Cornell University Library The original of tiiis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924002614109 STUDIES m HISTORY, ECONOMICS AlO) FUBUC LAW EDITED BY THE FACULTY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE OF COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY Volume LXXIII] [Number 1 Whole Number 171 THE CHARTIST MOVEMENT In Its Social and Economic Aspects BY FRANK F. ROSENBLATT, Ph.D. PART I COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LONGMANS, GREEN & CO.,'AGENTS London: P. S. King & Son, Ltd. 1916 Copyright, 1916 BV FRANK F. ROSENBLATT * Sa KATHERINE GOLDING ROSENBLATT in appreciation of tkue comrabesbip this woke is dedicated by her husband The Author THE CHARTIST MOVEMENT Je ne propose riea, je n' impose rien: j' expose. PREFACE Society, like every individual, has a bias of its own: while frequently ready to make a lasting sensation of one social event, it is just as prone to ignore other phenomena of no less historical importance. The study of the nature and the causes of the social bias, in the broad sense of the word, would be an interesting and grateful task for the so- ciologist, while the analysis of the particular social event must be confined, according to the nature of the latter, to a distinct branch of the so-called Social Sciences. The Chartist Movement is one of the tacitly ignored fac- tors of the social evolution of the nineteenth century. People have always spoken of the personal characteristics of John Russell, Disraeli, or Gladstone, far more than of the aspirations of several million men who believed in, strove and suffered for the cause known as Chartism. By far, more has been written of individuals like Robert Owen and Richard Cobden than of the whole revolutionary movement which embraced a period of more than a decade. The stu- dent, indeed, knows from his history that Chartism was a political movement ; that the Chartists fought for " six 7] I 8 PREFACE [& points " which were embodied in the People's Charter. He undoubtedly knows also the funny side of the story, and, to- gether with the writer of his history, mocks those fraudulent fellows, the Chartists, who affixed the signatures of Queen Victoria and a few other high dignitaries to the petition of almost one-fifth of the English nation. Incidentally, one meets some attestation of Chartism as " the only genu- ine, earnest, serious, popular movement in England since the days of the commonwealth," ^ and hears that "the story of the great social movement which is comprised in the history of Chartism is of greater importance than the disputes of the Whigs and Tories." ^ But it is a rather curious fact that, ^ Kccegting Gammage's History of the Chartist Movement, wmch lays no claim to any scientific analysis of the move- ment and its causes, there is not a single work in the English language devoted to the subject which might satisfy the more earnest student. The aim of this work is not only to give a fair and im- partial presentation of the facts, but also to make an attempt at their int^pretation and to show their interrelation. The social life of England during the first half of the last century in all its important aspects will have to be brought into the limelight. The political situation must, of course, serve as a background for the pictiure of a movement carried on ostensibly for political reform. But the study of none of the social and political conditions can be compared in weight with the analysis of the strictly economic state of that period. Indeed, whatever we may think of the Materialistic Con- ception of History as a general philosophy, there can hardly be any doubt that in all the struggles of labor, the " bread ' William Clarke, Political Science Quarterly, vol. iii, 1888, p. 555. ' Spencer Walpole, History of England from the Conclusion of tht Great War in 1815, London, 1886, vol. iii, p. 500. 9] PREFACE g and fork question " is the very seed of historical causation. Regarding the Chartist Movement primarily as a labor movement and as the first compact form of class struggle, the author, therefore, deemed it necessary, after a succinct survey of the political situation, to devote the-firat-part of his work to a careful examination of the economic ^condi- tion in general and the labor condition in particular which prevailed in " Merry England " immediately before and during the period of the Chartist Movement. The present monograph comprises only the first stages of the movement. The original intention to publish an ex- tensive study covering the whole period could have been carried out only by going to England for the purpose of collecting additional material. This design was frustrated by the present war. It has therefore become necessary to divide the work into two volumes, the second of which, the author hopes, will appear at a later date. In the preparation of this work, it was considered essen- tial to guard against personal predilections and S)mipathies. The material was collected with care from first-hand sources ; the facts were presented without any design to fit a pet theory ; and the heroes of the story were allowed to intro- duce themselves and to play their roles without any stage- managing on the part of the historian. It is, perhaps, c«i account of this impartiality and lack of prejudice that some portraits vary materially from those which have been hither- to drawn. In conclusion, the author wishes to acknowledge his pro- found gratitude to Professor Edwin R. A. Seligman both for the interest he has always taken in this work and for the privilege of using his invaluable collection of Chartist literature and documents. F. F. R. April 22, 1916. CONTENTS Preface , 7_g CHAPTER I Prototypes op Chartisu Chartism and the " six points " 21 Distinct labor movement 21 Expression of class consciousness 21 The Levellers and Cromwell 22 Society of the Supporters of the Bill of Rights 22 Pitt, the Earl of Chatham 22 Reform bills introduced by William Pitt 22 Stanhope and Major Cartwright 23 The Whigs and aristocratic clubs 23 Reform bills introduced by the Duke of Richmond and Fox . . . 23-4 Society for Constitutional Information 24 Government coalition in 1783 24 Metamorphosis caused by the French Revolution 24 The Duke of Richmond's letter on equality 25 Burke's Reflections on the French Revolution 25 Thomas Paine's Rights of Man 26 The London Corresponding Society 26 Government policy of oppression 27 Suspension of Habeas Corpus act . 27 Radicalism revived after the Napoleonic war 27 The Corn Laws of 1815 27 William Cobbett and the Hampden Clubs 28--30 Society of Spencean Philanthropists 31 Riots and new suspension of Habeas Corpus act 31 Benefit Societies and Botanical Meetings 32 The Manchester Massacre 32 The struggle for freedom 33 The Reform Bill and the National Political Union 33 CHAPTER II The Whig Rule Hopes inspired by the Reform Bill of 1832 34 Ricardo's theory of rent 34 II] II 12 CONTENTS [12 rACK Burden of taxes 34-5 Selfish motives of manufacturers 34 Reform Bill condemned by " Orator " Hunt and others 35 Lord John Russell, the hero of the Reform Bill 36 Thomas Attwood and the Birmingham Political Union. ..... 36-7 Political corruption and inactivity 37-9 Notorious Bedchamber Plot 40 Old Poor Laws 40 Competition between workingmen and paupers 41-2 New Poor Law of 1834 42 The "workhouse test" 42 Poor Law Bastiles 42 Opposition to the New Poor Law 43-5 Bill passed under protest 45 Stringency of administration 45-6 CHAPTER III The New Poor Law Philosophy of the new law 47 Negligence of children on the part of officers . ■. . . 48 Cruelties perpetrated in workhouses 49 Lord Brougham's frankness . . 50 Cobbett's opinion of the new law 50 Bronterre's tribute to the " ^o«fj/->«ci«j<£»-j " . . . .' 50-1 Feargus O'Connor on excessive use of machinery 51 Brougham's hatred of charity . 52-3 " 5^«^/i»^ i/owe " to total abolition of relief 53 Carlyle's comments £4-5 Effects disguised for some time cc The Irish famine . . . ce Distress in the Highlands and Islands 55 Emigration to industrial centres 56 Dwelling conditions in cities c»_g CHAPTER IV The Universal Distress General unemployment "JO-fe Weavers first victims \ g^ Birmingham deputation ^ . . 61 Laissez faire policy • • • 13] CONTENTS 13 rASB Condition in agricultural districts 61-2 "A^o/ <^ /»»««" plea against repeal of Corn Laws 63 Rise of prices of wheat 63 Distress among the workingmen 64 Scourge of industrial cities 65 Variation of mortality 65 Progress of crime 66-7 Proportion of commitments to population 67 Persons in receipt of outdoor relief 68 Workhouse inmates 68 Petitions for repeal disregarded 69 CHAPTER V Labor Legislation and Trade Unionism Whigs hostile towards labor legislation 70 Campaign against evils of factory system led by ultra-Tories . . . 70-1 Freedom of contract and laissez faire doctrine 71 Ten Hour Movement 71 Nassau Senior's "/ated, etc. Signed. III. That the returning officer of every electoral district ' The italicized phrase was omitted in the revised " darter." ' The revised " Charter " reads : " the said A. B. being qualified to be an elector according to the provisions of tiiis Act. 224 APPENDIX B [224 shall, on or before the 13th of May in each year, cause a list of all the candidates thus nominated to be stuck up against all church and chapel doors, market-houses, town-halls, session- houses,^ and such other conspicuous places within the district as he may deem necessary. IV. That whenever a vacancy is occasioned in any district by the death, resignation, or other cause, of the member of Parliament, the returning officer of that district shall, within three days after the receipt of his orders from the Speaker of the House of Commons, give notice thereof in all the parishes of his district in the manner described for giving notices, and he shall at the same time request all nominations to be made as aforesaid, within ten days from the receipt of his order, and shall also appoint the day of election within eighteen days from the receipt of such order from the Speaker of the House of Commons. V. That if, from any circumstances, no person has been nominated as a candidate for the district on or before the loth of May, persons may then be nominated in the manner de- scribed as aforesaid at any time previous to the 20th of May, but not otherwise.'' VI. That at the first election after the passing of this Act, and at the expiration of every three succeeding years, the nomination of candidates for the returning officer be made in the same manner as for the members of Parliament, and nominations for vacancies that may occur in like manner. VII. That if two or more persons are nominated as afore- said for members to serve in Parliament for the district, the returning officer shall, at any time between the 15th and 31st of May, (Sundays excepted), appoint such times and places (not exceeding ) as he shall think most convenient to the electors of the district for the candidates to appear be- * In the revised " Charter," " poor-houses, and union workhouses " were added. * The revised " Charter " reads : " but not after that date." 'The revised "Charter" reads: "at the expiration of every year." 225] APPENDIX B 225 fore them, then and there to explain their views and solicit the suffrages of the electors. VIII. That the returning officer see that the places above described be convenient for the purpose, and that as many such erections be put up as may be necessary; the same to be paid for by the returning officer, and charged in his account as hereinafter mentioned. IX. That for the purpose of keeping good order and public decorum, the returning officer either take the chair at such meeting himself, or appoint a deputy for that purpose. X. That, provided only one candidate be proposed for a member of Parliament for the district by the time herein before mentioned, the returning officer cause notice to be given, as hereinafter mentioned, that such candidate is elected a member for the district ; and if only one candidate be proposed for the returning officer, he shall in like manner be declared duly elected. XI. That no other qualification shall be required for mem- bers to serve in the Commons' House of Parliament, than the choice of the electors.^ — See Penalties. ARRANGEMENT FOR ELECTIONS I. Be it enacted, that a general election of members of ■ Parliament, for the electoral districts of the United Kingdom, take place on the first Monday in June in each year ; and that all vacancies, by death or otherwise, shall be filled up as nearly as possible within eighteen days after they occur. II. That a general election of returning officer for all the districts take place at the expiration of every three years on the first Monday in June, and at the same time members of ' The revised " Charter " provides : " XI. That no other qualification shall be required than the choice of the electors, according to the pro- visions of this Act; providing that no persons, excepting the cabinet ministers, be eligible to serve in the Commons' House of Parliament who are in the receipt of any emolument derivable from any place or places held under Government, or of retired allowances arising there- from." 226 APPENDIX B [226 Parliament are to be elected; and that all vacancies be filled up, as nearly as possible, within eighteen days after they occur. III. That every person who has been registered as aforesaid, and who has a voter's certificate, shall have the right of voting in the district in which he has been registered, and in that only, and of voting for the member of Parliament for that district, and the returning officer for the district, and for those only. IV. That, for the purpose of talcing the votes of the quali- fied electors, the parish officer in every parish of the district (or in every two parishes if united for that purpose) shall cause proper places to be privided, so as to admit of the arrangements described in Schedule A, and so constructed (either permanently or temporarily as they may think proper) that the votes may be taken with due despatch, and so as to secure the elector while voting from being inspected by any other person. V. That the parish officers of every parish in the district provide a sufficient number of balloting-boxes; made after a model described in Schedule B (or made on one plan by per- sons appointed to make them, as was the case with weights and measures), and none but such boxes, duly certified, shall be used. VI. That immediately preceeding the commencement of the. balloting, each ballot-box shall be opened by the deputy re- turning officer (or otherwise examined, as the case may be), in the presence of an agent appointed by each candidate, and shall then be sealed by him and by the agents of the candidates, and not again be opened until the balloting has finally closed, when notice shall be given to such of the agents of the candi- dates as may then be present to attend to the opening of the boxes and ascertaining the number of votes for each candidate. VII. That the deputy returning officer preside in the front of the ballot-box, and see that the balloting is conducted with strict impartiality and justice; and that the various clerks, assistants, and parish constables properly perform their re- spective duties, and that strict order and decorum be preserved among the friends of the candidates, as well as among all per- 227] APPENDIX B 227 sons employed in conducting the election; and he is hereby authorized and empowered to cause all.persons to be taken into custody who interrupt the proceedings of the election, seek to contravene the provisions of this Act, or fail to obey his lawful authority. VIII. That during the time the balloting is going on, two agents of each candidate may be in the space fronting the ballot-box, and immediately behind the deputy returning ofScer, in order that they may see that the election is fairly conducted ; such persons to be provided by the deputy returning officer with cards of admission, and to pass in and out by the entrance as- signed them. IX. That the registration clerk of every parish in the dis- trict, who has been appointed for the purposes of registration, be at the balloting place, in the station assigned him, previously to the commencement of the balloting, and see that no person pass on to the balloting place till he has examined his certifi- cate and seen that it corresponds with the registration list. X. That the parish constables and the officers stationed at the entrance of the balloting place, shall not permit any person to enter unless he shows his voter's certificate, except the per- sons employed in conducting the election, or those persons who have proved the loss of their voter's certificate. XI. That at the end of every three years,^ or whenever the returning officer is elected at the same time as the member for the district, a division shall be made in the balloting places, and the boxes and balloting so arranged as to ensure the can- didates the strictest impartiality and justice, by preventing the voter from giving two votes for either of the candidates. XII. That on the day of election, the balloting commence at six o'clock in the forenoon and terminate at six o'clock in the afternoon of the same day. XIII. That when any voter's certificate is examined by the registration clerk, and found to be correct, he shall be allowed to pass on to the next barrier, where a balloting-ball shall be * The revised "Charter" reads: "at the end of every year." 228 APPENDIX B [228 given him by the person appointed for that purpose; he shall then pass on to the balloting box, and, with all due despatch, shall put the balloting-ball into the aperture opposite the name ^ of the candidate he wishes to vote for, after which he shall, without delay, leave the room by the door assigned for the purpose. , XIV. That, at the close of the balloting, the deputy return- ing officer, in the presence of the agents of the candidates and other persons present, shall break open the seals of the ballot- ing-boxes, and ascertain the number for each candidate; he shall then cause copies of the same to be publicly posted outside the balloting place; and immediately forward (by a trusty messenger) a copy of the same, signed by himself and the agents present, to the returning officer of the district ; he shall then deliver a similar copy to the registration clerk, who shall carefully preserve the same, and produce it if necessary. XV. That the persons employed as assistants, for inspecting the certificates and attending on the balloting, be paid as here- inafter mentioned. XVI. That all the expense of registration, nominations and election, as aforesaid, together with the salaries of the return- ing officers, registration clerk, assistants, constables, and such other persons as may be necessary, as well as the expense of all balloting places, balloting-boxes, hustings, and other neces- saries for the purposes of this Act, be paid out of an equitable district rate, which a District Board, composed of one parochial officer chosen by each of the parishes in the district, or for any two or more parishes, if united for the purposes of this Act, are hereby empowered and commanded to levy on all householders within the district. XVIII. That all expenses necessary for the purposes of this Act incurred within the district be paid by the District Board as aforesaid, or their treasurer ; that the salaries of all officers and assistants required for the purposes of this Act, be fixed ^ The revised " Charter " reads : " into the box of the candidate." 229] APPENDIX B 22Q and paid by the said Board, according to the expenses and duties of the various localities.^ XVIII. That all accounts of receipts and expenditure for electoral purposes shall be kept distinct, and be audited by auditors appointed by the District Board, as aforesaid ; copies of which accounts shall be printed for the use of the respective parishes in the district. XIX. That all canvassing for members of Parliament, as well as for returning officers, is hereby declared to be illegal, and meetings for that purpose during the balloting, on the day of election, are hereby also declared to be illegal. — See Penalties. DURATION OF PARLIAMENT I. Be it enacted, that the Members of the House of Com- mons, chosen as aforesaid, shall meet on the first Monday in June in each year, and continue their sittings from time to time as they may deem it convenient, till the first Monday in June following, when the next new Parliament shall be chosen ; they shall be eligible to be re-elected. II. That during an adjournment they be liable to be called together by the executive in cases of emergency. III. That a register be kept of the daily attendance of each member, which, at the close of the session, shall be printed as a sessional paper, showing how the members have attended. PAYMENT OF MEMBERS I. Be it enacted, that every member of the House of Com- mons, be entitled, at the close of the session, to a writ of ex- ' The Committee having considered that, as the duties and expenses of all these various offices will greatly vary, according to their local- ities, it will be unwise to have a sum fixed by Parliament and paid out of the treasury. Believing, moreover, that a just system of representa- tion will soon purify the local corruptions that exist, they think that the united expenditure will be much less under the immediate superin- tendence of the local authorities, when responsible to the people, than under the management of government and their subordiate agents. 230 APPENDIX B [230 penses on the Treasury, for his legislative duties in the public service, and shall be paid £500 ^ per annum.'' PENALTIES I. Be it enacted, that if any person cause himself to be registered in more than one electoral district, and vote in more than one such district, upon conviction thereof before any two justices of the peace within either of such districts, he shall incur for the first offence the penalty of three months' im- prisonment, and for the second offence twelve months' im- prisonment. II. That any person who shall be convicted as aforesaid of wilfully neglecting to fill up his or her notice within the proper time, or of leaving out the name of any inmate in his or her notice, shall for the first offence incur the penalty of five pounds, and three months' imprisonment for the second offence.' III. That any person who shall be convicted as aforesaid of forging any name, age, or time of residence on any notice, shall for the first offence incur the penalty of three months' imprisonment, and for the second offence be deprived of his elective rights for five years.* IV. That any person who shall be convicted as aforesaid, of having in any manner obtained the certificate of an elector ' The amount was omitted in the revised " Charter." ' The Committee understand that the daily payment of members of Parliament has operated beneficially in Canada ; but they fear that such mode of payment holds out a motive for lengthening the sessions un- necessarily; and if the time of sitting is limited by law, it may lead to too hasty legislation, both of which evils are obviated by an annual payment. ' The revised " Charter " reads : " the penalty of one pound for every name omitted, and for the second offence, incur the penalty of three months' imprisonment, and be deprived of his electoral rights for three years." * The revised " Charter " reads : " and for the second offence three months' imprisonment and be deprived of his elective rights for three years." 231] APPENDIX B 231 other than his own, and of having voted or attempted to vote by means of such false certificate, shall for the first oflfence incur the penalty of six months' imprisonment, and for the second offence six months' imprisonment, and be deprived of his elective rights for five years.^ V. That any person who shall be convicted, as aforesaid, of having forged a voter's certificate, or of having forged the name of any person to any certificate; or having voted or at- tempted to vote on such forged certificate; knowing such to have been forged, shall for the first offence incur the penalty of twelve months' imprisonment, and for the second offence twelve months' imprisonment, and be deprived of his elective rights for five years.' VI. That any person who shall be convicted as aforesaid, of having forged, or caused to be forged, the names of any voters to a requisition nominating a member of Parliament or a returning officer, shall for the first offence incur the penalty of three months' imprisonment, and twelve months for the second offence.' VII. That any person who shall be convicted as aforesaid of bribery, in order to secure his election, shall be subject for the first offence to incur the penalty of two years' imprison- ment, and for the second offence shall be imprisoned two years, and be deprived of his elective rights for five years. VIII. That any agent of any candidate, or any other per- son, who shall be convicted, as aforesaid, of bribery at any election, shall be subject for the first offence to incur the penalty of twelve months' imprisonment, and for the second ' The revised " Charter " fixes a penalty of three months for the first oflfence, and three months' imprisonment and the loss of elective rights for three years for the second oflfence. 'In the revised "Charter'' the term of imprisonment in both cases is reduced to three months, and the loss of elective rights to three years. ' The revised "Charter" reads: "and for the second oflfence three months' imprisonment, and to be deprived of his ekctive rights for three years." 232 APPENDIX B [232 offence twelve months' imprisonment, and be deprived of his elective rights for five years. IX. That any person who shall be convicted, as aforesaid, of going from house to house, or place to place, to solicit in any way votes in favor of any member of Parliament ^ or re- turning ofiftcer, after the nomination as aforesaid, shall for the first offence incur the penalty of one* month's imprisonment, and for the second offence two months'. X. That any person who shall be convicted as aforesaid of calling together, or causing an election meeting to be held in any district during the day of election, shall for the first offence incur the penalty of three months' imprisonment, and for the second offence six months. XI. That any person who shall be convicted, as aforesaid, of interrupting the balloting, or the business of the election, shall incur the penalty of three months' imprisonment for the first offence, and six months' for the second. XII. That if any messenger, who may be sent with the state of the ballot to the returning officer, or with any other notice, shall wilfully delay the same, or in any way by his consent or conduct cause the same to be delayed, on conviction as aforesaid, shall incur the penalty of six months' imprison- ment. XIII. That any returning officer who shall be convicted, as aforesaid, of having neglected to appoint proper officers as directed by this Act, to see that proper balloting places and balloting boxes are provided, and to give the notices and per- form the duties herein required of him, shall forfeit for each such neglect the sum of £20. XIV. That if any returning officer be found gulty hy the House of Commons of bribery or corrupt practices in the execution of any of the duties herein assigned to him, he shall incur the penalty of twelve months' imprisonment, and be deprived of his elective rights for five years.^ ' The revised "Charter" reads: "in favor of any candidate for Par- liament." " The italicized words were omitted in the revised " Charter." 233] APPENDIX B 233 XV. That if any deputy returning officer be convicted, as aforesaid, of having neglected to perform any of the duties herein assigned him, he shall forfeit for such neglect three pounds. XVI. That if any deputy returning officer be convicted, as aforesaid, of bribery or corrupt practices in the execution of the duties of his office, he shall incur the penalty of six months' imprisonment, and the deprivation of his elective rights for five years. ^ XVII. That if any registration clerk be convicted, as afore- said, of having- neglected to perform any of the duties herein assigned him, he shall forfeit for each such neglect five pounds. XVIII. That if any registration clerk be convicted, as afore- said, of bribery or corrupt practices in the execution of the duties of his office, he shall incur the penalty of six months' imprisonment, and the deprivation of his elective rights for five years.^ XIX. That if the parochial officers in any parish neglect or refuse to comply with any of the provisions of this Act, they shall forfeit for every such neglect the sum of £50.' XX. That all fines and penalties incurred under the pro- visions of this Act, be recoverable before any two justices of the peace, within the district where the offence shall have been committed, and in default of payment, the said justices shall issue their warrant of distress against the goods and chattels of the offender ; or in default of sufficient distress, he shall be imprisoned three months.* N. B. — ^All Acts and parts of Acts relating to registration, nominations, or elections, as well as duration of Parliament and sittings of members, must be repealed." ' The revised " Qiarter " reads : " three years." ' The revised " Charter " provides for deprivation of rights for three years. ' The revised " Charter " reads : " or, in default of payment, twelve months' imprisonment." * The revised "Charter" reads: "shall be imprisoned according to the provisions of this Act." ' The revised "Charter" reads: "are hereby repealed." APPENDIX C " National Petition " Unto the Honorable the Commons of the United Kingdom, of Great Britain and Ireland in Parliament assembled, the Petition of the undersiffned, their suffering countrymen, " Humbly Sheweth, " That we, your petitioners, dwell in a land whose merchants are noted for enterprise, whose manufacturers are very skil- ful, and whose workmen are proverbial for their industry. " The land itself is goodly, the soil rich, and the temperature wholesome; it is abundantly furnished with the materials of commerce and trade ; it has numerous and convenient harbors ; in facility of internal communication it exceeds all others. " For three-and-twenty years we have enjoyed a profound peace. " Yet, with all these elements of national prosperity, and with every disposition and capacity to take advantage of them, we find ourselves overwhelmed with public and private suffering. " We are bowed down under a load of taxes ; which, not- withstanding, fall greatly short of the wants of our rulers; our traders are trembling on the verge of bankruptcy; our workmen are starving; capital brings no profit, and labor no remuneration; the home of the artificer is desolate, and the warehouse of the pawnbroker is full; the workhouse is crowded, and the manufactory is deserted. " We have looked on every side, we have searched diligently in order to find out the causes of a distress so sore and so long continued. " We can discover none in nature, or in Providence. 234 [234 235] APPENDIX C 235 " Heaven has dealt graciously by the people ; but the fool- ishness of our rulers has made the goodness of God of none effect. " The energies of a mighty kingdom have been wasted in building up the power of selfish and ignorant men, and its resources squandered for their aggrandisement. " The good of a party has been advanced to the sacrifice of the good of the nation ; the few have governed for the interest of the few, while the interest of the many has been neglected, or insolently and tyrannously trampled upon. " It was the fond expectation of the people that a remedy for the greater part, if not for the whole, of their grievances, would be foimd in the Reform Act of 1832. " They were taught to regard that Act as a wise means to a worthy end; as the machinery of an improved legislation, when the will of the masses would be at length potential. " They have been bitterly and basely deceived. " The fruit which looked so fair to the eye has turned to dust and ashes when gathered. " The Reform Act has effected a transfer of power from one domineering faction to another, and left the people as helpless as before. " Our slavery has been exchanged for an apprenticeship to liberty, which has aggravated the painful feeling of our social degradation, by adding to it the sickening of still deferred hope. " We come before your Honorable House to tell you, with all humiUty, that this state of things must not be permitted to continue; that it cannot long continue without very seriously endangering the stabiHty of the throne and the peace of the kingdom ; and that if by God's help and all lawful and consti- tutional appliances an end can be put to it, we are fully re- solved that it shall speedily come to an end. "We tell your Honorable House that the capital of the master must no longer be deprived of its due reward; that the laws which make food dear, and those which by making money scarce, make labor cheap, must be abolished ; that taxa- tion must be made to fall on property, not on industry; that 236 APPENDIX C [236 the good of the many, as it is the only legitimate end, so must it be the sole study of the Government. " As a preliminary essential to these and other requisite changes; as means by which alone the interests of the people can be effectually vindicated and secured, we demand that those interests be confided to the keeping of the people. " When the state calls for defenders, when it calls for money, no consideration of poverty or ignorance can be pleaded in refusal or delay of the call. " Required as we are, universally, to support and obey the laws, nature and reason entitle us to demand that in the mak- ing of the laws, the universal voice should be implicitly listened to. " We perform the duties of freemen ; we must have the privileges of freemen. " We demand universal suffrage. " The suffrage, to be exempt from the corruption of the wealthy and the violence of the powerful, must be secret. " The assertion of our right necessarily involves the power of its uncontrolled exercise. " We demand the ballot. . " The connection between the representatives and the people, to be beneficial, must be intimate. " The legislative and constituent powers, for correction and for instruction, ought to be brought into frequent contact. " Errors which are comparatively light when susceptible of a speedy popular remedy, may produce the most disastrous effects when permitted to grow inveterate through years of compulsory endurance. " To public safety as well as public confidence, frequent elections are essential. " We demand annual parliaments. " With power to choose, and freedom in choosing, the range of our choice must be unrestricted. " We are compelled, by the existing laws, to take for our representatives men who are incapable of appreciating our difificulties, or who have little sympathy with them ; merchants 237] APPENDIX C 237 who have retired from trade, and no longer feel its harassings ; proprietors of land who are alike ignorant of its evils and their cure; lawyers, by whom the honors of the senate are sought after only as means of obtaining notice in the courts. " The labors of a representative who is sedulous in the dis- charge of his duty are numerous and burdensome. " It is neither just, nor reasonable, nor safe, that they should continue to be gratuitously rendered. " We demand that in the future election of members of your Honorable House the approbation of the constituency shall be the sole quali^cation ; and that to every representative so diosen shall be assigned, out of the public taxes, a fair and adequate remuneration for the time which he is called upon to devote to the public service. " Finally, we would most earnestly impress on your Honor- able House that this petition has not been dictated by any idle love of change; that it springs out of no inconsiderate attachment to fanciful theories; but that it is the result of much and long deliberation and of ccHivictions, which the events of each succeeding year tend more and more to strengthen. " The management of this mighty kingdom has hitherto been a subject for contending factions to try their selfish ex- periments upon. " We have felt the consequences in our sorrowful experi- ence — short glimmerings of uncertain enjoyment swallowed up by long and dark seasons of suffering. " If the self-government of the people should not remove their distresses, it will at least remove their repinings. "Universal suffrage will, and it alone can, bring true and lasting peace to the nation ; we firmly believe that it will also bring prosperity. " May it, therefore, please your Honorable House to take this our petition into your most serious consideration ; and to use your utmost endeavprs, by all constitutional means, to have a law passed granting to every male of lawful age, sane mind, and unconvicted of crime the right of voting for members of 238 APPENDIX C [238 Parliament; and directing all future elections of members of Parliament to be in the way of secret ballot; and ordaining that the duration of Parliaments so chosen shall in no case exceed one year; and abolishing all property qualifications in the members ; and providing for their due remuneration while in attendance on their Parliamentary duties. " And your petitioners, &c." APPENDIX D A Dialogue on War, Between a " Moral Force " Whig, AND A Chartist, by Bronterre ^ Quid Nunc: Well, Bronterre, so we are going to have a war at last. Bronterre : To have a war ! You talk of war as if it were a possession, an acquisition, or a means of acquisition. But how do you know we are going to have a war ? Quid Nunc: Why, all the newspapers say so; but you, it seems, don't like war. Bronterre: Don't like war! Why the deuce should I like war? Why should I like murder and robbery, for murder and robbery's sake; and what is war but murder and robbery? But whom are we going to war with? Quid Nunc: Ah! that is not yet decided on. It may be with Russia, or with Canada, or with France, or for that matter, with all three. I only wish it may be with some of them, and soon: for allow me to 'say, I think differently of war from what you do. Wars are often just and necessary; or why be at the expense of maintaining fleets and armies? Besides, a war is wanted just now, to give a stir, a fillip, a new impetus to the country. We never had such prosperity as during the American and French wars. Can you deny that ? Bronterre: You perfectly astonish me! You who pro- fess to be a thorough-going liberal, — a moral force man, — a march of intellect man, — a greatest happiness principle man, and so forth, you! to talk thus of war, as if it were mere pas- time, or a mere paltry commercial question of pounds, shill- 1 McDouall's Chartist and Republican Journal, nos. 21 and 22, 1841. 239] 239 240 APPENDIX D [240 ings and pence. Hang me, my good friend, if I can at all comprehend your slaughtering liberality. As for the broken arms and broken legs — the bursting of bombs scattering death all around — the sacking and burning of whole towns and villages, and ravishing of wives and virgin daughters — whole fields strewn with dead bodies — ^hospitals crowded with agon- ized and dying wretches, and their hardly less wretched sur- vivors, exposed to every imaginable hardship and privation — exposed to the war of elements as well as the war of bombs and muskets — and often obliged to feed on cats, rats, and stinking horse-flesh; and as for these and the like pretty incidents of war, they evidently form no item of your profit- and-loss account. You are too liberal, I suppose, or too much a' man of the world to regard trifles of that sort, more es- pecially as you can afford to keep your own carcase out of the way of the howitzers. But tell me, my good friend, how it happens, that you, being a disciple and admirer of Joseph Hume, make no distinction between fighting against Canada, and fighting against France or Russia? Do you mean to say it is quite indifferent to you with whom we go to war, pro- vided only that we give a " new fillip or impetus to the coun- try ? " Do you — Quid Nunc: Are you done? Bronterre: Go on. Quid Nunc : By jingo, Bronterre, if I did not know you so well, and if you did not use " hell " and the " devil " so often, I should almost fancy you to be a Quaker, you have such a pious horror of war. But what use is there railing at what neither you nor I can prevent? There cannot be war, of course, without killing and wounding, but as there were wars before you and I were bom, so believe me, there will be wars after you and I are dead. Now for your question, (and mind that you answer mine in turn) , you ask why I, a liberal, make no distinction between fighting against Canada, and fighting against France and Russia? I do make a distinction. On political grounds, I should be sorry to see a war against the 241 J APPENDIX D 241 Canadian insurgents, because I approve their cause; but I desire one on my brother's account, who being a saddler and harness maker, had recently a Government contract for the supply of saddles and harness for our Canadian troops, and who is promised another job or two if the war goes on. Now, having frankly answered your question, do you as frankly answer me those three: ist. If our Indian possessions be attacked by Russian intrigue and Russian arms, is it not your duty, and the duty of all true patriots to assist in de- fending them, and by war, if necessary? 2nd. If our Mexican trade be simila;-ly endangered by France, or our Mediterranean trade by the same power, are we not similarly justified in defending both against France, and by war, if necessary ? 3rd. If, in both these cases, you disapprove of war, in what case would you approve of it; or would you, in all possible cases, and under all circumstances, dissuade the working classes from participating in war? No declamation, now! But straight- forward answers. Beonterre: Well, then, I shall be as frank as you have been. To your first question I reply, — Let all who have pos- sessions in India, or all who profit by what you call our " Indian possessions ", be off to India, and fight a thousand battles for them, if they like. Let the proprietors of the East India Stock, let the owners of East India merchantmen, let those English and Irish merchants and brokers, and writers and underwriters, and governors and judges, and naval and military officers, and liver-colored nabobs, and all such other aristocrats and commercial speculators as have either wrung, or are now wringing, fortunes out of Hindoo sweat and misery — let all such persons go and fight for our "Indian possessions ", but let them not mock our degradation by asking us, working people, to fight along with them, either for our " possessions " in India, or anywhere else, seeing that we do not possess a single acre of ground, or any other description of property in our own country, much less colonies, or " pos- sessions ", in any other, having been robbed of everything we 242 APPENDIX D [242 ever earned, by the upper and middle classes. Let the parties I have described go and fight their own battles against Russia, who, for all we care, may seize " our Indian possessions " tomorrow if she likes. We, the working people of Great Britain and Ireland, have no interest whatever in defending those " possessions ", nor any colonial possessions, nor any other description of possessions belonging to men who have robbed us of our political rights and franchises. On the con- trary, we have an interest in prospective loss or ruin of all such " possessions ", seeing they are but instruments of power in the hands of our domestic oppressors. Yes, yes, by all means, let Russia seize them, if she can, and we shall but thank God and Russia for the seizure. To your 2nd question, my reply is — I care not how soon France engrosses or destroys " our Mexican trade ", nor to what extent her Algerine conquests may operate to the pre- judice of our commerce in the Levant or elsewhere. I should rather see the whole of that commerce utterly extinguished, than see one solitary working man lose a leg or an arm, in war, to defend it. As commerce is now conducted, it is not only without profit, but it is absolutely ruinous to the pro- ductive classes of this country. When England had hardly any foreign commerce at all, (in the year 1495), ^n English laborer's weekly wages would buy 199 pints of wheat, and an artisan's weekly wages 292 pints of wheat. We have now more foreign trade than any other three nations in the world, and, at least one hundred times more of it than we had in 149s; yet an English laborer's weekly wages will not bring him, in this present year, more than 80 or 90 pints of wheat, and an artisan's hardly 150 pints; not to speak of the difficulty of getting employment, — a difficulty unknown in 1495. Talk of our foreign trade, indeed ! And fighting for it, too ! Let those who profit by it go and fight for it. L^t the merchants and shipowners, and big manufacturers and capitalists, who gain rapid fortunes by it, let these persons go and fight for it. Or let our aristocracy, to whom it brings tropical fruits, and oriental perfumes, and rich furs and cashmeres, and pearls 243] APPENDIX D 243 and pieces, and shells and turtle, and delicious wines, and cordials, and ivory and lace, and silks and satins, and turkey carpets, and Chinese ornaments, and birds of paradise, etc., etc., let these parties go and fight for it To us, the working people, it brings next to nothing in exchange for the forty or fifty millions' worth of goods we are every year sending abroad. The only commodities the working class want from abroad are necessaries, and these are excluded by our Com Laws. No, no, Mr. Quid Nunc! If Englishmen are to fight now-a-days, it must be for something better than you imagine. But no fighting for " our foreign trade " ! No fighting for it at any rate until we have obtained our political rights and reformed our commercial system. I am no enemy of com- merce, if commerce means what it ought to mean; but perdi- tion, eternal perdition to the system which, under that name, is now impoverishing and brutalising the largest and best part of the human family. To your 3d question my reply is — I have so inveterate and mortal an antipathy to war (regarding it as but another name for murder and robbery on a large scale), that only the direst- necessity could induce me to be, under any circumstances^ its. advocate; yet, there is one great barbarous Power in Europe- against which I should gladly see a war got up even this very day. Quid Nunc : You mean Russia ? Bronterre: Softly, my good Sir. I mean a power more barbarous and barbarising than all other living despotisms put together, that of Russia included. Quid Nunc : By the ghost of Nicholas ! that is impossible ; but name it. Bronterre: I will neither name it nor describe it. You being a disciple of Hume and Grote, and I being the very antipodes of that school, we cannot possibly understand one another. Were I simply to name it — you would laugh out- right, and to describe it I am incapable. But, as I perceive 244 APPENDIX D [244 your curiosity is on the rack I will leave a copy of the last week's Northern Liberator, and from its leading article you may possibly be able to form some faint idea of the power I allude to. Farewell ! The article referred to describes the English ruling classes as "more despotic than despotism." Enumerating the evil effects of the Corn Laws, the New Poor Law, the factory system, the lack of universal suffrage, and the like, Bronterre concludes his philippic in his characteristic style : Could despotism do more than fill the country with starva- tion, poverty, tears, and blood; could despotism do more than cover it with prisons, police houses, correction houses, peni- tentiaries, and Poor Law bastiles, where cruelties the most atrocious and crimes the most unnatural are perpetrated upon the wretched people by the horrid officials of these dens ; could despotism the most devilish do more than treat a people thus, and then systematically, refuse to listen to their complaints, and treat their tears with menaces and their cries with abusive calamities; in short, could the despotism of Nero, Tiberius, Helagabalus and Herod, joined in one, do more than invert and remorselessly carry into execution such a system as now exists in England? ... Men of England, and of Scotland, and of Ireland! will you ever again shed your blood in de- fence of such a system? If you do, you deserve more than you have already suffered. But I wrong you by the question. I forget, at the moment, that by recent demonstrations in favor of Chartism you had virtually sealed the doom of that system. Your long and bloody anti-Jacobin war against France was the last you will ever engage in to uphold exclusive govern- ment. Henceforth if you go to war, it shall be to fight for yourselves. No more anti-Jacobin wars! No coalition min- istry! No Tory-strong government! That's the ticket. INDEX Aitken, William, 138 Ashley, Lord, 70, 71, 73 Attwood, Thomas, leader of Birming- ham Political Union, 36, 120; hii view of the Reform Act, 37; opposi- tion to New Poor Law, 43, 44; life and views, 120, I2I, 180, 182; his plan of a sacred motith, 139; and the National Petition, 153, 165, 179, i8o, 183; and the Manifesto, 170 Babeuf, 113, 118, 119 Bamford, Samuel, 31 Bank of England, 173 Bedchamber Plot, 40 Benbow, William, 205 Benefit clubs, 32, 75 Beniowski, Major, 151 Bentbam, Jeremy, 63 Birmingham Currency School, 120 Birmingham yournal. The, 153 Birmingham Political Union, 36, 91, 92, 120, 139, 142, 153 Birmingham Town Council on the Bull Ring attack, 186 Botanical meetings, 32 Bowring, Dr., 91 Boycott, 170 British Association for Promoting Co- operative Knowledge, 102 Bronterre on the Reform Bill, 37; on the New Poor Law, 50, 51, 69; on universal suffrage, 81, 82, 84, 114; on the petition of the London Work- ingmen's Association, 89, 90; on theoretical diflerences, loi; and O'Connor, 107, 108; life and views, 112-120, 123: Nationalization of land, 115; and Lovett, 114, 120; and Harney, 133, 159; on previous peti- tions, 82, 154; and the General Con- vention, 157; on physical force, 158, 172; at public demonstrations, 172, 173; on the sacred month, 183, 185; sentenced, 205 Brougham, Lord, on the Whig rule, 39, 40; and the New Poor Law, S2t 53. 141; on behalf of Lovett, 178; on behalf of John Frost, 203 24s] Bull Ring, 17s, 176, 186, 187; riots 176, 178, 188, 189 Buonarroti, 113, 118, 119 Burdett, Francis, 26, 120 Burke, Edmund, 24, 25, 28 Byron, 140 Campbell, John, Attorney-General, 202, 203 Carlyle, Thomas, 2i, 30, 54, 55, 206 Carpenter's Political Pamphlets, 113 Cartwright, John, 23, 24 Central Committee of radical unions, 106 Chamber of Commerce, 80 Child Labor, 73, 74, 11 1 Cleave, John, 84, 89, 91, 158 Cobbett, William, 28-31; opposi- tion to New Poor Law, 43, 50, 53, 66, 67; maltreated, 76; on the issue of the working class, 81; and Att- wood, 121; and Frost, 137 Collective bargaining, right of, 77 Collins, John, 177, 186-9 Combination Laws, 75 Communism, 109 Consolidated National Trades Union, 104 Constitutional Society, 23 Cooper, Thomas, 107 Corn Laws, 27, 34, 63, 182 Crime, 66, 67, 74 Cromwell, 22 Crawford, W. S. 90, 91, 95 Crown and Anchor meetings, 90, 158, 164 Demonstrations, 32, 139, 140, 142, 143, 146-149, 153, 172, 173, 189 Destructive, The, 113 Disraeli on the Whig rule, 40; opposi- tion to New Poor Law, 43; on the National Petition, 179, 182, 183 Distress, 28, 55-69, 93, 98, 138 Douglas, R. K., 153 Duke of Richmond, 23-6 Dundee Advertiser, The, 150 Dwelling conditions, 57, 58, 66 245 246 Edgeworth, Lowell, 112 Elliot, Ebenezer, 59 Emigration, 56, 57 Fennell, Alfred Owen, 175 Fielden, John, 91, 147 Foreign Affairs Committee, 138 Fowle, F. W. 47 Fox, Charles James, 24, 27 French Encyclopedists, 23 French Revolution, 24, 25, 33, 134, 153, 157, 181, 193 Frost, John, life and views, 136-137; and the Crown and Anchor meeting, 158, 164; and Lord Russell, 162-165; and public demonstrations, 173; on the sacred month, 183; seeking miti- gation of Vincent's treatment, 190, 191; and the Newport Riot, 191, 192, 195-7, 199; last public letter, 192- 194; trial and sentence, 200, 201, 204; pardoned, 204 General Convention of the Industrious Classes, 143-186 General Council of the Convention, 185 General strike, see sacred month Godwin, William, 77 Goulburn, Sergeant, 187, 188 Grand National Consolidated Trades Union, 80 Gray, John, 77 Habeas corpus act, 27, 31 Hall, Charles, 77 Hampden Club, 28, 30, 31 Harcourt, Maurice, 47 Hardy, Thomas, 26 Harney, George Julian, prominent member of trade unions, 84; his life and views, 132-134; at torch light meetings, 148; and the General Con- vention, 157; at the Crown and Anchor meeting, 158; on Chartist elections, 159, 160; on the ulterior measures, 170; at public demonstra- tions, 172; in the riot-week, 178 Harvey, D. W. 91 Hetherington, Henry, 84, 87, 89, 91, 95, 121, 158 Hindley, Charles, 91 Hodgskin, Thomas, 77 HoUoway Head, 178 Holyoake, George Jacob, 105, 108, 139, 150, l6i, 178 House of Lords, reform of, 91 INDEX Hume, Joseph, 90 Hunt, Henry, 32, 35, 36, 76, 112 Industrial Revolution, 74 Irish famine, 55; emigration, 56 Jacobinism, 26, in Jones, William, 195, 199, 201, 204 Kay, James P., 47, 60, 72 Labor legislation, 70, 71 Leader, J. T., go, 91, 204I Levellers, 22, 25 Lock-outs, 80 London Cooperative Trading Associa- tion, 102 London Corresponding Society, 26-27 London Democrat, The, 133, 151, 152, 159, 170 London Democratic Association, no, 1". 133. '57 London Mercury, The, 113 London Times, The, 49 London Working Men's Association, 84, 88, 89, 98, 99, 104, 106, no, 120, 121, 122, 137, 143, 156; addresses, 86, 87, 91, 92-9S. 10°. "9, 145; pe- tition for new Constitution, 89; Crown and Anchor meeting, 90; and the committee of twelve, 91, 95; and the Chartist agitation, 97, 135, 140; and Stephens, 129; influence on the wane, 146 Lovett, William, prominent member of trade unions, 84; on the London Working Men's Association, 86; sec- retary of the L. W. M. A., 87; author of the petition of the L. W. M. A., 90; at theCrown and Anchor meeting, 90, 91; correspondence with Lord Rus- sell, 92, 93; author of the People's Charter, 95, 104; life and views, 102- 105; and O'Connor, 107, 192; and Bronterre, 114; and Hetherington, 121; and Stephens, 122, 129; his res- olution at the Palace Yard meeting, 145; and the General Convention, 156-158; secretary of the General Convention, 156; on the Manifesto, 170; his arrest, 177; his trial and defence, 186, 187, 188; his imprison- ment, 189, 190; on the Newport Riot, 191, 192 McDouall, 176 Macerone, Colonel, 151 INDEX Manchester Massacre, 32 Manifesto of the General Convention, 166-168, 170 Marat, in, 133, 156 Marsden, Richard, 156 Melbourne, Lord, 36, 61, 203 Metropolitan police, 176, 179, 187 Metropolitan Political Union, 103 Mill, James, 47 Monetary reform, see Attwood Moore, R., 91 Moral force, 99, 120, 122, 142, 153, (see also Lovett) Morning Chronicle, 188 Mortality, 65, 66 National PetiHon,* 143, 145, 153-159, 165, 174, 179-183 National Political Union, 33, 36 National Reformer, The, see Bronterre National Union of the Working Classes, 35. »04 Nationalization of land, lot, 115 Newport Riot, 190-192, 194-199, 206 North, Lord, 24 Northern Star, The, 107, 108, 112, 113, 152 O'Brien, see Bronterre O'Connell, Daniel, on the New Poor Law, 44; and the People's Charter, 90. 9'. 95; and O'Connor, io6 O'Connor, Feargus, on the New Poor Law and machinery, 51, 52, no; on Chartism, 70; life and views, 105- 112, 122; and Lovett, 107, 192; and Bronterre, 114; and Attwood, 121; and Stephens, 123; and Harney, 133; speeches, 141-144; and the London Working Men's Association, 143; at public demonstrations, 146-148, 172- 3; and the General Convention, 158, 166, 172; on the saereJ mon^, 185; and the Newport Riot, 192; sen- tenced, 205 O'Connor, Roderick, 105, 107 O'Connor, Roger, 105 Oastler, Richard, 70, 123 Operative, The, 113 Owen, Robert, 77, 78, 80, 103, 118 Owenism, 78, 84 Paine, Thomas, 26-7^ 137 Palace Yard demostration, 143, 149 People's Charter, publication of, 95, 97 Phillips, Thomas, mayor of Newport, 197, 200 247 Physical force, 100, iii, 123, 132, 142- 4. 149. 152. 156. 170, 178. (See also Harney and Stephens) Pitt, the Earl of Chatham, 22 Pitt, William, 22, 24, 26, 27 Place, Francis, 36, 76, 78, 95, 102, 104, 106, 107, 123, 189 Pollack, Frederick, 203 Poor Law, New, 39, 40, 43, 55, 66, 68, 69, 81, 106, no. III, 123, ia6, 129, 138, 141, 147, 153, 193 Poor Law, Old, 40, 42 Poor relief, 54, 68 Poor Man's Guardian, TAe,3S,ii3, 121 Prentice, Archibald, 61 Prorogation of Parliament, 91, 159 Reform bills, 22, 23, 24, 27 Reform Bill of 1832, 33, 35-37, 63, 92, 120, 17s Ricardo, 34 Riot Act, 176 Riots, 28, 31, 1 76, 202. (See Bull Ring and Newport Riot) Robespierre, m, 113, 119 Roebuck, J. A., 72, 90, 91, 95, 107 Rotten House of Commons, The, 88, 89 Rotundism, 84, 104 Rousseau, 23 Russell, Lord John, hero of Reform Bill, 36, 39; "Finality Jack," 39; letter to, on children in the work- house, 48; correspondence with Lovett, 92, 93; on the torch -light demonstrations, 149; and John Frost 162-5; °° A^ General Convention, 165; his letter to magistrates, 166; on the National Petition, 180-182 St. Just, III Sacred Month, 139, 142, 169, 173, 183-5 Sadler, Michael Thomas, 70 Scott, Walter, 112 Seligman, Edvrin R. A., 9, 76, 78 Senior, Nassau W,, on the old Poor Laws, 41; on dwelling conditions, 66; on hours of labor, 71, 72, 74; on labor combinations, 79 Shell, George, 199 Shelley, 32, 33 Short Time Committee, 71 Simultaneous meetings, 168, 169, 172, 173. 175 "Six Acts" of 1819,75 " Six points," 21, 24, 90, 91, 138, 148 Smith, Adam, 56, 75 248 INDEX Smith, Sydney, 34, 38 Socialism, 84, 109, 133 Socialists, 71, 77 Society for Constitutional Information, 24 Society of the Friends of the People, 23 Society of the Supporters of the Bill of Rights, 22 Southern Star, 1 13 Spencean Philanthropists, 31 Spies, 26, 161 Stanhope, 23 Stephens, J. R., 122, 146, 148, 149; life and views, 123-133; indictment, 165; sentenced, 189 Taylor, Dr., 176, 177 Ten Hour Movement, 71 Terrorism, see Physical force Thistlewood, 33 Thompson, Colonel T. P., 65, 90, 91, 95 Thompson, William, 77 Tindal, Nicholas, Chief Justice, 200, 202 Torch-light processions, 148-150 Tories, opposed to New Poor Law, 53; attitude tovrards labor legislation, 70, 71; defeated Liberals, 95; and Ro- tundists, 104; and Whigs, 8, 166, 168; and the National Petition, 179 Trade Unionism, 75, 77, 78, 80, 84, 104 Twopenny Despatch, 89, 113, 121 Ulterior measures, 156, 168, 169, 170, 173. 17s Underground societies, 138 Unemployment, see Distress United Irishman, 105, 107 Victoria, Queen, 92, 140, 187, 203 Vincent, Henry, prominent member of trade unions, 84; and the London Working Men's Association, 89, 135; member' of committee of twelve, 91 ; as an orator, 135, 142; in the West, 147; organizer of female associations, 147, 150; in Wales, 147, 150, 160; arrest, 165; imprisonment, 190; and Welsh rising, 191 Watson, J., 91 Wages, 60, 64 Wakley, T., 91 Welsh Chartists, see Newport Riot and Vincent Westgate Hotel, 197-9, 204 Western Vindicator, The, 200 Wheat, price of, 28, 63 Whigs, 8, 23-4, 34-46, pledges, 63, 142; denunciation of, 69, 92, 166, 168, 179; hostile attitude towards labor legisla- tion, 70, 71; opposition to Liberals, 95; and Rotundists, 104; and the National Petition, 179, 180; victory of, 206 William IV, 91 Williams, Zephaniah, 195, 199, 201, 204 Wilson, William Carus, 49 Woman labor, 73 Workhouse-test, 42 in mm mtvi of ^jwrr ^0kU The University includes the following : Columbia College, founded in 1754, and Barnard College, founded in 1889, offering to men and women, respectively, programmes of study which may be begun either in September or Pebruary and which lead normally in from three to four years to the degi-ees of Bachelor of Arts and Bachelor of Science. 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Detailed information regarding the work in any department will be fur- nished without charge upon application to the Seei'elnri/ of Golumbw UitiversUy, New York, N. Y. Early Diplomatic Relations between the United States and Mexico By WILLIAM R. MANNING, Ph.D. Adjunct Profesmor of Latin-American History in the Univeriity of Texai 418 pages Cloth, $2,25 This volume is based on a series of lectures delivered at the Johns Hop- Idns University ia 1913 on the Albert Shaw Foundation. It deals with a period in the diplomatic relations between the United States and Mexico, which has hitherto been largely ig^nored by historians, whose attention has for the most part been centered on the Texas revolution, the admission of Texas into the Union, and the war between the United States and Mexico. The present volume deals with the beginnings of Mexican diplomacy, and is occupied mainly with the mission of Joel R. Poinsett, the first Ameri- can minister to Mexico. It is based very largely on information derived from unpublished manuscripts in the archives of the Department of State in Washington and of the Ministry of Foreign Relations in Mexico. The writer shows in an interesting way how the British took advantage of our delay in establishing a permanent representative at the Mexican capital to promote British influence over the Mexican government, and how Poinsett's efforts to recover prestige for his government involved him in difficulties and in charges of intermeddling in the internal affairs of the country. The suspicions thus aroused, together with Poinsett's connection with the York Masons, thwarted his efforts to bring to a successful conclu- sion the treaty negotiations with which he was charged. Professor Man- ning shows that in the misunderstandings and differences that arose during the years 1825-1829 are to be found the origin and explanation of the irre- concilable differences which developed during the next two decades and which finally resulted in war between the United States and Mexico. The volume thus constitutes a fitting introduction to Reeves's Diplomatic Rela- tions of the United States under Tyler and Polk and Adams's British Interests and Activities in Texas, 1838-1846, which were originally delivered as lectures on the Albert Shaw Foundation and are likewise published in this collection of works dealing with the different phases of American diplomacy. THE JOHNS HOPniNS PRESS Baltimore. Maryland Columbia University Press Publications OUB CHIEF MAGISTRATE AND HIS POWERS. By William Howard Taft, Twenty- seventh President of the United States. Pp, vii + 165. CONSTITUTIOHAL GOVERHMErTT IN THE UNITED STATES. By WoODROW Wilson, LL.D., President of the United States. 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By Arnolu Johnson Lirh, Ph.D. Price, 75 ceaU. H. [133] The Supreme Conrt and Unoonstltntlonal liexlslstlon. By Blainb Frbr AIoorr, Ph.D. Price, fi.oo. 4. [134] *Indlan Slavery In Colonial Times within the Present lilmlts of the United States. By Aluoh Wherlrr Lavmxr, Ph. U. Price, (3.00. VOLUME LV, 1913. 665 pp. Price, cloth, $4.50. 1. [186] *A Political History of the State of ITew Tork. ^ , _ , _ •*/ HoMRR A. Sturiks. Ph.D. Priee, Moo. 4. [136] *The Early Perseontlonsof the Christians. ByLsoHH. CAiinRLD, Ph.D. Pric*, |i.5a. VOLUME LVI, 1913. 406 pp. Price, doth, $3.50. 1. [137] Speculation on the New Tork Stock Exchanse, 1904-1907. _ r ~~. _ _ By Alobhnon Ashburnbr Osborne. Price, li.Ja. «. [188] The Policy of the United States towards Industrial Monopoly. By Oswald Whitman Knauth, Ph.D. Price, f<.eo. VOLUME LVII, 1914. 670 pp. Price, cloth, $4.50. 1. [188] *The Civil Service of Great Britain. _ .,.„, By Robert Mosbs, Ph.D. Price, l«.aa. ». [140] The Financial History of New Tork State. By Don C. Sowers. Price, |i.5a. VOLUME LVIII, 1914. 684 pp. Price, doth, $4.50; paper, $4.00. [141] Reconstruction In North Carolina. By J. G, DB RouLMAC Hahilt««, Ph.D. VOLUME LIX, 1914. 625 pp. Price, cloth, $4.50. 1, [143] The Development of Modern Turkey by means of its Press. ^ r, ...1..... ™ _ By Ahmbb Khih, Ph.D. Price, |i.ao. «. [148] The System of Taxation In China. 1614-1911. • r...-.^..^ „ By bHAo-KwAHCHBK, Ph. D. Price, fi.oa. ?• [ Jf f 1 J?*" Currency Problem In China. By We» Pin Wei, Ph.D. Price. »«..s. -4. [146] 'Jewish Immlsratlon to the United States. • r- ' By Samoel Joseph, Ph.D. Price, fi.js. VOLUME LX, 1914. 616 pp. Price, doth, $4.00. 1. [146] *Coiistantlne tbe Great and Christianity. By Christopher Bush Colbuan, Ph.D. Pricfij fa.oo a. [147] The Bstabllshment of Cbrlstlanlls' and the Prosorlptlon ol Fa- Kanlam. By Maud Alinb Hutthann, Ph.D. Price, ta.oo. VOLITME LXI, 1914. 496 pp. Price, cloth, $4.00. 1. [148] *The Kail-way Conductors: A Stndy In Organized liabor. By Edwin Clyde Robbins. Price. $1.56. S. [149] 'The Finances of the City of New Torte. By Yih-Ch'u Ma, Ph,D. Price, Ja.so. YOLXniO: LXU, 1914. 414 pp. Price, cloth, $3.60. [160] The Journal of the Joint Committee of Fifteen on Beoonstructlon, 89th CouKress, 1865—1867. By Benjamin B. KLEHORiCK.Ph.D. Price, $3.00. YOLTJICE LXIII, 1915. 661pp. Price, cloth, $4.00. 1. [1611 Emlle Durkhelm's Contributions to SocloloKlcal Theory. By Charles Elmer (tehlke, Pli.D. Price, ti.30. S. [169] The Natlonallzatidn of Rail-ways In Japan. By Toshiharu Watarai, Ph.D. Price, fi. 15. 8. [168] Fopulatlon: AStudylnMalthuslanlsm. By Warren S. Thompson, Pli.D. Price $1.75. VOLUME LXIV, 1915. 646 pp. Price, cloth, $4.60. 1. [154] 'Reconstruction In Georgia. By. C. Mildred Thompson, Ph.D. Price, I3.00. S. [155] *The Re-vle-w of American Colonial lieelslatlou by the King in Council. By Elmer Bebchbr Russell, Ph.D. Price, }i.7S. 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KING & SON, Ltd., Orchard Bmae, Westminster. _ Cornell University Library DA 559.7.R62 The Chartist movement in Its social and 3 1924 002 614 109