i W ^BH ^ ^ a f^ «|hJ|^^^^^K f r« m^^^^^l ilfi - ^■^^HM ^S^^m^^^^'t -^ -._.. ^^ :-. r^^^g ^^^ *^^b^EL ^^ • ira^£r Sttl^^^^ii ^2^gMHM|H^I^^Hf (2}nrnpU Ham Bi rl^ODl Hibtaty Cornell University Library KF 386.A13 Judge and ury; a popular explanation of 3 1924 018 815 203 Cornell University Library The original of tliis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924018815203 JUDGE AND JII,ET (^. g: AUG ■ 1 -^"'^ ■'./' < i-ounse^ A POPULAR EXPLANATION OF LEADING TOPICS IN THE LAW OF THE LAND .\"^" BENJAMIN VAUGHAN ABBOTT NEW YORK HARPEK & BROTHERS, FRANKLIN SQUARE 1880 Entered according to Act of Congress, in the jeJt 1880, by ^v 'Harper & Brothers, In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. PREFACE. The first glance at the pages of this volume will show that it is not a professional treatise, nor an "Every man his own law- yer." The lawyer who may obtain it will find it quite as ap- propriate to the household as to the ofiice. The merchant will be more likely to enjoy it on a journey than to consult it on business questions in the counting-room. Its purpose is differ- ent from those of either the professional or popular law-books heretofore published. That purpose is to depict, for the intelli- gent general reader, the law of the land upon topics of general public interest. Every reader of the journals and magazines is daily confronted with allusions to the statutes and the decisions of the courts. There are many branches of the law the rapid growth and important changes in which have kept them promi- nent in public attention ; and there are many others which affect so many persons that any one may well be interested in brief systematic explanations. This volume is devoted to these topics; and it aims only at giving a correct and readable account of the leading aspects and general principles of modern jurisprudence. Thus, it gives an outline of our government and our courts and their law-books. , It then explains what the courts have de- cided upon leading subjects within the United States' jurisdic- tion, such as citizenship and civil rights, the Indians and the Chinese, banking and- commerce, and other matters of current interest in this field. Prominent subjects more particularly within State jurisdiction follow. The conflict of the marriage laws, the great change as to the rights of married women, the startling difficulties respecting divorce, are discussed. The prog- ress which the States have made in codification is delineated, with sketches of the new practice ; of the marriage of law and equity ; the death and burial of John Doe ; and antique curiosi- ties of special pleading. The State laws, most of them new, and all of them of general interest, relative to suing the liquor-seller, cruelty to animals, lotteries, and Sunday observance, are re- viewed, with numerous anecdotes of their practical operation. Rules which bear upon every-day life and have entertaining as- pects are then explained, giving the law of driving and walking, finding and stealing, tumble -downs, gas - explosions, homesteads and " French flats," strange uses of photographs, and common but reprehensible uses of firearms and fireworks. Doctors, drug- gists, and school-teachers may find some anecdotes bearing upon their vocations ; and lawyers will concur in the counsel given against drawing one's own will. Travel and transportation re- ceive attention ; dealings with expresses and telegraphs are ex- plained, with a full sketch of the law of a railroad trip. There is no attempt to marshal numerous authorities; salient, representative decisions are given when they promise to illus- trate the principle under discussion, but not otherwise. The author has endeavored to give a trustworthy general statement of the law. Yet the reader is requested to remember that there are thirty-eight States, whose laws on any given subject may, and often do, differ. No efiort is here made to pursue these differences in detail. Readers of good memories will sometimes meet a paragraph which seems familiar. The explanation is that before 1876 the general editor of Harper's First Century of the Republic invited the author to contribute to that work a brief description of the growth of jurisprudence throughout the century. He did so ; and the paper, as published, gave rise to calls for others in the same vein, resulting in the preparation of numerous popular articles upon law topics, which appeared in the New- York Times and Tribune, The Christian Union and Congregationalist, and other periodicals. Portions of such papers, rewritten and en- larged, have been used as materials in several of these chapters. With respect to some excellent subjects which are omitted, the author can only say that he wishes the book were larger, and he hopes the reader will concur in that wish. Benjamin Vaqghan Abbott. TABLE OF CONTENTS. I. PRELIMINARY TOPICS. CHAPTER PAGE I. Constitutional Government ..... . 1 II. Bird's-eye View of American Courts . 12 III. The American Library of Law 20 IV. Colonial Jurisprudence 32 IL NATIONAL SUBJECTS. V. Citizens 39 VI. Civil Eights .... 54 VIL The Indians 63 VIIL The Chinese 76 IX. The National Banks 89 X. Commerce 102 XL Trade-marks 108 XIL The Metric System 119 XIII. Admiralty Jurisdiction 124 XIV. Bankruptcy 128 XV. The California Land Claims 132 XVL Polygamy 135 TABLE OF CONTENTS. III. STATE SUBJECTS. CHAPTER PAGE XVII. Mabmagb 140 XVIII. Married Women 146 XIX. Divorce 166 XX. Insane Persons. . . 1*76 XXI. Codification ... .188 XXII. The Civil Damage Laws . . . . 208 XXIII. Cruelty to Animals 218 XXIV. Lotteries 225 XXV. Sunday Laws 232 XXVI. Corporations . 256 IV. LIFE IN CITY AND COUNTRY. XXVIL Driving and W^alking 275 XXVIIL Finding and Stealing ..;.... 289 XXIX. Tumble-downs 301 XXX. Gas-explosions 306 XXXL The House or Home 310 XXXII. Photographs .... 328 XXXIII. Firearms and Fireworks. . . ... 333 XXXIV. Doctors and Druggists .... . 348 XXXV. Public-school Punishments ... . . 357 XXXVL Drawing One's Own Will 363 V. TRAVEL AND TRANSPORTATION. XXXVII. Express Companies 369 XXXVIII. Railroad Companies 381 XXXIX. Telegraphs ... 419 I. PRELIMmAEY TOPICS. Chapter I. CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT. The reader will not desire to spend much time over a discus- sion of constitutional government. The leading aspects of that subject relate to the political and social progress of the country rather than to judicial history. This volume embraces the his- tory of what has been accomplished by the courts. But courts derive their authority from constitutions, and have had an im- portant duty in expounding and enforcing them. Some notice of the constitutional origin and powers of courts is a proper preliminary. GENERAL NATURE OF A CONSTITUTION. The art of administering government according to the direc- tions of a written constitution may justly be claimed among the products of American thought and efEort during the century. It is not understood by all that the system is so recent in develop- ment; and many who live and prosper under our government, and who trust and love it, are hardly aware of the strong con- trast in fundamental principle between it and older European systems. It is of American origin and recent growth. Our fathers devised it without much aid from Old- World precedents. The adoption of written constitutions by Virginia and Pennsyl- Z PRELIMINARY TOPICS. vania in 1*776, and by other states not long afterwards, upon recommendation of the Continental Congress, initiated this method, which has become essential to the general security, prosperity, and progress of our country. There were, indeed, according to generally accepted tradition, articles of compact framed and subscribed between members of the early companies of colonists, which embodied the germ of the plan-; but the whole practical development of it, in existing forms, belongs to our first century. It is true that instances of a written resolution adopted by a people for the guidance of the government existed before the era of the revolution, and that such have been known abroad as well as in this country. All such instruments were, however, very limited in scope as compared with the " constitutions " used at the present day. And they — the European ones espe- cially — embody a different principle from that of a constitution. They do not purport to create and organize a government ; but, assuming a government as already existing, they seek to impose restrictions upon its action. Tate Magna Charta as an example of a state-paper popularly supposed to be of the nature of a constitution. There was a government already in full sway, of traditional origin ; claimed to be founded upon conquest, or divine or hereditary right; administered by an executive power transferred by descent ; and taldng little from the people except obedience and supplies. The barons complained of the usurpa- tions and excesses of the crown. Complaints rose to resistance, and resistance to conquest. The crown was compelled to give pledges to administer justice more impartially, respect the liberty of the subject, reduce taxation, and refrain from various abuses. These restrictions, imposed upon a tyrannical government by the people, form Magna Charta. Now this principle is just the re- verse of a constitution as we in America understand that term. It signifies an instrument far more fundamental than any of the state-papers of past centuries. Our idea is that there is no di- CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT. 3 vine or hereditary right, but that all the powers of government, all the authority which society can rightly exercise towards in- dividuals, are originally vested in the masses of the people ; and that the people meet together (by their delegates) to organize a government, and then freely decide what officers they will have to act for them in mating and administering laws, and what the powers of those officers shall be. These written directions from the people, declaring what their officers may do and what they may not do, form the constitution. A constitution is a grant of existence and powers from a people to a government. A char- ter is a grant of privileges or securities from a government to subjects. The idea of constitutional government, in its practi- cal development, is modern and American. The course of jurisprudence through the past century has shown that it is possible, and, with the short, though severe, ex- ception of the civil war, that it is not difficult, for an intelligent, conscientious, self-controlled community, who realize that the will of the people is the source of power, to create and adminis- ter government by these written constitutions. It has been practicable to have these writings framed. The thirteen colo- ■ nies, in obedience to the suggestions of their Congress, and not- withstanding the embarrassments and discord of the period, severally adopted constitutions at a very early day ; and from time to time since, as new communities in the territories have grown to sufficient numbers, they have been prompt to ask an enabling act from Congress, and have readily given the time and attention needed for assembling a convention of delegates to prepare a constitution, and for holding a popular election to en- act it. It has been practicable to have these writings expounded. The judiciary created by a constitution sits clothed with po^er to explain whatever doubtful provisions may be found therein, and to test the acts of the Legislature by the constitutional standard ; and these decisions have been readily accepted. It has been practicable to secure obedience. Throughout the land 4 PRELIMINARY TOPICS. a constant succession of elections Las been teld pursuant to the directions of the constitution ; the defeated candidates have retired cheerfully ; the successful ones have assumed the powers, privileges, and duties prescribed by the written organic law, have administered them through the defined term, and have obediently relinquished them at its close, to constitutionally elected successors. It has been practicable to have these con- stitutions amended. They do not become rigid, iron-bound shrouds stifling the development of institutions, but contain a germ and a stimulus of growth such as the future may demand. STATE AND NATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS. The character of the somewhat complex system of govern- ment which has become established over the United States has been the subject of much discussion among political writers and theorists. For, while the duties of the various members and oflBcers of government are well described in the constitutions, those instruments give very little theoretic explanation of the nature of the Union intended to be formed. Many theories have been propounded ; they can be generalized in three types. Brief views will be given of these three leading conceptions of American government ; a volume might be written in explana- tion of each. At one extreme stands what has been called the " State Eights " theory, which presents the constitution as a species of treaty or compact between the State governments. According to this view, the movement for independence was a movement to mate the colonies independent States. To accomplish this pur- pose, the colonies united in a common eSort, the chief instrument of which was the Continental Congress, which is to be deemed a temporary alliance of neighboring governments against a com- mon enemy, and the success of which effort made the States sovereign and independent. Desiring to organize a mode of securing common interests, they, the State governments, formed CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT. 5 an alliance or compact for that purpose, which was the old Con- federation. Finding this compact inefficient, the States rescinded it and formed another, more intimate and vigorous, which is the constitution ; and this likewise is a compact between the States — of thirteen States at early date, but since atscepted and assumed by others which have sprung into existence by political acts of the inhabitants of new territories. , At the other extreme stands a theory that the Union is the original government, the earlier of the two, and that the State governments have derived their existence from it, or by its au- thority and protection. Upon this view, the colonies, before they attained existence as States, being desirous to achieve in- dependence, formed a Union under the Continental Congress, which, indeed, was not very formally organized, and was incom- plete and inefficient as to many subjects, but yet was a real, na- tional government, by the military operations of which the colo- nies were set free from foreign control, and by the permission of which, after they were free. State governments were organized for the exercise of such powers as were not vested in the Union. These governments, at the demand of the Union, conceded a more explicit statement of the powers and authority of the lat- ter, in the old Articles of Confederation ; and still later, by the constitution, surrendered to the national government those broad powers which it now wields. The Union, having given liberty and political existence to the thirteen States, and having acquired extensive territory and national jurisdiction beyond their limits, has authorized the settlement of that territory, and has from time to time organized the settlements into States : these are created by the Union, and come into existence subject to its proper national authority. A medium view may be stated thus : that the colonial gov- ernments were not in any proper sense even the germs which ripened into the governments now existing, but were creations of foreign authority, and perished with the sundering of the b PRELIMINAET TOPICS. ties whicii united our ancestors to the land of their origin ; that when, not the colonial governments, but the people of the colo- nies, became weary of foreign rule and declared themselves in- dependent, this, whether manifested by means of the forms and oflBcers in use in colonial government, or by other modes, was a revolutionary and popular act, and not an act of the govern- ments then existing ; and the independence which it established was one which emancipated the people from any government, colonial or other, of English origin, and involved annihilation of colonial governments, rather than one which freed those govern- ments from foreign rule, permitting their expansion and develop- ment ; and they, the people, then became the true and ultimate source of all political power; though whether the time when they declared this right, or the time when the adversary acqui- esced in it, should be taken as the birthday of the principle is a question of some nicety. The people within what had been the thirteen colonies did, by adoption of State constitutions, and other less formal and distinct but really popular acts, establish State governments ; and these State governments allied them- selves for mutual defence and other public purposes, under the old Articles of Confederation. This attempt of the States to provide for the general welfare by a compact proved ineflScient ; upon which the people did, by a new original act, revolutionary though peaceful, and popular though in part performed by the use of State-governmental instrumentalities, withdraw from the States a portion of their powers, and vest them, as expressed in the constitution, in a new and national government. Since that time, new communities of people, coming into existence in newly settled territories, have formed new State governments (which cannot be done, indeed, but by the Union's consent, yet is done by the people) ; and they have also, by further consent of the nation, united in the general government. As the general re- sult, the American people have established a duplex political system — a national government for national purposes, for for- CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT. 7 eign relations and duties common to all their communities ; and a government by States, for objects local or peculiar, or colored by the diverse situations, circumstances, and desires of the difEer- ent communities. The third of these views, the medium one, seems, upon the whole, to have the strongest support from history, from the re- sults of the civil war, and from the general preferences of the people. It has also received distinct adoption as the view of the judiciary. The Supreme Court at Washington has said, as early as 1819* and as recently as 1874,1 that the act of adopting the national constitution was the act of the people, and not of the State governments ; and that the people have thus created two governments distinct from each other. The views of the Su- preme Court on such topics, if not .obligatory upon the polit- ical departments of the government, and not necessarily con- trolling in the administration of afiairs of State, are conclusive for all the purposes of jurisprudence ; and establish, as far as courts are concerned, the theory of a dual, popular government. STATE AND NATIONAL POWERS. It has been a generally accepted postulate of constitutional construction that the Union must be regarded as a government of limited powers, while the States are governments of general or full powers, except as the national constitution or that of the particular State imposes restrictions. In other words, the State government is the repository of all sovereignty, authority, and sway which are appropriate to republican government, and which are not prohibited by the national or withheld by the State con- stitution ; and whoever impeaches a State law must show that it transcends limits which, by one or the other instrument, have been set to State authority. The national government is deemed * McCullooh V. Maryland, 4 Wheat. 316, 402. f United States v. Cruikshank, 92 IT. S. 642. a PRELIMINARY TOPICS. vested only with such authority and power as has been confer- red ; and the judiciary, in passing upon the validity of a law of Congress, requires whoever asserts the law to show that it is sus- tainable under one or more of the seventeen distinct powers* expressly granted by the constitution to Congress, or that it is a law " necessary and proper " for carrying them into execution. This general clause, " necessary and proper," as it has been ex- pounded by the Supreme Court, has opened the way to impor- tant and rapid development of the powers expressly conferred. * As several of these powers must be hereafter referred to in explaining the rapid development of jurisprudence under them, they may, perhaps, well be given. They are substantially as follows : 1. To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States ; 2. To borrow money on the credit of the United States; 3. To regulate commerce with foreign nations and among the several States and with the Indians ; 4. To establish a uniform rule of naturalization and uniform laws of bankruptcy throughout the United States ; 5. To coin money, regulate the value thereof and of foreign coin, and fix the standard of weights and measures ; 6. To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and current coin of the United States ; 7. To establish post-ofSces and post-roads ; 8. To promote the progress of science and useful arts by securing for limited times to authors and inventors the exclusive right to their respective writ- ings and discoveries ; 9. To constitute tribunals inferior to the Supreme Court ; 10. To define and punish piracies and felonies on the high seas and offences against the laws of nations; 11. To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules concerning captures on land and water ; 12. To raise and support armies ; 13. To provide and maintain a navy ; 14. To make rules for the government of the land and naval forces ; 15. To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions ; 16. To provide for or- ganizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United States; 17. To exercise exclusive legislation over the District of Columbia, and also over all places purchased for forts, magazines, arsenals, dock-yards, and other needful buildings ; 18. To make all laws necessary and proper for carryin" into execution the foregoing powers. CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT. 9 Its meaning came before the court in a famous case* involv- ing the question, Can Congress incorporate a bank? No one claimed, of course, that any such power is expressly given ; and opponents of the charter contended that it was not necessary or proper, because the national government could, if it chose, per- form all its proper functions by means of State banks, or ordi- nary commercial dealings, and without relying on a corporation of its own creating. But Mr. Webster argued that Congress is not confined to laws which are indispensable to the execution of the granted powers, but the " necessary and proper " clause in- cludes all laws suitable to the object ; such as are best and most useful to the end proposed. Any instrumentality best fitted to the execution of an authorized purpose (and not specially pro- hibited) may be employed ; and if a bank is a fit means for ex- ecuting the revenue and fiscal powers conferred on Congress, it may be employed. And this view was sustained by the court. Chief -justice Marshall said, in efEect, that " necessary," in the con- nection, imports no more than convenient, essential, or useful to some end in view. To employ means necessary to an end is generally understood as meaning to employ means calculated to produce the end, not as being confined to some single means without which the end would be unattainable. Necessary admits of degrees : a thing may be necessary, very necessary, or abso- lutely necessary. It is ia the looser sense that the word is em- ployed in that clause of the Federal constitution which em- powers Congress to pass laws necessary and proper for carrying its express powers into effect. This was in 1819, and by the Federal judiciary. The view has not been abandoned, nor has it failed of acceptance among State tribunals. In 1864 the question was brought before the Indiana Supreme Court f of the power of Congress to create legal-tender * McCuIloch V. Maryland, 4 Wheat. 816. f Thayer v. Hedges, 23 Ind. 141. 1* 10 PRELIMINARY TOPICS. notes; and that court explained the clause in question as in- cluding all such means as are appropriate, plainly conducive to the end authorized to be attained, and not prohibited by or incon- sistent with the letter and the spirit of the instrument. And the court reasoned that to restrict the words to a signification which would deny to Congress the choice of means, and confine it to such only as are indispensably necessary, would be absurd ; there are several substantive powers expressly granted by name which would thus be utterly denied; for it could be truly said of any means which might be suggested for the execution of either of the express powers that some other might be em- ployed, and therefore that the one suggested was not a necessary one. This construction is sustained by many other authorities. It is established, and has rendered possible the development of national achievement which our generation has witnessed. LEGISLATIVE AND JUDICIAL POWERS. All readers understand that the constitutions are framed upon the plan of a distinct separation of the powers of government into three classes — legislative, executive, and judicial — intrusted to ofiBcers independently constituted. The general nature of the division between legislative and judicial power is now understood more distinctly, perhaps, but not differently from what it was at the inception of the governments. A progress affecting this distribution is, however, noticed in two points. One is the full and explicit development of a power of the judiciary to revise acts of legislation upon the question of constitutionality. It is well established that the Supreme Court has final authority to annul any law which conflicts with the national constitution, and that the superior judiciary of the State has like authority to annul an act of the legislature for violating the constitution of the State. The growth of this principle has brought the ju- diciary prominently forward as a repository of important power. The other change consists in a marked tendency to restrict, CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT. 11 by constitutional changes, the powers of tlie legislature ; and the restrictions affect the frequency of their sessions, the length of time they may sit, and the character of the laws they may pass. The earliest constitutions, as a rule, authorized, apparently as a matter of course, annual sessions ; forbore to restrict them in length; and conferred the legislative power in very general terms, the chief limitations to be gathered from most of them being those deducible from bills or declarations of rights. The steady progress has been towards restriction. Only eight States out of the thirty-eight now allow annual sessions. The plan of a session once in two years has thus been adopted in more than three quarters of the States ; and an avowed and principal reason for the change has been to diminish the fre- quency and number of new laws. In old times legislatures might continue their sessions as long as they saw reason ; now, in most of the States, they are limited to a term (sixty, ninety, or a hundred days), or sometimes have had their pay limited to a term, leaving them to serve longer without compensation, if the public necessity was sufficiently urgent. Still more impor- tant is the change made in imposing restrictions upon the kind of laws a State legislature may pass. Rules that special laws shall not be passed when general ones will answer, that divorces must not be granted, that charters shall not be given or taxes imposed, except in certain ways or subject to given conditions, are frequent in the recent constitutions ; and some of them con- tain a long series of these limitations upon the legislative au- thority. Thus the progress of development of constitutional law is towards diminution of legislative authority by increased reservations of control to the people. 12 PRELIMINARY TOPICS. Chapter II. BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF AMERICAN COURTS. The purpose of the American people to create a duplex gov- ernment involved a necessity for a twofold system of courts; and the unanticipated but extensive spread of national sway over new territories has required a third class. Thus it has been necessary to bring into operation national, state, and territorial courts of a variety of powers ; each class independent, in great measure, of the others, yet all harmonious. The steadiness, ra- pidity, and concord with which this has been done, and the com- plexity, magnitude, and eflSciency of the judicial system thus created, may well excite admiration. THE UNITED STATES COURTS. By the constitution itself, the people directly created a Su- preme Court of the United States, clothed with power to try, originally, certain controversies of high political importance, and also to review and correct decisions of subordinate courts ; and Congress, under authority of the constitution,* has created, for the ordinary administration of justice throughout the States, in controversies coming within the national jurisdiction, a sys- tem of Circuit and District courts. These three — the Supreme, Circuit, and District courts — are what are usually (not invaria- bly) meant by the expression " the United States courts." A full enumeration of all courts existing by national authority would include others, such as the local courts of the District of Columbia ; also the Court of Claims, established for the deter- * No. 9 of the powers of Congress, ante, p. 8, note. BIKD S-ETE VIEW OF AMERICAN COURTS. 13 mination of claims preferred by individuals against the govern- ment of the Union. The controversies intrusted to these United States courts (omitting to mention some of rare recurrence) are of three kinds : cases arising under any law of the United States ; cases of admiralty jurisdiction, that is, arising at sea or immediately connected with maritime matters ; and cases between citizens of different States. It was consistent with the general plan of con- fiding to the States all local or separate concerns, and to the Union all general and national affairs, that a controversy de- pending on the laws of the Union or upon the general maritime law of the commercial world should be referred to the courts of the Union, for they might be expected to determine such ques- tions more uniformly and consistently than could be done by thirty or forty independent State tribunals. Controversies be- tween citizens of different States are referred to the national ju- risdiction for other reasons,"Iargely to secure protection against any favor or partiality which courts of one State might bestow upon its own citizens. To carry this system into practical effect, the States have been divided by Congress into judicial districts. Originally each State was a district. Gradually the larger States have been divided into two or three ; and the aggregate number of the districts is, at the present day, about sixty, and is liable to be changed at any session of Congress. The districts have been grouped in circuits, of which there are nine ; and for each circuit there is a circuit judge. These two classes of judges hold United States Circuit and District courts at designated places throughout the States, systematic provision being made for court-rooms, clerks, marshals, and records ; so that, every- where, individuals concerned in controversies depending on na- tional laws, or arising upon matters of maritime origin, or in which citizens of one State are pitted against those of an- other, may seek justice in a court of the Union, free, by its creation and surroundings, and by all its precedents and tradi- 14 PRELIMINARY TOPICS. tions, from any undue influence arising from differences among the States. The decisions of the Circuit and District courts may be re- viewed, in all proper cases, by the Supreme Court. THE STATE COURTS. The organization of an appropriate system of tribunals in the various States is no less complete and thorough, though less easy to be briefly described. In nearly every State there is a Supreme Court, the judges of which, separately, visit various county seats at stated times to hold jury trials, and afterwards meet and hold court together to review and correct the decisions made by each other in their circuits. In New York, decisions of the Supreme Court may be reviewed in a Court of Appeals, whose only func- tion is to revise what has been done in lower courts ; it does not try causes in the first instance at all. Similar appellate courts have been established in Delaware, Kentucky, Maryland, New Jersey, Texas, Virginia, and West Virginia. But usually the Su- preme Court of the State is the highest court ; and the decisions of the full bench of judges of that court settle the law for the State upon all questions falling within the sphere of State govern- ment. If the authority and powers of the national government are involved in the case, there is a mode by which it may be car- ried to the Supreme Court of the United States for final decision. For each of the counties into which the States are divided there is, as a general rule, a court for the trial of suits, known as the Court of Common Pleas, the County Court, the Circuit Court for the county, or some similar name. These take cogni- zance of suits of less importance than those allotted to the Su- preme Court, according to directions given by the .legislature, and which vary in the different States. There is also, generally, in each county, a court for the care of estates of deceased per- sons, and superintendence of orphans and lunatics, and for other matters involving legal care of property without active lawsuits ; BIRD S-ETE VIEW OF AMERICAN COURTS. 15 wHcli is variously styled Court of Probate, Orphans' Court, Sur- rogate's Court, or the like, in different States. One town in each county is designated by law as the county seat where these county courts shall be held, and where all the judicial and public rec- ords of the law business arising in the county shall be preserved. The counties, again, are, except in some unsettled regions, divided into townships or towns, and throughout these are jus- tices of the peace, who have authority to try lawsuits involving smaller amounts or founded on minor wrongs. In many of the larger cities, where it has been found that the general system is not adequate to the volume of judicial business arising in the place, additional courts for the city are established. Thus in New York, in BufEalo, in Cincinnati, in Indianapolis, there is a "Superior Court;" in Brooklyn there is a "City Court.'' And, for similar reasons, the justices of the peace are in some cities organized into quite a formal system of courts. For the trial of crimes there is, as a general rule, a similar ar- rangement to that for civil controversies above described. Petty ofEences may be tried before a justice of the peace. For ofEences of a higher but medium grade there is very often a Court of Sessions, or a criminal jurisdiction in a court of the county ; or they are tried in a branch of the Supreme Court sometimes bearing the old-fashioned name " Oyer and Terminer." TERRITORIAL COURTS. When new territory, of immense extent, became acquired by the general government and began to be settled by a rapidly in- creasing population, which at first had not capacity or resources for creating a distinct set of courts for local affairs, the responsi- bility of providing such fell upon Congress. A system has been created* in which the distinction of national and state authority * Rev. Stat. § 1907. It does not apply to Arizona, or to the unorganized territories (Alaska and Indian Territory). 16 PRELIMINARY TOPICS. is not prominently marked. A territorial judiciary comprises a Supreme Court, District courts, Probate courts, and justices of tlie peace. Their powers are conferred by Congress, which also determines the extent to which their action may be directed by territorial legislatures. Therefore, they are not in any sense " State courts," nor are they, in the strict use of the term, " courts of the United States." ENGLISH COUBTS. The scope of this work does not embrace English topics, yet American courts have been so much modelled upon those of England, that a mention of the recent and radical revolution at Westminster Hall is not inappropriate. Most readers of history know something of the existence, during Norman times, in Eng- land, of the great royal court of general authority throughout the kingdom, the Aula Eegis. In the origin, quite likely there was no difference in meaning between " court" used of the king and his family and suite, and used of a tribunal to administer the laws. The king was anciently the fountain and dispenser of justice; and nothing could be more natural than that sub- jects aggrieved by misconduct of powerful barons, or complain- ing of each other's shortcomings or misconduct, should speak of "going to court" for redress, when they travelled to seek an audience of the king to ask his interference. When, in course of time, the king delegated the power of hearing controversies to a tribunal, this, as well as the royal household, continued to be called a " court." This judicial court, at first travelling with the king, was, in later years, established in permanent quarters at Westminster. As business for it increased, it was, by successive divisions of its authority, expanded into four tribunals — the Court of Exchequer, the Common Pleas, the King's Bench, and the Chancery. These are the courts so long famous in history and American law as the courts of Westminster Hall. The sub- stance of their decisions was adopted by our grandfathers as bird's-eye view of AMERICAN COURTS. l7 forming an acceptable body of common law for the colonies ; and tbroughout our fathers' days, and ours, American jurists have respected and cited these tribunals as among their chief advisers on open questions in the law. Is it as familiarly known that these noted courts no longer exist ? The English people have gone back to the Norman ideal of one great court for the kingdom. Under a series of recent acts of Parliament, the Chancery, the King's Bench, Common Pleas, and Exchequer; the Admiralty, almost as ancient; the more modern Divorce Court, where Sir Cresswell Cresswell de- veloped so many romances of private life ; the Court of Probate, and others, have been merged in one Supreme Court of Judica- ture in England. It is as if the asteroids should be welded together again into a planet ! This Supreme Court of Judicature exists in two branches — the High Court of Justice and the Court of Appeal. The first of these entertains suits when they are first brought ; and in its halls are heard the ordinary jury trials. Here, also, the shades of the departed courts reappear, for the divisions of this court cor- respond in names and general character quite closely with courts of old times. Thus the Queen's Bench division resembles the old Court of Queen's Bench. Yet the change involves substan- tial results. Jurymen are summoned for the High Court of Justice, and not for either one division. No longer can a suitor having just cause be turned out of court because he has sued in a wrong tribunal ; all suits are brought in the High Court of Justice. And pressure of business in one division may be re- lieved by a transfer of some of its causes to another. The Court of Appeal has received, speaking generally, the powers which the old courts possessed to review decisions. It hears appeals from either division of the High Court of Justice. Its decisions are subject to revision in the House of Lords, much as the decisions of the old courts used to be. 18 PRELIMINARY TOPICS. Twenty-two judges were soon found necessary for tlie new organization. The salaries of the highest in oflSce are : Lord Chancellor, £10,000; Lord Chief-justice of England, £8000. Those of the chief-justices of the Exchequer, the Common Pleas, and the Chancery are stated as £7000, and those of the barons in the Court of Appeal as £6000. The salary of an ordinary puisne judge is £5000. What perquisites or income from other positions are also available to the incumbents is another matter. Measured by American standards, the services of individual judges in England are liberally compensated. The privileges of an Eng- lish judge also exceed those common in this country, in the feature of allowing clerical aid. The three superior law judges have each a secretary, salary £500; a principal clert, salary £400 ; and a junior clerk, salary £200. The other judges are each allowed a principal and a junior clerk, but no secretary. A recent writer for the New York press has, however, put forth a computation indicating American expenditure for judi- cial services to be, in the aggregate, larger than English. From the details given, it appears that the judicial business of Eng- land and Wales is discharged by thirty-four judges, paid in the aggTCgate less than a million dollars, the population served being about twenty-five millions ; while New York State alone, taken as a sample of American methods, employs more than four hundred and fifty judicial officers, at an aggregate compensation of more than a million dollars, to administer justice among only five millions of persons. " Expense per capita in the kingdom, less than four cents ; expense per capita in the State, over twen- ty cents. Justice five times as dear in this free commonwealth as it is in the monarchical and aristocratic kingdom !"* A minor feature of the revolution at Westminster Hall is that the old-fashioned styles and distinctions of attorneys, solicitors, * From an article in the Nm York Oraphic, whicli may be found in 12 West. Jur., 623. bird's-eye view of americajt courts. 19 and proctors have been abrogated. All tbese are now admitted to practice by the title Solicitor of the Supreme Court. The acts of Parliament introducing these changes have also established rules of jurisprudence to govern the decision of causes. In particular, they have adopted unreservedly the prin- ciple introduced in New York in 1848, and copied into the legislation of more than half of the States, of a complete fusion of law and equity. More than this, they have imposed upon the law courts the duty of following, in several of the most im- portant fields of jurisprudence, the liberal principles of equity and of admiralty. 20 PRELIMINARY TOPICS. Chapter III. THE AMERICAN LIBRARY OF LAW. Imagine that we see arranged before us the printed books which comprise the law as it has grown throughout the United States during the century, a collection such as many societies and some few individual lawyers have really made : only the actual libraries include numerous English and some Continental works, while our imaginary shelves contain works of American origin only. The volumes number nearly four thousand. And they are, as a mass, the product of' a century; indeed, by far the greater part have been issued within fifty years. There ex- ist a few volumes of decisions rendered previous to the Revolu- tion ; but, generally, the books have been published since, though the decisions were rendered before. There are rare old volumes of colonial statutes published in colonial days; but they have been elevated to the rank of curiosities or reduced to the level of paper-stock by repeals or revisions of the laws. With trivial exceptions, the whole American library of law is the growth and fruit of the nineteenth century. NUMBER AND NATURE OF THE REPORTS. First in practical importance come the Reports. They now number, excluding mere curiosities and trivialities, second edi- tions, magazines, and the like, about 3000 volumes. Of these the United States courts have contributed about 260 volumes ; the residue are the product of .the labors of the State courts. There is great disparity in the number from the different States. Thus, among the older States, New York and Pennsylvania have produced (at the close of 1879) about 450 and 200 volumes THE AMERICAN LIBRARY OF LAW. 21 respectively; New Jersey, YO; Delaware, 10; Khode Island, 11. Among the States most recently organized California exhibits 51 volumes; Minnesota, 23; Kansas, 20; Nevada, 13; Nebras- ka, 8. Several of the Territories have commenced series of Re- ports. These Reports are an extended official record of what the courts have decided in the various controversies brought before them. A distinguishing, fundamental principle of Anglo-Saxon jurisprudence has always been that each decision of a lawsuit shall form the rule for deciding any subsequent one involving the same questions and presenting the same aspects. The medi- cal maxim Similia similibus curantur might well be translated, as an underlying rule of the common law, " Like cases are to be treated by similar decisions." This is not a necessary rule to jurisprudence, and has not prevailed in all systems. Other guid- ing principles are known, but have not been preferred by com- munities of Anglo-Saxon origin. For example, the sense of right, the judgment of expediency, or the mere will of the magistrate for the time being, uncontrolled by past action of his prede- cessors, might be the rule of decision. The accounts we have of ancient administration of justice and of Asiatic systems show that this method has been widely employed, and how untrust- worthy it is ; yet the stories of Solomon's judgments and of de- cisions of Haroun al Raschid indicate that under an exception- ally wise and pure magistracy such an administration of justice might not be unsatisfactory to a people of simple affairs and habits. For another example, a permanent legislative rule might be applied anew, from day to day, each judge considering only the written rule and its proper application to the cause before him, without paying regard to how it had been previously ap- plied. The Ten Commandments have been a governing rule of conduct among millions of persons for threescore centuries without any notable accumulation of " reports " of decisions, be- cause the habit has been to apply the commandment to the 22 PRBLIMINART TOPICS. question or case in judgment as seemed to be right at the time," without inquiry for past cases of like Mud. This is understood to be the genius of the Roman civil law, so far that in countries where that or modern modifications of it prevail there is less disposition to follow precedents, and consequently less accumu- lation of them than under the common law. Obedience to prec- edents has been the backbone of that system. It is the fixed habit and the nearly obligatory rule that past decisions shall be followed, unless special reason for departing from them can be shown ; such as evident error, or an intervention of a subsequent statute. And in this country, where numerous independent ju- risdictions exist, and the courts of one are not in strictness bound to follow the decisions of another, they yet do so, to a great extent, voluntarily, as matter of comity or from a sense of expediency. Upon this plan of following precedents, a full and reliable rec- ord of whatever has been decided in past cases is of paramount importance. The lawyer's first inquiry is for a " a case in point," " an authority," " a precedent." To present the decisions of past controversies in such a manner that their doctrines may be applied to new ones is the function of the Reports. Happy is the counsellor, consulted upon a knotty case, who can find in the Reports of a court having authority a former decision which " runs on all fours," as the court-room phrase is, with the cause he is employed to present. SPECIMEN OP A "law EEPOET." The narratives which the reporters give are elaborate. A Report in the full form presents, 1. A title, or the distinguish- ing name of the case ; 2. A syllabus, or brief enunciation of the rule decided ; 3. A narrative of the facts ; 4. A condensation of the arguments of the lawyers; and, 5. The opinions of the judges. One or more of these characteristic features may, how- ever, be absent. The following specimen (selected at random !), THE AMERICAN LIBRARY OF LAW. 23 will serve to show how they appear, and also to confute those who say that the law and lawyers are destitute of humor in pro- fessional work.* The case, as a newspaper-man might relate it, was as follows: Lewis was arrested and put in jail on a charge of burglary ; but before trial he broke out. He was then ar- rested and imprisoned on a charge of breaking jail. The trial for burglary resulted in an acquittal; but, instead of setting him at liberty, the authorities detained him for trial for his escape, and he was convicted of that and sentenced to two years' im- prisonment. The court decided that this was right ; even if in- nocent of the burglary, Lewis was bound, as a good citizen, to remain in jaU and await a regular trial. The form and order of a " law report " of this decision stand thus: IN THE SUPKEME COUET, STATE OF KANSAS. George Lewis, Appellant, ads. The State of Kansas, Appellee. Appeal from Atchison Count}/. STLLABUS : Imw — Paw; OuUt — WUt. When upon thy frame the law — places its ma- jestic paw — though in innocence or guilt — thou art then required to wilt. Statement of Case by Reporter: This defendant, while at large, Was arrested on a charge Of burglarious intent, And direct to jail he went. But he somehow felt misused, And through prison walls he oozed, And in some unheard-of shape He effected his escape. Mark you now : Again the law On defendant placed its paw, * Stale V. Lewis, 19 Kan. 266. 24 PEELIMINAKT TOPICS. Like a hand of iron mail, And resocked him into jail — Which said jail, while so corralled, He by sockage-tenure held. Then the court met, and they tried Lewis up and down each side. On the good old-fashioned plan ; But the jury cleared the man. Now, ymi think that this strange case Ends at just about this place. Nay, not so. Again the law On defendant placed its paw — This time takes him round the cape For effecting an escape ; He, unable.to give bail. Goes reluctantly to jail. Lewis, tried for this last act. Makes a special plea of fact : "Wrongly did they me arrest, As my trial did attest, And while rightfully at large, Taken on a wrongful charge, I took back from them what they From me wrongly took away." When this special plea was heard, Thereupon The State demurred. The defendant then was pained When the court was heard to say, In a cold impassive way, " The demurrer is sustained." Back to jail did Lewis go. But as liberty was dear, He appeals, and now is here To reverse the judge below. The opinion will contain All the statements that remain. THE AMERICAN LIBRARY OF LAW. 25 Argument, and Brief of Appellant : As a matter, sir, of fact, Who was injured by our act. Any property or man ? Point it out, sir, if you can. Can you seize us when at large On a baseless, trumped-up charge ; And if we escape, then say It is crime to get away. When we rightfully regained What was wrongfully obtained ? Please the court, sir, what is crime ? What is right, and what is wrong ? Is our freedom but a song, Or the subject of a rhyme ? Argument, and Brief of Attorney for The State : When The State, that is to say, We, take liberty away ; When the padlock and the hasp Leaves one helpless in our grasp. It's unlawful then that he Even dreams of liberty — Wicked dreams that may in time Grow and ripen into crime — Crime of dark and damning shape ; Then, if he perchance escape. Evermore remorse will roll O'er his shattered, sin-sick soul. Please the court, sir, how can we Manage people who get free ? JReply of Appellant : Please the court, sir, if it's sin, Where does turpitude begin ? 26 PEELIMINABT TOPICS. Opinion of the Court. Pee Curiam : We — don't — make — law. We are bound To interpret it as found. The defendant broke away ; When arrested, he should stay. This appeal can't be maintained, For the record does not show Error in the court below. And we nothing can infer ; Let the judgment be sustained : All the justices concur. [JVofe by the Reporter ;] Of the sheriff, rise and sing, " Glory to our earthly king !" THE ANNUAL PRODUCT. The annual product of the Reports, in recent years, from all the courts within the country has reached about one hundred volumes. There is not, indeed, any possibility of stating a pre- cise number, as ways of counting would difEer. Some books contain duplicates of cases reported in others. Some books con- tain other matter along with law reports. If the question were as to the total product of the judicial labor and thought of one year, one would state the number of volumes at somewhat less than a hundred. If it were what number must a library pur- chase in order to keep fully up with the course of decision, the answer would be put at above the hundred. As respects the United States courts, there is a regular, com- prehensive, reliable series of Reports of the Supreme Court at Washington, from its organization, by successive reporters ap- pointed by the court and paid by a Congressional appropriation in addition to some remuneration from sales of copies, and whose duties have been ably discharged. The country has good THE AMERICAN LIBRARY OF LAW. 2Y reason to be satisfied with the Supreme Court Eeports as a whole. While the court sat in Philadelphia it was not independently chronicled. But from 1801, about the time of the removal to Washington, a continuous, independent series has been con- ducted by William Cranch, also a judge and reporter of the Circuit Court of the District ; Henry Wheaton, also noted as a publicist and writer on international law, and whose reports em- braced so many great constitutional cases, decisions of Marshall and Story, and arguments of Webster and the earlier giants of the bar, and were enriched with so many valuable annotations that they attained high repute ; and by Messrs: Peters, Howard, Black (also Attorney-general), and Wallace ; which brings the list down to the series now current. And if any one finds the origi- nals too voluminous and costly, there is a convenient and trust- worthy condensation of them. In the lower Federal courts the system of reporting is desultory ; publication depends on either the patronage of the bar or extraordinary public spirit of judges or publishers, and has not been punctual or uniform. It is to be regretted that government does not arrange some system of re- porting the Circuit and District courts which would, on the one hand, restrict the voluminous narrations of superseded, reversed, and valueless cases which abound in some of the series as now published, and, on the other, would maintain a reasonable record of judicial action in regions which cannot sustain reports by the purchases of the bar. As respects the States, some of them em- ploy and pay official reporters, others leave the publication of decisions to private enterprise. By these two methods the rou- tine of publishing all, or nearly all, the decisions of the Supreme Court, or highest court otherwise named, has been for the past generation steadily continued. It was much interrupted during the civil war; but the arrears have been generally made good. There is a general improvement in punctuality noticeable within the past ten years. Quality and value do not seem to improve ; the tendency to report every decision strengthens; and cases 28 PKBLIMINAET TOPICS. wMch are mere repetitions, or only apply familiar rules to cir- cumstances of improbable recurrence, multiply, rendering the books less instructive to the bar. If tbe object of reports is to bold tbe bencb to a strict responsibility, to impress on the mind of every judge a sense of acting under scrutiny, of course every decision should be published, the questionable ones especially. If the object is to instruct the bar in the progress of jurispru- dence, there should be a severer selection. The tendency of leg- islation and usage, particularly throughout the West, indicates that wholesome publicity of judicial action is a principal object. THE STATUTE-BOOKS. Next in order of practical importance and use are the books of Statutes ; theoretic considerations might rank them above the Eeports. These are, primarily, the publication of the new laws, of the acts of Congress or of any State legislature ; not the bills and amendments as considered, nor the debates and votes, but only the laws as finally passed. These are usually issued soon after the adjournment of each legislative session. The number of volumes to which this department of law literature has at- tained does not admit of any precise statement, for several rea- sons ; one, because in many instances the work of each distinct session is given in a separate pamphlet, hardly worthy in size to be counted as a volume ; another, because the same law is often produced again and again in successive revisions and enactments. For no sooner have ten or a dozen pamphlets or volumes of " session laws " accumulated than some compiler assumes " to discharge the debt which every la*yer owes to his profession," by editing their contents systematically in a new volume ; or perhaps the legislature authorizes all former statutes to be ar- ranged and republished in one book of Revised Statutes or Compiled Laws, or some similar title. The various ways in which this is done are explained in the opening section of chap- ter xxi. : Codification. THE AMEEICAN LIBRARY OF LAW. 29 THE DIGESTS, TREATISES, AND PERIODICALS. The Statutes and the Reports are the original and authoritative sources of the law ; but the student's difficulty in grappling with so many volumes has given rise to the production of many digests, or indexes, and treatises, each devoted to a certain subject, sphere, or field, and designed to give to the lawyer, in a brief, conven- ient form, the rules derived from the Reports or Statutes. The preparation of treatises has enlisted the best efforts of many of the ablest and most experienced of American lawyers and judges. And noted American treatises — Greenleaf on Evidence, Kent's Commentaries on American Law, several of Judge Story's vol- umes, Wheaton's famous Treatise on International Law, and works of Angell, Bouvier, Cooley, Curtis, Dr. Lieber, Judge Redfield, Theodore Sedgwick, Francis Wharton — have been ap- proved and accepted abroad, some of them having received the honor of republication, and even of translation. There are, moreover, about thirty periodicals which may be deemed devoted to jurisprudence as their specialty, and which have attained general circulation. Among these the Albany Law Journal^ American Law Review, American Law Register, Central Law Journal, Chicago Legal News, The Reporter, In- ternal Revenue Record, Legal Intelligencer, Northwestern Re- porter, Pacific Coast Law Journal, Southern Law Journal, Southern Law Review, Virginia Law Journal, Weekly Digest, and Western Jurist have acquired, and still maintain, celebrity and influence. " CONSULTING THE BOOKS." The occasions for consulting these three or four thousand books do not, upon the whole, diminish. Upon the one hand, it is true that there is, at the present day, less subordination to precedent, merely as such, than in eariy years. Courts are not as much swayed by a sense that they must obey any and every decided case. But, on the other hand, the extent, variety, and 30 PRELIMINARY TOPICS. complexity of the questions brought before the courts increase steadily — faster, of course, than the learning, mental power, and vigor of will of individual judges. Hence there is growing in- clination to be advised by past decisions ; enlarged necessity for the judge to take time for learning all that is known affecting the cause before him ; more hesitation to decide a question until what has been adjudicated upon it has been reviewed. No ex- pedients seem to dispense with the labor of research among the Reports and Statutes themselves. Authors and publishers, in- deed, have proffered compilations of various kinds as substitutes for the original books ; but the working lawyers have generally preferred to employ them as a means by which they might pros- ecute research among the Reports and Statutes themselves more rapidly, and carry it further, and have valued each compilation in proportion as it fulfilled this end. Codes have been enacted in the hope of superseding, by concise, authoritative rules, the undigested discussions of the Reports. Codes are useful ; but immediately relieving the lawyer of his library has not been their strong point. The books deemed necessary to explain the code sometimes seem to outnumber those which the code assumes to consolidate, besides arousing new zeal for research in the older books to find the origin and materials of the new enactment. Lapse of time does not assist, for the books which grow obsolete with the advance of civilization are not as many as those- to which each new year gives birth. The necessity, real or imagi- nary, of " consulting the books " is a large and growing element in the professional labor of the industrious, painstaking lawyer. He must — or considers that he must — examine, read in, perhaps quote from, two or three hundred of the three or four thousand volumes in the collection before him, to prepare himself for a single argument ; and this adds a serious and wearying physical task to the mental duty. In the morning, when strength is fresh and interest awake, the books come down easily and pleasantly enough. But at night, when the brief has been written and a THE AMERICAN LIBRARY OF LAW. 31 hundred or so of volumes are strewed upon the tables and chairs, then one does wish that book-covers were fitted with springs and muscles like wings of birds, and that one could clap his hands and frighten the whole bevy to fly up to their perches on the lofty shelves. THE "AMERICAN DECISIONS" AND "AMERICAN REPORTS." These are the titles of two undertakings which will result in a reconstruction, for general convenience, of the heterogeneous mass of the State reports. The "American Eeports" was first commenced, dating from 1869. It is a New York plan. It aims at selecting and presenting in one series all cases of gen- eral value decided by the courts of last resort in every State, unencumbered by cases of local law, and enriched with annota- tions aiding their general use. It has now reached nearly thirty volumes, in which are embodied the cases of general application gathered from five or six hundred of the original reports. Its success led to the complementary undertaking known as the "American Decisions." This is a California enterprise. Com- mencing with the earliest State reports, it is giving, anew, all the cases deemed useful at the present day and to the country at large, with annotations. It is drawing towards its twentieth volume, and bids fair, within the compass of about seventy-five volumes, to represent, usefully, the entire mass of State reports prior to 1869. 32 PRELIMINARY TOPICS. Chapter IV. COLONIAL JUEISPRTJDENCE. It may not be unwelcome to give a brief picture of American jurisprudence at the outset of its independent development. Let us ask what was the general condition of the law immediately before the time when the newly created Congress and recently emancipated legislatures, with the courts, entered upon the duty of expanding and moulding its rules to meet the rapidly advanc- ing wants of the growing people. It is worth while to under- stand distinctly that the great fundamental principles underlying both the rules and the methods of jurisprudence were recognized and obeyed then, substantially as they now are. In government there has been an adoption of a new foundation. In law the changes made have been modifications and expansions of old principles and methods, rather than discoveries which can be called new. There has been a great advance ; but it has con- sisted in the steady, progressive application of the law to the new rights and relations, the new ideas and possessions, which the growth of the country has developed. Throughout later colonial times it was understood that the administration of justice io the courts between individuals was guided by the general laws and usages of England. This was not because every act of Parliament or decision of the courts of Westminster Hall was inherently in force in the colonies, but because English law had come, in point of fact, to be, speaking generally, the law here ; partly by enactments expressly men- tioning the colonies, partly by a voluntary adoption of portions of English law as being convenient, and still more because the American courts, even when acting independently, had very gen- COLONIAL JURISPRUDENCE. 33 erally, as was natural, pursued the practice and followed the course of decision of English tribunals. The religious views which permeated the earliest legislation of our ancestors antag- onized it strongly, in many points, to that of England ; but these differences became greatly ameliorated during the first hundred years, so that by 1750-1775 the tone of legislation and of judi- cial decision had become much more in harmony with that of the mother country than was that of 1650. Upon questions of politics and statesmanship there was a growing divergence. But the general law of personal rights and relations, of property, of business obligations and liabilities, and of penal justice was, so far as controversies affecting individuals were concerned, very much the same in the two countries. The American colonies of English origin possessed a common law, composed of the English common law and statutes, and deducible from the re- ported decisions and authoritative text-books of English law, but varied in many of its applications to suit the circumstances or views of the American people. This has continued the basis of the jurisprudence of these communities since they have ri- pened into states. The Eevolution, which repudiated the Crown and Parliament as the source of sovereign authority in the State, and accorded all allegiance to the people as the ultimate authors of civil government, did not repudiate or materially change the principles or methods of the law. Jurisprudence remains, in nat- ure and essential principles, substantially unchanged. The great contrast is between the early and the modem applications.* * There is, perhaps, less necessity for an elaborate sketch of the condition of the law a century ago, because Blackstone's Commentaries — a book which has had a wider circulation, probably, than any other in the law, and has been read by many besides lawyers — together with many American writings on colonial and Revolutionary history, have given wide-spread general im- pressions as to the character and leading features of our early law. The publication of the Commentaries in their corrected and completed form took place between 176B and 1769, less than ten years before the Declara- 2* 34 PRELIMINARY TOPICS. There has been great advance in protecting the liberty of the individual against ecclesiastical dictation or tyranny of govern- ment. "What is most valuable in modern American ideas of re- ligious and civil liberty has been developed during the century. The general principles upon which one may have redress in the courts for a personal injury from his neighbor were recognized before the Revolution substantially as now. So far as family and domestic relationships remain in fact unchanged, they have the same protection of law now as then. But views and usages as to these relations have changed. There were then recognized menial or domestic servants, apprentices, laborers, and agents employed in various capacities in the voca- tions then exercised, and the law subjected them to a limited authority on the master's part, gave them a remedy for wages, and held the master to a certain liability for their acts. The growth of business has greatly increased the complexity and variety of these relations, and the applications of old principles to them have been correspondingly modified. There is great apparent change as to marriage : it consists in this, that the views and customs of the people in respect to the authority of a husband over his wife and her property and afEairs have changed, and the administration of law has followed — at a re- spectful distance — the popular progress. The general view of what control is expedient to be allowed to a parent over a child, or to a guardian over a ward, has changed but little ; and, ac- cordingly, the administration of the law on' that subject is, in its general features, the same as of old. tion. At that period our ancestors in the colonies were following, as far as private rights were concerned, the previous acts of Pariiament and the Eng- lish common law ; with exceptions, indeed, but in such degree that Black- stone's account is, as to most topics, a good general picture of the adminis- tration of justice between individuals immediately before the Revolution. This is a distinct field from civil or religious government in the colonies, which cannot be learned from the Commentaries. COLONIAL JURISPRUDENCE. 35 Corporations were known to the law of a century ago in their nature, and in a few of the many uses for which, at the present day, they are so freely created : but that multitude of incorporated companies with which the whole country is now populous were, in lYYB, unknown; not so much because the law did not permit them, as because the business of the people did not demand them. They had been found convenient for re- ceiving and managing permanent accumulations of property for purposes of government, instruction, religion, or charity ; the business enterprises — such as banking, insurance, manufactures, railroads, telegraphs — for which mammoth accumulations of cap- ital are now deemed necessary, were then either in 'feeble infancy or unborn. The change has been primarily in the expansion of practical activity and endeavor; the legal change is secondaiy, and consists in applying principles long recognized to novel facts. Land was recognized as property, and, as fast as the wilder- ness was reclaimed, our ancestors — except for the repudiation of the feudal idea that land was allotted to its possessor as a re- ward for his military services to his sovereign, and should there- fore at his death descend undivided to his eldest son — employed the leading rules of the law of England to protect the possession of real property and regulate its transfer. But how limited must have been the scope of this branch of jurisprudence before immigration had rendered land valuable, before surveyors had mapped the general surface to render it divisible, and while only a few seaboard cities, inland towns, and limited agricultural re- gions spotted what otherwise was, so far as practical possession and enjoyment were involved, a wilderness ! A simpler system of rules answered all the wants of landowners in the colonies than that which had grown up in England. Upon the other hand, when, in course of events, the United States became a purchaser, from European powers or Indian occupants, of vast tracts of unsettled domain, and engaged in the business of di- 36 PRELIMINARY TOPICS. viding these for sale and settlement, a duty was thrown upon the courts of administering the familiar principles of real-prop- erty law, and the regulations of government, in such a way as to bring this new system of disposal of public lands into conven- ient operation. Contracts were enforced, or breaches of them redressed, by courts of justice upon substantially the same general principles of what is right between man and man as now prevail ; but how few were the occasions for judicial interference compared with what we now witness ! How could there be any law of railway traffic, or of express or telegraph business, when there were no railroads, expresses, or telegraphs ? Probably the major part of business transactions of the present day giving rise to questions and controversies are of kinds essentially unknown a century ago. In this portion of the domain of the law, it is again seen that while there is great apparent increase, it consists chiefly in a progressive adaptation of old princij)les to what is new in hu- man affairs. What may be said as to the law of crimes ? The English law, as in force throughout the colonies, generally recognized and punished as crimes some things which have now ceased to be so regarded. Absences from church, apostasy, and heresy were punishable. Witchcraft, prophesying, divination, and sorcery in various forms were dealt with as crimes, upon the theory, now obsolete among jurists, that it was possible truth could be ascer- tained or real effects produced by human employment of super- natural or necromantic means ; and so of " multiplying the pre- cious metals." But these views had diminished in energy be- fore the era of the Eevolution. English laws, presumably in force in some of the colonies, punished some practices as being inf rincfe- ments of sound, honest trading which now pass unchallenged by any legal penalties — such as "engrossing," or the buy in o- quantities of provisions by a speculator to enhance the market price ; " forestalling," or hindering merchandise upon its way to COLONIAL JURISPRTTDENCE. 37 market ; and " regrating," or buying provisions within a market with intent to sell them within the same. So of exercising a trade without having served due apprenticeship. Assembling in numbers to petition Parliament was deemed in England to deserve criminal penalty ; and a great variety of acts indirectly prejudicial to the stability of government were construed to come within the offence of treason. And, besides matters which old English law may have made criminal, many semi-religious regu- lations were prescribed by provincial laws, founded upon a theory that civil government should punish disobedience to the laws of Moses. The administration of the criminal law was severe in those days as compared with ours. Punishments were graver, the punishment of death being imposed for almost any of the prin- cipal offences, instead of being reserved for two or three, the most heinous. The attitude of government towards those ac- cused of crime was arbitrary and positive. The proceedings in criminal cases were strict, and the accused, if convicted, had no appeal. The custody of prisoners was little regulated for their comfort or welfare. But accused persons enjoyed, by adoption from England, the privileges of the writ of habeas corpus as a protection against unauthorized or pretended imprisonments, and of trial by jury as a preventive of oppressive or forced convic- tions of crime. Some of the colonies also possessed important assurances of individual rights in a " Bill of Eights," embodying a distinct declaration of principles of liberty obligatory on gov- ernment in every prosecution of an individual. The principles and means which were to operate towards an amelioration of the criminal law were in existence at the era of the Revolution. And the amelioration which has been accomplished is by no means confined to American communities or attributable to American ideas. It has been as clear and steady in England as among us. n. NATIONAL SUBJECTS. Chapter V. CITIZENS. VARIOUS MEANINGS OF THE WORD. Books of twenty and thirty years ago spoke of " citizens " as if they were a limited class of persons to whom the law gave special and peculiar privileges. Law treatises and dictionaries gave as a definition of the word citizen " one who has a right to vote for puhlic oflacers and is qualified to hold ofiice." Of course, then, the citizen must be adult, white, and male. Former- ly such a definition was, perhaps, not amiss. At the present day a very different view prevails. The idea of citizenship is now ex- tended to that of membership in the State or nation, including the right to its protection and the obligation to aid in its support ; and the class of persons included is enlarged to embrace all na- tives and all foreigners who have accepted naturalization. This is the general sense of the expression " an American citizen." There are peculiar uses of the word, which may not be incorrect, as when, speaking of a particular man, one asks, " Is he a citizen or a soldier?" meaning Is he engaged in civil or military pur- suits ? or " Is he a citizen or a countryman ?" meaning Does he live in city or country ? or " Is he a citizen or an alien ?" mean- ing Is he a member of our body politic or of some other na- 40 NATIONAL SUBJECTS. tion ? * There is curious learning about the citizenship of chil- dren born abroad or in territory afterwards conquered by, or ceded to, our government; and about citizenship of corpora- tions ; and there are instances in which the context of a law or state-paper shows plainly that when citizens are mention- ed, persons entitled to vote and hold office are intended. But the modernized meaning is " members of the body politic." This has been established chiefly by the constitutional rule known as the Fourteenth Amendment ; but the antecedent history of the de- velopment of the idea is interesting. THE EARLY SIGNIFICATION. To say, as the dictionaries do, that " citizen " once meant a resident of a city has but little significance, unless one can real- ize the political character and functions of mediaeval cities. This is not easy. Wall Street, in New York, is probably the only reminiscence in this country of times when there were walled cities ; of a social condition when to group dwellings and envi- ron them was useful as a means of protection against marauding violence of immediate neighbors. Yet the wall was once the type of the city's function, and the shelter of the people was a chief purpose of municipal organization. Membership of a city was then at once a privilege and a duty in a very difEerent sense from ours. Imagine the infant Dutch-English settlement upon the toe of Manhattan Island to be actually relying upon the wall across the instep as a defence against roving and aggressive In- dians on the north ; and that those who are going forth to cul- tivate or build upon the lands beyond the wall do so with slen- der means of self-defence, but with a great reliance that if an at- tack comes they can return within the wall for shelter, or call upon the city for succor. It is plain that when this was the fundamental idea, membership in a city might be a highly valued * Bates's Opinion on Citizenship, 10 Op. Att.-gen. 382, 388. CITIZENS. 41 right, and that the answering duty to contribute to the city's means of defence might be assumed with a cheerfulness ripening into pride. Such sentiments were higher and more distinct in the case of European cities in the Middle Ages than they have ever been in this country. In days when the land at large was swayed by a feudal chieftain, attributing his right to past con- quest as its source, and sustaining it by mere power ; watching for opportunities to levy exactions upon his weaker neighbors, and enforcing them by aid of military retainers attached to him by rewards of lands, men of more peaceful traits — those who looked to agriculture, to commerce, or to the infant arts and trades for prosperity — gathered in cities and associated them- selves largely for defence. A variety of persons might be found within a city's walls. There might be visitors or strangers re- ceiving hospitality, but entitled to nothing ; there might be im- beciles and paupers, destitute of right because they could not make contribution ; there might be serfs or slaves ; but those inhabitants who contributed to the city's protection, and were entitled to share in its benefits, were the citizens. They might prosecute their vocations or repose in their homes, understanding that each was pledged to secure the common defence ; or they might go forth upon enterprises abroad, knowing that if 'they fell into oppression and peril the city would send for their rescue or demand redress for their wrongs. This reciprocal relation of allegiance and protection was the early idea. It varied with dif- ferent varying circumstances of time and place. It attained such general growth that the free inhabitant or corporate member of a powerful and wealthy municipality enjoyed a status at home to which valuable power, influence, and privilege pertained ; and received, while travelling abroad, a protection and respect ac- corded in view of his membership of the city whence he came, and proportioned to the rank and power of that city among the cities of the world. It is not possible to confine the modern meaning of citizenship within limits suggested by this its origin. 42 NATIONAL SUBJECTS. The whole social condition has changed. The city, founded on productive labor and exchange, has prevailed, and feudal rule has perished. Government is no longer a tyranny of an aristoc- racy, but an organization of the people for purposes which in- clade the suppression of disorders and the security of rights. That spirit of productive labor which distinctively animated the antique city has overflowed the walls and spread over the land ; the functions which related to defence have been chiefly trans- ferred to the State or nation ; and what is now called a city is a centre of denser population and increased activity, fixed by a commodiqus harbor or a convenient place for railroad transfers. History cannot circumscribe political ideas, and this recurrence to the origin of the phraseology must not be taken as imposing limitations upon its meaning. It serves to indicate the under- lying thought, which is membership of the governing communi- ty ; a relation of allegiance and protection between the individ- ual and the sovereign mass ; a condition which gives one who occupies it a title to recognition and care both while at home and when (rightfully) abroad, while it involves a reciprocal obli- gation of fealty and support. The full meaning is to be sought in the course of recent progress. SUBJECTS AND CITIZENS. In tracing this progress, the substitution of " citizen " in American forms for " subject " in European styles attracts at- tention. These are not two different relations, but opposite as- pects of the same. They are the two sides of the shield : the obverse and reverse of the medal. If government is a sway founded on hereditary right and maintained by power compel- ling obedience, the individual is aptly described as a " subject," yet he has rights. If it is a co-operation for large public ends, he is best called a " citizen," yet he is not free from burdens. In citizenship, rights and privileges are prominently in view, du- ties are in the background. When a person is presented as a CITIZENS. 43 subject of a sovereign, his allegiance is more noticeable, bis franchise is less in sight. Membership of the nation is included in either case. QUESTION OF CITIZENSHIP OF NEGROES. Now, understanding that citizenship is membership of the sov- ereign mass considered as a privilege, we are prepared to review the constitutional change which has declared it to be indepen- dent of race. Prior to the war, the current of thought in the courts respecting negroes — the race whose status was most prom- inently in question — was that African blood was an insuperable disqualification; that a colored person, even though free, could not claim citizenship by birth, because the origin and usages of our institutions forbade it ; nor by naturalization, because the laws on that subject embraced only " white persons." That a free-born native negro was not a. citizen was the position taken by the majority of the Supreme Court in the noted Dred Scott case. The decision was challenged and criticised by many re- spected authorities, but was approved and sustained by others, and was the general opinion of the judiciary at that time. But it grew steadily more and more unsatisfactory to the people at large. As the opinions of the courts determine only causes be- tween suitors, and do not control the action of the political de- partments of the government, the general popular sentiment found official expression through the Attorney - general of the United States. The particular incident which elicited his de- cision was that the captain of the revenue-cutter Tiger, in the service of the Treasury Department, detained a schooner bailing from New Brunswick, and coasting past South Amboy, because her master was a colored man. The law of Congress authoriz- ing issue of licenses to coasting vessels limited them to citizens of the United States. The point taken by the captain of the cutter was that the master of the schooner, being black, could not be a citizen (Dred Scott case), and therefore was incompe- 44 NATIONAL SUBJECTS. tent to receive a coasting license. The Secretary of the Treas- ury at the time was Salmon P. Chase. Every one knows that he would not sympathize with such an arrest. He, however, re- ferred the question to the Attorney-general, Edward Bates, who advised that free men of color, native-born, were presumably citi- zens — that is, their color was not an incapacity or disqualifica- tion — and, therefore, that the schooner and her dark master should be allowed to proceed on the voyage. Some of the positions of this able and elaborate opinion de- serve condensed restatement at this day. The Attorney-general reasons thus : * There is no satisfactory definition of " a citizen of the United States." In most instances, the discussion has turned not upon the intrinsic quali- ties of citizenship, but upon the claim of some right or privilege erroneously supposed to inhere in citizenship ; such as the right to hold oflSce, or to vote. Neither of these constitutes or indicates citizenship. Eligibility to ofiBce may be, and is, conferred sometimes on aliens, and the right of suffrage is not extended to all citizens ; women and minors, in particular, are exclud- ed. These faculties of voting and holding office are made to depend on a variety of facts purely discretionary, such as age, sex, race, color, property, residence. No person in the United States did ever exercise the right of suffrage in virtue of the naked, unassisted fact of citizenship. In my opin- ion, the Constitution uses the word citizen only to express the political quality of the individual in his relations to the nation ; to declare that he is a mem- ber of the body politic, and bound to it by the reciprocal obligation of al- legiance on one side and protection on the other. And I have no knowledge of any other kind of political citizenship, higher or lower, statal or national, or of any other sense in which the word has been used in the Constitution, or can be used properly in the laws of the United States. The phrase " a citizen of the United States," without addition or qualification, means nei- ther more nor less than a member of the nation. Again: every person born in the country is, at the moment of birth, presumably a citizen, and he who would deny it must take upon himself the burden of proving some great disfranchisement strong enough to override the 'natural-born' right, as recognized by the Constitution in terms the most simple and comprehensive, and without any reference to race or color, * Bates's Opinion on Citizenship, 10 Op. Att.-gen. 382. CITIZENS. 45 or any other accidental circumstance. That nativity furnishes the rule, both of duty and of right, as between the individual and the government is an historical and a political truth universally accepted. There is nothing in the Constitution or in the reason or nature of things which authorizes say- ing that any pecuharity of color or race overrides the fact of native birth. The supposition that it does arises from erroneous views of what is meant by the word as the Constitution employs it. THE FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT. This circumstance occurred late in the fall of 1862, towards the middle of the war. The course and events of the war, and the resulting emancipation of the slaves, increasing the number of free native-born blacks to nearly four millions, greatly height- ened the importance and stimulated the popular purpose of pro- tecting the negroes by national authority in their personal rights. The Thirteenth Amendment of the Constitution, which assured them of their freedom, left them subject to State laws restrict- ing their rights and capacities on the ground of race and color. Hence the Fourteenth. It declares, " All persons born or nat- uralized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside." * And it forbids any State law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States ; and imposes a reduction of its representation in Congress upon any State which (except for crime) shall deny suffrage to such citizens, being male inhabitants of the State, twenty-one years old. But it does not define citizenship, or declare, even by im- plication, what privileges or effects belong to it. On both these * There is in our political system a. government of each of the several States, and a government of the United States. Each is distinct from the others, and has citizens of its own who owe it allegiance, and whose rights, within its jurisdiction, it must protect. The same person may be at the same time a citizen of the United States and a citizen of a State ; but his rights of citizenship under one of these governments will be different from those he has under the other. — United States v. Cruikshank, 92 U. S. 642. 46 NATIONAL STIBJECTS. points it is silent. The words " all persons born or naturalised . . . are citizens " have been sometimes taken as an exhaustive delineation of all the persons who are citizens, so that no person not included can be one. Yet this is not so. Before the amendment some few persons born out of the country and never naturalized were yet recognized as citizens — such as a chOd of a citizen father ; a woman married to a citizen. The amendment was not designed to ostracize these, but to extend the privilege to the emancipated slaves. And, carefully read, it does not ex- clude any one. Saying that all persons native-born or natural- ized are citizens does not necessarily mean that some others are not also. As it does not define the relation, so, also, it does not describe or enumerate its privileges ; these are left to be ascer- tained. CITIZENSHIP AND HOLDING LAND. It is easy, moreover, to see that citizenship is distinct from ability to hold property. In England, from early times, aliens were under a prohibition to hold lands, and formerly this disa- bility prevailed extensively in our country. Very little of the doctrine now remains. Twenty-seven of the States have abol- ished it, and enabled aliens (the laws of some say resident aliens) to own and convey lands like citizens. Nine more give this privilege to the alien from the time he makes a declaration of his intention to become a citizen. Pennsylvania has given the privilege in a limited extent; an alien may buy land if he does not buy too much. Vermont alone, in IS'ZS, had not abolished the restriction. Her inactivity has apparently been due to the fact that there aliens do buy, hold, and sell lands by tacit consent. In Great Britain and Ireland the dis- ability was, by an act of Parliament passed in 1870,* re- moved in regard to property acquired within the United King- dom and after the passage of the act. It declares that real and * Stat. 33 and 34 Vict. ch. 14, § 2. CITIZENS. ' 47 personal property may be acquired and disposed of by an alien, or transmitted tbrough one, in the same manner as tbougb he were a British subject. But these enabling laws have never been thought to involve citizenship ; they do not affect the alien's condition as a member of the body politic. A similar doctrine is presented in a more salient manner in the case of the Vir- ginia oysters. The Legislature of Virginia enacted that any person not a citizen of the State who should take or plant oys- ters in Virginia waters should forfeit $500 and his boat. A citizen of Maryland planted oysters in Ware River, in Virginia, and was prosecuted. He contended that as a citizen of Mary- land he was entitled in Virginia to all the privileges of Virginia's citizens, oyster-planting included. But the Supreme Court ad- judged that oysters are not a privilege of citizenship, but a sub- ject of private property. The State was the owner of the beds of all tide-waters in the State, and, as a consequence, was the owner of the oysters there growing. She could grant them and the privilege of cultivating them to whom she pleased, either by naming individuals or by a general designation, such as " citi- zens of Virginia." Only the persons to whom she gave the right could exercise it. The Maryland man had no more claim to take the oysters which the State had given to the citizens of Virginia thau to cut grain growing on land belonging to the State, but granted to her citizens.* Thus we see that citizenship and property are independent. CITIZENSHIP AND SUFFRAGE. What, then, is the connection between citizenship and suffrage ? Briefly indicated, it is : 1. That the States have from early times been accustomed to limit suffrage to citizens ; to require citizen- ship as one of the several qualifications of a voter, so that while not a quarter of all citizens (counting women and children) have * McCready v. Virginia, 94 U., 8. 391. 48 NATIONAL SUBJECTS. voted, the general rule has been that only citizens might vote. And, 2. That, by recent amendments to the Constitution, the suffrage previously accorded cannot be taken away from citizens on the ground of race, color, or previous servitude at all, nor denied to adult male citizens on other grounds (except for crime), without exposing the State so abridging the right to a propor- tionate diminution of her representation in Congress. To at- tempt an elaborate exposition of this topic would be passing from the domain of jurisprudence to that of statesmanship. CITIZENSHIP AND HOLDING OFFICE. Few words will be needed to show that, as suffrage is not an element in citizenship, so neither is eligibility to office. The designation of persons to serve the State is to be regarded far more as a question of ability and trustworthiness than as one of personal claims ; and where there is, in American laws or in- stitutions, one indication that office-holding has been regarded as a privilege of citizens as such, there are many that the sovereign power makes its own designation of the classes of persons from whom candidates may come, irrespective of any general right. To restrict the honors and rewards of office to any small privi- leged class is not American policy ; but neither are they claima- ble by every member of the commonwealth. The State and the nation have each always prescribed such qualifications of age, sex, residence, learning, and pecuniary responsibility as the nature of duties to be performed has suggested. Citizenship is often prescribed as a condition ; it is not the basis of a right. The intent and effect of a law that " white male citizens of full age shall be eligible" to specified offices is rather to exclude persons who are not members of the commonwealth than to recognize any right in all who are. The position may well be illustrated by a mention of Mrs. Bradwell's case, although what was there involved was admtesion to the bar, which is not an office in the fullest sense. Mrs. Bradwell asked, from the Su- CITIZENS. 49 preme Court of Illinois, admission to practice as a lawyer. It was refused ; and she sought redress from the Supreme Court of the United States, claiming that to pursue the law as a vo- cation was one of the privileges of a citizen. The judges de- nied her application,* some saying that citizenship of the United States does not underlie the office of the lawyer in a State ; others that citizenship of women does not forbid restricting that office to men. An application by Mrs. Lockwood, of the Dis- trict of Columbia, to be admitted to the Court of Claims met substantially the same defeat. The subsequent legislation of Congress admitting women to the Federal courts does not con- travene, but rather supports, the view that mere citizenship does not involve it. CITIZENSHIP OF WOMEN AND CHILDREN. No sooner was tlie declaration " all persons born within the United States are citizens " incorporated in the organic law than the advocates of woman suffrage claimed it as surely establish- ing their position. Habituated to the idea that suffrage is in- volved in citizenship, they considered that their great work was accomplished ; the ballot had been given to woman by the same mandate that gave personal capacity to the freedman. Miss Anthony in New York, Mrs. Minor in Missouri, and Mrs. Spen- cer and Mrs. Webster in the District of Columbia stepped con- fidently to the polls and tendered their votes, and contended earnestly in the courts that the votes ought to have been re- ceived, because women had been made citizens. The Supreme Court explained f that these ladies, being white and native-born, had always been citizens. As used in the Constitution, the word conveys the idea of membership of the nation ; nothing more. Women have always been citizens, the same as men. * Bradwell v. State, 16 Wall 130. f Minor v. Happersett, 21 Wall. 162. 3 !>0 NATIONAL SUBJECTS. The amendment did not affect them except as it affected men. And it did not enlarge the privileges of a citizen. Suffrage was not, previously, one of these privileges, for the States always limited that right by considerations of age, sex, residence, and even tax-paying ; and sometimes accorded it to aliens : it has not become one since. It is worth noticing that the same argument which would win suffrage for women from the Amendment would win it for chil- dren. The Amendment says nothing of age ; and the language of all the standard authorities on the subject is framed upon the understanding that the native takes his status from the time of birth. Any idea that an adolescent attains citizenship when he becomes " of age " is an error. There is not, indeed, any magic about the age of twenty-one which should change one's civil condition. A person becomes of age for different purposes at different years. At birth he is of age to receive full protec- tion in rights of person and property. At seven years, he be- comes of age to have capacity for crime proved against him ; at fourteen, to have it presumed ; also to have his consent asked and followed in changes of his domestic relations ; at eighteen, to render military service ; at twenty-one, to be independent of his father, and to vote ; at twenty-five, thirty, and thirty-five, to become Representative, Senator, or President ; and at forty-five, to claim exemption from the militia. And these are not all, nor are they invariable. They are rules of positive law, founded only in civil convenience, and one of them has no more relation to citizenship than another. The recent discussions have sbown in a clear light that the American idea of citizenship is inde- pendent of sex and of age. Under the same environing condi- tions, men, women, and children share it alike. EXPATRIATION AND NATURALIZATION. There has been an important change in opinion upon the right to leave the land of one's birth and become a citizen of CITIZENS. 51 anotlier country. A doctrine that an individual must continue subject to liis native allegiance until released by bi^ sovereign was a legitimate consequence of the Old-World theories of gov- ernment. But the American view, that governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed, has always been thought to involve one's right to renounce natural alle- giance and become a citizen of another country consenting. This question was long and earnestly controverted between Great Britain and the United States. One of the causes which led to the war of 1812 was the assertion of the right of British ships of war to inspect crews of American vessels on the high seas, and take out seamen of British birth, notwithstanding they had been naturalized in this country. The practical assertion of these claims has declined in modern times. In 1868 Con- gress passed a declaratory law * asserting the right of expa- triation as " a natural and inherent right of all people, indis- pensable to the enjoyment of the rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness,'' and repudiated all claims of for- eign States to enforce allegiance of their subjects after naturali- zation. In 1870 a treaty was exchanged with Great Britain providing that British subjects naturalized here should be treated, for all purposes, by Great Britain as American citizens. And we have similar treaties with several other European gov- ernments. Then, by an act of Parliament passed in the same year,f Great Bi-itain seems to have given the consent which she formerly withheld, to the expatriation of her subjects. It de- clares that any British subject voluntarily naturalized in any foreign State shall be deemed to have ceased to be a British subject, and will be regarded as an alien. He may, however, return and be readmitted to British nationality. * Rev. Stat. § 1999. f Stat. 33 and 34 Vict. oh. 14, § 6. 52 NATIONAL SUBJECTS. THE MODERN SIGNIFICATION OF CITIZEN. The American idea, then, regards the whole great mass of per- sons who are by birth, or have become by naturalization, mem- bers of the body politic as privileged in being citizens. As re- spects administration of internal affairs, this class embraces all who constitute the people of the State or nation, share the protection of either by right, and not from favor, and bear the cherished responsibilities of allegiance and support. The term excludes visitors, intruders, temporary residents, persons unwill- ing or not yet qualified to assume allegiance, and some others ; and thus it may well be used to designate a condition of a grant of political power, or to limit the description of persons to whom the right to hold offices or lands, or the ballot, is accorded. But it does not include these rights, nor is it sufficient to confer them. As respects administration of matters abroad, citizens are those who, rendering allegiance to the government at home, are entitled to travel or reside abroad, in the national name, un- der the country's flag, protected by its treaties, aided by its dip- lomatic service, and succored, if necessity arises, by its forces. This thought has gained force and weight with the growth of the nation. Whatever has increased the prestige, influence, or power of the American name has enlarged the importance and value of American citizenship. Yet there is an aspect in which the idea grows vague in proportion as it expands. Already, under American institutions, citizenship in Boston, Albany, or San Francisco has no such salient, effective meaning as was at- tributed to it among cities in the Middle Ages. Citizenship in Massachusetts, New York, or California cannot signify so much under a constitution declaring equal rights in all the States as it may denote among independent cantons or principalities upon the continent of Europe. It is not like air, light, or water, which may be enjoyed by all if there is enough of it ; but like rank, priority, or station, which vanish under the attempt to con- CITIZENS. 53 fev them upon all. And as the advance of civilization, extend- ing citizenship to more and more persons, and binding divers governments more and more firmly under compacts and consti- tutions securing to the citizen of anywhere his privileges every- where, is seen to make the condition and privileges less and less distinct, so one seems to foresee that, in the remote future, citi- zenship may become merged and lost in the harmony of govern- ments and the brotherhood of man. 54 NATIONAL SUBJECTS. Chapter VI. CIVIL RIGHTS. WHAT ABE THE CIVIL RIGHTS LAWS? There is quite a complex series of constitutional provisions and acts of Congress which are often mentioned as " the Civil Eights laws." " Civil rights " is an expression broader than "rights of citizens;" it includes those rights, privileges, and immunities which the law concedes to all orderly persons in the community, irrespective of distinctions of class or peculiar rights acquired by an individual. Several enactments became necessary, soon after the civil war, to secure these general rights of all mankind. Some of their provisions are of comparatively little general interest, such as those punishing interference with oiBcers, and those providing special actions and remedies. Others, protecting the right to vote, and punishing interference with voters, have been explained and discussed in the political journals until they have been made familiar to all. There are three which are not generally understood, yet bear upon the ordinary business of the people, and on such establishments as hotels, saloons, theatres, cars, and steamboats. They are often mentioned. If a holder of a ticket to a concert or theatre is re- fused his seat on account of color, he threatens a Civil Rights ac- tion. If a colored man calls for refreshments at a saloon, and the proprietor refuses to serve him, he consults a lawyer abont suing under the Civil Rights laws. At the South, two or three mar- ried couples have been prosecuted because, contrary to the law of the State, the husband was black and the wife white, and their lawyers have argued that such law amounted to nothing, because contrary to the Civil Rights laws. At the North, when CIVIL RIGHTS. 55 the Jews were excluded from Saratoga or Coney Isknd hotels, they were counselled that by virtue of the Civil Rights laws they could insist on being received. The Supreme Court has been engrossed by the question whether, since the Civil Rights laws, colored men may be left ofE the jury lists. The laws classed un- der the general term " Civil Rights laws " are three acts of Congress passed in 1866, 1870,* and 1875.f The act of 1866 was the first general law of the kind, but there is an earlier trace of the principle. In 1863, the Alexandria and Washington Rail- road Company, which then ran from Alexandria to the south side of the Potomac at Washington, became desirous to extend its line northwardly, so as to connect with the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, and thus make a through line. Congress gave it leave to do so, and to go through Washington, upOn condition that no person shonld be excluded from the cars on account of color. The company buUt the extension, and was accustomed to run two cars — one set apart for colored persons, the other for white. One day a colored lady passenger objected to this ar- rangement — purely upon principle, it seems, for the cars were alike comfortable — and persisted in going into the car for white persons. The conductor put her out, and she brought an action. The Supreme Court decided that Congress intended that there should not be any discrimination on account of color among the passengers. It was not enough that the company would carry different races in the same trains ; they must be carried upon an equality.J It was about three years after this charter that the series of *Eev. Stat. § 1977, 1978. t Act of March 1, 18Y5, ch. 114, 18 Stat, at L. 336. ifThis decision (Railroad Company v. Brown, 17 Wall. 445) was founded on the language of the particular charter, and does not show that the gen- eral Givil Eights laws forbid carriers of passengers to assign separate cars or cabins to colored persons ; and a later case (Hall v. De Cuir, 95 U. S. 485) held that the States cannot enact such a prohibition, and intimated that Congress had not yet done so. 56 NATIONAL SUBJECTS. general laws was commenced which embodies a general principle of equality in rights among persons of different races. PEOPERTT - AND CONTRACTS OF COLORED PERSONS. The acts of 1866 and 1870 declare that all persons within the United States shall have the same right, in every State and Ter- ritory, to make and enforce contracts, and buy, own, and sell property. This is understood to mean, not that a colored man can compel any one to employ him or sell to him who has no other objection than color, but merely that there shall not be, anywhere in the Union, any disability to own property or do business founded on color ; that any one willing to deal with colored persons may do so without fear that the bargain can be declared null because one party was black. At the time when this principle was first enacted, the negroes had just been made free, but various State laws imposed extensive and serious dis- abilities upon them ; and persons willing to deal with them could not safely do so if there was any State law to prevent the transactions being enforced. There might be, for example, a local law forbidding negroes to be employed upon public works, in which case a contractor was prevented from employing them even if he wished. -The object of the Civil Eights law was to enable him to do as he pleased. If, says Congress, a white man and a colored man can agree upon a bargain, no State law shall forbid their making it merely because one of them is black. This is the extent of the rule ; if they cannot agree, if a con- tractor does not wish to employ negroes, or if a manufacturer, ordinary merchant, or owner of property does not wish to sell to negroes, there is no compulsion. The case is much like that of minors and married women. A minor cannot bind himself by a contract ; hence an employer who would willingly hire him may be hindered by the fear that the engagement cannot be enforced. By former laws a married woman was incompetent to buy or convey land ; and thus persons who desired to deal with her CIVIL RIGHTS. 61 were prevented. When, however, any State repeals such laws, as, in respect to married women, most States have, then a man can deal or not, as he chooses. The change does not in any re- spect compel him. So the Civil Eights law, in its application to contracts, simply abrogates disabilities and imparts capacity. To suppose that it gives colored persons any preferential right to be employed, or to sell property, is an entire mistake. It does not force colored persons upon those who are averse to dealing with them. In all that great realm of business in -which one is free to deal or not, as he pleases, he may refuse to do so, not- withstanding the Civil Eights law, merely for color. But there are some vocations in which one is not free to deal or refuse as he prefers, but must serve all who apply. These are mentioned in a later law. MIXED MARRIAGES. Marriages between whites and blacks have been the subject of conflicting laws and decisions since emancipation. Several of the States have explicitly forbidden them ; within Georgia, North Carolina, and Virginia, for example, they are prohibited. In others they are, perhaps, reprobated by public opinion, yet not invalid in law if persons choose to form them. The question has arisen whether these prohibitions are not ab- rogated by the Civil Rights laws ; and one or two State courts have decided that they are ; but others, and some national courts in which the question has arisen, have given a contrary opinion. The most perplexing form of this question is when persons wedded in a State where such a marriage is allowed are residing in one where it is forbidden. Two instances occurred in Virginia, recently, in which a colored man won the consent of a white woman to become his wife. Of course, when these Virginia residents sought counsel of the law of Virginia, the oracle forbade it. This opinion not being satisfactory, the can- didates travelled into the District of Columbia, where no positive law forbids, and there celebrated their weddings ; they then re- s'* 58 NATIONAL SUBJECTS. turned to Virginia and began housekeeping. The result was that, at the instance of their displeased neighbors, they were cast into prison. One of the bridegrooms invoked relief from the State Court of Appeals. His counsel argued that a marriage which is valid by the law of the place where it is made is valid everywhere, and that Virginia must accept marriages made in the District of Columbia which were valid by the law there prevailing. But the court decided that this doctrine should not be applied to persons who were .living in Virginia and went abroad to marry merely in order to evade the law at home.* The other bridegroom asked rehef from the United States Circuit Court. His counsel cited the Civil Rights laws of Congress, which give to colored persons the same right with whites to make contracts, and, after read- ing law-books to show that marriage is a civil contract, con- tended that a State law which forbids marriages between per- sons of the two races is void. But the court adjudged that the Civil Rights law about contracts means only contracts valid by the laws of the State where made, and that marriage is not a contract in that sense, but an institution of society sub- ject only to State laws, and with which Congress has no power to meddle. Moreover, it was said, such a law does not bear un- equally on black persons ; it equally forbids either color to marry the other.f The question is now awaiting final de- cision in the Supreme Court at "Washington. Similar cases have been decided in North Carolina. Her law forbids these mixed marriages. In two cases the courts have held that if persons have been married in another State where the law is different, without meaning to move to North Carolina,- but, years afterwards, they do come there to live, they shall be allowed to be husband and wife ; yet if two North Carolina residents go abroad to marry each other when they might not do so at home, and return, they may be prosecuted. * And. Kinney v. Com., 30 Gratt. 858. t Mtp. Edm. Kinney, 3 Hugh. 1. CIVIL RIGHTS. 59 INNS, CONVEYANCES, AND THEATRES. In 1875 a further law was passed whicli entitled all persons to the free and equal enjoyment of inns, public conveyances, theatres, and other places of public amusement. The theory of this law doubtless is that persons in the vocations named are not free to deal only with persons whom they may select, but must treat the general public alike ; and 'it goes further than to re- move disabilities — it declares a positive right. As respects inns, perhaps the higher courts will restrict this term somewhat. The old-fashioned legal idea of an inn was a house of entertainment on a line of public travel ofEering accommodations to all per- sons who applied and were ready to pay the charges. Landlords of such houses have always had rights and duties not attributed to all proprietors of establishments giving entertainment. The owner of a hotel for invalids visiting mineral springs, of ajjuild- ing let in lodgings vpithout furnishing meals, or of a saloon sup- plying refreshments without giving lodgings, does not keep an inn, according to many of the decisions in the law-books. As to conveyances, they all now carry colored people ; but some claim to assort the passengers in different cars or cabins. In Louisi- ana, the State passed a law to forbid this ; but the United States Supreme Court said that was assuming to regulate commerce, which a State cannot do ; if there is need of a law to forbid car- riers from assorting their passengers according to color, it must come from Congress. As to theatres, the question whether Con- gi-ess can regulate them has not yet been decided ; but in a case prosecuted in Louisiana, under a State law precisely like the act of ISVS, the colored man who had bought a ticket and was re- fused admission recovered $300 damages. 60 -NATIONAL SUBJECTS. MIXED JURIES. There is still another law of Congress * which provides that when any person accused of crime in a State is denied, or cannot enforce, in the State tribunals any right secured to him by the Civil Eights laws, he may demand to have his trial removed into the United States Court. Under this law, and the general doc- trine that negroes are to have equal rights with white persons, a claim has been made that when a colored person is upon trial negroes should not be systematically excluded, as in some places they have been, from the jiiry. This must not be mistaken for a claim that he is entitled to have them drawn as jurors. Such a claim would not be a novelty in jurisprudence. It was an early rule of English law that persons liable to serious prejudice on account of race, by reason of foreign birth, might demand to be tried by juries composed one half of the nationality of the ac- cused ; and statutes perpetuating this rule have existed in sev- eral of the States. An enactment giving to any negro culprit the right to ask that six negroes should be drawn to serve on the jury to try him would be only repeating a measure of protection against race prejudice which has been familiar for centuries. But no such enactment has been made by Congress. It would be more proper subject-matter for a State law. What has been de- manded is that both classes shall be included in drawing jurors, so that there may be a fair chance that every culprit should have some of his own color and race to hear his defence. Examples may be found of this question in three recent cases which have excited wide interest. In one of them, Reynolds was arraigned before a State court of Virginia for the murder of a white man. By the jury law of Virginia all male citizens between twenty-one and sixty years of age who are entitled to vote and hold office under State laws are liable, with exceptions in favor of officers, to serve as jurors. But the sialection of names for the jury list of each county is confided to the county judge. He designates * Rev. Stat. 8 641. CIVIL RIGHTS. 61 the inhabitants of the county whom he thinks well qualified for the duty, and from these the actual juries are formed. Hence the practice may vary in difierent counties as to whether colored men are drawn upon the juries or not. In Patrick County, where Eeynolds was put on trial, colored men were uniformly excluded from the jury list. His counsel made seasonable and formal ob- jection to this, but it was overruled. Reynolds was tried before a jury of twelve white men, selected from a list from which all negroes had been excluded, was convicted, and sentenced to im- prisonment. Application was then made to Judge Rives, sitting in the United States Circuit Court, to order a removal of the cause to the Federal tribunals, on the ground that, under the Civil Rights legislation of Congress, Reynolds had the right to be tried by a United States court if the laws and courts of the State refused him the privilege of having any persons of his own race upon the jury. Judge Rives concurred in this opinion, and granted the application. Another case, which also arose in Virginia, presented substan- tially the same question of right, but in a difEerent aspect. Judge Coles, in impanelling a jury, pursued the same course as was taken in the Reynolds case — that of systematically and pur- posely excluding all negroes. But the lawyers for the accused, instead of applying to have the trial removed, instituted a crimi- nal proceeding, under United States laws, against the judge for the mfsconduct of refusing to consider names of negroes. StiU another case arose in West Virginia. Taylor Strauder, a negro carpenter, coming home one night, thought he detected a white man sneaking from his premises. He charged his wife with infidelity ; the pair quarrelled through the night, and, ac- cording to the testimony of a little daughter, Strauder finally struck and killed the wife. Arraigned for murder, his counsel demanded a removal of the trial to the United States Court. The jury law of West Virginia, at that date, excluded colored men from jury duty throughout the State ; and this, they argued, deprived their client of that fair and impartial trial which the 62 NATIONAL SUBJECTS. United States law assures. Their application was denied. Strau- der was tried and convicted ; and on a review of tlie entire pro- ceedings before the State Supreme Court, the validity of the State law and of the composition of the jury was sustained. These three cases were argued in the Supreme Court at Wash- ington. The decisions are understood to embody substantially these positions : * 1. The Civil Rights laws do not require that every negro placed upon trial should actually have colored jurors ; but they do require that juries shall be chosen without any special exclu- sion of colored men. 2. If the law of the State directs that all negroes shall be ex- cluded from juries, it is void. If it does not direct this, but al- lows the oflBcer who chooses the jnrors to exclude negroes, and he does exclude them, this is no better ; and the State law affords no protection to the ofBcer. 3. If the terms of the State law, or the course pursued by the State officer, amount to a deliberate, complete exclusion of all persons belonging to the same race with the prisoner from the jury, he may have his trial removed to a United States court ; but if they are such as to give a fair chance that such persons may be drawn, all is done which Congress has required, and the circumstance that no colored persons are, in fact, drawn gives no ground of complaint. Accordingly, in the Strauder case, the decision is that tlie trial ought to have been removed, because, in this, colored jurors were absolutely excluded. In the Eeynolds case, the court says that the trial should not have been removed, for the law did not ex- clude them ; if they were excluded, it was by the course pursued in drawing the names. In the Coles case, the officer who abused the discretion reposed in him of selecting jurors by systemati- cally refusing to receive competent persons merely because they were black is held subject to punishment under national law. * The ofBcial reports are not yet published, THE INDIANS. 63 Chapter VII. THE INDIANS. From the first settlement of the country, the relations of the Indians* to the whites, their rights, and the proper mode of treating and governing them have formed a question of the gravest difficulty. There has been, in past years, an impression that the native race was declining in numbers and destined to become extinct ; and that the Indian question would gradually lose importance by the diminution of the red men. NO IMPORTANT DECREASE. Recent investigations have shaken faith in the decrease of the aborigines. Lo is now predicted to be, like Sambo, permanent- ly a member of the American community. For centuries, very probably, his peculiarities and needs will require the govern- ment to maintain an "Indian policy.'' Three considerations are urged against a belief in any rapid" decrease. One is that our impressions as to the original number are probably exaggerated. No real knowledge exists. Neither government nor commerce, at the date of colonization, nor the ethnologic science of that day, preserved any statistics. There was no census, nothing like an enumeration. We possess only vague and general estimates, and they are intrinsically untrust- worthy, coming from sources whose natural tendency would be * It is matter of history that the discoverers of this continent in the fif- teenth centary applied the name Indians to the aboriginal inhabitants from the erronedus supposition that India had been reached. The name, re- tained in common use notwithstanding the error in which it originated, is equally established in the statutes and in legal usage to designate this race. 64 NATIONAL SUBJECTS. towards overstatement. Some of these estimates are from In- dians ; but an Indian brave, describing to white visitors the number of his tribe, would be likely to exaggerate. Some are from whites reporting to their own people the results of some contests with Indians; but warriors are prone to overrate the number of the enemy, for to magnify the opposing force en- hances the glory of victory, mitigates the mortification of de- feat. Some are from the Jesuit fathers, laboring as missionaries among the native tribes ; but they might easily place the num- ber needing their labors above the actual fact. Some are from adventurers on their return to Europe : such persons are always apt to swell the accounts of what they have seen and heard. Thus our idea of the ancient number of the Indians hangs upon the estimations of people whose interest and tendency were to estimate largely. Hence we >may have well been led to over- estimate the decrease. The same point is reached by another road. If one should visit Saratoga in October, and find hotels and lodgings all full, he would know that the number of guests had not diminished much since July or August. Lieutenant-colonel Otis, who has written, recently, with fulness and candor upon this whole subject, rea- sons in a similar way about the Indians. He considers that the present number is about as many as could have subsisted in the country in aboriginal days. When the country was covered by the primeval forest, only parts of it were available for Indian sup- port ; only the streams which could be fished, and the traversable forests which sustained and sheltered game, could maintain fish- ing and hunting savages. He urges that the Indians living wild, and untaught in the arts which promote compact dwelling, re- quire, on the average, about six thousand acres of the wilderness a-piece to support the game and fish required for their food in such quantity that what the Indians kill and eat yearly is re- placed by natural increase. If twenty thousand in a tribe live by hunting the bufialo, for instance, they cannot subsist perma- THE INDIANS. 65 nently witliin less territory tlian will feed perhaps a lierd of a hundred thousand ; for when the young buffaloes of the year do not replace all losses, including that by hunting, food fails, and the tribe must move or perish. They have no game laws to preserve the game ; no fish commissioner to restock exhausted waters. Taking the aggregate territory at about twenty-four hundred million acres, and the existing number of Indians at nearly four hundred thousand, he computes that nearly as many now live as could sustain themselves throughout the whole land if they were deprived of all support from the whites, and of all the whites have taught them, and remitted to aboriginal condi- tions and to a dependence on hunting and fishing as a chief sub- sistence. If the premises are sound, the inference is irresistible that there has not been much decrease. A third consideration is that there are not now in operation any causes adequate to produce extinction. The wars from which the tribes now suffer are not wars of extermination. Pestilence and famine are so far counteracted by the resources of science and humanity that they are not probable causes of the destruction of a whole race. The Indian suffers much injustice and privation at the hands of the white man ; but he receives liberal supplies from the white man's government, and thrives, rather than pines and dies, upon the support he receives. It is known, indeed, that single and noted tribes have waned and be- come extinct; but many hold their own in numbers, and some have actually increased. Thus there is no reason to say that the Indian question will lose interest or importance by the extinc- tion of the race. TRIBES AND TREATIES. In early days the government dealt with the Indians chiefly as tribes. This theory was not built ; it grew. The colonial forefathers did not make their scattered, feeble settlements on the Atlantic coast under circumstances which favored great fore- sight and anticipatory development of permanent principles of 66 NATIONAL SUBJECTS. public law in tteir dealings with the Indians of their day. They lived by sufferance of the dusky lords of the whole territory. They dodged or fought or bargained, as. the exigency of each day required. They were weak and intruders, while the Indians were strong and in possession ; hence the early dealings were naturally with Indians as tribes, having an organized, indepen- dent, quasi-national existence, not with them as individuals, sub- ject to the governments the whites were gradually constructing. President Adams, in his Message of 1828, happily describes the early policy thus : " At the establishment of the Federal govern- ment the principle was adopted of considering them as foreign and independent powers, and also as proprietors of lands. As independent powers, we negotiated with them by treaties ; as proprietors, we purchased of them all the land which we could prevail upon them to sell ; as brethren of the human race, rude and ignorant, we endeavored to bring them to the knowledge of religion and of letters." It is easily seen that this was the only way in which an Indian policy could commence. The policy thus initiated was continued. In past time, government has dealt with tribes. The number of our treaties with tribes has been stated at above three hundred and sixty. A review of the course of decisions of the courts shows the idea of the independent existence of tribes constantly recognized, though undergoing some modifications as the advance of our civilization and the settlement of the territory have required. According to the courts, the Indians have been considered by our people, and recognized in our public dealings, as distinct politi- cal communities, retaining, as such, their original, natural rights as the undisputed possessors of the soil from time immemorial. They have not, indeed, been regarded as vested, in their various tribes, with the full independence which is accorded to foreign nations ; but have been deemed subject, in reference to their in- tercourse with nations abroad, to many of the restraints imposed by the United States upon its citizens ; they are not nations in THE INDIANS. 67 such a sense that an Indian can claim immimity for a homicide on the ground that it was committed in the course of a war le- galized by his tribe ; nor can a tribe impose or collect a tax on an American trader ; nor are they, while at peace, in any sense " enemies ;'' nor can an Indian maintain a suit, upon the ground of being a foreign citizen or subject. As organized in the tribes, they have been judicially described as domestic, dependent na- tions, considered by foreign nations as well as by ourselves to be so completely under the sovereignty and dominion of the United States that any attempt by a foreign power to acquire their lands or form a political connection with them would be an invasion of our territory and an act of hostility. They are con- sidered, also, as subject to the general constitutional power of Congress to regulate commercial intercourse among them, and to prescribe regulations for the preservation and good management of their territory, and to enforce over it municipal and criminal laws; yet were treated (until by act of Congress of 1871 the treaty system was abandoned) as unquestionably capable, in like manner with foreign nations, of entering into treaties and acquir- ing treaty rights. And this distinct existence has been recognized as continuing, with reference especially to the power to regulate commerce, after the tribe has become enclosed within the limits of a State, and until the Federal relation to it has been with- drawn by concurrent acts of the general and State governments, or till the gradual diminution of the tribe and growth of white settlements render enforcement of a national law over Indians distinctively impracticable. INDIANS AS INDIVIDUALS. The course of decision does not, however, absolutely confine the red man to the tribal relation, or ignore him as an individual. He may, in single cases, become severed from a tribe, and be an individual subject, amenable to the laws and entitled to their protection, as is any other person. The attitude and course of 68 NATIONAL SUBJECTS. dealing of the Executive Department in past years have been such as to prevent, in great measure, personal rights from vesting in individual Indians. And there are many aspects in which an Indian is seen to be under personal disability. These causes have given rise to a current saying that the courts have held that Indians are not persons. This is a misconception. An In- dian is a person. What has been said is that the law deals with the tribe, not with the person ; that the courts cannot recognize the persons when the grant or contract is with the tribe. If there were a contract with a corporation, and an individual stock- holder should sue upon it, he would probably be told that the courts could not recognize the separate members ; the right was not vested in them individually, but in the corporate body as a whole. In like manner, a grant of lands to a tribe may not give to any one member such a right to a proportionate share as will warrant his maintaining a suit. Again, if the tribe were at war with the government, this might, on familiar principles, debar a member from suing in our courts ; or if the laws of Congress forbade dealings of a given description between Indians and whites, an Indian might be denied a remedy to enforce a pro- hibited contract, on the ground that the contract, being prohib- ited, did not give rise to any right. So crimes wholly within a tribe may not be violations of American laws. Tenets like these do not authorize the assertion that an Indian is not a person. The true view appears to be that the action of the judiciary in this matter is largely dependent on that of the Executive; that if the treaties or laws are such that rights in the individual members do not arise, a court cannot well entertain suits by in- dividuals, not because they are not persons, but because they have not what the lawyers call " causes of action." But as fast as tribal relations are abandoned, and Indians are found dwelling as individuals under the jurisdiction and general laws of States, they will receive from the courts the benefit of legal remedies. This is now, by the Fourteenth Amendment, made obligatory on THE INDIANS. 69 the States ; for it says, " Nor sliall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property without due process of law, nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws." For the present, this provision may have but limited ap- plication to Indians, since the great mass of them are not dwell- ing within the jurisdiction of States, but are maintaining a semi- independent life as tribes ; but no good ground appears for de- nying that, as soon as they become individual residents of States, the State courts must give them substantially equal remedies with whites. That the Federal courts may be expected to do this is indicated by the recent and noted decision of Judge Dundy. Being asked to accord to Standing Bear the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, he promptly decided that it was his duty to do so ; that an Indian had the same individual right to it as another person. CITIZENSHIP OF INDIANS. It ought not to be forgotten that citizenship involves burdens as well as privileges. Allegiance exposes one to duties of mili- tary service and contribution to support of government, and to penalties for treason, as well as implies his right to render co- operation and enjoy protection. It is worthy of thought wheth- er these burdens can rightly be cast on Indians, with whom we have so long been making treaties and exchanging pledges, with- out their consent. But the subject is usually discussed as if to be a citizen were, in all aspects, only a privilege. A first glance does not reveal why Indians have not been made citizens as well as recognized as persons by operation of the' Fourteenth Amendment. It says, "All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens." Are not Indians born within the United States ? Yes. And are they not subject to its jurisdiction ? In a sense, yes ; but not, at least so judges in cases thus far heard have said, in the sense intended. Soon after the Amendment, a 70 NATIONAL SUBJECTS. half-breed Indian in Oregon ofEeved to vote, for he said he was born in the United States ; and he sued the inspectors for refus- ing his ballot. But the judge said he did not consider that the Amendment had made any difference about Indians as they are ordinarily living. The meaning is, he thought. All persons born in the United States, and born subject to its jurisdiction. The Amendment, he said, was not meant to introduce any new ideas of citizenship, but to apply and enforce the old familiar rule towards colored persons who were born in the country, and under the jurisdiction, yet were forbidden by the Dred Scott de- cision to be citizens.* Those who have been disposed to claim citizenship for the red man, under the Amendment, have not shown that to give it was within the national purpose. The chief motive is well known to have been to confer citizenship on the negro race. There was no general dissatisfaction with the legal status of the aborigines. The government had long treated -the tribes very much as distinct, if not wholly independent, nations ; had recognized their capacity, as such, to make treaties, to administer laws and penal justice among themselves according to their own ideas, and to hold rights and property in a collective capacity ; and had abstained from attempting to regulate domestic affairs, or even to punish individual crimes, within a tribe. The gen- eral doctrine of all departments of the government had been adverse to conceding citizenship to individuals. They were not recognized as citizens in right of nativity ; each individual member of a tribe was considered a subject of the tribe, not of the United States. The pappooses were not natural citizens, be- cause they were not born within the allegiance of the United States ; but were likened' to ambassadors' infants, who are es- teemed, all over the world, subjects or citizens of the nation to which their father belongs, not of the country where they hap- * McKay v. Campbell, 5 Am. L. T. R. 407. THE INDIANS. 71 pen to be born. And tliey could not be naturalized when they grew up, because they were not " white persons," to whom the old naturalization laws were confined. Thus it was officially said by Attorney -general Gushing, in 1856,* that the privilege of naturalization had not been accorded to them by the general laws on that subject, though Congress has the power to confer it, by treaty or by a proper law, in their behalf. There was no wide-spread popular dissatisfaction with this general view of the relation between our race and theirs ; and there are not satisfac- tory tokens that the people at large, in ratifying the Amendment, intended any change. Hence it is not strange that the courts, finding that the language of the Amendment does not impera- tively and beyond question introduce a change, adhere to the old view. The Amendment was, in present judicial opinion, intend- ed to assure to the colored race (who did not live in distinct tribes) the benefit of the common-law rule implying citizenship from native birth in allegiance, not to disturb the settled idea that the Indians (being organized in tribes) were not born in al- legiance. But, in applying these doctrines, careful distinction must be drawn between Indians born under tribal relations, and children of fathers who, before the children were born, ceased to be mem- bers of tribes, and became individual residents under the general laws of a State or Territory. These children are born " within the jurisdiction," and are, by force of the Amendment, citizens. This is illustrated by a recent casef in which one Eeynolds was indicted for killing Puryear, and objected that the court had no power to try him, for he and Puryear were both Indians ; not by blood and birth, to be sure, but because they had both married Choctaw squaws. There is, or was, a treaty to the effect that whoever marries a squaw and is adopted by the tribe becomes a * Relation of Indians to Citizenship, 7 Op. Att.-gm. 746. f Exp. Reynolds, 18 Att. Law J. 8. 72 NATIONAL SUBJECTS. Choctaw. The United States does not want him any more ; the Choctaws may have him. His wife being an Indian, he becomes what may be termed an Indian-in-law. As the lawyers were all agreed that the court could not try for a quarrel or homicide be- tween two Indians, but must leave them to the tribe, they inves- tigated the parentage of Mrs. Eeynolds and Mrs. Puryear. And they found that the supposed Choctaw grandparents of Mrs. Puryear were not members of the tribe, but dwelt as citizens of the State of Mississippi. The judge then decided that Mrs. Pur- year was not an Indian, but a citizen, for the reason that when members of a tribe leave it, and scatter themselves to live as individuals among the people of a State, they become subject to the jurisdiction of our government, the same as citizens gen- erally. His marriage, therefore, did not make Mr. Puryear a Choctaw, or take him out of the protection of American courts. A summary of the whole matter is that members of tribes are situated, politically, very much as subjects of foreign govern- ments are, who are " persons," to be sure, but who, while they dwell at home, can seldom acquire rights (unless in commerce, in which Indians do not engage) with which our courts have any concern. If they leave the tribal organizations and merge in the American community, they become entitled to personal rights and to judicial remedies, yet are not citizens. But the children of these are native-born citizens. THE " RESERVATIONS " AND " TERRITORY." The former policy of dealing with Indians by tribes involved the necessity of setting apart tracts of land where respective tribes might live, undisturbed by white pioneers and immigrants, and relieved as much as possible from temptations to make war with neighboring tribes. Tracts thus devoted are the " Indian reservations." They have been numerous, not always perma- nent ; for the pressure of settlement has constantly broken in THE INDIANS. 73 upon them, and forced them farther west. A brief sketch of the Indian Territory will best illustrate this principle. The Indian Territory is not like Idaho, Montana, and the oth- ers, where white settlers have immigrated, have built up settle- ments and civil institutions, have sought and obtained a Territo- rial government, and are developing, by inherent social forces, into a State. Its character is distinct and its history is peculiar. Half a century ago, the Indian problem then presenting, in the midway portions of our national territory, nearly the same em- barrassments and difficulties as those which now surround it in regions farther west, the more considerate and far-sighted friends of the race urged upon the government the policy of setting apart some suitable region to which Indian tribes might be in- duced to remove, and where they might forever dwell. The plan was adopted by the government, dating from 1833. A re- gion then in the remote West, uncoveted as yet by white set- tlers, was allotted. As originally set apart, it included nearly 200,000 square miles ; but cessions to adjoining Territories and States have reduced it to about 70,000. To new homes within this region, tribes of Indians, then vexing the growing States upon or east of the Mississippi, were urged, hired, or compelled to remove. Every assurance was given them that they should be forever undisturbed. Thus the treaty with the Cherokees de- clares that it is the anxious desire of the government to give that natjon " a permanent home which shall, under the most solemn guarantee of the United States, be and remain theirs forever ; a home that shall never, in all future time, be embarrassed by hav- ing extended around it the lines, or placed over it the jurisdic- tion, of a Territory or State, nor be pressed upon by the exten- sion, in any way, of any of the limits of any existing Territory or State." In the decade between 1835 and 1845, several tribes were lo- cated in difEerent tracts lying within this general region vaguely known as the Indian Territory ; not always willingly — our war 4 74 NATIONAL SUBJECTS. witli the Seminoles to enforce their removal is said to have cost $15,000,000 — but always, we believe, under the most solemn assurance that these new homes should be forever undisturbed by the encroachments of the whites. Within these tracts, the Cherokees, Choctaws, Chickasaws, Creeks, and Seminoles, being large tribes, and a number of small, scattering bands, have been for a generation, and to the number of about 75,000 in all, dwelling in some approximation towards the habits of civilization in the practice of agriculture and of the simpler arts. Seventeen reservations are counted. The in- habitants have partially relinquished the roving life of the tradi- tional Indian, and have acquired some of the industry and steadi- ness of the white man. They have accumulated some fixed prop- erty, estimated at a total valuation of $17,000,000. They have 176 schools, employing above 200 teachers, and instructing nearly 5000 pupils. They have churches and Sunday-schools, are willing readers, and, to a limited extent, buyers, of the Bible and of religious literature, and have even some newspapers. But the waves of American progress steadily beat upon and threaten to undermine or overwhelm these walls. The dimen- sions of the tract have been reduced fo about a third of the origi- nal size. One railroad has made its way through. Another is trying hard to do so. Strong eSorts have been made, recently, in Congress to give to the whole region a Territorial government and open it to white settlement. THE OUTLOOK. Well-informed and judicious friends of the Indian race urge earnestly that, at least as fast as is consistent with a just regard to Indian claims under past pledges of our government, the tribal relation ought to be abandoned, and the Indian dealt with as an individual, constituted a citizen, and addressed by the same motives, hopes of advancement, and apprehensions of punish- ment as the white man. President Grant's advocacy of this THE INDIANS. 75 principle will be remembered. The idea has many recommen- dations, and has made warm friends. It is easy to see that prog- ress in this direction is certain and may be rapid. Congress has (in 1871) abandoned, for the future, the policy of dealing with tribes by treaties ; this change must steadily tend to merge individuals with the general community, as fast, at least, as they consent. Becoming merged, the Amendment and the Civil Rights legislation give them the rights common to all persons, of judi- cial protection in life, liberty, and property ; and the Amendment impresses upon their progeny the status of citizens. A moder- ate naturalization law might accelerate this progress. And it is to be hoped that better ways may be soon found, and a wiser course pursued than the past has shown, for reconciling the fear- ful opposition of interests between the pioneer white settlers and the Indian residents of frontier lands. How this may be attained is a subject of executive, not of judicial, duty, and does not come within the scope of our task. 76 NATIONAL SUBJECTS. Chaptee VIII. THE CHINESE. The Chinese question, although of embarrassing proportions, is of recent origin. It is one of those fogs which gather in a night ; let us hope that the sunlight of deliberate, magnanimous reflection will resolve it. THE BURLINGAME TREATY. Scarcely twelve years have passed since the Burlingame treaty was ratified (November 23, 1869). The exclusiveness of China down to the middle of this century is well known. She repudiated commerce, repulsed immigrants, and forbade emigra- tion, ignored diplomacy, and built a wall against neighborhood. The treaty attested that this policy was abandoned ; it permitted commerce, opened diplomatic relations, and, what is more to the present purpose, authorized mutual immigration. Among the influences which appear to have won China to this departure from her traditions, the demand for cheap labor for the develop- ment of the resources of the Pacific coast seems to have been prominent. There were immense tasks to be performed, in min- ing, agriculture, manufactures, railway-building, even in house- hold service. California called loudly for laborers, and John Chinaman threw aside his recluse policy, and went. The acces- sion of Chinese immigrants to the population of this country is estimated at a quarter of a million, nearly all of them working- men. By the Burlingame treaty, the two governments recognized the inherent and inalienable right of man to change his home and allegiance, and the mutual advantage of the free migration THE CHINESE. 77 of citizens and subjects from one country to the other; and they agreed that citizens or subjects of each country residing in the other should enjoy there all privileges accorded to persons from the nations most favored in that respect.* This agreement formed the basis and invitation for that immigration vrhich the Pacific coast has of late years felt to be so burdensome ; and it is chiefly this which embarrasses any projects of legislation to restrict it now. IMMIGRATION UNDER THE TEEATT. For a time all was pleasant and prosperous. The services of the Chinese were desired, their coming was welcomed, their pe- culiarities were tolerated, their acceptance of low wages was commended. It is difficult to see how some portions of the * 16 Stat, at L. 391. The provisions are : " Art. V. The United States of America and the Empire of China cor- dially recognize the inherent and inalienable right of man to change his home and allegiance, and also the mutual advantage of the free migration and emigration of their citizens and subjects respectively from one country to the other, for purposes of curiosity, of trade, or as permanent residents. The high contracting parties join, therefore, in reprobating any other than an entirely voluntary emigration for these purposes. They consequently agree to pass laws making it a penal offence for a citizen, of the United States or Chinese subject to take Chinese subjects either to the United States or any other foreign country, or for a Chinese subject or citizen of the United States to take citizens of the United States to China or to any other foreign country, without their free and voluntary consent, respectively. " Art. VI. Citizens of the United States visiting or residing in China shall enjoy the same privileges, immunities, or exemptions in respect to travel or residence as may there be enjoyed by the citizens or subjects of the most favored nation. And, reciprocally, Chinese subjects visiting or residing in the United States shall enjoy the same privileges, immunities, and exemp- tions in respect to travel or residence as may there be enjoyed by the citi- zens or subjects of the most favored nation. But nothing herein contained shall be held to confer naturalization upon citizens of the United States in China, nor upon the subjects of China in the United States." 78 NATIONAL STJBJEOTS. prosperity of California could have been attained witlioiit their help. But a change dawned. A diminished demand for labor in the Eastern States, culminating in 18Y3, impelled immigrants of Caucasian origin, whose hopes of employment at liberal wages on the Atlantic side, or in the hither West, were disap- pointed, to seek work and wages on the Pacific coast. The sup- posed necessities of employers, who could not produce goods at the reduced market prices while paying to laborers of European origin the wages they demanded, forced them to the experiment of employing the Chinese competitors for the work already too limited and too scantily paid for the needs of those who had come from Europe to seek it. Hence the persistent and excit- ing controversy of the past five years. Against allowing a con- tinuance of Chinese immigTation the arguments are urged that the new-comers are ignorant, vicious, degraded heathen with whom white laborers cannot be expected to live and labor ; that they do not come, in treaty phrase, either " for purposes of curi- osity, of trade, or as permanent residents,"and cannot assimilate with our people, and do not strive to, but to glean and hoard money for a return to their native land when a small compe- tence, adequate to the beggarly wants of a Chinaman at home, is attained ; that they threaten to come in overwhelming num- bers ; that they underbid and ruin native American laborers, and those of foreign birth who have families and permanent homes here ; and that they introduce and maintain heathenish, vicious, and debasing modes of life which are repulsive to our people ; and that the reciprocal promises of the treaty have never been performed by China. In behalf of the Chinese it is denied that any signs appear of numbers to come which need give anxiety. Any ignorance, vice, and heathenism ought to be met, it is said, not by repelling the race from our shores, but by active educa- tional and Christianizing labor. Their willingness to work at low wages is claimed to be a benefit to the country at large, and a matter which ought to be left to adjustment by competition THE CHINESte. "79 upon sound business principles ; and their purpose to return liome is excused on the ground that they have been made so unwel- come here. The traditions of American policy, so often asserted in behalf of European immigrants, declaring this country the refuge and asylum of the poor but honest laborer from all parts of the world, are cited. And, additional to all these general con- siderations, the treaty is asserted as conferring, while it remains in force, rights which neither individuals, trades-unions, nor city or State governments can disregard, and which are reinforced by the general Civil Rights legislation of Congress, and the solemn declaration (in 1868) of the right of expatriation. LE&ISLATION BY CALIFORNIA. But the judicial aspects of the controversy claim attention here, rather than its moral and economic bearings. The subject was first brought into the courts upon a stringent law enacted by the Legislature of California to repress Chinese immigra- tion. By this enactment a " Commissioner of Immigration " was clothed with authority, if satisfied that any immigrant, not a citizen of the United States, was likely to become a public charge, or was a convict, or a lewd or debauched woman, to re- quire the ship-owners bringing him to give bonds against his becoming a public charge for two years. If the bond were not given, the immigrant must not be landed from the vessel. In a test case this commissioner assumed to decide that a party of twenty Chinese woriien brought into the port of San Francisco were lewd characters ; and as the ship-owners would not give the bond, the girls were kept on board ship. They appealed to the courts, and the controversy went up to the Supreme Court at Washington, which adjudged the statute void.* The passage of * Chy Lung v. Freeman, 92 V. 8. 2*75. There was a prior decision to the same effect by the United States Circuit Court, while the State court sus- tained the State law. 80 NATIONAL SUBJECTS. laws which concern the admission of citizens and subjects of foreign nations to our shores belongs (said the court) to Con- gress, and not to the States. It has the sole power to regulate commerce with foreign nations. And if a State has some right, in the nature of a police power, to protect herself from immigra- tion of paupers and convicts, this statute goes far beyond what is necessary, or even appropriate, for such purposes. This decision transferred the controversy to Congress ; and in the Forty-fifth Congress (1878-79) several bills were urged hav- ing the general object to exclude the Chinese by name and by means of stringent measures. Proposals to impose upon each Chinaman who comes a tax of $250, enforced by threat of five years' imprisonment ; to fine any ship-owner on whose vessel Chinese are employed from $100 to $500 for each one, enforced by a sale of the ship ; to punish employment of any Chinaman on government works by imprisonment and heavy fines ; and to lay a penalty on ship-owners of $100 for every Chinese passen- ger above a complement of fifteen brought to this country by any vessel — are specimens of these bills. Not the least in impor- tance was one seeking to exclude the Chinese under cover of general terms. Its first provision declared it unlawful " to bring to the United States any pauper, lunatic, convict, criminal (not including political convicts or criminals), any idiot, deaf and dumb, blind, maimed, or infirm person, or one unable to support himself, or any person kidnapped or transported against his will, or any person under a contract for the labor of such person, or any person brought or coming for the practice of immoral trades or occupations, or any person or persons by or through whose presence in this country the free institutions thereof would be endangered." This sought to avoid the treaty ; it meant " Chi- nese," without saying so, leaving the argument open that they were not more excluded than other nationalities. A second pro- vision gave the consent of Congress that any State might enact laws or prescribe regulations to enforce the prohibition above THE CHINESE. 81 quoted. This sought to avoid the operation of the Supreme Court's judgment. All these measures aroused the instant objection that they proposed to violate the Burlingame treaty, and to this the re- tort was made that Congress had power to abrogate a treaty. CAN CONGRESS ABROGATE A TREATY? In the discussion of this question, the opponents of the pro- posed legislation conceded that in a sense Congress has this power. If the question is, not whether the treaty continues ob- ligatory, but what department of government is clothed with power to declare that it has become null, that power may well be conceded to Congress. There is, doubtless, a moral right, in ex- treme cases, to abrogate a treaty. Even though permanent in terms, the nature of the compact may be such, the circum- stances may have so far changed, or the conduct of the other party in evading its obligations may so dissolve them, as to give a nation the right to declare it will be bound no longer. But conceding to Congress the power to declare this, does not (they said) concede an arbitrary power to break treaties from mere change in the national desire and interest. The exer- cise of any such right is a national act of the utmost gravity and delicacy ; and where no mode of terminating the com- pact is prescribed in the instrument, but its terms profess a per- manent engagement, certainly notice and negotiation, some at- tempt to reconcile the new wishes of the one nation with the rights and interests of the other, ought to precede a repudia- tion. A treaty is a contract between nations. That it cannot be enforced as one, arises simply from the want of any tribu- nal, not from any lack of force in the contract. Whoever will say that this government may, at its own will and for its own new interests, break its past and solemn engagements with for- eign powers, merely because there is no way to compel per- formance, has no just sense of the moral obligation of an 4* 82 NATIONAL SUBJECTS. agreement. It may be that the injured party has no redress but in war, and that, by reason of relative weatness, that is an impracticable remedy ; yet this cannot lighten the duty and re- sponsibility of a nation to do as it has agreed. Decisions of the courts were asserted to support the prop- osition that Congress may repeal a treaty, and prominent among them was one by Justice Curtis.* It was answered that he by no means held that the nation is not morally bound by its treaties, or that Congress is superior to the obligation. The case before him arose thus : Our government made, in 1832, a treaty with Russia that her products should not be subject to a higher rate of duty than similar goods from other countries. In 1842 a tariff was passed, laying lower duties on Indian hemp than on Eussian hemp. In an action for duties charged on a lot of Eussian hemp, the importers asted the court to disregard the tariEE rate because it violated the treaty, and objected that as treaties are made by the President and Senate, so they should be changed by them, not by Congress. The court refused. Justice Curtis explicitly recognized the con- tract obligation of treaties, and that the foreign sovereign be- tween whom and the United States a treaty has been made has a right to expect and require its stipulations to be kept with scrupulous good faith, but held that the question whether the TarifE Act of Congress was consistent with the treaty was not a judicial question which the courts could try. He said that the power of ascertaining whether just cause warranted and sound policy dictated the abrogation of a treaty was not vested in the courts, but in Congress. The courts can only ad- minister the existing law as they find it ; and must enforce the latest act as the controlling law. It was in this connection, and in explaining that the power to deal in altering treaties which his decision denied to the courts existed somewhere, that he * Taylor v. Morton, 2 Ciirt, 454. THE CHINESE. 83 attributed it to Congress. Moreover, in this case Congress had acted, which includes action by the President and Senate ; and it is not easy to see how the vote of the House could impair what was sufficient without it. Other remarks of courts, apparently to the effect that Con- gress may supersede a treaty, were explained in like manner ; and by reference to the principle that the judiciary does not deal with foreign relations, but with individual rights. On in- ternational questions the courts decline to pass ; they simply follow the decision or action of the political power. Courts, have little occasion to determine questions between the United States and foreign nations. Their function is to ascertain the rights of persons; and they will concede that what Congress has enacted, or the President has done, is obligatory on the courts, without meaning that it is sustainable by international law. For example, where a man brought from abroad on a charge of larceny has been put on trial for false pretences, and his coun- sel have objected that this was breaking the treaty, the judges have said, in effect, The prisoner is in court. We have naught to do with how he comes here. The President has procured him to be brought home, and the District Attorney moves for a trial ; the court must try the case, and leave the international ques- tion to the President. This decision that the courts must ad- minister the recent act of Congress rather than the earlier treaty, in a cause between individuals, is very different from deciding that a treaty expressed to be permanent may lawfully and right- ly be abrogated by Congress without diplomatic notice or nego- tiation. Yet the decisions (it was alleged), as a general rule, go no further than this ; they merely disclaim power to consider the treaty rights of the foreign nation. In one cause, where two individuals claimed the same land, one by a title founded on an earlier treaty, and the other by letters patent issued under a later act of Congress, the Supreme Court said, " Congress is bound to regard the public treaties ;" and the treaty title 84 NATIONAL SUBJECTS. was sustained. The advocates of Congressional abrogation of the treaty were pointedly reminded that in the Winslow afiair, a few years previously, the Department of State at Washing- ton contended very earnestly that an act of Parliament could not modify the obligations cast by a treaty upon Great Britain. The Extradition Treaty of 1842 provided, in general terms, for sending offenders back to this country, without any particular provision protecting them as to the trial here. The British authorities became dissatisfied that an offender claim- ed for one crime, which was covered by the treaty, was lia- ble to be tried here for another one, which was not. Par- liament, without consulting the United States on modifying the treaty, passed an act directing that when a prisoner was claimed for extradition, an assurance should be exacted, before he was surrendered, that he should be tried only on the charge then preferred. Diplomacy at Washington repudiated this demand ; denied that any act of legislation to which the United States was no party could modify rights assured by treaty, and declared all action in favor of British claims to extradition suspended un- til that government should conform to the treaty or negotiate to alter it. This view had the support of American public opin- ion at that time, yet is not easily reconciled with the position that Congress, without negotiating with China for a modifica- tion of the Burlingame treaty, could legislate in contravention of it. To give a more popular illustration of the argument, let Con- gress be likened to a merchant, and the court to his clerk. Sup- pose the merchant one morning sells a bill of goods to a cus- tomer, and he shows the invoice to his clerk, and says, "Let these goods be ready for this buyer when he calls for them; I have agreed on price and terms with him." But at noon the merchant changes his mind ; he has learned that the buyer does not deserve to be trusted, and he countermands the directions given to the clerk. In the afternoon the buyer comes, expectant THE CHINESE. 85 of his goods. The clerk withholds them. The buyer shows his bill of sale and argues for his contract. The clerk says, " The proprietor has since told me not to let them go." — " But your employer has agreed that I shall have them ; is he not bound to his agreement ?" — " I have nothing to do with his agreement ; my duty is to obey his instructions ; and his last words to me were to keep the goods. If that is contrary to his contract, you must settle the matter with him." Thus it is that the courts have said Congress may repeal a treaty. Courts do not have the deciding of questions between governments, and when such questions are presented, they de- cline them. In a lawsuit between persons, when one has claimed a treaty and the other a later act of Congress, the court has said, " We must administer the act of Congress, as the latest law. If it breaks the treaty, that is for Congress to settle. Perhaps there was just cause for breaking it. We take our orders from Congress in deciding lawsuits ; Congress, and not the courts, is the proper body to decide questions with foreign nations." The discussion in Congress resulted in the passage of one of the bills, which was vetoed by the President, chiefly on the ground that, without disputing the abstract power of Congress, in a proper case, to abrogate a treaty, our relations with China were too important and delicate to be sundered in a summary manner, and without notice or diplomatic negotiation. The veto was interposed March 2d, 1879, on the eve of the adjournment. I'URTHER ACTION IN THE COURTS. Pending the Congressional debate and the adjournment, John Chinaman won some victories in the Federal courts. His claim to naturalization was decided for or against him in different courts, according as the presiding judge considered that " white persons," in the naturalization laws, meant merely not black, or strictly white. The question is not yet (1880) authoritatively decided. 86 NATIONAL SUBJECTS. In one interesting case it appeared tliat the magistrates of California proposed, by way of treating convicts of all nationali- ties with strict equality, to cut off the Chinaman's queue when he was put in jail, just as they crop the heads of other offenders. But John complained to the Circuit Court, which told the magistrates they must do no such thing ; and said, as it were, that Chinese pigtails are protected by Magna Charta, the Dec- laration of Independence, the Constitution, and every palladium of liberty ; and that if the California authorities desired equality between Chinese and Caucasians in the matter of head-dress, the true way was to grow pigtails on the heads of the Caucasians.* The Circuit Court in Oregon had occasion to consider the rights of the Chinese in another aspect. Under pressure of the objections to employment of Chinese labor, the Legislature of Oregon passed a law to prohibit its being employed upon street improvements and public works. This law being in force, Baker & Co., a firm of contractors for such works, put in a bid for a job of 50,000 dollars' worth of work upon improvements in Port- land, which the city authorities advertised to put under contract. Their bid was the lowest, and they were entitled to the contract. It was surmised that they were intending to employ Chinese la- borers in doing the work ; and the city authorities refused to sign and deliver the contract unless the contractors would give bonds that in performing it they would comply with the law, and no Chinese should be employed. The contractors com- plained to the court. Upon certain technical questions connect- ed with the proper way of bringing the suit, the judge ruled against them, but upon the general question of the right to em- ploy Chinese labor, the decision was in their favor. The court cited the familiar provisions of the Burlingame treaty recog- nizing the right of emigration and assuring the Chinese of equal rights with other foreigners, and declared that a State cannot * Ho Ah Kow V. Nunan, 5 Sawyer, 552 ; 13 West Jur. 409. THE CHINESE. 8l legislate so as to interfere with their operation. The treaty is the supreme law, and, until it has been abrogated or modified, the courts must enforce it. In agreeing that the Chinese may become residents here, it forbids any State to impose restraints and limits upon the Chinese as a race in respect to their labor and pursuits. The right to reside here implies the right to fol- low any lawful calling or pursuit open to other foreigners. The question whether the Chinese may wisely be allowed to come and labor here without restraint is a serious one, but it belongs solely to the national government, and is decided, for the time being, by the treaty. While that stands, no State can interfere.* These positions certainly have some support from the acts of Congress which declare that the right of expatriation is a nat- ural and inherent right of all people, in recognition of which our government has freely received emigrants from all nations ;f and that all persons shall have the same right in every State to make and enforce contracts, and the same benefit of laws for the security of persons and property, as is enjoyed by white citizens.J LEGISLATIVE ACTION IN CALIFORNIA. Meantime California, during the spring and summer of 1&19, by a remarkable duplication of political action, representing the sentiment of the community, renewed her remonstrance against the effects of the immigration, and her demand for some relief from the treaty, in two very emphatic ways. While Congress was in debate over bills to restrict the immigration, a constitu- tional convention was in session in the State ; and its work was submitted to the people and ratified by them in May following, and is now in force. It declares that no native of China shall ever exercise the privileges of an elector. It devotes an entire article to the Chinese by name, describing them as aliens likely * Baker v. Portland, 6 Sam/er, 566. f Rev. Stat. § 1999. i Rev. Stat. § 1977, 1978. 88 NATIONAL SUBJECTS. to be paupers, mendicants, and criminals, and commanding the legislature to impose conditions on their coming or remaining, and to provide for their removal if they vpill not comply. No corporation may employ a Chinaman ; no Chinese shall be em- ployed on any public work ; their immigration is to be discour- aged by law, and all companies importing them are to be subject to penalties ; cities and towns are empowered to expel them. And subsequently, in September, under a law of 1877 providing for a popular vote upon the question of permitting Chinese immigration, an election was held, and resulted, accord- ing to the San Francisco journals, in a vote of 154,638 against allowing it, to 883 only in its favor. By these two grave State acts California has shown that her sense of need is immediate and deep. "What measure of relief shall be accorded is one of the pressing questions of the time. It continues -to excite ef- forts in Congress for restrictive legislation, and to engage the thoughtful attention of the Department of State. Very lately a commission of citizens deemed especially qualified has been nominated, to undertake the duty of maturing measures which shall, if possible, protect the industrial and social interests of California, without imperilling the commercial interests of Amer- ica in China, or retracting the time-honored policy and tradi- tions of our government towards foreigners. THE NATIONAL BANKS. 89 Chapter IX. I'HE NATIONAL BANKa. This chapter will not give a general account of banking, but will only describe the important change by which, in recent years, a major part of the banking business and interests of the country have been brought under the supervision and control of the national government. THE " FREE-BANKING " SYSTEM. It is not obvious on the surface why a law' which requires banks to deposit in the custody of government securities equiv- alent to cash for the full amount of its circulating notes, and more, should be called a " free-banking " law. The reason is found in the contrast between this system and the one which preceded it,* which' required special charters. In the earliest times, no doubt, any individual might engage in banking busi- ness, in any of its branches. A chief branch consisted in issuing bank-notes adapted and intended to circulate as money. Long ago it was found inconvenient and dangerous to allow this to be done by any and all persons at pleasure, and the privilege was taken in charge by government. Thus in all the early years of American legal history, the general rule was that persons who de- sired to issue bank-notes must obtain leave ; and this was usually granted in the form of a charter from the State legislature. * There was in New York, in Vermont, and perhaps elsewhere, an inter- mediate plan known as the " safety-fund " system, in which all the banks contributed to a fund to redeem the bills of those which became insolvent. Our purpose does not require any extended account of it. 90 NATIONAL SUBJECTS. Through quite a period Congress maintained a United States Bank, chiefly as a fiscal agent of government ; and in newly settled States the restriction or prohibition of issuing bank-notes without charter authority was not always enforced. But, with these exceptions, the general doctrine, prior to 1838, was that is- suing circulating notes was a privilege granted by the legislature of the State ; so that only those persons to whom the legislature would make the grant might exercise it. The privilege was im- portant and valuable ; and, in the older and more conservative States, powerful political influence or adroit management and liberal expenditure of money were needed for procuring a char- ter. The charters named the men who were to be the members of the corporation, and these prescribed the terms and manner of admitting new members. Thus, tbg special-charter system, while it gave a legislature means of providing that only prudent, responsible, and solvent men should be bankers, and, wherever due care in granting charters was observed, afforded assurance that banks would be judiciously conducted, yet treated banking as a monopoly to be vested in the approved or favored few. Upon the other hand, the charters were often given, especially in newer States, without due consideration, or too freely. It is related that Aaron Burr, being employed to procure one from the New York Legislature, drafted an act authorizing the cor- porators to build an aqueduct for supplying New York city with water, and saying that they might use their surplus capital in other lawful transactions. The legislature, without perceiving the hidden purpose, passed the bill, whereupon the corporation straightway opened a bank. Instances are known of charters procured by gross bribery. The dominant political party would, very generally, grant charters to its own partisans and refuse them to its opponents. In one instance, twenty-five banks would have been chartered in one act if the governor had not vetoed it ; and by another act which was passed, forty-one banks were authorized, thirty-seven of which were started. Thus, although THE NATIONAL BANKS. 91 requiring a special charter was in theory a good security against too many banks or weak ones, it was not so in practice. In 1838, New York initiated a new system. The essential ideas were that banks should give good money security for pay- ing their notes, and that (on this condition) the privilege of bank- ing should be free to all persons. The law prescribed that any persons who pleased might form a bank, no application to the legislature being required ; but they must deposit with the State Comptroller at Albany public stocks, or bonds and mortgages, in exchange for which he should furnish to them a correspond- ing amount of circulating notes printed in the name of the bank. Then, so long as the bank redeemed these notes on demand, it was allowed to draw, periodically, from the comptroller the in- terest on its securities in his hands ; so that the proprietors did not lose by making the deposit. But whenever it failed in re- demption, the comptroller could sell the securities and use the money in paying the dishonored notes. Banking in this sys- tem was called " free," not in the sense of being unregulated, but in the sense that it was no longer a privilege or a mo- nopoly granted to chosen persons, but was open to all on equal terms. After nearly ten years' trial of the free-banking system (or the secured-banking system, as it might more lucidly be called) in New York, where it originated, other States adopted it. For example, Michigan passed a free-banking law in 1849 ; New Jer- sey, in 1 850 ; Virginia, Blinois, Ohio, Vermont, and Massachusetts, in 1851 ; Indiana and Tennessee, in 1852 ; Louisiana, in 1853 ; Wisconsin, in 1854 ; Missouri, in 1856 ; Iowa and Minnesota, in 1858. Thus, down to 1860 and 1861, when secession and the war commenced to derange the business of the country, the sys- tem was gradually but steadily extending among the States. Therefore, when, in 1863, plans were formed for establishing, by a uniform national law, a system upon which banks might be organized and conducted alike all over the country, the prin- 92 NATIONAL SUBJECTS. ciple of intrusting circulating notes to any persons who would give security to redeem them, rather than to persons selected and named in a charter, was naturally adopted. ADVANTAGES OF A NATIONAL SYSTEM. Probably an urgent motive for establishing the national bank- ing system was a desire, growing out of the political troubles of the times, that there might be in all parts of the country bants conducted in sympathy with the national government, to which the business of the government might safely be intrusted, and by means of which the pecuniary resources of the country might be enlisted in aid of the nation. This purpose has, at the pres- ent day, lost its dominant importance, and is of less interest to the general reader than a brief comparison of the advantages oSered to the public at large by the national and State systems. Before the war, when State banks only were known, the use of their notes was attended with much uncertainty and inconven- ience. Not half of the States had adopted the New York system of requiring security for redemption, and most of those which had done so prescribed it only as an alternative system, and contin- ued to issue special charters without imposing any conditions for protecting the billholders. Thus banks of all grades of solvency existed, and no one could tell as notes passed through his hands whether the institution from which they came was trustworthy or not. Some banks had no capital, or nearly none. In others the capital was nominal, consisting in notes which stockholders had been permitted to give for their shares, or in other securi- ties of doubtful value which had been received for subscriptions. In the older and wealthier States many banks existed most pru- dently and successfully conducted. The " Massachusetts Bank," chartered in 1784, continued business prosperously for more than ninety years under the State law, and until it was converted into a national association. Banks under Pennsylvania and New York laws were equally stable and successful ; but in Western THE NATIONAL BANKS. 93 and Southern States the result was often different. The bank- notes of the period were disrespectfully called " shinplasters," a term derived from a rumor that Eevolutionary soldiers found their Continental currency so worthless that they used it for bandages. And many banks in the remoter parts of the coun- try received the appellation of " wild-cat banks," though whether from a picture of a wild-cat or panther on the notes of one which made a noted and ignominious failure, or because the as- sets sometimes embraced panther-skins (which, in the days when a bounty was allowed upon them, represented a certain value), may be uncertain. It is known that, as late as 1854, the circulation in one of the principal Western States consisted chiefly of notes issued by two banks in Georgia, and which circulated upon the personal credit of two or three of their non-resident stockholders, inde- pendent of reliance upon the character or management of the banks by which they were issued. Even the governors of States the laws of which allowed such banking frankly and earnestly objected. In 1853 the Message of the Governor of Indiana said, " The speculator comes to In- dianapolis with a bundle of bank-notes in one hand and the stock in the other. In twenty-four hours he is on the way to some distant point of the Union to circulate what he denominates a legal currency authorized by the Legislature of Indiana. He has nominally located his bank in some remote part of the State, difficult of access, where he knows no banking facilities are re- quired, and intends that his notes shall go into the hands of persons who will have no means of demanding their redemp- tion." The governors of Michigan and New Jersey made simi- lar remonstrances to their legislatures. These objections disclose another aspect in which the system of State banking was incon- venient. It afforded temptation to unscrupulous men, having large and frequent payments to make to employes, to contrive for a supply of bank-notes from an institution remotely located ; 94 NATIONAL SUBJECTS. SO that they made an extra profit out of the delay which occurred before those to whom they paid the notes could get them col- lected. And, generally, those who; received notes of solvent banks were subjected to great trouble and loss in collecting specie for them when that was desired. In earlier times each bank was bound to pay only on presentation at its own office. Later, the larger and more judicious States required their banks to make provision for redeeming at some central place, or the banks vol- untarily did so. Thus, notes of New England banks were re- deemed at the Sufiolk Bank in Boston. But arrangements of this kind were not universal ; and where they existed, they ren- dered the notes good only within convenient distances from the appointed place for redemption. The general consequence was that a bank-note was available only within a region round about the bank. As soon as it was carried to a distance, it became subject to distrust and discount. Pennsylvania notes could hard- ly be used in New York, or New York notes in New England, without meeting objection to them or submitting to a deduc- tion. A person intending even a moderate journey needed to exchange his bank-notes for gold before starting, else he would soon reach a distance beyond which he would have no money, though he might have plenty of bills. So transmission of bank- notes by mail, to pay debts or prices at remote points, was out of the question. There was no adequate supervision in most of the States over the management of their banks. Directors did very much as their own interest and convenience dictated with the funds ; or, what was worse, left everything to presidents and cashiers. Hence failures of banks were frequent ; and when a bank failed, a heavy loss fell upon the billholders as well as upon depositors and stockholders. The capital was often found to be dissipat- ed, there were no securities available for redeeming the notes, and it was not then usual to make stockholders individually liable. THK NATIONAL BANKS. 95 By viewing the varied inconveniences of this condition of af- fairs, in all its aspects and diverse effects on daily business, and comparing it with the general confidence now reposed every- where in national-bank notes, the reader will realize how greatly the public convenience has been promoted by the change. A twofold doubt has been suggested as to the wisdom of con- tinuing the national-bank system. Upon the one hand, there are some persons who believe that it would be better for gov- ernment itself to issue the great bulk of the currency needed. Upon the other hand, there have been complaints that the na- tional banks enjoy too great favor as compared with State banks ; that it would be more just and more consonant to American prin- ciples to return, now that the exigency out of which national banks arose is over, to the system of State banks. Persons about to start a bank would, doubtless, examine very closely the question whether one kind or the other enjoy special privileges and opportunities. The general reader will probably be satisfied upon this point when he understands that the national banks are not in any respect forced upon the country. The system is free and optional. Persons who believe they can make money in a national bank have liberty to try ; that is all. Whoever does not think a national bank profitable need not engage in one. If the directors of a State bank consider the privileges ac- corded to a national bank are greater than they ought in justice to be, they can change their institution from the State to the national form ; and if they find themselves mistaken, they can change back again. A large proportion of the national banks were formerly banks under State laws, and there have been sev- eral instances of a return by such institutions to the State form. If the people in any part of the country wish for more circulat- ing notes in that region, they can form additional national banks and thus obtain them. In order that this aspect of the subject might be fully under- stood, the comptroller of the currency was asked by Congress, 96 NATIONAL SUBJECTS. about 1S16, to report in what manner the national banks and their shares were distributed over the country, so that it might be known whether one part of the land was favored to the prej- udice of another. In answer he gave many facts showing that the shares are very widely distributed. The capital stock of the national banks in operation July 1, 1876, was a little more than $500,000,000 ; and, as a few of the converted State banks have shares of less than $100 each, the total number of shares was rather more than six and a half millions. Looking at the loca- tion of the banks from which the shares were issued, it appeared that in the Eastern States there were banks issuing 2,018,826 shares, of which the banks of Massachusetts issued 988,700 ; in the Middle States, 3,051,378 shares, of which the New York banks issued 1,482,746 ; in the Southern and Southwestern States, 429,393 ; in the Western States, 937,338 ; and in the Pacific States and the Territories, 69,000. Looking at the residences of shareholders, they were found living in every State, and in every Territory except two; and there were some in foreign countries. The number of shares held in the Eastern States was 1,858,398 ; in the Middle States, 2,702,269 ; in the South- ern and Southwestern States, 358,335 ; in the Western States, 839,391 ; and in the Pacific States and the Territories, 62,515. Total in the country, 5,820,908. The number of shareholders was a little over 200,000 ; making the average amount of stock held by each shareholder about $3100. The average amount held by each individual in the Eastern States was about $2100 ; in the Middle States, $3100 ; in the Southern States, $3400 ; in the Western States, $4800 ; and in the Pacific States and the Territories, $8300. These facts (when one considers that the Southern States did not commence establishing banks so early as the Northern, and that during the paper-money times Cali- fornia preferred to use gold) indicate that the distribution has been governed by natural demand, not by any favoritism in the law or its administration. The way is open for any one of a THE NATIONAL BANKS. 91 different opinion to establish a national bank in the place where he thinks there is need of one. There is no reason to believe that the figures have changed for the worse since 1876. The latest statistics as to the distri- bution of the national and State banks in different sections of the country are summed up in the following table : Geographical Divisions. Statb Banks,* Savings- banks, Pkivats Bank- BBS, BTC., May 31, 1873. National Banks, June 29, 1878. Total. No. Capital.l Dep08it3.| No. Capital. Deposits. No. Capital. Deposits. New England States. Middle States Southern States Western States and ) Territories J Tfnited States. . . . 555 1,826 520 1,999 MiWm. 11.12 77.09 35.65 81.62 Milliowi. 422.86 544.07 47.77 223.09 542 634 176 704 MiWrui. 166.82 177.18 31.49 95.20 Millions. 128.83 374.89 35.94 137.60 1,097 1,960 696 2,703 Mill'ns. 177.64 264.27 67.04 176.32 Millims. 551.69 918.96 83.71 365.59 4,4uO •206. 3S 1,242.79 2,056 470.39 677.16 6,466 675.77 1,919.95 From this table it will be seen that the total number of banks and bankers in the country at the dates named was 6456, with a total banking capital of nearly six hundred and seventy-six millions (leYS, 776,198), and total deposits of nearly one thou- sand nine hundred and twenty millions ($1,919,954,201). Another aspect of the question whether equal justice is done to different portions of the country in the administration of the banking law relates to the allotment of circulating notes. Formerly, when the aggregate amount of circulation allowed to be issued was limited, this may have been theoretically im- * To understand what proportion of the State banks mentioned in the table are incorporated banks, what are private bankers, etc., read the follow- ing table : Geogbaphicai. Divisions, May 31, 1878. State Banks AND Trdst Companies. Fbivatb Bankbbs. Savingb-banks WIIH Capital- Sav'os-banks withoijt Capital. No. Capital. Deposits. No. 1 Capital. Deposits. No. Capital. Deposits. No. Deposits. N.E. States Mid. states South. States . . . West. States! and Terr ) United States. 42 217 233 361 Mill'ns. 8.19 42.45 27.38 46.33 Millims. 15.06 122.10 30. 6T 61.66 71 916 280 1,539 Milt'-ns. 2.86 34.48 7.30 33.16 Millimt. 3.23 61.92 13.63 105.00 1 3 4 16 MilVns. 0.07 0.16 0.88 2.13 Millions. 1.14 1.87 1.28 22.39 441 190 3 34 Millions. 403.43 368.68 2.14 39.05 853 124.36 229.48 2,856 77.60 183.83 23 8.24 26.18 668 803.30 98 NATIONAL SUBJECTS. portant. At the present time the law allows a bank to be opened, and circulating notes to be furnished, wherever the com- munity desires one and will deposit securities to pay the notes. And banks on small capital, such as are suited to new or sparsely settled regions, are allowed a slight advantage over larger insti- tutions in the amount of notes they may receive. All ques- tions as to the fairness with which different parts of the country are treated, in according to them any privileges which are as- cribable to the national banking law, seem to be superseded, so long as the opening of a bank anywhere, and upon equal terms, is free to all applicants. For facts as to the allotment of notes as it existed in 1879, see tables on pages 100, 101. THE PRESENT STSTEM SUMMARIZED. The present condition is that about two thirds the incorpo- rated banks in number, and a still larger proportion estimated by capital, are national banks ; and these put forth nearly the whole issue of bank-notes for the country. These are all designated by the name national ; and the law forbids a State bank to use that word in its name, so that the two kinds may be readily known apart. The organization of the two kinds is very differently con- ducted. State banks are formed as the law of the State directs, however that may be. National banks are organized upon one uniform plan operating alike throughout the country, which al- lows any persons to open a bank and issue circulating notes upon the simple condition of giving security to pay them upon demand ; and does not give that privilege to any others. The other departments of banking business — loans, discounts, collec- tions, etc. — are carried on substantially alike in banks of both kinds. There are some prohibitions and penalties resting upon the officers and managers of a national bank which do not apply to banks of the old kind ; but in most of the transactions of or- dinary business the customer would not notice any difference be- tween the two. In case, however, a bank is imprudently man- THE NATIONAL BANKS. 99 aged or becomes insolvent, an important difference is observed. What becomes of the property and affairs of a State bant de- pends upon the law of the State ; and this may difEer in differ- ent places. A failing national bant is taten under the charge of a receiver, subject to the directions and supervision of the comptroller of the currency. The proceedings, no matter where the bant is located, are under a uniform law. The securities in the comptroller's charge are sold, and invariably furnish sufficient funds for paying all the outstanding notes. Stoctholders and depositors may probably lose by the failure ; but there has been no instance under the national-bant system in which billholders have not been paid in full. THE TAX ON OTHER CIRCULATION. It is not denied that Congress has desired to discourage State bants from continuing to issue circulating notes. They are not forbidden to do so, but the business has been rendered unprofit- able by a tax. Every national or State bant must pay a tax of ten per cent, on the amount of notes of any State bant which it uses for circulation. This has driven State bant-notes out of use. Complaints have been made that this tax is oppressive ; and it is urged that the general government, ought not thus to sect to prevent State bant-notes. However sound the objection may be, it lies only against the rate of the tax, not against the national-bant system. It can at any time be cured by di- minishing the tax. It therefore forms no reason for relinquish- ing the general system of national banting. Note. — The tables 8t>tliis chapter have been copied, and much of the in- formation which it contains obtained, from reports of John Jay Knox, Esq., Comptroller of the Currency, which have been kindly furnished by him to the author for the purpose. 100 NATIONAL SUBJECTS. o CO i-H m .. a I— 1 15 o A pp ra ^ S l-J H ■< t> a o Pi ^ u 65 O PI w C6 5 S !5 < H Fh ^ CO H 1:3 := O o Q 15 w „ A< P O a 'r, w M P a S •a rt ■< « P [x] H h 15 h- 1 »! cs 15 cd O S -■I ^ M u l5 O o t— CN -^ ira era cOi-H -^o «5 1-1 -o lo in era t— o c; oj OS CO ■* lOOD OS CO o.-t m ifto m wo Ift I- -* o lO o ■* oo 00 cra_oi o 50 era t-i-' ~ ooooinoooooooioom ot-'*r-THo>oeraoint-oera(MQD m t- r- o ■* 0*^0 o o m to in o^i-i t-^ tSt-^cntr^^CC ■d^-^o'o'o'eO T-i to , era-^o>nr-' 102 NATIONAL SUBJECTS. Chaptee X. COMMERCE. Commerce among tlie States is becoming a wide field for Congressional legislation. SCOPE OF THE GRANT OF POWER. " Congress shall tave power," says the Constitution, " to reg- ulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian tribes." If the States had been left to protect themselves against the intrusion of unwelcome sub- jects and agencies of commerce from neighboring States, a fruit- ful source of controversies and disagreements would have been left unguarded. This subject is therefore fully intrusted to the sovereign power of Congress ; with the practical result that, so long as Congress finds no necessity for action, the States are free to legislate as their difiering interests dictate ; but whenever, in the national judgment, occasion for the exercise of the national power occurs, its exercise abrogates all State laws within its scope. Every session of Congress presents new aspects of the ques- tion, What laws may Congress pass to regulate commerce? Congress has legislated to secure humane treatment of animals on long railroad journeys; can it preserve the rights and com- fort of passengers as well ? It has restricted the passage of ni- tro-glycerine from one State to another ; can it do the same as to obscene books ? Can it prescribe the charges of competing rail- roads ? Can it define the just secrecy and proper disclosure of telegrams from State to State ; or authorize laying a pipe line to run petroleum from Pennsylvania oil-wells to New York city ; COMMERCE. 103 or pass a trade-marts law ; or enact a national factor's act, or a general commercial code ? Or must all such matters be left to State legislatures ? These are only a few of the practical inqui- ries of the time. When the commercial power was conferred on Congress, the States were few in number, limited in production, separated by difficult frontiers, and destitute of all the means of easy communication now in use. It is not easy to look back and discera how trivial an interest commerce among the States must have been in 1789. Now, for all purposes of wholesale distribu- tion of products of industry. State lines have become practically obliterated. There is not one producer in a thousand, nor one wholesale dealer, who does not compete for the market of the whole region round about him, irrespective of State boundaries. The decisions of the Supreme Court show that, under the Constitution, Congress must abstain from interference with a traffic which begins and ends within a State. Each State has, solely, the power to determine what merchandise shall be grown or manufactured, advertised or transported, sold or purchased, within her borders, and to regulate all internal commercial deal- ings. This right, so just, intrinsically, when the theory of our gov- ernment as a union of States under one government for national purposes only is considered, and so important to the preservation of good feeling and contentment, has been sacredly respected. TO WHAT AGENCIES OF COMMERCE IT EXTENDS. But the course of decision has consistently and liberally sus- tained such expansion of this power as the wants of the coun- try have demanded and the limits of the grant allow. In a lim- ited sense, commerce means traffic, acts of buying and selling ; but the court early overstepped any such limitation. More than half a century ago, in the famous case of Gibbons v. Ogden,* transportation as well as traffic was held included. The State of , — * 9 Wheat. 1. 104 NATIONAL SUBJECTS. New York liad conferred on the inventors of the steamboat an exclusive privilege of steam navigation in New York waters. The Supreme Court adjudged this an unconstitutional invasion of the power of Congress, which, they said, comprehends naviga- tion within the limits of every State, and extends to all descrip- tions of vessels, whether propelled by sails or by steam, and whether employed in carrying passengers or merchandise. A more recent occasion for asserting the power with respect to steamboat travel arose under a law enacted by the Legislature of Louisiana about ten years ago, forbidding carriers of passen- gers to make any discrimination on account of color, and charg- ing any steamboat owner with damages who should exclude col- ored passengers from a cabin upon pretext that it was set apart for whites. The steamer Governor Allen, plying between New Orleans and Vicksburg, did, however, arrange two cabins (equal- ly good) for the two races. A colored woman passenger, excluded from the whites' cabin, notwithstanding her demand for a place in it, sued under the State law, and her complaint went up to the Supreme Court upon the sole question whether the law was not void for infringing the power of Congress to regulate com- merce. The court annulled the law, and said that if the public good requires such legislation, it must come from Congress, and not from the States ; for how can commerce among the States flourish if each State is at liberty to prescribe its own rules for through carriers while they are within its jurisdiction ? On one side of a river a vessel would have to observe one set of rules, on the other side another set. Each State would act. regardless of the interests of the others. If Louisiana may forbid passen- gers to be assorted in two cabins, then Mississippi may enact that they shall be so assorted ; and, under these opppsiipg laws, a steamer must stop at the boundary and change her passengers from one arrangement to the other, or else be exposed to penalty and fai'feiture, in one State or the other, at every trip.* * Hall V. De Cuir, 95 U. 8. 485. And see De Cuir v. Benson, 27 La. Ann. 1. COMMERCE. 105 Railroads were wholly untnown when the commercial power was conferred, but decisions of later years have distinctly recog- nized that they are included, with this additional reason, that, in- dependent of the commercial power, Congress has authority to keep the approach to the national capital free. As " all roads lead to Rome,'' so American railroads lead, many of them, to Washington. The power to maintain post-roads, taken in con- nection with the practice of contracting with the companies for transmission of the mails, and of declaring the roads and bridges post-roads, may also be an important auxiliary in some aspects of this question. Important regulations have been im- posed by Congress upon matters of railway traffic ; of which the law of 1866, punishing negligent transportation of nitro- glycerine, and the law of 18*73, punishing neglect and cruel treatment of live-stock while in course of transportation, are examples. Regulation of passenger travel might doubtless be assumed to a greater extent than has been done. The same reasons which apply to railroads have led to a de- cision that telegraphic communication is one form of commerce. The doctrine of the court is that the powers of Congress are not confined to the instrumentalities known or in use when the Con- stitution was adopted, but they keep pace with the progress of the country, and apply to new developments. They extend from the horse and his rider to the stage-coach, from the sailing-vessel to the steamboat, from the coach and the steamboat to the rail- road, and from the railroad to the telegraph, as these new agen- cies are successively brought into use. They were given to be exercised over the business to which they relate, at all times and under all circumstances. As they were intrusted to the general government for the good of the nation, it is not only the right, but the duty, of Congress to watch that intercourse among the States and the transmission of intelligence are not obstructed.* * Pensaeola Tel. Co. v. Western Union Tel. Co. 96 IT. S. 1. 5* 106 NATIONAL SUBJECTS. BEGINNING AND END OP AN ACT OF COMMERCE. There have been decisions which distinctly consider what is the beginning and where is the ending of an act of commerce among States. Ten years ago a little steamboat named the Daniel Ball, running on Grand River, between Grand Eapids and Grand Haven, was prosecuted for running without a United States license, and her owners claimed that, as the termini of her trips were both in Michigan, and she did not run out of the State, she was not subject to the commercial power of Congress, and need not have a license. She was a small affair, only one hundred and twenty-three tons burden, and drawing two feet of water, and not large enough to sail upon the open waters of Lake Michigan. And Grand River is so short and insignificant a stream, that another point made in the case was that she was not plying on public navigable waters. But the court held that con- fining her trips within the State did not take her out of com- merce among the States, if she made a business of carrying goods destined for other States, or of bringing into Michigan goods which came from other States. Whenever a commodity has begun to move as an article of trade from one State to another, commerce in that commodity between the States has commenced. The fact that different agencies are employed in transporting it, some acting entirely in one State, others through two or more, does not matter ; to the extent in which each agency co-operates, it is subject to regulation by Congress.* And with respect to the ending of a commercial transaction, the court has said, in cases involving validity of State laws imposing license fees on sales of goods brought into the State, that the power of Congress cannot be stopped at the exterior boundary of a State, but may enter the interior, and is capable of authorizing the sale of the articles it introduces. Commerce is intercourse ; one of * The Daniel Ball, 10 WoR. 458. COMMBRCB. 107 its most ordinary ingredients is traffic ; sale is as indispensable to cominerce as is importation. Congress has power not only to authorize importation, but to authorize the importer to sell ; and the State cannot, by exacting a license fee, restrict the sale.* The exercise of the power naturally divides into three branches — protection and improvement of channels and ways of com- merce, civil regulation of its persons and their business customs and methods, and punishment of offences ; and the decisions recognize Congressional action in all these ways. Congress may take necessary measures over all the navigable waters of the United States which are accessible from a State other than the one in which they lie to improve and fit them for general navi- gation by enlargement of channels, erection of light-houses, and the like, or by prohibiting or removing obstructions, such as bridges. It may excavate and enlarge the East Eiver channel at Hell Gate, or ordain the downfall of the Brooklyn Bridge, if necessary to secure navigation. Again, it may watch the man- agement of commerce ; it may regulate the afiairs of seamen, the inspection of steam-vessels, the protection of passengers, and assume superintendence of pilots ; and it undoubtedly may act upon similar matters pertaining to railroads. And, again. Con- gress may define and punish crimes which interfere with com- merce. Wherever committed, acts which obstruct free inter- communication between the States may be made punishable un- der national laws. Thus it appears that Congress may promote all the forms and kinds of commercial communication between States, from the initial point of transportation to its very ter- minus, by the threefold power of opening channels, prescribing methods, and punishing obstructors. * Brown v. Maryland, 12 Wheat. 419. Later decisions limit this doctrine to sales in original packages, and say that a State may prohibit retail trade, e. g., in intoxicating liquors. 108 NATIONAL SUBJECTS. Chapter XL TRADE-MARKS. It is conveBient to embrace trade-marks under the general title " National Subjects," although the principal thing to be ex- plained is that it is not a national biA a State subject. The two prominent events respecting trade-marks, in recent years, have been the passage by Congress of comprehensive and systematic trade-mark laws for the whole country, and the decision of the Supreme Court that the legislation was unconstitutional. This decision, however, does not render trade-marks valueless, or de- prive the subject of importance. HOW " EQUITY " PEOTECTED TRADE-MARKS. Long before any official registration of trade-marks was au- thorized, there was a well-established and tolerably efficient sys- tem for guarding them, loosely called, in popular discussion, pro- tection by the common law. To describe it more precisely, courts of equity were accustomed to recognize a manufacturer's or dealer's exclusive right to the trade-mark he had been the first to introduce, and would give him the benefit of an injunc- tion restraming his rivals from imitating it. A multitude of the more noted goods and wares have had the benefit of this long- known equity doctrine in suits brought independent of any stat- ute. All sorts of articles — beverages, the " Schiedam Schnapps," the "Old London Dock" and "Club-house" gins, and the " Congress " and the " Bethesda " spring- waters ; medicines, the " Ferro - phosphorated Elixir," "Vegetable Pain-killer," and "Stomach Bitters;" provisions and household supplies, "Excel- sior Washing-powder," " Self-raising Flour," and " Worcester- TEADE-MARKS. 109 shire Sauce ;" toilet articles, " Cocoaine " and " Balm of Thou- sand Flowers ;" names of newspapers, hotels, and establishments like " Christy's Minstrels ;" and every variety of pictured label and configured device — have been brought into court to have their names adjudged the exclusive property of their makers. A twofold reason was assigned for doing this — that the dealer, by adoption of a peculiar name or device, and unusual care in keeping his goods in high repute, had acquired a sort of prop- erty like that recognized in a manuscript or invention ; and that the public were liable to be deceived and injured if .led by imi- tation of his marks to buy other and inferior goods in mistake for his. Both these conditions must be fulfilled to gain pro- tection from a court of equity. The mark or device must be something peculiar, arbitrary, invented for the purpose. If the dealer used common descriptive words signifying the qualities of the article, any one else might do the same. Eecently a dealer in paper collars wanted the attractive parcel in the simili- tude of an ornamented pail, in which he packed them, adjudged his trade-mark : but the judge said no ; if the shape of pack- ages is called a trade-itiark, before long some one will claim the exclusive use of brown paper and a bit of twine, and then there will be an end of retail trade.* Again, the courts would not go further than the public interest dictated. Unless the average buyer was liable to be deceived by the imitation, each dealer would be allowed to go on in his own way. Trials of causes like these were known long before any statutes ; and they have always attracted no little attention in the court-rooms from the display of the samples of the rival goods, and their showy wrap- pers and odd labels, produced by the opposing lawyers. usiNO one's own name. Any business house which becomes successful and famous is * Harrington v. Libbv, 14 Blatchf. 128. 110 NATIONAL SUBJECTS. apt to incur competition from rivals carrying on the same business under the same name. One easily recalls many an enterprise whose career was embarrassed in this way. Day & Martin's Blacking, Rodgers's Cutlery, the Burgess Anchovy Sauce, Clark's Spool Cotton, the Howe Sewing-machine, the Decker and the Hallett & Cumston Pianos, Dr. Gouraud's Ori- ental Cream, Faber's Lead-pencils, Wolfe's Ayomatic Schiedam Schnapps, Meneely's Bell-foundry at Troy, and many less no- table enterprises have been drawn into lawsuits to frustrate an imitator of their success trading in the same name. If the competitor assumes the name without any right to it, there is no doubt that the courts will stop him with an injunc- tion. But suppose there are two men of the same name. There are several men of the name of Smith ; cannot a second or a third Smith go into a business in which Smith No. 1 has grown famous ? As to all these cases, the doctrine of the courts is, that every man has a right to the honest use of his own name in business, no matter what prestige a namesake has at- tained, provided he deals honestly and openly with the public ; but if his ways are such as to mislead thfe. public, if he is con- ducting business in a way to deceive them into supposing they are buying from his predecessor, then he may be stopped. In other words, the courts interfere largely for the protection of the community from imposture, not merely to relieve a manufacturer first in the field from competition. The Day & Martin case shows the principle quite clearly. Charles Day and Benjamin Martin manufactured japan blacking for shoes for twenty years, and made it famous. They both died, and their executors carried on the business. A nephew of the original Day, also named Day, hjjnted up a man named Mar- tin for a nominal partner, took a shop in the same street, and commenced selling a japan blacking under labels much like those of the original establishment. The court said their mode of doing business must be abandoned ; young Day had a right to TRADE-MARKS. Ill manufacture and sell blacking, and to do so in the name of Day, but not in a manner indicating that it was that of the old house.* The Meneely Bell-foundry case shows the other side of the sub- ject. Andrew Meneely established a factory of church bells a^ Troy, which was very successful. When he died, in 1851, two of his sons (one of them had been a partner with" his father) carried on the establishment. This was according to the father's will. He left the business to these two sons, on condition they should pay legacies, one of which was $3000 to their younger brother, Clinton. At the time of the father's death Clinton was a lad ; but after he grew up he took a partner, and the two commenced a bell-foundry, also at Troy, under the name of Meneely & Kim- berly. The other brothers sued to stop them from using the name Meneely. But the court said. No ; there was no fraud, no artifice, nothing to mislead the public into supposing that the bells sold by Meneely & Kimberly were cast at the old foundry ; nothing to prejudice the old firm, except that their younger brother was using his own name in his business ; and this he had a right to do, notwithstanding the names and the business were the same.f The J. Rodgers & Sons cutlery case was like the Day & Martin case, and was decided the same way. After the J. Rodgers & Sons knives grew celebrated, a Shefiield cutlery house hired some journeyman whose father's name was John Rodgers to make knives for them, which they sold as Rodgers knives. But the original house sued them and recovered damages, be- cause there was a fraud upon the public.J But in the Faber lead- penoil case, which was like that of the Meneely bells, the court said it was " unfortunate " for the proprietor of the old-estab- lished business of A. W. Faber that there was another manufact- urer of lead -pencils in the same city with him named J. H. Faber, but that Faber could stamp his name on his pencils.§ * Croft V. Day, 1 Bern. 84. \ Meneely v. Meneely, 62 JV. Y. 421. t Rodgers v. Nowlll, 11 Jur. lOSO. ~§ Faber v. Faber, 49 Barb. 358. 112 NATIONAL SUBJECTS. FICTITIOUS NAMES. Not less curious are some controversies which have arisen where a person has adopted a fictitious name. This, in general, is not against the law. To use two names is not in itself an offence. If it is adopted to perpetrate fraud or crime, it is an important indication of a bad motive. For innocent purposes, a person may pass by more names than one without incurring blame from the law. Writers and actors have done this to such an extent as to make it a familiar custom so far as they are con- cerned. They have no especial privilege, and there is no estab- lished rule that persons in other vocations may not do the same where their objects are honest. The person's usual designation is his name, and he may change it as he pleases. Concealing un- lawful acts by an assumed name is another thing. Using a ficti- tious name cannot be called unlawful. The principle is well es- tablished in respect to changing one's name. There is a prev- alent idea that an act of legislature or order of court is neces- sary. This is not so. This is convenient for making the change known ; for giving it effect quickly ; and for protecting the person from any imputation of concealment or dishonest pur- pose. But one may make the change himself if he will take the time and pains. Women when they marry take their husbands' names by mere custom. They are not bound to do so ; sometimes they decline. Men can take new names if they like by the same simple process of signing aud answering to them. The law of the land long ago espoused the maxim " A rose by any other name would smell as sweet." If Mr. Eose prefers to be called Mr. Tulip, all he needs to do is to call himself so and induce his acquaintances to do the same. A man's name, in the view of the law, is whatever he is usually called. And so is a woman's. Therefore the post-ofiice case which recently came before the authorities was doubtless rightly decided. The facts TRADE-MARKS. 113 were that, a long time ago, a firm was formed in New Yorfe, in the name of Allison & Hearn, to manufacture and sell a patent medicine. Allison was supposed to dwell in Brooklyn, but Hearn did not know where, and never visited him at home ; the two men met daily at the New York store, and all the business was done there. The medicine was .popular and the business successful. Quite recently Hearn saw announcements of the death of Dr. McAllister in Brooklyn, and, having often heard of him as a physician of note, thought he would attend the funeral. He did so ; and, going forward to view the remains, was amazed to recognize the features of his partner, Allison. Then came ex- planations and a controversy. Mrs. McAllister, learning for the first time that her husband had been in business under another name in New York, objected to any further proceedings of the sort. Hearn claimed to wind up the business, and receive money checks and orders that might be in letters, as being the surviving partner. There is a law of Congress which authorizes the Post- ofiice authorities to refuse delivery of letters to persons proved to be engaged in using the mails in aid of obtaining money by false pretences. Under this law, the question was argued before the department at Washington whether using the name Allison, instead of McAllister, was a false pretence which made it proper to detain the letters. No one found fault with the medicine, or complained of any fraud in the manner of carrying on the bus- iness, aside from the fictitious name ; and the Post-office authori- ties decided that this was no offence, and that Mr. Hearn might have the letters. There is a law of New York which, as it formerly read, author- ized the Court of Common Pleas to order a man's name changed if he gained any pecuniary benefit thereby. A gentleman of unattractive cognomen applied for such an order, but could not show that any legacy had been left him, or any other money ad- vantage was depending, and the court said it had not power to make any order, but none was needed ; the applicant could make 114 NATIONAL SUBJECTS. the change himself.* — A strange case of this kind occurred in Kansas. Mrs. Brown, of Indiana, eloped from her husband with Clark, and went to Kansas, where the two lived together as Mr. and Mrs. Clark. She was generally supposed to be his wife, and called herself, and was called, Clark. In the name of Sarah Clark she brought a suit ; and the defendant objected that her true name was Brown, and she must begin over again in that name. But the court said that her name was whatever she was usu- ally called, and she might sue as Mrs. Clark. f — There was a lady employed in the Patent-office who drew her pay in her maiden name, and a newspaper published an article commenting on the matter, and was sued for libel. The court said it was no libel ; a. person may do business by any name he or she chooses, and it is no reproach to publish it. J Therefore, when trade-mark cases have involved this feature, they are not decided against the party on the mere ground that he is not using the name of his childhood, but the question of good faith is important. Witness the Gouraud Oriental Cream case. Dr. Gouraud's original name was Trust ; but he carried on business for years as a perfumer and manufacturer of cosmet- ics, under the pseudonym of Gouraud, and at length, in 1870, procured his name changed. His sons, who retained the name Trust, afterwards sold an Oriental Cream under the label " Dr. Gouraud's Sons." The Supreme Court said they could not use this label ; their name was Trust, not Gouraud ; they had the right to describe themselves as Dr. Gouraud's sons for any mat- ter of legitimacy or identification, but not to use that designa- tion in connection with "Oriental Cream," for the purpose of misleading buyers to suppose they were obtaining the father's preparation.! * Matter of Snook, 2 Hilt. 566. f Clark v. Clark, 19 Kan. 522. X Bell V. Sun Printing, etc., Co., 42 N. Y. Superior Ct. 567. § Gouraud V. Trust, 6 Tliomp. & C. 133. TRADE-MABKS. 115 OBJECT OF REGISTRATION. The vital point in any controversy regarding trade-marks has usually been to establish by strict proof the claimant's priority in adopting and introducing his device. If he was first in the market, and the public is liable to be deceived by defendant's imitation, the court will protect him by an injunction. But this priority is very difiBcult to be proved. As trade - marks grew into use and value in a gradual, indefinite way, without precaution to preser^'e proof of their origin, a complainant was always liable to lose his case because the defendant swore he had used the device equally long, and there were no reliable witnesses or official record by which the prior right could be shown. It was a long and difficult inquiry, in many of these cases, which of the rivals first used the disputed name or em- blem. To relieve this difficulty, to supply proof of the original ownership and use, is a leading object of the trade-mark statutes. By authorizing an official registration the law enabled a manu- facturer to secure a permanent legal record of the very time when he introduced his mark and of its precise form. Such statutes have been passed in England, by the legislatures of several of the States, and by Congress. They enable a dealer, when he first adopts a trade-mark, to register it as his own ; and, having done this, he can at any time appeal to the public record to establish his priority of design. Conversely, any one proposing to adopt a trade-mark can ascertain from the record whether the same design has been appropriated. Provisions have been added to registration enabling an in- jured dealer to recover damages, and imposing fine and impris- onment on fraudulent imitators. THE ACT OF C0NGEE8S. The first national law in regard to trade-marks appeared in 1870, as one chapter in a newly enacted revision of all the laws 116 NATIONAL SUBJECTS. pertaining to patents and copyrights. This juxtaposition of subjects gave the impression that the law rested upon the power of Congress to secure to authors and inventors the exclusive right to their respective writings and discoveries. A subsequent act imposed severe punishments upon fraudulent imitators of registered marks. Persons prosecuted under this law contested the constitutionality of such legislation, denying that in adopt- ing a trade-mark a dealer acts either as author or inventor. An- swer was made that a trade-mark pertains to commerce, and that Congress has power to regulate commerce. But the Su- preme Court said that it cannot be deemed a writing or discov- ery so as to justify including it in the Patent and Copyright laws ; and that to call the law a regulation of commerce it ought to be confined to commerce among the different States (which it was not) ; for Congress cannot regulate domestic trade of a single State. So they held the law for punishment of infringers unconstitutional, and annulled the prosecutions.* The Supreme Court decision is understood to defeat prosecu- tions for penalties, and to deprive United States courts of the power to grant injunctions, at least when both parties reside in the same State. But State courts will entertain these suits as freely as ever ; and whoever sues in a State court will probably find that the registration of his mark at Washington will an- swer as proof that he designed and used it earlier than his com- petitor. It will not have the support and force of law, but it will be of service to show that he was first. It will be just as competent as old advertisements, account-books, and letters, or recollections of witnesses, to prove priority, and more persuasive and convincing. And upon proof of priority the complainant may have a very helpful and efficient decree from a State court, with or without the aid of State statutes. * United States v. Steffens, 16 Fat. Off. Qaz. 999. TRADE-MARKS. 117 TRADE-MARK TREATIES. Throughout the discussion above described, suggestions were made that the treaty-making power may sustain a law of Con- gress protecting trade-marks. During the past ten or twelve years our government has negotiated treaties with several Euro- pean powers, assuring their subjects a measure of protection for their labels on goods sent to this country. Some of these com- pacts do not call for any legislation here. Thus the treaties with Germany and Russia (18Y4) declare only that citizens of each country shall enjoy in the other the same protection as natives of the latter have. This does not oblige America to maintain any law ; if she does not protect natives, she need not protect foreigners. Yet to take this position is making rather a poor and mortifying return, if our people are enjoying any substan- tial privilege abroad. Treaties with other nations — Austria, Bel- gium (18l5), and France — involve a different principle. They strictly forbid the people of either country from counterfeiting the (duly registered) trade-marks of manufactures from the oth- er, through whatever term of years the trade-mark is valid at home; and they give to the merchant injured by the imitation the same action for damages in the country where the counter- feiting is committed that he would have if he were a citizen there. There is a recent treaty with Great Britain which is dif- ferent from others. It says that the subjects or citizens of each party " shall have in the dominions and possessions of the other the same rights as belong to native subjects or citizens, or as are now granted,, or may hereafter be granted, to the subjects and citizens of the most favored nation, in everything relating to property in trade-marks and trade-labels," but must fulfil the formalities required by the laws of the respective countries. If Congress cannot maintain a trade-marks act of some limit- ed sort, what becomes of these treaties ? They are nugatory so far as securing any protection to export trade from this country 118 NATIONAL SUBJECTS. is concerned. Under the treaty rule that an American trade- mark shall be respected — in France, for instance — so long as it is exclusively enjoyed at home, if it is not protected by any na- tional law at home can it claim any privilege in France ? State laws can hardly affect this question ; they will not be uniform : the treaties contemplate a national law. Yet it will be a new discovery in constitutional law that the President and Senate can, by making a treaty, enlarge the power of Congress to legis- late affecting internal affairs. If such a doctrine could be ad- mitted, many knotty problems would be solved. Slavery might have been abolished by negotiating a treaty with Great Britain that each nation would prohibit slavery in its dominions, follow- ed by a law of Congress to carry it into effect. A uniform mar- riage and divorce law might be attained by a treaty with some friendly power, prescribing a rule for both countries, followed by an act of Congress to impose the treaty system on all the States. Evidently, any legislation which rests on treaties must run within very narrow limits. Perhaps those limits will be found to be that Congress can legislate to enforce treaties for protection, in this country, of trade-marks of foreign manufact- urers and merchants ; and then that Americans can indirectly gain a benefit, in some instances, by co-operative arrangements with houses abroad for the sale of their goods here under for- eign trade-marks. But these are questions of the future. THE METRIC SYSTEM. 119 Chapter XII. THE METRIC SYSTEM. HOW IT WAS DEVISED. Putting a girdle around the earth may not seem a necessary preliminary for developing a new mode of measurements, yet this is what was done to obtain a basis for the metric system. One object in devising a new scheme was to secure a standard unit which should be superior to all changes, which should never, by any complication in human affairs, be altered or lost. As to the old, familiar English measures, such as barleycorn, foot, grain, pennyweight, and others which seem to have been taken from common things as standards, no one knows how far they were, formerly, from the real equivalents of the things they name ; but it is quite certain there is no correspondence now ; the length of a man's foot or the weight of a penny is no guide in ascer- taining length or gravity. French scientists, in the closing years of last century, devised the plan of measuring a line on the surface of the earth sufficiently long and definite to aflEord a permanent standard. ' The line selected was the meridian ; that is, a direct line from the equator to the north pole, passing through Paris. About one ninth part of this quadrant was most elabo- rately and precisely measured, and thus data were obtained for computing the whole length ; and one ten millionth of the whole was selected as a unit from which all measures should be de- duced, and was christened the metre — the chief or universal measure. The philosophers considered that if mankind should ever lose all correct foot-rules and steelyards, or if suspicion should arise that changes were creeping in, error could be detect- ed and accuracy restored by measuring the meridian again. As 120 NATIONAL SUBJECTS. the equator is an imaginary line, and the north pole an inacces- sible spot, this scheme for obtaining a unit reproducible with certainty seems questionable, especially as any second measure- ment might vary from the first by reason of improvements in methods and instruments. And so the result has proved ; for some remeasurements made in recent years have modified the original result about 4000 feet on the quarter circumference, and falsified the metre as adopted and in use by about -^^ of an inch. But this, though it somewhat disturbed the theory, has not upset the system. Practically, therefore, the metre, is the length of a certain platinum bar constructed to be equal to one ten millionth part of the earth's quadrant passing through Paris, and kept as a standard in the Palais des Archives in that city. As thousands of copies have been made in utmost possible con- formity to the original bar, and are everywhere in use, a perma- nent, unchangeable unit is practically secured; and earth can " bulge" a little along that line, if she wishes, without doing the metric system any harm. ITS PRACTICAL ADVANTAGES. Another advantage desired was that the easiest possible mode of reckoning in weights and measures should be attained. For this purpose a decimal division has been adopted throughout. Americans are so familiar with the convenience of this principle in our national coinage that it should be at once understood in its application to measurements. Thus, reckoning upwards, or towards larger measures, Ten metres make a deca-metre, Ten deca-metres make a hecto-metre, Ten hecto-metres make a kilo-metre. And, reckoning downwards, or towards smaller measures, One tenth of a metre is a deoi-metre, One tenth of a deoi-metre is a centi-metre, One tenth of a centi-metre is a milli-metre. THE METRIC SYSTEM. 121 The same decimal principle runs throughout the extension of the system to surfaces, solids, weights, etc. Another advantage desired was to attain facility in reducing measurements of one kind to the corresponding expression in another ; computing weights, for instance, from known solid contents. For this purpose the metre is carried out as the basis of all forms. All measures of length are tens or tenths of the metre. Measures of surface and of solid capacity are formed by employing linear measures in two or three directions, on the same principle as the superficial or solid foot is formed by meas- uring off a linear foot in two directions or in three. For weight, a cube of water measuring one centimetre in each dimension is taken as a theoretical unit, called one gram, or gramme ; and multiples or aliquot parts of this, computed by tens, give the various measures of weight. The principle is further extended to the various kinds of measurement employed in the applied sciences, until a complete set of the tables seems like a compli- cated maze; but great ease and rapidity are the result in all the varied and difficult computations of scientific men. A fourth advantage desired was the adoption of a common, uniform system. This is less important in this country — where the old-fashioned English tables have been very uniformly used throughout the States — than in Europe, where each nation, and often each little principality and canton, had its different system before the metric was adopted. Thus, a foot {Fuss) in Hesse- Darmstadt was less than ten inches, in Prussia a little more than twelve, and in Schwarzburg-Eudolstadt just above fifteen, and in other German States it varied between these limits. According to President Barnard, no less than three hundred and ninety-one pound weights have been in use at different places in past times. Three hundred and seventy of these have been abandoned upon acceptance of the metric system. The metric system seeks to abolish confusion and uncertainty, and to harmonize the business of mankind upon one common system 6 122 NATIONAL SUBJECTS. of weights and measures. It was designed for uniform use throughout the civilized world. It is steadily gaining favor. An international convention, held in 1875, secured its accept- ance so extensively that adoption everywhere seems to be only a question of time. In this country it was authorized, though not made obligatory, by act of Congress in 1866, which pro- vided that standards should be prepared by the national gov- ernment at Washington and furnished to the States. Many of the departmental bureaus and offices have voluntarily taken it. Scientific men, engineers, surveyors, and others use it extensively for private computations and in papers to be interchanged with each other, and will welcome the time when it is understood among tradesmen and workmen.* THE CENTAL SYSTEM. The cental system imitates the metric in employing decimal gradations ; but is limited to merchandise of the bulkier kinds, such as have been sold by the bushel or gallon. Two important changes are implied in adopting it — dealing by weight and reck- oning decimally. The familiar, old-fashioned system of selling the grains by bulk has steadily fallen into disfavor, in recent years, under the influence of the important fact that weight is a much truer indication of the value of grain. A bushel of first- * The metric system has been adopted by the United States Marine Hos- pital Service in all its departments ; by the vital statisticians of New York, Boston, and other leading cities ; and by a large number of State and County medical societies — among them the State Medical Societies of Pennsylvania, Rhode Island) New York, Georgia, and Kansas, the Medical Societies of the Counties of New York and Kings, and the American Medical Associa- tion — most of which bodies have recommended the use of it in papers and reprints, by medical boards, hospitals, and dispensaries, in describing and recording cases, by the faculties of colleges in instruction, and by physicians and druggists. In short, the medical profession in this country has pretty uniformly given its adhesion to the metric movement. — JV. Y. Times, April 9, 1880. THB METRIC SYSTEM. 123 quality wteat will weigh several pounds more than one of infe- rior grade, owing to the superior compactness or density of the kernels. The same principle applies to many other kinds of produce. If they are to be graded and sold according to value, this must be done by some system of selling by weight. So long as the sales are by measure, the buyer can have little as- surance as to the quality he receives, but must depend upon war- ranties or inspection of samples. Moreover, carriers prefer to charge by weight ; freights are usually computed by pounds or tons. The variations in the number of pounds which constitute a bushel in different localities cause perplexity also. In New York and in some other States, for example, the law gives thir- ty-two pounds to each bushel of oats ; but some other States are not as generous — perhaps because, in fact, not more than thirty pounds will ordinarily go into a bushel measure. Conse- quently the system of measuring grain seems absurd, if its weight is to be regarded at all ; and it brings much extra labor upon commission merchants. Numerous liquids, as syrups, oils, etc., vary much in weight, according to their quality, in some articles the better quality being lighter, and in others heavier; and it seems as reaspnable to buy and sell them by the pound, as well as potatoes, eggs, etc., as it is sugar, coffee, and rice. Upon this view, the merchants in Produce Exchanges- of many of the cities have advised the plan that sales shall be made by the hundred pounds, instead of by the bushel. The adoption of decimal reckoning is a natural and easy consequence ; a pound, ten pounds, a hundred pounds (or cental), a thousand pounds, will be the quantities in which sales will usually be made. 124 NATIONAL SUBJECTS. Chapter XIII. ADMIRALTY JURISDICTION. its nature. Evert reader upon legal topics understands that all commer- cial nations have acknowledged a general system of " maritime law," and have employed courts of " admiralty jurisdiction " to administer it; that this law and these courts deal with contro- versies arising out of the management of ships, the carriage and delivery of cargoes, the employment and treatment of seamen, the award of damages for collisions between vessels, or of com- pensation for salvage of vessels in peril of wreck, the condemna- tion and sale of ships captured as prize of war, and the punish- ment of crimes on board ship. All jurisdiction of this nature was by our Constitution reserved from the States, and vested, by general language, in the courts of the Union. The manner in which the scope of this jurisdiction has grown to meet the wants of growing American commerce forms a good illustration of the expansibility of our jurisprudence, and shows that if the law is administered in the future in the same spirit as has pre- vailed in the past, traditions and precedents may guide and ad- vise, but cannot restrict, progress. Admiralty, as has been said, deals with matters arising "at sea." But what constitutes the sea, and what are its limits and bounds ? Is the mouth of the Hudson or of the Mississippi a part of the sea ? If so, how far up stream is " sea?" If not, how far out into the blue waters is " river ?" Goods are laden on board ship in a foreign land to come to an American port, and they are to be protected for their owner by the admiralty (or district) court while they are at sea, and by the common- ADMIRALTY JURISDICTION. 125 law (or State) court after they are brought ashore. But when do they cease to be "at sea?" Is it when the vessel enters the pilotage grounds of the port ? or when she is fairly within the sheltered harbor ? or when she is fast moored ? or not until the goods are piled upon the solid wharf or pier ? EXTENSION TO ALL NAVIGABLE WATERS. The leading test for determining these questions, in early Eng- lish times, was the ebb and flow of the tide. There was a long- continued and deep prejudice against the admiralty ; and, as Eng- land had no important interior commerce, and the tidal line corresponded quite nearly with the actual wants and uses of her people in commercial matters, that line was easily made the di- viding line between the rival courts, with the modification that admiralty should not interfere, tide or no tide, with matters oc- curring within the legal bounds of an English county. There is an antique caricature representing the petty disputes that in old times engrossed English tribunals on this subject by exhibit- ing a common-law lawyer, armed with a mace, running back and forth along the sea-side, defending his jurisdiction from the in- cursions of an admiralty lawyer who floats in a tub upon the water brandishing a trident. One can easily imagine that as the tide rises, the tub is borne in to high-water mark, and the juris- diction of the admiralty lawyer is in the ascendant. As it falls^ the common-law practitioner can push his competitor backwards with the receding waves, until he can flourish the mace over the entire moist beach above low water. For two thirds of the century our courts followed, without much question, the view of admiralty which prevailed in Eng- land, and treated the ^ord " admiralty " in the Constitution as meaning only that jurisdiction, limited to tide-waters, which was implied by it in old English lg,w. There were no early reasons of importance impressing a different view. But, in later years, the increase of navigation and all allied interests upon the great 126 NATIONAL SUBJECTS. lates and the rivers at points above the rise of the tide, together with the advance and development of all forms of commerce upon the various waters connecting the States, have demanded an entire reconsideration of the subject. The year 1845 may be deemed the salient era of the change. An act of Congress passed in that year, asserting admiralty jurisdiction over the lakes and navigable waters connecting them, and a decision of the Supreme Court announced in 1846, but founded on facts occurring earlier, introduced the view that our admiralty juris- diction is not necessarily that recognized in England when our Constitution was framed, but- the broader one known in com- mercial countries elsewhere. This idea has been developed by subsequent adjudications, until it is now understood that (with limited exceptions of matters arising within the internal com- merce of a single State) the question whether any particular waters are within the American admiralty jurisdiction or not depends upon whether they are navigable, not upon their sus- ceptibility to the tide ; the jurisdiction may extend, as has been happily said, " wherever ships float and navigation successfully aids commerce."* The result of the advanced opinion is that the term admiralty, as used in the Constitution, is not necessarily to be construed as subject to all the restrictions imposed upon it in English juris- prudence at the time when the Constitution was framed, but the grant confers general admiralty powers ; that it is in no respect limited to the high seas, or dependent upon the ebb and flow of tides, or the bounds of counties, but extends over all waters of the United States which are actually navigable, whether found so by their original character, or made so by artificial improvement; and that, thus construed, it embraces not only all torts commit- ted upon them, but also all contracts which are to be executed upon them, or relate to maritime services and transactions. * Tlie Hine v. Trevor, 4 Wall. 555, 563. See Exp. Easton, 95 U. S. 68. ADMIRALTY JURISDICTION. 127 TITLE TO BEDS OF STREAMS. There is a parallel question relative to the rights of land- owners Upon shores of streams. By an ancient rule of English law, the proprietors of land upon the banks of petty streams are understood to own the land under the water, each to the middle of the stream, to an imaginary thread running up and down half- way between its banks. But if the stream is navigable, the property of the land-owner terminates at the water-line ; the bed of the stream, with the waters, is public. In England, as with reference to admiralty jurisdiction so with reference to land-titles, a stream was deemed navigable and public as far up as the tide ebbed and flowed. Beyond this point, or if there was no tide, it was deemed private. Now this is a question which, in America, each State settles for itself, and not one which, like admiralty jurisdiction, can be determined for the whole country by the United States Supreme Court. And the States are not agreed. The courts of most of the New England States and of Mississippi and Virginia have followed the old rule. New York, Pennsylvania, and several of the Southern States have adopted the rule that if the river is actually navigable for purposes of commerce, it must be treated as public, whether tidal or not,* The West is divided on the question. Some States have had no occasion yet to consider it. But the probability is that ulti- mately, in all the States where there are any important navigable streams which are not tidal, the tide will be discarded, and act- ual navigability substituted as the test of the extent of the right of shore-owners. * The Supreme Court has commended this view in Barney v. Keokulc, 94 U. a. 324. 128 NATIONAL SUBJECTS. Chapter XIV. BANKRUPTCY. Previous to the passage of the Bankrupt law, a merchant who failed in business was liable to be greatly harassed by the pressing demands and suits of rival creditors, and for long years to be excluded from resuming business by the peril that any acquisitions he might make would be seized by those who held old claims — a peril which both disheartened him in exertion and discouraged those who might be willing to give him assistance and credit. The creditors, being independent in proceedings to collect their dues, each endeavored to anticipate the others ; and numerous anecdotes are current of ingenious devices of attorneys to outstrip one another in the race of diligence. There is the story of one who " attached " the water-wheel of a factory whose proprietors would not pay his demand. In another anecdote, four attorneys in pursuit of the same debtor reached the rail- road terminus late at night, and three, by concert, to exclude the other, hired the only cab in sight, intending to belate the fourth by compelling him to walk. The latter jumped on the box, bought the cab and horse from the driver, drove to a choice spot, and upset the vehicle with its door against a stone wall, and then ran forward and served his writ while his competitors were extricating themselves from their unexpected dilemma. So an absconding debtor who undertook to escape across a lake on skates, bearing the proceeds of his fraudulent sales in a fat pocket-book, was followed and overtaken by a collecting agent, also upon skates ; and when the unlucky fugitive broke through the ice, the collector insisted on his throwing out the pocket- book to pay demands in full before he would help him ashore. BANKRUPTCY. 129 Upon the other hand, the pressure of creditors often impelled debtors to schemes of fraud or of unjust preference in paying rival claimants. In view of these tendencies of the ordinary laws for collection of debts, the Constitution has authorized Congress to establish uniform laws upon the subject of bankruptcies. Precisely what is a " bankrupt law " has been the subject of some conflicting discussion. But, practically, it is understood to be a law that as- certains what persons have, from lack of means, become unable to pay their debts in the ordinary course of business ; that takes their remaining property into legal custody, and distributes it equitably among those who are proved to have just demands ; and that gives the debtor, except in such few cases as are exclud- ed from the benefit, a discharge from his past debts, assuring him of immunity from further lawsuits to collect them. In 1800, and again in 1841, laws of this description were en- acted under stress of general commercial trouble then existing ; but each was, within two or three years, repealed. In 1867 a comprehensive and well-considered bankrupt law was passed. In 1878 it was repealed, with an exception, however, of all cases commenced under it prior to September 1 of that year. The present condition of affairs, therefore, is that no new application for the benefit of the bankrupt law can be entertained ; but pro- ceedings commenced before the repeal are being completed ; and there are many persons in the community holding discharges granted under the law which forever protect them from their creditors. A very brief statement of the nature of bankrupt- cy proceedings will satisfy any present interest in the subject. Under such a law as was in force from 1867 to 1878, and still governs in protecting discharged debtors, the petition of a debtor to be discharged as a bankrupt, or the petition of his creditors for a surrender of his estate, brings up, in the first in- stance, the question whether the debtor is really a bankrupt, and within the provisions of the law. If the debtor is the petitioner, 6* 130 NATIONAL SUBJECTS. there is not much opportunity for question upon this point : but when creditors make the application, they must prove that the debtor has committed some " act of bankruptcy ;" that he has absconded or concealed himself, or has concealed or disposed of or assigned his property to defraud his creditors ; or has been arrested or imprisoned for debt for at least a week ; or has al- lowed one creditor in preference to others to obtain judgment against him or to seize his property ; or has suspended pay- ment of ordinary business paper for a fortnight. Such acts as these expose a person to be thrown into bankruptcy by a creditor. After an adjudication that the debtor is a bankrupt, an as- signee is appointed, generally upon a choice by the creditors, to take and dispose of the debtor's estate. The debtor is re- quired to furnish schedules or lists of all his property, also of all his debts, and may be strictly examined upon oath as to all the facts. The assignee takes possession of the property, sells it, defrays any specific charges or liens that ought to be paid in full, and collects the proceeds to be distributed among the creditors. To enable him to do this, very full powers are given him to take the place of the bankrupt in all matters con- nected with his property, and to prosecute any suits which the bankrupt might have done if the surrender had not been made. Meantime an opportunity is accorded to the creditors to make proof of their demands. Each one must file a statement and make oath, and, if his claim is disputed, must adduce proof that it is lawful. The questions how much is due, at what date, what interest is to be allowed, what offsets should be made, and the like, are all determined. The money realized by the assignee is then paid over by him to the creditors. The general rule is to distribute the fund among the creditors in pro- portion to their demands proved. But the expenses of the pro- ceedings, and some demands, such as debts to the United States or to the State in which the proceedings are held, taxes, and BANKRUPTCY. 131 wages recently earned, to the amount of $50, are allowed to be paid in full before ordinary debts. The ultimate step in the proceedings is to grant the debtor a discharge. This may be refused him if he has been guilty of misconduct, such as giving false testimony, withholding his prop- erty from the assignee, falsifying his accounts, or giving portions of his estate to particular creditors to buy their consent to a discharge. And there are some restrictions applicable where a debtor's property fails to pay more than a specified portion of his debts. The discharge does not extend to debts incurred by em- bezzlement, or positive fraud, or breach of trust. But, with these exceptions, one main purpose of the law is to set the bankrupt free from indebtedness, that he may commence business life anew. 132 NATIONAL SUBJECTS. Chapter XV. THE CALIFORNIA LAND CLAIMS. Between the California of Dana's " Two Years Before the Mast " and that of NordhoS's recent volumes, how great is the difference! A third part of a century has seen an immense wilderness become a flourishing and influential State. The course of this transformation threw upon the United States ju- diciary the burden of determining a conglomeration of contro- versies fully as complex, novel, and pressing as any which the history of jurisprudence discloses — the " private land claims." HOW THE CLAIMS AROSE. It was about a month after our Declaration of Independence that, by a royal order of the government of Spain, provinces of Mexico which included California were organized as " the Inter- nal Provinces of New Spain." From that time until 1847 — the date of the transfer of California to the United States, upon the close of our war with Mexico, closely followed, in 1848, by the discovery of gold — the province was under a succession of Spanish and Mexican governments, whose policy was to mate liberal grants of land to persons who would engage to settle upon and cultivate the tracts given them. This was done for the purpose of attracting immigrants. Immense quantities — eleven square leagues being a usual limit — were granted without exact- ing any payment, upon simple conditions that the settler should occupy, build upon, and cultivate his acquisition. By the treaty which transferred California from Mexico to the United States, our government engaged to recognize and protect the rights of these settlers ; not only of those who had THE CALIFOENIA LAND CLAIMS. 133 fully performed all conditions and had received full papers of title to their lands, but also of those who, by any circumstances, ought to be allowed to continue incomplete or delayed improve- ments, and to acquire lands which had thus been promised them. At the time of the treaty an immense number of these claims existed. In some cases the settler had died, and there were claims of his heirs to be considered ; in others, he had sold his claim, and the purchaser demanded to fulfil the conditions and take the title in his place ; or he had commenced building and cultivation, but had delayed completing what was prescribed ; or he had been prevented from so doing, notwithstanding his best efEorts ; or he had neglected and abandoned his grant alto- gether ; or he had lost his papers. The claims involved ques- tions of all sorts ; but the United States agreed to take the place of Mexico in regard to the lands, to recognize and respect such equitable claims as had their origin in the action of the Mexican government, but were yet inchoate and imperfect, and to take such steps as were needed to perfect them, just as if the sovereignty of the country had continued unchanged. The ink of this treaty was hardly dry when the discovery of gold aroused intense interest in those wild lands. Claims that hkd been neglected were revived ; settlements that had been abandoned were renewed. All kinds of reasons were brought forward to excuse the delay of grantees in taking possession and cultivating as they had engaged. False claims were ad- vanced, and spurious records and papers were prepared to sup- port them. There arose very rapidly a large mass of extensive and difficult claims, pressed with the utmost zeal. THE COMMISSION. Under these circumstances, Congress, in 1851, created a board of commissioners who should try and determine these claims, under review by the United States courts ; and this complicated and difficult task has been, during the past quarter of a century. 134 NATIONAL SUBJECTS. quietly and successfully accomplished. The extent and scope of the governors' powers, under the old laws of Spain and Mexico, to make these grants, have been ascertained, and the date when their power ceased has been determined. Of course, all grants made in excess of their authority, or after it expired, have been adjudged valueless. The validity of each grant has been ex- amined — whether the papers were genuine, whether they were regular in form and duly signed. The conditions imposed upon the grantee have received attention, and the claimant has been required to show by some proper proof that the grantee took possession, that he built and cultivated as was required, or to show some excuse. Claims which could not be substantiated have been forever annulled, while all which would bear a judi- cial investigation have been formally confirmed; and complete and final evidences of title have been issued to the claimants. In this affair, the number and variety of the claims, the extent of the tracts of land involved, their remoteness from the seat of government and settled portions of our country, the difiiculty of obtaining evidence in that wilderness, the novelty and obscurity of the questions involved, and the value placed upon the lands since their sudden appreciation have combined to render the task of judicial determination one of unusual complexity and magnitude. POLYGAMY. 135 Chapter XVI. POLYGAMY. THE ANTI-BIGAMY LAW OF 1862. Prior to 1862, it would have been difficult to show that po- lygamy in Utah was unlawful. Every State had its law against having two wives ; but in the Territory of Utah plural marriage had plausible claims to be deemed a peculiar institution, not a crime. In that year Congress enacted such a law, which did not, indeed, name polygamy or mention Utah, but announced a pun- ishment for the commission of bigamy within any of the Terri- tories. Probably Utah was prominently meant, but that Ter- ritory was not particularized ; the theory of the law was that the plurality of wives there tolerated was merely the common, vulgar crime of bigamy, and might be punished just as marry- ing two or more wives has always been punishable in any State. Theoretically it made Mormon husbands amenable to fine and imprisonment. Practically it was for years a dead letter ; ob- stacles, for the time insuperable, prevented its enforcement. OBSTACLE NO. 1 TO ITS ENFORCEMENT. The first obstacle to be removed was that civil government in the Territory was in those- years in the hands of the Mormon priesthood. There was a Territorial government emanating from Congress ; but it w^s a shell. Brigham Young was the Territo- rial governor ; the hierarchy practically controlled the whole ad- ministration of civil affairs, and effectively influenced whatever military rale was attempted. It was about 1870, under the brief but efficient governorship of General Shaffer, the first successor 136 NATIONAL SUBJECTS. of Young, that reasonable independence of the United States Territorial government began to be really established. OBSTACLE NO. 2. A second obstacle lay in the resolute, unanimous spirit of re- sistance to the law of 1862 as unconstitutional. The Mormons claimed polygamy as a tenet of their religion, and sought shelter for it under that clause of the Constitution which declares Con- gress shall make no law prohibiting the free exercise of religion. So strong and influential was this belief that Judge McKean, when initiating some years ago earnest proceedings to repress plural marriages, preferred to found them on a Territorial statute for the punishment of lewd conduct rather than on the disputed act of Congress. And it is stated, and is probably true, that the test case which was decided sustaining this national law was ar- ranged by consent. So confident was Mormonism of prevailing upon the constitutional question that George Reynolds, a young and enthusiastic partisan, submitted to be convicted in the Ter- ritorial court, expecting a triumphant reversal at "Washington. He appealed to the Supreme Court, and his counsel argued that, even conceding Congress may prohibit and punish having sev- eral wives in Territories where it is done in isolated cases, and as mere matter of licentious misconduct, they cannot do so in Utah, for there plurality of wives is a tenet of the Mormon re- ligion, authorized by the sacred books of the people, and be- lieved in as divinely approved ; and the Constitution says that Congress shall pass no law prohibiting the free exercise of re- ligion. The court decided against such a claim, saying that his- tory shows very clearly that this constitutional provision was never intended to forbid laws punishing immoral or pernicious conduct, but only those which restrain opinion, belief, or wor- ship. It appears that the Constitution was first prepared with- out containing any such provision, but four of the States desired to have one inserted. One of these was Virginia, and she, only POLYGAMY. 137 three or four years previous, had adopted a like rule for her own legislature, expressed in much fuller terms ; declaring that " to suffer the civU magistrate to intrude his powers into the field of opinion, and to restrain the profession or propagation of principles on the supposition of their ill tendency, is a dan- gerous fallacy which at once destroys all religious liberty ;" and that " it is time enough, for the rightful purposes of civil gov- ernment, for its officers to interfere when principles break out into overt acts against peace and good order." This was drafted for Virginia by Thomas Jefferson, who was also a leader in the successful effort to have the amendment inserted in the Federal Constitution ; and there is a speech of his on rec- ord which argues that the legislative powers of government reach actions only, and not opinions, and shows that he understood the constitutional provision as meaning the same, in effect, as the Virginia law. Eightly understood, it does not shelter vicious or injurious conduct or practices merely because called religious. The decision establishes upon a firm foundation the power of civil government, as exercised in this country, to restrict or for- bid dangerous immoralities, or abuses, or cruelties which threaten the public welfare, or the peace and happiness of other persons, notwithstanding they may be practised under the ingenious pre- text of religious observances. It also swept away irreversibly that difficulty in enforcing the anti-bigamy law caused by doubt of its validity. Probably additional support for the decision might be found in the consideration that the prohibition upon laws of Congress restrictive of free exercise of religion, upon which the Mormons relied, is found among amendments passed at the instance of the States before questions of governing Ter- ritories had come up for settlement ; and that they ought to be considered as regulating legislation over the States only, leaving Congress clothed with supreme legislative power — with all legis- lative power, that is, which a republican government can claim and wield — over Territories acquired from time to time by ces- 138 NATIONAL SUBJECTS. sions of unorganized country. However this may be, the valid- ity of the law is established by the highest authority known to our institutions.* OBSTACLE NO. 3. Meantime an independent course of events relieved, partially at least, another obstacle— the difficulty of obtaining juries un- committed to acquit. The Supreme Court (in 1871) decided that, until Congress should prescribe another mode, juries in a Territory must be drawn according to a Territorial law. The old Territorial jury law of Utah was so framed that, upon a trial for bigamy, the jury was sure to embrace polygamists, or persons resolutely unfriendly to a conviction. Recently a new procedure for impanelling has been adopted. It is said to have been derived from the laws of California, and to have been passed by the Territorial legislature without perceiving that it would enable the Federal District Attorney, by challenges and claim- ing appointment of triers, to exclude, on the ground of partiality, any polygamist from sitting as a juror to try an indictment for bigamy. But such is now claimed to be its efiEect. And this branch of the subject is obviously fully under Congressional control. OBSTACLE NO. i. A fourth obstacle has been the difficulty of procuring such evidence of the second or later marriage as the law requires to sustain a prosecution. The general law as to bigamy requires that two actual marriages should be proved. General reputa- tion of marriage is not enough. When a grocer or a dry-goods dealer sues the husband on a bill of goods ordered by his wife, evidence that the pair are living as married is sufficient on that point. Not so on a criminal trial ; there the actual marriage must be proved. Persons who were present at each wedding are ordinarily sought for as necessary witnesses, and many a pros- * Reynolds v. United States, 98 U. S. 146. POLYGAMY. 139 ecution fails for want of some legal proof of both marriages. In one trial the prisoner was shown to have wedded three ladies successively. No. 1 had lived after the marriage to No. 2, but had died before the marriage to No. 3. But the indictment was founded upon the third marriage only ; the second was not made a basis of complaint — it was, perhaps, outlawed. And the judge ruled that the prisoner must be acquitted ; the second marriage was no marriage, since the prisoner had a wife living at the time ; hence it did not forbid him to make the third. Thus strict has the law been in requiring an actual marriage to be proved. And as long as this rule is maintained in Utah it practically prevents convictions, by the flat refusal of all partici- pants in the forbidden weddings to give any testimony about them. The ceremonies of "sealing" have been conducted in Endowment House, Mormons only present, and these under oath, and what they deemed high obligations of religion and patriot- ism, to preserve strict secrecy. But this is only a judicial rule of evidence. No constitutional right is involved. The require- ment of proof, like the composition of juries, is under the con- trol of Congress. An enactment that the ceremony of marriage need not be proved, but that maintaining several wives as such should be evidence of bigamy, would abrogate the obstacle to the enforcement of the law. At the opening of the session of 1879-80, three measures adverse to polygamy were under ad- visement in Congress : to propose an amendment to the Consti- tution prohibiting it throughout the country ; to disfranchise polygamists ; to dispense with the rigorous rule of evidence. III. STATE SUBJECTS. Chapter XVII. MARRIAGE. Grave and increasing inconvenience is found to arise from the conflict of the laws of the States regulating the mode of con- tracting marriages. NECESSITT OF a' CEREMONY. An important point on which the laws difEer is the necessity of any formal wedding ceremonies. In one -State, actual, pres- ent consent of parties to become husband and wife, carried into effect, is a valid marriage, and any description of proof is re- ceived to establish it : forms and ceremonies are absolutely un- important. In another State, there must be a license ; in an- other, a wedding before an officer ; in another, a record ; and there is further subdivision among the States in the manner of enforcing prescribed formalities — whether the marriage is de- fective, or only a penalty incurred. For example, when Mrs. Bissell sued Mr. B. for divorce, about ten years ago, in New York State, he declared that he had never been married to her. " Yes he has," said she. " We were riding in a carriage one day. We had been engaged to be married on that very day. He gave me a ring, and said, ' This is your wed- ding-ring; we are married; I will live with you and take care 142 . STATE SUBJECTS. of you all niy life as my wife.' I took it for a wedding-ring, and went to live with him as his wife." And she proved that, at the boarding-house where they lived, he introduced her and paid her board as his wife. The court held this to be a valid man'iage.* In another instance a man deluded a Brooklyn servant-girl by a mock wedding, bringing a crony to personate a priest, who read a marriage-service. When prosecuted for bigamy, he pleaded. No priest, therefore no marriage. But the judges said that if there was an actual agreement there was a real marriage; a clergyman was needless; and that the law of New York is so liberal that men of that stamp have need to be careful, or they may " blunder into bigamy." f And in Missouri, in a lawsuit by grandchildren to recover property belonging to their grandfather, the story of his marriage was that no clergy- man or justice was called, but the happy pair stood up in the boarding-house parlor one evening, and told the lady's relatives and the boarders that they had decided to be married persons ; after which they behaved as such. The court said that was enough, so far as the grandchildren's rights were concerned.]; Quite the contrary was decided in Maryland, where one of these marriages without a ceremony, and only by words of pres- ent contract, was questioned. The court said it was void ; that by the law of Maryland some official ceremony must be super- added to the parties' contract.§ An Oregon lady once claimed a share of a deceased man's estate as his widow. She could not show that he had ever taken out a marriage-license, so she de- clared they were married by private contract one time when they were taking a sea voyage, and where there was no law com- manding a license. The court, without professing to doubt the lady's word, said that the story was not sufficient, if true ; that * BiBsell V. Bissell, 55 Barb. 326. t Hayes v. People, 16 Abb. Fr. 163 ; and 25 N. T. 390. \ Dyer v. Brannock, 66 Mo. 391 ; and 2 Mo. App. 432. § Denison v. Denison, 35 Md. 361. MARRIAGE. 143 by the law of California and Oregon parties cannot become married except by consent avowed before an authorized officer and in the presence of two witnesses ; that persons who will not procure a license must stay single ; they cannot escape the law by going out in a boat just beyond the boundary and having a wedding there.* There is a multitude of stories in the law reports of cases such as the above. EFFECT OF REMOVALS. A strong argument can be made in favor of each of these conflicting views. Either would seem to be better for the coun- try at large than the perpetual conflict between them which is at present witnessed, especially in instances where persons mar- ried in a State of liberal laws remove into a strict one. If the New York or Missouri couples above mentioned go to live in Maryland or California, are they respectable married persons or not? In past years the courts have, upon principles of comity, rec- ognized marriages which were valid where contracted as valid everywhere. This has been a necessary concession, and ex- plains how the confusion in the laws has not produced intolera- ble confusion in life. Imagine the feelings of married couples while travelling, if the tie between each pair were deemed law- ful or immoral according as it conformed to or contravened the laws of the State through which they happened to be passing. Imagine the consequences to morality if a New York husband could escape marital obligations by removing to Connecticut or New Jersey, where, perhaps, some preliminary or ceremony might be necessary to a marriage which he and his wife, mar- ried in New York, where it was not prescribed, did not observe. Yet such consequences might flow if the courts of each State enforced, strictly, the local law of marriage in all cases. The * Hplmes V. Holmes, 1 Abb. U. S. 525. 144 STATE SUBJECTS. courts have felt compelled to recognize all marriages whicli are valid where made; and thus has grown up an awkward substi- tute for uniformity in the law. This doctrine of comity by no means covers all the trouble- some cases. Quite lately the Supreme Court at Washington was called upon to decide the validity of a marriage under these circumstances. A man of Pennsylvania, where, apparently, the law does not require an ofBcial wedding, travelled into Michigan, where the statute prescribes a ceremony by a justice or minis- ter, and was there married. But the lady was an Indian girl, and the statute was disregarded. Indian forms were followed, or, perhaps, none at all. He carried his dusky bride back to Pennsylvania; .they lived and acquired property in Pittsburgh; died ; and when their heirs claimed their estate, the answer was made that the father and mother were never lawfully wedded. The Supreme Court administered justice in this instance by say- ing that, as the Michigan law did not say in so many words marriages shall be void unless celebrated by an officer, it ought to be enforced in some other way than by adjudging them void and punishing innocent posterity.* But this suggestion does not assist in cases where the local law does say that the marriage shall be void. An example is found in the case of marriages between a black and a white per- son ; these are explicitly declared void and punishable by the laws of several States, while in others they are tolerated. If, then, a couple of different color go to a State where they may lawfully wed, and are married, and then return to one where this is unlawful, what shall be done ? f MOCK WEDDINGS. These explanations show the folly and danger of the make- * Meistev v. Moore, 96 U. S. K. \ The embarrassments attending this class of cases are more fully ex- plained under " Mixed Marriages " in chapter vi., on Civil Rights. MARRIAGE. 145 believe weddings which young people sometimes arrange for amusement. It is better to choose other kinds of play. There was once, in New Jersey, a large party of young people who went upon a pleasure excursion one afternoon and evening. They had a fine time, were very social, and grew so merry that one of them, a Miss Terry, challenged a young gentleman of the party to be married to her. He said he would. They asked an older gentleman of the party to be the minister. He assented. They stood up, the rest of the company gathered around, and they had a mock wedding. They did not know that the older gentleman was a justice of the peace, and so was authorized to marry persons in earnest, the same as a minister. And he did not know the young couple were only in joke. Two or three days afterwards they heard that the justice was going to send word of the marriage to the clerk to be recorded as a real one. Then there was trouble. The young lady's friends did not know whether she was to be considered married or not. They brought a lawsuit to have it decided. All the witnesses testified that the wedding was only in fun, and the judges said that if that were so, it was not a marriage, but Miss Terry was free to marry any one else.* But the lawsuit cost several hundred dollars, and kept Miss Terry in perplexity for two or three years. * McClurg V. Terry, 21 N. J. Eq. 226. 7 146 STATE SUBJECTS. Chapter XVIII. MARRIED WOMEN. This chapter will not speak of marriage or divorce, but only of the rights and powers of wives. Upon this subject there have been numerous local changes rather than one comprehen- sive, national change. But while it is not practicable to give explanation of details which will be full and accurate for all the States, a generalized view of the scope and spirit of the new law may be presented. THE OLD VIEW. By old English law as enforced in early years throughout this country (except in Louisiana), the legal existence and rights of a wife were, for the most part, deemed merged in those of her husband ; or, as the view has been quaintly put, Man and wife were one, and the man was the one. As to property, the wife continued, indeed, the owner of her lands, but the husband con- trolled them and their income, and her money or personal prop- erty vested at once in him ; and so did the proceeds of any demand or right di action, if he would take the trouble to assert his marital right. Her services also belonged to him. She was disabled from making any contracts. He was bound to provide her with necessary support while he lived. By way of provision after his death, she enjoyed dower, being the use, for her life, of one third of his real property. In nearly all judicial proceedings affecting her, he either took her place or stood by her side with a practical control of the afEair. As to any criminal acts done in his presence, she was irresponsible, and he was dealt with as the sole offender. MARRIED WOMEN. 147 NATURE OF THE CHANGE AS TO PROPERTY. These subjects are all under the dominion of the several States. A national law prescribing a uniform rule for the whole country would not be allowable. Accordingly, while these old-fashioned views have been drawn under severe and urgent criticism all over the country for more than thirty years past, the degree of change effected has varied greatly in differ- ent regions. Some States have adhered partially to the old law, granting to the advocates of improvement only moderate altera- tions. Other States have in effect remodelled the relation. The change, though in the aggregate large, has been of slow growth ; the increased privileges have been accorded bit by bit. Massa- chusetts and Maine were earliest in enacting limited laws of this character ;* other States rapidly followed the example ; yet ■ down to about 1845 the laws which had been passed were of very limited scope compared with later ones. They secured the independence, in property and business, of wives whose husbands had deserted them, restricted creditors in seizing a wife's prop- erty for her husband's debts, enabled married women to make wills, and introduced some other special reforms, but did not as- sert any general, extended change. Michigan, in 1 844, and New York and Pennsylvania, in 1848, introduced the general princi- ple that, notwithstanding her marriage, a woman should continue the owner of all property she had acquired, and of subsequent acquisitions, at least if they came by inheritance or by gift from others than her husband ; and should enjoy independent powers of making contracts and transferring property sufficient to enable her to manage her own. Such legislation has been rapidly and extensively followed, yet in a broken and irregu- lar way. Take Connecticut, for instance : a complete protection to married women in their rights of property against creditors * Schouler's Domestic Relations, 209. 148 STATE SUBJECTS. of the husband is now the established policy of the State ; but this has been attained gradually and with -difBculty. The first act was passed in 1 845 ; it protected the interest of the husband in the real estate of the wife which was hers at the time of the marriage, or accrued to her by devise or inheritance during coverture. The second, in 1849, protected the personal estate which should thereafter accrue to her during her married life, by bequest or distribution, by vesting it in him as trustee for her. The third, in 1850, protected real estate conveyed to her in consideration of money or property acquired by her personal services. The fourth, also in 1850, protected reinvestments of the avails of her real estate when sold. The fifth, in 1853, vested in her, for her sole use, all her property, real and personal, when she was abandoned. The sixth, in 1855, extended the provisions ' of the act of 1849 to personal property owned by her at the time of marriage. The seventh, in 1856, extended the provisions of the act of 1849 to patent-rights, copyrights, pensions, and grants and allowances by government ; and an eighth, in 1857, further extended it to property acquired by gift. The ninth, in 1860, extended the act of 1850 respecting property acquired by personal services to reinvestments of the same. The tenth, in 1865, extended the provisions of the act of 1845 to real estate acquired by gift or devise; and by the eleventh, in 1866, the rules of 1849 were extended and applied to all personal property, whether acquired before or after marriage. Thus the policy of protecting the wife's property from the husband's creditors was completed.* Her rights and capacities have been further en- larged by later laws. In 1869 she was declared to be liable for business debts or notes given for benefit of the joint estate ; and this law, with others passed in 1872 and 1873, made her liable to be sued upon antenuptial debts, or contracts made after mar- riage upon her personal credit for the benefit of herself, her fam- * Jackson v. Hubbard, 36 Conn. 10. MARRIED WOMEN. 149 ily, or her estate, and enabled her to join with her husband in suits in her behalf. -Later, in 1877, her ownership of real prop- erty was continued to her, notwithstanding her marriage, and with power to make contracts or conveyances, except that her husband might have an interest as survivor ; and, as to personal property, husbands were made trustees for their wives. Last of all, in 1878, all property thereafter acquired by any married woman was declared to be held by her for her sole and separate use. There are additional laws upon minor and collateral points. Not all the States have proceeded in this reform by so many dis- tinct steps, but many have moved very gradually. Yet, while the method has been irregular, the results have been extended and thorough. HOW THE LAW NOW STANDS. Eeviewing the various State laws passed down to about 1879, and disregarding details and minor differences, the general rule is that a good degree of independence is accorded to married women in respect to their estate. In nearly three quarters of the States, a woman, when marrying, retains all her property ; and may, not- withstanding her marriage, acquire more, though not from her husband, lest his creditors should be defrauded. Some of the States, in declaring this principle, say that her property shall not be subject to her husband's debts, but go no further ; they do not deprive him of control of it. Several of the courts have said that they will administer the old law except as far as the new one has distinctly changed it; and where such a statute pre- vails, it may be that the husband can, though his creditors can- not, have the collection and benefit of rents from his wife's lands. But other States go further, and call whatever a wife owns " her separate property ;" and others further yet, and say very explic- itly that it shall be free from his control or disposal. Thus her ownership of property is almost everywhere assured, and very generally her control of it. Moreover, she has, by laws of a ma- jority of the States, large powers of making contracts relative 150 STATE SUBJECTS. to her property ; of selling and transferring it, and of suing and being sued in respect to it. These powers are, however, subject to some limits and qualifications which vary in different parts of the country. Moreover, the States which have not fully acceded to these principles have introduced limited reforms and special systems of law upon the subject ;* so that the old English doc- trine of the husband's acquiring the wife's personal property, the rents and profits of her lands, and the right to collect securities belonging to her is practically abrogated throughout the country. AN IMPOETANX QUALIFICATION. It is an important qualification of the modem doctrine of separate property of married women that a woman who desires the benefit of the rule must keep her property reasonably sepa- rate. Three of the States (Arkansas, Florida, and Oregon) re- quire an inventory or schedule to be filed in some public office, enumerating the property which the wife asserts to be her own. And even then she is liable, on general grounds of common- sense, to lose her property by carelessly allowing the public to believe it is her husband's. Any one is liable to lose property by allowing it to become so intermingled with that of another person that it cannot be separated ; or by permitting another person to obtain credit on the strength of being supposed to own it ; and the fact that the other person is one's husband makes no difference. Numerous stories are narrated showing that ladies have not always understood this, but have supposed the law would preserve their property for them without any watchfulness on their part. It does not; it merely enables * Louisiana did not adopt the old English law. The view there has al- ways been that marriage was, as to property, a kind of partnership under the husband's management ; and that, on a dissolution, each should receive back what he or she contributed, while acquisitions made during the mar- riage should be divided. Substantially this view prevails also in Texas, California, and Nevada, MARRIED WOMEN. 161 tliem to preserve it. — There was a married lady in Illinois who bought a lot and commenced to have a house built upon it ; but she neglected to have the deed recorded, and thus her hus- band was able to appear as if he were the owner, and no one could ascertain the contrary. He employed a painter to paint the house, who did the wort, supposing the husband was the owner. But he could not collect his pay from the husband, and the wife refused it, because, she said, she did not order the work, or authorize her husband to do so. The painter then applied to the court to have the house sold, and his work paid for out of the price, and the court said this might be done.* By neglect- ing to put her deed on record, the wife had' enabled the husband to get credit on the appearance of being the owner ; and, as the work had increased the value, the property ought to pay, if the owners would not. — In Mississippi, a lady of wealth who had married a poor man gave him money for the purchase of a large plantation. He took the deed in his own name, to which she made no objection, because she supposed that as she had sup- plied the money the law would give her the property at any time. He managed the estate for about fifteen years, during which he became heavily in debt, and at length his creditors took measures to have the plantation sold for their payment. The wife applied to the court to forbid this ; and she produced proof that the land had been bought with her money. But the court said that the creditors were right. After allowing her husband to run in debt to persons who supposed from the deed that he was owner, she could not be allowed to defeat their claims by showing that she was. She should have taken the deed in her name. Two similar cases in New Jersey have been decided in the same way. — There was once, in New York, a glass-factory that was owned equally between Mr. Hitchins and Mrs. Douglas, and the two carried on the business of making glassware in partnership. At * Anderson v. Armstead, 69 III. 452. 152 STATE SUBJECTS. length Mr. HitcMns sold out his half-interest in the property and business to Mrs. Douglas. The deed was made out in her name ; but the business was from that time carried on by her husband. Signs were put up in his name, " W. W. Douglas," and in that name orders were given and drafts signed. She did not appear in the concern, and there were no indications to warn creditors that she claimed to be owner. At length the husband was sued on some of his drafts, and then the couple endeavored to escape having the stock seized by showing that it belonged to the wife, and that the husband had run the factory as her agent. But the court said this would not do ; it would clearly be defrauding the creditors.* — Again, there was a married lady who kept a store for some years in New York city, employing her husband to man- age it. At length she sold out to him, and he continued it really for his own account. They did not advertise the change ; and he bought goods from time to time of merchants who sup- posed he was still buying as agent. At length some of these merchants, failing to get their pay from the " agent," sued the lady, and then the facts came to light. The court said she must pay.f It is true that some cases of the same general nature have not resulted so unfortunately. There was a lady in Georgia whose father gave her a very valuable watch. Her husband one day asked her to loan it to him for a few days ; and she did so, knowing that he wished to raise some money upon it. He pawned it for $160, saying nothing about its being his wife's, and the money-lender supposed it was his own. The husband also signed a paper saying that if he did not repay the money on the day appointed, the money-lender might sell the watch without giving him any notice. He did not pay, and the lender had the watch sold at auction. This was without the wife's * Hamilton v. Douglas, 46 JV. Y. 218. t Bodine v. Killeen, 53 iP! K 93. MARRIED WOMEN. 153 inowledge; wlion she learned the facts, she sued the buyer of the watch. The court decided he must give up the watch or pay the worth of it. The woman had made her husband an agent to pawn the watch, but not to sign a paper waiving notice of sale. This was beyond his authority ; and so, as the general rule is that a money-lender must give notice in such cases, the sale was null and void.* — There was an instance in Indiana where a mill which belonged to a husband and wife was burned. A mill was much needed in the neighborhood, and the citizens were willing to make a donation towards rebuilding. But the husband owed some debts, and, in order that the citizens should not lose the benefit of the arrangement by his creditors seizing the property, they gave the money on condition that the wife should be the owner. She, however, employed her husband as miller; and on that pretence the creditors claimed the mUl as his. The court decided against them.f And there have been several instances where the wife has owned the farm or the fac- tory or the store, and has employed her husband to work in the business ; but if the deed, and the signs, and the mode of doing business and signing papers have made it plain to the public that he was not the owner, the courts have said that his debts could not be collected from the property. Thus a full-phrased married-woman's law enables a wife to keep her property by the same care, prudence, and good manage- ment as other owners must use. She may employ her husband as her overseer, agent, or clerk, and she will be injured in con- sequence of what he says or does no more than if he were some stranger, but no less. She must take the same care to avoid complications in the business management, to prevent her prop- erty from being intermixed with his, to forbid concealments and misrepresentations, and, above all, to prevent his obtaining credit on the supposition that he is owner of what she has put in his * Van Arsdale v. Joiner, 44 Ga. 173. f Cooper v. Ham, 49 Ind. 393. 7* 154 STATE SUBJECTS. charge, as any other owner of an estate or business is required to do with respect to the assistants whom he employs. BUSINESS DEALINGS. While many of the States have gone no further in this re- form than to assure a wife of the continued enjoyment of her property, others have conferred additional powers. Several of the legislatures have said that she may be capable of engaging in trade and business, may buy and sell goods, give notes, em- ploy agents and laborers, and retain the profits, or be alone re- sponsible for losses. Other States, considering this too much power to confer, have said that she may work for an employer and retain the wages. It is not always to be understood, how- ever, that laws of this description deprive the husband of his right to the society and services of the wife according to the old law of marriage. The intention may be only to impart capacity as far as third persons are concerned. Under the old-fashioned law a wife could not well prosecute business even if her husband consented ; for dealers would not give her credit, because she could not be legally bound ; and if her customers or employers would not pay her, she had no right of lawsuit to compel them. The chief effect of the new law, in any given State, may be only to remedy this incapacity, so that when a married woman has earned wages or sold goods, her employer or customer shall not escape paying her; or when she has made a bad bargain she shall not escape paying if she has property. It does not follow that, as between her and her husband, the law entitles her to decline cares of housekeeping, or withdraw her aid from her husband in his affairs, in order to gain time for an indepen- dent business of her own. By the old law a husband had the right to the services of the wife, though he never had- any very direct way of enforcing it ; and this right and the wife's corre- sponding duty remain generally unchanged as between the two. The new laws are designed to bear upon third persons, and to MARRIED WOMEN. 155 apply wliere the husband has given consent to the wife devoting time to employments away from home, or where he has aban- doned her, leaving her dependent on her own exertions, rather than to diminish the duty of the wife to reciprocate by her society and services where she receives society and support from her husband. This general understanding that a wife's services are unquali- fiedly and without compensation due to her husband in return for a bare support may undoubtedly lead to hardship and in- justice in occasional instances ; and this point is one which the reforms in the law have not yet reached. The case of Miss Everett or Mrs. Ridgeway * may be mentioned as a striking ex- ample. It occurred some twenty-five years ago ; but there has not been any definite change in the rules of law under which it was decided. It would probably be adjudged in the same way now. In 1821 Miss Everett and James Ridgeway were married. She supposed that he was single. He had, in fact, been previ- ously married, but had been separated from his wife for some years, and may perhaps have believed her dead. However that may have been, she very soon appeared upon the scene, and sued for a divorce. It was, of course, decreed. According to the law of that day, this divorce did not entitle Ridgeway to marry again. Miss Everett, however, did not understand this, perhaps Ridgeway did not; and after the divorce they were married a second time. Later the legislature passed a new set of laws which changed the wording of the divorce law in such manner as would apparently give Ridgeway a better right to marry than he had under the law in force when he was divorced ; therefore, by way of utmost precaution, the pair were married a third time. This was after the commencement of 1830. They then lived happily together until 1847, when Ridgeway died. * Cropsey v. Ogden, l\ N.Y. 228; Cropsey v. Sweeny, 27 Barb. 310; 1 Abb. Pr. 129. 156 STATE SUBJECTS. Meantime they had twelve children, eight of whom lived to grow np. When they were first married, Ridgeway was a com- mon carpenter, worth not more than $1000. The (supposed) wife not only took all the customary care of the household and children, but took in work to defray expenses, and also co-op- erated efficiently with her husband in his business undertakings. At the time of his death he was worth $150,000, which result was undisputedly due even more to her prudence, economy, and sagacity in managing his afEairs, than to his labor. She then, in the name of Mrs. Ridgeway, sued for dower in his real prop- erty, but was astounded when his children and grandchildren by the wife who had procured the divorce, and by a still earlier wife of whom she had never before heard, disputed all three of her weddings, claimed that they were entitled as heirs-at- law to all Ridgeway's property, and denied that she and her children had any share in it. And the courts decided in their favor, saying that she and Ridgeway had been mistaken in sup- posing that the divorce enabled him to marry again under either the old law or the new ; that all three weddings were void ; and that she was not a wife, and could not claim dower. She then sued, now dropping the name of Ridgeway, for some com- pensation for her life-long services. She showed all that she had done, by unusual labor and skill to aid her (supposed) hus- band in accumulating the property he had left ; and claimed that she should be paid something as housekeeper and general assistant in the business. But the court said she had evidently Tendered all her services under the belief that she was Ridge- way's wife. If she had been, he would have been entitled to her best service without any obligation for payment. It was not possible, therefore, even by. fiction of law, to decide as if there had been a cojitract to pay. Judges often imagine a prom- ise to pay where a real one cannot be proved; but this could not be done in the present case, because the circumstances dis- proved any promise to pay. She therefore lost the labor of her MARRIED WOMEN. 157 whole active life, under operation of the rule which entitles the husband to the wife's service. An unusual case, doubtless, but a very hard one. BUTING NECESSARIES. One sometimes wonders whether the time-honored privilege of married ladies to go a-shopping at their husbands' charge will one day fall before the advances of law reform. The chief changes in the law, thus far, have been in behalf of wives, not of husbands. The old rules were, many of them, distinctly recip- rocal ; yet the rights and privileges of the husband have been, by successive laws, much diminished, without any corresponding reduction in his duties and responsibilities. The breeze of im- provement has not blown strongly in the direction of the man as yet. Judges have not been quite agreed upon the reason of allowing a wife to go a-shopping and have the bill sent to her husband. One view has been that by the marriage he consti- tutes her his agent to buy goods. Yet this is not quite satisfac- tory, for a consequence would seem to be that he could at any time forbid any further purchases by her, which is not quite the law. If he refuses, for no fault of hers, to provide for her, she can buy necessaries at his expense, notwithstanding his prohibi- tion ; and this seems more than agency. Another reason given has been that, by the marriage relation, the husband engrosses all the wife's own means of support ; and unless he is compelled to provide for her, there will be naught for her to live upon. If this is the reason, it is losing force ; for, as has been explained, in a majority of the States a wife retains all her property rights : marriage does not increase a husband's means. And in many of them, law and public sentiment and general custom have much diminished his distinct claim to her services, and have given her an authority and right to do business and earn money for her- self. Yet the courts have not yet considered this change as a legal reason why she may not go a-shopping as she used to do. Practically, there is a good deal of modification. The wives of 158 STATE SUBJECTS. the period keep their own money, and defray their own expenses from separate property, much more than our mothers and grand- mothers could. But the rule of law does not appear to have been modified that a husband is liable for necessaries furnished to his wife. If, indeed, he is willing to provide for her wants at his home, no one can assume to do so elsewhere ; if she has left him voluntarily or causelessly, he may refuse payment. In other circumstances, he must pay for necessary things she orders. Many questions are raised as to what things are necessaries ; and these are more difiicult of answer because there is not one uniform rule for all persons, but the amount allowed varies with the condition in life, previous habits, and general style of living of the parties, the husband's wealth, and other circumstances. In a case that was recently tried in Maine,* the lady toot her little child and went to Europe on quite an extended pleasure-trip, and the husband's lawyer objected that pleasure-travel abroad could not be deemed necessary. The judge refused to decide this, and said it was for the jury to say whether, taking into view the means of the husband, and the health of the wife and child, they would allow the expenses of such a journey. Jewelry has been brought in question in several cases. There was a case in Massachusetts, f not many years ago, where the wife bought a gold chain and locket and a gold watch and chain, valued in all at about $1'J5. The husband argued that the things bought were not necessaries, only ornaments ; but the court said that ornaments such as were appropriate and proper to a lady's station in life, and to her husband's position and means, might be allowed if the jury thought right ; the rule is not confined to shelter, food, and clothing needed to sustain life. Then the jew- ellers offered witnesses to testify that the husband kept a fast horse for pleasure-driving, and wore diamonds. The court said * Thorpe v. Shapleigli, 6"? Me. 2S5. t Raynea v. Bennett, 114 Mass. 424. MARRIED WOMEN. 159 this was lawful evidence, for it tended to show the husband's means and station. When a man marries, he engages to support his wife according to his social condition and wealth ; and if these enable him to keep a horse and wear diamonds, they may weU make it necessary that she should have some mod- erate ornaments. The more interesting and important question as to a new bon- net arose in a Georgia case* a few years ago. Mrs. Suiter or- dered a hat of a certain style and trimmings ; but when one was sent home to her by the milliner, she refused to take it because it was " a botch." The price of the hat was $12.50, and the milliner sued Mr. Suiter. He proved that Mrs. S. had a good supply of hats already, and had no need for a new one ; and that, in fact, she did not order this one for herself, but intended it as a present for a female friend. The court said he was justified in refusing to pay for it. A hat might be necessary to a lady herself, but making presents to one's friends was not necessary. But how about Christmas, New-year's, and birthday presents? If a lady in good society orders little things for these, can her husband refuse to pay the bill ? In Connecticut, a wife and daughter disagreed (apparently) with the husband and father in denominational preferences, and the wife took a pew for the two in the Episcopal church. When the church sued the husband for pew-rent, the judges said it was not allowable.f And in Massachusetts the husband and wife disagreed as to schools of medical practice, and she em- ployed a clairvoyant doctress to attend upon her. The clair- voyant sued the husband ; but the court said the law does not recognize the dreams, visions, or revelations of a woman in a mesmeric sleep as necessaries for a wife for which a husband can be compelled to pay ; they are fancy articles for which a * Suiter V. Mustin, 50 Oa. 242. f St. John's Parish v. Bronson, 40 C