the Lambeth Articles was followed by the Censure of the censure of Barrett. Augustinianism is at once the salt and the backbone of Christian doctrine, but Calvin is the ape of St. Austin. Andrewes observes that it is not to be doubted that predestination and reprobation are in the eternal decrees of the Almighty ; but the one is p?'opter Christum, the o\hev propter peccatum. Whether li\'ing and true faith, however, can be extinguished finally, he was unresolved. Saving grace is not conferred on all, but only offered to all. Nevertheless, on all are con- ferred dispositions enabling them to accept 76 LANCELOT ANDREWES the free gift of God. If men were not them- selves wanting to these dispositions, saving grace too would be conferred on all. Free will is a reality ; but our will is only free as freed by God's Son. The eighth Lambeth Article asserted that " all men are not drawn by the Father to come to the Son." Andrewes adds — " not drawn so as that they come . . . The cause of their not being drawn, or so drawn, is the depraved will of man, not the absolute will of God." Elsewhere he says — " I do not dare presumptuously to advance my own opinion or to condemn the Fathers^ who for the most part affirm that we are elected and predestinated according to foreknowledge of faith, as Beza himself confesses. But In this (as it always appeared to me) they speak rather of the series and order which God observes in the act of pre- destinating, than of the cause of predestination. But the chain some are wont to form in this way, others in that, as seems best to them. The Fathers seem to me to have been of this opinion, that there could be no election if it were not thus connected : — first that God loves Christ, then ms in Christ ; which the Apostle saith, that He accepts us in the beloved, Eph. i. 6. ; secondly, that He confers on us so accepted grace and faith ; thirdly, that He elects us thus endowed and thus discerned from the rest ; fourthly, that He predestinates us who are elect. " God, that He may crown His own gifts in us, chooses His own ff,fts in us, to wit, the things which He gave first by loving us, that afterward He might choose them thus given. . . . The chain of the moderns plainly takes away 3II election ; hy which chain God is made to appoint these PREDESTINARIAN CONTROVERSY 77 to salvation and those to eternal perdition by the first act, and that absolute together and at once . . . after which destination what place there is for election I cannot understand^ nor how this destination itself can be called election." It is obvious, however, that the patristic "chain" must allow itself to be broken at some point by free will ; otherwise all men will be saved. Grace and the gift of faith can be rejected or lost. But then the names pre- destitiate and elect, being later links, can only be applied to the godly. On the other hand, all the baptized people of God are regarded in the New Testament and in the Church Cate- chism, as having been elected, viz. to grace of sonship and privilege. Andrewes on many points advises a Jidele silentium} He says that, since the day he was ordained, he has himself followed the counsel of St. Augustine, and abstained from disputing and preaching on these points. That they are heard of so rarely in modern theology seems to be due less to their mysteriousness than to an opinion of their unimportance. In another generation Calvinism as a system of divinity will probably be everywhere extinct. Un- happily we have to apprehend that a large 1 The sixteenth century was an age of relaxed corporate life coupled with excessive definition. The Laudian reaction gave more liberty of thought, whUe repressing anarchy ui worship. 78 LANCELOT ANDREWES element of revealed and Catholic truth may be found to have disappeared with it, and then revenge itself later by re-appearing in some one-sided and heretical shape. On April 4, 1596, Andrewes preached before the queen at Greenwich on the divine love of souls. " Is it much if we let fall a duty upon them upon whom God the Father droppeth His rain and God the Son drops, yea sheds, His blood — upon evil and unthankful men ? " Some months later Elizabeth offered him the vacant see of Salisbury. The last vacancy she had prolonged for three years. Though in some regards a nursing-mother to the Church, Ehzabeth was a systematic despoUer of its goods, making a considerable revenue by keep- ing bishopricks unfilled and then bargauiing with her nominees, whom, as Mr. Frere says,^ she first squeezed dry like sponges, and then left to suck up what they could. What the Edwardian cormorants had left of the Church's patrimony this royal vulture tore for herself. Thus, BUson at Winchester had to grant an annuity of £400 to the queen, besides farther surrenders to her courtiers. Cotton only got into his see at Salisbury by making over the manor at Sherborne to "that glutton for A History of the English Church, p. 303. REFUSAL OF A BISHOPRICK 79 Church property," Su- Walter Raleigh. The see of Ely had a "great vacation" from 1581 to 1599. Andrewes had said and felt too much about simony and sacrilege to be a consenter to such rapacity. " Nolo episcopari quia nolo alienare." When a bishop, his resistance to simoniacal transactions brought him " many troubles by quare impedit and duplex querela." It was for sacrilegious avarice, he held, that "the reformed were suffering correction and chastise- ment from God," ^ and that Christendom was distracted by wars and by invasion from the Turk. " At home, he wished some man would take the pains to coUect how many -families that were raised by the spoils of the Church are now vanished, and the place thereof knows them no more." ^ The utterance of this wish may have incited Sir Hemy Spelman to com- pile his famous work, the History and Fate of Sacrilege.^ The following Good Friday, March 25, 1597, which was also Lady Day, — in that year "our Lord fell in our Lady's lap" — Andrewes preached with eloquent tenderness upon the Passion. In June, after an interval ' Home's Scholar Armed, ii. 256. " Buckeridge's Funeral Sermon. 5 This book was recently continued and brought down to the present times by "two Priests of the Church of England," a revised edition of which work by Mr. C. F. S. Warren appeared in 1896. 80 LANCELOT ANDREWES of seven years, he resumed at St. Giles's the " Orphan Lectures " on the opening chapters of Genesis. Other parochial sermons of his at this time have been preserved ; and it is to be noted that many of them were delivered on saints' days. On March 23, 1598, Andrewes was pre- sented by an appreciative sovereign to the eleventh stall at Westminster. In 1599 he declined the bishoprick of Ely, which Elizabeth had kept vacant for nineteen years. But on July 4, 1601, he succeeded Gabriel Goodman in the deanery of Westminster. It is remark- able that we have little evidence what use was made by him of the opportunity of the Abbey pulpit. Some striking sermons were delivered by Andrewes about this time before Elizabeth ; notably one at Richmond on the Ash Wednes- day of 1599, when Essex was about to set out on the ill-starred Irish expedition against O'Neill, upon the text, IVJien thou goest out with the host against thine enemies, keep thee from all xvickcditess, and the sermon already alluded to as stirring up opposition in the Court, upon the power of the keys. And on Nov. 23, 1600, was preached at Whitehall the celebrated sermon on Justification. Some time in IGOl was dehvered the Discourse against DEAN OF WESTMINSTER 81 second Marriage after sentence of Divorce with a former match, the party then living, which did not appear with his other works till 1854.^ On Nov. 5, Andrewes preached at Whitehall on rendering to Csesar his due. Andrewes had vacated his prebendal stall at Westminster, on becoming dean, to doctor Adrian Saravia ; but he was still prebendary of St. Paul's, vicar of St. Giles's and master of Pembroke Hall. It must be remembered that the aggregate profit of these places, ex- cept perhaps St. Giles's, was not large ; also that. a man who outwatches the Bear, or at least rises at four in the morning, has time for a good deal of work. His own celibate life was a simple one, in fastings often, and his purse was always open for the encourage- ment of scholarly promise. He was the early patron of bishop Cosin and of Nicholas Fuller the Puritan critic. He sent Matthew Wren, afterwards bishop of Ely, from Merchant Taylors school — with which Andrewes never ceased to be in touch as visitor and examiner — to Pembroke. Of his enlightened assistance to eminent continental students we shall hear again. ^ In bishop Andrewes' Visitation Articles for 1619 and 1625 the question is asked — referring to the 107th canon — " Whether do any, being divorced or separated, marry again, the former wife or husband yet living ? ' a 82 LANCELOT ANDREWES As dean of Westminster Andrewes found time for sedulous relations with the school re-founded by queen Elizabeth in connexion with the Abbey church. He had there a young worshipper in Hacket, afterwards bishop of Lichfield, who, says Plume, " ever honoured him, as S. Cyprian did TertuUian, tanquam magistrum." ^ Hacket used to relate — " How strict that excellent man was to charge our masters that they should give us lessons out of none but the most classical authors ; that he did often supply the place both of head schoolmaster and usher for the space of an whole week together, and gave us not an hour of loitering time from morning to night. How he caused our exercises in prose and verse to be brought to him to examine our style and proficiency. That he never walked to Cheswick2 for his recreation without a brace of this young fry, and in that wayfaring leisure had a singular dexterity to fill these narrow vessels with a funnel." Sometimes, for three evenings a week from eight to eleven, he would take the elder boys — one of whom was Brian Duppa, afterwards bishop of Winchester — teaching them Greek and Hebrew, and never once uttering a harsh or 1 Life of Hacket. 2 Chiswick was a prebendal manor belonging to St. Paul's, but leased from the year 1570 to the chapter of Westminster. The latter covenanted to build on to the manor-house lodging for one of these prebendaries, the schoolmaster, usher, forty children, etc., who should retire thither, in time of sickness. See Lysons' Middlesex, ii. 122-124. WESTMINSTER SCHOOL 83 austere word.^ While Hacket was at Trinity College, Cambridge, says archdeacon Plume, " the matchless Andrews, that great rewarder of all learning and worth, would oftentimes send him commendations and counsel, and money to buy books, sometimes ten pieces at a time. With Hacket ^ there went to Trinity from Westminster George Herbert, at a later date to be brought into closest intimacy with the bishop. Andrewes' last sermon before the queen was preached on Ash Wednesday, 1602, in which he dwelt on the folly of a delayed repentance. Elizabeth is recorded by Harington to have said to a certain prelate, " when she had on the Friday heard one of these talking preachers much commended to her by somebody, and the Sunday after heard a well-laboured sermon which some disgraced as a bosom-sermon that smelt of the candle, ' I pray,' said she, ' let me have your bosom-sermons rather than your lip-sermons ; for when the preacher takes pains the auditor takes profit.' " Andrewes' dis- courses were certainly, in the old sense of 1 Racket's Scrinia Eeserata, a Memorial offer'd to the great deservings of John Williams, D.D., p. 46. 2 Plume says tliat Neville, Master of Trinity, told Hacket's father that "that Boy should go to Cambridge or he would carry him on his back." G 2 84 LANCELOT ANDREWES the word, "painful." His well-known quip about his ministry at St. Giles's that if he preached twice a day he prated once wiU be understood if the sermons on which his literary fame chiefly rests be looked into. It is not merely their scholastic method^Andrewes was in a sense the last of the medisevals — which gives them the appearance of being so full of matter, so pregnant and suggestive, but they are the outcome of immense reading, of much meditation and prayer. Andrewes spent nearly five hours daily in devotion. As a student his habits are suggested by his plain- tive remark that "he doubted they were no true scholars that came to speak with him before noon." For the style of his sermons, it must be admitted that even the quaint and sinewy charm of all Jacobean English does not make them easy reading. The style is often jerky, like that of sermon-notes, and lacks both the majesty of Hooker, who was then master of the Temple, and the flow and seraphic sweet- ness, the literary opulence and perfume, of Jeremy Taylor. "After aU," says Overton, " we have only Andrewes the sermon- writer, not Andrewes the preacher. There is no doubt that his sermons gained immensely by the charm of his delivery. This it was which especially fascinated EUzabeth." Harington ANDREWES IN THE PULPIT 85 records the impression made by the preacher on the courtiers. " Henry Noell, one of the greatest gallants of those times, sware, as he was a gentleman, he never heard man speak with such a spirit." This was after a Lenten sermon on the text, Thou leddest Thy people like sheep by the hand of Moses and Aaron, which was intended " to raise a joint reverence to God and the Prince, to the spiritual and civil Magistrate." "Which sermon (though courtiers' ears are commonly so open as it goes in at one ear and out at the other), yet it left an aculeus behind in many of all sorts." Fuller declares, " Such plagiaries who have stolen his sermons could never steal his preaching." Isaacson avers, " He was truly stiled Stella praedicantmm and an Angell in the pulpit." I may also quote Winstanley's words — " What was storied of Orpheus may fitly be applied to this learned Bishop, who with his heavenly Oratory drew many stony senseless hearts out of the Captivity of Satan unto the glorious freedom of the Gospel of Jesus Christ." ^ Yet he has few organ-tones. Andrewes' preaching must have possessed a great liveliness and charm to make such very compressed, rich and solid fare digestible. " I dare say," remarks Buckeridge, " few of his 1 Worthies, 1659. 86 LANCELOT ANDREWES solemn sermons but were thrice between the hammer and the anvil before they were preached ; and he ever misliked often and loose preaching without study of antiquity." ^ But his style is as unlike Donne's pre-Caroline grace and fervour upon the one hand as it is dissimilar from Tillotson's post-Restoration ease, elegance and well-bred simplicity of taste upon the other. Izaak Walton thus describes Dorme's first sermon before the Court soon after ordination. His preaching was such — " As shewed his own heart was possest with those very thoughts axid joys that he laboured to instil into others ; a preacher in earnest ; weeping sometimes for his auditory, sometimes with them ; always preaching to himself like an angel from a cloud, but in none ; carrying some, as St. Paul was, to heaven in holy raptures, and enticing others by a sacred art and courtship to amend their lives ' Winstanley remarks — ''Mr. Fuller, excellently discoursing of preaching twice a day, commends the necessity of a large repetition in the afternoon ; which he compares to a dish of cold meat which with a little addition will suffice those that are not of too greedy appetites, all ear and nothing else. Doctor Dun [Donne] renders an excellent reason why some men are so tedious and long-wmded in their holding forth : ' For that,' saith he, 'their ware is course, they can afford the larger measure ' " ( Worthies). But, as George III observed of Andrewes and the seventeenth-century divines — " There were giants in those days." ^Vhat would our puny times say to a discourse of Issac Barrow's whicli took three and a half hours to deliver, or to another on Charity, before the children of Christ's Hospital, which had been abbreviated that the lord mayor might keep an engagement, but occupied two hours and a half? No "few words " or " one or two remarks " in those solid days of disciplined and eager attention. ANDREWES IN THE PULPIT 87 . . . And all this with a most particular grace and an inexpressible addition of comeliness." In contrast with this picture, let us take the description of Tillotson's pulpit oratory in Birch's Life} " Together with the pomp of words he cut off Ukewise all superfluities and needless enlargements. He said what was just necessary to give clear ideas of things and no more. He laid aside all long and affected periods. His sentences were short and clear ; and the whole thread was of a piece, plain and distinct. No affectations of learning, no torturing of texts, no superficial strains, no false thoughts nor bold flights. All was solid and yet lively, and grave as well as elegant." But one cannot think of Andrewes or Donne floundering and reduced to silence as TUlotson once was in a village church without his manu- script. Birch does well to commend Tillot- son's limpid and polished grace of diction. But it is Georgian prejudice which makes him observe — " The great corruption of the oratory of the pulpit may be ascribed to Dr. Andrews, whose high reputation on other accounts gave a sanction to that vicious taste intro- duced by him several years before the death of Queen Elizabeth. The pedantry of King James I. court com- pleted the degeneracy of all true eloquence,^ so that the 1 Ed. 1752, pp. 19, 20. ^ Andrewes' Court sermons are full of Latin and of clerkly allusion. But such a highly educated audience must not be compared with a modern congregation of the smart and fashion- able. 88 LANCELOT ANDREWES most applauded preachers of that time are now insup- portable." Side by side with this criticism we may place that of one who heard Andrewes. Aubrey says — " He had not that smooth way of oratory as now. It was a shrewd and severe animadversion of a Scotish lord, who, when King James asked him how he liked bp. A.'s sermon, sayd that he was learned, but he did play with his text as a Jack-an-apes does, who takes up a thing and tosses and playes with it, and then he takes up another and playes a little with it. Here's a pretty thing, and there's a pretty thing ! " i Certainly his preaching found contemporary detractors. Winstanley says : " His very table talk and what, in the depth of his humility, he called his prating, was more useful and more learned than the very best preaching of them that are enemies to his glory." A recent Presbyterian editor of the Preces Privatae, Dr. Alexander Whyte of Edinburgh, makes up for unstinted and eloquent admira- tion of Andrewes' " one incomparable and immortal book " by disparagement of his sermons. Speaking especially of "the much praised sermon on Justification," this writer observes — "The doctrine was all right when I got at it — the 1 Brief Lives, ed. Clark, i. 31 ANDREWES IN THE PULPIT 89 Pauline, Lutheran, Puritan, Presbyterian, only possible doctrine on that topic. But the magnificent doctrine never kindled the preacher, never gave him wings, never carried him away, never fused nor took the slag out of his style, never made him more eloquent, never made him a great preacher of a great gospel. Andrewes can pray as no other man can pray ; but he cannot preach, to be called preaching." i Mark Pattison speaks slightingly of An- drewes' "witty conundrum-making."^ And Hare describes him as "a wi'iter of such a singular, abrupt, jagged, tangled style, in reading whom one seems to be walking through a thicket crammed with thoughts and thought- lets, and is caught at every tenth step by some out-jutting briar." ^ But another remarks that Andrewes " takes his text and sticks to it. He has no artificial preface in which, as by suc- cessive parallels, he gradually approaches his subject ; no laboured exordium ; but his text at once. He sticks to it, as a man resolved never to let it go until he has shaken the last atom of meaning out of it — sentence, clause, word, letter."* ' Lancelot Andrewes, a Biography, a Transcript, and an Inter- pretation, 1896, p. 17. 2 Casaubon, p. 294. 2 Mission of the Comforter, note E. ■* The Rev. J. H. North, Andrewes, the Catholic Preacher. Perhaps the quaintest sermon in this series is the one preached on November 5, 1616, on the text Venerunt filii usque ad partiwn, et virtiis non est pariendi. In this the barrels of powder in the 90 LANCELOT ANDREWES 1 regret that I have not space to quote from JSIozley's estimate of Andrewes as a preacher in the British Critic of January, 1842. As already pointed out, we can only judge of his sermons by what Laud and Buckeridge call their " paper life." Already, in 1630, some had begun to " look asquint on worth and mahgn that which they cannot equal." But "that humanity which forbids the rifling of a grave lid, forbears him that is shut up in it and cannot answer." The editors for their part affirm that " the Christian world hath not many such bodies of Sermons as we here present." A cavalier divine and old Merchant Taylor, Abraham Wright, to prove the superiority in the pulpit of trained theologues over amateur fanatics, preached an Ash Wednesday sermon at Oxford before king Charles I in bishop Andrewes' manner, and on other occasions, one being that of his own ordination to the priesthood in 1639, he preached in imitation of other scholarly styles. Five of these dis- courses were pubhshed together in 1657.^ vault are the children hi iitero, Guy Fawkes is the obstetrix, but there is no strength to bring forth. The whole analogy is worked out with minutest ingenuity. ' " Five Sermons in five several stiles or waies of preaching. The first in Bishop Andrews' way, before the late King upon the first day of Lent. The second in B. Hall's way, before the Clergy, at the autlior's own Ordination in Ch. Cli. in Oxon. The third in Dr. Mayne's and Mr. Cartwright's way, before the LA TEtGEE 91 Andrewes constantly attacked the "super- stitious use " of sermon-hearing, that " auricular profession " which to many of that age made up the whole of religion. " We have a little opiate divinity ministered to our souls, and so are sent away." "A wonderful thing it is, how many sermons, and sermons upon sermons, as it were so many measures of seed, are thrown in daily, and what becomes of them no man can tell. Turn they all to wind ? Or run they all through ? For fruit comes there none." No doubt la priche had become a party-badge in opposition to la messe. But it University at S. Marie's in Oxford. The fourth in the Pres- byterian way, before the City at S. Paule's in Lond.,and the fifth in the Independent way, never preacht. The chief end in printing these Sermons, was first to shew the difference between the University and City breeding up of preachers, and to let the people know that any one that hath been bred a Scholar is able to preach any way to the capacity and content of any auditory. And secondly that none can do this, but they only, that have had such education ; yet notwithstanding ordinary capacities are more taken with Cloak and Lay men's preaching, than that of the Gown." (Wood, Athenae Oxonienses, ii, 641.) Wright himself says that his aim was " to shew what a Scholar may do more than a meer Preacher, and that there is a vaste difference betwixt Shopboard h-eeding and the Universities' .... that so the Com- mon people should see how slight and easie and contemptible a thing it is to be a Preacher as preachers are now adaies, and that their Ood-amighties of the Pulpit, which of these late years they have so much adored, are of no higher Gifts, nor of a more divine Mission, than what may proceed from a Thimble, a Shuttle or a Last" {Preface). Only, unhappily, the provision for a learned clergy had been to a great extent destroyed in the previous century. Andrewes speaks of clergy living on eight pounds a year. {Sermons, A. C. L., Vol. III. p. 142.) 92 LANCELOT ANDREWES must be remembered that the pulpit of that age was the cheap press of ours, that intellectual curiosity had lately found itself, that the new supply created the new demand, and that religion interested everybody. NOTE The dean of Westminster, Dr. Ai-mitage Robinson, writes to me that Andrewes, like other deans of those days, was nominated by the lord High Steward. He began the still existing custom by which the dean preaches the Good Friday sermon at St. James's. Andrewes' memory is pre- served at the deanery by a curious old portrait on wood, by the coloured glass in the Jericho parlour, and by the wainscot there and in the room above. Dr. Robinson suggests that the reason it was left to a later dean, Williams, to restore parts of the abbey church, which were miserably profaned, to sacred uses was that Williams had money and his predecessors had not. Neile, however, kept the altar in great honour. Laud was a prebendary under Williams for a very short time. CHAPTER VII COUONATION OF JAMES^HAMPTON COURT CONFERENCE — AUTHORIZED VERSION — ANDREWES ACCEPTS A BISHOPRICK — COURT PREACHER — SCOTTISH CONFERENCE — ALTAR AND THRONE Elizabeth died on March 24, the eve of " our Ladie day," 1603. Isaacson says that, after conferring the deanery of Westminster on Andrewes, " what she intended further to him her death prevented." But, as we have seen, he had twice, if not thrice, for conscientious reasons, refused a bishoprick at her hands. The son of her rival was crowned king Tof England just three months after her death, viz., on St. .lames's day,^ by archbishop Whitgift, who died the following February 29, repeatedly, when he could say nothing else to the king by his bedside, ingeminating the words, " Pro Ecclesia Dei." ' The interval, though longer than was usual in the medisBval times, was not under the circumstances excessive. But the conspirators against James in the first weeks of his reign pleaded that "their practise against the king could not be treason, because done against him before he was crowned." — Fuller, Church History, bk. X. cent, xvii. § 17, p. 6 93 94 LANCELOT ANDREWES Every student knows the unique interest of our Coronation service, practically, while the French monarchy is in abeyance, the only ancient one remaining in Christendom. Eliza- beth had been " ordained " with the rites of the old Latin pontifical. At James's accession the liturgical forms of the Church of England were no longer in solution. Accordingly, save that it was now in English and that the coronation mass followed the reformed use, the service escaped drastic change. The following points, however, may be noticed :— In the prayer Deits inejfabilis, after " Blesse (wee beseech thee) this our present King and his Armie with a ritch blessing," the words in the translation, " at the intercession of aU thy Saints," were struck through. Also the following expressions in square brackets were omitted : — " At thy unction we beseech thee almightie fFather that [by the fattnesse of this thy Creature] thou wilt vouchsafe to blesse and sanctifie this thy servaunt [facietido sigmom Crucis]." But the sign of the cross was retained in the anointing of the Consort,' and has continued from Charles I's coronation to the present day. ' James's queen did not receive the Eucharist, and while the king was communicating the French en^oy, and (says Effetti) " I believe the ambassador of Lorraine," left the church temporarily. CORONATION RITE 95 " So that [by this visible guifte] thow maiest receaue invisible grace." The omitted words were restored in 1626. " Kindle o Lorde his harte with the loue of thy grace by [that hohe oile whereunto] thow hast annoynted Priestes Kinges andprophetes." " The inward annoynting wherewith " was substituted. "B-eceaue this kingly sworde [which is hallowed] for the defence of the fFaith of Christes holy Churche." Exorcism of the ring was retained — " Send downe thy holie spirit uppon this Ring and vouchsafe so to dense it by thy power." But these words disappeared at the next coronation. The ring is called in 1603 the " scale of Chris- tian fFaith," " Catholick " being struck through. For king Charles I the phrase was " Christian Catholique." Since then " Catholick " alone has stood. Before the crowning, in the Lambeth MS., no. 1075b, from which Dr. Wickham Legg prints his Coronation Order of King James the First, are the words : — " Then was the Crowne sprinckled and after censed." It is very im- probable that this was done. The tense is noticeable. Incense (the "perfuming pan"), however, was used in the procession until the nineteenth century. 96 LANCELOT ANDREWES The old miraculous balm,^ preserved for centuries in the Tower, was used for the last time. Simple oil was no longer used as well. It is of great interest to ask whether Andrewes, as dean of Westminster, was in part responsible for the form of the first vernacular Sacring of an English king. Dr. Wickham Legg thinks that "the version is hardly that which he would have produced." ^ At any rate in his capacity of abbot, as the rubrick for James I and Charles I still styled the dean, Andrewes had a principal part to perform in the great solemnity. Especially it belonged to his office to act as ghostly remem- brancer to the sovereign for keeping devout vigil the day before the coronation. It may have been from this moment that we should date James's deep regard for Andrewes, which the subject genuinely reciprocated.^ The " abbot " was to be by the king's side throughout the rite to inform him ; to go with him to the altar ; to open his garments for the anointing, afterwards " closing the loopes ' " The Ampull wherein is the oile, with which auntientlie the kings and queens have been annoynted, be laide readie uppon the Aulter. " A new chrism compounded of many rich ingredients was prepared for the coronation of Charles I., and hallowed by Laud on the morning of the solemnity. ^ The Coronation Order of King James I, p. xvii. ^ " It apperteyneth by office to the Abbot of Westminster to remember his Majestie to give himself a certain space to contem- plation and praiers." HAMPTON COURT CONFERENCE Q1 agayne ; " to " hould the oyle in a little goulden ladell " at the unction itself ; to array the king in the supertunica, tynsin hose, sandals and gloves, and to place the sceptre in his hand ; and finally to receive the custody of the regalia.^ The ceremonies in Westminster Hall had been omitted, including the " levation " of the monarch into his stone seat, one of the most ancient ceremonies known to the history of the Anglo-Saxon race. Also the "proceeding" from the Tower, usual on the eve of the coronation, was postponed till the following March on account of the plague. Owing to the infection Andrewes doubtless retired to the retreat provided at Chiswick,^ where we find him on St. Bartholomew's day preaching in the parish church on the text : Then stood up Phiuees and prayed, and so the plague ceased. In January, 1604, Andrewes took part, but 1 MS. belonging to Lord Braye, 10th report of Hist. MSS. commission 1887, Pt. vi. p. 109, quoted by Dr. Wickham Legg. ^ In his parochial Articles, when a bishop, Andrewes took the Puritan view, which seems to us very remarkable and unworthy, but which was generally regarded as the safest anti-popish line, that the clergy are not obliged to minister to their people in time of pestilence. One of the theses disputed before James at Oxford in 1606, Andrewes being present, was that "The pastors of the Church are not bound to visit the sick while a pestilence is raging." (Russell, p. 131). It must be confessed that the 67th canon of 1604 lends colour to this disastrous view of ministerial duty. H 98 LANCELOT ANDREWES not prominently, in the Hampton Court con- ference, which James had summoned with the best reforming intentions. The king enquiring as to the antiquity of signature with the cross in baptism, inveighed against by Puritans as " the superstitious and wicked institution of a new sacrament," Andrewes answered : — " It appears out of Tertulhan, Cyprian and Origen that it was used in immortali lavacro."^ The Conference, however ineffectual other- wise, bore splendid fruit in king James's Bible. Andrewes, as dean, was appointed to be head of the Westminster double-company of trans- lators, whose work, however, on Genesis to 2 Kings was not begun jointly till 1608, being concluded in 1611. The divines who gave us the Authorized Version were chosen for linguistic rather than for literary accomplish- ments. Andrewes' brother Roger and his schoolfellows. Dove and GUes Thompson, were among them. But in that cultured age an Englishman could scarcely open his lips without uttering pure, nervous and imaginative English. It was the time of our tongue's perfection, when it had ceased to be naive, experimental and over-quaint, but was stUl an incomparably rich, sweet, stately and versatile 1 Fuller's Church History, Bk. x. p. 17. Cardwell's Conferences, p. 198. BIBLE TRANSLATION; EPISCOPATE 99 instrument for any purpose, trifling or solemn.^ There is just enougli picturesque archaism in the version, as we read it now, to harmonize with reverence and lofty feehng, but not so much as to make the 1611 Bible an antiquary's book. 2 IMeanwhile, in 1605, Andrewes had, "by some persuasion," ^ accepted at James's hands nomination to the bishoprick of Chichester. The king had begun to reverse Elizabeth's simoniacal policy * — " nemo," said Andrewes, ^ Much as the sixteenth century apparel, after essaying one fashion after another of stifF^ brocaded splendour, became the simpler, but exquisitely graceful dress of the Stuart era. 2 The present Authorized Version, however, has been greatly modernized by the printers, not merely as regards spelling, but by the alteration of obsolete words or forms, such as ought into owed, champion into champaign, bile into boil, fet into fetched, yer into ere, brickie into brittle, Hierusalem into Jerusalem, leese into lose, it (possessive) into its, neeze into sneeze, creeple into cripple, moe into more, happily into haply, price into prize, and scores of others. 3 Carleton, writing to his brother, says that he feels shame to relate the manner in which bishopricks are usually got. — State Papers of James I, Ixxxviii. 136. * Fuller says : — "A statute had formerly been made in the 13th of Queen Elizabeth which, to prevent final alienation of Church land, did disable all subjects from accepting them. But in that statute a liberty was left unto the Crown to receive the same, as the patron-general of the whole English Church. And it was but reason for the Sovereign, who originally gave all the loaf to the Church, on occasion to resume a good shiver thereof. But he who shuts ninety-nine gates of Tliebes, and leaveth one open, shuts none in effect. ... To prevent future wrong to the Church in that kind, it was [in James's first parliament] enacted that the Crown itself henceforward should be incapable of any such Church land being conveyed to it." — Church History of Britain, lib. x. cent. xvii. §§ 8-11. H 2 100 LANCELOT ANDREWE& " a sacris alienandis alienior,"— and he could do so with a clear conscience. Neale, "prae- dicator mirabilis," succeeded him at West- miaster ; Buckeridge, now president of St. John's, at St. Giles's. But, under licence from the Crown, Andrewes retained for two years his prebend in St. Paul's, on account of the poverty of his bishoprick, with dispensation from residence.^ The presbyterian editor of the Preces Privatae referred to above (p. 88) remarks that — " With his elevation to the bench of bishops that sad drop and deterioration of Andrewes' character began which cannot be kept hid from any unprejudiced reader of his lifcj and which stands written out in a sea of tears, the bitterness of which every reader of sensibihty must surely taste on every page of his penitential Devotions." I shall leave the reader to judge for himself whether these remarks are justified, going straight forward with my narrative. On the Good Friday of 1604, Andrewes had delivered his fii-st sermon before king James, on the unspeakable mystery of Christ's love in our redemption, a sermon which bishop Home (1730-92) is said to have delighted in preaching in a more polished eighteenth-century style. Thereafter for many years on the great feasts 1 Kalendar of State Tapers, Dom., 1580-3625 ; 1606, Sept. 25, POWDER-PLOT AND GOWRIE SERMONS 101 and fasts of the Church the king and his courtiers heard the same earnest voice ex- pounding out of a full treasury of thought and learning the doctrines of the faith. In 1606 bishop Andrewes, as he now was, began the two series of annual discourses on the anniversaries of the Gowrie conspiracy (August 5) and the Powder Plot — "our day of Puiim." His own consecration had taken place on Nov. 3, 1605, two days before the famous Nones, and doubtless he would have been in the House of Lords had the design been carried through. We have come to regard the Gunpowder con- spiracy in a humorous light. It did not strike men in that way who had been about to stand over Fawkes's barrels and slow match, and Andrewes ever after referred to the deliver- ance with a most unaffected solemnity. About the "traitorous and detestable attempt of the earl Gowrie, his brother and other com- plices," he seems, from what Plume says in his Life of HacJcet, to have at first had doubts. " Though some people have denied the Treason, yet out good Bishop was assured that the most reUgious Bishop Andrewes once fell down upon his knees before King James and besought his Majesty to spare his customary pains upon that day, that he might not mock God unless the thing were true. The King replied : Those people 102 LANCELOT ANDREWES were much to blame who would never believe a treason unless then- Prince were actually murdered ; but did assure him, upon the faith of a Christian and upon the word of a King, their treasonable attempt against him was too true." ^ Andrewes' first Gowiie thanksgiving sermon was delivered in Latin before queen Anne and her brother, king Christian IV of Den- mark, who was on a visit to the British Court. Casaubon mentions being present at a Gowrie anniversary service in Ely cathedral at which bishop Andrewes preached. ^ James declared, with reference especially to Andrewes, that, while in Scotland, he prayed on his knees before every sermon that he might hear nothing from the preacher which might afterwards grieve him ; but after coming to England, he said his case was so much altered that it was his prayer to edify by what he heard. Certainly it was the custom of the Scottish pulpiteers only to call a spade a spade — " And now the alarm being given, both parties drew forth their forces into the field. King James undertook the Pope himself — the wearer of three against the wearer of the triple crown (an even match), effectively confuting his briefs. Bishop Andrewes takes Bellarmine to task ; Bishop Barlow pours out upon Parsons ; Dr. Morton, Dr. Robert Abbot, Dr. Buckeridge, Dr. Collins, Dr. Burrell, Mr. Thomson, Dr. Peter Moulin, maintain the loyalty of the oath against Suarez, Endsemon^ Becanus, and others." — Fuller, Church History, p. 68. 112 LANCELOT ANDREWES Sixtus V as minimizing. He was a man of unstained life. Suarez, " the last of the schoolmen," was, and is, regarded by the Jesuits as the glory of their order. At the desire of Paul V he published at Coimbra, in 1613, A Defence of the Catliolique Faith against the Anglican Sect. The sale of it was prohibited in England, and the book ordered to be burnt by the public hangman. Suarez died in 1617 with the words, " I did not think death had been so agreeable ! " It was a contest of giants rather than of ..." dragons of the prime, That tare each other in their slime." The argument on either side was exhibited to advantage. Buckeridge, however, with pardonable partiality says of the Enghsh protagonist that "his weapons in the mouth of the adversarie proved as stones in the teeth of dogs. While they thought to withstand or answer them, they bit the stones and brake their own teeth." Buckeridge himself Avrote — as, indeed, Barclay, Preston, and some other Enghsh Romanists did — against the deposing power. Of Andrewes' preparations for con- troversy Buckeridge teUs us — " He used no man to read for him as those great Clerks, Bellarmine and others', fashion is to imploy whole Colledges and Societies to study and read for thenij and so finish them ; ANDREWES VERSUS BELLARMINE 113 he onely used an Amannuensis to transcribe that which him- selfe had first written with his owne hand. . . . His great gifts may well be taken a little to cloud and overshadow and obscure all men of his Age and Order ; and surely the fame of this singular Bishop will become a light to all posterity." Chamberlain wrote to Carleton on Nov. 11, 1608 : " I doubt the good Bishop of Chichester be at leisure for any bye-matters, the King doth so hasten and spur him on in this busi- ness of Bellarmine's, which he were likely to perform very well (as I hear by them that can judge) if he might take his own time, and not be troubled nor entangled with arguments obtruded to him continually by the King." Carleton saw part of the book in the press. He told Sir Thomas Edmunds, June 8, 1609, " It is a worthy book ; only the brevity breeds obscurity, and puts the reader to some of that pains which was taken by the writer." Cham- berlain had doubted how the bishop would perform the task laid upon him, "being so contrary to his disposition and course to meddle with controversies." But if Andrewes wrote invita Minerva, he did not write with his left hand, but put his fuU force into this great controversy, which, if the folios con- taining it he dusty on our shelves, goes really to the root of the constitution of society. Has 114 LANCELOT ANDREWES temporal government an independent divine right, or do princes and rulers hold office at the discretion of Christ's Vicar seated on the seven hills as his vicegerents and deputies ? Has society a single or dualistic ideal and basis ? The subject is such a large one that a later chapter must be reserved for the Bellarmine- Andrewes controversy. Andrewes whimsically styled his book Tortura Torti. BeUarmine rephed with vizor raised, and in 1610 appeared the English bishop's Responsio ad Apologiam Cardinalis Bellarmini. Before it saw the hght he had been translated to the see of Ely, which ten years earlier he had declined at EUzabeth's hands. His election took place Sept. 22, 1609. He was at this time given also the Lord High Almonership, with exemption from rendering account of his receipts. But he now resigned the Crown living of Cheyham, or Cheam, in Surrey, to which he had been instituted only a month or two before (July 25). Cheam might at that time have been called " parochia episcopalis," as Pembroke HaU was "collegium episcopale," for of six successive parsons there five were, or became, bishops. On November 2, 1610, the strong and fatherly archiepiscopate of Bancroft ended,^ and the 1 Clarendon says that Bancroft disposed the clergy to a more PASSED OVER FOR PRIMACY 115 general expectation marked Andrewes for the primatial throne, for which a meeting of the episcopate recommended him. But " a strong north wind" (writes Calvert to Edmunds) — that is to say, the deathbed influence of James's Scottish favourite, Dunbar — procured the nomination of the honest, but puritanical and morose doctor George Abbot, then bishop of London, who, as tliat earl's chaplain, had earned the royal gratitude by his successful endeavours for the restoration to Scotland of a modified episcopacy, and also by elucidat- ing the circumstances of the Gowrie plot. Clarendon asserts, however, that he was "totally ignorant of the true constitution of the Church of England," and that he " con- sidered the Christian religion no otherwise than as it abhorred or reviled popery." Antony Wood, who praises Abbot's piety and gravity, says that he was " a learned man and had his erudition all of the old stamp," but remarks that his inexperience of the difficulties of parish priests " was the reason (as some think) why he was harsh to them, and why he showed more respect to a Cloak than a Cassock."^ solid course of study than they had been used to, and had he lived would quickly have extinguished all that fire which had been kindled at Geneva. 1 Athenae, i. 499. I 2 116 LANCELOT ANDREWES Unlike Bancroft before him and Laud after him, Abbot did nothing to relieve the social contempt and poverty of the clergy, who, says Hacket, " had scarce enough to feed and keep them warm." Jeremy Collier speaks of " prophane indifference and remissness," which allowed the churches to lack ornament, decency or the most necessary reparation, and the sacraments to be "administered when the people had most mind to receive them."^ Heylin writes — " If Andrewes had succeeded Bancroft and Laud followed Andrewes, the Church would have been settled on so sure a foundation that it could not easily have been shaken."^ It may be doubted, however, whether Andrewes possessed the grip and statesmanship required for piloting the Church of England through the troubled waters that lay ahead. His three episcopates were un- eventful, and scarcely put his mettle to the proof. As for Abbot, his talent for hitting the wrong mark is exemplified by his mishap with the cross-bow in lord Zouche's deer-park at Bramshill, on July 24, 1621, Peter Hawkins, a keeper, being killed by him. To a courtier who took advantage of this misfortune to 1 Eccl. Hist, of Great Britain, Pt. II. bk. ix. 760, 2 Cyprianus Anglicus, p. 69, ABBOT'S IRREGULARITY 117 endeavour to lessen the archbishop in his sovereign's favour, James good-naturedly re- plied, "An angel might have miscarried in this sort." But four bishops-elect were wait- ing for consecration, and there could be no doubt that by the ancient canon-law, which had not then fallen into its present desuetude, an ecclesiastic who had committed even in- voluntary homicide lay under an " irregularity." Question arose in every European university as to the archbishop's capacity to perform any of his functions. The Sorbonne, after three discussions, decided adversely. A commission of six prelates and four civilians sate to advise the Crown on this point. Andre wes, albeit " a strong upholder of incontaminate antiquity," held with the four lay commissioners that the archbishop was not irregular — pleading the canon " clericus de quo dubitatur an sit regularis non est irregularis" — though with two civilians he doubted that " that act might tend to scandal in a churchman." The other five bishops were for the irregularity. Ques- tion then arising how the primate should be canonically restored, Andrewes and the laymen took the seemingly Erastian view, designed, no doubt, to spare the successor of St. Augustine a needless mortification, that the " assoilment " might be included in the same patent as the 118 LANCELOT ANDREWES royal pardon, his episcopal brethren maintain- ing, on the contrary, that it ought to be performed by bishops commissioned for the purpose, " after the manner of a formal clerical absolution." In the event Andrewes and seven other bishops were directed by the Crown " ad majorem cautelam " to dispense him, while the king " by his Broad-seal assoiled the Archbishop from all irregularity, scandal or infamation, pronouncing him to be capable to use all Metropolitical authority, as if that sinistrous contingency in spilling blood had never been done. A Princely clemency," adds Hacket, "and the more to be extoU'd because that Archbishop was wont to dissent from the King as often as any man at the Council-board. It seems he loved him the better for his courage and sincerity."^ Archbishop Abbot, being at Croydon in 1618, on the day the Book of Sports was ordered to be read in the churches, had flatly forbidden it to be read there, "which King James was pleased to vnnk at, notwithstand- ing the daily endeavours that were used to irritate the King against him."^ At a later date he " disgusted the King by dis- > Scrinia Eeseraia ; a Memorial offered to the Great Deservings of John Williams, D.D., p. 68. 2 Le Neve, Life of Archbishop Abbot. ANDREWES BEFRIENDS ABBOT 119 approving the Spanish marriage."^ We shall shortly have to mention his resistance to James in the Essex case. The king's liking for the stubborn old prelate is the more creditable. While Williams the lord keeper held aloof from his friend — telling Buckingham that " to add affliction to the afflicted would be against his Majestie's nature ; yet to leave a man of blood Primate and Patriarch of all his Churches is a thing which sounds very harsh in the old Councils and Canons, and the Papists will not spare to censure it " ^ — Andrewes had only a generous pity for a successful rival lying under a temporary cloud. Fuller remarks that "the party whom the Archbishop sus- pected his greatest foe proved his most firm and effectual friend." James, according to Junius,^ told the archbishop that he owed his escape from sequestration to Andrewes — who would doubtless have succeeded him in the primacy. In 1628 Richard Mountagu, though no friend to Abbot, accepted consecration from him, and Laud, whom Abbot had tried at Oxford to suppress, assisted him in the laying- on of hands. After the misadventure Abbot 1 Eaohard, History of England, i. 960. 2 Rushworth, Hist. Collections, Pt. I. p. 61, 3 Vossii Epp. 20; pp. 43, 44, 120 LANCELOT ANDREWES "retired to an Aims-House of his own build- ing at Guildford, in Surrey, there to mortifie himself from the enjoyment of aU worldly pleasures." He kept a monthly fast on the day. He also conferred a pension of £20 upon the dead man's widow (who did not long remain a widow) and orphans. " The archbishop," says Hacket, " was a happy man in this unhappiness, that many hearts condoled with him, and many precious stones were in the breastplate which he wore that pleaded for him. He was painful, stout, severe against bad manners, of a grave and a voluble eloquence, very hospitable, fervent against the Roman Church and no less so against the Arminians." He held high views of the Church's rights, and resolutely main- tained the prerogatives of the High Commis- sion court against Coke and the secularizing lawyers. He crowned Charles I, but his church puritanism had by then become obso- lete, and he fell into the background, dying August 3, 1633. It is pleasing to note that one of his last episcopal acts was a require- ment to the parishioners of Crayford, Kent, to receive the holy Sacrament on their knees. CHAPTER IX Andrewes Bishop of Winchestek — Influ- ence AT Court — Essex Case — Case of Roger Andrewes — Burning op Leggatt In July, 1618, Andrewes was translated to the important see of Winchester. He was already, since 1616, a privy-councillor for both king- doms, yet he was ever a churchman rather than a statesman. Lloyd records that " he would say, when he came to the Council Table, ' Is there anything to be done to-day for the Church ? ' If they answered, Yea, then he said, ' I will stay ; ' if No, then he said, ' I will be gone.' " ^ Buckeridge says that he " spake and medled little in civUl and temporall affaires, being out of his profession and element ; but in causes of the Church he spake fully and at home." But he could not absent himself altogether from Whitehall, especially as he was also now dean of the royal Chapel. Yet, says bishop Home, " when he could not preach he went but little to Court — that only is a ' state Worthies, p. 1024. ]21 122 LANCELOT ANDREWES priest's business there." ^ An Ambrose or Dunstan would have endeavoured to exert a more direct influence on affairs. Laud went from the Council chamber to pray in the closet. Burke desired that rehgion should " exalt her mitred front in Courts and Parlia- ments." Yet Whitehall was the purer and better for this one patristic presence. " Of all those," writes Gardiner, " whose piety was remarkable in that troubled age there was none who could bear comparison for spotless- ness and purity of character with the good and gentle Andrewes. Going in and out as he did amongst the frivolous and grasping courtiers who gathered round the King, he seemed to live in a peculiar atmosphere of holiness, which prevented him from seeing the true nature of the evil times in which his lot had fallen." 2 James's Court was an odd medley of learning and levity, divinity and dissoluteness. It carried on an unhealthy Elizabethan heritage, the entail of which Charles I after a year or two austerely broke. George Herbert, whose career as a fine gentle- man ended, as it then seemed, untimely, wrote afterwards as a country curate : — " I now look back upon my aspiring thoughts, and think 1 The Scholar Armed, ii. 256. •^ History of England, 1603-1616, ii. 33. JAMES'S COURT 123 myself more happy than if 1 had attained what I so ambitiously thirsted for. And I now can behold the Court with an impartial eye, and see that it is made up of fraud and titles of flattery and many other such empty, imaginary painted pleasures." James himself, the garrulous and unheroic son of one romantic historical figure and father of another, is seen by us through a cloud of grotesque foibles and unkingly but very human and "feUow-like" littlenesses which have obscured his great abilities, his sagacious and far-seeing ideas, his passionate zeal for scholar- ship and real devotion to the Church. He held that a king should be the best clerk in his own dominions, and turned courtiership into a kind of perpetual competitive examination. Hacket relates : — "The King's table was a trial of wits, the reading of some booke before him was frequent while he was at his repast. Otherwise he collected knowledge by variety of questions. . . . Methought his hunting humour was not oif so long as his courtiers, I mean the learned, stood about his board. He was ever in chase after some disputable doubts, which he would wind and turn about with the most stabbing objections that I ever heard ; and was so pleasant and fellow-like in all those discourses as with his huntsmen in the field. They that in many such genial and convivial conferences were ripe and weighty in their 124 LANCELOT ANDREWES answers were indubiously designed to some place of credit and profit." ^ A quarto lying before me, The Court of the most Illustrious and most Magnificent James the First, etc., 1620,^ consisting of "divers rules and most pure precepts " for a " wise and cautelous " Jacobean courtier, takes for its motto the line, " principibus placuisse viris non ultima laus est ; " and though you are advised at Court, "si fueris Romae, Romano ^dvito more," it is assumed that the courtier, amid the "glittering and glorious show and re- splendent lustre of a courtly life," may be " a lover of pietie and true religion." He may make the Court better, if the Court does not make him better ; for which purpose — " 'Tis not enough to live in Court, to goe to bed at midnight^ to rise the next morning at ten a clocke, and then, what with apparelling himselfe, with frizling and curling his haire with his curling pin, with poudring and turning up the same, this way and that way, about his eares, continuing thus in his bed-chamber even till noone at least, and then to spend the rest of the day in feasting, jesting, and many such like toyes and triviall exercises. Assuredly I say (and let every Courtier beleeve me) that he which is onely busied in cropping these roses shall undoubtely find them but pricking thornes." ' Scrinia Reserata, quoted in Hyde's George Herbert and his Times, p. 86. ^ In the Salisbury cathedral Library. A COURTIER'S LtFte U6 There are also some counsels to the " ecclesi- astical courtier," how to exert a noble influence on the Court. Any one who incites courtiers to integrity of life may seem but " to wash an iEthiopian-Blackmoore." Yet, though virtue in a Court may seem to live in exile — " If they mind the well-formed and conformed therein, it will assuredly cause that amongst manie fawning smooth-bootes, false-hearted flatterers, and crooked per- verse minds, thou shalt still be of a right and upright courage and condition ; yea, and from this fountaine thou shalt derive all those silver streames and comfortable currents whereby thy Calling, whether Courtly or other- wise, shall yeeld back and repay unto thee precious and prosperous effects. If hereupon thou firmely fasten thine Anchor, then fear no ship-wracke, but with unconquerable courage and animositie launch out into this turgent and turbulent Sea." Courts are exposed to an infectious pestilence, namely Envy ; But also — " Who is hee that knowes not that there be those in a Court who at the first sight doe seeme to have in them much gravity, literature, and singular humanity, and yet for all this, being deepely div'd into and narrowly observed, are knowne under these beautifuU and specious outsides and vales of vertue to cover and keepe secret the deadly poyson of flattery .'' And with good reason, for the Court is the flatterers' stage or Theatre wherein hee still doth practise." Even his Prince " let not a Courtier strive beyond measure to extoll and magnifie, with glorious prayses and glosing phrases, for truly wise men take it in exceeding ill part to be too extreamly and vehemently commended." 126 LANCELOT ANDREWES James was not fastidious in this respect. On the other hand, the adulatory language of the time was to a great extent conventional and " common form." That was an age of honorific expression and unreserved eulogy. In Latin it did not sound so extravagant and ful- some — for instance, when young Milton sang of his sovereign as "pius lacobus, pacificus, felix divesque." Contemporaries had a kinder and more admiring feeling towards James I than posterity finds easy. But if Wesley, during the Forty-Five, could idealize George II — " his Majesty, whom I honour and love, I think not less than I did my own father," ^ — or Scott George IV, it is not very surprising that, in an age of poetic admiration and high-flown but sincerely-conceived panegyric, the divinity that doth hedge a king should have invested " Eliza " the queenly or James the scholarly, in the eyes of men of genius like Shakspeare or men of piety like Andrewes and Herbert, with a haze of superlati^'e qualities.^ It was Falk- land who wrote of " learned James, whose ' Journal, Sept. 21, 1745. Again on Saturday, Oct. 25, 1760 — " Kiug George was gathered to his fathers. When will England ha\'e a better Prince .'' " Even St. Francois de Sales has been accused of truckling to the great. 2 See for instance Rosa's De Jacobi Magnte Britannia', Gallia et Hybemice, pj-aestantissimi ct augustissimi regis, rir/utibux et omamentis dilucida Enarratio, Ejusqiie cum laudatissimis vetenim Regibus, Monarchis et temperatoribus comparatio exacta et enucleata. 18mo, Loudini, 1608. COURT FLATTERERS 127 praise no end shall finde." And the "stiffly principled," surlily independent Abbot wrote thus of that monarch : — " Zealous as David, learned as Salomon, rehgious as Josias, careful of spreading the truth as Constantine, just as Moyses, undefiled as Jehosaphat or Ezekias, clement as Theodosius." Nobody took this kind of thing seriously. It was after all very hke the way a candidate for parliament now addresses the electors.^ As for Andrewes himself, I could wish he had not left it to Laud, his successor at the Chapel Royal, tp put an end, with king Charles's ready assent, to the unseemly custom of breaking off the service immediately the sovereign entered the royal closet, and at once beginning the sermon.^ But that he was no Court flatterer is evidenced by the well-known anecdote which the poet Waller was fond of telling. Waller entered the House of Commons as a mere lad, and it is recorded in his life that on the day after parliament was prorogued in 1623— " He went to see the King at dinner, with whom were Dr. Andrewes, Bishop of Winchester, and Dr. Neile, Bishop of Durham, standing behind his Majesty's chair. There 1 Elizabeth's three archbishops of Canterbui-y — Parker, Grindal and Whitgift — addressed, on occasion, some remarkably plain- spoken admonitions to her. * See Collier, Uccl. Hist, of Ch-eat Britain, Pt. II. bk. ix. 740. 128 LANCELOT ANDRE WES happened something very extraordinary in the conversation these prelates had with the King, on which Mr. Waller did often reflect. His Majesty asked the bishops, ' My lords, cannot I take my subjects' money, when I want it, without all this fomiality in Parliament ? ' The Bishop of Durham readily answered, ' God forbid. Sir, but you should. You are the breath of our nostrils.' Whereupon the King turned and said to the Bishop of Winchester, 'Well, my lord, what say you ? ' ' Sir,' replied the Bishop, ' I have no skill to judge of Parliamentary cases.' The King answered, ' No put-offs, my lord ; answer me presently.' 'Then, Sir,' said he, ' I think it lawful for you to take my brother Neile's money, for he offers it.' Mr. Waller said the company was pleased with this answer, and the wit of it seemed to affect the King." James, no doubt, knew the two men, and was putting them to the proof. Neile, who was Clerk of the Closet, managed to obtain in turn the bishopricks of Rochester, Lichfield (holding at the same time the deanery of Westminster), Lincoln, Durham and Win- chester, and the archbishoprick of York. To do him justice, he gave of his substance with both hands, and gathered round him scholars and philosophers ; nor was he a mere syco- phant and time-server. He had addressed a reasoned argument to the Lords in favour of " impositions " as within the Crown's estab- lished prerogative,^ and only escaped the ' "For almost every claim put forward by James I and Charles I you can find a precedent under Ehzabeth. In 1601 ESSEX NULLITY SUIT 139 impeachment begun against him by the Com- mons by parliament being dissolved. In 1629 he was impeached, together with Laud, for Arminianism. Wood says that he was " an affectionate subject to his Prince, an indulgent father to his clergy, a bountiful patron to his chaplains, and a true friend to all who relied upon him." ^ If Andrewes can be taxed at all with subserviency, it is in connexion with the unsavoury case of the Essex nullity in 1613. NuUity of marriage is, of course, a wholly different thing from what is usually known as divorce a vinculo, which Andrewes regarded with the Catholic Church generally as contrary to the divine law. His vote in favour of the present decree was given, as it seems to me, not so much against the evidence ^ as against his better conscience. It was notorious that the countess sought to be unyoked merely that she might be married to her paramour. Mr. Serjeant Hele averred in the House of Commons that the Queen had as much right to all the lands and goods of her subjects as to any revenue of the Crown. . . . ' Well,' quoth the Serjeant, 'all your humming shall not put me out of countenance.' " — A. F. Pollard, Factors in Modei-n History, p. 129. 1 Ath. Ox. i. 783. 2 Though there was suspicion of collusion. Eachard, follow- ing Arthur Wilson's History of Great Britain, 1653, says that the husband, Essex^ " willing to be freed from so horrid a Plague, confessed," etc. 130 LANCELOT ANDREWES Carr, viscount Rochester. Andrewes seemed to yield weakly to the king's opinions and desires. Southampton writes on August 6th, 1613, to Sir Ralph Winwood— " Of the nulUty I see you know as much as I can write, by which you may discern the power of a king with judges. For of those which are now for it I knew some of them when I was in Eng- land were vehemently against it, as the bishops of Ely [Andrewes] and Coventry [Neile]." Abbot with inflexible integrity refused com- pliance, albeit, dean Church considers, upon the feeblest reasons. The archbishop himself says of Andrewes : — " My lord of Ely also for a great whUe was in dislike of the separation (as I have credibly heard he observed himself to Sir Henry Savile) until such time as the King spake with him, and then his judgment was reformed. But truth is that among us he said nothing." Again, " My lord of Ely sat httle less than dumb. Divers of the Commissioners wondered at him, that he who had spent so much time in reading of the canonists touching this question should not think upon divinity." ^ Andrewes, however, spoke against the primate's proposal to try to reconcile the parties. His attitude seemed to Abbot an ' Some Memorials touching the Nullity between the Earl of Essex and his Lady, pronounced Sept. 25, 1613, at Lambeth (State Trials). (_'ARR. EARL OF bOMKRSET ESSEX NULLITY SUIT 131 evasive one. Before the ease was settled he proposed to go dow^n to his diocese, and kept out of the w^ay, until the king sent an express messenger for him. Finally, with the bishops of Winchester, Lichfield and Coventry, and Rochester and three civilians, he voted for the decree of nullity. The minority consisted of the archbishop of Canterbury, the bishop of London and two civilians. Abbot says : — " The three bishops of Winton, Ely and Litch- field went immediately to the Court hoping to receive great thanks for their service ... I would not have given the sentence for all the gold in India." ^ On the other hand, Andre wes certainly received no mark of honour, whereas the two bishops and the three civilians who had voted with him obtained various rewards, Bilson, the bishop of Winchester, being especially described as going down to his diocese " with great jollity, full of hope and glory." But the decree was extremely un- popular, and the bishop's son, being knighted, was nicknamed " Sir Nullity Bilson." As for the adulterers, they were united with extraordinary pomp and glory ,2 the corporation of London feasting them in Merchant Taylors' hall and ' From a paper, Some Observable Things since September 25, 1613, unto the day of the Marriage, Dec. 26, 1613. 2 Andrewes was present at this miserable rite. K 2 132 LANCELOT ANDREWES the gentlemen of Gray's Inn entertaining them at a solemn Twelfth-day masque. Carr was created earl of Somerset, and his new countess led the Court for two years. At the end of that time — I quote the words of Mr. G. M. Trevelyan^ — she "was cast headlong by the appalling revelation that she had secured her divorce by the murder of Sir Thomas Over- bury. James, who was not a wicked man,^ insisted that the trial of his ill-chosen friends should be a spectacle no less public than their marriage. They were condemned to death, but not actually executed." It is a very unhappy thing for Andrewes' fame that he should have helped to bring about this sordid tragedy. On the other hand, an impartial liistorian, Carte,^ holds that the evidence justified the decree. Carte imputes Abbot's resistance to his friendship with Essex and his being little versed in the civil law. " Whether he imagined his conduct wanted an apology, or had a mind to curry favour with the Puritans, he went so far as to draw up and disperse certain reasons for dissent. They were very weak ones, harping on the ridiculous ' England under the Stuarts, p. 114. 2 Prof. Montague somewliat severely says : — " James was one of those singular persons who, although not wicked, do things of which the wicked would be ashamed." — Polit. Hist, of England) vol. vii., p. 83. •* History of England, iv., pp. 7, sq. CASE OF ROGER ANDREWES 133 notion of witchcraft quoad hanc, and generally foreign to the question. . . . The civilians durst not refute the archbishop's reasons, for fear of offending him, but they were fully answered by the King, who was too fond of his skiU in divinity to keep from intermeddling on a subject that had some affinity with his favourite science. This helped to make it believed that he interfered in the sentence." Laud's mourning for having, in 1605, united his patron, Charles Blount, earl of Devonshire, to the divorced wife of lord Rich, was a life- long self-humiliation. But there is no evidence that Andrewes' sensitive conscience was ever burdened vdth the memory of his conduct in the Essex trial, though Dr. Whyte twists every expression of abasement in the Devotions into a cry of agonized remorse for this sin. It might certainly seem that the mild and benevolent character of Lancelot Andrewes had in it more of the gracefully-bending willow than of the rigid oak. Such characters, more- over, are often over-indulgent to the faults of their kindred and friends. When Andrewes was a Cambridge bachelor of arts a little brother was born at the home in Thames- street. This Roger Andrewes in after life had the following preferments conferred on him by his elder brother. He became fellow of Pem- 134. LANCELOT ANDREWES broke Hall, vicar of Chigwell, prebendary, archdeacon and chancellor of Chichester, vicar of Cowfold, rector of Emnet, prebendary of Ely, prebendary of Winchester, and master of Jesus College, Cambridge. The last post he received in 1618, through the offices of his brother, who, as bishop of Ely, was visitor of the College. It was a disastrous choice. Roger Andrewes is described as " overbear- ing and quarrelsome," " unscrupulous," a neglectful and incapable governor of the society, and as having detained moneys due to the college treasury and to the fellows. The fellows complained in 1627 to king Charles, who ordered the heads of houses to inquire into the matter. In spite of an adverse report, the grievances continued, until, in 1632, the king wrote to the master that "he had given just cause why he should be made an example of justice. But the king, remember- ing the favour he bore to his late worthy servant the Doctor's brother, was pleased to forbear further disgrace, so as the Doctor made presentlie a voluntary cession and sur- render of that Mastership." Accordingly he resigned, exwv cisxovt) 8^ QufxiS, and died three years later.^ It should, however, be said that 1 Jexwi College, in " Cambridge College Histories^" by Arthur Gray, M.A., pp. 84-90, GENERAL IMPARTIALITY 135 Roger Andrewes was a man of ability and erudition, and was one of the Cambridge trans- lators of the Old Testament, from 1 Chronicles to Ecclesiastes. It has seemed only right to recall this example of weakness on bishop Andrewes' part. On the other hand, Isaacson speaks emphatically of his impartiality in filling the numerous academic places at his disposal. " He was ever so faithfuU and just that he waived all letters from great personages for in- sufficient schoUers, and cast aside all favour and affection, and chose only such as in his judgment were fittest." And Winstanley observes : — " A great man's letter would do but little good with him if he saw not piety as well as personage in the party." Fuller says : — " In that part of the Account which concerned him most neerly to perfect, which was his Pastorall and Episcopall charge, the cure of Soules and the well-ordering of the Diocesse committed to his trust, never any made a more just and exact account. Some particulars of this account was the promoting of sufficient, able and good men to livings and preferments which fell within his owne gift. To the better discharge of this part of the account he tooke order still beforehand, by continuall search and inquiry, to know what hopefull young men were in the University ; his chaplains and friends receiving a charge from him to certifie him what hopefull and towardly young wits they met with at any time : and these (till he could better provide for them) were sure to taste of his bounty and goodnesse, for their better encouragement," 136 LANCELOT ANDREWES Plume mentions that bishop Hacket " used often to mention the words of bishop An- drewes, who was wont to institute all his ministers in cur am meam et tuam."^ No doubt the circumstance most often remembered against Andrewes is his having probably sate in the court of High Com- mission — he certainly was a member of it ^ — which, on February 21, 1612, condemned Bartholomew Leggat to the stake. Leggat taught that Christ was " a meere man, as were Peter, Paul or I ; onely . . . borne free from sin." Mark Pattison writes vehemently of Andrewes as " one of the knot of bishops who planned and deliberately carried through this wanton execution." 3 It is certain that Andrewes approved the sentence, for, in reply to BeUar- mine's charge against the reformed of toler- ating error, he protested, " We have this very year burnt two anabaptists." It must be remembered, however, that, as dean Church observes, " the burning of ' Life of Hacket. ^ The court consisted of the bishops of London, Ely, Lichfield and Coventry, and Rochester, the dean of St. Paul's and six civil- ians. It found Leggat guilty and remitted him to the consistory court of London for sentence. He was burned on March 18th. ^ Life of Ctisaubon, p. 331. But his hero, Casaubon, himself highly commended the execution. On Leggat's case see Gardiner, ii. 43-46. " All the Reformers," says Professor A. F. Pollard (Factors in Modem History, p. 70), " believed in fire as the proper purge of heresy." BURNING OF LEGGAT 137 Leggat was not shocking, but necessary and right, to the whole rehgious world of the day — to archbishop Abbot, who pressed it on and canvassed the judges who ordered it, — to the great Puritan party. It was not shocking to the Church historian, Fuller ; it was not shocking to Neal, the historian of the persecu- tions of the Puritans. " ^ Calvin had burned Ser- vetus, to the immense gratification of Beza and Melanchthon. Hooker deemed the " execrable creed" of the "wicked brood" of atheists M'^orthy of faggot and stake. In 1549, in the midst of the Protestant revolution, Cranmer burnt Joan Boucher, an anabaptist, and Latimer, to use his own expression, played the merry- andrew when friar Forrest was slowly roasted in a chair-cradle for loyalty to his faith and to his mistress, the deeply- wronged queen Katharine. 2 More, the author of the rational- istic Utopia, in his Dialogue against Tyndale, defends the destruction of heretics. Jewel says in the Apologie ^ : — " We do condemne all sorts of the old heretlkeSj whom • Masters in English Theology, p. 69. See Hook, Life of Abbot, pp. 267-270. 2 In one of his sermons Latimer denies that the fourteen ana- baptists burnt in 1635 were martyrs because they went to their death cheerfully. The Donatists also, " another kind of poisoned heretikes," had gone to their execution ''as they should have gone to some jolly recreation or banquet." 3 Part III. c. I. div. 3, 138 LANCELOT ANDREWES these men say wee have called out of hell againe. We plainly pronounce them for detestable and castaway persons, and defie them even to the divell. Neither do wee leave them soe, but we alsoe severely and straitly holde them in by lawful! and politique punishments, if they fortune to break out anie where and bewray themselves. Whilst these men [the papists] sit still and make merrie and doe nothing, wee continually repress and put back all those heresies which they falsely charge us to nourish and maintain." Peeters and Turwert, two Flemish ana- baptists, were burnt in 1575, four years after Jewel's death. It should be recorded, however, that John Fox the martyrologist wrote in Latin to Elizabeth to beg for their lives, saying that, while these fanatical sects ought not to be countenanced in a State but chastised in a proper manner, to punish with flames those who err rather from blindness than wilful obstinacy is unsuitable to the mildness of the gospel and leaves no opportunity for repent- ance. He declared himself so tender-hearted that he could not even pass a slaughter-house without a pang.^ To quote one only of the ancient fathers, St. Augustine was in favour of the execution of wilful idolaters, but of Ughter punishment for heretics. ^ ' Fox was buried in St. Giles's Cripple-gate, shortly before Andrewes' institution there, and is thought to have been himself sometime vicar. 2 See Epp. xciii. § 10. The "madness of sacrifices" was made illegal in the Empire in 341, and in 353 Constantius decreed that sacrificers should be slain. BURNING OF LEGGAT 139 Our modern revulsion from such sentences is inspired chiefly by the physical" horror of a penalty like the stake. But it is now almost universally accepted as axiomatic that the punishment of beliefs is wrong and also futile. That this is so under present conditions of society is fairly evident. The park gates may be shut, but the crows fly over. Yet students are aware that the question is not in the abstract, or when judging of past days and other circumstances, so easily settled. That the history of Liberalism is not a history of toleration — Marcus Aurelius slew ten thousand Christians, many of them with torture, and Montesquieu, Voltaire and Rousseau agi-eed that pernicious opinions such as ultramon- tanism and atheism ought to be suppressed by the State — shows that the ideal is but a half-truth. In fact, if we never interfered with one another's opinions, we should slip into an unsocial indifferentism and un -Christian selfish- ness. As regards denial of the fundamentals of religion, not only did Catholic, Lutheran, Calvinist and Zuinghan hold it a thing to be repressed, nor only such a prophet of toler- ation as Jeremy Taylor and such a large- hearted pastor as Richard Baxter, but from Milton, Harington and Locke to Dr. Arnold and Sir James Stephen this was the general 140 LANCELOT ANDREWES view of philosophic Liberals. Blasphemy is still criminal under the law of England, not merely as offensive or dangerous to the com- munity, but as soul-suicide and as a dishonour to Almighty God. Aquinas held that men who tamper with immortal souls should be put to death like false-coiners. " Deorum in- juriae dis curae " seems the truest wisdom to a tender-hearted and semi-beheving age, dread- ing nothing so much as what St. Hilary calls an irreligious sohcitude for God. This standpoint is best expressed, strangely enough, by the fierce and intolerant TertuUian. But, though inhumanity is neither patristic nor scriptural, the Fathers and the Bible take a stern view of wilful and reckless corruption of truth. Indeed, modern psychology has shown that in all opinion there is an important element of will. Again, in the New Testament there is the warning of the tares and wheat, and what was said by Him who purged the Temple with knotted cords to the zealots who would have called down fire from heaven on Samaritans that knew Him not ; but also there is the apostolic delivery to Satan for the destruction of the flesh and the doom pronounced on Ananias and his partner. "Ecclesia non sitit sanguinem;" yet "Eccle- sia sitit animas." Victor Hugo even speaks of BURNING OF LEGGAT 141 Torquemada's " amour sublime." It was not only pro sahite animae, however, that Ana- baptists and " Arrians " were endeavoured to be extirpated. A general demoralisation was threatening human society. There was one Racket who claimed to be the Lord of heaven and earth, and prayed thus when dying : — " God of heaven, that knowest me to be that true Jehovah whom thou hast sent, send some miracle out of a cloud to deliver me from these mine enemies ; if not I will fire the heavens and tear thee from thy throne with these hands." ^ Such crazy blasphemy in an age of revolutionary opinions had to be stamped out like fire in straw. It was a catching creed that saints were a law to themselves. The Adamites, for example, went about naked. Nevertheless, the burning of Leggat and that of Wightman, a pseudo-Messiah, in 1612, were the last of such terrible autos-da-fe in England, and in 1618 James intervened to save from the doom of fire a Portuguese renegade monk, con- demned for blasphemous propaganda. The Long Parhament made heresy and blasphemy capital crimes, and would have put Biddle, the Socinian, to death ; while the Quaker Naylor, who rode amid hosannas into Bristol as the Son of God, the Fairest of Ten Thousand, ' Nalson, Impartial Collection, vol. i. p. li. 142 LANCELOT ANDRE WES was, in 1656, besides prolonged imprisonment, twice pilloried, twice barbarously scourged with many hundreds of stripes, branded, and his tongue bored with a red-hot iron. Cromwell slew defenceless popish clergymen and Irish "idolatresses " after, at most, drumhead trials.^ The Fife Covenanters in 1643 roasted thirty poor creatures as witches, and the New England " exiles for conscience' sake " continued the torture and strangling of dissident Christians until stopped by Charles II's government. ^ In 1677 the ^iteenth-centwry Act, De haeretko comhurendo, passed by an anti-papal parliament, was repealed, cases of atheism, blasphemy, heresy and schism being reserved to the spiritual courts. Even after the Revolution, however, viz. in 1698, an Act " against blasphemy and pro- phaneness " made apostasy from Christianity punishable with three years' imprisonment, and in our own time, when it is held that " no opinion as such is culpable," the lord Chief Justice of England, in 1861, laid it down that " there are opinions which are in law a crime." On the concrete question whether Leggat's > The last ecclesiastic to suffer death in England purely for his profession was one Southworth, executed in 1654 on the charge of being in holy Orders of the Church of Rome. 2 A short narrative of the atrocious facts may be found in Flavel Mines's remarkable book, A Presbyterian Minister Looking for the Church, chap. x. in the abridged edition (Masters, 1892), BURNING OF LEGGAT 143 burning was pitiable and deplorable there will be no difference of opinion. But the proposi- tion that men are not responsible for their " views," and that man's intellect stands apart from his spiritual nature, needing neither redemption nor discipUne, is cheap and super- ficial. There is, moreover, such a thing as profligate and reckless opinion, which cannot be suffered to seed itself CHAPTER X CASAUBON — GROTIUS — DU MOULIN AND EPISCO- PACY—CONSECRATION OF SCOTS BISHOPS — CHANNEL ISLAND CHURCHMANSHIP — HAL- LOWING OF CHURCHES A CONSIDERABLE Service rendered by bishop Andrewes to the Church of England was his commendation of it to the conscience and intellect of the best continental Protestants. Among the students whom James attracted to England, as his successor attracted artists, the most distinguished was Master Isaac Casaubon (1559-1614). The son of a Genevan minister and himself professor of Greek at Geneva, until his removal to Montpeher, he had come to be profoundly dissatisfied with the historical and theological basis of the continental reform- ation, but yet had resisted endeavours in high quarters to draw him into the papal com- munion. He desired an ecclesiastical recon- ciUation which should turn the hearts of the children to the fathers and of the fathers to the children. The assassination of his patron, 144 CASAUBON 145 Henri Quatre, and the conversion of his eldest son to the Roman fold, caused him, at king James's pressing invitation and after conference with Grotius, to come to England, where he arrived, with Sir Henry Wotton, October 16th, 1610, taking up his lodging with Overall, dean of St. Paul's. He had no English, but that was not then necessary among educated men. Ten days later he spent some delighted hours with the bishop of Ely, who had been a prime mover in bringing him to England, and on November 14th he and Overall dined at Ely House, in Holborn, with Andrewes, who began reading to them his Responsio to Bellarmine. Afterwards he gave Casaubon the manuscript to peruse and criticize. In a letter to bishop Montague, the great scholar eulogizes the EngUsh champion's erudition and agreement with Catholic antiquity, wishing that his spirit and method were followed by the divines of Switzerland. The close iutimacy which he was for some years to enjoy with Andrewes made him a warm admirer also of his character — wa.vu Eliensis ! We find them much together at Cambridge, at Ely, at Downham and at Wisbeach, Casaubon at the last three places being the bishop's established guest. At Wisbeach the mayor and burgesses, with one hundred and 146 LANCELOT ANDREWES fifty horsemen, came out to welcome their lord, who proceeded to visit the Jesuits and recu- sants confined in the castle. Casaubon also saw him presiding at the assizes. "Libenter facio," he writes, " ut a tanto viro non divellar." He longs to visit his wife in France, but his host detains him with the golden chains of courtesy, promises him deer to shoot, and furnishes him from Cambridge — Andrewes' own books were in London — with MSS.^ The bishop supplied to him De Thou's place, and was the only Englishman, except Overall, with whom he was intimate. When Casaubon left Cambridgeshire, his kind host tried to tempt him back, together with madam Casaubon, by a pun on the coolness of the Downham air — "Dunamiae mira caloris aduvaju,ja. Casaubon had entered his son Meric at Christ Church, and the youth was confirmed by bishop Andrewes, who administered the Eucharist to father and son together, the former admiring the scrupulous and exact following of ancient usage in the bishop's performance of Church rites. Casaubon was also a spectator when Andrewes, as the king's almoner, washed the feet of a number of poor ' See Mark Pattison, Life of Casaubon, pp. 391-6, and Casaubon's Ephemerides and Epistolae. CASAUBON 147 persons at the maundy of 1612. It is done, he writes, " in hac ecclesia egregie." Elizabeth used herself to wash, cross, and kiss the feet. The ceremony continued till the eighteenth century and survives in a mutilated form. Casaubon, though a layman, had been made a prebendary of Canterbury,^ as his son Meric (who took holy Orders in England) was after- wards made. James also settled on Casaubon a handsome pension of £300. By way of earning his shot he engaged in a controversy with cardinal Du Perron — Isaacson, bishop Andrewes' amanuensis, acting as his also — in which he vindicates the king's right to be called a Catholic prince, as well as the apo- stolical succession of officers and doctrines in the Church of England. The king, he says, commends unforced and voluntary celibacy in priests, and, for his part, would never have dissolved monasteries had they been true to their rules. Auricular confession may also be profitably used. But these things must not be made essentials. The Eucharist is a com- memorative sacrifice. Praying for the dead was primitive, but uncertainly Scriptural, and had bred superstitions. The king believes that the saints pray for us, but direct invo- cation of saints has led men to repose more 1 Such a practice was quite common before the Reformation. 148 LANCELOT ANDREWES on their aid than on Christ's. He objects to saying divine service in an unfamiliar tongue, to half-communion, solitary masses, and the veneration of images. In his speech to his first English parliament, James, after denouncing the deposing claim of " popish clericks," had used these words — " I could wish from my heart it would please God to make me one of the members of such a general Christian Union in Religion, as (laying wilfulnesse aside on both hands) we might meet in the midst, which is the center and perfection of all things. For if they would learn to be ashamed of such new and gross Corruptions of theirs as themselves cannot maintain nor deny to be worthy of Reformation, I would for my own part be willing to meet them in the Midway, so that all Novelties might be renounced on either side. For as my Faith is the True, Antient, Catholick and Aposiolick Faith, grounded upon the express Word of God, so will I ever yield all reverence to Antiquity in the points of Ecclesiastical Polity. And by that means shall I ever, with God's grace, keep myself from either being an Heretick in Faith or Schismatick in matters of Policy." ^ Casaubon died July 1, 1614, after receiving the viaticum at his friend's hands, and was buried in the Abbey, at the entrance of Henry VII's chapel. He had found a congenial home in the Church of England, though his views on such subjects as the Real Presence and sacramental confession were deemed by 1 Arthur Wilsou, History of Great Britain, pp. 20, 21, GROTIUS 149 some reactionary, being expressed with less reserve than was usual at the time among English divines, even the most conservative. In 1613 the pensionary of Rotterdam, Hugo Grotius (1583-1645), was also at the English Court, with secret instructions to plead the cause of the Remonstrants and the edict of pacification. At a meeting held at Ely House Grotius, says Abbot, surprised those present by his freedom and loquacity, while Andrewes, as usual, sate sUent. Chamberlain speaks of Andrewes' wonderful memory for things said or done long before.^ Like the king, he admired the famous Dutchman's learning, but looked askance at committing the Church of England to the cause of Arminianism, with its Pelagian and naturalist tendencies. When in 1617 Grotius issued his book, De imperio Snmmarum Potestatum circa Saci-a, he asked Vossius and Overall to lay it before bishop Andrewes, who he feared would not like it. Andrewes replied through Overall that the king neither assumed to himself, nor approved of other lay authorities assuming, the right of deciding matters pertaining to the Cathohc faith. The view of English Churchmen was that the decision of questions of the law ' Birch, James I, ii. 47. 150 LANCELOT ANDREWES divine ought to be referred, not to any lay power, but (according to the usage of the ancient Church) to synods of the bishops, assisted by other learned ministers of the Church specially chosen and called together for the purpose ; that the priests of the Church ha\'e a true, albeit ministerial, power of loosing and retaining sins, and not merely of declaring them loosed and retained ; that the power of excommunication is a real ecclesiastical juris- diction, though not enforced by corporal penalties ; finally, that episcopacy is of di^dne right, though the bishop ought in matters of moment to take counsel with his presbyters. Andrewes considered that Grotius assigned too much authority to the civil power in Church matters.^ Andrewes had a long correspondence about episcopacy ^\'ith Peter du Moulin,^ in which occurs the well-known sentence — " Thoxigh our government be by divine right, it follows not either that there is no salvation, or that a Church cannot stand, without it. . . . He must needs be made of iron that denies them salvation." The fact is that the question ' Latin correspondence, quoted in the Library of Anglo- Catholic Theology, Andrewes' Minor Works, pp. Ixxxix-xci. ^ Opusc. Postuma, pp. 173-216. Du Moulin was collated by archbishop Abbot to a Canterbury stall in 1616. APOSTOLICAL SUCCESSION 151 between an episcopal communion, like the English, and non-episcopal communions, Uke those of the Protestants, presented itself too much in that age — and is our age free from the confusion of ideas ? — as a question about ecclesiastical polity, and not enough as a ques- tion of continuity in the transmission of ministerial commission and of vital sacra- mental union with the life of the historic Catholic Society. However convinced any one might be that the monarchical form of Church government (monepiscopacy) is primi- tive and in accordance with the divine will, yet it would certainly seem harsh to entirely un-church a communion, otherwise Catholic and orthodox, because it was, vmder stress of circumstances, organized for a time somewhat differently. A little thought, however, will show that the question goes a good deal deeper than this. The mere outward resump- tion of episcopal " regiment " (to use the old word) by a self-constituted religious body lacking the apostolical succession would not reaUy improve its position from a Catholic point of view. Its orders and sacraments would stiU be invaUd. Authority within it would stUl be human, from below. I point this out merely in the interests of clear thought. The pre-occupation of men's minds in the 1 6th 152 LANCELOT ANDREWES and 17th centuries was governmental, political. And yet, if it had not been felt that something more than a difference in form of pohty was in question, it is difficult to believe that the EngHsh episcopate, after the Reformation, would have so stiffly excluded persons " ordered beyond the seas " from ministering at our altars, while popish orders — as Penry indignantly points out — were unhesitatingly recognized here in England.^ I do not desire to derogate from Andrewes' spirit of gentle charity ; but, in dwelling exclusively on the question of external form of government (" eoc- terius regimen "), he ignored the point which is really the crucial one, viz., whether a collection of Christian men are able, by mutual agree- ment, to originate a ministry and a government from below. He failed, as many others have failed, to see that the question of esse and bene esse really only applies to episcopacy as a framework of polity, not to apostohcal trans- mission as a vehicle of authority and grace. The weakness of the earher Elizabethan apologists for episcopacy was that they durst not claim for it the divine right which Pres- byterians strenuously asserted for "the Dis- ' See Denny, The English Church and the " Ministry of the Reformed Churches." Church Historical Society's publications. No, Ivii., S.P.C.K., 1900. DIVINE RIGHT OF EPISCOPACY 153 cipline." The naked Erastianism of Cranmer and Barlow, who declared that the Crown could, without ordination, make any layman a bishop, was, it is true, left far behind. Whit- gift had assured KnoUys ^ that " the bishops of this realm do not, nor must not, claim to them- selves any greater authority than is given them by the statute of the 25th of king Henry the Eight, or by other statutes of this land. For if it had pleased her Majesty, with the wisdom of the realm, to have used no bishops at aU, we could not have justly complained of any defect of our Church," — which was to claim more for the Crown than Henry himself had done. But against Cartwright Whitgift spoke in a worthier tone, and upheld epis- copacy on grounds of principle rather than of pohcy, urging a divine origin for it. Hooker's line is far from satisfactory. He denies that the Calvinistic discipline is Scriptural, primi- tive, or in fact possessed of any precedent whatever. Still, even had it been so, his great thesis — stretched in this point far outside its limit — is that the Church has authority to vary ecclesiastical arrangements. Hooker assumes that the organic structure of the mystical Body of Christ is on a level with ceremonies like the sign of the cross or the mar- ' Strype, Whitgift, iii. 222-3. 154 LANCELOT ANDREWES riage ring. But his main confusion, common to his age, is between the wisest shape of a Church polity and the covenanted channels through which authority and commission are assured and handed down in the one visible household of faith. As a rule, he observes, only bishops in a hneal descent of power from the apostles may ordain. But " the whole Church visible," being the true origin of all power, can, if it think good, depart from this general rule — he is thinking, of course, of the continental Protestants. Here again we are groping amidst ambiguities. How did the whole Church visible give authority to " other than bishops " to ordain at Geneva, Zurich or Frankfort ? And are we to understand that laymen may be thus authorized ? Calvin was a sub-deacon only ; Beza not even that. Hooker is misled by his doctrinaire contrat social theory. BUson, Bancroft, Saravia and others began to re-assert the jus divinuvi of episcopacy — which the canons of 1604 clearly assert, — and Andrewes maintained that the first bishops held their office by " apostolic right," — by which he says he means divine right, not, that is to say, something simply done by the Apostles, but done by them " at the dictation of the holy and divine Spirit." ^ But even he does not ' See Opusc. Posthuma, pp. 186, 188. SCOITISH PRESBYTERIAN ORDERS 155 seem to have grasped firmly the real point at issue. The right form of Church government is a very important question, but it is second- ary to the question whether ministerial commission can be originated by popular suffrage from below or must be always trans- mitted and devolved apostolically from above. The issue as to the validity of ordin- ations in the presbyterian bodies on the continent suggests a like issue about the Scottish presbyterian ministry. Andrewes had been one of four English prelates — the two primates being carefully excluded, to avoid any future question that might arise about jurisdiction — who were commissioned by the Crown to consecrate, on Oct. 21, 1610, in the chapel of London-house, Spottiswoode and two other northern bishops for Scottish sees. In 1597 an Act of the Scots parliament had enabled the sovereign, without any further consent of the estates, to introduce episcopacy into the kingdom, where it had been abohshed five years earlier. In 1600 James VI ap- pointed three titular bishops, and the General Assembly of 1602 was the last until 1638 that was acknowledged by Presbyterians as a free and lawful assembly. The " Church of Scot- land," recognized by the English canons of 1604- as "a true part of the holy Catholike 156 LANCELOT ANDREWES Church," was a communion waiting for its re-organization under an apostoUc episcopate. But the three titulars were not yet con- secrated. Melville and other popular leaders stood out stoutly against bishops, and Spottis- woode and his companions did not come to London, as I have said, till 1610. They re- ceived consecration ; but not before Andrewes had raised a canonical difficulty. According to Spottiswoode himself, his objection was that the consecrands, having only received presbyterian ordination, were not lawful presbyters, and ought to be first re-ordained to the presbjrterate. Archbishop Bancroft, however, who was by, " maintained that thereof there was no necessity, seeing, when bishops could not be had, the ordination given by the presbyters must be esteemed lawful; other- wise that it might be doubted if there were any lawful vocation in most of the Reformed Churches. This applauded to by the other bishops, Ely acquiesced."^ But according to HeyUn the question raised by Andrewes was quite diflFerent, viz. as to the legitimacy of consecrating to the episco- pate per saltum, it being assumed that the presbyteral character of the consecrands was null and void. He says — ' Bistort/ o/th« Church of Scotland, p. 614. Quoted by Bliss. EPISCOPACY IN SCOTLAND 157 " But first a scruple had been moved by the Bishop of Ely concerning the capacity of the persons nominated for receiving the Episcopal consecration^ in regard that none of them had formerly been ordained priests ; which scruple was removed by Archbishop Bancroft, alledging that there was no such necessity of receiving the order of Priesthood, but that Episcopal consecration might be given without it ; as might have been exemplified in the cases of Am- brose and Metarius, of which the first was made Archbishop of Millain, and the other Patriarch of Constantinople, without receiving any intermediate Orders, whether of Priest, Deacon, or any other (if there were any other) at that time in the Church." i As Bancroft held high views about episcopacy, and was of an " unrelenting strictness " towards schism, it is probable that Heylin's version, albeit at second hand, is the true one. In either case Andrewes appears as a man punctilious about ecclesiastical principles. Casaubon was present at this scene. In 1617 Andrewes again attended the sovereign on a northern progress. On the morrow of James's arrival in his ancient capital, service was performed after the Anglican rite in Holyrood chapel, Neile, Montague and Laud being also present. Before leaving, James imposed on the Scots clergy assent to the following points— kneel- ing at communion, bishoping of children, observance of the great Christian festivals, 1 History of Presbyterianimn, vi. § 24, pp. 387, 8. 158 LANCELOT ANDREWES and clinical baptism and communion in dan- gerous sickness. The next few years may be passed in review quickly. We find Andrewes twice in a com- mission for banishing seminarists and clergy- men of the Company of Jesus. It is sig- nificant that in 1618 he was not sent to represent the English Church at the Sjmod of Dordrecht or Dort. In that year the bishop dehvered a theological disquisition in the Star Chamber against a judaizing fanatic, John Traske, who preached abstinence from the meats forbidden in Leviticus and the observance of the Saturday sabbath. Before leaving Ely, Andrewes had extracted from John Preston, a puritan fellow of Queen's, a recantation of a vehement sermon, which had upset the university, against forms of prayer. Yet his occasions of authoritative conflict \^^th lay or clerical nonconformity were few and slight. But, as bishop of Winchester, Andrewes had in his jurisdiction the Channel Islands.^ These, ' King John obtained the annexation of the Nonnan archi- pelago to the see of Exeterj but this arrangement lasted only a short while. At the prayer of Henry VII., pope Alexander VI again united the isles to the Church of England, first to Sarum in 1496 and then to Winchester in 1499. The bishops of Cou- tances, however, ignored this transference; but in 1568 dean THE CHANNEL ISLES 159 however, were practically presbyterian, and the Book of Common Prayer was a dead letter. Jersey had no dean, and was governed by a "colloque" of Calvinian ministers. There and in Guernsey the church lands and the revenues of the deaneries had passed into secular hands. Wilson records that Andrewes rested not till he procured the revival of the Jersey deanery and " recovered that island to an entire conformity to the Church of England. And had not the state of publick affairs rendered it impracticable, he would have introduced the same regulation in Guernsey."^ It was the rupture with Spain which prevented this. The dean appointed, in 1623, was David Bandinelli, an Italian, who had married Andrewes' niece, but was of a somewhat Calvinistic turn. He and the other clergy drew up a body of canons, which were submitted to Andrewes, together with Abbot and Williams. These, the existing, canons are not very satisfactory — for instance, Whit- sunday is ignored, — and the islands long pre- served a puritanic tone. The surplice was first worn in Jersey in 1775, in Sercq not till a After refused canonical obedience till the bishop had sworn allegiance to Elizabeth. Yet the jurisdiction of the bishops of Winchester was not eifective till the next reign. 1 Eistory of Great Britain, ii. 645. 160 LANCELOT ANBREWES visit paid by Dr. Pusey. Charles I founded fellowships in three Oxford colleges (Exeter, Jesus College, and Pembroke) in order to bring the future island clergy under an Anglican rather than a Huguenot training. But no bishop set foot in the archipelago before bishop Fisher, in 1818, who came as the deputy of the diocesan. Confirmation candidates had to take ship for England.^ It was not often in those days of slow re- covery from destructiveness that a bishop had occasion to hallow a new church. There had been none such under Elizabeth. But we have a fuU description of the consecration on Sept. 17th, 1620, by bishop Andrewes, of the Jesus chapel in the parish of St. Mary Extra, near Southampton. Recent precedents had been set in 1610 by Barlow of Lincoln (Fulmire church and Hatfield House chapel), in 1615 by King of London (Edmington), and in 1616 by Moreton of Chester (Clay Hall) ; and in these the Christian Sacrifice had been an inte- gral part of the rite.^ In this point English ^ Some of these facts are meutioned at greater length in a letter to the Gruardian of April 24th, 1907, signed " Philippe Ahier." 2 " In primitive times," says hishop Wordsworth of Salisbury, my honoured diocesan, "supposing the necessary conditions, it would seem that the solemn Eucharist was the only essential ceremony. The Eucharist is in fact the most distinctly Christian CHURCH HALLOWING 161 usage suffered an unfortunate change after the Stuart era until recent times.^ Still, a church is not only used for the commemoration of the sacrifice of the death of Christ. The learned bishop of Salisbury writes : — "The actual consecration of the Cliurch may be con- sidered as analogous to the rite of Ordination, as the pre- liminary part is to the rites of Baptism and Confirmation. In the Western rituals this centres specially upon the altar, although there are numerous processions about the church, within and without . . . But, as the English ordinal for the Priesthood differs from the Roman in its emphasis on all the duties of the ministry of the Word and Sacraments, it is fitting that the Anglican rite of consecration of churches should be of a like broad and yet explicit character. " We owe it mainly to the genius and liturgical instinct of bishop Andrewes that this conception already exists in services current among us. He seems to have been the first among us to introduce a procession to different spots in the church connected with different rites. . . . Andrewes' places are the font, pulpit, reading-desk, holy table, place of marriage, and pavement, with reference especially to the dead who may hereafter be buried under it — possibly a kind of concession to the instinct for communion with the departed. . . . Andrewes seems to have made provision for the actual performance of the ceremonies of baptism, marriage and churching, when desired at the same service." ^ rite, that which proves a church to be a church. The Baptistery, or Font, may be, and often is, outside ; but the holy Table can be nowhere but in the most prominent place of the Sanctuary." — On the Rite of Consecration of Churches, Ch. Hist. Soc, No. lii., 1899, p. 7. ' The bishop of Salisbury points out that an early Eucharist, followed at a later hour by consecratory prayers, is not the same thing at all. Ibid. p. 10. ^ /jj^;, pp ig^ yj 162 LANCELOT ANDREWES At the Jesus chapel service a mother was churched. In celebrating the bishop used the lavabo and mixed chalice.^ How necessary it was in those days to invest consecration with every solemnity is plain from what the homily for keeping clean of churches says of sanctuaries " defiled with rain and weather, with the dung of doves and owls, stares and choughs, and other filthiness foul and lamentable. " The South wark Lady-chapel, where Andrewes now lies, was let for a stable and bakery ; in 1578 hogs were found styed there. Some churches were used as wine- ceUars. At Knotting, in Bedfordshire, a cock- ing-match took place before the holy Table, the wagerers including the incumbent. In his Visitation articles of 1625 Andrewes had to ask, "Whether is the Communion Table ^ In the rough paper called A Discourse of Ceremonies, printed by Bliss with the Gatechistical Doctrine, the writer declares that " the papistical manner of consecrating churches and church- yards fully imitateth the ceremonies of the pagans " (p. 371), particularly as regards the sign of the cross and use of holy water. Other " superfluous and wicked ceremonies of the papists, borrowed from the heathen," include lighted tapers at noonday and prayer for the dead. It is impossible to believe that this tractate, if it is by Andrewes at all — and certainly the old-world erudition of it is amazing — was penned by him " a quarter of a year before his death," when " he had not time, he said, to polish and lick it over " (Leigh's preface). Among paynim customs which the writer allows are the Gaugtide perambulations and orientation of churches. Jesuits are here styled " the golden staves and mattocks of the see of Rome." Julian is " the damnable politick." Andrewes is not often so picturesque in style. FORM OF INDUCTION 163 abused by sitting on it, throwing hats on it, writing on it, or otherwise ? " Another ques- tion was : — " Is there a partition between the body of the church and the chancel ? " ^ Induction into a benefice is assumed by bishop Andrewes to be performed by " a neighbour minister " in the porch of the locked and as yet empty church (compare Walton's account of Herbert's induction), the new in- cumbent's hand being laid on the ring or key. The form goes on : — "Then unlock the door and go into the church alone, and lock or bolt the door, and execute these particulars, which you shall write on the back side of your mandate viz. — 'Accepi clavem, intravi solus, oravi, tetigi sacra, pul- savi campanas. In nomine Patris, Filii et S. Sti. Amen. Per me, I.N.' " ^ WTien Andrewes had been nineteen years in his grave, John Vicars preached in the Abbey of the " rare and strange alteration in the face of things." ''Whereas there was wont to be heard nothing but Boaring-Boyes, tooting and squeaking Organ Pipes, and the Cathedrall catches of Morley, and I know not what trash : now the Popish Altar is quite taken away, the bellowing Organs are demolisht, the Chanters, or inchanters, driven out, and instead is now set up a most blessed Orthodox Preaching Ministry. And for the gaudy gilded Cruciiixes and rotten rabble of dumbe Idols, where their sinfull singing was used, now a most sweet assembly of living, teachable Saints," etc., etc. CHAPTER XI ANDREWES, BACON AND HERBERT — LAST DAYS OF JAMES — A STRANGE CONSULTATION — FOREBODINGS AND HOPES — A BREATHING- SPACE In Advent, 1624, king James, together with the prince, was at Cambridge, attended in his progress (says Izaak Walton) "by the great secretary of nature and all learning, Sir Francis Bacon, and by the ever memorable and learned doctor Andrewes, bishop of Winchester."^ The bishop never came near either of the universities without sending for distribution among poor students sometimes a hundred, sometimes fifty, pounds — we must multiply by eight or ten for modern values. It was especially remembered by Pembroke men that when he had been with the king at Cambridge, in the Lent of 1615, the disputation at the Philosophy Act being this, whether dogs could reason syllogistically , and the answerer, Matthew Wren, responding amid general mirth that ' lAfe of Mr. George Herbert. 164 BACON AND HERBERT 165 the royal hounds could do so by virtue of the prerogative, the bishop sent to him and to the praevaricator, Ralph Brownrigg — both subsequently wore the mitre — and also to the varier and one of the repliers, aU being of that house, twenty gold angels apiece. On the present occasion the intimacy of Bacon and Andrewes was enriched by the " desired friendship " of a third, the public orator, George Herbert, whom Andrewes re- membered, perhaps, as a little lad at West- minster. Walton records — " At that time there fell to be a modest debate betwixt them two about predestination and sanctity of life ; of both which the Orator did not long after send the Bishop some safe and useful aphorisms in a long letter written in Greek. Which letter was so remarkable for the language and reason of it, that, after reading it, the Bishop put it into his bosom, and did often show it to many scholars both of this and foreign nations, but did always return it back to the place where he first lodged it, and continued it so near his heart till the last day of his life." The shrewd, good-humoured, undignified old dominie-king was evidently fast breaking. What, it was being asked anxiously by many, had the Church to hope or fear from the stately and reserved young man who stood on the steps of the throne ? Only the year before he had been about to wed a daughter of Spain, and the Spanish match had stirred 166 LANCELOT ANDREWES primate Abbot to passionate remonstrance.^ Andrewes had accepted a place on the com- mission for effecting the union, and had taken part in the ceremonial confirmation of the treaty with Spain when James swore to the articles, Sunday, July 20, 1623.2 g^^ ^he prince was romantic, given to idealism, and, since the death of his puritanical elder brother, Rome had fixed certain hopes on his accession. On Oct. 5, 1623, Charles returned from Spain, attended by his chaplain, Matthew Wren, who was also a sacris domestids to bishop Andrewes. Wren immediately found himself an object of interest to the leaders of the Church, and one ^ " I have been too long silent . . . Your Majestie hath pro- pounded a Tolleration of Religion. I beseech you to take into consideration . . . You labour to set up the most Damnable and Heretical Doctrine of the Church of Rome, the whore of Babylon. How hateful it will be to God and grievous to your good Subjects the Professors of the Gospel that your Majestie, who hath so often disputed and learnedly written against those Heresies, should now show yourself a Patron of these wicked Doctrines." (Rushworth, Hiit. Collections, Pt. I. p. 85.) Similarly Charles I's parliament protested against a " toleration odious to God, full of great scandal and grief to your good people." 2 James sate in Whitehall Chapel " in a chayre of state a little descending from the right end of the High Aiilter." The read- ing of the articles finished, " the Ambassadors tooke his Majestie's Oath in the name of their Master, which was administered by the bishop of Wynton and taken by his Majestie kneeling." (Harleian MSS. no. 1680.) Chamberlain writes to Carleton a few days later that he was " told by three several persons that saw it that, the ceremonies being ended and the anthem sung, when the Bishop began the prayer for the King, the Ambassadors' confessor, a Jesuit, that stood by him in the traverse, clapped on his hat, and so continued all the time, though the King and Ambassadors were bare." A PRIVATE CONFERENCE 167 morning, not long after his return, before day- break, he received an urgent message from Winchester House to dine there that morning. Reaching the water-gate, his boat was admitted by the bishop's steward himself, who conducted him, much mystified, to the great gallery, " where I knew his lordship scarce came once in a year." Inside the locked chamber he found with his lord the bishop of Durham (Neile) and the bishop of St. David's (Laud). Andrewes had been at Court the night before- " Doctor," said NeUe, when Wren was seated, " we must know of you what your thoughts are concerning your master the Prince. You have now been his servant above two years, and you were with him in Spain. We know you are no fool, but can observe how things are like to go." " What things, my lord ? " quoth I. " In brief," said he, " how the Prince's heart stands to the Church of England, that when God brings him to the crown we may know what to hope for." Wren replied that his master's learning was not equal to his father's, yet he knew his judg- ment to be very right. And as for his affec- tions for upholding the doctrine and discipline and right estate of the Church, he had more confidence in him than in his father, whose fault was said to be inconstancy. 168 LANCELOT ANDREWES Thereupon, for an hour together, bishop Andrewes sitting, as his manner was, silent all the time, the chaplain was closely pressed by the other two prelates for his grounds and reasons. At last — " After many replyings my lord of Winchester bespake me in these words : — ' Well, Doctor, God send you may be a true prophet concerning your master's inchnations in these particulars, which we are glad to hear from you. / am sure I shall he a true prophet. I shall he in my grave, and so shall you, my lord of Durham ; hut my lord of Davids and you. Doctor, will live to see that day that your Master will he put to it upon his head and Crown, without he will forsake the support of the Church.' " Wren ends this remarkable passage with the words — " Of this prediction made by that holy Father I have now no witness but mine own conscience and the eternal God, who knows that I lie not ; nobody else being present when this was spoken but these three lords." Wren afterwards suffered as a shep- herd of the flock, being imprisoned from 1641 to 1660. Laud was martyred in 1645. Andrewes himself was taken away from the evil to come. Neile died in 1640, three days before the meeting of that Long, which had fain made itself the Eternal, Parliament. On Midlent Sunday, March 27, 1625, king James breathed his last. His best-loved chaplain, whose character had often awed DEATH OF KING JAMES 169 him ^ and whose sermons he had sometimes placed beneath his pillow, was himself sick, and the king's last hours at Theobald's were ministered to by Williams and Neile. From the former he received absolution. Neile, on his trial for popery, declared that he had moved the dying monarch to receive the Eucharist and profess his faith in accord with the Church of England. As Andrewes and Laud stood a fortnight later in Somerset House by the body of their late master, lying there in state, they spoke together, doubtless, of the troubled past and the slow shaping of the Church of Eng- land's fate by Him who stands to feed and tend the golden lamps, and looked forward into the enigmatical future. Hooker, accord- ing to Hacket, ere the Tudor era closed, had predicted — and this was Bellarmine's thought too — that the reformed Church of England "was not like to continue above seventy or eighty years, the age of a man." Archbishop Abbot, ere his death, " before many friends with many tears did foretell the same." Andrewes himself had seen arising Babel, the city of confusion, where "every sect-master may broach any imagination that taketh him in the head without punishment." ' " King James refrained from that mirth and liberty in the presence of this prelate which otherwise he assumed to himself." Fuller, xi. § 46. 170 LANCELOT ANDREWES James's reign had been one of peace, but pregnant with coming strife. Yet it had proved a breathing-space, a time of ecclesi- astical recuperation. The Tudor egg was now nearly hatched, and revolution was to come out of the shell. But the Church was better equipped for the inevitable struggle between historic Christianity and that of man's devising. Even at the end of Elizabeth's reign we have seen that a conservative resilience was beginning. Mr. Gardiner remarks — " An undoubted reaction against Puritanism marked the end of the sixteenth century. As one by one the genera- tion which had sustained the queen at her accession dropped into the grave, a generation arose which, excepting in books of controversy, knew nothing of any rehgion which differed from that of the Church of England. The cere- monies and vestments which in the time of their fathers had been exposed to such bitter attacks were to them hallowed, as having been entwined with their earliest associations. It required a strong effort of the imagination to connect them with the forms of a departed system which they had never witnessed with their eyes ; but they re- membered that these ceremonies had been used and those vestments had been worn by the clergy who had led their prayers during those anxious days when the Armada, yet unconquered, was hovering round the coast, and who had in their name and in the name of all true Englishmen offered the thanksgiving which had ascended to heaven after the great victory had been won." ^ ' History of England, i. 166. A BREATHING-SPACE 171 Much had happened since James had inveighed to the Scots General Assembly against the service of " our neighbour Kirk of England " as " an ill-disposed Mass in English, wanting nothing of the Mass but the liftings." With bonnet off and eyes raised to heaven he blessed God that had honoured him to be king over the sincerest kirk in the world. ^ A score of years later James announces himself as " fidei verae, Christianae, Cathohcae, Apo- stolicae, veterisque et primitivae Ecclesiae, propugnator ac defensor." ^ ^ See Oldmixoiij History, p. 9. 2 Some fine sentences at the end of the "Remonstrance of the most gratious King James I. etc. j for the Right of Kings and the Independencie of their Crownes against an Oration of the most illustrious Cardinal of Perron " deserve to be quoted. They are these — " To that God, that King of kings, I devote my scepter, at his feet in all humblenesse of spirit I lay downe my Crowne ; to his holy decrees and commaunds I will strive to be approoued his faithfull servaunt, and in his battels his faithfull champion " (p. 289). Again : — " To His service, as a most humble homager and vassall I consecrate all the glory, honour, splendor and lustre of my earthly kingdomes." It is to be feared that the execution of this vow, like the pound Scots, fell somewhat short in weight. CHAPTER XII CHURCH POLICY OF THE NEW REIGN — CASES OF MOUNTAGU AND GOODMAN — CORONA- TION — CLOSE OF ANDREWES' LIFE — OBSE- QUIES — BEQUESTS — ANDREWES' TOMB A NEW king was on the throne, devout, Catholic-minded and pure of hfe, anxious to do his duty to his people, but with the doom of his race written on his brow. He was a man who had a clear vision of ends, but groped stumblingly among means ; whereas Cromwell, the man of strong resource, said of himself that he became what events made him. Charles's first parliament met, and at once connected supply with fiercer laws against papists and — to use a modern phrase— the putting down of ritualism. The king had already determined to make Laud and An- drewes, who " had no lesse reputation with him than he had done with his Father before him," his chief ecclesiastical counsellors. Laud says in his Diary that a command came to himself through the duke of Buckingham to 172 CHURCH POLICY OF CHARLES I 173 repair to the bishop of Winton and learn from him what he would have done in the cause of the Church, and bring back his answer, especially in the matter of the Five Articles,^ as to whether they should be debated in the coming Convocation. In June, by the king's direction, Andrewes, with several other bishops, drew up a form of prayer with fasting on ac- count of the plague and dearth and the sailing of the fleet. The form used in 1563 and 1603 was the basis of it, but the violent expression, " Thou hast delivered us from all horrible and execrable idolatry," was softened down. The espousals of the king to Leighton's " daughter of Heth " were at hand. In the following January Andrewes was directed to convene an episcopal commission to report on dean Richard Mountagu's book, Appello Caesar em, a rejoinder to animadver- sions passed on his tractate, A New Gaggfo?' an Old Goose (1624), and dedicated to the king, who had made Mountagu his chaplain. The Commons had exhibited articles against these two treatises, together vdth one on the invocation of saints. They complained that in the New Gagg the writer " doth advisedly maintain and affirm that the Church of Rome ' The Quinquarticular controversy arose out of the victory of the Anti-Remonstrants at the Synod of Dort. 174 LANCELOT ANDREWES is and ever was a true Church," and that it "hath ever remained firm upon the same foundations of sacraments and doctrine insti- tuted by God." Also that, according to Mountagu, points belonging to faith and good manners, hope and charity, are not contro- verted between protestants and papists, the controversial matters of Article XXII being " of a lesser nature, of which a man may be ignorant without any danger of his soul." Also "that images may be used for the in- struction of the faithful and the excitation of devotion." In the treatise on Invocation he had maintained " that some Saints have not only a memory but a more pecuhar charge of their friends, and that it may be admitted that some Saints have a peculiar patronage, custody, protection and power, as angels also have, over certain persons and countries, by special deputation, and that it is no impiety so to believe." Mountagu, however, while ques- tioning the impiety of saying " St. Laurence, pray for me," had found " grand foolery " in the current practice of invocation. In the Appello, Mountagu had asserted " that men justified may faU away and depart from the state which once they had ; they may rise again and become new men pos- sibly, but not certainly nor necessarily " — alleg- fllCHARD MOUNTAGU 175 ing several passages in the Homilies and Book of Common Prayer where he had "wilfully added, falsified and changed divers words . . . endeavouring thereby to lay a most wicked and malicious scandal upon the Church of England, as if she did herein differ from the reformed Churches beyond the seas, and did consent to those pernicious errors which are commonly called Arminianism." (Mountagu explicitly repudiates Arminianism.) He had cast "the odious and scandalous name of Puritans " upon loving subjects of his Majesty conforming to the Church of England, and "laboureth by subtile and cunning ways to withdraw his Majesty's subjects from the re- Ugion established to the Roman superstition, and consequently to be reconciled to the see of Rome." i Yet Mountagu had declared that "the written Word of God is the rule of faith with us," the Church having only an interpretative power. The commissioners reported to Buck- ingham, January 16, 1625-6, as follows — •^'We do think that Mr. Mountagu hath not affirmed anything to be the doctrine of the Church of England but that which in our opinions is the doctrine of the Church of England or agreeable thereunto. And, for the preser- vation of the peace of the Church, we in humility do 1 See Collier, Eccles. Hist, Pt. II., bk. ii., pp. 736-7 176 LANCELOT ANDREWES conceive that his Ma*'« shall do most gratiously to pro- hibite all parties members of the Church of England any further controverting of these questions by publick preaching or writing, or any other way to the disturbance of the peace of this Church, for the time to come." ^ The king had resented parliamentary inter- ference with one of his servants, and when a vacancy occurred, in 1628, nominated Mountagu to the see of Chichester. A few months after reporting on his book, Andrewes sate again (April 12, 1626) with Abbot and Laud, to examine a sermon preached before the king by bishop Goodman, of Gloucester, on the holy Eucharist. The Commons had taken it up hotly as a grievance. The com- missioners — -Abbot concurring— advised the sovereign — " That some things in that sermon had been spoken less warily but nothing falsly. That nothing had been in- novated by him in the doctrine of the Church of England. That, however, they thought it very fit that Goodman should be appointed to preach again before his Majestic, for the better explaining his meaning, and how and in what particulars he had been mistaken by his auditors." ^ Before this date, viz. on the Purification festival of 1625-6, the coronation had been performed with the utmost solemnity and comeUness, I^aud, in place of WiUiams, acting 1 Harl. MSS. 7000, No. 104. See Rushworth's Collections, i. 173-4. 2 Collier, Ibid. p. 738. CORONATION OF CHARLES I 177 as caerimoniarius. Bishop Andrewes carried one of the holy vessels in the procession. The service was his Nunc dimittis, for the hand of death was upon him. With an extraordinary joy, doubtless, he saw sealed therein the Cathohc character, so long trembling in the balance, of a purified Church of England, and a truly Christian prince espoused to his people by a ring " the ensign of kingly dignity and of defence of the Catholick faith." But when bishop Senliouse preached from the words, Be thou faithful unto death, and I will give thee a crown of life} must not that dark prediction of his own have come into Andrewes' mind ? A shadow lay across the white- vested coronation. Maladies, the harbingers of dissolution, were laying a firmer grasp on Lancelot Andrewes. Ague, an old Cambridgeshire disorder, was combined with stone and gout. He had never feared death. " It must come once," he said in 1612, when ailing at Ely, " and why not here ? " " And at other times," writes Isaac- son, "before and since, he would say, 'The days must come when, whether we will or niU, we shall say vsdth the preacher, I have no pleasure in them.' " • "ITais was thought," says Eachard, "to have been King Charles's funeral sermon when alive, as if he was to have none when he was buried." 178 LANCELOT ANDREWES "Of his death he seemed to presage himself a year before he died, and therefore prepared his oil that he might be admitted in due time into the bride-chamber. That of qualis vita \Jinis ita] was truly verified in him ; for as he lived, so died he. As his fidelity in his health was great, so increased the strength of his faith in his sickness ; his gratitude to men was now changed into his thankfulness to God ; his affability to incessant and devout prayers and speech with his Creator, Redeemer and Sanctifier ; his laborious studies to his restless groans, sighs, cries and tears ; his hands labouring, his eyes lifted up, and his heart beating and panting to see the living God. And Him, no doubt, he sees face to face, his works preceding and follow- ing him, and he now following the Lamb, crowned with that immortality which is reserved for every one who lives such a life as he lived. He departed this life September 25, 1626, in the seventy-first year of his age, and lieth buried in the upper aisle of the parish church of St. Saviour's in Southwark." Philip Fletcher, dead of the plague, had been buried there the year before. Winchester House stood next the church, by the bankside. The bishop's obsequies did not take place tiU November 11th, when they were solemnized with heraldic circumstance as befitted a prelate of the Most Noble Order,^ the church being hung with 165 yards of black cloth by the inhabitants themselves, who had received many benefits from their fellow-parishioner. An- ' For a description of an heraldic funeral, see W. H. Frere's The Principles of Religious Ceremonial (Oxford Library of Practical Theology), p. 218. See also Hierurgia Anglicana, ed. Staley, ii. 187 sq. LANCELOT ANDREWES l>;rti"\- in Reredos, Southwark Cathedral ANDREWES' DEATH. HIS BOUNTIES 179 drewes' simplicity of life and character did not disagree with a good deal of prelatic stateliness on proper occasions. He twice entertained king James at Farnham with great and orderly magnificence. But, as Aristotle's mag- nificent man is above all things munificent, so this bishop maintained that best tradition of mediaeval prelates which made them founders and benefactors.^ " To do good and to dis- tribute forget not " was the text taken by Buckeridge for his funeral sermon on " the sacrifice of compassion and alms." " He was like the Ark of God : all places where it rested were blessed by the presence of God in it ; so, wheresoever he came and lived, they all tasted and were bettered by his providence and good- nesse." ^ Isaacson and Buckeridge give a list of noble benefactions — to St. Giles's, to St. Paul's, to Southwark, to Barking, to the Abbey, to his three bishopricks ; fellowships founded in memory of Dr. Wattes, his early benefactor, at Pembroke Hall (the finances of which Andrewes while master had restored to a flourishing state), and large bounties to widows, orphans, 1 The Elizabethan bishops, on the other hand, were often rapacious plunderers of the Church. "Many," said Andrewes himself, " are too ready to spoil bishopricks^ and few enough to uphold them." 2 The Ark comparison, it must be said, was common obituary form at the time, like " translated to heaven " (of a bishop) — at any rate Walton uses it of Whitgift. 180 LANCELOT ANDREWES prisoners, the indigent and naked, poor scholars, decayed mariners — " wherein he reflected upon his father's profession," ^ — to foreigners and students. His almsgiving had not only the picturesqueness of the era — one of revived benefaction and works of mercy — but was carefully discriminative ; yet not waiting to be solicited, but seeking out its objects ; so secret too and disguised in borrowed channels that he was actually reproached — " snarled at" is Fuller's expression — in his lifetime as illiberal. It is a sample of Andrewes' con- siderateness that, his household following his example of always offering at the altar twice, he gave them money for the purpose, lest it should be burdensome to them. He also left his residuary estate for the benefit of his needy domestics. One of the bishop's legacies was a sum of £200 to be distributed presently after his decease among maidens of honest report who had served one master or mistress seven years. The charitable bequests specified in the wiU amounted to £6,326, equal perhaps to about £50,000 to-day. But Andrewes had done most of his giving in his Ufetime. And his hospitality — what was then called housekeeping — was such that it was ' In 1684 the Trinity House complained of the administration of the will. See Hist. MSS. Comm. Report, 8 App. p. 259. PANEGYRICS 181 said ol him that he kept Christmas all the year. It was an era of generous admiration, of idealizing friendship and biographical rever- ence. And, as it is always pleasing to escape from the pedestrian and commonplace sound of one's own modern English to the lofty, musical cadences and pithy piquancy of our ancestors' prose, I borrow the following quotation from Hacket : — " This is that Andrews the ointment of whose name is sweeter than of all spices . . . He was the most apostol- ical and primitive-like divine, in my opinion, that ever wore rochet, in his age ; of a most venerable gravity and yet most sweet in all commerce ; the most devout that ever I saw when he appeared before God ; of such a growth in all kinds of learning that very able clerks were of a low stature to him, colossus inter icunculas ; full of alms and charity, of which none knew but his Father in secret ; a certain patron to scholars of fame and ability, and chiefly to those who never expected it. In the pulpit an Homer among preachers ... I am transported, even as in a rapture, to make this digression ; for who could come near the shrine of such a saint and not offer a few grains of glory upon it ; or how durst I omit it .'' For he was the first that planted me in my tender studies, and watered them continually with his bounty. This is but an ivy-leaf crept into the laurel of his immortal garland." Milton, who was a Cambridge stripling at the time, and who had not yet learned to vilify bishops, wrote a conventional Latin elegy on 182 LANCELOT ANDRE WES Andrewes' death, which has been EngHshed by the poet of The Task.'^ His home had been in the parish of St. Giles's Cripplegate, and his father must have attended Andrewes' ministrations.^ In later years Crashaw, who was at Merchant Taylors' and Pembroke Hall (born 1616), dedicated a threnody in Latin and English to his memory. Bishop Andrewes' tomb in Southwark cathe- dral has suffered some vicissitudes. His executors erected in the little easternmost chapel, destroyed in 1830, when the approaches to London bridge were being constructed, " a very fair monument of marble and alabaster," with the effigy of this prelate in his Garter robes, a black cap on his head, a ruiF round his neck, and his right hand, which clasps a book, resting on his bosom, while the left arm is extended on a tablet supported by two alle- gorical figures. His arms impaling those of the see of Winchester, and encircled by the Garter, are at the foot of the tomb, over which there was originally a canopy supported by black marble pillars. The canopy was badly ' He was not too young to pen very noble English verse. Compare the beautiful " On the death of a fair Infant," with, these frigid conceits on the passing of an apostolic personality ! ^ Dr. Wm. Benham thinks that the poet may have himself thus known the bishop ; but Milton was not born till 1608. See Winchester in " Diocesan Histories," p. 190 n. HIS TOMB 183 damaged by fire in 1676, and when the monu- ment was moved in 1830 from what was called " the Bishop's Chapel " to its present position in the Lady Chapel, against the back of the screen of the high altar, this was unfortunately not preserved. Bishop Wren's long Latin inscription had been destroyed in the flames.^ When the once sumptuous monument was taken down, the leaden coffin, which had been not laid in the ground, but closely bricked up in an arch aboveground, and attached to a massive iron framework with large rings at the head and foot, was found excellently pre- served. On the lid were the letters " L. A." Isaacson and others give the epitaph composed by Wren.^ In it Andre wes is described as " of every tongue, art and kind of knowledge, human or divine, the boundless treasury, the stupendous oracle, of the orthodox Church of Christ by his words, his writings, his prayers, his example, the matchless bulwark." Towards ' In Manning's History of Surrey, vol. iii. p. 576, published in 1814, the inscription is spoken of as " lost and not restored." 2 " One that formerly had been his household chaplain, whom this honourable and reverend Prelate loved most tenderly from his childhood rather like a father than a lord or patron, but since his death has been a successor to him in some places in the Church, for the duty and reverence which he ever bare to him while he lived, hath most gratefully and cordially, in his ever- lasting honourable memory, added to it a most excellent, signifi- cant and speaking epitaph." Isaacson, followed by others, accidentally omits the word scire in the last line but two. 184 Lancelot andrewes the end are the words, " Un wedded he de- parted hence to a celestial aureole." The word aureola, remarks HaUam, means, " in the style of the popish divinity which the author of this epitaph thought fit to employ, the crown of virginity." ^ Keble, in the Christian Year, de- scribes that " radiant coronet, prepared for virgin souls," which hangs — "AH gemm'd with pure and living light Too dazzling for a sinner's sight." ^ The absorbent character of Elizabethan epis- copacy was due chiefly to a desire to provide handsomely for famihes. It should be added that the vdves of the clergy, while clerical wedlock still lay under popular derision and the royal frown, were seldom women of much breeding or dehcacy of nature. Hooker's iU- assorted marriage illustrates this. ' Hallam says : — " Laud gave just oifence by a public declara- tiou that, in the disposal of benefices, he should, in equal degrees of merit, prefer single before married priests " (Heylin, Life of Laud, p. 212). He probably imbibed this, like many other of his prejudices, from bishop Andrewes, whose epitaph in the church of St. Saviour's in Southwark [in his first edition Hallam wrote " in Winchester cathedral "] speaks of him as having received a superior reward in heaven on account of his celibacy — coelebs migravit ad aureolam coelestem." {Const. Hist, of Eng. c. viii. vol. ii. p. 63 n. d. 7th ed.) 2 AVednesday before Easter. Mr. Keble refers to what bishop Taylor writes in Holy Living, c. xi. § 3, about " that little coronet or special reward which God hath prepared (extraordin- ary and besides the great crown of all faithful souls) for those who have not defiled themselves with women, but follow the (virgin) Lamb for ever." EFFIGY AT SOUTHWARK 185 Cassan, in his Lives of the Bishops of Win- chester, 1827, has this strange statement about bishop Andrewes' rehques :— " Not many years ago his bones were dispersed to make room for some corpse, and the hair of his beard and silken cap were found undecayed in the re- mains of his coffin." ^ Teale, referring to this, or a similar statement, asks, " Is it possible ? " Cassan gives details ; but we have seen that three years after the pubhcation of his Lives the coffin was found bricked up and intact. An effigy of Lancelot Andrewes has now been placed in one of the canopied niches of the altar-screen at Southwark, erected in 1520 by Richard Fox, one of his predecessors at Pem- broke HaU and at Winchester. Fox never saw his work, for he ended his days in total bUnd- ness. When Andrewes looked on the screen in boyhood, it was raw and bleeding from the hand of the destroyer. ^ A window has also (October 27, 1907) been unveiled to his memory in the chapel of Gray's Iim, of which society "Lancelott Andruse, Doctor of Divinitye," was admitted March 16, 1590. One of the benchers was Francis Bacon. ' Vol. ii. p. 86 n. 2 The wreck was concealed by plaster till 1833, when £800 was spent on " restoration." CHAPTER XIII CHURCH REVIVAL — CEREMONIAL USED BY BISHOP ANDREWES — PRAYER-BOOK NOTES — THE "PRECES PRIVATAE." The enormous importance to Churchmen of the second quarter of the seventeenth century is this, that it was proved then that the true ideal of the Reformation, that of a cleansed but continuous Catholicism, was one for which men, including the responsible heads of Church and Realm, would shed their blood, not only on the battlefield but on the scaiFold. That ideal was sealed, and the Church of England saved. ^ 1 "Had Charles I," said bishop Creighton at the Laud com- memoration in 1895, "been willing to abandon the Church, he might have saved his throne and his life. By dying, he saved it for the future " {Lectures, p. 25). In his Latin vindication of himself, dated Oxford, May 15, 1644, the king protested that he would maintain " this most holy religion of the Anglican Church of Christ" unto his life's end "integram, sartam, rectam et in- violabilem" (Collier, ix. 403). "The firmness of this Prince unto the National Church," says Warwick, "was because he well understood it to be a pure member of the Catholick. . . . His Majestie told me that he should be like a Captain that defended a place well . . . ' till I make some stone in this building my tombstone. And so will I doe ' (says he) ' by the Church of England.'" Hostile writers have said that Charles would promise anything in a strait. There was certainly one thing he would never promise even in the narrow strait between life and violent death. 186 RESTORATION OF DECENCY 187 The Edwardian pseudo-reformation had be- queathed a legacy of irrehgion, iconoclasm and chaos. Parishes were often vacant or served by iUiterate and dumb clergy " from the lowest of the people " ; cathedral chapters were packed (an old abuse) with laymen — in the Lincoln chapter ten held prebends ; houses of God "lay nastily," gutted, ruinous, profaned, and locked or desolate from Sunday to Sunday ; sacraments had almost dropped out of sight or were administered to a seated congregation by preachers in their walking coats and hats with any vessel that came to hand, and on what Elizabeth in 1561 described disgustedly as " unmeet and unseemly tables with foul cloths " ; spiritual apathy was relieved only by the wearisome exercises of nonconforming clergymen who set every rule of their Prayer Book at defiance. Under Elizabeth a little outward decency was enforced, but writers and pulpiteers for a long time grew steadily more Genevan and insubordinate. " The ministers," wrote Cecil to archbishop Parker, " follow the foUy of the people, calling it charity to feed their fond humour. Oh, my lord, what shall become of this time ? " Even the sedate Hooker declared that "these last times for insolency, pride and egregious contempt of all good order are 188 LANCELOT ANDREWES the worst." The queen intervened more than once to save the Church of England from synodical surrender to the revolutionists.^ During ail the first part of her reign the Cathohc ideal was truly a smoking flax. In the early Stuart period things were recovering, but only slowly — archbishop Abbot, for in- stance, forbade his household to obey the canon requiring " due and holy reverence " to be made at the Holy Name — and the steady reforms of Laud were sorely needed. Thus, at Chichester cathedral, one of the canons refused to perform his duties, but sent substi- tutes, " whom he can get, any riff-raff, shifters, nonconformists, curates, young boys, puritans." At Durham in 1617 Neile found a shocking state of disorder, an immense contrast to the reverent and dignified comeliness vdth which Charles I was received there in 1633. Yet parUamentary " moderates " hke Falkland stig- matized Laud and his suffragans as " children of darkness," and the restoration of decency as popish innovation, an invasion of Enghsh hberties. It may weU astonish us, then, that a Church ' On February 13, 1663, the Nether House of Canterbury Convocation, by 43 votes of the clergy present to 35, accepted the abolition of kneeling at communion and other drastic changes. On counting proxies the vote was reversed by 59 to 68. Nor was the Episcopate more conservatively inclined, except under pressure from Elizabeth. 'OUR MOTHER CHURCH OF ENGLAND' 189 which under Ehzabeth scarcely retained the face of a Church could give birth in the next generation to sons who regarded the priestly vocation in her with the awe expressed by Herbert in the well-known lines beginning, "Blest Order, which in power dost so excell " — or who reverenced and loved herself with such dutiful devotion as this : — " I joy, deare Mother, when I view Thy perfect lineaments, and hue Both sweet and bright. Beautie in thee takes up her place. And dates her letters from thy face. When she doth write." And after comparing her with Rome and Geneva — " But, dearest Mother (what those misse) The mean thy praise and glorie is. And long may be. Blessed be God, whose love it was To double-moat thee with His gi-ace. And none but thee." It is true that the national exaltation of the Ehzabethan era, with its new splendour, its opening vastness of opportunity and vision of a greater England, was reflected in some degree upon the national Church ; but rather as the symbol of patriotic resistance to Rome and to Spain than as embodying in a purified but still 190 LANCELOT ANDREWES historic form the ancient faith and worship of EngUsh forefathers, still less as a link with the Church universal. EngUshmen under the Tudors were intoxicated, not by spiritual ideals, but by the pomp of this world and the glory that passeth away. The English Church was clung to as a common bond, but it was assumed that the nation could refashion that Church in any mould it pleased. If, afterwards, something of fragrance came to cling to her name as to that of a spiritual mother, if sweeter thoughts and a ghostlier ven- eration gathered round the skirts of her robe, if with the dawn of the seventeenth century there awoke a spirit of dutiful and loving churchmanship, we owe it first to the Prayer Book, whose teaching remained as a standing reproach to self-willed novelism, and whose services had won their way into the aiFections of a generation to which Calvin was only a name, but secondly to the example and doctrine of Lancelot Andrewes, during many years of transition the most venerated exponent of the Church's mind. Similarly, in a later age, it was the Book of Common Prayer and the Andrewes tradition which inspired the Tractarians with that pas- sionately tender and wistful love for the Church of England, at a time when her authority was THE ANDREWES TRADITION 191 at its lowest ebb and her worship and teach- ing largely in ruins. How few of us, after seventy years of recovery of Church privilege, can find in our hearts the loyal and exquisite ideaUsm which pervades such books as Isaac Wilhams's pensive and dehcate poems, " The Cathedral " and " The Baptistery." Newman wrote in 1830 that king Charles and his bishops seemed ever to rise before his own and others' gaze, to animate and guide. It was in the school of Andrewes that those bishops were trained ; and it is to king Charles that we owe the publication, under the editor- ship of Laud and Buckeridge, of Andrewes' Sermons, which it was his dying charge to his children that they should study. Tractarianism aimed at the revival of dis- cipline rather than of ceremonial — "Dear Church, our island's sacred sojourner, A richer dress thy Southern sisters own. And some would deem too bright their flowing zone For sacred walls. I love thee, nor would stir Thy simple note, severe in character. By use made lovelier, for the lofty tone Of hjTiin, response and touching antiphone. Lest we lose homeUer truth. The chorister That sings the summer nights, so soft and strong. To music modulating his sweet throat. Labours with richness of his varied note. Yet lifts not unto Heaven a holier song 192 LANCELOT ANDRE WES Than our home bird that^ on some leafless thorn, Hymns his plain chaunt each wintry eve and mom." The Cathedral. However, though Tractarian piety found satisfaction for Catholic aspirations even in the bald, unchurchlike services of WiUiam IV's reign, which Newman looked back upon as " a dreariness that could be felt," one the memory of which still made him shiver, it must be said that Andrewes' own manner of worship was ceremonious and even stately. At Laud's trial, Prynne deposed that he found in the archbishop's study a paper thus endorsed by his hand : Chapel and furniture as it was in use hy the Right Reverend Father in God, Lancelot Andrewes, Lord Bishop then of Winton ; from whom the Archbishop con- fessed at the bar he took his pattern of con- secrating and furnishing churches, chapels and altars. The summary of the contents of the paper, as given in Canterbujie's Doome, is subjoined. " Lo, here in this place and chapel you have first an altar ; secondly, strange Popish furniture on the altar, viz. two silver candlesticks with tapers in them. ... A bason for oblations. A silver and gilt canister for wafers. A chalice, with the picture of Christ engraven on it. An aire. A tricanale or pot with three pipes for the water of mixture (that is, for water to mix with the wine, and for holy water). A credentia or side table. A bason and ANDREWES' CHAPEL 193 ewer (for the polluted priests and prelates to wash in before consecration), and a towel to wipe their unhallowed fingers. A censer, to burn incense in, at the reading of the first lesson, as in the Popish mass and churclies. A little boat out of which the frankincense is poured, etc. (which Dr. Cousins had made use of in Peter-house, when he burned incense). Furniture directly borrowed from the Roman Ceremonial, Missal and Pontifical, now nowhere to be found but in Popish chapels and churches." Then follows an inventory of the chapel ornamenta and vessels. The former included five copes.^ Of Andrewes we read that he " was content with the enjoying without the enjoynir.g," and Fuller remarks — " Another falls foully upon him for the ornaments of his chapel, as popish and superstitious, in the superabundant ceremonies thereof. To which I can say little ; but this I dare afiirm that wheresoever he was a parson, a dean or a bishop, he never troubled parish, college or diocess with 1 For the full inventory see the enlarged Hierurgia Anglicana, ed. Staley, i. 93. In the careful directions approved by James I for the Prince of Wales's household and chapel at Madrid in 1623, mention is made of copes, mixed chalice, houselling towels, altar, tapers, and " smooth wafers " ; in sermons Christ crucified to be preached, without polemical attacks on papists (Collier, vii. 433). Unleavened wafer-bread had been directed to be used by one of Elizabeth's Injunctions of 15.59, and Parker in 1665 had deprived Humphrey and Sampson for recalcitrancy, and again, in 1574, had forced bishop Parkhurst to conform to this usage. Forty years later, in 1614, the "addled parliament" decided to make a corporate communion — thus excluding papists — at St. Margaret's instead of in the Abbey church, for fear, it was surmised, "of copes and wafer-cakes." o 194 LANCELOT ANDREWES pressing other ceremonies upon them than such which he found used there before his coming thither." i Andrewes can hardly, however, have carried on the Crowley tradition at St. Giles's Cripple- gate. Robert Crowley, one of the Marian exiles, had been a Holborn bookseller, printer, pamphleteer and poet, and on his return from Frankfort was made archdeacon of Hereford, prebendary of St. Paul's, rector of St. Peter- le-Poor and \'icar of St. Giles's. He was the first editor, of course with controversial intent, oi Piers Ploivman. In 1566 archbishop Parker attempted to enforce on the London clergy the wearing of the surphce in church, and out of doors " a square cap four-cornered, a scholar's gown priestly and a tippet." Crowley reheved his feelings by turning out of his church a funeral procession of clerks in surphces, which he called porters' coats. For this riot, and for his " anabaptistical opinions," Crowley was depriA'ed ; but ten years later we find him in the benefice of St. Lawrence Jewry, and in 1588, just before Andrewes' institution, he was buried in St. Giles's. Bartlett, a lecturer there, had also been suspended, but preached on defiantly. Andrewes, as has been mentioned, does not figure proininently during his lifetime in the ' Church Histwy of Britain, lib. xi. sect, 1, §§ 45-60, CHARGES OF POPERY 195 controversies about ceremonial. Yet " the Puritans of his time," says bishop Home, " called his doctrine atheistic, irrational, and worse than Arminius." He had foretold the destruction of the Church of England by their means in a sermon before the clergy in the year 1593 ; where, after an account of them and their preachings, he says — Nisi doctrinae voci attendatis, idqtie matuix, brevi nulla fuUira est omnino cui (si maxime velitis) possitis attendere?- To the INIarprelatist or the Hot Gospeller men like Andrewes and Herbert, whose lips had been touched with a live coal from off the altar, were priests of Rimmon who could scarcely be saved. The elder Leighton cries, " Hate them with a perfect hatred. Be not ashamed of Christ and His Word."^ Laud at his trial was also accused by the parhament of having solemnly hallowed vessels for the holy Communion, and again answered that he had employed a form " which the late Reverend Bishop of Winchester used all his time." Bliss prints " A Coppie of the Forme used by the Lo : Bishop of Elye in consecrat- ing the newe Church Plate of the Cathedrall Church of Wore""." The vessels consecrated " The Scholar Armed, ii. 256. ' Zion's Plea to the Parliament ayain.st Prelacy. Alexander Leighton (1568 — 1644) was himself the father of a gentle and eirenic archbishop. o 2 196 LANCELOT ANDREWES during the offertory were paten, chalices, flagons, bason, candlesticks and censer. Bliss also prints some fourteen pages of notes inserted by Andrewes in his own Prayer Book. The first mentions that in most colleges the service was used in Latin. ^ The Absolution is pronounced authoritative, and therefore standing. The Litany is to be said or sung in the midst of the oiiurch, according to Elizabeth's Injunction of 1559. The wafers are to be kept in a canister, close-covered and lined with fine linen, on a by-standing table on the south side of the altar. The bishop considers the rubrick about collecting the alms per capita to savour of the Genevan custom of running about the church in a dis- orderly fashion. Donors, he seems to suggest (but see below), should give on their knees at the altar (as princes, prelates and dignitaries do). The invitation to private opening of griefs should not be omitted, "to induce the people that they bethink themselves of the sovereign benefit of absolution by their penitent confession." Andrewes adds: "Dr. White, in his ' Way to the Church,' quotes all this latter 1 Contemplated by tlie Prayer Book. The 1602 Act of Uniformity makes the permission more explicit. At Oxford, besides the terminal Latin Eucharist and Sermon of the University, Christ Church and Worcester retained services in that tongue till recently. ANDREWES' CEREMONIAL NOTES 197 part of the Exhortation, showing, against the slander of the Jesuits, that we aboUsh not, but willingly retain, the doctrine of confession." The words Ih-aw near are, he suggests, need- less, for the communicants have already done so. Before laying the " breads " on the paten and making the chalice with wine and water, the priest, having made adoration, poureth water upon the napkin ready for that purpose, and cleanseth his hands : mystice respiciens illud Psalmi, Lavabo in innocentla manus meas, et sic introibo ad altar e Dei, ut annundem vocem su^aptirTiag. At the administration, after "ever- lasting life," every communicant should say Amen. Before the blessing is this note — " Here the congregation ariseth^ and, having made their adoration, they go towards their seats to a httle private devotion. In their way, at the foot of the choir, stands the cippiis paupemm, into which every man puts a small piece of silver ; whilst the Priest, standing still at the Altar, readeth the exhortatory sentences for alms, «< supra." By way of reparation for past irreverence, bodily adoration and reverential obeisance ^ — what the Puritans derided as "ducking" — are much insisted on in these notes, as throughout the seventeenth century. Thus, at the end of the Litany — ' Compare the 1640 Canons, Coronation rnbrick^ Garter Statutes^ etc. 198 LANCELOT ANDRE WES " Here the Minister riseth ; and if there be a sermon an Introit is sung ; and after sermon they ascend with three adorations towards the Altar. If both Ministers be Priests^ the one at one endj the other at the other, representing the two Cherubims at the Mercy-seat : if one be but a Deacon, he kneels at the door." After the first Collect — " The Priest descends to the door of the Septum,^ makes a low adoration towards the Altar ; then turns to the people and, standing in the door, readeth the Ten Com- mandments, as from God, whilst they lie prostrate to the end,'- as to God speaking. Facta adoratione ut prius. Minister ascendit et genuflectit." After the Collect— " Here the other Priest, or, if there be none, he that executeth, descendeth to the door, adoreth, and then turning readeth the Epistle and Gospel." The school of Andrewes give the impression of feeling their way towards a very stately but occasionally fanciful mode of worship, to be evolved out of the existing rubricks rather than strictly conforming to their letter. INlr. Frere observes that " the revival of ceremonial at the beginning of the seventeenth century had its starting-point in the practice of that great reformer and propagator of religious ideals, Bishop Andrewes. There was formed by the influence of Andrewes and others a ' The enclosed space within the altar-rails. 2 In the Sacramental Devotions of James King, Preacher of the Neu' Chapel in Long Acre (1726), I find ejaculations "at prostrating before the Altar." THE PBECES PRIVATAE 199 perfectly definite and characteristic use which exercised a powerful influence on the revision of 1661." 1 The Preces Privatae When Andrewes was dead a manuscript book of conference with God was found lying beside him, "worn with his fingers and wet with his tears. " The Preces Privatae of Lancelot Andrewes," says Mr. Brightman, "is the pecuhar heritage of the English Church from an age of astonishing fruitful- ness and distinction in devotional literature." Of the bishop's devotional practices Bucker- idge records that " his praier booke, when he was private, was seldom scene out of his hands ; " and Fuller remarks— " His first and principall vesture was his singular zeale and piety, which shewed it selfe not onely in his private and secret Devotions betweene God and himselfe (in which they that were about him well perceived that he daily spent many houres, yea, and the greatest part of his life, in holy prayers and abundant teares, the signes whereof they often discovered), but also in his exemplary publicke prayers in his Family and Chappell, wherein he behaved himselfe so humbly, devoutly and reverently that it could not but move others to follow his example. His Chappell (in which he had Monthly Communions) ^ was * W. H. Frere, Principles of Religious Ceremonial, p. 225. ^ So also Buckeridge. It must be remembered that before the Reformation it was not usual, for laymen at any rate, to 200 LANCELOT ANDREWES so decently and reverently adorned, and God served there with so holy and reverend a behaviour of himselfe and his Family (by his patteme), that the soules of many that (obiter) came thither in time of Divine Service were very much elevated, and they stin-ed up to a like reverend de- portment ; yea, some that had bin there were so taken with it that they desired to end their dayes in the Bishop of Elyes Chappell." In our own day, when the art of prayer- composition seems completely lost, a frame of devotion so seemingly artificial and Mdthal so richly suggestive, touching moreover such heights of adoration and sounding such depths of penitential abasement, is only for those to use whose souls have known the exercise of spiritual discipline. The Preces were Dr. Pusey's habitual manual of prayer, and archbishop Tait's copy is "tattered and worn with constant use." When Moseley in 1647 published a fragmentary English transla- tion called Private Devotions by the Right Beverend Father in God Lancelot Andrexees, late Bishop of Winchester, he did so to show be houselled more than once a year. The reformers, while succeeding to some extent in bringing the frequency of Com- munion up, were unable to avoid bringing the frequency of Celebration down. But the Prayer Book kept before men's eyes the ideal of a partaking of the Eucharist each Sunday and holy- day, and from 1661 recognized (e.g. by the provision that the collect, epistle and gospel for the Circumcision " shall serve for every day after unto the Epiphany ") the possibility of restoring the Daily Oblation, which Cosin advocated. THE PBEGES PEIVATAE 201 the superiority of set forms over extemporary and undigested effusions, it having been " hotly disputed whether it be better to pray to God with consideration or without." He bids the reader, though "this learned Doctor of our Church was so universal in all holy dimen- sions," to " observe the reverential addresses of his soul in these his approaches to the highest Majesty ; he well knew the distance between heaven and earth, betwixt God and himself." And Richard Drake, who issued an improved edition next year, within a few months of the " memorable scene " before Whitehall, pointed the same moral. " Such is the irrehgion of this age, the most high God must take up and be content with that homely entertainment which my Lord or my Lady forsooth would not receive from their most faithful servant without scorn and in- dignation." Yet this learned Father, who "had as great abilities of expressing himself to purpose without premeditation as any rabbi that pretends to the highest pitch of inspiration," though he had a heart of prayer kindled with holy fire, yet refused to " present his thoughts upon the altar till he had weighed them in the balance of the sanctuary, and, by committing them to faithful writing, left no room for fruitless matter or idle words." In all 202 LANCELOT ANDREWES Andrewes' writings, say Laud and Buckeridge, we " see the quintessence of the Fathers and school distilled through his limbeck, in so fit language and expressions, to the great advan- tage of the Church of God." It is in an earher translation put out in 1630 by Isaacson that the publisher Seile uses the well-known phrase — " Doctor Andrews in the School, Bishop Andrews in the Pulpit, Saint Andrews in the Closet." For information as to the true text in Hebrew, Greek and Latin of the Devotions and the numerous editions and translations of the book in some form, the reader should consult canon F. E. Brightman's scholarly work.^ The original MS., " happy in the glorious deformity thereof, being slubbered with his pious hands and watered with his penitential tears," as Drake describes it, is lost ; but my friend canon Robert Livingstone, now rector of Brinkworth, was fortunate enough in 1883 to recover from a dealer's stock a beautifully written Greek MS. — autograph, in Mr. Medd's opinion, but Mr. Brightman doubts this — on the cover of which Laud has written : — " My reverend Friend Bishop Andrewes gave nae this Booke a little before his death. W : Bath et WeUes." Pembroke College, Cambridge, ' The Prece.s Privatae of Lancelot Andrewes. Methuen, 1903. THE PEHCES PBIVATAE 203 possesses another MS., and the master of that society a third. These are the chief authorities, but they exhibit important differences. " The Preces" says Mr. Brightman, speaking of their sources, " are a mosaic of quotations. The first and principal source is Holy Scrip- ture," the whole of which Andrewes uses, with astonishingly minute knowledge, as a fathom- less treasury of devotion. He also used existing precatory collections of eastern and western Christendom, and even of the Synagogue. Thirdly he draws copiously from the fathers and saints. These riches are not heaped together, but articulated in an orderly scheme of penitence, deprecation, intercession, laud and thanksgiving. And constant application is made to concrete autobiographical or topical subjects. King James is always " our prince preserved of God." The courtiers, the judica- ture, army, navy, and parliament are remem- bered ; also "this holy house" (Westminster?) and his old school and college. He prays that the candlestick of our Church be not removed, but that the things that are wanting may be set in order, and the things that remain, "that Thou wast ready to cast away," may be strengthened. " Bring back them that have strayed, and knit them to thy holy and catholick and apostolick Church." Andrewes 204 LANCELOT ANDREWES prays " for orthodox pontiiFs," for " the sacer- dotal order and all the Christ-loving people," for " the union of the holy Churches of God," for benefactors, for " all our forefathers and brethren that have departed aforetime " — " Give to the dead rest and light perpetual," — for " them that are in virginity and purity and discipline, and furthermore them withal that live in reverend wedlock in piety and fear of Thee," for the sordid craftsmen and beggars, for brethren in captivities and prisons and mines and gaUeys and bitter thraldoms, for the needy, for the toil-worn, for children, for the sick in sins and heresies. He commemorates " the all-holy, immaculate, more than blessed Mother of God and ever- virgin IVlary, with aU Saints." Holy Com- munion is spoken of as " the touching and partaking of the immaculate, awful, quickening and saving Mysteries of thine all-holy Body and precious Blood." The following is a brief specimen of a penitential passage : — " To will is present with me, but how to perform I find not. Do Thou, O Lord, give ; it is in Thee to give, Thou that turnest even the hard rock into a standing water, Give tears, give a fountain to my head. Give the grace of tears. Drop down, ye heavens, from above, and water the dryness of my desert. THE PBEGES PBIVATAE 205 Give, Lord, this grace. No gift were more grateful to me, not were it great riches, not were it even the best of things earthly, than if Thou gavest me tears, like Thou didst bestow on David of old or Jeremy, like as on Magdalene or Peter ; at leastwise a dropping eye. Let me not be wholly a flint. If not so as to be able to wash my bed, if not to water thy feet, if not plenteously like Jeremy, if not bitterly like Peter (notwithstanding, oh, that it might be so). Yet supply at leastwise just one little tear or twain, the which Thou mayest lay up in thy bottle, the which Thou mayest note in thy book. But, if I win not even so much as this, . . . at leastwise lend me some of the tears of thy Christ, which He shed plenteously in the days of his flesh : O impart to me of them." These biographical chapters cannot conclude better than with Buckeridge's summary of Lancelot Andrewes' Ufe : — " He was totus in his sacrificiis ; he wholly spent himselfe and his studies and estate in these sacrifices, in prayer and the praise of God and compassion and workes of charitie, as if he had minded nothing else all his life long but this, to offer himselfe, his soule and body, a contrite and a broken heart, a pitifull and compassionate heart, and a thankefuU and gratefull heart, a living sacrifice, holy and acceptable to God by Jesus Christ." CHAPTER XIV THE BELLARMIXE CONTROVERSY — POPE AND KING Andrewes' controversy with Bellarmine has been glanced at above (pp. 110-114), but demands a chapter to itself.^ On ]May 23, 1570, Felton, smce beatified — he was put most horribly to death, — affixed to the bishop of London's gateway in St. Paul's churchyard the bull Regnam in excelsis, in which pope Pius V, by virtue of his authority over the kingdoms to root out and to pull down and to destroy, to build and to plant, declared EUzabeth excommunicate, and her subjects released from their allegiance. It was in the knowledge that this bull was forth- coming that the northern earls had revolted the year before. Numbers of recusants, liable since 1562 to be tendered the oath of supre- macy, declined to admit the bull's vahdity, for ' I regret that this chapter was completed before the delivery of Dr. Wm. Barry's recent lectures at the Royal Institution on " The Papal Deposing Power." 206 DEPOSING POWER 20T they were betwixt the upper and nether mill- stones. " Most miserable," said Coke at Gar- net's trial, " was their state ; for either they must be hanged for treason in resisting their lawful sovereign, or cursed by the pope for yielding due obedience to her Majesty." An Act of 1571 made communion with Rome treasonable. But streams of missionaries eager for martyrdom began from 1574 to flow in, and in 1581 the first Jesuit mission, under Parsons and Campion, arrived^nternationals, though black, not red. They obtained from pope Gregory XIII a declaration that the bull need not be acted upon " rebus sic stantibus." Nevertheless the latter half of Elizabeth's reign was full of treasonable negotiation, projected invasion and attempted assassination. Allen, the arch-plotter, was made a cardinal in 1581. The Romanists generally rallied round the throne during the Spanish peril. But law after law was enacted against them. The land was full of spies, informers, and priest-hunters, and thumbscrew, axe and halter were busily at work. Just before Elizabeth's death Clement VIII granted a plenary indulgence to the Irish rebels " even as to crusaders against the Turks and paynims." James took for his motto "Beati pacifici." But his parliament was bent on repression. 208 LANCELOT ANDREWES Two years after his accession came the Gun- powder Plot, followed by harsh enactments and the imposition on suspected persons of an oath which contained the words : — " I do swear that I do from my heart abhor, detest and abjure as impious and heretical this damnable doctrine and position that princes which be excommunicated or deprived by the pope may be deposed or murdered by their subjects or any other person whatsoever. And I do be- lieve and in conscience am resolved that neither the pope nor any other person whatsoever hath power to absolve me of this oath." Paul V, on Sept. 22, 1606, declared that such an oath could not be taken without damage to the Catholic faith and to the salvation of souls. JNIany who had not the least ill-will to king James refused it, as embodying an abstract doctrine to which they could not assent.^ Yet the deposing power for which they suffered has slept since the overthrow of the Armada in 1588.- In 1864 the Syllabus of Pio Nono condemned the opinion that the Church has no temporal authority nor right to ' The oath of allegiance, however, must not be confused with the oath of the supi-eniacy, which James did not require of his popish subjects. The Sorbonne declared that the former might conscientiously be taken. 2 Andrewes says that many of the Spanish sailors carried knives engraved with the words, " To cut the English hereticks' throats."— -Sermon, Nov. 5, 1617. THE TWO SWORDS 209 employ force. But the power " in terra im- peria, regna, principatus et omnium hominum possessiones pro meritis tollere unicuique et coneedere " ^ is admitted to be, under modern conditions, as much in abeyance as it was during the first three centuries. Further, even the theoretic claim has been emphatically repudiated by Roman Catholics. In 1682 the Church of France issued the Declaration of GaUican hberties, drafted by Bossuet himself, which asserted, inter alia, that the holy Father has no authority from God over things temporal and civil. In 1760 the theological faculties of Paris, Louvain, Doway, ValladoUd, Salamanca and Alcala united in a declaration to the same effect. And in 1788 the English Romanists, longing for release from their civil disabilities, put forth a Protest- ation, in which they declared : — " We have been accused of holding that princes excom- municated by the See of Rome may be deposed or mur- dered by their subjects or other persons. But so far is the above-mentioned unchristianlike and abominable position from being a principle that we hold, that we reject, abhor, and detest it, as execrable and impious. . . . And we do solemnly declare that no ecclesiastical power hath, or ought to have, any jurisdiction or authority within this realm that can, directly or indirectly, affect or interfere with the independence, sovereignty, laws, constitution or govern- ment thereof." I Gregory VH's buU deposing Henry IV of Germany. 210 LANCELOT ANDREWES It can hardly, however, be maintained that the EngUsh Romanists, under their four vicars- apostohc, were in accord with the general teaching of their Church on this subject.^ The prevaihng teaching was till recently that the pope, as St. Peter's successor, is Christ's vicar and plenipotentiary substitute on earth, and so the sole source and bestower of earthly authority, rule and pre-eminence. For several centuries it was added that, if a ruler abandons, or is a menace to, the faith, the pope can release his Christian subjects from their duty to him, and even decree his death — if necessary, by the blow of a private hand. This doctrine received an immense impetus from the great reforming pope, Gregory VII. The eleventh century and the Canossa penance mark a turning-point in European Church history. But it cannot be said that Hildebrand originated the temporal claim of the papacy. King Pepin caused the keys of all the cities he had conquered to be laid on the altar of St. Peter's, and Charlemagne, in 800, being crowned by Adrian I, confirmed him in these possessions, and in all the attri- butes of temporal sovereignty. The " donation of Constantine " need not be discussed. Yet ' They at the same time declared, "We acknowledge no infallibility in the Pope." A number of Maynooth jprofessorS in 1853 published a disavowal of papal authority in civu affairs. ALL AUTHORITY DIVINE 211 it is obvious that doaations and concessions must be called by some other name if they are to support an assertion of dejiire right. So far as the claim to a deposing power rested on abstract conceptions it was lofty and impressive. The desire to find an im- mutable basis of government and to lift politics above mere expediency was common to all mediseval thinkers. All were agreed that government cannot derive itself simply from human authority, but must claim a right divine. Even such mediaeval whigs as Ockham and Marsiglio hold this. For Christ's kingdom is not of {Ik) this world. The Reformation brushed off a good deal of the glamour and reverence from authority ; but on all sides law and governance continued to be hnked with the unseen. The non- Christian, utilitarian basis of modern Liberalism had not yet been evolved. This being so, could there be more than one divine right in the world ? Christ, to whom the universal empire belongs, exercises both kingly and pontifical prerogatives ; He " sits as priest upon His throne " ; He is at once the Moses and Aaron of the new Covenant. Must not then His earthly vicegerent possess both jurisdictions, and be " higher than the kings of the earth" ? Boniface VIII laid down that the pope " habet omnia jura in scrinio pectoris sui," P 2 212 LANCELOT ANDREWES The Church is not merely an ecclesiastical organization, side by side with other organiz- ations, but is the working out here below of the kingdom of heaven. To it, by means of a holy separated priesthood, belonged, as HUde- brand conceived, the task of repairing society and guiding the world. Had mankind re- mained innocent there would have been no need of compulsive civil government,^ and such government is therefore at best a necessary evil, a consequence of the FaU, "peccati occasione introductum " - — indeed, HUdebrand even ascribed it to the devil. In Eden there was, so to say, only ecclesiastical power. It was intolerable then that ecclesiastics should have to sue princes, the vassals of St. Peter, for investi- ture, or for the right to assemble. Princes have no authority over clerics ; they only exist 1 Tliis is just what Rousseau, at the other extreme, teaches ; only in his view of the " state of nature " all men are actually born good, if not equal and free. 2 Mr. R. L. Poole, lUiLstrations of the History of MeditBval Thought, p. 244, says that Aquinas rejected this theory, but the Rev. J. N. Figgis, in his brilliant Dissertation, The Theory of the Divine Eight of Kings (Cambridge, 1896 p. 52), remarks that St. Thomas lield it true of regal as distinct from political power. I have been much indebted to both these illuminating books. Wyclif regarded human law as resulting from the loss of primal innocence, which makes popular suffrage wholly untrustworthy, and he looked forward to a return to gospel freedom from law. The clergy, who some day will cease to exist, ought not to hold temporal office. Thus the same premiss leads him to an opposite conclusion to the Hildebrandine one. But Wyclif is a confused thinker. His communism is as individualistic at bottom as modem pseudo-socialism is — in fact, anarchic. SOURCE OF CIVIL GOVERNMENT 213 to execute in a fallen world the Church's wise and benevolent behests. Petra dedit Petro, Petrtis diadema Radulpho. A bad king may be dismissed by the pope like an idle groom by his master.^ At the command of the Church, then, subjects, released from their allegiance, may depose their ruler ; but they must not do it unbidden. It is the pope whose plenitudo potestatis, as Christ's haeres ex asse and lord of all the kingdoms of the earth, casts a monarch's throne down to the ground, even as originally it set it up. And being deposed, being ex-rex, a king's person is no longer sacred. He may be put to death judicially : some leading writers — as Mariana and Suarez— declared, by assas- sination ; and indeed Henry Ill's murder was eulogized by pope Sixtus V". Henry IV of France had succumbed, on May 14, 1610, to a Jesuit knife, and a Spaniard had killed the Orange prince. Andrewes declared that Rome had been privy to the Gunpowder Plot.^ Why not ? If it was lawful to slay an oppressive ruler, to remove an heretical one was also justifiable. 1 Bellarmine himself says that the Pontiff, as such, has no " mere temporal " power. Only " in ordine ad bonum spirituale " has he "supreme power of disposing of the temporal affairs of all Christians " {De Pont. Rom. V. c. 6). Sixtus V indexed this book on account of this qualification. ^ Responsio, 113. Bellarmine had rashly asserted that no Pope had ever authorized regicide (letter to the arch priest Blackwell). 214 LANCELOT ANDREWES Andrewes remarks on the incidentally democratic line followed by this theory — " populus creator Principis sui, populus castiga- tor " — which has caused papahst writers to be sometimes absurdly extolled as champions of popular rights.^ On the text Nolite tangere christos vieos Andrewes observes : "A second claim, another vieos, hath of late begun to be buzzed of, as if kings were christi populi, and held of them." " Strange as it may seem, the leading expounders of the social-compact and government-by-consent basis of civil society^ have been ultramontanes, who would repudiate with vehemence a similar basis for the essentially monarchical Church.* In kingship they see a ' E. g. in Lux Mundi, " Christianity and Politics," p. 326. Bellarmine cites Wyclif s words, " Populares possunt ad suum arbitrium dominos peccantes corrigere" (Op., torn. viii. col. 798). But Mr. Lane I'oole {op. cit. pp. 299, 301) states Wyclif s view to be tliat rulers are responsible to God alone, and must be obeyed, however evil. Hence his famous paradox, " God should obey the devil." 2 Sermons, ed. Bliss, vol. iv, p. 62. See also Responsio, 304, 307-313. Andrewes' teaching about non-resistance was cited by Sacheverell at his trial. It is Ken's " doctrine of the Cross." ^ An Alsatian priest named Manegold, writing in defence of Gregory's doctrine, says : "So soon as a king begins to act the tyrant, is it not plain that he falls from the dignity granted to him by the people, since it is evident that he has first broken that contract by virtue of which he was appointed ? If one shoidd engage a man at a fair wage to tend svnne and he find means not to tend but to steal them, would one not remove him from his charge ? " Mr. Lane Poole {op. cit. p. 232) says, " It is im- possible to express the theory of social contract more clearly." But Manegold does not say that the swine depose the swineherd, which is what the theory here requires ! ^ No doubt the Papacy governs by consent — as indeed all JESUIT AND CALVINIST 215 rival sacrosanctity to popedom, whereas it is only tolerable as a lunar orb content to borrow its glory from the " greater light " which rules the day. The fact is, the papacy has never proved, as it might have done, a champion of authority generally, for it does not sup- port the authoritarian principle as running all through life. AU divine rights hang together. But in order to disparage royalty, the cue was to base government on the wUl of the people, and Marsiglio plays into his papalist opponents' hand by his utihtarian politics. Another unexpected similarity is that be- tween Jesuit and Calvinist, who in this matter ploughed with one heifer. Bellarmine ob- jected to king James speaking of puritano- papistae. But it is often difficult to know which one is reading — Calvinist or Jesuit. " The Presbjrterians," observes Sanderson,^ " claim to their Consistoiies as fuU and ab- solute Spiritual Jurisdiction over Princes as the Papists challenge to belong to the Pope." And by " spiritual jurisdiction " was meant not merely that (in Paraeus' words, con- demned at Oxford and ordered by James to rulers do, for they are not hundred-handed giants. But consent which can morally be withheld has to be distinguished from consent which cannot. 1 On Episcopacy, xvi. p. 41, 216 LANCELOT ANDREWES be burnt by the hangman) " it is lawful for the pastors, with the Church's consent, to deUver wicked and unjust magistrates to Satan," but that at the bidding of the " trew and holy Kirke," wielding Christ's sceptre, the king was to persecute, and, if he faUed to do so, the people were to rebel. If the sovereign were, as Mary of Scotland was, himself an idolater, he was to be hunted down " like a footpad," dethroned and executed. The Genevan caKph had seen the weakness which a humiUating dependence on the magistrate imposed on the Lutherans. In the Calvinist view the ruler was bound, not only to afford the ministers of the blessed Evangel comfort and support, but to be their slave and exe- cutioner to repress opposition by sword and faggot — " the unhappie hangman," complained James, " of the clergies' wUl." The Anabaptists proclaimed this prerogative of command to be vested in the saints at large. They made the commonwealth, said Andrewes, to fit the Church, and therefore "papismus anabaptismum sapit. "^ Both ahke claimed for God's elect the things that be Ceesar's. 1 Responsio, 136 ; Gowrie Sermon, Aug. 6, 1607. Thirty years later the Jesuits had become champions of royal authority, by which alone they could establish themselves. Civic life was now degraded into a merely secular business over which the Church need not challenge jurisdiction. 'ROME'S FIFrH-MONARCHY MEN' 217 Half-a-century later the same unnatural alliance was commented on. For example, the frontispiece of Nalson's Impartial Collection represents a heavenly Eye looking do-wm on Britannia approached by a double Janus-like form, Jesuit and Covenanter in one — " They squint two ways, in the main point agree." Hickes in a January 30th sermon describes the Jesuits as Rome's Fifth-Monarchy men. But every side in turn suffered from its own controversial experiments. James II was dethroned by the help of arguments about popular liberties coined at Doway. The aid lent by James I to the revolted Rochellers was, to his indignation, quoted to justify Puritan disaffection against himself. The Calvinistic weapon of lay-eldership by which presbyterianism overthrew monarchy was used fatally against itself by Erastian objectors to clerical tyranny. Milton was an advocate of regicide, which, if the "inferior magistrate" (parliament) declined to carry out, any private hand might execute. But this teaching involved Ohvarius Protector having to^wear a shirt of mail. Again, a republican theocracy contains the seeds of its own dissolution. And when a parvenu sectarian despotism, with no logical basis but the rationahstic one of private judgment, domineered over men's Hves with 218 LANCELOT ANDREWES thunders and terrors filched from awe-invested hierarchic armouries, the effect was one of meddlesome impudence. Calvinism had no world-wide standpoint. It was not useful in cowing the proud forces of the world before the things of the spirit. It possessed none of the moral grandeur of an unarmed minister of the gospel, while hunted, it may be, from one Apennine castle to another, launching bulls of deposition against kings and emperors, or of a great historic domination relying solely on the acknowledgment by human consciences of its superhuman commission. But against the immense papalist claim had been asserted through the middle ages by the GhibeUine Imperialists, and notably in Dante's De Monarchia, a counter theory, which also appealed to the conscience and tradition of mankind, that of the divine right of kings. In its ultimate form this doctrine is simply one of the divine right of civil government, as having a direct heavenly sanction inde- pendently of the ecclesiastical authority. It is thus really a Liberal, or at least an anti- sacerdotal, theory. On the other hand, as meeting papalism in the only possible way by an opposed mystical doctrine of the State, it had nothing in common with modern natural- istic systems. Politics are essentially super- POPE AND KING 219 natural — ^which is the Christian way of ex- pressing Aristotle's teaching that the State is xoLTOL (pucriv, not a mere business partnership or organization, but a " natural " and vital organ- ism, a building not made by hands, a family, a fellowship in all noble ends, a " community of communities " ^ for the promotion of virtue. And while royalist writers — Andrewes and Jackson, for example — allow that all settled government, whatever its form, is ordained of God, yet the ghostly source of civil rule is more evident and avowed in a kingly than in a republican regime. The high sacredness of the kingly office is a notion common to the entire human race from the beginning ; but Catholicism lifted what Homer says about Troifxeves Xatov and " sceptre-bearing kings " to a loftier level by regarding the ruler's function as the reflexion of the regahty and splendour of the ascended Christ, before which we uncover and which is the motive of the subject's obedience — rendered not only for wrath but for conscience' sake. Even Parsons speaks of Elizabeth as " God's substitute." ^ ^ Koivavia Koivaviav. But the Greek nation-state or ir6Ais lacked majesty and imperial largeness. 2 A Brief Discours contayning certayne Reasons why CathoHqnes refuse to goe to Church, 1680. Compare Ruskin, St. Mark's Uest, — " Not a King merely, this sworded creature in his crowned state, but the justice of God in Hi eternal law." Kingship is the romance of politics. 220 LANCELOT ANDREWES All high views can be made to harmonize. And the earlier middle ages deemed that they saw the ordered conduct of life as a preparation for eternity embodied visibly in a perfect State ruled by the two vicegerents of Heaven, Emperor and Pope, whose power was con- ceived by themselves to be " sovereign by reason of a superhuman mandate^ and in coherence with a transcendental arrangement of the uni- verse, pre-estabhshed and immutable. They stood above the rest of men, uplifted and upheld by omnipotent hands. In the one God had bestowed a captain on the whole congregation of His people ; in the other He had sent to men the apostle of His gospel. Beyond the range and sweep of these two. His revealed and indisputable emis- saries, men were out of reach of God's government of the world." 1 But the Holy Roman Empire was vanishing, and ere it died Emperor and Pope were putting a jealous sickle each into the other's corn- field. Nationalism succeeded ImperiaUsm, and national monarchs revived old and musty claims to imperial seignory and independence. ^ But ^ Qitarterly Review, "The Transition from Mediseval to Modern Politics," April, 1875, p. 543. The Ghibellines held that the universal monarch was, by divine right of the Roman people, to be always the Roman emperor, the world's umpire and dispenser of justice. The Guelfs dreamed, on the other hand, of a Papal Angelico, impersonating holiness, the arbitrator of all right and wrong. 2 So Henry VIII's Statute of Appeals begins — ''This realm of England is an Empire." But even the Saxon kings claimed the title basileus. POPE AND KING m meanwhile the omnipotentia pontijicia was ex- tending its pretensions. It is impossible here to foUow the Andrewes-Bellarmine controversy, which 1 have attempted to summarize, into detail. But it must be held that the attempt to prove the lofty papal claim to temporal over-lordship entirely failed. The Old Testa- ment and the New were against it. The Fathers also. History, if it exhibited examples of king-making and king-deposing popes, con- tained at least as many of pope-making and pope-deposing kings. If princes had often used submissive language to pontiffs, pontiffs had quite as often used submissive language to princes. Had not emperors convoked Councils ? A pope divided the New World in 1494 between Spain and Portugal. But equally a pope in 800 " adored " Charlemagne, the "verae relligionis rector." Popes had ad- mitted the title of kings to be called (as in St. Edward's laws and by a Lapide himself) " vicarius summi Dei," " chi-istus Domini " and " imago Dei," and to hold " immediate a Deo" and "Dei gratia." It was too late to claim a deposing power. The king (James) did not dispute that rulers might for just cause be excommunicated. The rex in solio was also unus gregis} The EngHsh Church 1 " I uever did uor will presume to create any Articles of Faith 222 LANCELOT ANDREWES might admit a papal primacy or presidency, and the oath of allegiance bound no one, as Bellarmine alleged, to deny a papal supremacy in spirituals. But king James's cause was that of all Christian princes when he defended his throne agaijist sanctified rebellion and his life against pope-blessed assassination. Had St. Peter's successor, like himself, two swords, and was he similarly bidden to " kill and eat " ? Yet Peter's ISIaster had warned him, " They that take the sword shall perish by the sword." The Church- State of ultramontane and of Calvinist simplifies authority by making it one. So does the State-Church of the Erastian, deriving all jurisdiction, whether temporal or spiritual, from the people or the magistrate. The free Church in a free State (State-and- Church) of the consistent Liberationist regards life unphilosophically as dual. Have religion and politics their separate spheres which need never get entangled ? But a low view is thus taken ^ both of civil society and of the or to be judge thereof, but to submit my exemplary obedience unto the [spiritual rulers] in as great humility as the meanest of my subjects." (King James, Apo/ogy for Oath of Allegiance, p. 269.) See also Andrewes' Respormo, 12, 75, 323 ("Rex et ovis est et pastor . . Se filium Ecclesise agnoscit"). Williams, however, for his D.D. degree, maintained tliat "supreraus magistratus non est excommunicabilis." ' See, for example, Macaulay's Essay on Gladstone's Church and State. Medisevals regarded the State as the Church's police- department. Whigs reverse the spheres. CHURCH AND REALM 293 Bride of Christ, and the Incarnation is practi- cally denied. What, then, shall we say of the Church-and-State, or rather Church-and-King, ideal which the Stuart divines exalted just as it was hecoming impossible, but which an earher age that said little about it had histori- cally realized ? From Constantine onwards the kingdoms of this world were becoming the kingdoms of God and of His Christ. For the last four centuries they have been taking their honour and glory out of that kingdom. " Church-and-Realm," making one music, re- quires a people united in faith. It also requires a delicate adjustment of functions, such as should exist between soul and body. The lofty theocratic language of the Coronation is inspir- ing — " regere et defendere Ecclesiam Dei " ^ is the note running all through the rite. " O loved lord," cried St. Dunstan to Edgar, " think of this often that thou shalt at God's judgment lead forth and up to the great Shepherd those over whom thou art made shepherd in this life, and take heed how thou keep this genera- tion whom Christ Himself hath bought with ^ The words which Jeremy Collier (Bk. ix. p. 748) says " sound extreamly high for the regale " — " Obtineat gratiam huic populo ; sit Aaroa in tabernaculo, Elizaeus in fluvio, Zacharias in templo ; sit Petrus in clave, Paulus in dogmate," etc, — are not^ as seven- teenth-century writers asserted, found in any English or French coronation order, but in that for the sacriug of the Emperor at Rome, or words like them. ^M LANCELOT ANDREWES His blood." The liturgical sacring or " ordin- ation" of a king follows closely the lines of that of a bishop. Such an economic " bishoprick of things external " — Constantine's phrase — is very different from the unhistorical and un- inspiring figment ^ of an " alhance " between a secular and a spiritual power not necessarily related to each other. Nor had it anything in common with Ceesarism. But it was very apt to degenerate into a regal papacy. Andrewes repudiated such a position for James. ^ Eliza- beth protested that she challenged no other authority than that " which was of ancient time due to the imperial crown of this realm." ^ Even Henry spoke strongly in this way. But the abuse of the royal supremacy in his and his son's reign, especially when it was delegated to a minion or a council, was an impiety best expressed in Luther's saying that squire Henry meant to be God and do as he pleased.* In France reHgion was usually controlled by an agreement between the pope and the king over the head of the episcopate. Andrewes is inclined to side with Theodosius against ^ " Idle and fanciful/' Burke calls it ( Works, vol. x. p. 43). 2 E. g. Eespomio, 30; Tortura Torti, 380. 2 Admonition. Compare Art. XXXVII. * But Aquinas says, " Rex est in regno sicut anima in corpore et sicut Deus in mundo." (De Eegimine Principum, c. xii. 166.) Yet he (Hooker also) has been called "the first whig." Dr. Johnson put the origin of whiggery much earlier. CHURCH AND REALM 225 Ambrose, with Rufus against Anselm, with Richard I against Hugh, with Henry II against Beket, and regards even John as ill- used. But perhaps this is in the heat of con- troversy. His view of the nursing-fatherhood of the Christian prince is expounded at length in Tortura Torti, pp. 363-385. He denies that it permits him sacra tractare, or novos articulos condere, or munera sacerdotalia peragere. It is confined to matters " quae exterioris sunt politiae, ut a regibus Israeliticis factum est." Kings are shepherds ; yet " pastione Petri non pascunt." Also the Church may not be con- trolled by an unbelieving ruler. Andrewes, then, is no Hobbesist. He would hold with Hooker, " For the laws and liberty of the Church the king hath supreme authority, but against them none." ^ Bellarmine himself says : " We deny not that kings can and ought, after the Church's declaration, to purge away by laws and punishments corruptions and abuses whether in morals or even in doctrine " (Besp. Torti, 123). 2 But bishop Andrewes did not 1 Eccl. Polity, VIII. ii. 3, 13, and 17. See also Bilson, Christian Subjection (1686), pp. 297, 307. 2 The earlier reformers believed themselves appellants at the bar of Christian history. But the controversial curve of their conclusions was held bound to pass through certain preconceived points. Nor was their history always historical. Elizabeth's council, for example, signified to Parker that, as against Calvin's proposal for a pan-Protestant union, " the Church of England womd still retain her Episcopacy ; but not as from Pope Gregory Q 226 LANCELOT ANDBEWES sufficiently perceive how precarious such a conception is in that modern world which was being born at his birth. Since January 30, 1 649, how many sovereigns have sat on the throne who were the Church of England's dutiful sons? Not many have been, save in name, her sons at all. For the moment the royal authority was a bulwark against disintegrating attack. Soon it was to be used against the Church's Cathohc life. Still, the Stuart divines cannot fairly be charged with interested oppor- tunism, far less with Erastianism. We owe to them the safe-guarding of an ideal which is a lofty and noble one, though it can only be made actual in exceptionally happy times. For in the City of God alone, that TrapaSs/y/xa sv Toig wpoLvaig, are spiritualty and temporalty identical, ruled by One who is Rex idemque Sacerdos. In the middle ages pohtics, as Mr. Figgis remarks,^ were a branch of theology. Our religious divisions have necessitated their pro- gressive secularization. But while we resign ourselves to the forfeiture of life's unity, we should not deceive ourselves into thinking that the loss is not immense, lamentable, irreparable. who sent over Augustine the monk hither, hut from Joseph of Arimathea, as appeareth hy GUdas, printed first, anno 1525, in the reign of King Henry the Eight " (Strype). ^ From Gerson to Grotius, p. 18. I regret that these ahle lectures were published too late for any further quotation. CHAPTER XV EXAMPLES OF ANDREWES' TEACHING It is not always easy to reconcile the merely negative and polemical statements of our sub- Reformation divines with their language when unhampered by the controversial fear of con- ceding a foothold to popery. Even Andrewes, a more open-minded and therefore stronger antagonist than those who dealt blows blindly in the thick of the first battle, rarely aims at being the expositor of a balanced and rounded system of Catholic faith and practice. Trac- tarianism essayed this. It was at once primitive and evangelical, traditionary and Scriptural. But its stern attitude towards Liberahsm as the world-spirit and the coming anti-Christ was disavowed by the Lux Mundi school, and the counter-reaction towards "modernism" has not yet expended itself. We have still to wait for the serene but earnest generation to arise that shall build up again into one all the sides and aspects of sundered truth. Heresy is none the less sinful for being called a facet. It is one-sidedness makes the heretic. Q 2 227 228 LANCELOT ANDREWES The following extracts from bishop Andrewes' writings seem to deserve attention. THE EUCHARIST "Augustine's place is cited, Nemo Camera illam manducat nisi prius adoraverit, which I trust no Christian man will ever refuse to do — that is, to adore the Flesh of Christ." But he points out that St. Austin goes on to speak of the eating as being after a heavenly and mysterious manner. {Answer to Card. Du Perron, II. iii.) " It cannot be denied but reserving the Sacrament was suffered a long time in the primitive Church. ... It is sure they made far greater account of receiving it as their viaticum than some do now." {Ibid. III.) " The Eucharist ever was, and by us is, considered both as a Sacrament and as a Sacrifice. The Sacrifice of Christ's death is available for present, absent, living, dead, yea, for them that are unborn (because we are aU members of one Body). ... If we agree about Sacrifice there will be no difference about the Altar. The holy Eucharist being con- sidered as a Sacrifice, the same is fitly called an Altar which again is as fitly called a Table, the Eucharist being considered as a Sacrament." {Ibid. V. and VI.) About the number of the Sacraments, "the whole matter is a mere Xoyo/x.axia. If the thing were agreed upon, we should not strive for the name." {Ibid. XVI.) About the name " Mass " applied to the " sacrosancta Eucharistia" Andrewes says punningly — "In Missa, si missa fiant quae cum Transubstantiatione vestra ibi sub- missa sunt, bono loco si res esset, non valde de nomine [rex lacobus] litigaret." {Responsio ad Bell., 127.) EXAMPLES OF ANDREWES' TEACHING 229 "Do you take away your transubstantiation from the MasSj and there will not long be any dispute with us about the Sacrifice." (^Ibid. 184.) "Whether the conversion be one of substance, the Master of the Sentences i himself, not long before the Lateran Council, declared, / am unequal to defining. But all the witnesses quoted by the Cardinal speak pro immutatione, transmutatione ; no mention, however, is made there of a substantial change, or change of substance. And yet we too agree there to the preposition trans, and we grant that the elements are transmuted (transmutari elementa). But we look for the word substantialis in vain." {md. 193.) " The nature of the element, as the Cardinal well knows, is one thing, that of the Sacrament another. Nor yet do we deny that the element is changed by the blessing ; so that bread when consecrated is no longer bread which nature formed, but bread which blessing hath consecrated and by consecration hath also changed. . . To Ambrose the blessing or word of Christ no otherwise operates (on the bread and wine) than ut sint quod erant et in aliud commutentur. With St. Gregory Nyssen also we beUeve that by virtue of benediction the nature of the bread and wine is changed (immutari), yet neither he nor we that it is transubstantiated. . . . When the almighti- ness of the Word is added, we hold that the nature is changed, so that what before was bare element is now made a Divine sacrament, the former substance neverthe- less abiding." He quotes Theodoret, pope Gelasius, and St. Augustine to this effect. (Ibid. 193-195.) "Christ, Himself the res Sacramenii, in and with the Sacrament, outside and apart from the Sacrament, where- ' Peter Lombard, Sent., lib. iv. 4. 230 LANCELOT ANDREWES soever He be, is to be adored. And the King has laid it down that Christ in the Eucharist is truly present and truly to he adored, that is to say, the res Sacramenti. But not the Sacrament, that is the earthly part (witness Irenaeus), the visible part (witness Augustine). . . . With Ambrose we also in the Mysteries adore the Flesh of Christ, not the thing we see (id) but Him who is worshipped upon the Altar. Nor do we ' eat the Flesh but first we adore,' with Augustine. And yet none of us adore the Sacra- ment. . . . And outside the end for which this Sacrifice and Sacrament was instituted, outside the force of the command, there is for it no other employment." (76id. 195.) The following are from Sermons preached by bishop Andrewes before king James on Christmas Day. " This day Verhum caro factum est. Now, ' the bread which we break,' is it not the partaking of ' the body, of the flesh, of Jesus Christ .'' ' It is surely, and by it, and by nothing more, are we made partakers of this blessed union (with Christ). Because He hath taken our flesh of us, we also will participate with Him and with His flesh which He hath taken of us . . . that, as He by our flesh became censors humanae naturae, so we by His might become consortes Divinae naturae." (l605.) " No fulness there is of our Liturgy or publick solemn Service without the Sacrament. Some part, yea, the chief part, is wanting if that be wanting." (I609.) "Who shall give Him us? That shall One that will say unto us within a while, Accipite, 'Take, this is My Body, by the offering whereof ye are sanctified.' ' Take, this is My Blood, by the shedding of which ye are EXAMPLES OF ANDREWES' TEACHING 231 saved.' Both in the holy Mysteries ordained by God as pledges to assure us and as conduit pipes to convey into us this and all other the beneiits that come by this our Saviour." (16IO.) " We speak of the transeamm usque Bethleem, ' going thither.' That may we even locally do and never go out of this room, inasmuch as here is to be had the true Bread of hfe that came down from heaven^ which is His flesh, this day bom, which He gave for the life of the world, the Bread of heaven, the Bread of life, Panis Angehrum, as the Psalm calleth it. The Church in this sense is very Bethlehem, and accordingly the Church takes order we shall never fail of it. And shall there be Bethlehem, and so near us, and shall we not go to it .'' Ubi, Domine ? was the Apostle's question, and his answer, Ubi corptis, Hi aquilae — where the Body is, there the eagles willbe.'= (1615.) "Christ in the Sacrament is not altogether unlike Christ in the cratch [manger]. To the cratch we may well liken the husk or outward s)Tnbols of it. Outwardly it seems httle worth, but it is rich of contents, as was the crib this day with Christ in it. For what are they but weak and poor elements of themselves ? Yet in them find we Christ. Even as they did this day in praesepi jumentorum panem Angehrum, in the beasts' crib the food of Angels. Which very food our signs both represent and present unto us." (I6I8.) " There is another congruity for the Sacrament that the ' great mystery of godliness ' which is ' God manifested in the flesh ' might not be celebrated [at Christmas] without the mystery of His flesh. That the day He came among us to be partaker of flesh and blood, we also might be partakers of the flesh and blood which He took from us to give them us again." (I619.) 232 LANCELOT ANDREWES " By the ofFering, breaking and partaking of Christ's Body we are all sanctified, as many as shall come to it. In the old ritual of the Church we find that on the cover of the canister wherein was the Sacrament of His Body there was a star engraven, to show us that now the star leads us thither, to His Body there." (l620.) " As there is a recapitulation of all in heaven and earth in Christ, so there is a recapitulation of all in Christ in the holy Sacrament. The Sacrament consisteth of a heavenly and of a terrene part. In the earthly, the elements, there is a fulness of the seasons of the natural year, of the corn- flour or harvest in the one, bread, of the winepress or vintage in the other, wine, and in the heavenly part, of the wheat-corn whereto He compareth Himself, and again of the true Vine. And the gathering or vintage of these two in the blessed Eucharist is, as I may say, a kind of hypostatical union of the sign and the thing signified, so united together as are the two natures of Christ. Even as in the Eucharist neither part is evacuate or turned into the other, but abide each still in his former nature and sub- stance, no more is either of Christ's natures annulled or one of them converted into the other. . . . The holy Eucharist itself is called Synaxis. And even thus to be re-collected, ' gathered together in one,' by the holy Com- munion is the highest perfection we can in this life aspire unto." (1623.) From bishop Andrewes' Easter Day Sermons before the Court. " We are sanctified ' by the oblation of the Body of Jesus.' That is the best means to restore us to the spiritual life. ' He that eateth Me shall live by Me ' : the words spoken concerning that are both ' spirit and life.' Such was the means of our death, by eating the forbidden fruit. EXAMPLES OF ANDREWES' TEACHING 233 the first-fruits of deaths and such is the means of our hfe^ by eating the Flesh of Christ, the first-fruits of hfe." (1607.) " There hath not, these sixteen hundred years, this day passed without a peace-offering. And the law of a peace-offering is, he that offers it must take his part of it, eat of it, or it doth him no good. This day therefore the Church never fails but sets forth her Peace-offering — the Body whose hands were here showed, and the side whence issued Sanguis Crucis, the Blood that pacifieth all things in earth and heaven, that we, in and by it, may this day renew the covenant of our peace. St. Paul's rule it is. Is Christ our Passover offered for us, as now He was .'' Epulemur iiaque." The preacher speaks of " having the Peace-offering this day in our hands." (l609.) " Many ways was Christ, our blessed Saviour, a Corner- stone — among others, especially in this, saith Saint Hierome, ' When He joined the Lamb of the Passover and the Bread of the Eucharist, ending the one and beginning the other, recapitulating both Lamb and Bread into Himself,' making that Sacrament to be as it were the very corner-stone of both the Testaments. ... In the holy Eucharist two elements, of no great value in themselves but that they might well be refused, are exalted by God to the estate of a Divine mystery, even of the highest mystery in the Church of Christ. Ever in the Church Easter Day hath pleaded a special property in them. Sown, as it were, in weakness and dishonour, and, after they be consecrated, rising again in honour and power." (I61I.) ''We are in this action carried up to Christ (sursum cordd), but we are also carried back to Christ as He was at the very instant and in the very act of His offering. By the incomprehensible power of His eternal Spirit, not He 234 LANCELOT ANDREWES alonCj but He as at the very act of His offering, is made present to us, and we incorporate into His death and in- vested in the benefits of it. If a host could be turned into Him now glorified as He is, it would not serve. Christ offered is it — thither we must look. To the Serpent lift up, thither we must repair, even ad cadaver. We must hoc facere, do that is then done." (l6l2.)i " Ubi Corpus, uhi Sanguis Christi, ibi Ckristus, I am sure. And truly here, if there be an ubi Christus it is in the blessed Mysteries. On earth we are never so near Him, nor He us, as then and there." (I6l3.) " Of Signs some show only and work nothing. Other there be that show and work both — work what they show. The holy Mysteries, as they are a means for the raising of our soul out of the soil of sin, so are they no less a means also for the raising our bodies out of the dust of death. Our Saviour saith it totidem verbis, "^ Whoso eateth My flesh and drinketh My blood, I will raise him up at the last day.'" (l6l7.) " Noli me tangere. Other parts of Christ's worship will not come under tangere as fitly as the Sacrament. That which on earth doth most nearly represent Him, His highest memorial, I know not how many both touch and take otherwise than were to be wished. 'Eat His flesh and drink His blood ' we must, and that can we not do but we must touch Him. How then will Accipite et manducate and Noli me tangere cleave together .'' ' Take, eat ' and yet ' touch not ' ! If we take we must needs touch, one would think ; if we eat, gustus est sub tactu, saith the philosopher. But I told you this noli was not general. It was but to Mary Magdalene, and to her but till she had learned a little better manners — not to any ' See note on page 236 infra. EXAMPLES OF ANDREWES' TEACHING 235 but such as shcj or worse than she, that in unbeseeming maimer press and proffer to touch Him. But at another time when she was on her knees, fell down at His feet, then did she touch Him without any check. There is place in the taking the Sacrament for noli Me tangere ; so is there for affer manum. To them that with St. Thomas cast themselves down and cry, ' My Lord and my God,' offer manum to them. But for them that are but at ' Rabboni,' and scarce so far — bold guests with Him, base in conceit and homely in behaviour — to them belongs this noli." (1621.) " Requisite it was that, since we drew our death from the first Adam by partaking his substance, suitably and in like sort we should partake the substance of the second Adam, that so we might draw our life from Him, should be engrafted into Him as the branches into the vine, that we might receive His sap — which is His simihtude — should be flesh of His flesh — not He of ours as before, but we of His now — ^that we might be vegetate with His Spirit, even with His Divine Spirit. For now in Him the spirits are so united as partake one and partake the other withal." (1622.) " Our cup did He drink that we might drink of His — He the cup of wrath that we the cup of blessing, set first before God as a lihamen, at the sight or scent whereof He smelleth a savour of rest and is appeased, after reached to us as a sovereign restorative to recover us of the devil's poison. . . . He drank the sour vinegar of our wild grapes that we might drink His sweet in the cup of blessing. . . . Out of the winepress comes very wine indeed, the blood of the grapes of the true Vine, which in the blessed Sacrament is reached to us." (l623.) " His Blood shed on the Cross divided into two streams, one into the laver of New Birth, our Baptism, the other LANCELOT ANDREWES into the Cup of the New Testament. Haec sunt Ecclesiae gemina Sacramenta, saith Saint Augustine. And with us there are two rules — 1. one, quicquid Sacrificio offertur Sacramento confertur ; 2. the other, quicquid Testamento ligatur, Sacramento dispensatur." (l624.) From bishop Andrewes' Whitsunday Sermons. " Not only by the letter we read and the word we hear, but by the Flesh we eat and the Blood we drink at His Table we be made partakers of His Spirit. By no more kindly way passeth His Spirit than by His Flesh and Blood, which are vekicula Spiritus, the proper carriages to convey it. Corpus aptavit Sibi ut Spintum aptaret tibi. Christ fitted our body to Him that He might fit His Spirit to us. For so is the Spirit best fitted, made remeable and best exhibited, to us who consist of both. This is sure : where His Flesh and Blood are, they are not exanimes, without life; His Spirit is with them." i (]6lO.) "There is no better way of celebrating the feast of the receiving of the Holy Ghost than so to do with receiving the same Body that came from It at His birth and that came from It now at His rising again." (I616.) Whatever others may have been, Andrewes was clearly no mere " virtuaUst." ' The last words are noticeable because irom other words of Andrewes {Easter Day Sermons, 1612, vide supra), ''To the Serpent lift up, thither we must repair, even ad cadaver; we must hoc facere, do that is then done," the conclusion has been attempted to be drawn that in the bishop's view the receiver does not par- take of the glorified Christ (exhibited under the aspect of death), but of " His body as dead," which would make communion a mere act of memory. See Fulham Conference, 1900, p. 60. EXAMPLES OF ANDREWES' TEACHING 237 BAPTISM "There holdeth a correspondence between the natural and the spiritual. The same way the world was made in the beginning, by the Spirit moving upon the waters of the deep, the very same was the world new-made, the Christian world or Church, by the same Spirit moving on the waters of Baptism. . . . By Him we are regenerate at the first in our baptism. By Him, after, confirmed in the imposition of hands. By Him, after, renewed to repent- ance, when we fall away, by a second imposition of hands.'' (^Whitsunday Sermon, I6l2.) " Where the one Seal, the seal of Baptism can be set to but once, and never repeated more, this other ^ should supply the defect thereof, as whereby, if we have not preserved the former ' figure ' entire and whole, we might be, as it were, new signed over again. And that not once alone and no more, but that it should be iterable.' (1613.) " A child is carried to the church there to be born and brought forth anew by the Sacrament of Regeneration." (Easter Day Sermon, 1616.) " In no other way can either infants or adults attain to remission of birth sin than by one and all washing away their sins in the laver of Salvation." (Responsio, 163.) THE PRIESTHOOD " Whose ministry Christ would use to make Christians ; make them and keep them ; make them so by Baptism, and keep them so by the power of the keys given them for the remission of sins. . . . This power pertains to the life of the world to come, and shall hold as long as there is any 1 The holy Eucharist. 238 LANCELOT ANDREWES sin to be forgiven. 'He gave such power unto men.' For as the Son of Man He gave it ; and as Man to men he gave it, to the sons of men upon earth, that we need not send up and down, and cast ' Who shall go up to heaven for us and fetch it thence ? ' That if an angel should come to us, as to Cornelius there did, he hath not this power to impart ; he can but bid us send to Joppa for Peter. He hath it; men have it; angels have it not." (Whitsunday Sermon, I616.) " The Apostleship was a grace, yet no saving grace — else should Judas have been saved. Clearly, then, it is the grace of their calling, this, whereby they were sacred and made persons publick, and their acts authentical, and they enabled to do somewhat about the remission of sins that is not of like avail done by others, though perhaps more learned and virtuous than they, in that they have not the like mitto vos nor the same accipite that these have — as the act of one that is a public notary is of more vaUdity than of another that is none, though it may be he writes a much fairer hand. . . . " Some ado we have to pluck this out, but out it must. For an error it is, an old worn error of the Donatists, and but new dressed over by some fanatical spirits in our days that teach in comers ; that one that is not himself inwardly holy cannot be the means of holiness to another, and, where they dare too, that one that is not in a state of grace can have no right to any possession or place. " Fond ignorant men ! For hath not the Church long since defined it positively, that the baptism Peter gave was on better than that which Judas ; and exemplified it, that a seal of iron will give as perfect a stamp as one of gold } That as the carpenters that built the ark wherein Noah was saved were themselves drowned in the flood; EXAMPLES OF ANDREWES' TEACHING 239 that as the water of Baptism that sends the child to heaven is itself cast down the kennel ; semblably it is with these. And they that by the word, the sacramentSj the keys, are unto others the conduits of grace, to make them fructify in all good works, may well so be, though themselves remain unfruitful, as do the pipes of wood or lead that by trans- mitting the water make the garden to bear both herbs and flowers, though themselves never bear any. Sever the office from the men ; leave the men to God to whom they stand or fall ; let the ordinance of God stand fast. This Breath, though not into them for themselves, yet goeth into and through every act of their office or ministry, and by them conveyeth His saving grace into us all." (Whit- sunday Sermon, I616.) ON THE STUDY OF ANTIQUITY '' The Spirit comes not upon us now at our conception in the womb, to anoint as there. No, we behove to light our lamps oft, and to spend much oil at our studies, ere we can attain it. This way come we to our anointing now, by books — this Book chiefly, but, in a good part also, by the books of the ancient Fathers and lights of the Church, in whom the scent of this ointment was fresh and the temper true, on whose writings it lieth thick, and we thence strike it off and gather it safely." (l6l7. Preached at Holyrood.) INVOCATION OF SAINTS. RELIQUES " The King thinketh not invocation of Saints to be safe ; he said not a word about their intercession ; and it is adoration of reliques that he reprehendeth, not their veneration." (Responsio, 35.) " He would have reliques preserved with honour (honorifice), he would not have them religiously adored." (Ibid. 127.) 240 LANCELOT ANDREWES MONASTICISM " It was not the King's thought to blame monastic ruleSj but only monks who have departed far from their rule." {Responsio, 284.) CONTINUITY OF ORDERS " Our bishops have been ordained in each case by three bishops and by true bishops. I say, by true bishops, for they were ordained by yours (unless yours are not true bishops !). Nor has the Nicene canon ever been violated with us, nor the line ever interrupted." (Jbid. l68.) THE SEAL OF CONFESSION " The King doth not mock at the Seal of Confession. Let the Seal have its proper honour unimpaired ; but towards penitents, not those who are going forward in their guilt." {Ibid. 3l6.) The question was whether Garnet was bound to convey at any rate a general warning of the Powder Plot to the intended victims. BOWING, KNEELING, AND OTHER GESTURES " The exalting of the soul within is not enough. God will not have the inward parts only and it skills not for the outward members. Our body is to afford her part to His glory, viz. the knee and the tongue. God careth for ouknees, will be served with them. . . . Not to do it at His name ? Nay, at the holy Mysteries themselves not to do it ? Where His name is, and more than His name, even the Body and Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ, and these not without His soul, nor that without His deity, nor all these without inestimable high benefits of grace attend- ing on them. . . . Sure heed should be taken that by taking heed we prove not superstitious, we sUp not into EXAMPLES OF ANDREWES' TEACHING 241 the other extreme, which religion worse endureth as more opposite unto it. . . God's name must be ' evil spoken of, and that before the heathenj' when they see how un- service-like our service is, how rude our behaviour toward Him and His name whom we term Lord indeed, but use Him nothing so. I am privy there is no one thing doth more alien those that of a simple mind refuse the Church than this, that they see so small reverence showed this way." (Easter Day Sermon, l6l4.) The sermon four years later deals with Church authority in prescribing cere- INDEX Abbot, abp., 115-120, 127, 130- 133, 137, 159, 166, 169, 175, 188 Abel Rediviims, 22 v. 2 Adamites, 141 AdinonUionto Parliament, 47, 49, 51 Almsgiving, 60, 69, 72 Alton, Hants, 59 Anabaptists, 216 Andbbwbs, Lancelot — illness and death, 1, 17, 18, 177-178 tomb, xvi, 182-185 character, vi, 1, 17, 21 n. 1, 100, 135, 181 continental scholars, rela- tions with, 1 influence, 2, 16, 17, 19, 40, 122 representative figiire, 13 Garter, prelate of, 18, 178, 182 childhood, 19 school-days, 19-23 learning, 20, 27, 58, 111, 165, 183 Cambridge days, 22-30, 52, 58 connexion with Oxford, 24 liberality, 24, 81, 83, 164, 179, 180 ordination, 27 catechistical doctrine, 29-38 Andrewes, Lancelot {ccnid. ) — goes north, 56 patronage of the great, 56- 59 conferences, 57, 66, 68, 70- 72 firm principles, 58 vicar of St. Giles's Cripple- gate, 59, 62, 100 prebends, 59-62, 80, 81, 100 Spital preacher, 59 sermons, 59-63, 68-70, 72, 78-81, 83, 97, 100, 101- 103, 191 chaplain to abp. Whitgift, 61, 75 master of Pembroke Hall, 61, 179 lectures at St. Paul's, 61, 62, 80 chaplain to the queen, 61 denied D.D., 62 canon-penitentiary, 62-64 opposes Calvinism, 75-77 declines bishopricks, 78, 80, 93 dean of Westminster, 80, 92, 100, 163 sermon-style, 83-91, 100 coronation of James, 96, 97 Hampton Court Conference, 98 the Authorized Version, 98, ■99 243 244 INDEX Andbewes, Lancelot (contd.) — bishop of Chichester, 99 royalism, 106 controversy with Bellar- mine, 110-114, 206 ff. bishop of Ely, 114, U5 lord high Almoner, 114, 146 vicar of Cheam, 114 passed over for primacy, 115 befriends abp. Abbot, 117 bishop of Winchester, 121 privy councillor, 121 dean of the Chapel, 121, 127 Andrewes as courtier, 122, 126-132 Essex nullity suit, 129-133 case of Roger Andrewes, 133-135 conscientious administra- tion, 135, 136 burning of Leggat, 136-143 relations with Casaubon, 144-149 relations with Grotius, 149, 150 relations with Du Moulin, 150 views on episcopacy, 150- 157 disciplinary activity, 158- 160, 163 consecration of churches, 160 ceremonial exactness, 161, 163, 192 n. at Cambridge : Bacon and Herbert, 164, 165 prediction about Charles I, 168, 177 death of James, 169, 170 counsellor of Charles I, 170- 176 coronation, 177 bequests, 179, 180 Devotions, 199 ff. examples of his teaching, 227 ff. Andrewes, Roger, 98, 133-135 Andrewes, Thomas, 19, 27, 180 Anglicanism, 13 Anne of Denmark, 94, 102 Aquinas, 140, 212 n. 2, 224 re. 4 Armada, the, 69, 170, 208 Arminianiam, 120, 149, 175 Arnold, Dr., 139 Articles, the Lambeth, 75, 76 Articles, the XXXLK, 45, 46, 63, 174 Asquith, Rt. Hon. Henry, 9 ■n. 1 Aubrey, John, 22, 53-55, 88 Augustine, saint, 77, 138, 228, 236 "Auricular profession," 91 Authority of Church, 34 Bacon, 25, 164 Bancroft, abp., 114, 116, 154, 156, 157 BandineUi, David, 159 Baptismal doctrine, 237, 239 Barking Allhallows, 19 Baron, Pierre, 74 Barrett, Wm., 74 Barrow, Henry, 70-72 Barrow, Isaac, 86 n. 1 Baxter, Richard, 139 Bellarmine, controversy with, vii, 1, 5 n. 3, 34, 37, 39, 110-114, 136, 145, 169, 206 ff. Beza, 45, 74, 137, 154 Biddle, treatment of, 141 Bilson, bp., 78, 131, 154 Boucher, Joan, 137 Bramhall, abp. , 9 »i. 3 Brightman, P. E., 199, 202, 203 Browne, Robert, 50, 51 Brownrigg, bp., 165 Buckeridge, bp., 17, 24, 58, 85, 90, 100, 111 n. 1, 112, 179, 191, 205 Calvin, 29, 42, 44, 52, 63, 74, 137, 154, 216 Cambridge, 22, 29, 40-46, 50 Caroline tradition, 14, 191 Cartwright, Thos., 33, 45-52, 90 n. 1, 153 Casaubon, Isaac, 64, 102, 136, 144-150, 157 INDEX 246 Casaubon, Meric, 146, 147 Caasan, Stephen H., 185 Casuistry, 55, 56 Cathedral system, 47 "Catholic," 147, 148, 177 Celibacy of clergy, 4, 147, 184 Chadeaton, 53 Chancel-screen, 163 Channel Isles, 158-160 Charles I, 18, 90, 107, 122, 134, 160, 164-168, 172-177, 186, 191, 226 Cheam, 114 Chiswick, 82, 97 Church and King, 104, 106, 107 Church, dean, vii, 13, 130, 136 "Civil Magistrate," the, 35, 52, 113 Clement VIII, pope, 207, 211 Clerical maintenance, 62, 91 »., 116 Cockfield, 50 Collier, Jeremy, 116, 223 n. Confession, auricular, 55, 62-66, 96, 147, 148, 196, 240 Confirmation, 146, 157, 160 Consecration of churches, the, 160-162, 195 Conservative reaction, 7, 73, 170-171 Continental Protestantism, 150- 156, 175 Continuity, 9, 10, 14 Convocation, 47, 49, 70, 188 n. 1 Coopers' school, 19 Coronation of Charles I, 18, 94, 95, 96, 120, 176-177 of James I, 92-97 Cosin, bp., 81, 193 Cotton, bp., 78 Courtiership, 85, 101, 122-128 Cranmer, abp., 137, 153 Oranmer, George, 44^46, 56, 74 Crashaw, 182 Cross, sign of, 94, 153 Crowley, Robert, 194 Culverwell, Ezekiel, 53 Dante's Se Monorchia, 218 Departed, prayer for, 5, 19, 147 Deposing power, 148, 206 S. Discipline lost, 11, 191 "Discipline," the, 44, 45,49, 71, 152, 153 Discourse of Ceremonies, 162 n. Divine right of kings, 218 ff. Divorce, 81, 129, 133 Donne, dean, 86, 87 Dort, synod of, 158, 173 n. Dove, bp., 20, 24, 27, 98 Dowuham, 145, 146 Dunbar, carl of, 115 Duppa, bp., 82 Eastebn Church, 5 Elizabeth, 43, 53, 64 n. 2, 72, 73, 75, 78, 82, 83, 93, 99, 106, 188, 224 Elizabethan disorders, 10, 14, 40, 162, 167 Ely House, 145, 149 Ely, see of, 80 Emmanuel College, 53 Episcopacy, 46, 48, 50, 67, 150 fif. Erastianism, 153, 217, 222, 226 Essex nullity suit, 129-133 Essex's expedition, 80 Eucharistic doctrine, 63, 69, 147, 148, 176, 204, 228 £f., 240 Excommunication, 51, 52, 65, 71, 150, 221 Exorcism, 95 Falkland, viscount, 126, 188 Farnham, 179 Fasting, 61, 173 Figgis, John Neville, 212 n. 2, 226 Fisher, bp., 160 Fletcher, Philip, 178 Forrest, friar, 137 Fox, bp., 185 Fox, John, 138 France, Church of, 8 Frere, Walter H., 78, 198 Fuller, Nicholas, 81 Fuller, Thomas, 86 n. 1, 119, 137, 180, 193 Gallioanism, 209, 224 M6 INDEX "Germany," 41 Gilpin, Bernard, 42 Goodman, bp., 80, 176 Government, origin of, 37, 38, 114 Gray's Inn, 185 Gregory VII, pope, 209 ff. Grindal, abp., 27, 45 Grotius, 145, 148-150 Haoket, bp., 82, 83, 118, 120, 123, 136, 181 Halifax, marquess of, 15 n. 1 Hall, bp., vi, 64, 90 n. 1 Hallam, Henry, 184 Hare, archdeacon, 89 Harington, Sir J., 57, 62, 83, 84, 139 "Head of the Church," 69 m. 1, 223 Hebrew, 22, 23, 26, 82 Henri IV, 145, 213 Henry VIII, 153, 224 Herbert, George, 13, 83, 122, 126, 163, 165, 189, 195 Heylin, Peter, 156, 157 Hilary, St., 140 Hooker, Richard, 13, 23, 38 «. 2, 44, 49, 63 n. 1, 64, 67, 84, 137, 153-154, 169, 187, 225 Home, bp., 100 Huntingdon, earl of, 36 Hutchenson, bp., 20 " Idiolatby," 69 Images, 148 Imaginations, worshipping of, 68 Imperialists, 218, 220 Incense, 95, 193, 196 Induction, 163 Insularity, 6-8 Invocation of Saints, 94, 147, 174, 239 "Irregularity," 117 fT. Isaacson, Henry, 22, 27, 56, 58, 85, 147, 179 Jambs VI and I, 24, 28, 68, 88, 99, 101-103, 108-111, 113, 115, 118, 119, 122-133, 141, 144, 147, 148, 155, 157, 164- 171, 179, 203, 207, 215, 221, 239 Jesuits, 39, 70, 146, 148, 158, 207, 208, 214 ft Jewel, bp., 5, 137 Justification, 80, 88 Kbble, John, 184 Ken, bp., 14, 17 Keys of discipline, 55, 64, 80, 150, 196 Kingship, 12, 35, 38, 39, 103, 213 ft Kneeling at Communion, 63, 120, 157, 240 Knewstubs, 50, 53 Knox, John, 102 Latimer, bp., 18, 41, 137 Latin Prayer-book, 42, 148, 196 Laud, abp., 1, 13, 77 n. 1, 90, 92, 106, 107, 108, 116, 127, 133, 157, 166-169, 172, 176, 191, 192 195 Lavabo, 162, 193, 197 Legg, Dr. J. Wickham, 95 Leggat, Bartholomew, 136-143 Leicester, earl of, 23, 42 Leighton, Alexander, 195 Lindsell, bp., 51 Luther, 35, 224 Lux Mundi, 227 Mabiana, 213 Marprelate, 67, 195 MarsigUo of Padua, 211, 215 Mary, Blessed Virgin, 204 Melanchthon, 137 Melvilles, the, 103, 156 Merchant Taylors' school, 19-24, 81 Mildmay, SirR., 53 Milton, 20, 41 n. 1, 126, 181 n. 2, 217 Mines, Flavel, 142 n. 2 Mixed chalice, 162, 192 Monasticism, 147, 240 Monson, Sir T., 57 n. 1 Montague, bp. James, 108, 146, 157 INDEX 247 More, 137 Moulin, Du, 150 Mountagu, bp. Richard, 119, 173-176 Mozley, Dr., 90 Muloaater, Rio., 19-23, 52 "National" Church, 8 Naylor, James, 141 Neal, Daniel, 137 Neile, abp., 92, 100, 108, 127- 129, 130, 157, 166-169, 188 New Qagg, A, 173-175 Newman, John H., 191, 192 Noell, Henry, 85 North, J. H. , 89 ». 4 Newell, dean, 23, 65 n. 2, 66, 68 Oath of allegiance, 208 Obedience to rulers, 35, 36, 39, 85, 208 £f. Orientalism, 26 Orphan Lectures, 62, 80 Ottley, Dr. Robert L., v Oxford, Jesus College, 23, 24 Oxford, St. John's College, 22 Oxford University, 42 OveraU, bp., 145, 146, 150 Overton, canon, 84 Pakkeb, abp., 43 Pattisou, Mark, vi, 89, 136 Paul V, pope, 110, 112, 208 Pembroke Hall, 22, 23, 61, 81, 114, 134, 164, 179 Penry, 152 Perron, Du, 1, 34, 147, 171 n. 2, 228 Pius V, pope, 206 Pius IX, pope, 208 Plot, Gowrie, 101, 115 Plot, Gunpowder, 101, 110, 208, 213, 240 Plume, archdeacon, 83, 101, 136 Poole, Reginald L., 212 n. 2 Prayer-book, the, 47, 50, 170, 171, 190, 198 Preces Privatae, v, 19 n. 1, 88, 182, 199-205 Pred«stiuation, 30, 74-78, 165, 174 Presbyterian ordination, 155- 157 Presbyteries, 49, 50, 215-218 Preston, John, 158 Price, Dr. Hugh, 24 Priesthood, 28, 237-239 Primitive Christianity, 5, 34, 63, 146, 239 "Protestant," 52 n. 2 Protestation of Romanists, 209 Prynne, 192 Puritanism, viii, 40 £f., 54, 70, 104, 175 Pusey, Dr., 160, 200 QtriNQUARTiotJLAR Controversy, 173 Raleigh, Sir W. , 66, 79 Reformation ideals, 2-17, 60, 186, 188 Regicide, 38, 213 Remonstrants, the, 149, 173 vi. Robinson, Dr. Armitage, 92 Rochester, viscount, 130-132 Rome, Church of, 5, 6, 7, 11, 28, 33, 60, 173-176, 189 Saoeamentals, 94, 95 Salisbury, see of, 78 Saravia, Adrian, 64, 81, 154 Scotland, 155-158, 170 Selden, John, 62, 64 Senhouse, bp., 177 Silva, De, 14, n. 1 Simony and sacrilege, 60, 61, 70, 78-80, 99 Sixtus V, pope, 112, 213 Social compact, 37, 38, 214 Solitary masses, 148 Sorbonne, the, 117, 208 ». 1, 209 Southampton, consecration at, 1 60 Southwark cathedral, 18, 162, 178, 182, 185 Spanish marriage, 119,166, 193 «. Spelman, Sir H., 79 Spenser, Edmund, 20, 23 Spottiswoode, abp., 103, 168 Star Chamber, 158 Strafford, 75 INDEX Suarez, cardinal, 34, 111 n. 1, 112, 213 Succession, apostolic, 147, 151, 154, 240 Sunday, 30, 31, 53, 158 Tatlok, bp. Jeremy, 66, 84, 139, 184 Temptation, sermons on the, 69 TertuUian, 140 Theocratic views, 39, 105 Thompson, bp. Giles, 20, 98 Tillotson, abp., 86, 87 Toleration, 35, 36, 51, 52, 109, 110, 136-143 Tortura Torti, 114 Tractarians, the, 8, 13, 74, 190, 192, 227 Traske, John, 158 Travers, George, 46, 49 Trim'iner, Character of a, 15 «. 1 Trinity House, 19, 180 n. 1 Trosse, George, 66 n. 2 Tudor and Stuart, 105, 106, 190 Tythes, divine right of, 62 Udall, John, 67, 68 Unction of princes, 89, 94, 95, 96, 97 Unction of sick, 6 Unity of Church, 6, 148, 204 Usury, 56 Vestiarian disputes, 41, 44, 169 Via Media, 13-16 Vicars, John, 163 Visitation articles, 162, 163 Visitation of sick, 97 n. 2 Vossius, 149 Wapee bread, 192, 193 n. Waller, the poet, 127 Walsingham, Sir F., 57, 61 Wattes, archdeacon, 22, 179 Wesley, John, 126 Westminster Abbey, 92 Westminster School, 82 Whitgift, abp., 45, 49, 61, 67, 68, 71, 93, 127 n. 1, 153 Whyte, Dr. Alex., 88, 100 Wightman, 141 Williams, abp., 92, 119, 159, 169, 176, 222 n. 1 Williams, Isaac, xvi, 191 Winchester House, 167, 178 Wisbech, 57, 145 Withers, George, 42 Wood, Antony, 115 Wordsworth, bp. Christopher, vi Wordsworth, bp. John, 160-161 Wren, bp., 29, 81, 164, 166-168, 183 Wright, Abraham, 90 Wyld, Henry, 26 Rkhard Clay & Sont, imi(«c?, t