OZ/A/ F 18^5- v./ [JbDRNELL UNIVERSIXY LIBRARIES ITHACA, N. Y. 14583 JOHN M. OLIfcf LIBRARY _ Cornell University Library F 74.D4S54 1895 V.1 A history of Deerfield, Massachusetts:th 3 1924 009 904 966 Cornell University Library The original of tiiis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924009904966 1636— POCUMTUCK—1 886 HISTOET OF DEEEFIELD, MASSACHUSETTS: THE TIMES WHEN AND THE PEOPLE BY WHOM IT WAS SETTLED, UNSETTLED AND RESETTLED: WITH A SPECIAI, STUDY OF THE INDIAN WARS IN THE CONNECTICUT VALLEY. WITH GENEALOGIES. BT GEORGE SHELDON. VOL. L iff 'm \ '-J '-% \ f>, / > kW ^> n; ... DEERFIELD, MASS.: I'Sgs^'.^.' ..r.,,\#^'' n\tn\W Entered according to act of Congrees, in the year 1895, by GEOKGE SHELDON, In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. ..V''' ^,)..!.!.^?iM^ ''*i (,i,-'i. T \ \ ' v'j v*^ Grebot'ield, Mass: f; ^\*^^ Pkbss of B. a. Ham- & Co., 9)° PREFACE. In the first edition of this work, the Narrative closed with the Revolution, and the Genealogies contained only those families settled here before that date. The History is now continued to nearer the present time, but with less fullness. Failing health has prevented the necessary labor to continue the Genealogies in a satisfactory manner. Dependence has been had in that department upon such material as those in- terested in their own families have furnished in response to public solicitations. This will explain the presence or ab- sence of particular families living here since the Revolution. It is more than a quarter of a century since the work of collecting the facts given in these pages was begun. The time given to it would make many solid years. Had it not been a labor of love, it had ceased long ago. Setting forth the difficulties in the way, would give nothing new to the historical student and nothing of interest to the indifferent ; so explanation is needless. I wish, however, to emphasize one of the delights attending these labors; this has been the uniform kindness and spirit of helpfulness shown by those having charge of the public records and books which I have had occasion to consult. To one and all of these I would ten- der my hearty thanks, but alas ! many have passed the bounds of sight or sound. To name these men and women would be but to catalogue the officials at the State House, the Histori- cal societies and great Libraries in Boston, Cambridge and Springfield ; the Registers of Deeds and of Probate in the Counties of Essex, Middlesex, Norfolk, Suffolk, and the three River Counties, and also as well, the Town Clerks of Deerfield IV PREFACE. and the surrounding towns, who have held these offices dur- ing the last twenty-five years. Nor would I forget in my thanks the owners of the hundreds of garrets, closets and trunks which I have ransacked at will, or those kind friends who have given personal aid or sent corrections and additions to the first edition. While my limits forbid giving the names of all these, I must make a few exceptions to the si- lence. Without the free use of the manuscript Archives in the office of the Secretary of State, this work could not have been written. What is given in relation to the Captives of Feb. 29th, 1 704, who remained in Canada, is mostly owing to the untiring researches of Miss C. Alice Baker among the manuscript Archives of Canada. The Massachusetts Histor- ical Society has freely opened to me rich stores to be found nowhere else, and Dr. Samuel A. Green has been quick to give notice of any Deerfield items coming under his keen eyes. In the earlier generations of New England genealogy, of course constant use has been made of the stupendous work of Savage ; in the later generations unstinted aid was given by Rodney R. Field, James M. Crafts and William O. Taylor. I wish here to associate the name of the lamented Martha G. Pratt with the first' issue of this work, and that of Jennie M. Arms with the present. To their untiring zeal and pa- tient helpfulness I am indebted. Finally, to the Pocumtuck Valley Memorial Association, under whose wing this child of my labor is now clothed in a more enduring garment, my heartiest and most grateful thanks are due and given. My aim has been to write as far as may be from original sources of information ; where this was possible I have taken nobody's say for it. The amount of manuscript matter avail- able has been found to be surprisingly large. Old letters, diaries, records, &c., are coming to light every year, giving the later student that advantage over all others. If, in the light of these, I be found in some cases to have readjusted old PREFACE. V facts, and thereby drawn new conclusions ; if I be found to differ in some other points from accepted authorities, it is hoped good reasons for it have been given. A careful study of the Indian relics found in our valley led to a deep interest in the people they represent, and I have been astonished at the amount of material found relating to the history of the Pocumtuck Indians. They were rarely mentioned by contemporaneous historians, and the Pocum- tuck Confederacy seems to have been wholly unknown to them. The history here given has been chiefly culled from the records of the United Colonies, and the Documentary History of New York ; tradition has been followed only when it harmonized with, or supplemented ascertained facts. Particular attention has been given to the times of Philip's War, and I do not know where else can be found a more full and connected account of its events in the Connecticut Val- ley. Queen Anne's War, and other contests with the French and Indians have also been fully treated. As a matter of spe- cial interest, French official documents have been carefully searched for the underlying cause of particular raids on our frontiers ; and the motive and the result are often given to- gether. The real object of these incursions was never mili- tary conquest ; the motive, when not purely for plunder, was always for political or religious effect. As my treatment of the two myths connected with this re- gion — the alleged appearance of Gen. Goffe as the deliverer of Hadley, and the romance of the Bell of St. Regis, may be found in other publications, they are very lightly touched upon in this work. Deerfield, January, 1895. G. s. TABLE OF CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. Dedham Grant — Lady Armina — Apostle Eliot — Natick Indians — Indian Deeds — Town Street Laid Out. ..... Page. CHAPTER II. Topography — Local Names — Streams — Population — Graveyards. . 23-34 CHAPTER III. F;rst Settlement — Biographical Sketches. .... 35-48 CHAPTER IV. Pocumtuck Indians — The Pocumtuck Confederacy — Agriculture — In- dian Statescraft — War with Uncas — War with the Mohawks. . 49-70 CHAPTER V. The Pocumtucks as Subjects of IVIassachusetts — Indian Relics — Indian Wars — Mohawk Raids — Indian Barns. .... 71-80 CHAPTER VI. Philip's War — Character of Philip — Brookfield Burned — Fight at We- quamps — First Attack on Deerfield — Northfield Destroyed — Second Attack on Deerfield — Bloody Brook Massacre — Attack on Hadle}' —Attack on Springfield — Goffe the Regicide — Philip in the Winter of 1675-6 — Philip at Squakheag — Attack on Northampton — Con- federate Indians at Squakheag — Mrs. Mary Rowlandson — Canon- chet — Indian Correspondence — Turners Falls Fight — Wells's Nar- rative — Atherton's Story — Attack on Hatfield — Mohawks in Philip's War. ........ 81-178 CHAPTER VII. Attempted Settlement in 1677 — Wait and Jennings' Letters. . . 179-188 CHAPTER VIII. Permanent Settlement — Ministry — Meetinghouses — Town Meeting — Town Officers — Revolution of 1688 — Wapping 1685-go — Greenfield 1685-90. ........ 189-219 CHAPTER IX. King William's War — Attacks on Deerfield 1693; 1694; 1695; 1696. . 220-264 TABLE OF CONTENTS. Vll CHAPTER X. Common Field Fences — Stock — Mills — Roads — School Rates— Houses — Home Industries — An Evening at Home. .... 265-282 CHAPTER XI. Queen Anne's War — Capture of Deerfield Feb. 2gth, 1704 — Deerfield as a JMilitary Post — Redemption of the Captives — Stories of the Cap- tives — Abigail Nims — Eunice Williams — Petty's Letter — Attack on Deerfield 1709 — Wright's Scout — Baker's Scout — Wood Land — John Arms, a Captive. . . . '. ... 283-384 CHAPTER XII. Interval of Unquiet Peace — Clouds on the Eastern Frontier — French In- trigue. ........ 385-392 CHAPTER XIII. Father Rasle's War — Conference at Albany 1723 — Conference at Boston — Rev. Mr. Willard Killed — FortDummer — Indian Allies — Attack in North Meadows — Connecticut Indians — Death of Father Rasle — Scouting — Attack at Green River. .... 393-453 CHAPTER XIV. Rev. John Williams and the Meetinghouse of 1729 — The Bell — Death of Mr. Williams — Slaves — Mr. Williams's Library — Rev. Jonathan Ashley Settled — Town Clock — New Steeple — Shingling the Meet- inghouse — Seating the Meetinghouse. . . ^ . . 454-486 CHAPTER XV. Agrarian Regulations — Proprietors of Pocumtuck — Grant of 1712 — Huntstown Line — Green River Laid Out — Shelburne Laid Out — Turnip Yard — Conway Laid Out — Inner Commons. . .487-511 CHAPTER XVI. Land Grants— Fort Dummer — Corse's Journal — Indian Conference at Deerfield — Conference at Fort Dummer — The Last Indian. . 512-528 CHAPTER XVII. Old French War— Mr. Ashley's View of it— Cost of Living— Indian Depredations on the North — Fort Massachusetts Captured — The Bars Fight— Luce Bijah. ...... 529-553 CHAPTER XVIII. Raimbault, or St. Blein— Sergt. Hawks Escorts him to Canada— A Ro- mantic Story— Sergt. Hawks's Journal— Capt. Melville's Scout— Capt. Hobbs's Fight— Trouble Above Northfield — Fort Massachu- setts Attacked. ....... 554-569 Vlll TABLE OF CONTENTS. CHAPTER XIX. Municipal Affairs — Sequestered Land — Greenfield Set Off — Judicial Affairs— Mills— Hard Times— Deer— The Fleet— Sugar Loaf Peo- ple— Conway Set Off— Shelburne Set Off— Roads— Prices of Labor and Produce. ...... . 570-593 CHAPTER XX. Homesteads on the Old Street — Farm Lands. .... 594-627 CHAPTER XXL The Last French War — Young Washington — Frontier Forts — Capture of Mrs. Johnson — Attack at Charlemont — Attack on Hinsdale's Fort — Death of Braddock — Fort Edward — Bloody Morning Scout — Battle of Lake George — Death of Col. Williams — Attack at Greenfield — More Forts at Deerfield — Colrain Forts — Massacre at Fort William Henry — Alarm in Connecticut Valley — Abercrombie Defeated— Louisburg Captured— Wolfe and Montcalm— Destruction of St. Francis — Pitt and Amherst — Merriman's Journal — Downfall of Canada — Quaker and Puritan — A Real Estate Transaction — The Indian Question. ...... 628-672 ERRATA AND ADDITIONS. Read at the bottom of page 91, "Stephen Greenleaf wounded Aug, 25, 1675." SewelVs Diary. Page 172. Twelfth line from bottom, for Samuel, read Daniel. Page 301. Note, "March, 1703-4, about midnight, the French and Indians set upon Deerfield, burnt 17 houses, killed above 50 persons. Captivated up- wards of 90, amongst w* M' Williams y' minister." Observable Providences — from the Journal of Rev. John Pike, of Dover, Me., 1682-T709. Page 602. Third line from top, for Bradford read Baker. Page 623. Nineteenth line from bottom, for i865 read 1686. HISTORY OF DEERFIELD. CHAPTER I. DEDHAM GRANT AND INDIAN DEEDS. " The Renowned Noble Lady Armina," amid the Itixuries of her ancestral hall in old Lincolnshire, meditating upon the lost condition of the heathen in the New World, putting up her prayers and sending her gold across the seas for their redemption, represents a deeply seated sentiment of her time. It was her aim, that the occupancy of New England should result not only in the accumulation of earthly riches by the adventurers, but should redound to the glory of God in a large harvest of souls through the conversion of its bar- barian inhabitants. Capt. George Weymouth, a historian of the times, active in promoting the settlement of our shores, testifies that the main end of all these undertakings was to plant the gospel in these dark regions of America. The sagacious Capt. John Smith, warrior and trader, tired with his rough experience in Virginia, and looking to the settlement of new colonies as fields for profitable commerce, declares that he is " not so simple to thinke that any other motiue than wealth will euer erect there a commonweale," but hopes that " gaine will make them affect that which Reli- gion, Charity, and the Common Good cannot," and he shrewd- ly urges the grasping Prince Charles to send settlers to this coast, pointing out a way in which he could serve both God and mammon at the same time. " Nothing," he says, " could be more agreeable to God than to seeke to conuert these poore Saluages to know Christ and humanitie, whose labours there with discresion will triple requite thy charge and paines." In the closing paragraph of this message Capt. Smith struck a theme which caught the popular ear, and sent hosts of adventurers across the wide waters, seeking the gold of another Mexico or Peru. 2 DEDHAM GRANT AND INDIAN DEEDS. As to the result, had the two elements here indicated been left undisturbed, save by each other, it is idle to speculate. With the Mayflower, came ideas and purposes, before which all the others were dwarfed and subordinated. It was these that, — " Conquered wood and savage, frost and flame, And made us what we are.'' With the missionary spirit of the Lady Armina, however, the Pocumtuck Valley'is directly and intimately connected. Her bounty expended in behalf of the Natick Indians, in a great degree determined the time and manner of the settle- ment of Deerfield. The apostle Eliot, being filled with zeal for the conversion of the natives, learned their language and devoted himself to their instruction in Christian doctrines. Very soon he perceived that his teaching could have little effect so long as the Indians continued their national manner of living^-that they must be civilized before they could be Christianized. He therefore bent his energies to the task of collecting the roving savages into permanent settlements, where he could instruct them in the " arts of civilitie," and where their chil- dren could be taught in schools. Eliot's first attempt to form an Indian town was at Nonantum Hill, in Newton. This proved a failure, mainly, as he thought, on account of its proximity to Boston ; finding, like most missionaries, the ex- ample of a so-called Christian community unfavorable to making proselytes from heathenism to Christianity. About this time the General Court encouraged Mr. Eliot to continue his labors, and at his motion passed laws recognizing, in a manner, the Indian title in the land, and placing the natives in many respects on an equal footing with the colonists. For a second trial, Eliot pitched upon Natick, sixteen miles west of Boston, where in 165 1 the General Court set apart two thousand acres for an Indian plantation, and the ;^2o per annum, given by the Lady Armina, was placed at his dis- posal. Here the "Praying Indians" were collected, civil government established, and a church organized. The tract thus occupied proved to be territory belonging to Dedham, and for twelve years there was much trouble and litigation between the inhabitants of that town and the settlers at Na- THE EIGHT THOUSAND ACRE GRANT. 3 tick. Both parties repeatedly appealed to the judicial and legislative authorities for redress. At length, on the first of May, 1662, the General Court decided, — "That for a finale issue of the controuersy betweene the towne of Dedhame & some particular inhabitants of sd towne & the Indians, the Court at Naticke having considered the pleas & evidences present- ed by both partes, and finding that although the legall right of Ded- hani thereto cannot in justice be denyed, yet such haue binn the en- couragement of the Indians in their improvements thereof, the w*, added to their native right, w<^'' cannot, in strict justice, be vtterly exl tinct, doe therefore order, that the Indians be not dispossessed of such land as they at present are possessed of there, but that the same, w"> convenient accommodations for wood & timber, & highwayes thereto, be set out & bounded by Mr. Thomas Danforth, Mr. Wm. Parkes, Mr. Ephraim Child, Mr. Edw. Jackson, or any three of them, who are hereby appointed a Committee to execute this order, and that the damages thereby susteined by Dedham, together w"" the charges ex- pended in suite about the same, be also considered & determined by sd Committee & such allowance made them out of Naticke, lands or others yet lying in common, as they shall judge equal, & apoint mak- ing report to this Court the matter of charge, that so the Court may determine where to lay the same or any part thereof. Y'' returne of y^ Committee to remajne on file. May, 1663." A report from this Committee was acted upon June 2, 1663, and, — "For a finale issue of the case betweene Dedham & Natick, the Court judgeth meete to graunt Dedham eight thousand acres of land in any convenient place or places, not exceeding two, where it cann be found free from former graunts, provided Dedham accept this offer." The terms being satisfactory to that town, the . Court ap- pointed, Oct., 1663, Ens. John Everard and Jona. Danforth to " lay out the same according to the graunt.'' Having secured a grant, the question was considered at a town meeting in Dedham, Jan. i, 1663-4, "whether to sell their graunt," or " be at any further charge about seeking out land to take satisfaction in." By a vote of the town, the matter was "left over in the hands of the Selectmen." Under this action Henry Dwight was sent to explore the "Chestnut Country." On his return he reported good land, but hard to bring un- der cultivation. The location of the " chestnut country" is unknown, but as only " 9 shilling were allowed for himself and horse " for the trip, it could not have been far away. At another meeting, "after lecture," Sep. 21, 1664, John Fair- banks reported having heard, through Goodman Prescott of 4 DEDHAM GRANT AND INDIAN DEEDS. Lancaster, of a suitable tract near that town, Fairbanks and Lieut. Joshua Fisher were directed to go to Sudbury, and after consulting Ens. Noyes about the matter, to " proceed to Lan- caster and to the place, and view the sariie, or to return, as they judge best." The view was had, and Nov. 6th, a report was made that the tract was already " so entered upon by several farms that it is altogether incapable of supply to us." In the meanwhile the Selectmen had not been idle. At the same meeting where the above report was made, they an- nounced that, — " Haueing heard of a considerable Tract of good Land that might be answerable to the Town's expectation, about 12 or 14 miles from Hadley, and not vnderstanding of any other place to be founde worth acceptance, thinke it meet, in the behalfe of the Towne to provide that that 8000 Acres may be chosen and layed out to sattisfie that grant ther, w"' all conueanient speed, before any other Grantee enter upon it and p'uent vs, and to that end doe nominate apoint empower and entrust Lieft Fisher, Tymo: Dwight, Ensign Fisher, Edw: Rich- ards, Antho: Fisher, Serg' Ellice, Serg' Fuller, & Isaac Bullard, or any 4 of them whereof Lieft : Fisher is to be one to repayer to the place mentioned, and vpon view by the concurrance of the major pt of the 4 that shall attend that seruice to make choice and laye out the Land above mentioned according as to their best discretion shall be best for the Towne and proportionable to the grant of the Court in that case made, and we promise to each of these 4 men one hundreth Acres of Land in full satisfaction for thi^r paynes to be indifferently layed out to them, out of the grante aforesaid onely to Lieft Fisher for the vse of his Arte we in the behalfe of the Towne, promise such other sattisfaction as shall be judged equall, or in case the Town shall rather chuse to paye all these 4 men in other paym* then in Land, then we engage equall & just satisfaction ac- cording to the nature & charge of the worke." This action was satisfactory to the town; the -same board was reelected at the next meeting, and on the, — "2 — II — 64 [Jan. 2, 1664-5.] Vpon the Question whether the Towne would proceed and laye out the 8000 Acres Granted by the Court in sattisfaction for the Land posessed at Naticke by the In- dians w"'in our Towne at that place forementioned neere Hadly, they answer by voate affirmatiuely. Further it is by voate declared that they doe leaue the further manageinge of the whole case about layeing out the Land aboue said to the selectmen this daye to be chosen who are entrusted and empowered to act therein in behalfe of the Towne according to their best discretion. March 5, 1664-5. I" order to the accomplishm' and settling the case concerning the grante of the 8000 acres due to the Towne the care, trust and power whereof was left to the selectmen in p'sent, being it is this daye agreed to tender to Lieft: Fisher as artist in THE GRANT LAID OUT. 5 that worke and as one of the Committee for effecting the Layeing out the said grante in the place proposed to be about 12 or 14 miles more or lesse from Hadley 150 acres of Land, and Tenn shillings in countrey payem' for euery daye he shall measure and to each of the other 3 persons being of the persons formerly named 150 acres, and liberty is giuen them . to laye those their grants together by some one side or end of that tract indifferently takeing vpland and meadowe in proportion to the proportion of each sort of such Land in the whole tract. March 20, 1664-5. Vpon further consideration of effecting the layeing out the 8000 Acres aboue mentioned, Lieft Fisher declaring his disaceptance of w' was aboue tendered him in satisfaction for his paynes therein as artist, and his peremptory demaund being 300 acres, it is consented vnto provided he allso drawe for the Towne true and sufficient platt of that tract and Edw: Richards, Antho: Fisher Junio'', and Tymo: Dwight, accept of the payem' formerly tendered, viz' 150 achers to each of them, all to be layed out as is aboue exp'ssed, or in case Tymo : Dwight shall be any way hin- dered that he cannot attend that seruice, then he promise to furnish Serg' Richard Ellice w"' a horse fitt for that occasion, who accept thereof and promise to vndertake the worke instead of the said Tymothie and they promise to vndertake the Journey for this end the daye after Election daye at Boston next ensueing, or the second daye of the weeke next following the daye aforesaid at furthest. May 22, 1665, [the Selectmen] Assemb: in the morning to re- ceaue the returne of the Comittee deputed to lay out the 8000 Acres of Land for the Towne. The Comittee aforesaid doe enforme that they haue layed out all the grante of 8000 acres aforesaid, in land as they Judg conueanient in quallitie and scituation, for the accomadacion of a plantation and being by their estemation, about 10 miles distant from Hadly, the more particular description where of they shall giue account of at some other conueanient time." On the I ith of October a plan of the grant was laid before the General Court, with the following report : — "This tract of land, conteyning eight thousand acres, being layd out according to this plott given in to Court & remayning on file, beginning att A. & so running to L. by the ffoote of a mountejne south & by west two miles forty sixe rod; from L to K, along the same mounteine fiue miles forty rods south & by east two de- grees easterly; From K to I upon a streight Ijne two miles & a halff west halff a point southerly; From H to I, up on a streight line south, halfe a point easterly, fower miles; ffrom G to H, southwest fowr degrees, westerly three hundred & sixty two rod; ffrom E [F?] to G, S. S. east three degrees southerly, one hundred sixty rod; from E to F south three degrees southerly, eighty eight rod : from D to E southwest one hundred and eight rod: from C to D south east eighty rod; ffrom B to C south and by west three degrees westerly, five hundred & eighty rod; from A to B west north west two degrees westerly, one mile twenty rod. This tract of land is lajd out at a place called Pecumptick, to answer the grant of the 6 DEDHAM GRANT AND INDIAN DEEDS. honored Generall Court made to Dedham for lands at Natick, which the Indians are setled vpon by the Courts order, it lyinge north- ward from Hadley about tenn or twelue miles. Layd out as aboue- sajd May, 1665, By me, Joshua Fisher. The Court allows & approoues of this returne, provided they make a towne of it, to majntejne the ordinances of Christ there once w*"in five yeares, & that it interfere not w'" Maj'' Genii Denni- son & Hadley grant." The Colonial Government having thus taken two thousand acres from Dedham for the benefit of the Natick Indians, and given in exchange eight thousand acres belonging to the Pocumtuck Indians, the town of Dedham now took steps to buy the same of the native owners. June 4, 1666, a com- mittee was authorized to "employ the Worshful Col. Pynch- on, to buy the Indian title in the 8000 acres." Pynchon was a fur trader of Springfield, well acquainted with the Pocum- tucks, and had before been employed in a like service by Northampton and Hadley : — "Whereas it apeere that some Indians are like to clayme a Title in the foresaid [ ] which in equitie would be cleered, the selectmen vnderstanding that the worpfull [ ] John Pinchion is acquainted w"' those Indians so claymeing it is therefore, or [ ] that Ensi: Danll: Fisher, and Elea: Lusher be desired, and are heereby deputed and empowered to treat with the said Cap' Pinchion, and empower him to contract w"' those said Indians for the buyeing out of all thier Right or clayme in the p''mises and allso with any other Indians that may haue a true Right made apeere there and what shall be so concluded the Towne shall be engaged to make good. Dec. 27, 1665. Vpon treaty w"" Tymothie Dwight in refference to furthering the erecting a plantation at pocomptucke according to the condicion of the Generall Court, he tender, that on condicion that a plantation be there effectually settled as aforesaid, if the Towne will paye him five pounds for his Journey, charges and ser- uice there, 2j[^ being in money and j,;£ in Corne and Cattell he will laye down and resigne all his clayme to the Land engaged to him ther by his former agreem' w"" the select men. And vpon the like treaty with Lieft Fisher, he allso vpon the same condicion with Tymothie Dwight, tender that if the Towne will paye him Tenn pounds for all his charge and seruice in refference to Pocompticke he will likewise release his clayme to the 300 acres, engaged to him provided' the Tenn pounds be payed 4^ in money and sixe pounds in Corne and Cattell this is tendered upon con- dicion that the agreem' to effect it as aboue said be at the next en- sueing Genrall Towne meeting and the worke thereof be set in a meet waye for proceeding therein. Jan. 22, 1665-6. At a Generall meeting of the Towne for the further consideration of the settling a plantation at pocumpatuck. ACTION TO SECURE TITLE. 7 It is by generall voate concluded that each propriators Lands there shall paye Annually towards the mayntenance of an orthodoxe ministry there 2^ for each Cow Common that he shall keepe in his own hand whether he shall be liueing there or at Dedham and all others that holde any pt of the 8000 acres in proprietie vpon any other account besides kowe Commons shall paye proportionable except such Lands as shall be layed out for the accomadacion of teaching Church officers there. And it is allso further concluded that if any propriator of Lands or interests ther doe tender his Rights at the price that shall be by generall voate set and no buyer doe so accept it then the persons In- habiting there shall take his Rights at that price or discharge him of the aforesaid payem' to the ministery. It is allso further agreed and concluded that each propriator shall lay down his kow Common Rights there at that price that by the majo"^ pt of proprieties shall be agreed vpon." The proprietors at this time were mostly Dedham men who had no intention of removing to the new settlement, and this vote would naturally work hardship to settlers, if it did not stop emigration entirely, and so the grant would be forfeited. It does not appear to have been enforced : — "June 27, 1666. Haueing vnderstood that the worp'"" Cap' Pincheon vpon treaty- w"' the Indians about the purchase of the Indian Title in the 8000 acres layed out for this Town at Pocumpa- tucke and haue made a contract with them accordingly and that he aduised the Town of Dedham to make entery therevpon, this p'sent summer which, vpon consideration we conceaue may be of good vse thereby to take posession, doe accordingly order deput and empow- er Lieft Fisher, Ensigne Fisher and Tymothy Dwight to take care thereof that such an enterey be made and such posession be taken in the behalfe and to the vse of the Towne in due season as in thier discretion may be most effectuall and safe for the ensureing our Title." Early in the year 1667, the Selectmen sent John Gay, Robert Ware and Nathaniel Fisher to take further observa- tions of their far off possessions. On the 6th of June the town, — "After consideration of the case respecting Pocompticke and the In- formation brought by those bretheren lately vpon the place, by dep- utation of the Selectmen doe desire and depute them, by themselues or some of themselues, as they shall thinke meete to make reporte to the Inhabitants of the Towne in publike the next Lecture day after Lecture for the satisfaction of the Towne in generall and for their consideration in refference to the future. Allso that the Towne be made acquainted with the disbursm'' of the Worp'"" Cap' Pinchion in purchasing the Indians Right at Pocompticke at the request of the selectmen in the behalfe of the Towne who haue declared that he haue allready layed out about \0;£ 8 DEDHAM GRANT AND INDIAN DEEDS. and is yet in prosecution of compleating that worke, and by word and writeing haue exp'ssed his desire to be reimbursed, the payem' he desire is money, wheat and porke, and we would desire the Town to remember and gratifie his paynes." The following deed was probably produced as evidence of the purchase and claim : — These presents Testifie That Chauk alias Chaque y" Sachem of Pacomtuck for good and valuable Considerations him there vnto moving, hath Given granted Bargained & sold, & by these presents doth (for himself and his brother Wapahoale) fully clearly & ab- solutely give grant Bargain & sell vnto Capt John Pynchon of Springfield for y" vse & behoofe of Major Eleazer Lusher & Ensign Daniel ffisher & other English of Dedham their associates & succes- sors & to them & their heires for ever Certaine persels of Land at Pacomtuck on y^ further side or vpper side or North side of Pacom- tuck river, that is to say beginning a little above where Pukcom- meagon river runs into Pacomtuck river and so a little way vp Puckommeag river & then leaving Puckcomeagon river runs off to y« hill Sunsick westward: .AH y" land from y^ hill Sunsick on west- ward, downe y" River Pacomtuck eastward below Nayyocossick to Pochewee, neare y' Mouth of Puckcomeagon river, w"'' persells of Land are called Nayyocossick, Tomholissick, Masquomcossick, vssowwack Wusqviawwag & so to Sunsick hill, or by what ever other Names y* sd Land is or may be called : All y^ af oredescribed Tract of Land, being called by several names as aforesd viz. Nayyocossick Tomholissick Masquomcossick vssowwack Wusqviwawag & Sunsick, or by what ever names it maybe called, Togither w'" the Trees, waters, meadows, woods, Brooke, vpland, stone, proflfits, comoditys & advantages thereof! & there vnto belonging or in any wise apper- taining, the aforesd Major Eleazer Lusher & Ensign Danl ffisher of Dedham, theire Associates & successors, & their Heires are to Have Hold & Injoy & that forever, only the sd Chauk alias Chaque doth reserve Liberty of fishing for y° Indians in y" Rivers or waters & free Liberty to hunt Deere or other Wild creatures & to gather Wal- nuts chestnuts and other nuts things &c on j" commons: And the sd Chaque doth hereby covenant & promise to & w"' ye sd Maj Ele- azer Lusher & Danl ffisher, That he will saue y'^ sd Major Lusher & Danl ffisher, theire Associates & theire Heires & assignes. Harmless of & from all manner of Claimes of any person or persons Lawfully claiming any right Title or Interest in any of y'* sd lands hereby Sold or in any part or parsell thereof & will Defend the same from any molestation or Incumbrance by Indians otherwise than as be- fore reserved. In witness whereoff the sd Chaqve hath herevnto set his hand this 24th ffebr 1666-7 The marke of q Chaqve In presence of Jo" Pynchon Ju'': Weqvanock an Indian witness his V marke, who helped y" Sachem in making y" Bargaine The day aforementioned Chaqve acknowledged this Instrum' to be his act & Deed Before me John Pynchon, Asist cow COMMONS. 9 [June 12, 1667.] "Vpon further consideration of takeingposession at the 8000 Acres, at pocomptatucke, and the further satisfaction to be brought to the Towne in refference to the Capacitie of the place to be a plantation, and other considerations of that nature, it is at p''sent by voate resolued to call some other meet persons to Joyne with the Committee already deputed to take posession of the said place, & to take further viewe of what may concerne the same, and make returne to the selectmen The persons nowe deputed as abouesaide John Gaye Sen'', Nath Coalburn Sen"', Tho: Fuller, Wnj: Averey, Robt: Ware Nath: Fisher" Oct. 2, 1667, a rate was laid to raise funds for settling with Pynchon, payable in " specie, one fourth to be abated if payed in money." This rate amounted to ^115-4-8. Sixty eight persons were assessed; among these were — Maj' Genii Leaverett £ 3—8—8 M' Joh: Allen 4 — 9 — 8 Lieft Josh: Fisher 10 — 6 — o Tymo: Dwight 10-18 — 5 I doubt if this tax was ever collected. On a Country Rate at Dedham, at this time, ninety-two names were on the list, so it appears twenty-fotir proprietors had already sold out their rights at Pocumtuck. Down to this date the meetings for action about the grant had been town meetings, as each voter in town held certain rights there ; but so soon as taxes began to be imposed the shares rapidly changed owners, often falling into the hands of speculators, and all subsequent action was at Proprietors' meetings. No one, however, was allowed to sell without the approval of the Proprietors. By a vote Aug. 26, 1668, " Left Fisher had leave to sell to John Stebbins of Northampton, his rights at paucomtucke, or a part of them." Similar votes were common. In 1659 a large proportion of the territory of Dedham was held by the inhabitants in common. That year a plan was adopted for dividing this land, or any other they might ac- quire among the individuals. The apportionment was based partly on the tax list and partly on the number of cattle running on the commons. Each separate tract was divided into 522 shares, or "common rights,"of which, under a some- what arbitrary rule, each proprietor was to have his proper proportion. These shares were called "cow commons." The "8000 acres Grant" at Pocumtuck was thus held by Dedham people in proportion to the "cow commons" owned 10 DEDHAM GRANT AND INDIAN DEEDS. at home. For many years the land here was bought and sold by the " cow commons." Fractions were reckoned by "sheep or goat commons," five of which equalled one " cow common." Oct. 28, 1667, Pynchon bought of Rev. John Allen six cow commons and two sheep commons. Two days later Gover- nor Leverett, for "6£ current money of N. E., and Several barrels of Tar " sold Pynchon all his " right and title to lands at a place usually called Pocumtuck, being part of the 8000 acres, * * * * 150 acres which I bought of Anthony Fisher of Dorchester, one part whereof being meadows con- taining 38 acres more or less, is already laid out between land of Lieut. Joshua Fisher, north & land Timothy Dwight South. * * * More, all the right and title belonging to 6 cow commons & 2 sheep commons, also my right and inter- est to 6 cow commons which I lately bought of James Draper of Dedham, 5 of them being his proper share — the other one he bought of Wm. Mackenney, who had it of Thomas Jor- dan, all of Dedham." Pynchon had previously bought of Joshua Fisher 16 cow commons and was now one of the largest owners in the grant. Dec. 27, 1667. The Selectmen, having the general over- sight of the Dedham Grant, suggested : — "That the Towne may consider that the time p''fixt by the Generall Court for the planting a Towne at Pocompticke doe shorten and it wer good to resolue what the Towne will doe in that respect and that if it be intended to emproue it according to the grante that then it might be put into some way conduceing thereto." In the summer of 1667 Pynchon concluded his purchases of the Indians at Pocumtuck, obtaining three more deeds, one of which is lost, the others may be found below. It has been found impossible so far to locate the tracts conveyed by the Pynchon deeds. " Tomholissick " was covered by two of them. From the fact that they were witnessed by two young children of Pynchon it is evident that they were drawn and executed at Springfield, and it is more than probable that they were written from ill understood descriptions, or rude maps made by the Indians for Mr. Pynchon, and that the grantees themselves had little knowledge of what they were buying. There appear to be discrepancies and contradic- tions in description and point of compass, which could hard- INDIAN DEEDS. 11 ly occur had the writer of the deeds been on the grotind. It is probable that as the Indian tongue becomes better un- derstood, the names of the various tracts will assist in fixing their location, for every place name is descriptive of the locality to which it is applied : — These presents Testifie that Milkeanaway alias Masseamet (y'' Indian, owner of certaine Lands at Pacumtuck) Hath Demised Granted Bargained & sold vnto John Pynchon of Springfield for y'' vse & behoofe of Major Eleazer Lusher & Daniell fifisher of Dedham & their associates & by these presents Doth demise Grant Bargain & sell vnto y'= sd Maojor Eleazer Lusher Daniell Fisher & theire As- sociates & to theire heirs & assigns forever. All & singular the sd Milkeanaway alias Masseamet, his Lands at Pacumtuck on y= south or Southeast side of Pacumtuck River, w'" lands are called Pojas- sick weqvunckcaug, ManePacossick & Southward to y'= hills Pema- machuwatunch, or by whatever other names the sd lands are called, even all y"" land from Mantahelant (w"" wuttawoluncksin Sold to Mr. Pynchon) vp to Scowockcuck & so off to Qvinetticot River to Mattampawsh to y" Land Mr. Pynchon bought of Wuttawoluncksin togithir w'" all y'= woods Trees waters wet meadows profits & com- oditys whatsoever to y° sd Land belonging, or any wise appertain- ing, only y'= sd Indian reserves to himselfe Liberty for fishing, other- wise all the sd Tract of land the aforesd Major Eleazer Lusher, Danl ffisher & theire associates & their heires and assignes, are to haue hold & In joy & that forever: both y" profits and appurtenances therevnto belonging: And the sd Masseamet alias Milkeanaway doth hereby coven* & promise to save j" sd Major Lusher & Danl fifisher & theire Associates harmless from all manner of claime of any per- son Lawfully claiming any interest or right in any of y" Land here- by sold. In witness whereoff the sd Masseamet alias Milkenaway hath herevnto set his hand & scale this 13th of June 1667. The marke L of (t'ti Masse A ra mET ' — v- ' Alias Milkenaway Subscribed Sealed & dlid in y^ presence off William Warriner John Pynchon Jun'' Amy Pynchon June y" 13th 1667 Masseamet aHas Milkeanaway did owne & ac- knowledge this writing to be his act & Deed, resigneing vp & re- leasing all his right Title & interest in j" lands abovesd . Before me: John Pynchon Asist These presents testifie that Ahimunquat alias Mequinnichall of Pacomtuck Hath Demised Granted Bargained & Sold, And by these presents doth Demise Grant Bargain & sell vnto Major Eleazer Lusher & Daniell ffisher of Dedham their Associates & theire heires & assigns for ever. All the sd Ahimunquat, alias Mequinnitchall his lands at Pacomtuck, both on y'^ South or Southeast side of Po- comtuck River called weshatchowmesit & on y^ North or Norwest side of y^ sd River, called Tomholisick: the sd parcelles of Land 12 DEDHAM GRANT AND INDIAN DEEDS. * called Tomholisick & weshatchowmesit from y" brooke dowiie y" River vp to Sunsick & bounded by y^ Land w-^" Masseamet hath already sold, or by whatever other Names y» sd Lands are called even all j" Land belonging to y^ sd Ahimunquat alias Mequinitchall & to his Brother Kunckkeasacod togith'^ w'" all Tree waters profits & Comoditys whatsoever to y« sd Land belonging or anyways ap- pertaining: Trie aforesd Major Eleazer Lusher Danl ffisher & theire Associates & theire heires & assigns are to haue hold & injoy & that for ever, w"' all y"^ profits & appurtenances thereunto belonging. And y" sd Ahimunquat alias Mequinnitchall doth hereby covenant & promise to save y'^ sd Major Eleazer Lusher Danl ffisher theire As- sociates & theire heires harmless from all manner of clainie of any person or persons lawfully claiming any right or interest in any of y« Land hereby Sold In witness whereoff the sd Ahimunquat alias Mequinnitchall hath herevnto Set his hand & seal, this 22 of July 1667. The marke of Ahimunquat y Alias Mequinnitchall A Subscribed Sealed & dlid in y'' presence off Amy Pynchon John Pynchon Jr The marke of Grin lu neachchue Brother to Mequinnitchall, who Received pt of y" Pay, inz. 20. fadam: & approved of the Sale of y" Land: Mequinnitchall, alias Ahimunquat, did owne & acknowl- edge this writing abovesd, to be his act & deed, this present 22th of July 1667 Before me John Pynchon, Asist Another deed, perhaps the first given, and probably from Wuttawolunskin, has not yet been found. By these deeds it appears that a few of the Pocumtucks were alive to claim and sell these lands. The tribe had been nearly all destroyed by Mohawks some years before; and where " Chauk, Sachem of Pocomtuck," obtained his title and authority, does not appear. He is not heard of before or after this transaction ; nor are the names of the other grantors to be found elsewhere. These Indians were probably hangers on about the settlements on the river below. Chauk may have been put in authority by the English, pursuant to a policy to be noted hereafter. About this time events were transpiring at Pocumtuck which called for immediate action. With the energy of a born pioneer, Samuel Hinsdale had actually taken possession, and his plowshare had already turned up the virgin soil. Born about 1642, he with his father, Robert Hinsdale of Ded- ham, removed in youth to Medford, married at seventeen, and soon after becoming of age, joined the settlers at Hadley. He invested largely in the Dedham grant, and becoming im- patient with the delay in settling, he made a bold strike for SAMUEL HINSDALE THE PIONEER. 13 a home, where he could place his young family. He must be considered the first settler here, and his son Mehuman was the first white man born on the territory : — " May i8, 1669. Samuell Hinsdell of Hadley in the Countie of Hampshir haucing purchased some propriety in Pocumptucke in the Land Granted and layd out to the Inhabitants of Dedham, and made emprouem' by ploughing Lande there, came this daye to the select men, and gaue account of the reasons of his so doeing, and demaunded the layeing out of the Rights he had so purchased of one of the Inhabitants of Dedham that he might settle himselfe vpon it and proceed in emprouem' thereof for his owne supplye, or if it could not be yet layed out, that then some smale parcel! of vpland might be granted and layed out to build an house vpon. To which we answer, that we see not cause to forbid him seing himselfe is content to beare the ventur of the place wher he make emprouem', but it not being in our power to doe what he demaunde herein we thinke meet to doe what in vs lyes, to moue the propriators to promote, the layeing out each Inhabitants Right ther, and to that end that the Lotts may be p'pard and drawen, that some better rule may be had for euery propriator to knowe where about his owne In- terrest lyes and that in the first optunitie." Sept. 24, 1669, four acres at Dedham were granted Lieut. Fisher "to pay him for his last journey to Paucumptucke," and another lot was soon after granted Sergeant Fuller for the same service. Probably as a result of the conference of the vSelectmen with Samuel Hinsdale these men had been sent to Pocumtuck to note the progress of events and report plans for action. They doubtless brought back three more Indian deeds from Pynchon, for, Sept. 24, 1669, Maj. Eleazer Lusher reports them to be in his possession : — [At a meeting of the Selectmen Sept. 24, 1669. J "Elea: Lusher this day p''sent seuerall Deeds of Sale from the Indians propriators at Paucomticke procured by Cap' John Pinchon Esq' allso glueing ac- count of the state of that affayre, respecting the Towne and allso enforming that the said m' Pinchion expect his payem* in money at the next session of the Generall Court in October of which payem' he giues an account how it arise, where vpon it is agreed to call a generall meeteing of the propriators for further resolution heerein the 4 day of the next weeke being 29 instant, at 9 in the morning" Sept. 29, 1669. At a generall meeting of the propriators of land at Pawcomptucke called together to order payem' to Cap' Pincheon for the purchase of the Indians rights there It is by voate agreed that a new Rate for that payem' shall be forthwith drawen by the Select men, assessing each propriato' ther at so much vpon each Cowe Common there, to be payed in money, as may pay the <)(>£ 10* due vpon account to Cap' Pinchion or as neere that just summe as it may conueaniently be cast vp. The Rate for the payem' of Capt Pincheon 96^-10^ for the pur- 14 DEDHAM GRANT AND INDIAN DEEDS. chase of the Indian Rights at Pawcomptucke is this daye made to be forthwith Leauied in money by the Constable euery Cow Common being asessed at 3% 4'^, which is 10' short of what is nowe due, and some Rights yet to be purchased is afterward to be payed for in this Rate the Lands granted to particular persons, called the Farmes is Rated at 54 Cow Commons, the number of acres in those grants vpon account coming to so much, allwayes to be vnderstood, that those Lands are in the same capacitie in allowance of Land for high wayes and the Hke occasions as other Lands there doe, this Rate is to be leauied of the seuerall Grantees named, or thier heyers. Adminis- trate", Executo" or assignes. m' Joh. Allin £ 2 8 8 Joh: Dwight 2 8 Eld' Joh. Hunting I 10 The Church Lott I 6 8 Elea. Lusher I 10 8 Ensign Chickering 2 19 4 Deac Hen Chickering 1 8 8 Hen.' Phillips I 10 Deac. Nath Aldus D l6 8 Lieft Josh: Fisher 2 Antho: Fisher Sen I 6 4 Jonath. Farbanke Sen' I 6 8 Joh: Kingsbery Sen' I 14 Pet: Woodward Sen' I 14 Joh: Luson I 3 4 Josep: Kingsbery I II 4 Joh: Haward I 6 8 Wm; Bullard 17 4 Joh. Eaton r 8 Antho. Hubert 10 Rich: Euered I 14 Joh: Mason 15 4 Nath Coleburn I 17 4 Ralp: Daye 18 Robt Mason 3 10 Hen: Wilson I 2 oh: Gaye [ 18 Joh. Bacon I 5 4 ^en: Smyth 3 10 idw: Hawes I 8 Ens. Dan: Fisher [ 8 Josh: Kent 14 Geo: Farbanke [ 6 Rich: EUice 16 8 Serg' Averey [ 8 Robt. Onion 10 Edw: Richards ; ! I 4 Tymo Dwight I 12 Lamb: Genery ] Josep: EUice 13 4 Christo: Smyth 10 8 Ralp; Freman 10 Nath: Whiteing [ 10 Joh: Rice 7 4 Theo: Fraery 3 4 Dan: Pond 14 8 Joh: Farbanke c ) 18 Hen: Wight I 4 Sam: Judson 16 8 Cornell: Fisher 16 8 Tho: Hering i Jonath: Farbanke Jun' 12 8 Rich: Wheeler i 8 Jam; Fales 10 Joh. Farington. ] 10 8 Joh: Houghton 10 Joh. Aldus c 19 4 Jam: Draper 16 8 Tho: Fuller i 10 8 Jam: Thorpe 10 Tho: Payne i Isaac Bullard i8 Robt: Ware i 3 4 Ben; Bullard 6 8 Antho: Fisher Jun i I 4 Sam; Fisher 6 8 Thwa: Strickland c 13 4 Joh. Newton 8 Robt: Fuller i 3 4 Tho: Wight Sen' 2 Tho. Metcalfe c 10 Nath Bullard 2 Michaell Metcalfe i 4 8 Tho: Fisher 8 Nath Fisher i Farme Lands Tho: Battely i 5 4 Lieft Fisher 3 12 Tho; Jordan 15 4 Edw: Richards I 16 Joh. Guilde 17 4 Tymo: Dwight I 16 Andr; Duein 16 8 Antho: Fisher I 16 Samll. Milles 16 8 Jan. I, 1669-70, the Selectmen proposed to the town whether Robt Hinsdell shall be accepted to be a purchaser of Lande at Paucomptucke or not." [At a General Meeting Jany. 3, 1669-70. J "It is by voate.ordered DRAWING LOTS AT POCUMTUCK. 15 that the answer to the question concerning Robert Hinsdell be de- layed for p'sent The question being put whether it be not conueanient that the propriato" at Pawcomptuck should drawe Lotts in the first opportuni- tie that it might be better knowen wher each mans propriety will lye — it is by voat declared that the select men this day to be chosen are desired to apoint, and publish som conueanient time for the propriato''^ there to meet and order therein according as they see cause " March i8, 1669-70. In order to the effecting of what was by the last Gen" Towne meeteing left to the select men to take care of respecting Pawcomptucke, it is according agreed that the loth day of the 3 month next is appointed for the propriato''' in that place to ijieete by 9, of the Clocke in the forenoone at the house of Lieft Fisher in Dedham" "10:3:70: [May 10, 1670. J Assemb: according to former apointm' for the consideration of draweing Lotts and settling proprieties at Pawcomptucke M' Allin pasto"', EW John Hunting, Lieft. Fisher, Joh: Haward, Joh: Gaye, Edw: Richards, Serg' Fuller, Tymo: Dwight, Tho: Payne, Mich: Metcalfe, Elea: Lusher The 23 daye of this Instant 3 month is apointed for a meeteing of the propriato''* at Pawcumptucke for the furthering the aboue said motion, and its ordered that notice be giuen accordingly to the persons concerned, the meeteing to be at the meeting house in Ded- ham about 7, in the morning " "23.3:70 Assemb: according to the apointm' aboue written the propriato''* by Grant or purchase the men heere vnder named Joh: Pincheon Esq'', M"^ Allin pasto"', Lieft: Fisher, Ensi: Fisher, Joh: Haward, Joh: Gaye, Edw. Richards, Ensi: Phillips, Joh: Ful- ler, Mary: Buncker p'sent by Elea: Lusher, Joh. Stebbin p''sent by Sam: Hinsdell, Elea: Lusher, Serg' Averey, Serg' Fuller, Nath: Coleburn, Tymo: Dwight, Joh: Farington, Robt. Ware, Isaac: Bul- lard, Tho: Payne, Pet: 'Woodward Jun"', Sam: Hinsdell, Mich. Met- calfe, Joh: Baker It is agreed that an Artiste be procured vpon as moderat tearmes as may be that may laye out the Lotts at Pawcomptucke to each propriato' according to thier Lawefull interest in each sort of Land that is to be deuided and drawe and returne to the Towne a true platt of what he shall doe therein Ensi Hen. Phillips, Ensi. Dan: Fisher, and Elea: Lusher or any 2. of them are deputed to procure an Artist for the worke aboue saide M"' Peter Tilton, Lieft Sam. Smyth, and Cornet Wm Allice are desired and deputed to direct, the Artist aboue mentioned in the worke aboue saide, who are also further deputed, and empowered to order the scituation of the Towne for the most conueaniencie as in thier discretion shall apeere best the whole Tract, and the quallitie of each sort of Land, and other accomadacions considered, and ap- ointing the high wayes layeing out, and a place for the Meeting house, Church officers Lott or Lotts, and what euer else may be giuen them, in further instructions, and to proportion each seuerall sorte of Land ther according to the quallitie thereof that equitie may be at- 16 DEDHAM GRANT AND INDIAN DEEDS. tended to each propriato'' according to their proportion in every sort of Land deuideable It is allso agreed that no man shall laye out more then 20 Cow Common rights together in one place Joh. Pincheon Esq^ is intreated, and empowered, at all his best opportunities to take his time to visit the Committee, and Artist aboue mention and to giue them such aduice in that worke comitted to them, as he shall Judge most conduceable to the good of the plantation who allso is empowered to voate with the rest of the Committee when he shall be p'sent: Eiisi: Daniell Fisher is allso deputed to Joyne with the Committee before named — any 3 of which Committee, haue power to proceed in the worke The Committee before named, are allso empowered to viewe and make tryall of the layeing out of the Lands, allready layed out vpon grante commonly called the Farme Lands, whether they be truely layd out according to thier grants, and to rectifie, what mistakes they shall finde therein It is further agreed to proceed to drawe Lotts, and p'pare accord- ingly, and that in euery deuision of Lands of all sorts (except house Lotts) the length of the Lotts shall runne easterly and westerly, and the begining of layeing out Lotts in particular shall allwayes be on the northerly side, and make an end on the southerly side, and so proceede according to that rule each propriato''. to holde that order of succession thoroughout The names of the p'sent propriato'* with the number of Common Rights, and number of Lotts in succession as they wer drawen No of lots Mens No Cow No Sheep No of as drawn. names. Commons. Commons. lots. 18 16 20 39 29 26 Cap' Pynchon 54 4 3 20 M' John Allin 16 I 37 Left Fisher 6 I I 28 Ensi : Fisher 13 I 38 Joh ; Haward 8 I 24 Joh : Gay Edw : Richards II 2 I 16 Deacn : Chicl^ 12 16 4 5 ^ 29X 13 20 7 — 10 14 i8 6 X 17 15 9 3;^ 3 X 28 16 20 7 — loK 17 II 3 ¥ 21^ 18 18 2 6 Vz 19 21 8 2 Va. 12 22 13 I 4 >^. ■^iY 23 13 I 4 % 25^ 24 7 3 2 % 29K 25 20 7 — 10 26 12 4 — 38 27. 8 3 2 '^ 12 28 8 2 X 12 29 20 7 — 10 30 II I 3 ^ 33 31 8 2 Va 12 32 II I 3 H 33 33 16 5 V2 24 34 6 I [2 33] 35 16 5 Vz 24 36 14 !>% 5 ^oy^ 37 17 3 6 — 34 >^ 38 16 5 >^ 24 39 13 2 4 Vz 3^ , 40 II 2 3 Ya, 24^ 41 13 4 Vz [14K] 42 6 2 — 19 43 20 515 35] 7 10 20 DEDHAM GRANT AND INDIAN DEEDS. The -wilderness was now waiting for- redemption, and the foundations to be laid for the settlement of Pocumtuck. The ground, as I have said, had already been broken by the plow of Samuel Hinsdale, the pioneer. The Pocumtuck Indians had been swept off by the Mohawks a few years before, un- der circumstances to be related, and few, if any, were now residents here. Those living under the shelter of the white settlements below, who claimed to be the owners of the Val- ley, had been fairly paid for their lands. Though it is true they did not understand the full import of the transaction, they were nevertheless ready and glad to obtain the English- man's wares, at the same time retaining all that was of any use to them, the right of hunting, fishing and gathering wild fruits. The price paid may seem trifling ; but this matter must be viewed from the standpoint of the men of Dedham at that date. Assuming that the ;^ 1 36 los voted to be raised to repay Mr. Pynchon represents the entire cost for the purchase, and allowing a reasonable percentage for expenses, it will appear that the price paid was about four pence per acre. Little enough this seems. But in 1665 two of the " farms " containing 450 acres, some of it the choicest meadow land at Pocumtuck, was offered at Dedham, for " 6 pence per acre, 2-5 in corn and 3-5 in cattle," with no buyers. If this be a criterion of value, Dedham paid generously for the land, especially as she had al- ready given one acre at home for four in this far-off region ; and the Pocumtuck Indians were really deprived of nothing which, under the circumstances, could be of any value to .them. Dedham had hardly taken possession of her new estate be- fore Hatfield complained of encroachment. In May, 1672, she petitioned the General Court for redress, claiming that the grant as laid out, extended one and three-quarters of a mile over her north line. The Court appointed Peter Tilton, William Clarke and vSamuel Smith, a committee to " regulate and settle," the disputed line. Sept. 20th these gentlemen viewed the premises, and on the 9th of October reported to the Court that they had, — "Ordered that Hatfield bounds northerly shall extend to a little brooke commonly called, by the English, Sugar Loafe Brook, at the comon place of passage ouer, where there is two trees marked, a 8000 ACRE LINE ESTABLISHED. 21 little white oake on the west side of the way, and a great white oake on the east side of sajd way; and so to runne by the sajd line east to the Great Riuer, and on the west Ijne from sajd riuer two miles into the woods. Also the sajd Committee have determined that the Proprietors of Pocomtuck for and in consideration of the land taken out of their nieasure to acomodate Hatfield, they shall receiue it as followeth, vizt: on the north side of Pocumtuck Riuer, from the mouth of the ryver called Greene Riuer, a Ijne to runne due east one mile, and west one mile, and north three-quarters of a mile ; the whole tract of land to be two miles in length and three-quarters of a mile in breath, and for the remajnder to begin at Pocomtock Riuer, at the end of there propritjes, and to rune on an east Ijne to the Great Riuer, and to extend in a south lyne two miles." This return was approved by the Court, Oct. 1 1, 1672. The north line of Pocumtuck as thus established in 1672 is the present north bound of the town — the famous "8000 acre line," for the maintenance of which so many hard battles with Greenfield have been successfully fought by the patri- otic descendants of the original settlers. The addition at the north was doubtless covered by the deeds already given. That at Great River on the east was included in the follow- ing:— These presents testifie. That Mashalisk (the old woman. Mother of Wuttawwaluncksin) doth hereby Bargaine sell & allienate a Tract of Land in y^ Southerly side of Pacomtuck River & so lying all along by Qvinetticot River side doune to y* Lower Point of y° Hill called Weqvomps & by y^ English Sugarloafe hill: all y" Tract of Land between y^ greate River Quinetticot on y" east & y'' ledge of Mountaines on y^ west, & on y^ Northward fro Pacomtuck River Mouth, Mantehelant downe southward to Weqvomps & to y'' very Point of land where y^ hills come to j" greate River called Tawwat or Tawwat [ — ] Togither w"' all y" Islands in y" greate River, called Mattampash, Allinnack, or Allinnackcooke, Taukkanackcoss, or by whatever other names they may be called, all y" whole sd Tract of Land Mantehelant Mattampash downe to Tawwat or Taw- wattuck & so by y" ledge of Mountaines lie fro greate River west- ward. The sd Mashalisk Doth sell all to John Pynchon of Springfield to him his heires & assignes forever, ffor & in Consideration of a debt of ten large Severs & other debts of Wuttawoluncksin her sons w"'' shee acknowledges her self engaged for y" Payment off to John Pynchon aforesd : for the said Just and due Debts & moreover for & in consideration of sixty fada of wampum. 2. cotes some cotton & Severall other small things all w* y" sd Mashalisk acknowledge to haue Rec'd & to be therw"^ fully satisfied & contented. Doe fully clearly & absolutely give Grant Bargaine & sell vnto John Pynchon of Springfield aforesd, hereby giving granting & resigning up to him all my right lltle & interest in y^ aforesd land: To HAVE & 22 DEDHAM GRANT AND INDIAN DEEDS. to HOLD all the sd land to y« Only proper vse & Behoofe of him y" sd John Pynchon his heires & assigns for ever, w"' all y" profits ad- vantages & comoditys thereoff & therevnto belonging whatsoever, & that for ever: And y'= sd Meshalisk doth hereby covenant & promise too & w"' y" sd John Pynchon, that shee will y" sd Pynchon save harmless of & from all manner of claimes right title & interest of any other person whatsoever vnto y" sd Land hereby sold & will defend y^ same from all or any Molestation or Incumbrance of In- dians right to all or any part thereof: & as having full right & law- full Power thus to doe. Doth in witness thereoff here vnto affix her hand & seale this 26th day of August 1672 Mash Xshalisk her marke This being done & also delid (Seal) in the Presence off John Holtum Isaac Morgan The marke of Ackki > y™ I hope it w'ld turne to good. [Directed,] These For Mr. John Allyn, at Hartford. Hast, Post Hast. 90 Philip's war. Escaping the pursuit of Henchman and Oneko, Philip, as we have seen, with about forty followers, reached the swamp near Wennimisset, on the sth of August, taking refuge with the hostile Nipmucks. If he became their leader his first act was to infect them with the fear which had winged his flight from Pocasset Neck. Whoever led, the whole crew hurried away to hiding places, probably in great swamps lying in the eastern part of Franklin county. In a retrograde movement of this character Philip doubtless showed skill and activity as a leader, for he was a cautious and cunning man. When the provision plundered at Brookfield was ex- hausted the enemy drove off sheep from the Northfield com- mons. Their spies, no doubt, watched every movement of the English, that they might be able to strike the most effect- ive blow. FIGHT AT WEQUAMPS. Aug. 24, 1675, a Council of War was convened at Hadley to investigate the conduct of a motley collection of Pocumtucks. Naunawtucks and vagabond stranger Indians, occupying a fort on the west bank of the Connecticut river between North- ampton and Hadley. Grave suspicions were entertained of their fidelity. On the first alarm they professed friendship and gave up their arms. When Capt. Watts came up a few days later-they offered their aid against any hostile Indians, and their guns were returned to them for this service. Abundant evidence was given to the Council of friendly feeling and in- tercourse between these Indians and the Nipmucks, and after hearing the objections of the Indians it was decided to de- mand their arms again. The Sachem who was present said on leaving that he would bring in his own, and try to per- suade the rest to do the same. A messenger was sent to the fort in the afternoon, who was put off with evasive answers. When he went again in the evening, according to appoint- ment, he was rudely insulted. Lothrop now determined to take their arms by force, and sent orders to the forces at Northampton to march at midnight quietly up near the fort, while he and Beers would cross the river above and come down upon it. According to this plan the two detachments met at the fort about daylight. The occupants had fled, leaving nothing but the dead body of an old Sachem who FIRST ARMED CONFLICT IN THE VALLEY. 91 was killed for refusing to join in their flight to the enemy. Probably he was one of the ready-made Sachems, forced up- on them by the English ; if so he paid for his gratitude with his life. Sending home a part of his force to guard the towns, Lo- throp, with Beers and about one hundred men, made a rapid pursuit on the trail towards Deerfield. " Intending to parley with them," no precautions were taken against a surprise. No one seems to have dreamed that the Indians would pre- sume to meet them with arms. On the other hand, the In- dians were ready for war ; they expected this pursuit, and prepared for it. Loaded with all their worldly goods, en- cumbered with their women and children, it was evident they must soon be overtaken. A favorable place was select- ed near the " Pocumtuck path," about eighty rods south of Wequamps, and here they lay in ambush, awaiting their pursuers. So little had the English learned by the experi- ence of Capt. Hutchinson, at Brookfield, that they marched heedlessly into the trap. Their first notice of danger was the discharge of some forty muskets upon their ranks from the swamp on their right. Part of the English rushed down into the thicket, where a sharp fight from behind cover, Indian fashion, was kept up for three hours, when the In- dians fied. Lothrop lost six men on the ground, one of whom "was shot in the back by our own men," and three others died of their wounds. They were Azariah Dickinson of Hadley, Samuel Mason of Northampton, Richard Fellows and James Levens of Hatfield, John Plumer of Newbury, Edward Jackson of Cambridge, Joseph Persons of Lynn, Matthew Scales of Rowley and William Cluff of Charlestown. John Parke of Watertown — afterwards of Newton — was shot in the elbow.* A squaw captured within two weeks said that the Indians lost twenty-six men in the action. Puck- quahow, an active Nipmuck of Wennimisset, and in the Hutchinson ambush, was in this fight. He probably insti- gated the revolt and planned the ambush, so fatal to the English. *ln a petition to the General Court, March 15, 1677, Parke says he was "un- der the chirurgeon's hand about half a year" — that the shot so shattered the elbow that the bones- came out. He was allowed, for loss of time, doctor's bill and " vituals " £g. Twenty-five years later he was allowed £2 10 s. per annum. 92 PHILIP'S WAR. This was the first armed conflict between Englishmen and Indians in the Connecticut valley, and it gave a new mean- ing to the onset at Brookfield. It was now seen that a gen- eral war of races had begun, which must result in the exter- mination of one or the other. The Council of Connecticut was opposed to the policy of disarming the Indians in the fort at Hatfield, and on the 25th of August, while the fight at Wequamps was still going on, was engaged in preparing a letter of remonstrance to Maj. Pyn- chon. Later in the day, the fact of the fight being known, George Graves, with twenty dragoons, was dispatched to Northampton. The next day the Council ordered the Hart- ford county dragoons to be in readiness to march on an hour's notice, and appointed a fast for " each County for all their towns the 4th day of the weeke monthly, till farther order, to begin in New Haven county Septr the first next." Aug. 27th, the Council had word that the Wabaquasset Indians had captured " about 11 1 of Philip's men, women & children." They were probably on their way to join Philip in the Nipmuck country. On the 28th, the Council, still ad- hering to the policy of trusting the neighboring Indians, wrote to Pynchon advising him not to disarm those about Springfield. Aug. 3 1 st Talcott was again sent up to advise with Pynchon, and Maj. Robert Treat, with a regiment of dragoons, marched for Northampton ; but he was recalled the next day, by an alarm near Hartford. Deerfield had at this time about one hundred and twenty- five inhabitants, with twenty-five or thirty men. The houses were scattered nearly the whole length of the present street. Three of these, as a measure of precaution, had been forti- fied with palisades. The ten men left by Capt. Watts were still here. No direct evidence has been found as to the situation of these forts, as they were called ; but it would be safe to assume that one was on Meetinghouse Hill, at the house of Quintin Stockwell, where the minister boarded. The Catlin I0I, where Sergeant Plympton then lived, was probably the south one, and the north fort may have been on the home lot of Mrs. C. E. B. Allen, then owned by James Tuffts. I have said that the outbreak at Swansea caused no uneas- iness among the settlers here. The affair at Brookfield THE ALARM AT HAD LEY. 93 created sufScient anxiety and alarm to induce precautionary measures. The last attack was at their very doors, and the horrors of an Indian war, still very little comprehended, had now become a reality to them. Doubtless the English looked upon the savages as a weak and cowardly race, to be easily subdued ; and at this time we find no trace of fear on their part. Their only anxiety seems to have been to find the enemy, having no doubt about the result of the meeting. It was at a terrible cost that wisdom in this respect was ac- qtiired. FIRST ATTACK ON DEERFIELD. After the swamp fight of Aug. 25th, we get no trace of the Nipmucks, the Wampanoags, or the Pocumtucks, until Sept. ist, when the latter made an attack on our town. On the morning of that day about sixty of them were lurking in the woods, watching a favorable opportunity for an attack. They were discovered by James Eggleston, a soldier of Windsor, while out looking for his horse. He was shot down, and the alarm being thus given, the inhabitants fled to the shelter of the forts, which all reached in safety. The Indians rushed on, as if to carry all before them ; but the stockades, with a dozen men in each, were easily defended, and after losing two of their men, the assailants discreetly retired out of gun- shot. The English were too few prudently to engage in the field with the unknown numbers pitted against them, and they had the mortification of seeing the despised Indians burning their buildings and destroying with fiendish glee their hard earned estate. The leader in this attack is unknown. Men- owniett, a Connecticut Indian, is the only one of the party known by name. He was also in the swamp fight, Aug. 25th. The news of this first attack on any town in the Connecti- cut valley, caused great consternation in the towns below. It reached Hadley while the inhabitants were assembled in the meetinghouse observing a fast, and Mather says they " were driven from the holy service they were attending by a most sudden and violent alarm, which roi^ted them the whole day after." This brief allusion of the historian to the alarm at Hadley on hearing of the assault on Deerfield, is the slender foundation on which was built the elaborate a'c- 94 PHILIP'S WAR. count, that has gone into accepted history,* of a furious at- tack on Hadley that day, when the town was only saved from destruction by the appearance and valor of Gen. Goffe, one of the Regicides. A careful study of all the authorities leads to the conclusion that this whole romantic tale is a pure myth. A full expose of this story by the writer may be found in the New England Historical and Genealogical Register, Oct., 1874. Also see Beach's Indian Miscellany, 461, and History and Proceedings of the Pocumtuck Valley Memorial Association, I, 202. ' NORTHFIELD SURPRISED. Thursday, Sept. 2d, a party of Nipmucks under Sagamore Sam and One Eyed John, surprised a party at work in Great Meadow, and killed eight men. The women and children, on the alarm, fled to a small stockaded enclosure, which was defended by the surviving men. But the inmates, like their friends at Deerfield the day before, saw the enemy wasting and burning everything beyond the range of their muskets. Meanwhile the Northfield people had not been forgotten at headquarters. The news of the attack on Deerfield raised fears at Hadley for the safety of that exposed town, and measures were at once taken for its succor. Sept. 2d was spent in preparation. Richard Montague, the baker, was "impressed" to make bread. William Markham, with cart and oxen, was "impressed" to transport ammunition, and the settlers' horses were taken to mount the soldiers. On the morning of the 3d, Capt. Beers, with thirty-six mounted men, marched for the beleaguered town, " with supplies, both of men and provision, to secure the small garrison there." Beers encamped for the night three or four miles south of the village. The besieged fort had, we may be sure, been carefully guarded by the Indians to prevent any information of the disaster reaching the English. But the movements of Beers the next morning are inexplicable except on the theory that he had some inkling of Indians being about the town, and that he pushed on his dismounted soldiers, intend- ing to raise the siege by a surprise ; supposing, perhaps, that *See Hutchinson's Hist. Mass., I. 201; Stiles's Judges, 108; Hoyt's Antiqua- rian Researches, 135; Judd's Hadley, 145, 214; Holmes's Annals, I. 272; Pal- frey's New England, 11. 507, III. 164. THE UNMARKED GRAVE OF CAPT. BEERS. 95 he had only the small party that beset Deerfield to deal with. Neither Philip nor the Nipmucks had been heard of since they left Wennimisset, and Beers had not yet learned that it is always the unexpected which happens in Indian warfare. The men of those days seem to have been very slow to dis- cover this. On the morning of the 4th, leaving his horses in camp with a small guard, Beers continued his march towards Northfield. Forgetful of the surprise of Hutchinson at Brookfield, and of his own at Wequamps, apparently neither vanguard nor flankers were thrown out, and the company was led directly into an ambuscade at the north end of Beers Plain, " when they were set upon by many hundreds of the Indians out of the Bushes by the Swampside." After the first shock. Beers rallied his shattered force and retreated, fighting bravely, to a hill on the right of his line of march, since called Beers Mountain, where he fell. Hubbard says he "was known to fight valiantly to the very last." Savage believes that he made a nuncupative will, after he was wounded. If these statements are well founded it would ap- pear that some of his company must have remained with him to the last, and then escaped. He was buried where he fell. The spot is known, but unmarked. [See Temple and Shel- don's History of Northfield.] A partial list of those slain Sept. 2d, are: Sergt. Samuel Wright, Ebenezer and Jonathan James of Northfield ; Eben- ezer Parsons and Nathaniel Curtice of Northampton ; John Peck of Hadley, Thomas Scott and Benjamin Dunwich, residence unknown. Samuel Wright, Jr., was severely wounded. Those killed on the 4th were: Capt. Richard Beers of Watertown, Benjamin Crackbon of Dorchester, Ephraim Childe of Roxbury, John Getchell of Marblehead, Jeremiah Morrell of Boston, Joseph Dickinson and William Marcum of Hadley, John Genery of Dedham, George Lickens, Thomas Cornish, James MuUard, John Wilson, Elisha Woodward, and "8 others of whom there is no account." One of these was from Taunton. John Harrington of Watertown, and Robert Pepper of Roxbury were wounded, and, the lat- ter captured. There is a tradition that several of the above were taken alive and put to death by torture. Thirteen of 96 PHILIP'S WAR. the party reached Hadley that evening with news of the dis- aster. The alarm which recalled Maj. Treat to Hartford, Sept. ist, had small foundation. Sept. 2d, Treat was appointed Com- mander-in-Chief of the Connecticut forces in the field, with orders to lead his command through Westfield to Northamp- ton, and thence where most needed ; and to send home all the men now in the up river service except the twenty-nine in the garrisons at Westfield, Hatfield, and Deerfield. On the 3d, Treat, with a strong force, including at least ninety dragoons, began his march. He reached Northampton on the 4th, and during the night learned the fate of Beers. The same news reached Hartford on the 5th, and at once the Council gave orders that one hundred Mohegans and Pe- quots should follow Treat ; and the next day twenty dragoons under Joseph Wardsworth were sent to Westfield, and twenty under John Grant to Springfield, to guard those towns. treat's march to northfield. Sunday morning, Sept. 6th, Treat crossed the river to Hadley with above one hundred men, and took the route to Northfield. He probably spent the night on the site of Beers's encampment, and reached the beleaguered stockade on the morning of the 6th. It must have been a joyful oc- casion to the inmates, who had been shut up four days, with death staring them in the face every hour. Not an Indian was seen on the march, or on reaching Northfield. They had doubtless watched the motions of the English and fled to their hiding place on the advance of Treat. Learning that the bodies of those slain Sept. 2d were still lying on the meadows where they fell, Treat detailed a party to bury them. That of Sergeant Wright, commander of the little garrison, naturally received the first attention. It was carried up the bank and placed in the first grave ever opened in the present village cemetery. The following tradition, taken by the writer in 1 876 from the lips of Mrs. Polly Holton of Northfield, who died in 1879 at the age of ninety-eight, is not found elsewhere ; but with- out doubt it refers to the events of Sept. 2-6, 1675, and is reliable. Sergt. Wright was great-great-grandfather to Mrs. Holton ; his son, Samuel, Jr., her great-grandfather, who was A SEASONABLE RESCUE. 97 sorely wounded the same day, lived tmtil his daughter, her grandmother, was thirty years old ; Mrs. Helton was twelve at the death of the latter ; so she had the story only second hand from one who took part in the affair. The story, which came out in a conversation about the ol(J cemetery, was this : "The first one buried there was a man by the name of Wright, from Northampton. He was killed by Indians. He was not found for several days. He was found in the mead- ow in a decaying condition. He was carried up the bluff and buried just as he was, in the present burying ground." This tradition preserves an interesting fact, and explains several otherwise obscure contemporaneous statements. The grave of Sergt. Wright was hardly filled before the sad duties of the party were rudely interrupted. A party of Indians fired upon them from the bushes, where they had been skulking. No one was hurt, although Maj. Treat was struck by a spent ball. Duty to the living now superseded care for the dead, and the rest of the bodies were left where they fell. In the upward march, says Hubbard, Treat's men " were much daunted to see the heads of Capt. Beers's soldiers upon poles by the wayside * * * One (if no more) was found with a chain hooked into his under jaw, and so hung up on the bow of a tree, ('tis feared he was hung up alive) by which means they thought to daunt and discourage any that might come to their relief and alsoe to terrific those that should be spectators with the beholding so sad an object, insomuch that Maj. Treat and his company * * * were solemnly affected with that doleful sight, which made them the more haste to bring down the garrison." On reaching the stockade these disheartened soldiers met about one hundred men, women and children, faint and weary with watching, whose nerves had been stretched to their utmost tension for four days, and each party had its tales of horror for the other. Add to this the sickening sight of the decomposing bodies in the meadow, and it would seem little was wanting to create a panic. More than enough was furnished by the appear- ance of the enemy, the attack on the burial party, and the narrow escape of the commander. It is no wonder that Maj. Treat " concluded forthwith to bring off the garrison ; so they came away the same night leaving the cattle there, and the 98 PHILIP S WAR. dead bodies unburied." The panic had reached a crisis. The danger was magnified. Treat feared to wait the slow moving ox teams, by which the most valuable effects of the settlers might have been saved, or even to drive off the neat stock, so necessary to the owners, and so easily moved. Everything was left behind but their horses. Not a ray of his- toric light has been shed on this night retreat. We may as- sume that each trooper took one of the rescued party behind him, and all stole silently away into the darkness. We are left to imagine the long cavalcade, a line of strange, black looking spectres, threading its way the livelong night through the gloomy woods, and the panic stricken riders, peering fear- fully right and left into the thickets, or crowding together in terror at the hoot of the owl or bark of fox or wolf, sure that each was the war-whoop of a pursuing foe. They were only reassured when met by a strong reinforcement under Capt. Samuel Appleton, who had just arrived from the Bay. Ap- pleton tried to induce Treat to turn back and "see if they could make any spoil upon the enemy;" but Treat could not be persuaded. The demoralized solcjiers of Treat seemed to infect all classes at Hadley with despondency and gloom. Maj. Pynchon, writing about this time, says: — "And when we go out after the Indians they doe so sculk in swamps we cannot find y"' & yet do waylay o'' people to there de- struction. Burne y'' houses as lately they have destroyed a small village at Wussquakeak from whence formerly y" Maquas drove these Indians." The danger of ranging the woods at random was now real- ized. A council of war was held on the 8th, when it was decided to give up operations in the field and only garrison the towns. To that end Pynchon sent Capt. Appleton with his company to Deerfield — probably about the loth. Maj. Treat reported the action of this council at Hartford on the 9th, and all the Connecticut forces were ordered home ex- cept sixteen at Westfield under Ens. John Miles, and fifteen at Springfield under Lieut. John Standly. This policy of in- action was not satisfactory to the Connecticut Council, and the next day, Sept. loth, they wrote the Commissioners for the United Colonies recommending active aggression. The Comniissioners took the same view, and Sept. i6th voted to raise one thousand men for that service. For operation in APPLETON UNDER FIRE. 99 the valley, Massachusetts and Connecticut troops should be employed, with Maj. Pynchon as Commander-in-Chief; the Connecticut Council being authorized to appoint a Connecti- cut man to "be second in command," Maj. Treat was ap- pointed. After two days' consideration, bolder counsels had pre- vailed at Hadley, and a vigorous campaign was agreed upon. At the request of Pynchon, on the i ith, Treat, with a large force of Connecticut soldiers, was again sent up the river by the Council. SECOND ATTACK ON DEERFIELD. This town was now the frontier, and from its peculiar loca- tion was much exposed and difficult to defend. From the hills on the east and west every movement in the valley could be seen by Indian spies. Not a messenger could come or go, not a party enter the meadow to secure their crops, not a movement between the forts by the soldiers, without the lurking enemy being fully apprised of it. Observing on the morning of Sunday, Sept. 1 2th, that the soldiers as well as settlers had collected in the Stockwell fort for public worship, the Indians took advantage of this cir- cumstance, and an ambush was laid in the swamp just north of Meetinghouse Hill, to intercept the north garrison on its return. Accordingly, as twenty-two men were passing over the causeway, they were fired upon from the swamp. All, however, retreated to Stockwell's in safety, except Samuel Harrington, who was wounded by a shot in the neck. Turn- ing now to the north, the Indians captured Nathaniel Corn- bury, who had been left as a sentinel, and was trying to reach his comrades. He was never afterwards heard from. Capt. Appleton soon rallied his men and drove the assailants from the village, but not until the north fort had been plundered and set on fire, and much of the settlers' 'stock killed or stolen. As Appleton had not force enough to guard the forts and engage in offensive operations outside, the Indians still insultingly hung round the outskirts and burned two more houses. The stolen horses were loaded with beef, pork, wheat, corn and other spoils and driven to their rendezvous at Pine Hill. The attacking force was doubtless the Pocumtucks, recruited from other tribes. No 100 Philip's war. estimate of their numbers has been found, but as there were probably from seventy-five to one hundred men in the forts, the force opposed must have been a large one. An express was sent at once to Northampton. Red tape and a storm prevented action that night, but the next night a party of volunteers, with a few from Hadley^ and "some of Lo- throp's men," came up to the relief of our town. On the morning of Tuesday, the 14th, the united forces, under Ap- pleton, marched to Pine Hill. Spies had doubtless reported the arrival of reinforcements, and the Indians had all fled. Capt. Moseley, who was to play an important part in suc- ceeding events, arrived at headquarters at Hadley on the night of the 14th, and was at once sent to this town. Maj. Treat, with the Connecticut forces, reached Northampton on the 1 5th, on which date the Council ordered Capt. John Ma- son to join him with a strong force of Mohegans. The con- centration of so many men in the valley made it necessary to lay in a large stock of provision at headquarters. At this time wheat was the staple crop at Deerfield, used not only at the table, but as a circulating medium in barter, and in pay- ment of debts and taxes. Maj. Pynchon owned a large estate here, and he with others had a great quantity of wheat in the straw, " about 3000 bushels was supposed to be there standing in stacks, "says Hubbard. This had been spared by the Indians in the expectation that it would soon be their own. About the 1 5th Pynchon sent orders to have a part of this thrashed and ptit in bags, and to impress teams and drivers for its transportation. Capt. Lothrop was sent up with his company from Hadley to convoy the train to head- quarters. He reached here without molestation, probably on the 17th of September. BLOODY BROOK MASSACRE. We' now turn one of the darkest pages in the history of our town. Early in the morning of Sept. 18, 1675 — a day memorable in our annals — " that most fatal day, the saddest that ever befel New England," Capt. Lothrop, "with his choice company of young men, the very flower of the County of Essex," followed by a slowly moving train of carts, marched proudly down the old Town Street, two miles across South Meadows, up Bars Long Hill, to the heavily wooded LOTHROP'S FATEFUL MARCH. 101 plain stretching away to Hatfield meadows. The carts were loaded with bags of wheat, upon which were a few feather beds and some light household stuff. These things may have been taken by Joshua Carter for his widowed sister, Sa- rah Field, planning an asylum for herself and helpless babes ,in her father's house in Northampton. But no evidence ap- pears at this time of any intent to abandon the settlement. Southward along the narrow Pocumtuck Path, through the primeval woods, moved Lothrop and his men — brave, fear- less, foolish. Confident in their numbers, scorning danger, not even a van-guard or flanker was thrown out. Meanwhile the whole hostile force was lying like serpents in the way ; but unlike the more chivalric of these reptiles, their fangs will be felt before a warning is given. The prob- able leaders were Mattamuck, Sagamore Sam, Matoonas and One Eyed John, of the Nipmucks ; Anawan, Penchason, and Tatason, of the Wampanoags, and Sangumachu of the rem- nant of the Pocumtucks. There is no evidence that Philip was present, and the probabilities are against it. Keen eyes had seen the preparation for Lothrop's march ; swift feet had carried the news to the chieftains below, who at this moment were giving their last orders to their warriors lying in the ambush at Bloody Brook, into which Lothrop was marching in fatal security. P'rom the top of Long Hill the path lay through the dense forest for a mile and a half, when it approached on the left a narrow, swampy thicket, trending southward, through which crept sluggishly a name- less brook. Skirting this swamp another mile, a point was reached where it narrowed and turned to the right. Here the path crossed it diagonally, leaving the marsh on the right. The soldiers crossed the brook and halted, while the teams should slowly drag their heavy loads through the mire; "many of them," says Mather, "having been so fool- ish and secure as to put their arms in the carts and step aside to gather grapes, which proved dear and deadly grapes to them." Meanwhile the silent morass on either flank was covered with grim warriors prone upon the ground, their tawny bodies indistinguishable from the slime in which they crawled, or their scarlet plumes and crimson paint from the glowing tints of the dying year on leaf and vine. Eagerly but breathless and still, they waited the signal. The critical 102 PHILIP'S WAR. moment had come. The fierce war-whoop rang in the ears of the astonished English : — " When swarming forth from out their vine-clad hive The infernal hornets came, And sting on sting made all the copse alive With darts and wounds and flame." The men of Pocumtuck sank, the Flower of Essex wither-' ed before it, and the nameless stream was baptized in blood. '• Then groans, and silent all; but now the brook, That from the forest glides. Swells with a crimson flood, and angry look And bloody are its sides. O what rich currents gave Their ruby tincture to the carpet green And bade for aye the wave Be Sanguinetto for our Thrasimene."* Moseley, who with about sixty men had gone out from Deerfield to range the woods in another direction, "hearing the reports which the guns gave of this battel, came up with a handful of men though too late." He arrived on the scene about ten o'clock in the morning, and found the savages plundering the carts and stripping the dead. They had ripped open the bags of grain and the feather beds, and scat- tered the contents in the bloody mire. This disorganized mass was quickly driven from their prey. Among the slain lay Robert Dutch of Ipswich, who, says Hubbard his pas- tor, had " been sorely wounded by a Bullet that rased his skull, and then mauled by the Indian Hatchets, and left for dead by the Salvages, and stript by them of all but his skin, yet when Mosely came near, he came towards the English to their no small amazement." Among these " Salvages " were many of Eliot's '' Praying Indians." They could speak English, and were acquainted with many of the colonists. Some of them recognized the leader of the rescuers, and exulting in their success, with confidence in their numbers, dared him to the combat, shout- ing " Come, Mosely ! Come ! You seek Indians ; you want Indians ; here's Indians enough for you ! " Although the ene- my were ten to one, the gallant Captain at once charged upon them. Keeping his force in a compact body he swept through and through the swarming legions, cutting down all within *William Everett's poem at the Bi-centennial Celebration on the spot. A BLACK AND FATAL DAY. 103 reach of his fire. In this manner he fought them for five or six hours, defying all attempts of the enemy to surround him, or to reach his wounded ; but he was not able to drive them from the ground, and their rich harvest of plunder. His Lieutenants, Perez Savage of Boston and John Pickering of vSalem, greatly distinguished themselves in the action, "be- ing sometimes called to lead the Company in the Front," says Hubbard, "while Capt. Mosely took a little Breath, who was almost melted, laboring, commanding, and leading his men through the Midst of the Enemy." Exhausted by these heroic efforts, Moseley.was about to retire from the un- equal contest, when, "just in the nick of time," welcome re- lief appeared. During the morning of this day, Maj. Treat left Northampton with one hundred Connecticut soldiers and sixty Mohegans under Attawamhood, second son of Un- . cas, for Northfield, at or near which place he had planned to establish headquarters for the Connecticut forces. Some- where on the march he heard the firing, and hurried to the scene of conflict, where he joined Moseley. The savages were driven westward through the woods and^wamps until dark- ness put a stop to the chase. The united forces then marched to Pocumtuck, carrying their wounded and leaving the dead where they fell. Mather says, " This was a black and fatal day, wherein there was eight persons made widows, and six and twenty children made orphans, all in one little Planta- tion." That little plantation was Pocumtuck ; and these were the heavy tidings which the sad, worn out soldiers brought to our stricken inhabitants. Of seventeen men of Pocumtuck who went out in the morn- ing as teamsters, not one returned to tell the tale. The torturing anxiety and sickening fear, crowding the hearts of the distracted women the live-long day, now only gave place to the awful certainty of the worst. Their husbands, fathers, brothers, were slain, and the last offices of love denied. Their mangled bodies now lay uncared for in the dark morass at Bloody Brook. The curtain shrouding the valley of the Pocumtuck, and hiding the pitiful distress of that terrible night, has never been lifted ; and what imagination will dare an attempt to depict the agonizing scenes behind it ! On the morning of Sunday, Sept. 19, Treat and Moseley marched forth to bury their dead comrades on the field 104 PHILIP'S WAR. where they fell. A spot was selected twenty-five rods south- erly from the fatal morass. Scouts were sent out, sentinels stationed to prevent a surprise, and the melancholy duties of the day began. Parties were detailed to gather the dead, and workmen to prepare a common grave. Tenderly the mangled bodies of the victims were borne to the spot, and slowly and reverentially they were laid in the bosom of mother earth. When the stark forms of these patriot dead, this " choice company of young men, the very Flower of the Cotmty of Essex," had been placed side by side with the hardy yeo- men of the valley, " the principal inhabitants of Pocumtuck," to sleep for aye in this western wilderness, far from the sounding sea they loved so well, — when the work of the workmen was done, and all that was mortal hid forever in the earth, "sixty-four persons in one dreadful grave," — when _ the whole command were collected about the spot, leaning with bowed heads upon clinched firelocks, their manly forms convulsed by suppressed sobs, — while the dusky braves of Uncas stood aloof with sad but curious interest, — what rite or requiem w^s heard? Was the stillness broken, and the solemn Sunday service concluded by the voice of Pastor Mather or Chaplain Whiting ? Did they entreat with pite- ous supplications to the Most High, that the sacrifice of these young lives might be enough? That the Divine vengeance might here be stayed? That the Sword of the Lord might henceforth prevail against the Serpent of the Wilderness ? That the widows and orphans in the little plantation hard by might be gathered under His wings ? Did officers and men here vow to avenge their slaughtered countrymen? Were the echoes aroused by a wailing war-whoop from the Mohe- gans, or a last volley fired over the soldiers' grave ? We question in vain. Those who could have answered died and left no sign. But we may be sure all nature was in sympathy; that the pitying pines sighed and moaned, as they stretched out their protecting arms above the spot ; that the conscious, brook crept softly over its broken banks to lap the sanguine stain ; that the birds sang sweetly on the sway- ing vine ; that the crimson leaves fell lightly on the bare, brown earth, and the soft September sun struggled to send bright beams to fleck the- swelling mound. So we leave its LOTHROP AS A COMMANDER. 105 tenants behind the dim mists of two centuries, to the " Res- urrection at the last Day, to receive their Crowns among the Rest of the Martyrs, that have laid down and ventured their Lives, as a Testimony to the Truth of their Religion as well as Love to their Country." Lothrop had traversed his line of march one or two days before and saw no enemy. He did see, and as a military of- ficer was bound to note, its dangerous passes. One was at the place where he was ambushed Aug. 25th. Had this lesson been lost upon him ? Onward two miles he crossed the mo- rass where he fell. Had he no premonitions, born of the Beers tragedy at Northfield? Still another two miles and the track fell off, by a long descent to the Bars, on a nar- row spur, from the wooded ravines on either side of which, a thousand men could pour their shot unseen. Had he no vision of the death of Hutchinson and the men of Brookfield ? How could any commander have been better prepared to se- cure his line of march, or have profited so little by his oppor- tunities. Lothrop was doubtless brave; reckless, he must have been. These two qualities in action, are simply fool- hardiness ; and Lothrop must be held responsible for the young lives entrusted to his care. Perhaps his scouts, if he had any out, had not discovered traces of the force lately come over the river. Perhaps he relied on the movements of Moseley and Treat to keep the Indians quiet. Probably, he de- spised the race and underrated their prowess. A vigilant vanguard would have roused the ambush in time for Lothrop to prepare for fight ; or, if the odds were too great, for a re- treat, with small loss, save the inevitable sacrifice of the train. But once in the toils, no other result but the one we deplore was possible. The soldiers were massed on the south and west of the swamp. The head of the convoy, some twenty rods in length, was struggling through the mire. From the front and the right flank of the troops, and from the left flank of the train, deliberate aim could be taken by the enemy. The commander, and doubtless a large part of his company, fell at the first fire. The survivors, instantly sur- rounded, twenty to one, were shot down in detail. Had the brave Moseley, with all his fighting qtialities, allowed himself to be thus ensnared, nothing could have saved him from the same fate. 106 PHILIP'S WAR. Hubbard criticises Capt. Lothrop and condemns him "for taking up a wrong notion which he was always arguing for," that the best way of meeting the enemy was to fight them " in their own way, by skulking behind trees, and taking aim at single persons * * * not considering the great disad- vantage a small company would have in dealing that way with a greater multitude ; for, if five have to deal with one, they may surround him, and every one to take his aim at him, while he can level at but one of his enemies at a time." Hubbard probably voiced the popular sentiment, when he says of the slain, "Their dear relatives at home mourning for them, like Rachel for her children, and would not be com- forted, not only because they were not, but because they were so miserably lost. Had he ordered his men to march in a body, as some of his fellow commanders advised, either back- ward or forward, in reason they had not lost a quarter of the number that fell that day * * * The gallant Mosely marched through and through that great body of Indians, and yet came off with little or no loss in comparison with the other." The writer makes no distinction in his argument, between the surprise of Lothrop, and the open attack of Moseley. Nor has he a word of condemnation for the real cause of the dis- aster. This seems the more strange as in the course of the whole war, with the exception of the attack on the Narragan- set fort, and the retreat from Turners Falls, scarcely a life was lost save by surprisal. Accounts vary as to the number slain. Hoyt says "The whole loss, including teamsters, was ninety * * * only seven or eight escaped." Hubbard says, Lothrop had " about eighty men * * * not above seven or eight escaping," and again that " seventy-three men were cut off." A dispatch received by the Governor and Council at Boston, Sept. 22d, reported "above forty of Lothrop's men, with himself were slain * * * also others that belonged to the carriages, so that the next day they buried sixty-four men in all." Rev. John Cotton wrote from Boston, Sept. 23d, that " Lothrop had about forty-six men * * * Capt. Lothrop slaine and all his men only two, and eighteen men of Deerfield slaine also." Sewell, in his diary writes, " Capt. Lothrop and sixty- four men" were killed. A letter to London of Dec. 28th, re- THE LOSS AT BLOODY BROOK. 107 lates " the loss of Capt. Lothrop of Beverly and about sixty men." Cotton Mather makes the loss "above threescore." Increase Mather, " above sixty buried in one dreadful grave." Rev. John Russell, who made up a " List of men slain in Hampshire County," some months after, says, "ye i8 Sept. 71 men slaine;" but he " cannot get the names of all ;" and gives the names of but sixty-one. In this list of sixty-one are seventeen of our townsmen. Judd considers Russell the best authority, and thinks " some of the teamsters may have been buried in the towns below." Weighing all the evidence obtainable, the conclusion is reached that the loss was Lothrop and fortj^-three men ; Deerfield seventeen and Moseley three — " sixty-four men in all." As it must seem presumptuous to differ so widely from such excellent authorities as Judd, Hoyt and Russell — especially the latter — some of the considerations are given which lead to that decision. There is no contradiction, and but a trifling discrepancy, among the six contemporary authorities cited. The numbers given are, "sixty-four," "about sixty-three;" "Lothrop and sixty-four;" "Lothrop and about sixty;" "above threescore;" "above sixty." It is impossible to rec- oncile their statements with that of Hubbard ; but a sugges- tion will *be offered as a possible explanation. The names of sixty-five men who served under Lothrop in the valley are known. The historian may have found a roll of Lothrop's men and added to them the men of Deerfield, to make his " eighty men ;" and supposing Lothrop's whole force was with him, and only "seven or eight escaped," made his statement accordingly. Judd's suggestion to account for the discrepancy seems inconsistent with the spirit of the times, and may be dis- missed on its improbability. 'Hoyt followed Hubbard, whom he often quotes, but evi- dently misunderstood him, and adds the seventeen Deer- field men to the total of the latter, making ninety-seven en- gaged, of whom " only seven escaped," leaving his "90 slain." Had Russell, then living at Hadley, made up his list at the time of the event, his conclusions would be beyond ques- tion. But he did not do this. So much is evident from the fact that the list is not complete. Who were the ten men 108 PHILIP S WAR. whose names lie " cannot get " ? Is it supposable that Mose- ley or his men did not know the names of their dead or wounded comrades ? Nor can it be believed that a complete list of Lothrop's loss could not have been made, when the names can now be given of twenty-five survivors of his company, who were then at Hadley or Northampton. The Boston dispatch was doubtless sent by those who buried the sixty-four men. This is the best authority. It is not possible that from seven to twenty-six bodies were left unburied where they fell. Maj. Treat was on the field in force, and there was no occasion for such haste as this would indicate. There is no reason for supposing that any man, unless it were Mose- ley's three, fell more than forty to sixty rods, at farthest, from the place of burial. The following, with one addition, is Russell's list of the slain, arranged alphabetically, with residence added, so far as ascertained : — LOTHROP S COMPANY. Capt. Thomas Laythrop, Beverl}'. Sergt. Thomas Smith Newbury. Sergt. Samuel Stevens, Alexander Thomas, Salem. Ally Solomon, Lynn. Allyn John, Deerfield. Balch Joseph, Beverly. Barnard John, Deerfield. Barsham Philip, " Bayley Thomas, Weymouth. Bennet John, Manchester? Buckley Thomas, Salem. Button Daniel, Newberry. Carter Joshua, Deerfield Clarke Adam, Salem. Cole George, Lynn. Crumpton Samuel, Salem. Dodge Josiah, Beverly. Duy William, Salem. Farah Ephraim, " Friende Francis, Salem. Furnell Benj., Lynn. « Gillet Joseph, Deerfield. Harriman John, Rowley. Hinsdell Barnabas, Deerfield. Hinsdell John, Hinsdell Robert, Hinsdell Samuel, " Hobbs John, Ipswich. Hobbs Thomas, " Homes Robert, Newbury. * Pitman is now placed in this list for the first time, on evidence furnished by Bodge from John Hull's account book. Hudson Samuel, Marlboro. Kilbouine Jacob, Rowley. Kimball Caleb, Ipswich. Kinge Joseph, Salem. Lambert Richard, " Littlehall John, Haverhill. Maninge Thomas, Ipswich. Marshall Eliakim, Boston. ' Mentor Thomas, Ipswich. MerrittJohn, Manchester. Mudge James, Maiden. Osyer Abel, Salem. *Pitman Mark, Marblehead. Plum John, " Plympton Jonathan, Deerfield. Roper Benjamin, Dorchester. Ropes George, Salem. Sawier Ezekiel, " Smeade William, Deerfield. Stevens Samuel, Ipswich. Trask Edward, Beverly. Tuflts James, Deerfield. Warmen Steven, Lynn. Waynwritt Jacob, Ipswich. Weller Thomas, Deerfield. Whiteridge Samuel, Ipswich. Williams Zebediah, Deerfield. Wilson Robert, Salem. Woodbury Peter, Beverly. Two [One] unknown. [6i.] THE SURVIVORS AT BLOODY BROOK. 109 Wounded. Bodwell Henry, Newbury. Toppan John, Newbury. Dutch Robert, Ipswich. Very Thomas, Marblehe.id. moseley's company. A'illed. Barron Peter, Watertown. One unknown. [3.] Oates, John. IVotmded. Russ Richard, Weymouth. And about six others. Stevens John, Newbury. John Stebbins of Deerfield, ancestor of all the tribe here, is the only man who is known to have escaped unhurt.* Bodwell, a man of great strength, was shot in the left arm at the first fire. With his clubbed musket in his right hand, he fought his way through the swarming horde and escaped to Hatfield. Toppan, disabled by a shot in the shoulder, crept into the bed of the brook and drew the weeds on the bank over him as well as he could. He heard the Indians stepping over him, but was not discovered. Dutch has been previously noticed. In a petition to the Council three years later, Russ says he " received a shot in the bottom of his *The evidence of his escape is found in the following petition from the IMas- sachusetts Archives, Vol. 69, p. 208. To the much Honoured counsel now sitting in Boston, the Humble petition of John Stebbens(of muddy River), Most Humbly sheweth, your pore petitioner, hath bene a souldier. in the service of the cnuiitrey (about a year & halfe) & was under the comand of captain Lath rope & with him when he and his company were destroyed, & under the comand of captain mosley the Greatest part of the time he was out, I was never forced or pressed into the service, but volentarilv gave my selfe frely to the wars of the Lord, & my country — and now of late your petitioner, hath followed in these parts his caling of A carpenter, some- times in one towne, & sometimes in another, about 5 months I have wrought in cambridg vilage, & after my worke there was finished, & removed to muddy River to doe worke there promised, the constable of the villiage, by order of the militia, came & pressed me for a garison souldier for Hadley, I went not out of the Village to avoid the prese, for I heard nothing of the prese, but my worke there was finished, and my selfe removed more a weke before, as maj' be made appear, your pore petitioner hath bene warned to appear before the commitee of militia, at the village, for not attending that service, & by them assigned to pay fower pounds where vpon your pore petitioner, doth look up- on himselfe much wronged & put to much trouble by being illegally pressed by the constable of another towne, & it hath bene the loss of much time & greatly to the damage of your petitioner — my humble request therefore to your honours is, thay you would be pleased to put an issue to the mater, or that 30U would be pleased to appoint a time for the hereing of the case, and that par- sons concerned may have notice thereof. I cast my selfe downe at your Hon- ours foot, and shall quietly sit downe satisfied with your Honours determina- tion, & granting the request of your pore petitioner, he shall be farther engaged & incoredged in your service, & shall not cease to pray for your Honours hapi- ness. July 4th 1678 The Council on hearing of this Case declare that they judge it meet to discharge the said Stebbins from y' said fine & his suretv also. 110 PHILIP'S WAR. belly, the bullet carrying in with it the ring of his Bandolier, where he hath borne it with payne, until about six weeks ago it was cut out by the Dutch Chyrurgeon, for which, tho very poore, he gave forty shillings." The number of Indians in this surprise is estimated at from five hundred to twelve hundred. Moseley, who had at least all the opportunity he desired, judged them to be one thou- sand. This force was made up of perhaps six or seven hun- dred Nipmucks, and from seventy-five to one hundred of Philip's Wampanoags, who had crossed the Connecticut river three or four days before, and the Pocumtuck clans, who may have increased to one hundred and twenty-five or one hundred and fifty before this time. The loss of the Indians was reported at ninety-six. This statement, and that of twenty-six being killed in the We- quamps fight, must be taken with a large allowance. The Indian loss in any conflict is rarely known. " In all battles the Indians endeavor to conceal their loss, and in effecting this they sometimes expose themselves more than in combat with the enemy. When one falls his nearest comrade crawls under cover of brush or trees, and fixing a tump line to the dead body, cautiously drags it to the rear," and dead bodies have been seen sliding along the ground with no apparent cause. On the 19th, while our forces were yet at Bloody Brook, our afflicted settlement had a narrow escape. The Indians, on being driven from their prey by Treat and Moseley, re- treated over Mill River plain, crossed the Pocumtuck below Stillwater, and continued along the Wisdom meadows. When opposite the town, the next morning, they threatened an at- tack. The commander of the garrison — probably Capt. Ap- pleton — made a show of defiance, and they withdrew. Their spies having been called in, the weakness of the garrison had * not been discovered. Had it been otherwise, the burial part)' returning from Bloody Brook would probably have had to repeat here the sad duties of the morning. Hubbard says of this affair that their success on the i8th " so emboldened the enemy that they durst soon after adventure upon considera- ble Towns, though well garrisoned with Soldiers, and gave them Occasion of most insolently braving the Garrison at Dearfield the next Day, hanging up the Garments of the POCUMTUCK BECOMES UNTENABLE. Ill English in Sight of the Soldiers, yet on the other Side of the River. However it pleased God, who is always wont to re- member his People in their low Estate, to put such a Re- straint upon them, that when they passed very near the gar- rison House at Dearfield (wherein were not left above twen- ty-seven Soldiers,) their Captain used this Stratagem: to cause his Trumpet to sound, as if he had another Troop near by to be called together, they turned another Way and made no Attempt upon the House where that small Number was, which if they had done with any ordinary Resolution, so small a Handful of Men could hardly have withstood the Force of so inany hundreds as were there gathered together." These garments were doubtless taken from the bodies of their victims at Bloody Brook. When the enemy struck the line of communication between Deerfield and headquarters at Hadley, fourteen miles away, it was a death blow to the former. Two of the four compa- nies sent from the Bay to protect the towns in the Valley had been cut to pieces. Deerfield had lost her ablest defenders. Pynchon, realizing the danger of attempting to hold this set- tlement any longer, against the successful hordes around it, as was usual with him when in a strait, sent to Hartford for ad- vice. Sept. 2ist, the Council of War forwarded him their "sense about quitting the Pocumtuck garrison." We can only infer the tenor of their advice from the fact that the town was abandoned soon after. The inhabitants were scat- tered in the towns below; the savages destroyed at will the fruits of their labor, and the Pocumtuck Valley was re- stored to the wilderness. ATTACKS ON HATFIELD AND SPRINGFIELD. The Council of War at Hartford had decided to regain Northfield and establish there headquarters for Connecticut troops and a center for offensive operations. Treat, as we " have seen, had left Northampton for that place on the i8th. On the 19th the forces from New Haven county, under Lieut. Thomas Munson, and the dragoons from Fairfield county, under Ens. Steven Burret, then at Hartford, were dispatched to join Maj. Treat "at or near" Northfield. The events of the 1 8th so changed Ihe face of affairs that this scheme was given up. Brookfield, Northfield, Swampfield and Deerfield 112 ' PHILIP'S WAR. were now in ashes. The frontier had been crowded down to Hatfield and Hadley, and it was evident that the remaining towns could only be saved by vigorous measures. Sept. 2 1 St, the Council of War at Hartford received a mes- sage from the Commissioners, then at Boston, that they had agreed to raise one thousand men, to be " every way fitted with armes and ammunition, to be in readiness to march at an hour's warning, whereof 500 to be dragoons or troopers, with long armes." Pynchon was appointed Commander-in- Chief and the Council was authorized to name a Connecti- cut man as second in command. Maj. Treat was selected. These officers were allowed to call out as many soldiers as they judged best, and add as many Indians as they might find useful. The Council was desired to assist and advise Pyn- chon from time to time. Pynchon received his commission Sept. 22d. With it came orders to employ all forces called out, in field operations. No soldiers were allowed to garri- son the towns. This direction had been issued Sept. i6th, before the strength of the enemy was known, and with the belief that they would never dare to make any open attack. Though against his judgment, Pynchon, in obedience to his orders, set about plans for gathering the scattered commands and massing a force large enough to sweep the valley of the enemy. Meanwhile the woods were full of skulking Indians, watch- ing opportunity for spoil. Sept. 26th, Pynchon's farm-house, barns and crops, on the west side of the river at Springfield, were burned. On the 28th Praisever Turner and Uzackaby Shackspeer were killed at Northampton. Connecticut was prompt in getting out her troops. There was more delay at the Bay. Secretary Rawson wrote, Sept. 30th, " The slaughter in your parts has much damped many spirits for the war. Some men escape away from the press and others hide away after they are impressed." The same cause had "much damped" the spirits of those here. All industry was paralyzed; the crops lay ungathered in the meadows; scouting and posting were alike distasteful and dangerous. A good account of the condition of affairs here is found in the following extract from a letter by Pynchon to Gov. Leverett, of Sept. 30th : — MAJ. PYNCHON RESIGNS. 113 "We are indeavoring to discover y" enemy, dayly send out scouts, but little is effected. We sometimes discover a few Indians, & sometimes fires, but not the body of y™, and have no Indian friends here (altho we have sent to Hartford for some) to help us. * * * Our English are somewhat awk and fearful in scouting out and espy- ing though we do y'= best we can. We find y'' Indians have their scouts out. 2 days ago 2 Englishmen at Northampton, having gone out in y" morning to cut wood, and but a little from y'= house, were both shot down Dead, having 2 bullets apiece shot into each of their bodies. The Indians cut off their scalps, took their arms, and were gone in a trice : though the English run presently thither, at y^ report of y^ guns, but could see nothing but y" footing of 2 Indians. Last night our scouts, who went out in the night to discover at Pacomtuck, about Midnight, being within 4 Myles of Pocomtuck, met 2 Indian scouts coming down this way to the towns, but it be- ing darke they were both one upon another within 2 or 3 rods, be- fore either discovered y" other, which made both p'^ Run, & nothing else done. Ours also last night, that I sent on this side of y" river, towards Squakheak, when they were gone about 7 or 8 miles, one of y"' fell ill, & were forced to return. We are waiting for an opportunity to fall upon y" Indians, if the Lord please to grant it us. Capt. Appleton is a man y' is desirous to doe something in this day of distress : being very sensible of y"^ Cause & people of God at stake : & is much to be comended & Incouraged & upon y' acct to be preferred before many y' dare not jeopard there Lives in y" high Places of y'^ field." The discouraged Pynchon soon after sends in his resigna- tion as Commander-in-chief. Gent my sad state of affairs will necesitate yo' discharging me, & truly I am as full of troble & overwhelmed with it y* I cannot act busyness I beseech you doe not expose me to those Temptatjons w°'' will overbeare me. If y" do not discharge me. I would not willingly sin ag' God not offend y° & I Intreat y" to ease me of my [Trust?] On the 4th day of October, with many misgivings, but in accordance with the Commissioners' strict orders, Pynchon led all the soldiers from Springfield to headquarters at Had- ley, to join the army collecting there. This was to move out before daylight the next morning, on a grand expedition, which was to clear the valley of the foe. But the Sachems, who were well aware of Pynchon's intentions, had other views and different plans. Their late successes had made them confident that the valley would soon be cleared of the English, and Springfield, the most isolated town, was next marked for destruction. The Wampanoags and the Pocum- 114 PHILIP'S WAR. tuck clans, with recruits from the Nipmucks, were now gath- ered in a hiding place about six miles from that town, watch- ing an opportunity. The Springfield Indians had lived, for forty years, on the most friendly terms with the settlers. Since the war broke out they had sent a war party against the hostiles at Wenni- misset. Wequogan, their Sachem, had given hostages for their fidelity and their professions of friendship were re- newed this very day, before Pynchon marched away. The Springfield people trusted them fully, knowing they had no cause for complaint. The natural ferocity of the savages, however, had been so aroused by the success of their country- men, and their fear of the English so much diminished, that they were now only waiting for the most effective moment for a revolt. The orders of the Commissioners were well known and the coveted opportunity was now close at hand. The soldiers would soon be too far away to be recalled ; the defenseless town could be surprised, and these treacherous cowards could ply the incendiary torch and murderous tom- ahawk among their life-long neighbors in safety. The at- tack was to be made the next morning. On the evening of Oct. 4th, Toto, a friendly Indian, revealed the plot at Wind- sor. Swift messengers were instantly posted to Maj. Treat at Westfield, and to the doomed town. Aroused by the mid- night courier, the frightened people fled to the shelter of their palisaded houses, prepared as they could for defense, and dispatched a post to Pynchon at Hadley. The night passed in quiet, and many believed the alarm to be a false one. Early the next morning Lieut. Thomas Cooper, a resi- dent of Springfield, taking Thomas Miller, rode out towards the Indian fort to find out the facts. About forty rods be- yond the village they were fired upon from the bushes. Miller was killed, and Cooper mortally wounded, but able to regain the town. The Indians, who had probably been wait- ing for the men to disperse about their work in the field, when the women and children would be an easy prey, now raised the hideous war-whoop and rushed to attack the town. Had no warning been given it would doubtless have been utterly destroyed and most of the inhabitants butchered. As it was, the stockades were easily defended, but the Spring- field people had the same mortifying experience endured by THE BURNING OF SPRINGFIELD. 115 those of Brookfield, Northfield and Deerfield in helplessly seeing the devastation in every direction beyond the range of their guns. Besides Cooper and Miller, Pentecost, wife of John Mathews, was killed. Edward Pringrydays, Nathaniel Brown, Richard Waite and one or two others were wounded — the two former mortally. About 1 1 o'clock Treat with his forces reached the west bank of the Connecticut. Five daring men, at great risk, took a boat over to them, but Treat could not cross in the face of the enemy who held the river bank until succor came from the north. The post sent to Hadley from Spring- field repeated Toto's story, that five hundred Indians lay in wait at their fort at Long Hill to destroy Springfield. Pyn- chon, Appleton and Sill, at once marched with one hundred and ninety men for her relief. The Indians, " about 2 or 3 of the clock, signified their sense of their approach by their whoops and watchwords, and were presently gone." The condition of affairs on the arrival of the English is best told in the following letter to Rev. John Russell, at Hadley : — Springfield Oct. 5 — 75 Reverend S'' The L* will haue vs ly in y'^ dust before him : we y' were full are emptyed. But it is y^ L" & blessed be his holy name : we came to a Lamentable & woefull sight. The Towne in flames, not a house or barne standing except old Good" Branches, till we came to my house & then Mr Glovers, John Hitchcock's & Good" Stewart, burnt downe w"" Barns corn and all they had : a few standing ab' y" meeting house & then fr" Merricks downward, all burnt to 2 Gar- rison houses at y Lower end of y'' Towne. My Grist Mill & Corn mill Burnt downe : w"" some other houses & Barns I had let out to Tenants; all Mr Glovers library Burnt, w"' all his Corne, so y' he none to live on, as well as myself, & Many more: y' haue not for subsistance they tell me: 32 houses & y" Barns belonging to y", are Burnt & all y" Livelyhood of y" owners, & what more may meete ^th ye same stroaks, y" L" only knows. Many more had there estates Burnt in these houses: So y' I be- leeve 40 famylys are utterly destitute of Subsistence : y= L'^ shew mercy to vs. I see not how it is Possible for vs to live here this winter, & If so the sooner we were holpen off, y'= Better. S' I Pray acquaint our Honored GoV w"' this dispensation of God. I know not how to write, neither can I be able to attend any Publike service. The L* in mercy speake to my heart, & to all our hearts is y"= Reall desire of yo" to serve you, JoNH Pynchon. P. S. I pray send down by y" Post my doblet cote linnen &c I left there & Pap". 116 I>HILIP*S WAR. This letter Russell sent to Governor Leverett, who wrote a letter of consolation to Pynchon, Oct. 9. This is in cipher and some of it illegible : — Major Pinchon, by yours to Mr Russell from Springfield 5 in- stant. We [heard] the Lord [answering] the prayers of his people by terrible things [indeed]. To receive the intelligences thereof with a still spirit is very difficult: Yet the great undertaker and teacher of his people knows [how] to teach [us] to [profit by evil] and we shall find it matter of acknowledgement to his praise when he will take any course to do us good who is faithful that hath said all things shall worke together for good to them that love and fear him of which number I hope through grace we will be found. Sir if it be true what is sayd, that the old Sachem Wequogan, in whom so much confidence was put was an actor and incourager in this burning, I doubt not but you see how [failing] confidences are in such who cannot be truer than whom they serve and whether there hath been all that done to have secured those Indians that might have been is to some a [question] : But the will of the Lord is done and therefore to reflect upon anything that might have been before is but for caution for hereafter and not to add affliction by blaming you or any for what was not done. May we be [sincerely] humbled and refined and [abhor] ourselves in dust and ashes. The same almighty God that hath bereved can restore the like we are bereaved of and will [ ] give that that is better. Sir, by the Councils order to Capt Appleton sent by Leftenant Upham you will see [theyr] readiness to gratify you and give in what as they can to you yet not doubting that by Counsell and otherways you will be assisting to the utmost unto him and the whole service in those parts: Hadley wants some countenance and encouragement and direction for theyr fortification which I think they have in a good forwardness for theyr security. I desire [you] as you have opportunity to be assisting them therein. You intimate as if Springfield were not like to be tenable if so it will be a more awful stroke that hath such a consequence as to breake up a [church] and town which we must leave to the Lord directing you upon the place." He says Lieut. Upham with thirty men, and Corporal Poole with thirty-five at Quabaug, are ordered to reinforce the army in the Valley, and that it is left to him and Capt. Appleton, to decide whether to keep a garrison at Quabaug, or to desert the place. He concludes : — "If you could [attain] to be with the General Court this session, it may be of great use to the publique and not disservice to your- selfe. * * * J commend you to the Lord and with mine [and wives] kinde respects sympathizing with you and your dear wife in your affliction and remain Sir Your humble ser[vant] J. L. Boston 9. 5. 75. APPLETON APPOINTED COMMANDER. 117 Oct. 8, Pynchon wrote Gov. Leverett repeating the story of the disaster. He says he had "Called off all the Soldiers that were in Springfield leaving none to secure the Town y"" Commissioners order was so strict." That night "word was sent to me that 500 Indians were about Springfield intending to destroy it." — Early in the morning he marched down with about two hundred soldiers, when he arrived he found "All in flames about 30 dwelling houses burnt & 24 or 25 barns — My Corn Mill, Sawmill & other Buildings * * * Gener- ally Mens hay & Corne is burnt & many men whose houses stand, had their goods burnt in other houses w" they had caryed y" too * * * Leift Cooper & 2 more slayne & 4 persons wounded 2 of w""" are Doubtful of their Recovery." He sent out scouts, but " couldnt find which way they are gon, their Tracts being many ways * * * A considerable Tract upwards "—He says he cannot take the field with the army. His presence is necessary at home as the people are discouraged and threatened to " Leave y" Place" — he "needs Orders about it." Desertion, he says, would encourage "o" Insolent Enemy * * * & make way for giving up all y" Towns above." To hold it needs many soldiers and "how to have bread for want of a mill is difficult * * * Solders complaining already * * * although we have flesh enough * * * No Mills will drive many Inhab away * * * For my owne particular it were far better for me to goe away than bee here where I have not anything lift I mean noe corn neither Indian or English & noe meanes to keep one beaste here, nor can I have Relief in this Toune because soe many are destitute." " Sir I am not capable of holding any Comand being more & more unfit & almost confounded in my understanding, the Ld direct y' Pitch on a meeter person than ever I was : According to Liberty from y" Councill I shall devolve all up- on Capt Appleton unless Maj Treat return againe *. * * All these Touns ought to be Garrisoned." He reminds the governor that he had advised this before, and that, had he been left to act for himself, this disaster might have been prevented. The news of his discharge and the appointment of Capt. Appleton to succeed him was received by the anxious Pyn- chon on the loth. On the 12th he wrote Leverett " I am very 118 Philip's war, thankful for my dismission & discharge from y' trust w"" I had noe ability to manage," that he will " cast in his mite & help Appleton & the cause and interest of God & the peo- ple." He again remonstrates against the orders for exclusive field work, leaving the towns defenseless ; and hopes the or- ders will be less " strict " and more be left to the discretion of Capt. Appleton. He once more reminds the governor that " Springfield was destroyed for this reason " but " it is y" Lds owne doeing & oh y' we may bless his name." Having final- ly exonerated the Commissioners at the expense of the Lord, he continues : " Many are Plucking up. I dont know what will be the Issue * * * Mr. Glover, if he can, will goe to the Bay before winter." Although deserted by the minister, Pynchon says he shall stay "to encourage the People" for if he should go to Court "all would fale here." Pynchon was a wise magistrate, a prudent counselor, an enterprising, honorable and successful man of business. He was influential and useful in Connecticut as well as Massa- chusetts. But he had no genius for war. He failed in the essential faculty of prompt decision in emergency, and he was too easily discouraged by adversity. The Commission to Appleton ran as follows : It was dis- patched to Pynchon by Lieut. Upham, Oct. 8th : — Capt Appleton. The Council have seriously considered the earnest desires of Maj. Pinchon & the great affliction upon him and his family* & have at last consented to his request to dismiss him from the Chiefe command over the army in those parts, and have thought meete upon mature thoughts, to commit the chiefe Com- mand unto yourselfe being parsuaded that God hath endowed you with a spirit and ability to manage that affayre : & for the Better in- abling you to yC employ we have sent the Council's orders enclosed to Maj Pinchon to bee given you; & we refer you to the Instruc- tions given him for yo"' direction, ordering you from time to time to give us advice of all occurances & if you need any further orders & instructions they shall be given you as y" matter shall require. So Committing you to the Lord, desiring his presence with you and blessing upon you, wee remain : Boston 4th of October 1675. Your friends and Servants Capt Samuel Appleton Commander in Chiefe at the head quarters at Hadley. Oct. 9, Gov. Leverett wrote Appleton referring to the action of the Council, — *What "affliction" was upon Pynchon at this date is not known. As the Commission was not sent until Oct. 8, when the fate of Springfield was known, this clause may have been inserted in the official draft. A SUGGESTION OF GUN BOATS. 119 "Whereby they commit the care and conduct of all the military forces from us and Connecticut unto yourselfe * * * You are to take notis that while the [seat] of the war is kept in. the Colony you are to have the chiefe command and [neither] you nor Major Treat with Connecticut forces are to be drawn off but by the Com- missioners or the concurence of counsels there. If you both draw into another Colony Major Treat is to have the command in chiefe and if there should beany orders [inferior] to the Colony of Connecti- cut men you are [fairlyj to entreat them and let them see that it is a breach of the agreement by the Commissioners a copy whereof I herewith remit unto you. I doubt not but the Lord will diract you with that wisdom [how?] to carry it towards Major Treat * * * I desire you will be careful of giving advice and incouragment to Hadley respecting theyr fortifications for theyr better security and so of the whole there was [former] order to Leftenant Upham to march with 30 men and Corporal Poole from Quabaug with 35 men to fill up your companies and to send off any that may be [disen- abled] by sickness:" It had been a question whether or not to desert Brookfield, Pynchon thought a garrison there necessary to keep up a line of communication with Boston. The authorities at Bos- ton took a different view, but the governor, in this letter, leaves the matter discretionary with Pynchon and Appleton, only stipulating that supplies to support the people there must be sent from the Connecticut valley, Brookfield being about a " 3d of the way from you. * * * If there should be a necessity of deserting Springfield as Major Pinchon in-- timates it will be very awful but the conclusion thereof must be left with you on the place." The fact of the forces being so much scattered still troubles Leverett, although he has now put the whole matter into the hand of the local officers. In a marginal note, he says, " one thing more I leave to your con- sideration that your forces lying on both sides the river that provision be made for transport one to the other [with] se- curitie from the enemy['s] shot. They have horse boats built as stanchions and with planke they may secure the men." I do not know that this shrewd suggestion ever bore fruit. By the same post as the above Leverett writes Mr. Rus- sell at Hadley: — "Reverend Sir By yours of the 4 and 5 with your other of the day after * * * together by the enclosed from Major Pinchon namely of the dread- ful and terrible stroke of God upon us at Springfield and that in a[nswer] to prayers and [ ] solemn humiliation of Churches and people of God as it shows the greatness of our provocations * * * for the Lord carries it as being angry with our prayers. " 120 PHILIP'S WAR. After speculating upon the cause and the effect of God's anger, and the remedy, he comes down to tangible affairs to consider a complaint of Mr. Russell in regard to "Ihose in- tricacies" in the orders "respecting several in command." He says " By the ultimate conclusion that comes by Leftenant Upham you will find the knot tyed: and the command placed upon Captain Appleton which must be without excep- tion being according to the conclusion of the Commission- ers. Nor is Major Treat to be commanded of but by the Commissioners or the concurrence of the counsels there on the place and should ther be motion contrary upon any pre- tence it may be of sadder consequence than the present stroke." He says he has written to Pynchon and Apple- ton about "your fortifications," and concludes — "thus with kind respects to you and all friends with j/ou* I commend you to the Lord and remain sir your ser[vant.]" The correspondence given above discloses the facts, else- where hinted at, that there had been considerable friction between the officers of the Massachusetts and those of the Connecticut forces, and that it became necessary for the Commissioners of the United Colonies to take the matter in hand. The Connecticut soldiers were made a part of the army of the confederacy, and so put beyond the control of the Connecticut authorities. Oct. 12, Appleton marched from Springfield and "came that night to Hadley near 30 mile." On his arrival he wrote the governor in regard to his appointment to the command which is against his own wish and judgment; wishing an abler man may be put in his place. He begs for orders which will leave the matter of garrisoning the towns with the commanders ; reminds him that the loss at Springfield was for lack of such discretionary power. He says there were "33 houses and 25 barns burnt and about 15 houses left unburnt on the Town Piatt ; * * * that on the west side of the river and the outskirts of the east side are about 60 houses standing and much corn in & about them." In the attack of Oct. 5, Wequogan, the Springfield Sachem, "was ring-leader in word and deed," and Puckquahow, the Nipmuck, who was with the Naunawtuks when they revolt- *Probably an obscure allusion to the Regicides, Goffe and Whalley, whom Leverett knew were then harbored at Mr. Russell's. APPLETON IN A STRAIT. 131 ed, and with them in the swamp fight, was doubtless the one who shouted that he "was one y' burnt Quaboag, & now would make them like to it." The assailants were about forty Springfield Indians and two or three hundred of the allies. Their retreat was so skillfully ordered as to leave no clue to their movements, so that Pynchon, who " sent out scouts y" night & y" next day, discovered none, nor satisfie ourselues w'^'' way they are gon." This outbreak, and the re- treat, were doubtless planned by Philip. The treacherous professions of friendship, renewed to lull suspicion only the day before the attack, and the tactics of the retreat, were in ac- cordance with his character and methods. From Springfield Philip led his clan and a part of the Po- cumtucks to the Narragansets, full of a plan for involving that tribe in the war. On the 7th a party of Indians were discovered at Glaston- bury. An alarm was raised and Maj. Treat was ordered home with sixty men. Provision was made in the towns for the security of the women and children. Large parties of men were ordered to go out together to harvest the corn, and remove all grain to safe places. To stimulate the Mohegans, a liberal bounty was offered them for hostile scalps or pris- oners. On the same day the Connecticut Council of War wrote to the Massachusetts Council "That it is high time for New England to stir up all their strength, and make war their trade * * * to suppress the enemy before they grow too much for us." They are earnest for an army to take and keep the field, and want five hundred more soldiers sent from the Bay to the valley, where they should be joined by the forces from Connecticut. Unless this is done, they shall be obliged to withdraw their men to secure the towns at home ; and in particular Hartford, where the Councilors are, and where the General Court is to meet on the 14th. Appleton's Commission was received Oct. loth. The new commander at once found himself in a strait between his duty to obey the strict orders of the Commissioners, to keep his army in the field; and the moral certainty that if he did the defenseless towns would be destroyed. This he could not permit, and on the 1 2th, when he marched to Hadley, he left Capt. Sill, with sixty men, to protect Springfield, " choos- 122 PHILIP'S WAR. ing," he says in a letter to Gov. Leverett of that date, " rather to adventure hazeard to myselfe than to the publike." Here speaks the man of decision and the true patriot. On reaching headquarters at Hadley, Appleton began at once sending out scouting parties, which continued for sev- eral days to seek out the hiding places of the enemy. At this time Capt. Moseley was at Hatfield ; Capt. Seely, with sixty Connecticut men, at Northampton; Capt. Jonathan Poole, with Lieut. Upham and sixty men, who had arrived from Boston and Brookfield about the loth, were at Hadley. There was no further attempt to resettle Brookfield. On the 1 5th, Appleton, with his whole force — except Seely from Con- necticut, who refused to obey orders — marched out towards Northfield, where, it was believed, the main body of the In- dians were collected. He had gone but about two miles when a post reached him with news that a scout of four men, sent by Moseley to Pocumtuck, had returned and reported great numbers of the enemy there: that they found "the rails weadged up and made very fast about two miles from the town," either to "trapan the skoutes * * ■* or else to f aight us there if wee goe in pursuith of them. ' ' Moseley, writ- ing Oct. 1 6th, to the Governor, tells the same story, and adds "but I intend to bourne all their railes up, please God to grant me life and health." This fence was at the Bars, the entrance to the common field by the Hatfield road. The commander at once changed his course and crossed the river to Hatfield. Leaving there after sunset, he attempt- ed a night expedition to Pocumtuck. After marching a few miles he saw the flash and heard the report of a gun, and the vanguard heard the shouts of Indians. It was evident that their march had been discovered. A council of officers was held, most of whom, especially Capt. Moseley, advised return- ing to secure the defenseless towns. This was rather against the will of Appleton, but the army finally returned to their quarters in the night. On the evening of the i6th an urgent call for help came from Northampton, "and while these messengers are speak- ing," writes Appleton, — "Capt. Mosely informs, y'y" enemy is this evening discovered w^'in a mile of Hatfield, and that he verily expects to be assaulted too morrow; w"^" I am so sensible of y' I account it my duty presently to ROGER WILLIAMS ON PHILIP'S PLANS. 123 repair thither, now, at lo or ii of the clock in the night. Some of the forces having already crossed the river." About twenty men were left to guard Hadley. Appleton writes, the next morning, " We have wearied o's w"" a tedious night and morning's march, without making any discovery of the enemy." Moseley writes, the same day, — "Wee are tould by an Indian, that was taken att Springfield, y' they intend to sett upon these 3 townes in one Day. The Body of them yt waits this exploite to Doe, is about 600 Indians, and fur- ther wee are informed, that they are makinge a forte some sixty miles above this place, up in the woods * * * j make no ques- tion that the Enemys will make an tempt within a shorte space of time upon these towns * * * j expect them every hour, at night as well as day, for they have fired upon my sentinels at night." Maj. Appleton is cramped for want of men, and laments the absence of Maj. Treat and the Connecticut forces, which prevents his taking the field with any effect. At this very time, however, Connecticut is having a great scare, and mes- sengers are even now on their way to Appleton for help. A plot has been reported for a general rising of all the Connec- ticut Indians. Gov. Andros has written that "five or six thousand Indyans engaged together * * * designed this light moone, to attack Hartford itself and some other places this way, as farre as Greenwich. " Active measures were at once taken to " remove their best goods, and their corn, what they can of it, with their wives and children," to the larger towns which were to be fortified, and troops were raised for their defense. There is good reason to believe this report was founded on fact, and that only seasonable notice and prompt action saved the Connecticut towns from the fate of Spring- field. Roger Williams, in a letter from Providence to Gov. Lever- ett, dated Oct. 11, 1675, says that "since y^ dolefuU Newes from Springfield, here it is said y' Phillip with a strong Body of many hundreth cut throats steeres this way." He gives an account of an interview with " the young Prince," Canonchet, in which he tries to neutralize the influence of Philip, and told him if he were false to his engagements he would be pursued with a winter's war. He writes, " I am requested by our Capt. Fennor to give you notice y* at his farme in y» woods he had it from a Native, y' Phillip's great Designe is (among all other possible advantages and Treacheries) to 124 PHILIP'S WAR. drawe C. Mosely & other your forces (by training & drilling & seeming flights) into such places as are full of long grasse, flags Sedge &c, & then inviron them round with Fire, Smoke, & Bullets. Some say No wise Souldjer will be so catcht." ATTACK ON HATFIELD. The blow predicted by Moseley now falls upon Hatfield, and some of the tactics indicated in Williams's letter are to be employed. Oct. 19th, about noon, fires were discovered in the woods towards Wequamps, and Moseley sent a mounted scout of ten men to reconnoiter and find out what it meant. Two miles from the town the party fell into a trap set by the Indians, and baited with the fires above. Six were killed, three taken prisoners, and one, an Indian, escaped back to Hatfield. The garrison of the town consisted of the compa- nies of Moseley and Poole ; the latter, with Lieut. Upham and sixty men having arrived at Hadley from the Bay about the loth. On the alarm Maj. Appleton with his company crossed the river from Hadley and took post at the south end of the town. Moseley was placed in the center and Poole at the north end. About four o'clock, " seven or eight hundred of the enemy came upon the town in all quarters * * but they were so well entertained on all hands where they at- tempted to break in upon the town that they found it too hot for them," and after a contest of two hours were driven off with considerable loss. Maj. Treat, who had a genius for ap- pearing in the right place at the right time, came up from Northampton with sixty men, in season to give the finishing blow. The loss of the English was, Thomas Meekins and Nathaniel Collins of Hatfield, Richard Stone, John Pocock, Samuel Clark, Abraham Quidington, John Petts, William Olverton and Thomas Warner, of Moseley 's scouts — Warner and two others being taken prisoners. At the town Sergt. Freegrace Norton fell mortally wound- ed, while fighting by the side of Maj. Appleton. The lattter lost a lock of hair by an Indian bullet. " A few barns and other buildings were burnt." The savages moved into the west woods with their prison- ers. One of these was barbarously murdered on the 21st, after being grievously tormented for the amusement of the savages. " They burnt his nails & put his feet to scald against THE CLOSE OF THE CAMPAIGN. 125 the fire & drove a stake through one of his feet to pin him to the ground." The Sachems, knowing Appleton was seeking their main body to attack it, hoped through the device of the fires in the woods to draw his army into an ambuscade and there cripple or destroy it. when the town would be an easy prey. The Indians, like the English, differed as to the best method of conducting the war. The policy advocated by the young warriors was to cut off the soldiers ; this done, the in- habitants would be at their mercy. Their method had been adopted, but they had succeeded only when able to surprise their enemy. Not the smallest defended post had been carried. Being defeated in their great attempt on Hatfield they were discouraged, and the counsels of the old men, to break up in- to small bodies, hover about the settlements, kill, pillage or burn, as chance gave opportunity, were now heeded. It was seen that however great their numbers, they were no match for the English in open combat, and rarely or never, was so large a force again seen together in the field. The Nipmucks gradually drew off to their own country. The Pocumtucks sent a party of thirty to their old allies, the Mahicans, on the Hoo- sick river ; and here the remainder of them — after harassing the frontier some ten days longer — joined them about Nov. 7th, and were made welcome. A few days after the Hatfield affair, an attempt was made on Northampton ; but on the approach of the ubiquitous Maj. Treat, the assailants fled, after burning four or five houses and a few barns. On the 27th, Pynchon and five or six Springfield men were ambushed on their return from Westfield, where they had been looking for ore. John Dumbleton of Spring- field, William and John, sons of William Brooks, an early settler of Deerfield, were shot down, while the rest escaped. At another time one Granger was wounded, and several houses and barns were burned at Westfield. Oct. 29th a party of Northampton farmers wjio had gone into the mead- ows to gather some crops were fired upon, and Thomas Sal- mon, Joseph Baker and his son Joseph, were killed. The Indians then made an attempt to burn Northampton mill, but a guard stationed there beat them off. The next day the frightened cattle came running out of the woods into Hat- field, thus giving notice of the presence there of a party of the enemy. A company was sent out, but their tracks only 126 PHILIP'S WAR. were discovered. On the 31st, Appleton crossed the river and scoured the woods for ten or twelve miles round without success. Nov. 4th a large force ranged toward Deerfield. The search was continued for a few days longer, but no trace of a present enemy was discovered. The Indians had left for Hoosick river. Appleton, believing they had returned to their old haunts eastward, prepared to follow Capt. Sill, who had already been ordered to Hassenimisset. Garrisons were established in the valley towns ; thirty-nine men under Pynchon, at Springfield ; twenty-nine at Westfield, under Capt. Aaron Cooke ; twenty-six at Northampton, under Lieut. Wm. Clark ; thirty-six at Hatfield, under Lieut. Wm. Allis ; and thirty remained at Hadley, under Capt. Poole. Nov. 1 6th, Maj. Treat led home the Connecticut forces. A few days later Maj. Appleton appointed a Council of War, made up of Capt. Poole, Lieut. David Wilton of Northamp- ton, Dea. Peter Tilton of Hadley, Sergt. Isaac Graves of Hat- field, with the commissioned officers of these three towns — Poole to be President, and presumably Commander-in-Chief. About Nov. 20th, Appleton and Moseley, with all the sol- diers not in the garrisons, marched for the Nipmuck country. The Nipmucks, on their return home, had begun depreda- tions on their frontiers ; and early in November Capt. Hench- man had been sent against them. Meeting some reverses, he was reinforced by Capt. Sill and other troops. The In- dians soon after disappeared, probably going to the region about Northfield and Vernon, where their non-combatants had before taken refuge. A large quantity of corn was de- stroyed in the Nipmuck country, which was a serious blow to the enemy, and before spring they were reduced to the verge of starvation. Appleton, on his arrival, finding all quiet in the interior, continued his march to Boston, and joined the expedition against the Narragansets, Dec. loth, as the commander of the Massachusetts forces. Philip, as before noted, left this region for Narraganset, after the burning of Springfield. The Indians seen at Glas- tonbury, on the 7th, were probably part of his force. Philip reached his destination about Oct. loth, loaded with spoils from the English. From the first outbreak the young Nar- ragansets had been forward to join in the war. The inva- sion of their country and the treaty of peace forced upon CANONCHET DEFIES THE ENGLISH. 127 them, July 15th, by Hutchinson, Moseley and others, "with a Sword in their Hands," could not be forgiven. On the first hostile movements of the English, Philip had sent all the women and children of his tribe to the Narragansets for pro- tection. One provision of the treaty was that all subjects of Philip should be given up. The fact that the Narragansets were an independent nation was ignored, and the treaty was signed while the Sachems were virtually looking into the muzzles of the English muskets. One of the strongest un- written statutes of the Indian was the law of hospitality. This they were called upon ruthlessly to violate. When the pressure was withdrawn, the great hearted Canonchet assert- ed his manhood, and declared boldly that he " would not give up a Wampanoag, nor the paring of a Wampanoag's nail," and otherwise little regard seems to have been paid to the treaty. The successful Philip found in Canonchet an instrument by which he could gain time, and surely involve the Narra- gansets in the war. It is easy to believe that it was by his instigation that Canonchet negotiated the treaty of Oct. 1 8th, at Boston. If this was a deliberate act of treachery, as gener- ally accounted, it is the only dishonorable act recorded against Canonchet. From what we know of the character of the two men, may we not presume that the impulsive Canon- chet was deceived in some way by the artful Philip? Es- pecially as the high minded Narraganset, shortly after his return, sent back word to Boston that the treaty must be con- sidered null and void. It could not be enforced without the co-operation of Philip. By its terms the Narragansets en- gaged to deliver up within ten days all hostile Indians among them, including the followers of Philip, of Weetemo, and the Pocumtucks. There was no intention on the part of Philip of allowing this clause to take effect. It was only a blind to allay suspicion awhile longer. Philip's hand is plainly seen in this transaction. Exactly the same tactics were employed successfully by him at Springfield two weeks before. Not unlikely he expected, before the ten days were out, to be on his way to Pocumtuck, with a strong war party of Narragansets. If so, he failed in this, but he had surely involved that fated tribe in the war. Nov. 2d the Commissioners, now assured of the hostile dis- 128 PHILIP'S WAR. position of the Narragansets, formally declared war against them, and raised one thousand soldiers to prosecute it. Dec. 19th the stronghold of the tribe was stormed and hundreds of them slain. The remainder were scattered in the wilder- ness, their wigwams burned, their winter store of provisions destroyed. Many were killed or captured by ranging parties of the English, and others perished by cold and hunger. The warriors who escaped, fled northward to the Nipmucks, and their avenging blows were soon felt on the English frontiers. The loss of the English in the attack on the fort was eighty killed and about one hundred and forty wounded. The prudent Philip, in the meantime, to secure himself from the rising storm, had left the Narragansets and joined the Pocumtucks at the Hoosick river, where we shall soon follow him. ^ After Nov. loth no Indians were seen in the Connecticut valley. The route to Boston by the Bay Path was shut up by the Nipmucks, and the only communication with the govern- ment was by means of the soldiers in the Narraganset war. Through these the results of the rupture with that powerful tribe became known, and the inhabitants of the river towns lived in constant fear of an attack. Citizens and soldiers were alike busy in fortifying houses and building stockades about the towns, and fearful were the forebodings of the coming spring. Events leading to the next hostile attempt in this valley will now be briefly sketched. PHILIP IN THE WINTER OF 1675-6. There is very little direct information as to the movements of Philip during the fall and winter of 1675-6. By carefully collating all accessible contemporaneous accounts, the con- clusions given below seem to be well sustained. Better evi- dence on some points would be more satisfactory. When Philip joined the Pocumtucks, who were with the Mahicans west of the Hoosick mountains, he had a purpose besides that before mentioned. Knowing that the Mahicans and other Hudson River Indians had formerly been confed- erates of the Pocumtucks in their wars with the Mohegans, he hoped, the tribes being now together, the alliance might be r enewed, and so a new force enlisted in the war. Philip met a friendly reception and such measure of success as to SUCCESSFUL NEGOTIATION. 129 secure at least a supply of ammunition, and not unlikely a promise of co-operation. In December the hostile clans from the east established winter quarters in the valleys of Manchester and Sunderland, Vermont, not far from the head -waters of the Pocumtuck. Sancumachu, the Pocumtuck Sa- chem, was in command. Philip was reported ill, but prob- ably he was on a secret expedition to Canada. On his recov- ery, or return, the wily chieftain undertook the delicate task of reconciling the Pocumtucks and the Mohawks for the pur- pose of uniting them against a common enemy. We have seen that previous to the rupture twelve -years before, these tribes had been allies in fighting the Mohegans. Philip so far succeeded in his plan that the Mohawks were willing to join the hostile forces in warring against Uncas, but they would not consent to fight the English. Sancumachu, with about four hundred Pocumtucks and Wampanoags, had in the meantime, prudently taken post farther eastward. Young recruits, ready for blood and plun- der, flocked to the headquarters, from the Mohawks, Scata- kooks, Mahicans, and others, until about the middle of Jan- uary, fully fifteen hundred warriors were in arms. Soon aft- er this they were joined by five or six hundred French In- dians, from Canada. This army was ostentatiously paraded "in two ranks" for the inspection of the two English scouts who were captured at Hatfield, Oct. 19th. The captives were then released and sent to Albany, to report what they had seen. These men counted twenty-one hundred warriors, generally armed with good firearms. They said that Philip, whose "own men were not above a hundred," was with an- other party of four hundred ; but " he had little esteem or au- thority among them." About this time Sagamore Sam visit- ed the camp, and here the campaign for the spring was planned. This, as it appears in the light of subsequent events, was that the confederates here should rendezvous at Northfield, and from there swoop down upon the defenseless towns in the valley, while the Nipmucks and Narragansets were ravaging the frontiers of the Bay towns, and so pre- venting aid being sent to the river. In the valley thus cleared of the English, headquarters were to be established, the non-combatants collected, the fields planted with Indian corn and a winter's stock of fish laid up from the abundance 130 PHILIP'S WAR. of the streams. They would be under the protection of the French, who were to come from Canada and settle among- them. It was now indeed "full sea with Philip his af- fairs." He might well feel confident that in the coming campaign, the traitorous Mohegans would be annihilated and the hated white men driven from the valley. To make the event more sure, the subtle Sachem sought to embroil the Mohawks with the English, as well as with the Mohegans. To that end he caused some Mohawks to be killed and ac- cused the English of being the murderers. This foul artifice was his fatal mistake. It cost him all he had gained during the winter, and changed all his future life. One of the Mo- hawks left for dead, revived and reached his home. When the truth became known, the enraged Mohawks fell upon the Eastern Indians, killed and captured many of them, and the great hostile army was scattered. Philip, with the Pocum- tucks and his few disheartened followers, fled over the Green Mountains and reached Northfield the last week in February. As has been said, after the destruction of their fort in December, the scattered Narragansets joined the Nipmucks. The general rendezvous of the combined forces was at Wen- imisset. From thence war parties carried the musket and torch all along the frontiers of the Bay towns, with death and destruction in their train. Lancaster was surprised, Feb. loth, 1675-6. About fifty people were killed or captured. Among the latter was Mrs. Mary Rowlandson, wife of the minister, and their three children, Sarah, the youngest, five years old, being grievously wounded. The captives were taken to Wenimisset, where some of them were barbarously murdered. At this place, Feb. 1 8th, Sarah died of her wounds, and was buried the next day. By an erroneous but common- ly accepted tradition, this child died and was buried on a mxDuntain in Warwick, which in consequence was named for her, Mount Grace. But Grace is not Sarah, and Warwick is many miles from Wenimisset. Information of the gathering at Wenimisset was given to the English by Mary Shepherd, a girl of fifteen, captured at Concord, Feb. 12th, who escaped on a horse taken at Lancas- ter, and made her way through the woods to the settlements. An expedition was at once planned against the place. Three foot companies under Captains Turner, Moseley and Gillam, THE LAPWING STRATAGEM ON RETREAT. 131 and Capt. Whipple with a troop of horse, all under Maj. Sav- age, reached Quabaug, March 2d, where they met Maj. Treat, with three or four companies from Connecticut. The next day, leaving Turner to establish a garrison at Quabaug, the rest of the command marched against Wenimisset. Scouts from the Indians had doubtless reported the movements of their enemy, and the whole body, some two thousand men, women and children, made a hasty retreat northward. The fugitives reached the Paquayag river in the present town of Orange, March 3d, and before night on the 5 th, had all crossed the river on rafts. They reached Squakheag in safe- ty on the 7th. On the 9th they crossed the Connecticut river and joined Philip and the forces which had recently come over the Green Mountains from the Hoosick valley. Maj. Savage, finding no Indians at Wenimisset, pursued on their trail, but deceived by the " lapwing stratagem " of their rear guard, he was kept on a false scent for two or three days, and only reached the Paquayag on the 6th, in time to see the smoking ruins of the Indian camp on the north shore. No attempt was made to cross the river, or pursue the enemy any farther. This retreat was skillfully planned and con- ducted. Foreseeing the danger to which the river towns would now be exposed. Savage at once took up his march for Hadley. Capt. Turner, leaving a garrison at Quabaug, took his com- mand to Northampton. Maj. Treat, with two Connecticut companies, reached the same town the 13th, "in the even- ing." Capt. Moseley, with two companies, was stationed at Hatfield. As we shall see, these movements were made none too quickly. ATTACK ON NORTHAMPTON. Soon after the arrival of Philip at Squakheag, scouts were sent out to discover the condition of the settlements below. About the first of March, John Gilbert, a boy of seventeen, was captured, carried to Squakheag and closely examined. It does not appear from what place he was taken. No other depredations hereabouts at this period are re- corded, except at Westfield, where March 9th, " five bushels of meal were stolen" and " a man wounded," two houses and a barn burned. About the same time, Moses Cook, a resident, 132 PHILIP'S WAR. and Clement Bates of Hingham, a soldier of Capt. Lothrop's •company, were killed while out on a scout, probably in search of the depredators. This affair occurred the same day on which the mass of Indians from Wenimisset formed a junction with Philip, at Squakheag. Two or three days later, doubtless on the return of the scouts, with reports that no Bay troops had come to the val- ley, a force was organized against Northampton, with the evident expectation of finding it an easy prey. On the morn- ing of March 14th they made an assault on the sleeping town. The defensive works — a single line of palisades, erect- ed during the winter — were quickly broken through in three places. Through the gaps thus made the horde crept in, and at daylight began the work of destruction. The assailants, ignorant of the newly arrived forces, had no fear of the small garrison, and no doubt of the speedy destruction of the town. Surprised by the appearance of the soldiers of Treat and Turner, they fell back, but in the attempt to scatter, in ac- cordance with their usual tactics, they found themselves in a pound. A panic followed. They rushed pell-mell for the three narrow breaks in the palisades, where they were ex- posed to the fire of the English while crowding through. Getting out proved more dangerous than getting in. This lesson was not forgotten. The Indians never again attempt- ed that method of attack, and these slight works proved a real defense. Maj. Savage writing from Northampton, March 1 6th, gives the following brief report of this affair : — On the 14th just aboute breake of y" day the enemy fiercely assaulted Northampton in three places at once and forced within the lines or palisades and burnt five houses and five barns and killed four men and one woman and wounded six men more. Ten buildings had been fired before the garrison was fair- ly aroused. Robert Bartlett, Thomas Holton, Mary Earle, of the inhabitants ; James McRennal of Turner's company, and Increase Whelstone, another soldier, were killed, and six other men wounded. Driven from Northampton, the Indians at once made for Hatfield. Here another surprise awaited them. The gallant Moseley was on the alert, and they were easily repulsed. Grievously disappointed at the result of the expedition, from THE SPRING CAMPAIGN. 133 which SO much had been confidently expected, the Indians were loth to return without one more effort, and an att«mpt was made for a night surprise of Northampton. About two o'clock on the morning of the i6th the sentinels discovered them approaching the town from opposite directions. On the alarm being given they disappeared. The main body, with a number of horses, sheep and other plunder, retreated to Squakheag ; but small parties remained hovering about, waylaying the English, as chances occurred. Several men were killed and others wounded in the towns about Hartford. Rev. John Russell, writing from headquarters, March i6th, to Governor Leverett, giving a detailed account of the attack on Northampton, says the assailants were "near 2000 as judged," which Judd calls a "strange delusion," and says, "there may have been 3 or 400." An average of these num- bers would probably be an underestimate. Philip was not present and the leaders are not named, but doubtless Canon- chet, and Sancumachu the Pocumtuck Sachem were promi- nent. Mr. Russell, in the letter above referred to, writes: — Ahhough the Lord has granted us an interval of quietness this win- ter, yet since y° coming on of y^ spring, the war here is renewed, and like to be continued with more strength and violence here, than in any other part, while we remain. For as we had intelligence by the captive who is returned, (commonly called speckled Tom,) Phil- ip intended with his whole force to come upon these towns, and taking them, to make his planting place and fort this year at Deer- field * * * Here also, above Deerfield a few miles, is the great place of their fishing, w'' must be expected to afford them their pro- uision for the yeere. So that the swarm of them being here, and like to continue here, we must look to feele their utmost rage, ex- cept the Lord be pleased to break their power. My desire is, that we may be willing to do or suffer, live or dy ; remain, or be driven out from bur habitations, as the Lord God would have us, & as may be conducible to the glory of his name, and the publike weale of his people. The Massachusetts Council at this time had very imperfect information of the numbers or movements of the enemy, ap- parently supposing them to be all in one body. In a letter from their Secretary to Maj. Savage, of March 14th, which crossed that of Russell on the way, he is told that " the 150 troops and dragoons " which had been ordered to join him " are retarded by the appearance of the enemy on our fron- tier towns yesterday ;" that they had been "ordered to march o Groton and Lancaster ;" that they would not be sent to the 134: Philip's war. river unless the enemy are heard of there. This letter was not received until March 26th — doubtless delayed by the danger of posting. The depredations in Connecticut continuing, the Council of War ordered extraordinary precautions against surprise. In each town the night watch was directed to call up the in- habitants every morning " an hower at least before day," who were to arm and stand upon guard at their assigned posts " until sunne be half an hower high," when the " warders are to take their places * * * Two scouts from each end of every town " are to be sent out on horseback to -spend the day in scouring the woods. In Massachusetts the alarm seems to have been almost a panic. The activity and success of the enemy against the frontier towns of the Bay, was such that the Council thought it necessary, not only to detain the troops under orders for the Connecticut valley, but also to withdraw those already there ; and on the 20th of March another letter was sent Maj. Savage with "advice" which was equivalent to a command, "to desert all the towns" but Springfield and Hadley, and concentrate their strength there. "The lesser towns," they say, "must gather to the greater * * * To remain in such a scattered state is to expose lives and estates to the merciless cruelty of the enemy, and is no less than tempting divine providence;" that unless they come together and well fortify the large towns, " «// will be lost * * * the enemy being so many in these parts that our army must remove from thence * * * We cannot spare them or supply them with ammunition." Maj. Savage was instructed to act in ac- cordance with these views. Had this plan been adopted, the dissensions among the miscellaneous clans at Squakheag and Pocumtuck would have been healed and the whole become a unit. Philip would have been again in the ascendant, with every encouragement to prosecute the war with vigor and confidence. The order was not obeyed. The new year opened gloomily for the colonists. The first Sunday in 1676, March 26th, by the old calendar, was a day of disaster. Had the present mode of communication existed, the devotions of Maj. Savage would have been inter- rupted by news of the raid on Windsor, and the burning of Simtsbury, Connecticut; of the destruction of Capt. Pierce and A DAY OF DISASTER. 135 sixty men on Patucket river ; the desolation by fire of the greater part of Marlboro, and of the attack on the people at Longmeadow ; all of which occurred that day. In addition, an express arrived that day from Boston with the discourag- ing Council letters of March 14th and 20th before referred to, "advising" Savage to concentrate the inhabitants, and march his troops to the Bay. From contemporary accounts of the last mentioned attack, we learn that " 8 Indians assaulted 16 or 18 men beside wom- en and children, as they were going to meeting," from Long- meadow to Springfield, on 'horseback. The rear of the caval- cade was surprised, John Keep " and a maid " were killed, and two men wounded at the first fire. Sarah, the wife of John Keep, and another woman, each with an infant in her arms, were seized by the savages in the confusion, and at once hurried into the woods. The escort, after depositing the rest of the women and children in a place of safety, re- turned to the scene of the disaster. Maj. Pynchon at once sent out a party in pursuit. These were joined the next morning by sixteen men, sent by Savage from Hadley, " who found their Track and soon after discovered them ; who, see- ing our men approach, took the two poor Infants, and in the Sight both of their mothers, and our Men, tossed them up in the Air, and dashed their Brains out against the Rocks, and with their Hatchets knokt down the Women, and forthwith fled. The Place being exceeding rocky, and a Swamp just by, our Horse could not follow, and on foot were not able to overtake them." Mrs. Keep died ; the other woman recov- ered. The conduct of the escort was characterized by the Council, "as a matter of great shame, humbling to us," audit was ridiculed in the following couplet: — Seven Indians, and one without a Gun, Caused Capt. Nixon, and 40 men to run. These Indians were doubtless part of those living at Long- meadow before the outbreak of Oct. 5th, and the assailed party were old neighbors. The survivor of the wounded women said she "knew every particular person of those eight Indians." They talked very freely with the women ^nd told them they should be taken to Deerfield, where the Nashua captives were. The women were treated very kindly until the pursuers came up. Much information was obtained from 136 PHILIP'S WAR. the woman as to the resources, plans and forces of the e«e- my. They did not want for powder. They were supplied by " Jerrard, and Jacob, two Dutchmen who had lived with Maj. Pynchon, but now lived at Fort Albany, and two Dutch- men more." These men had recently "brought four bushel on horseback from Albany, and had gone for a new supply two days before." They were "very inquisitive as to the number of our men," and informed very freely of their own. They had "3000 Indians at Deerfield and 300 at Squakheag, and had built 300 wigwams above Deerfield." About the 20th, "Capt. Tom, of Natick, and the rest of them Indians with him was come to Deerfield, and that they do intend to make that their headquarters." The " Mohawks had killed some of thpir men, but peace had been made again." They also told her that some Frenchmen had been among them, who " persuaded them not to burn and destroy the houses, but to make what slaughter they could of the people, because they intend to come and inhabit them ;" and that preparations were being made to " fall on the towns shortly." At this date all the Connecticut soldiers, both Indian and English, had been withdrawn from Hampshire county. On the 25th, Maj. Treat had been directed to lead an expedition against the Narragansets. The events of the 26th, however, caused serious alarm at Hartford, and he was recalled on the 27th, to guard the settlements about that place. In this crisis, overtures looking to a peace were made by both colonies, to the enemy. On the 28th, a small party of friendly Indians under Towcanchasson, bearing a flag of truce, were sent from Hartford by order of the Council, to the Indians at the northward, with proposals for exchanging prisoners, and an offer to treat for peace with any Sachem who may desire it. Whatever the motive of this mission, from fear, policy or humanity, it bore some fruit, as we shall see. March 28th, Maj. Savage writes the Massachusetts Council, " I shall do my best endeavours to discover the enemy by sending forth scouts according as you desire, but have no In- dians to go forth with our scouts, but only those six that came out with us [Naticks, who came as guides] who are un- acquainted with the woods;" that the Connecticut Indians " would not be persuaded " to remain. Scouting was a dan- gerous service ; our men had not yet learned the wiles of the CONFUSION IN COUNSEL AND ACTION. 137 natives ; children of the woods only could match them. The letter concludes with an account of the Longmeadow affair. By the same courier the authorities of Northampton write the Council, asking a garrison of fifty men for that town, en- gaging to furnish pay and rations. During the next ten days, confusion, indecision and fear ruled all round ; in the camp of the clans up the river, as well as in the counsels of the English. Savage had orders to find the enemy and attack them, and he had tried in vain to ar- range with Connecticut, an expedition against the hordes about Pocumtuck, as he did not dare to move against them with- out the co-operation of Maj. Treat. Connecticut feared to leave her towns unguarded, and hesitated. Massachusetts author- ities considered it imprudent to leave Savage longer in the valley, while the Bay towns were being constantly ravaged. The Indians were successful at every point. Lancaster, Concord, Medfield, Weymouth, Groton, Billerica, Chelmsford, Marlboro, Wrentham, Bridgewater, Hingham, Scituate, Sud- bury, Haverhill, had successively felt their fury. The alarm of the Council was well founded. Had the savages been united, or well led, all would indeed "have been lost." Com- munication was slow and uncertain ; the real condition of af- fairs was ill understood, in the valley, at the Bay, or by the Indians up the river. The " advice " to Maj. Savage had raised such a storm of indignant protest in Connecticut, as well as in the doomed towns, that the plan of consolidation was not executed, and the settlers were spared that great loss and humiliation. This, however, was yet in the future, and did not lighten the clouds and gloom which shrouded them at the departure of the troops on which they had relied for defense. On the 7th of April, Savage, under peremptory orders, without even giving notice to the Connecticut au- thorities, with four companies, under Moseley, Whipple, Gil- man and Drinker, marched towards the Bay. Capt. William Turner of Boston was left at headquarters, to command in the valley. He had in garrison at Hadley, fifty-one men ; at Hatfield, under Sergt. Robert Bardwell,* forty-five men ; at Northampton, under Sergt. Ezra Fogg, forty-six men. Sergt. Roger Prosser, with nine men, was sent to Springfield, to increase a force already there. These soldiers *Recently from London and ancestor of all of the name in the country. 138 PHILIP'S WAR. were only to do garrison duty, and guard the inhabitants while at their labors. Directly on the news reaching Hart- ford of Savage's march eastward, all the forces in the field under Maj. Treat were disbanded, and thenceforth a strictly defensive policy prevailed in the Connecticut valley. The soldiers, however, were ordered to be in readiness to take the field at an hour's notice. THE CONFEDERATES AT SQUAKHEAG. Meanwhile, up the river, shifting about on the territory of Squakheag and Pocumtuck, were gathered the great body of hostile Indians — at a low estimate more than three thousand souls. They were of different tribes and clans, each under its own chieftain. There was no " Commander-in-Chief," nor is the assumption that Philip ever did hold or professed to hold that office, warranted by facts. He was far-seeing, pol- itic, subtle and crafty ; but lacked personal magnetism and prowess. He failed to command the respect of the warriors or show the qualities of a leader in war. He sowed the wind, but could not reap, nor bind the whirlwind. Full sketches of the notables now gathered on our soil, with descriptions of the daily life of their followers would -be replete with interest. Scant material for this is to be found, but from what is available, brief notes on some of the former, and faint glimpses of the latter will be given. Philip, on being driven eastward by the Mohawks as before related, made his way with small following over the Green Mountains, reaching the Connecticut river the latter part of February. Gathered about him now were the chief men of his tribe; his uncle and chief counsellor, Unkompoin; his cousin, Penchason, and Tatason, war Sachems of note. Phil- ip's brother-in-law, the powerful Tuspaquin, husband to his sister Amey, probably met him here. Anawan, his chief captain, who had obtained renown in the wars under Massa- soit, and who remained faithful to his son until the last. With Anawan were his two sons, one of whom fired the first shot in this war, and fell with Philip, Aug. 1 2th, 1676. Here also was a princess of the Wampanoags, a sister of Philip ; and wise and wary Awashonks, the powerful squaw Sachem of Sogkonate, with all her braves, led by Peter Awashonks, her son and chief captain, afterwards faithless to Philip, but a faithful soldier un- INDIAN NOTABLES AT SQUAKHEAG. 139 der Capt. Church. But perhaps the most noted figure at the court of Philip was the unfortunate Nanumpum, better known as Weetamoo. She was doubly sister-in-law to Philip, having married Wamsutta, his brother, while Philip's wife was Wo- tonekanuske, her younger sister. At her marriage, Weeta- moo was squaw Sachem of Pocasset, and was "counted as Po- tent a Prince as any round about her, and had as much Corn, Land, and Men." Not long after her marriage, Weetamoo complained to the Plymouth authorities that her husband, and his father, Massasoit, were selling her land. Getting no relief from English law she made it over to trustees, under Indian rules. Wamsutta died soon after under a suspicion of being poisoned by the whites. Philip had artfully fomented this suspicion, healed the quarrel about the land, and after much wavering, the "Queen of Pocasset" joined him in the war with three hundred warriors. For a second husband Weetamoo had married Petananuet, who at this juncture proved a traitor to his wife and Queen, and joined the Eng- lish. The indignant Weetamoo at once repudiated the nup- tial bond, and in December or January following took for a third consort, Quinnapin, thus allying herself to a royal fam- ily of the Narragansets. To this tribe she had fled when driven from Pocasset. Quinnapin, who was with her at Squakheag, was nephew of Miantonomo, and cousin- to Ca- nonchet, the head war chief of his tribe. Quinnapin had de- clared he would "fight it out to the last, rather than submit to the whites." With him were his brothers, Ashamaton, and Sunkeesunasuck, both Sachems, and a one-eyed brother, with- out any command. A fourth brother had fallen in the "great swamp fight," Dec. 19th, 1675. Among the war Sachems Quin- napin ranked next to Canonchet. Canonchet, also called Nannuntcmo, son of Miantonomo, was the hereditary chief of the Narraganset nation. With him were about twelve hundred warriors, with their Sachems. Canonchet, like all savage potentates, was fond of show. When presiding over a council he dressed in a style befitting his rank. He wore a brilliant silver-laced coat, a richly em- broidered mantle of wampum over his shoulders, the ends hanging down in front; his buckskin leggins were gaily fringed with tufts of hair and feathers, and a heavy stripe of wampum work ran from his waist to his moccasins ; the lat- 140 PHILIP'S WAR. ter were handsohiely figured with beads and quills. Over all he wore a gorgeously adorned scarlet blanket, sweeping the ground as he walked. In person, he was tall and command- ing, with the well-knit frame of an athlete: "A very proper man, of goodly Stature, and great Courage of mind as well as Strength of Body." Around his council fire were gath- ered many of the notables of the.tribe. Pessacus — also called Sucsusquench, Coousquench, Peticus, and Canonicus the Sec- ond — a brother of Miantonomo, and for twenty years regent, during the minority of Canonchet, now chief councillor and ruler; the fiery Quinnapin and his sons; old Pomham, a "mighty man of valor," "one of the most valiant Sachems," on whose death it was said "the glory of the nation has sunk with him forever." With him was. his comely son, and a grandson already a noted captain ; Potucke, "'the great In- dian counsellor," of "wonderful subtlety;" the treacherous Stonewall John, "one of the most distinguished Narraganset captains," "an active and ingenious fellow, who had learned the mason's trade, & was of great use in building their forts," who boasted before the swamp fight, Dec. 19th, that the Eng- lish durst not fight them ; and Wennaquabin, and Neco- peake. Sachems of lesser note. Canonchet was a young man and he represented the temper of those forward for the war. He had declared he would never submit to the English. He was looked upon as the real leader in the war, and the young braves from other clans and adventurers from distant tribes flocked to his standard. During the season occasional bands of Nipmucks were also here, led by Mawtamp of Quabaug, Sagamore John of Lancaster, Capt. Tom of Natick, Old Ma- toonas and others. Here were the apostate Christians from the towns of Praying Indians, established by Eliot — "Preying Indians," Hezekiah Usher called them. They were , under Wattasacompanum, whom Eliot called his "chief assistant, * * * a grave and pious man, of the chief sachems blood of the Nipmuck country." These renegades affected the costume of the English, and may have been seen on horse- back, "with hats, white neckcloths, and sashes about their waists, and ribbons upon their shoulders." These pious lambs proved the worst wolves of the whole bloody crew. One of them for an ornament wore "a string about his neck, strung with Christian fingers." Here was Sancumachu, the THE PRAYING INDIANS. 141 Pocumtiick Sachem, with the survivors of the Pocumtuck confederation, and what volunteers he could muster from the Mahicans, or other western tribes during the winter. He came with Philip, heading about three hundred warriors. From this force most of the scouts to our frontiers were doubtless selected. Megunneway, an Abenaki, was in the Falls fight, and it is probable that other Eastern Indians had joined the hostiles. Philip, in his state dress, was not eclipsed by the popular Narraganset chieftain. His mantle, a belt nine inches in width, gorgeously wrought with beads and wampum in fig- ures of beasts, birds and flowers, hung from his neck to his feet. Another belt, equally fine, circled his head, the ends, adorned with pendant flags, hanging down his back. All of these had an edging of rare red hair, obtained in the Mohawk country. His buskins "were set thick with beads, in pleas- ant wild works." Elegantly carved powder horns, filled with glazed powder, hung upon each arm. A richly adorned red blanket, trailing behind him, covered the whole. Neither the costume nor occupation of the unfortunate Wotonekanuske, his queen, has been ascertained, but those of her sister, Weetamoo, may well represent the mode, at the court of King Philip. The marriage of the Queen of Pocasset to Quinnapin, was doubtless for reasons of state, rather than from affection or romance, for the latter had already two wives. The honey- moon had been spent in a dangerous retreat to the Nipmuck country, before the victorious English. Weetamoo took at least one waiting maid along with her, and after the attack on Lancaster, Quinnapin presented her with another in the person of Mrs. Mary Rowlandson, the minister's wife, whom he bought from one of his men, by whom she was captured. From this new servant we get many glimpses of Indian life and character. She says of her mistress: — A severe and proud dame she was, bestowing every day in dress- ing herself, near as much time as any of the gentry of the land. Powdering her hair and painting her face, going with her necklaces, with jewels in her ears and bracelets upon her hands. When she had dressed herself her work was to make girdles of wampum and beads. At great dances she wore a kersey coat, covered with girdles of wampum from the loins upward. Her arms, from her elbows to her hands, were covered with bracelets. There were handfuls of neck- 142 PHILIP'S WAR. laces about her neck, and several sorts of jewels in her ears. She had fine red stockings and white shoes, her hair powdered and her face painted red, that was always before, black. On similar occasions Quinnapin "was dressed in his Holland shirt, with great stockings ; his garters hung round with shillings, and had girdles of wampum on his head and shoul- ders." This coin, doubtless the Pine Tree money of Massa- chusetts colony, was hung so thick as to jingle when the wearer moved. Each of the wives of Quinnapin kept up a separate establishment. One was old, the second young, with two children. Weetamoo had at least as many. Early in April one of Weetamoo's children died. It was buried the next day, and "for some time after a company came every morning and evening to mourn and howl" with the sorrow- ing mother. Wotonekanuske had also with her at least two children, a boy of eight or nine, and a young pappoose attended by a nurse maid. One day the latter demanded of Mrs. Rowland- son a piece of her apron " to make a flap " for this royal scion of the Wampanoags. Mrs. Rowlandson refused. Weetamoo ordered compliance, and a furious war of words followed. Her white servant still refusing, the fond aunt rushed at her with a club, to enforce her command, when the captive was glad to escape by giving up her whole apron. The future of this infant is unknown, but the horrible fate of Wotonekanuske and her boy, by an act disgraceful to civ- ilization, is blazoned on the rolls of infamy. They were cap- tured Aug. I St and sent from the free, cool shade of a New England forest to pine and perish under the lash of a task- master, beneath the burning sun of the tropics. They were sold into West Indian slavery ! No savage had yet mastered the art of a torture equal to this. The condition of Mrs. Rowlandson among the Indians seems peculiar. She appears in a measure to have been master of her own time and did many odd jobs of needlework out of her mistress's family, for which she received pay. At Phil- ip's request she made a shirt for his unfortunate son, for which he gave her a shilling. With this she bought a piece of horse flesh. For making the same lad a cap she was in- vited to dine at the royal table. Although often on the verge of starvation, if she was detected in getting food from others, MRS. ROWLANDSON IN CAPTIVITY. 143 she was punished for having disgraced her master by beg- ging. The Indians were well provided with dry goods, needles, &c. Mrs. Rowlandson knit stockings for Weetamoo, and for a warrior, she ravelled out a pair that was too big, and knit them to fit. For making a shirt for her sannap, one squaw gave her a piece of beef ; and another a quart of peas for knitting stockings. Upon this rare stock of provis- ions Mrs. Rowlandson made a feast. " I boiled my beef and peas together," she says, " and invited my master and mis- tress to dinner ; but the proud gossip, because I served them both in one dish, would eat nothing, except one bit which he gave her on the point of his knife." An Indian gave her a knife for making a shirt for himself and an unborn child. When Quinnapin saw the knife he asked her for it. She gave it to him, and was glad she had "anything they would accept of and be pleased with." For a shirt made for a pap- poose, the mother gave her a dinner of broth thickened with powdered bark. Again she made a shift for a squaw, who re- placed her lost apron, and she got a hat and silk handker- chief for knitting three pairs of stockings. After the Sud- bury fight she made a shirt for Quinnapin's pappoose from a Holland laced pillow beer, part of the plunder. On the arrival of the confederate tribes at Squakheag, the plan of the campaign agreed upon in January seemed feasi- ble. The towns about the Bay were being ravaged daily, and the valley was defenceless. Two problems presented themselves to the Indians, the solution of which was neces- sary to success; the first, to stave off starvation until the fishing season ; the other, a much more difficult one, to get a supply of ammunition. For the latter purpose a party of Po- cumtucks and Nipmucks was at once dispatched to Canada, with captives taken at Lancaster, to be exchanged for pow- der. A plan was discussed of sending a like expedition to Albany ; but the arrival of the Dutch traders [see ante, page 136J made this unnecessary. The small stock of provisions they had been able to carry with them had been exhausted, and they were now existing from hand to mouth. Light foraging parties had been sent out on the English frontiers by Sancumachu, and one party brought in from Westfield five bushels of meal. Another captured John Gilbert and Edward Stebbins,two Springfield lads, by whom they learned 144 PHILIP'S WAR. that no Bay troops had come to the valley. Within two days after the arrival of Canonchet a council met and a decision was made to attack Northampton at once. Canonchet had not forgotten the taunt of Roger Williams, the October be- fore, while .dissuading him from joining Philip, that "the In- dians were so cowardly that they had not taken one poor fort from us, in all the country." An opportunity now offered for a practical reply. Runners were sent through the camps giving notice. The night of March i ith was spent in a war dance by the braves, and by the squaws in preparing such food as could be obtained for the march. On the 12th, a strong force set out down the river, fully expecting to return loaded with plunder and prisoners. The result of the attack has been given, [ante, page 132.J Although the cattle, sheep and horses secured were a great relief to the hungry multi- tude, the main object of the movement was not accomplished. This repulse and the discovery that the valley towns were well defended, changed the whole aspect of affairs at Squak- heag. Philip, whose headquarters had been on the west side of the river, scented danger, and on the i6th moved north- ward, and crossed to the east side. On the 20th, Capt. Tom, with five hundred Nipmucks, took post at Pocumtuck to guard their frontier. The Pocumtucks were especially dis- appointed. They had been fully assured that their old home was about to be restored to them. Their discontent was in- creased by news that the expedition to Canada for powder had failed. It had been attacked by Mohawks and two of the Pocumtucks killed. This loss was charged directly upon Philip ; the cause of Mohawk hostility being well known to them. They saw in the failure of these plans, their own ruin, and accused Philip of inciting them into a war for which they had no just ground, simply to gratify his own personal hatred. Meanwhile the daily struggle for existence went on. " Many times in the morning," says Mrs. Rowlandson, " the generality of them would eat up all they had * * * and yett I did not see one man woman or child die with hun- ger, though many times they would eat that that a hog would hardly touch. They would pick up old bones, and if they were full of maggots, would heat them to " drive them out, then boil them, and drink the liquor." The softer part MRS. ROWLANDSON DINES WITH PHILIP. 145 of the bones were pounded in mortars and eaten. " They would eat horses guts and ears * * * dogs, skunks, rat- tlesnakes, yea, the very bark of trees." But their chief reli- ance was ground nuts, and other roots dug from the earth as the frost came out. Had not the winter of 1675-6 been one of remarkable mildness — the ground then opening in Feb- ruary — it seems impossible that these hordes could have sur- vived it. Mrs. Rowlandson being exhausted one day, an In- dian gave her a spoonful of samp, and " as much as she would, of the water in which he was boiling a dried horse's foot." With this treat her "spirits came again." For one day's travel, five grains of corn was all the food allowed her. On the occasion of her invitation to dine with Philip, she says : " I went, and he gave me a pancake about as big as two fin- gers, it was made of parched wheat, beaten and fried in bear's grease." With this niggardly hospitality the royal banquet closed — an exhibition of the meanness of Philip, or the leanness of his larder. The responsibility of the campaign rested on Canonchet. One problem had been solved. The Dutch would supply powder in barter for furs. On the failure at Northampton he saw that the non-combatants must be permanently located here, and provision made for their support. His plan, which he laid before the Sachems in council, was to make this re- gion the general rendezvous, and place of refuge for the old men, women and children, with a party of his own men, who were on good terms with the Mohawks, for a guard. No- where else, he might well say, could provision for the sum- mer and stores for the winter be so easily procured. The river at Peskeompskut would afford abundance of shad and salmon in their season. The broad meadows at Pocumtuck and Squakheag would yield a supply of corn, beans and squashes. Berries and nuts would abound on the hills. The ponds would soon be covered with wild fowl, and here were the favorite haunts of the deer, raccoon and beaver. The only lack was seed for planting. Canonchet said there was corn enough in the barns of the Narraganset country, and called for volunteers to go and get a supply. This being a service of great danger, with little chance for glory, no one came forward until the chief declared he would go himself, and then only thirty offered to accompany him. With this 146 PHILIP'S WAR. little band Canonchet left the valley and took his way to- ward the Narraganset Bay. It seems he reached his goal in safety, and dispatched his escort with the precious seed, while he lingered to meet the main body of his army, which was to follow and join him. On the 2d of April, while in camp with six or seven men on the bank of the Pawtucket, he was surprised and captured by a party of English under Captains Avery and Dennison, and Indians led by Oneko and others. The first Englishman who addressed Canonchet was Robert Stanton, twenty-one years old, son of Thomas Stan- ton, the interpreter, who began to question him. Canonchet, looking scornfully upon him, said, " You much child, no un- derstand matters of war ; let your chief come, him will I an- swer," and no more would he say. He was taken to Stoning- ton and executed the next day. No man ever carried himself more nobly than this captive chieftain. He was offered his life on condition he would " send an old counsellor of his to make a motion towards submission," but he refused. When told he was to die, he replied, " I like it well. I shall die before my heart is soft, or I have spoken anything un- worthy of myself ; " but " killing me will not end the war, for I have 2000 men who will revenge my death." Being taunt- ed with his boast that he " would not give up a Wampanoag, or the paring of a Wampanoag's nail," and that he "would burn the English in their houses," he only answered, "Others were as forward for the war as myself. I desire to hear no more about it." The only favor he asked, was that the in- dignities of torture might not be inflicted, and that his ex- ecutioner might be Oneko, son of Uncas, whom he acknowl- edged as a fellow prince. These requests were granted. He was executed by Oneko, as Miantonomo, his father, had been by Uncas. His head was sent to Hartford, the receipt of which was noted April 8th. [Conn. Rec, II, 432.J Mistaken accounts give the date of the capture as April 9th. Thus fell a man who should be ranked first of all New England Indians in the qualities which go to make up a pa- triot, nobleman and warrior. His death " was a matter of re- joicing to all the Colonies." He was called the "Ringleader of almost all this mischief, and great incendiary betwixt us and the Narragansets," and as " the son of Miantonomi, and heir of all his pride and insolence, as well as his malice OVERTURES FOR PEACE. 147 against the English * * * a most perfideous villain." With all the vituperation, the only charge brought against his honor was a violation of the October treaty at Boston. This treaty was in accordance with the treacherous policy of Philip, and made at his solicitation, Canonchet being unfor- tunately under his influence at that time. But let us remem- ber the fact, which his detractors overlooked, that very soon after he returned home he sent notice to Boston that the treaty was to be considered null and void. Meanwhile, awajli^^^ the return of Canonchet, the struggle for existence continue^ at Squakheag and few hostile move- ments were made. tiScouts watched their own frontier and hovered about that ~of the enemy. The English, however, being thoroughly alarmed and on the alert, gave few oppor- tunities for spoil. An occasional success cheered them. Ear- ly in April a party, doubtless Pocumtucks, being on the high lands overlooking Hadley, saw workmen with a guard go out into the meadows. Creeping towards the scene of labor the scout patiently waited events. They soon saw the vigilance of the whites relax, and their own opportunity for action. Deacon Richard Goodman, one of the workmen, left the guard to examine his boundary fence, and three of the guard climbed the hill to view the prospect. All came with- in range of the scouts' guns, and all fell. Thomas Reed was captured. He was brought to headquarters and closely ques- tioned, but the plans of the English being in utter confusion, as we have seen, no information of value could be obtained from him. About this time another element of discord was introduced into the camp. Towcanchasson, with another Indian mes- senger, bearing a flag of truce, arrived from Hartford with the following message: — These are to signify unto all or any of those Indians whoe are now at war with the English, that the Councill of Conecticott, haueing not wronged nor injured them in the least so as to cause them to take up armes against us, but being called according to covenant to assist our confederates of Massachusetts and Plimouth, haue taken sundry Indians captiues, and some are deliuered to vs ; therefore we haue thought meet to declare to the s'^ Indians that we are willing to tender them an exchang of captives, for such English as they have in their hands; and that upon the return of o" to Hadley where we will meet them, theirs shall be set at liberty to come to them. We also do tender, that if the s* Indians doe desire any treaty with vs, 148 PHILIP'S WAR. and make appeare that they haue been wronged by any of the Eng- lish, we shall endeavour to haue that wrong rectifyed, and heare any propositions they haue to make vnto us; and if any of the Sa- chems desire to treat with vs, they shall have liberty to com to vs and goe away without any molestation, sending word when and where before hand. And they may know that we are men of peace and willing to farther peace with all o' neighbours. Dated in Hartford, March 28. 1676. ?"■ order of the Councill, J. A. Sec'y. These to be convayed by Towcanchasson. This overture was w^ell received by She-iPocumtucks and Nipmucks, who had no real cause for ■\^r. ' They were tired of the hardships it involved, and indigp nt against Philip, who enticed them into it. It was different with the Narra- gansets. Their homes were desolate, their people slain and their vengeful natures forbade thoughts of peace. At any rate no action could be had until the return of their chief- tain, Canonchet. The departure of Maj. Savage from Hadley, April 7th, was reported by scouts at once, and caused great exultation, dampening all thoughts of peace, and greatly strengthening the war feeling. It now appeared that their friends at the east had carried out their part in the programme of the cam- paign. The troops had been forced to return home, and if all united, the valley towns must soon be in their hands, with all their corn and cattle. The occupation of the peacemaker was gone. Within a day or two, however, came the sickening news that their valiant leader, their anchor of hope, the noble Ca- nonchet, had fallen. The blow was a stunning one. Con- sternation took the place of confidence, and confusion and discord reigned. The Pocumtucks at once deserted the cause and threatened to seek a peace, with the head of Philip as an offering. On the loth that prudent sachem moved towards safer quarters in the fastnesses of the Wachu- sett mountain. Within a week news of another disaster reached the camp. Forty men, including several counsellors and sachems, had been killed near the place where Canonchet was taken. The care of the disorganized multitude now fell upon Pes- sacus. Measures were taken for defense here, and a fort pro- INDIAN AND ENGLISH CORRESPONDENCE. 149 jected at a cowass some forty miles up the river, as a re- treat, in case of need. Three forts were built for defense against invasion, on the ground now occupied. Scouting parties were sent to skulk about the towns below, to keep them in a constant state of alarm, and on the defensive. Cattle and horses from their pasture grounds added to the provisions in the camps. Though generally successful in their raids, the last week of April one party reported a disas- trous issue. While on the bank of the Connecticut river, near Springfield, they were surprised and fired upon by the enemy. Three of them were mortally wounded, but plung- ing at once into the water, their scalps were saved. The peace party had again become a power, and increased with every reverse. Towcanchasson was still here, and it was urged upon Pessacus to attempt a treaty with the enemy. The Narragansets were in no mood for peace, but the wily Sachem, whose object was to gain time until the winter's stock of fish was laid up and the planting season over, saw here an opportunity to ensure delay. To that end he dis- patched Tiawakesson, his own official " messenger," with Towcanchasson and suite, bearing an ambiguous message in writing to the Connecticut Council. In a short time Tiawa- kesson came back with the following message in reply: — To Pessicus, Wequaquat, Wanchequit, Smiggumache, and the rest of the Indian Sachems up the River about Suckquackheage, these: — You may hereby be informed, that we have received your writing, brought by o"" two messengers, and by Pessicus his messenger, and in it we find no answer to what we propownded, and therefore once again we haue sent these lines to you, to inform you that, as we sayd before, we are men of peace, and if they will deliver unto us the English captives that are with them, either for money or for captiues of yours in o' hands, to be returned to them, wee shall accept of it so farr: and if they will attend a meeting at Hadley, within these eight days, if the Sachems will com thither bringing the captives with them as a signe of theire reall desire of peace, we shall appoynt some to meet them there, and to treat them upon tearmes of peace; and they shall haue safe conduct both in comeing and while they stay; and they shall have free liberty to depart, if we doe not agree to tearmes of peace. But to this we doe desire their speedy answer, to be brought to Hadly, within five dayes; and if one or two men come with the Sachems answer to this and come without armes, with a white cloath vpon a pole, they will receiue no damage, and their answer will be speadily handed down to vs. They know we never use to breake our promise to Indians, and doe keep peace with all o' own Indians, though some fewe are kept in a comfortable 150 PHILIP'S WAR. house, put there by theire own free will as pawnes for the rest, till the wars be ended, and are well used, as friends not as prisoners. Dated in Hartford, May ist, 1676. P' order of the Councill of Conecticott, Signed, John AUyn, Secrefy. It was evident to Pessacus, by the tenor of both the com- munications from the English, that the principal object of these overtures was to get the prisoners from his hands ; that their continuance in his camp would embarrass hostile move- ments, and he had no intention of giving up this advantage. So no response was made to the invitation for a meeting at Hadley. And as the spring advanced, and the hardships of the confederates diminished, there was less and less desire for peace. Changeful as children, the fickle savage was elated, or cast down, by the events of the hour. As warm weather came on food was more and more readi- ly procured. The springing herbage not only furnished food in itself, but revealed the esculent root beneath. When the ponds opened, water fowl became common, and as the shad and salmon appeared in their annual migration, abun- dance followed the long winter of starvation. Mrs. Row- landson says, after being for weeks almost famished : " I was never again satisfied ; though it sometimes fell out that I had got enough and did eat till I could eat no more, yet I was as unsatisfied as when I began." Feasting and gorging brought content to the Indians and everything wore a more hopeful aspect. Every week brought news of successes by their friends at the East, and the enemy shut up in the towns below seemed to be at their mercy when the time for action should come. The peace party had disappeared. While crowds were catching and drying fish to store their barns with a winter's stock, others were engaged in prepar- ing the ground for planting at Pocumtuck and Squakheag ; and by the middle of May a wide area had been planted. English scouts reported three hundred acres in corn at the former place. Indian scouts reported to the Sachems no re- inforcements to the English force, but, on the contrary, that part of the garrisons had been withdrawn from the towns ; that the settlers were neglecting their fields from fear, and that no laborers left the stockades without a guard. Week by week the confederates grew more and more secure. The FATAL FEAST AT PESKEOMPSKUT. 151 Sachems about the camp fires talked over the plans for the summer, assured of an easy success in driving the whites from the valley. The escaped captive, Reed, reported them " as secure and scornful, boasting the great things they had done, and will do," annihilating in their war dances many an imaginary foe. Their principal camp was at the head of the rapids on the right bank of the river at Peskeompskut ; another was at some distance above it ; a third, nearly opposite on the left bank, while a fourth was on Smead's Island, a short distance below ; and still another at Cheapside guarded the ford of the Pocumtuck river. Beside these, every fishing place on the Connecticut as high up as the Ashuelot had its camp. Quiet and plenty had lulled the Indians into a sense of se- curity. The escape of the English captives, Gilbert, Steb- bins and Reed, in consequence of their relaxed vigilance, brought no premonitions of danger. The English and the Mohawks, like themselves, they reasoned, must attend to their planting. May 12th, Pessacus, learning that the Hat- field people had turned their stock into the north meadows to feed, promptly sent a party to secure the prize ; and that very night seventy or eighty head were brought off. A part were left in the common field at Pocumtuck, and the fence repaired to keep them in, others taken to the camps for slaughter, and the cows brought to headquarters for their milk, where the English captive women were made to milk them. Beef now became as plenty as fish. But the end was drawing near. On the night of May i8th a grand feast was held at Peske- ompskut. Sachems and warriors, women and children, alike gorged themselves on the choice salmon from the river, and fresh beef and new milk from the Hatfield raid. Late in the night, perhaps to secure a further supply, a party went out in canoes to spear salmon by torchlight. A shower unfortu- nately extinguished the torches, and the fishermen went ashore to mingle again in the frolic and festivity. This lasted until near morning. At its close, without posting a single sentinel, the whole party, stuffed to repletion, and lulled by the monotone of the falling waters, fell into a pro- found slumber. From this criminal security and stupid tor- 152 PHltlP'S WAR. por, warrior and people were rudely aroused. The foe were even now at their very door. TURNERS FALLS FIGHT. On the recall of Major Savage, as before stated, garrisons had been left in the valley towns at their request and their of- fer to pay the expense of the same. This proved a heavy bur- den to the harassed settlers, and as the weeks wore on, a feel- ing grew up, that, as all field operations were forbidden, they themselves could defend the stockades, and a smaller force of soldiers guard them in their labors. About the first of May a petition was sent to the General Court to the effect, that, if one-half of the garrisons be supported by the Colony, no objection would be offered to the withdrawal of the other half. This change was made, and the returning troops were doubtless the escort to the provisions which Turner had been ordered to send to the rendezvous at Quabaug. The inhabitants were not deceived by the quiet of the In- dians. Aware of their numbers and occupation, they knew that when planting and fishing were over, and the trees in full leaf, the whole valley would be alive with them. The boldness of the enemy in settling so near, and their success- ful raids on the frontiers, had at length aroused more indig- nation than fear. Left to their own resources by the govern- ment, their inherent manhood rebelled against the fact that a horde of the despised race was insolently domineering over them. Their pride was aroused. The panic of the early spring gave way to an urgent desire for offensive action. The following letter represents this feeling to the General Court:— Hadly Apr. 29. 1676. It is strange to see how much spirit (more than formerly) appears in o'' men to be out against the enemy. A great part of the inhab- itants here, would o'' committees of militia but permitt would be go- ing forth. They are dayly moving for it, and would fane have lib- erty to be going forth this night. The enemy is now come so near us, that we count we might goe forth in the evening, and come upon them in the darknesse of the same night. We understand from Hart- ford some inclination to allow some volunteers to come from there up hither. Should that be, I doubt not but many of o'' would joyne with them. It is the generall voyce of the people here y' now is the time to distresse the enemy, and that could we drive them from thair fishing, and keepe out though but lesser parties against them, famine UNSUCCESSFUL DIPLOMACY. 153 would subdue them. All o'' late intelligence gives us cause to hope that the Mohawks do still retaine their old friendship to us, & enmity against our enemies. Some proofe of it they have of late, in those they slew higher up this River. Two of whom, as the Indian mes- sengers relate, were of o"' known Indians, and one a Quaboag Indian. And further proof its thought, they would soone give, were the ob- structions (y' some English have or may put in their way) removed, and the remembrance of the ancient amity and good turns between them, and these colonies, renewed by some letters, & if it might be, by some English messenger. We would not tho' out of so good an end as love and zeal for the weale publique, that we should be tran- sported beyond o'' line. We crave pardon for o"' reaching so far, and w'" many prayers, so desire to beseech the father of mercies & God of all Counsell to direct you in the right way, and so praying we remain. Sir, Your Worships most Humble & devoted Serv'ts. John Kussell. Will Turner. • David Wilton. Samuell Smith. John Lyman. ISAACK Graves. John King. DANIELLE WARNARE. The same day on which this letter was written, another of similar import was sent the Connecticut Council also giving notice of the arrival of Towcanchasson from Squakheag, with Tiawakesson, the messenger of Pessacus. The Council are cautioned against giving full credit to the stories they tell, as " they doe (especially he that belongs to these parts,) labor to represent the enemies state as much to their ad- vantage as may be, whether agreeing with truth or not." Tiawakesson and his party arrived at Hartford the next day, and on the ist of May were sent away with the message already given, [see ante, page 149,] and orders issued for rais- ing one hundred soldiers, who were to leave Hartford on the 8th for Hadley, the place and time appointed for the meeting with the Sachems. A letter was also sent to Mr. Russell, in reply to his of the 29th, giving the substance of the message sent by Tiawakesson, and asking that any an- swer to it being received, should be posted to Hartford, at the same time cautioning them against making any hostile movements while the English captives remained in the hands of the Indians, " whom they will in such case be likely to destroy." 154 PHILIP'S WAR. The eight allotted days passed and no tidings from Pessa- cus, and so no Connecticut troops came to Hadley. " The spirit to be out against the enemy " grew stronger day by day, and when the great loss of stock from Hatfield meadows was known, that spirit was shared by the commander. May 15th Thomas Reed, the escaped captive, came into headquarters and gave a full account of the unwarlike coudi- tion of affairs up the river. All now agreed that the time had come for a trial of arms ; and that day Mr. Russell, who seems to have been their mouthpiece, wrote the Connecticut Council giving an account of the raid on Hatfield meadows and the news brought by Reed, concluding : — This being the state of things, we think the Lord calls us to make some trial of what may be done against them suddenly, without fur- ther cfelay and therefore the concurring resolution of men here seems to be to go out against them to-morrow night so as to be with them, the Lord assisting, before break of day. We need guidance and help from heaven. We humbly beg your prayers, advice, and help if it may be. And therewith committing you to the guidance and blessing of the Most High, remain Your worship's in all humble service John Russell. To this was appended : — Altho this man speaks of their number as he judgeth yet they may be many more, for we perceive their number varies, and they are going and coming, so that there is no trust to his guess. William Turner. John Lyman. Isaac Graves. The resolution "to go out against them to-morrow night," the 1 6th, was not carried out. But after waiting for two days the result of the appeal to Connecticut for help, on the 1 8th, a force of about one hundred and forty-one men was gathered at Hatfield for an expedition against their enemy at Peske- ompskut. It was made up very nearly as follows : From the garrisons of Hadley, Hatfield and Northampton, thirty- four ; from those at Springfield and Westfield, twenty-two, under Lieut. Josiah Fay, of Boston. The rest were volun- teers. From Hadley, twenty-five, and Hatfield twelve, under Sergeants John Dickinson and Joseph Kellogg ; twenty-two from Northampton, under Ensign John Lyman ; twenty-three from Springfield and three from Westfield, under Capt. Sam- uel Holyoke. Of these, nineteen at least, had been, or be- MARCH TO PESKEOMPSKUT. 155 came, citizens of this town. Rev. Hope Atherton of Hat- field, "who was a courageous man and willing to expose himself for the public good," was the Chaplain; Benjamin Waite and Experience Hinsdell were guides. The whole was under Captain William Turner of Boston. Each man was furnished with provision for three meals. Nearly all were mounted, but there were a few footmen. After sunset, Thursday, May 1 8th, this little army set out on a memorable march — memorable for its material, for its good and bad for- tune, and for the results achieved. After fervent prayer by the chaplain, and a tearful God-speed from their friends, the cavalcade passed out from Hatfield street with high hopes and determined hearts. Crossing the meadows to the north, vowing vengeance for the stolen cattle, they wended their way slowly up the Pocumtuck path. Tall Wequamps loomed up before them like a pillar of cloud against the dim northern sky. They followed the exact route which had led Beers and Lothrop into an ambush nine months before. Thought- ful eyes peered into the fatal swamp as they passed. Over the Weequioannuck and through the hushed woods as darkness was closing down, to Bloody Brook. Guided by Hinsdell, the troops floundered through the black morass, which drank the blood of his father and three brothers, eight months be- fore ; they passed with bated breath and clinched fire-lock, the mound under which slept Lothrop and his three score men. As they left this gloomy spot, and marched up the road, down which the heedless Lothrop had led his men into the fatal snare, the stoutest must have quailed at the uncer- tainty beyond. Was their own leader wise? Did he consid- er the danger? Did not they all know that if Towcanchasson was treacherous or any swift-footed friend of Pessacus had revealed to him their plans, that they were marching to sure destruction? Was it prudent to neglect precautions against surprise? What if the information of Reed should prove in- correct? Burdened with thoughts like these, the command made its way to Pocumtuck, guarding with closed ranks, against the gaping cellars of our ruined village. More than one of these men, by toil and frugality, had here built their homes and gathered their families. As they passed the des- olate hearthstones, what but faith in the Most High could raise their sinking hearts? Onward across North Meadows, 156 PHILIP'S WAR. where one of the guides, Benjamin Waite, was later to end his eventful life in the brave attempt to rescue the captives of 1704, and where the boy hero of this expedition, famous later as Capt. Jonathan Wells, tried vainly to temper his rash zeal. Over the Pocumtuck river, at the mouth of Sheldon's brook, to avoid the ford guarded by the Indian fort, and up the steep side hill to Petty's Plain. Even with this precau- tion, the wading of the horses was heard, and the Indian sentinel gave the alarm. With lighted torches a party ex- amined the crossing place, but finding no tracks, concluded that the noise was made by moose crossing the river. So narrowly did the party escape discovery. Following the Indian trail at the foot of Shelburne hills, the adventurers entered the mysterious and unexplored wilderness stretching away to Canada. Full of boding fancies, they marched on under the gloomy arches of a primeval forest, the darkness made more intense by the glare of lightning, and the silence occasionally broken by a peal of thunder, the bark of the startled wolf, or raccoon, the ghostly flitting of the wonder- ing owl. What wonder if these brave men and boys, super- stitious as they were, and worn by fatigue and excitement, lost their self-possession a few hours later. Marching two miles northward, then crossing Green river at the mouth of Ash-swamp brook to the eastward, skirting the great swamp. Turner reached the plateau south of Mount Adams, before the break of day, tired and drenched by a shower, which fortunately drove in the fishermen. [See ante, page 151. J Leaving his horses under a small guard, Turner led his men through Fall river, up a steep ascent, and came out on a slope* in the rear of the Indian camp. He had reached his objective point undiscovered. Silence like that of death brooded over the encampment by the river, save for the sul- len roar of the cataract beyond. With ears strained to catch any note of alarm, the Englisli waited impatiently the laggard light, and with the dawn, stole silently down among the sleeping foe ; even putting their guns into the wigwams un- discovered. At a given signal the crash of a hundred shots aroused the stupefied sleepers. Many were killed at the first fire. The astonished survivors, supposing their old enemy * Now the farm of T. M. Stoughton. THE englishman's REVENGE. 157 to be upon them, cried otit " Mohawks! Mohawks!" rushed to the river, and jumped pell-mell into the canoes which lay- along the shore. Many pushed off without paddles ; in other cases the paddlers were shot, and falling overboard, upset the canoe ; many in the confusion plunged into the torrent, attempting to escape by swimming. Nearly all of these were swept over the cataract and drowned. Others, hiding about the banks of the river, were hunted out and cut down, " Cap- tain Holyoke killing five, young and old, with his own Hands from under a bank." A very slight resistance was made, and but one of the assailants wounded ; another " was killed in the action by his friends, who, taking him for an Indian as he came out of a wigwam shot him dead." The wigwams were burned, and the camp dismantled. Says a letter writer of the day : — We there destroyed all their ammunition and provision, which we think they can hardly be so soon or easily recruited with as possibly they may be with men. We likewise here demolish't Two Forges they had to mend their arms; took away all their Materials and Tools, and threw two great Piggs of Lead (intended for Making of Bullets) into the River. There were skilled mechanics among the Indians, doubt- less renegade disciples of Eliot. The disasters of the English which followed their success is attributed to various causes. "The want of health of Capt. Turner, unable to mana'^e his charge any longer," be- ing " enfeebled by sickness before he set out," but "some say they wanted powder, which forced them to retire as fast as they could by Cap. Turner's order." The real cause was, that there was too long a delay on the scene of conflict, which gave the Indians from the other camps time to gather about them. When that condition of affairs was observed, the English, it would seem, drew off towards their horses in con- siderable disorder. A party of about twenty who had gone a little distance up the river to fire at some canoes that were seen coming over, were left behind, and they were obliged to fight their way to their horses, and were surrounded while mounting. One of this number, Jonathan Wells, a boy of sixteen, after being wounded, managed to escape and make his way up to Capt. Turner, whom he begged to go back to the relief of his party in the rear, or halt until they came 158 ■ PHIUP'S WAR. up. Turner replied, " Better save some, than lose all," and pushed on. About this time, one of the released English cap- tives reported that Philip with a thousand men was at hand. This created a panic amongst the exhausted men, and the retreat became a rout. The guides differed as to the safest route, each crying out, "If you would save your lives fol- low me," and the command was in a measure broken up, each fragment taking its own course. A party following guide Hinsdell into a swamp on the left flank were all lost. Turner received a fatal shot as he was crossing Green river near "Nash's Mills." Capt. Holyoke, on whom the com- mand now devolved, labored bravely to restore order, and if he " had not played the Man at a more than ordinary rate, sometimes in the Front, sometimes on the Flank and Rear, and at all Times encouraging the Soldiers, it might have proved a fatal Business to the Assailants. The said Capt. Holioke's horse was shot down under him, and himself ready to be assaulted by many Indians just coming upon him, but discharging Pistols upon one or two of them, whom he pres- ently dispatched, and another Friend coming up to his Res- cue, he was saved, and so carried off the Soldiers without further loss." The line of retreat being through a dense for- est, the fleet Indians had the advantage of the mounted fug- itives. They hung like a moving cloud on flank and rear, shooting as opportunity offered, and even followed across North Meadows and through the Town Street to the Bars. On mustering the force at Hatfield, forty-five men — nearly one- third of the command — were missing, and two mortally wounded ; two came in that night, two Sunday and two more on Monday. The total loss was Captain Turner, Sergt. John Dickinson and Guide Hinsdell with thirty-nine men. List of men in the Falls Fight under Captain William Turner, May 19th, 1676; made up from all available sources, but chiefly from the Mass. M. S. Archives. Absolute knowl- edge might require slight changes. Those marked thus *, were killed ; those thus f, were wounded. AUis, William,* Hatfield. Baker, Timothy, Northampton. Alexander, Nathaniel, Northampton. Barber, John, Springfield. Alvard, Thomas, Northampton. Bardwell, Robert, Hatfield. Arms, William, Hatfield. Bedortha, Samuel, Springfield. Ashdown, John,* Weymouth. Beers, Elnathan, Watertown. Atherton, Hope, Hatfield. Belcher, John, Braintree. Ball, Samuel, Springfield. Belding, Samuel, Hatfield. CAPTAIN turner's SOLDIERS. 159 Belding, Stephen, Hatfield. Bennet, James,* Northampton. Bennitt, John, Windham. Boltwood, Samuel, Hadley. Bradshaw, John, Medford. Buckley, George.* Burton, Jacob,* Topsfield. Bushrod, Peter. Chamberlain, Benjamin, Concord. Chamberlain, Joseph, Concord. Chapin, Japhet, Springfield. Chase, John, Newbery. Church, John,* Hadley, Clapp, Preserved, Northampton. Clark, William, Northampton. Colby, John, Almsbury. Colby, Samuel, Almsbury. Colefax, John,* Hatfield. Coleman, Noah, Hadley. Crow, Samuel,* Hadley. Crowfoot, Joseph, Springfield. Cunnaball, John, Boston. Dickinson, John,* Hadley. Dickinson, Nathaniel, Hadley. Drew. William, Hadley. Dunkin, fabez,* Worcester. Ebon, George. f Edwards, Benjamin, Northampton. Elgar, Thomas,* Hadley. Field, Samuel, Hatfield. Flanders, John, Salisbury. Foot, Nathaniel, Hatfield. Foster, John.* Fowler, Joseph,* Ipswich. Fuller, Joseph, Newton. Gillett, Samuel,* Hatfield. Gerrin, Peter.* Gleason, Isaac, Springfield. Griffin, Joseph, Roxbury. Grover, Simon, Boston. Hadlock, John,* Concord. Harrington, Robert, Springfield. Harrison, Isaac,* Hadley. Harwood, James. Hawks, Eleazer, Hadley. Hawks, John, Hadley. Hindsdell, Experience,* Hadley. Hitchcock, John, Springfield. Hitchcock, Luke, Springfield. Hodgman, Edward,* Springfield. Hoit, David, Hadley. Howard, William,* Salem. Hughs, George,* Springfield. Hunt, Samuel, Billerica. Ingram, John, Hadley. Jones, Abell, Northampton. Jones, John,f Cambridge. (?) Jones, Roger, Boston. Jones, Samuel,* Yarmouth. Keet, Franc[is], Northampton. • Kellogg, Joseph, Hadley. King, John, Northampton. King, Medad,* Northampton .(?) Langbury, John,* (Came up with Capt. Lothrop; served later under Moseley.) Lee, John, Westfield. Leeds, Joseph, Dorchester. Leonard, Josiah, Springfield. Lyman, John, Northampton. Lyon, Thomas.* Man, Josiah,* Boston. (?) Mattoon, Philip, Hadley. Merry, Cornelius, Northampton. Miller, John,* Northampton. Miller, Thomas, Springfield. Montague, Peter, Hadley. Morgan, Isaac, Springfield. Morgan, Jonathan, Springfield. Munn, James, Colchester. Munn, John, Colchester. Newbery, Tryal, Maiden. Nims, Godfrey, Northampton. Old, Robert, Springfield. Pearse, Nathaniel, Woburn. Pike, Joseph,* Charlestown. Poole, Benjamin,* Weymouth. Pratt, John, Maiden. Pressey, John, Almsbury. Preston, John, Hadley. Price, Robert, Northampton. Pumrey, Caleb, Northampton. Pumrey, Medad, Northampton. Ransford, Samuel.* Read, Thomas, Westford. Roberts, Thomas.* Rogers, Henry, Springfield. Ropes, Ephraim,* Dedham(?) Ruggles, George.* Salter, John, Charlestown. Scott, John. Scott, William, Hatfield. Selden, Joseph, Hadley. Simms, John.* Smead, William, Northampton. Smith, John, Hadley. Smith, Richard. Stebbins, Benoni, Northampton. Stebbins, Samuel, Springfield. Stebbins, Thomas, Springfield. Stephenson, James, Springfield. Sutlief, Nathaniel,*:]: Hadley. Sykes, Nathaniel, Springfield. (?) Tay or Toy, Isaiah, Boston. Taj lor, John.* Taylor, Jonathan, Springfield. Thomas, Benjamin, Springfield. Turner. Capt. William,* Boston. Tyley, Samuel. Veazy, Samuel,* Braintree. Waite, Benjamin, Hatfield. :]: Judd speaks of a tradition in the Sutlief family that Nathaniel was burned at the stake. 160 PHILIP'S WAR. Walker, John.* Wells, Jonathan, f Hadley. Warriner, Joseph, Hadley. Wells, Thomas, Hadley. Watson, John,* Cambridge. (?) White, Henry, Hadley. Webb, John, Northampton. Whitterage, John,* Salem. Webb, Richard, Northampton. Worthington, William. Weller, Eleazer, Westfield. Wright, James, Northampton. Weller, Thomas, Westfield. Killed 41. Wounded 3. Nine veterans of this company were living in 1735, Na- thaniel Alexander, Samuel Belden, John Bradshaw, John Chase, Joseph Fuller, Samuel Hunt, James Munn, Jonathan Wells. In 1734 vSamuel Hunt petitioned the General Court for a grant of land to the survivors and heirs of those en- gaged in the " Falls Fight." In 1736 a grant was made them six miles square, to be located on the north bounds of Deer- field. Of the 145 men known to be in the fight only 97 claimants appeared when the tract was laid out in 1736. Two more appeared, and in 1741 an additional grant was made of the Gore lying between the former one and " Boston town. No. 2," [Colrain] on the west. The whole was called Falls Fight Town, Fall Fight Township, Fall Town, and on secur- ing a Town Charter in 1762, Bernardston. Among the few affidavits made to sustain claims, found in the Massachusetts MS. Archives, is one from John Chase, in which he states that he and Samuel Colby were in the fight and helped to bury Capt. Turner. A grave which was probably that of Capt. Turner has been discovered within a few years on the bluff westerly of where he fell. George Ebon, who was wounded in his head, was a soldier at Westfield, August, 1676. Although successful, this expedition into an almost unex- plored wilderness against unknown numbers, was rash in the extreme. Had the march been discovered, another and sim- ilar tragedy would doubtless have been added to those of Beers and Lothrop. By good fortune, however, the object of its design was accomplished. The people proved prophets. No intelligent estimate can be made of the number of In- dians engaged in this affair, and contemporary accounts dif- fer widely as to their loss. Captive Indian women said that four hundred were killed, including seventy Wampanoags. If this be true, the latter must have been women and chil- dren. We know that there was no distinction of age or sex in the slaughter. Other Indians said " the number of slain DEATH OF CAPTAIN TURNER. 161 and drowned was three hundred and upward that we are able to give an account of, and probably many more, for all the Indians that had confederated in this war were got together in these parts, and we could not tell their numbers. We miss many that might be lost" there. Another said that about sixty warriors were killed of the Pocumtucks, Nip- mucks and Narragansets, including three or four Sachems and some of their best fighting men ; but that many who went over the falls got on shore below. Wennaquabin, a Nar- raganset Sachem, who was there, said that he "lost his gun and swam over the river to save his life." Necopeak, of the same tribe, said that he " ran away by reason the shot came as thick as rain ; * * * that he saw Capt. Turner, and that he was shot in the thigh, and that he knew that it was him for the said Turner said that was his name." Both these Indians were executed with Quinnapin at Newport, R. I., August 26th, 1676. The Pocumtucks suffered severely, and their power was broken forever. From this time and place, they pass into oblivion. Here was written in bloody charac- ters the final page in their history as a tribe or nation. A miserable remnant was absorbed by the Mahicans or the Cahnawagas. Lying before me is a manuscript from which some vandal has cut the signature, but clearly in the handwriting of Ste- en, son of Rev. John Williams, dated " Springfield, L. M., [Long Meadow,] Feb. i, 173 1-2." The substance of this was published by Rev. John Taylor, in an appendix to the " Re- deemed Captive," in 1793; but as it is intimately connected with our narrative, it seems fitting to give the entire paper in this place. Mr. Taylor prefaces the story by saying it was " the substance of an attested copy of the account, taken from his own mouth." At the date of this manuscript, Mr. Wells, the hero in fact and name, was living in Deerfield, where he died January 3d, 1738-9. To this paper will be added some statements connected with it, from other manuscript in the same handwriting, together with a tradition elucidating one point in the story. ESCAPE OF JONATHAN WELLS. I shall give an account of the remarkable providences of God to- wards Jonathan Wells Esq then aged 16 years and 2 or 3 months 162 PHILIP'S WAR. who was in the action [at the Falls Fight, May 19th]. He was with the 20 men y' were obliged to fight w'" the enemy to recover their horses; after he mounted his horse a little while, (being then in the rear of y" company) he was fird at by three Indians who were very near him; one bullet passd so near him as to brush his hair another struck his horse behind a third struck his thigh in a place which be- fore had been broken by a cart wheel & never set but the bones lapd & so grew together so y* altho one end of it had been struck and the bone shatterd by y" bullet yet the bone was not wholly lossd in y= place where it had knit. Upon receving his wound he was in danger of falling from his horse, but catching hold of y^ horse's maine he recovered himself. The Indians perceviflg they had wound'd him, ran up very near to hiin, but he kept j" Inds back by presenting his gun to y™ once or twice, & when they stoped to charge he got rid of them & got up to some of y^ company. [In this fight for life, as appears by ano.ther scrap of our manuscript, he stopped and took up behind him Stephen Belding, a boy companion of sixteen years, who thus escaped]. Capt. Turner, to whom he represented y'= difficulties of y" men in y" rear & urgd y' he either turn back to y'' relief, or tarry a little till they all come up & so go off iu a body; but y'' captain replid he had 'better save some, than lose all,' and quickly y" army were divided into several parties, one pilot crying out, 'if you love your lives follow me;' another y' was acquanted w"' y*^ woods cryd 'if you love your lives follow me.' Wells fell into the rear again and took w*'' a small company y' sepa- rated from others y' run upon a parcel of Indians near a swamp & was most of y"" killed. They then separated again & had about ten men left with him, and his horse failing considerably by reason of his wound, & himself spent w"' bleeding, he was left with one John Jones, a wounded man likewise. He had now got about 2 miles from y^ place where y'' did y" exploit in, & now y^ had left y^ track of y*^ company & were left both by y'' Indians y' persued y™ & by their own men that should have tarried with y'" These two men were unacquainted w"' y" woods, & without anny track or path. J. W. had a gun & J. J. a sword. J. J. represented y" badness of his wounds, & made his companion think they were certainly mortall, and therefore when yJ" separated in order to find the path, J. W. was glad to leave him, lest he sh'' be a clog or hindrance to him. Mr. W. grew faint, & once when y" Indians prest him, he was near fainting away, but by eating a nutmeg, (which his grandmother gave him as he was going out) he was revivd. After traveling a while he came upon Green river, and followd it up to y" place calld y= Coun- try farms, & passd over Green river, & attempted to go up y" moun- tain, but as he assend'd the hill he fainted & fell from his horse; but after a little he came to himself & found y* his horse's bridle hung upon his hand & his horse was standing by him. He tyed his horse and laid down again. At length "he grew so weak y' he c"* not get upon his horse, & conclud'd he must dye there himself, & so pitying his horse he dismissd him, never thinking to take any provision from him, altho he had three meals of provision behind him. Ab* noon this, & at ab' sun an hour high at n', being disturbed by y"^ flies, he stopd y" touch hole of his gun & struck fire, & set y'^ woods on fire; ONE SHOT MORE. 163 but there being much rubbish, he had like to have been burnt up by- it, not being able to get out of y" way; but by scraping away y« leaves, &c., he was w"' much difficulty preserved from burning; his hands and hair were much burnt, notwithstanding all y' he c" do. He then made a fire of some wood y' lay in his reach & lay down by it. Now new fears arose: He concluded y' his fire would direct the indians where to come to find him, & being so weak he c" not stand or go, concluded he must then be killed by y<= indians; he flung away his powder horn one way and his bullet pouch another, y' y^ might not have y"', reserving a little horn of powder y' he might have one shot before jy killed him; but w" y" fire spread considerably, he ex- pected yy w'' be as like to look in one place as another, & again took courage & took some tow & stopd into his wound, & bound it up with his hand kerchief & neckcloth, & so securely laid him down to sleep; and when asleep, he dreamt y' his grandfather came to him & told him he was lost, but y' he must go down y' river till he came to y'= end of y" mountain & then turn away upon y" plain, (he was now ab' 12 miles from Deerfield) & y' was y° way home. When he awoke in the morning, (having been refresht by his sleep & his bleeding be- ing stopd), he found he had some strength, & found y' w"' y' help of his gun for a staff he C* go after a fashion; when y'= sun arose he found himself lost, (tho before he thot y'= direction in y" dream was quite wrong), but upon considering y^ rising of y^ sun, &c., he re- solved to go according to y'= direction of y" dream, (he had now got 6 miles further from home than y'= place was where they did their exploit upon y" enemy) & picking up his powder horn &: bullets he girt up himself & set forward down y" river & found y' at length he came to y'^ end of y" mountain & to a plain (as in his dream, which before he knew nothing of, for he was never above y" place called Hatfield Clay Gully before this expedition, & when he went up 'twas n', as before observd, & he was now many miles from any place where y" army came). He travelled upon y'' plain till he came to a foot path w"'' led up to y° road he went out in, where he c* see y" tracks of y"^ horses. He travelled by leaning upon his gun as a staff, & so he carhe down to D'' river, but did not know how to get over. He met w"" much dif- ficulty, for y° stream car"* his lame leg acrost y" other leg; but at length by putting the muzzell of his gun into y'= water, (for he was loth to wet the lock), he got over, but filled the muzzell of his gun with gravel & sand. Being much spent when he got up y" bank, he laid down under a walnut bush & fell asleep, and w" he awoke an Indian was coming over the river in a cano to him coming ashore to him — near — his distress was great; he could not run from his enemy & was quite incapacitated from fighting, (his gun being full of sand & gravel), but he presented his gun, and when the Indian discovered him, he jumped out of his cano, (Ipaving his own gun w°'' was in y" head of y'' cano), & made his escape & went & told y'= indians y' y^ English army was come again for he had seen one of y" scouts. Mr. W., suspecting the indians w"* come to search for him, went away in- to a swamp (y' was hard by) and finding two great trees y' had been left by y" flood lying at a little distance from each other & covered over wV> rubbish, he crept in betwixt them & within a little while 164 PHILIP'S WAR. heard a running to & fro in y^ swamp, but saw nothing; within a lit- tle while all was still, and he ventured to proceed on his journey. (The Indians afterwards gave out that a Narragansett Indian was going up the river after eals, that he saw y^ track of a man in y^ path y' went up y^ bank & was going to see, & saw a man on y* bank & jumped out of y" canoo, & went & told y" Indians y" English army were coming again ; y' he had seen one of y" scouts ; upon w'' yy went to y'' place, but not seeing anything, y^ concluded he was afrightd groundlessly, for y'= Narragansetts, y^ s*, were no better than squaws, &c., and so y^ made no strict search). A digression from the narrative, but not to be skipped. The Indian story in the parenthesis above appears to be an attempt to cover up the humiliating fact of their being outwitted by a crippled boy. It is not improbable that Wells told the story as written, with the double purpose of annoy- ing the Indians on a sensitive point, and of concealing the artifice for future emergencies. No one brought up on Coop- er's novels could for a moment believe that Wells escaped in the manner described, and from the writer's boyhood, this part of the story has thrown a shadow of doubt over the whole account of this romantic experience. Any one closely observing a pile of drift wood in situ, will see how difficult it must be for the most careful hand to remove any part of it without leaving unmistakable evidence of the disturbance. And the trail of the hobbling boy, from the track "in y" path y' went up y" bank" to the great trees and rubbish "left by y" flood " in the swamp, must have been patent to the most casual eye, let alone an Indian on the trail of an enemy. A more interesting and romantic story of border warfare in real life is rarely met with. Carefully trace the events as modestly, naively told, with no whining and no complaint. Note the hero's bravery and coolness when attacked ; his knightly court- esy in stopping in his flight to rescue Belding ; his thought- fulness for those behind, and judgment in pleading with Capt. Turner to keep his command in a body ; his humanity in re- leasing his horse ; his resignation when lying down to die ; his forethought in putting out of the reach of the foe his powder horn and bullets ; his <;ourage in preparing for " one more shot ; " his expedient for lighting a fire to keep off the insects; his self-possession in building a fire to lie down by, after his narrow escape from being burned to death ; his clear- headedness when "lost" or "turned round" in the morning; A YOUTHFUL LEATHERSTOCKING. 165 his persistent care for his gun and ammunition ; his ingenu- ity in saving himself when in the very jaws of the enemy ; his fortitude under the discouragements by the way, and his expedients for overcoming them ; his reverence and care for the dead at Bloody Brook. Here stand, clearly revealed, traits of the noblest character, in a lad ripened to self-reliance by the exigencies of frontier life. It is with great satisfaction that the writer is able to dissipate the faint shadow resting upon the narrative. The key to this remarkable escape is found in a tradition handed down in the family, and given me by Rodney B. Field of Guilford, Vt. By this it appears that the "two great trees y' had been left by y'= flood a little distance from each other and covered over with brush," were lying, one end on the river bank, with the other projecting into, and supported by the water. Wading along to the nearest tree, ducking his head under its trunk, and standing erect between the two, with head above water. Wells was securely hidden and no trace of his footsteps was left. This was a device which might well baffle his pursuers and was worthy of Leatherstocking himself. The real danger, — that which could not have been foreseen, — appeared when the Indians in their "running to& fro" stopped for a moment on this cover. Under their weight it sank, forcing the poor boy's head under water, so that sev- eral times he was nearly drowned. Narrative continued: — In Deerfield Meadows he found some horses' bones, from which he got away some small matter; found two rotted beans in y' meadows where y° indians had thrashed y'' beans, & two blew birds' eggs, w"'' was all y' provision he had till he got home. He got up to Df town plat before dark, Saturday, but y° town was burned before & no in- habitants, so he kept along. His method of travelling was to go a little ways & then lye down to rest, & was wont to fall asleep, but in Y n' twice he mistook himself when he awoke, & went back again till coming to some remarkable places, he was convinced of his mis- take & so turned ab* again, & at length he took this method, to lay y' muzzell of his gun towards hiscourse, but losing so much, he was discouraged & laid himself down once & again, expecting to dye; but after some recruit was encouraged to set forward again, but meeting w'" these difficulties he spent y" whole n' in getting to muddy brook (or, as some call it, bloody brook) ; here he buried a man's head in y' path, y' was drawn out of Y grave by some vermin, w"* clefts of wood, &c., and upon y' road to H'f'd was (like Samson after the slaughter of y" Philistines) distressd for want of drink, & many times ready to faint, yet got no water till he came to Clay Gully, but divers 166 Philip's war. times he was refresht by holding his head over candlewood knots y* were on fire, y" woods being then on fire on y' plains, & got to Hat- field between meetings on Sabbath day. He lay lame under Dr. Locke for some time, & was under Mrs. Al- len & Mr. Buckley four years & 2 months (in all) & never had any- thing allowd him for time or smart, tho y>' p'' y" surgeon ; he lay at one time half a year in one spot on a bed, without being turned once, or once taken out; often dispared of his life; all his skin came off his back by lying in one posture. The Indians have given the account following to Jonathan Wells, Esq. , viz. : That the Monday after the fight, 8 Englishmen that were lost came to them and offered to submitt themselves to them, if they would not put them to death, but whether they promised them quar- ter or not, they took them, and burnt them; the method of Burning them was to cover them with thatch and put fire to it, and set them a running; and when one coat of thatch was burnt up, they would put on another, & the Barbarous creatures that have given this ac- count of their inhumanity, have in a scoffing manner added, that the Englishmen would cry out as they were burning, "Oh dear! oh dear!" The Indians themselves account it very unmanly to moan or make ado under the torments and cruelties of their enemies who put them to Death. On another paper Mr. Williams refers "to an account of the wonderful providence of God towards the Rev. Mr. Hope Ath- erton, who was likewise in the expedition. He was unhorsed, lost & left & would have surrendered himself to the Indians, but they would not receive him but ran from him. He got over the Great River and got safe into Hadley. This account was drawn up by himself, and signed by himself, but the ac- count would be too long to insert in this extract, &c." When Mr. Williams wrote the above meagre abstract, the original MS. was in his possession. A copy of this follows: — MR. atherton's story. [Read after his sermon, Sunday, May 28, 1676.] Hope Atherton desires this congregation and all people that shall hear of the Lord's dealings with him to praise and give thanks to God for a series of remarkable deliverances wrought for him. The passages of divine providence (being considered together) make up a complete temporal salvation. I have passed through the Valley of the Shadow of Death, and both the rod and staff of God delivered me. A particular relation of extreme sufferings that I have under- gone, & signal escapes that the Lord hath made way for, I make openly, that glory may be given to him for his works that have been wonderful in theipselves and marvelous in mine eyes; & will be so in the eyes of all whose hearts are prepared to believe what I shall re- late. On tfie morning (May 19, 1676) that followed the night in which I went out against the enemy with others, I was in eminent HOPE ATHERTON'S WANDERINGS. 167 danger through an instrument of death: a gun was discharged against me at a small distance, the Lord diverted the bullet so that no harm was done me. When I was separated from the army, none pursued after me, as if God had given the heathen a charge, saying, let him alone he shall have his life for a prey. The night following I wan- dered up and down among the dwelling places of our enemies ; but none of them espied me. Sleep fell upon their eyes, and slumber- ing upon their eyelids. Their dogs moved not their tongues. The next day I was encompassed with enemies, unto whom 1 tendered myself a captive. The Providence of God seemed to require me so to do. No way appeared to escape, and I had been a long time with- out food. They accepted not the tender which I made, when I spake, they answered not, when I moved toward them they moved away from me. I expected they would have laid hands upon me, but they did not. Understanding that this seems strange and incredible unto some, I have considered whether I was not deceived; and after con- sideration' of all things I cannot find sufficient grounds to alter my thoughts. If any have reason to judge otherwise than myself, who am less than the least in the kingdom of God, I desire them to inti- mate what their reason is. When I have mused, that which hath cast my thoughts according to the report I first made, is, that it tends to the glory of God, in no small measure; if it were so as I believe it was, that I was encompassed with cruel and unmerciful enemies; & they were restrained by the hand of , God from doing the least injury to me. This evidenceth that the Most High ruleth in the Kingdom of men, & doeth whatever pleaseth him amongst them. Enemies cannot do what they will, but are subservient to over-ruling provi- dence of God. God always can and sometimes doth set bounds un- to the wrath of man. On the same day, which was the last day of the week, not long' before the sun did set, I declared with sub- mission that I would go to the Indian habitations. I spoke such lan- guage as I thought they understood. Accordingly I endeavored ; but God, whose thoughts were higher than my thoughts, prevented me; by his good providence I was carried beside the path I intended to walk in & brought to the sides of the great river, which was a good guide unto me. The most observable passage of providence was on the Sabbath day morning. Having entered upon a plain, I saw two or three spies, who I (at first) thought they had a glance upon me. Wherefore I turned aside and lay down. They climbed up into a tree to spie. Then my soul secretly begged of God, that he would put it into their hearts to go away. I waited patiently and it was not long ere they went away. Then I took that course which I thought best according to the wisdom that God had given me. Two things I must not pass over that are matter of thanks-giving unto God : the first is, that when my strength was far spent, I passed through deep waters and they overflowed me not, according to those gracious words of Isa. 43, 2 ; the second is, thak I subsisted the space of three days & part of a fourth without ordinary food. I thought upon those words "Man liveth not by bread alone, but by every word that proceedeth out of the mouth of the Lord." I think not to too much to say, that should you & I be silent & not set forth the praises of God thro' Jesus Christ, that the stones and beams of our houses 168 PHILIP'S WAR. would sing hallelujah. I am not conscious to myself that I have ex- ceeded in speech. If I have spoken beyond what is convenient, I know it not. I leave these lines as an orphan, and shall rejoice to hear that it finds foster Father's & Mother's. However it fare amongst men, yet if it find acceptance with God thro' Christ Jesus, I shall have cause to be abundantly satisfied. God's providence hath been so wonderful towards me, not because I have more wisdom than oth- ers (Danl 2, 30) nor because I am more righteous than others; but because it so pleased God. h. a. Hatfield, May 24th, 1676. This interesting narrative has been long lost and sought for. At length it has been discovered, and can now be traced directly back to the hands of the author. Mr. Atherton never recovered from the effects of his terrible experience, and died June 4th, 1677. His only surviving son, Joseph, settled in Deerfield. The paper was loaned by him to Lieut. Timothy Childs, and was seen in his hands by Ebenezer Grant, who, by leave of Atherton, sent it to Rev. Stephen Williams, who was then preparing his valuable "Appendix" to the "Redeemed Captive." Mr. Williams made a copy of this, and doubtless sent back the original to the owner, according to the condi- tions of the loan. Who among the Athertons has the origi- nal? In 1 78 1, Mr. Williams sends his copy to Pres. Ezra Stiles; and in 1857, Dr. Henry R., son of Ezra Stiles, sends it to Syl- vester Judd, and J. R. Trumbull of Northampton has recent- ly found it in the Judd collection of MSS. Mr. Trumbull has kindly sent me a verbatim copy, which it seems fitting to print, with the accompanying letter. The story of Jonathan Wells confirms the correctness of Atherton's narrative. Extract from a letter (dated June 8th, 1 78 1 ,) of Stephen Wil- liams, to President vStyles : — "In looking over my papers I found a copy of a paper left by the Kev. Hope Atherton, the first minister of Hatfield, who was or- dained May loth, 1670. This Mr. Atherton went out with the forces (commanded by Capt. Turner, captain of the garrison soldiers, and Capt. Holyoke of the county militia) against the Indians at the falls above Deerfield, in May, 1676. In the fight, upon their retreat, Mr. Atherton was unhorsed and separated from the company, wandered in the woods some dafs and then got into Hadley,* which is on the east side of Connecticut River. But the fight was on the west side. Mr. Atherton gave account that he had offered to surrender himself to the enemy, but they would not receive him. Many people were * This conclusion does not seem warranted by the text. HADLEY TO THE RESCUE. 169 not willing to give'credit to his account, suggesting that he was be- side himself. This occasioned him to publish to his congregation and leave in writing the account I enclose to you. I had the paper from which this is copied, from his only son, with whom it was left. The account is doubtless true, for Jonathan Wells, Esq., who was in the fight and lived afterward at Deerfield and was intimately ac- quainted with the Indians after the war, did himself inform me that the Indians told him that after the fall fight, that a little man with a black coat and without any hat, came toward them, but they were afraid and ran from him, thinking it was the Englishman's God, etc., etc." The "deep waters" above mentioned were probably the Deerfield river, which he must have crossed. Atherton was on the Hatfield side Saturday night ; the spies he saw, Sun- day morning, would naturally be on the west side. Why should he cross the river that was such a " good guide unto " him and would lead him directly home to Hatfield ? After the Falls Fight the English frontiers were carefully covered by guards and scouts under the direction of the Committee of the Militia. A scouting party of which John Hawks was one, reported seeing in the evening of May 22d, Indian fires at the site of the Falls Fight and at the camp on the opposite side of the river. A large force appeared to be there. They had probably been observed by the scouts from the summit of Rocky Mountain at Poets Seat. No Indians, however, were seen about our towns until they came in force. A Hack on Hatfield. May 30th, the enemy appeared at Hat- field with seven hundred warriors and drove the inhabitants within the stockades. Remembering their experience at Northampton, no attempt was made to penetrate the lines ; but spreading themselves about they pillaged and burned houses and barns and slaughtered cattle at their will, the in- habitants not daring to sally from their shelter. This condi- tion of affairs being seen at Hadley, twenty-five resolute men crossed the Connecticut in a single boat to their aid. When nearly over they were discovered by the Indians, who, in a futile attempt to prevent a landing, wounded one of the men in the boat. The Hadley men gallantly fought their way towards the town through the one hundred and fifty Indians who had been attracted by the firing, but were so hard pressed that five were shot down near the fort, and none would have es- caped had not Hatfield men sallied out to their succor. The 170 PHILIP'S WAR. Indians fought desperately and exposed themselves unusual- 1}' m this encounter, and lost twenty-five men. As more re- inforcements might be expected from adjoining towns, an ambush was laid on the Northampton road, and another party watched the Hadley crossing. A post had been sent to Hartford, on the return of Capt. Holyoke to Springfield, asking for help, and on the 22d, Capt. Benjamin Newbury was sent up with eighty men, most of whom were now posted at Northampton. On hearing the alarm, Newbury went to the relief of Hatfield, three miles distant. Avoiding the road where the ambush lay, " fearing it beforehand," says the captain, he crossed the Connecticut, marched to Hadley, and attempted to follow the twenty-five volunteers ; " but," he says, the enemy " lay so thick about y" landing we could not get to Hatfield." This prudent de- tour of several miles, and putting a wide river between his men and the enemy, seems better calculated to secure their own safety than to afford relief to beleaguered Hatfield. It is gratifying, however, to note that something had been learned of the tactics of the Indians, even though nothing had been devised to meet them. The Indians at their leisure with- drew up the river, driving all the Hatfield sheep. They had burned twelve houses and barns, destroyed much property, and killed five men, viz : Johanna Smith of Farmington, Richard Hall of Middletown, John Smith of Hadley — ances- tor of the famous Oliver Smith — and two of Capt. Swain's garrison soldiers, whose names are not known, and wounded three — John Stow and Richard Orvis of Connecticut and John Hawks of Hadley. Hawks and Smith had both been in the fight at Turners Falls. One incident of the day, preserved by tradition, is given as a picture of Indian warfare : Soon after the Hadley men got ashore, a Pocumtuck Indian discovered an old acquaintance behind a tree near him in the person of John Hawks, and hailed him. The recognition was mutual, and each calling the other by name dared him to come out from his cover and fight it out, meanwhile watching his chance for an ad- vantage over his adversary. The Pocumtuck knew that his chances were the best. At any moment he might expect some of the gathering Indians to appear in the rear or on the flank of Hawks's position, forcing him from his cover, and A frontiersman's nerve and eye. 171 giving an opportunity to shoot or capture him. For this, he could afford to wait. In a short time these expectations seemed about to be realized. Hawks suddenly exposed his person and leveled his gun, as if to repel an attack in another direction. Deceived by this feint, the Pocumtuck sprang from his tree to rush up and capture his ex-friend, as soon as his gun was discharged. Quick as thought Hawks wheeled, and before the Indian could raise his gun or reach his cover gave him a fatal shot. The whole transaction was over in a second or two. The reasoning of Hawks as to his peculiar exposure had been the same as that of his antagonist, and his ready wit suggested the scheme, by which, trusting to steady nerve and quick eye, he might be saved. Hawks was wounded later in the fight, and "lay a wounded man 12 weeks." He and his brother Eleazer were in the Falls Fight on the 19th and both became settlers of this town. The following extract from a letter by Capt. Benjamin Newbury to Capt. John AUyn at Hartford, is the only ac- count of the event to which it refers that I have met : — "Sir, on Thursday morning y' was Alarum at Hadly, his man was shott at goeing to y° mill, and pr'sently after foure men more being sent foreth as a scout to discover, were also shott at by seaven or eight Indians and narrowly escaped. The Indians made sevoral shotts at y° mill, but throow God's goodness none was hurt. We being sent [for?] drew all over & together with sevoral of y° town went foreth to y' mill. Saw many tracks and also where y" Indians Lay y" Ambushments as we judged, but could not finde y" Indians so as to make anything of it. Some s'' they saw some, but so kept of that we could not come at them. We found where they had newly kild nine horses young and old, and to be feard have driven away sevoral cattle y' could not be found. I much doubght y' some ef- fictual course be not taken, much Loss of cattle if .not of men will soon be in these parts. Our being hear as garrison cannot pr'serue y" cattle, neither can we piursue after to relieve them but with great hazard." [This letter was dated] "Northampton, May 26th, '76." CLOSE OF PHILIP'S WAR. Soon after the party which left Squakheag with Philip, April loth, had reached Wachusett, negotiations for the re- demption of the English captives were opened by Gov. Lev- erett. These resulted in the recovery of several, among whom was Mrs. Rowlandson, who reached Boston May 3d. Philip bitterly opposed the policy of giving up the captives, or of any friendly intercourse with the English, and would have killed their messengers had not Sagamore Sam pre- 172 PHILIP'S WAR. vented. The far-sighted Wampanoag feared that this inter- course with the English would end in breaking up the Con- federacy, in bringing the war to a close, and in his own de- struction. Powerless to prevent it, Philip, with his usual du- plicity, sent an evasive letter about the prisoners, pretending a desire for peace, and asking that in the meantime the In- dians might not be disturbed in planting on the Nipmuck lands. To give opportunity for this, and gain time until the foliage was dense enough for shelter, was the object of this movement. The letter was also signed by three Nipmucks, and two Narraganset Sachems. One of the former. Sagamore Sam, was really in favor of peace, and would have given up all the captives to obtain it ; and to procure those in this val- ley, he left Wachusett about the middle of May. Events be- fore narrated frustrated his plans, and he returned only to find his wife a prisoner, a raid having been made on his own tribe in his absence. The correspondence of Gov. Leverett with the Indians was kept up several weeks, and a few more captives were redeemed. Meanwhile, with the expectation of peace, part of the English force in the field had been dis- missed, and little was done in the prosecution of the war. The General Court becoming satisfied of Philip's real object, wrote to Connecticut on the 26th of May, " We finde the In- dians heereabouts doe but dally, & intend not peace, there- fore concurr w'" you in a vigorous prosecution of them ;" that five hundred horse and foot would be on the march to- wards Wachusett by the first of June, and ask that a " pro- portionable" force be sent from Connecticut to meet them. On the sth of June, the Massachusetts troops, under the com- mand of Capt. Samuel Henchman, marched westward from Concord. Within a day or two he surprised a camp of Nip- mucks and killed or captured thirty-six, among them the families of Sagamore Sam and other leaders. Henchman reached Marlboro on the 9th and Hadley on the 14th. Maj. John Talcott, sent by Connecticut to join Henchman in an attack on the enemy about Wachusett, left Norwich June 2d and reached Quabaug the 7th, having killed or cap- ttired seventy-three Indians on the way. Two of these, taken near Quabaug, "reported 500 fighting men at Pocumtuck." Not meeting Henchman, nor daring to venture an attack on the fastnesses of Wachusett alone, Talcott pushed on to Had- THE ATTACK ON HADLEY. 173 ley, which he reached on the 8th. His force was two hundred and fifty mounted English and two hundred Indians, the lat- ter principally Mohegans under Oneko. The death of Joshua, another son of Uncas, prevented a much larger force of Mo- hegans from taking the field. Talcott established his head- quarters at Northampton, and sent to Hartford for ammu- nition and other supplies. These were forwarded by Capt. George Dennison, who arrived at Northampton with his com- pany June loth at midnight. About five hundred and fifty men were now collected at headquarters, and there was great rejoicing among the inhabitants. This joy would have been ten fold greater, could they have foreseen the events of the next two days. Henchman was daily expected, when the whole army would push on up to Pocumtuck. The slow movements of Henchman from the east were doubtless known to the Indians up the river, while they were ignorant of the march of Talcott and Dennison ; and to fore- stall the arrival of Henchman, Hadley was beset on the 12th by a force of seven hundred warriors.* A strong party was posted at the north end to intercept any English going to the north meadows, or cording from Hatfield ; the rest lay at the south end for a similar purpose, and both waited events. The latter party was first discovered. Three men who left the stock- ade in the morning, contrary to orders, fell among them and were killed. On the alarm, Capt. Jeremiah Swaine, who had succeeded Turner in command, sent out a force against the enemy. While so engaged at the south end, the Indians at the north end rushed from their covert to overrun that part of the town. To their surprise they found the stockades lined with soldiers and Indians, and soon fell back in disorder. They had fired a barn at the outset and got possession of a house. While plundering this on their retreat, it was struck by a missile from a small cannon which sent them tumbling out in great terror. They were pursued northward for two miles, and a few of them killed. This was their last attempt in the valley during the war. The junction of Capt. Henchman with Talcott at Hadley, June 14th, formed an army of more than one thousand men. *This is the occasion assigned by Gen. Hoytand Dr. Holland for the mythi- cal appearance of the regicide Goffe in the character of the Guardian Angel of Hadley. 174 PHIIJP'S WAR. The example of aggressive warfare which the inhabitants had set when forced to self-protection, had been recognized in the counsels of Massachusetts and Connecticut as the true policy, and this force was sent to carry it out. On the morn- ing of the 1 6th the army moved up the valley, Henchman on the east side of the river and Talcott on the west. No In- dians were found at Pocumtuck, and both divisions reached Peskeompskut at night, drenched by a heavy rain. A cold, northeast rain storm had set in, which continued all the 17th and the night following. Much of their provision and am- munition was spoiled, and the main body forced to return on the 1 8th. Scouts ranged the woods to the west and north, but no enemy were found. One party discovered the body of Capt. Turner, and saw charred stakes where they thought English prisoners had been tortured. About the 20th Major Talcott marched home; and Henchman moved towards the Bay two or three days later. Capt. Swaine, again left in com- mand in the valley, sent a scout of thirty men northward on the 28th, who destroyed a stockaded fort, thirty canoes, and a large quantity of provisions stored in underground barns, and burned one hundred wigwams on'Smead's Island. Not an Indian had been seen in the valley since June 12th. After Turner's attack they had retired up the river, probably to the place provided by Pessacus for such an emergency. They sallied thence to attack Hadley on the 12th. Surprised to find the Connecticut forces there, especially the Mohegans, and disheartened by their repulse, this party returned to their headquarters only to find their camp sacked and fifty of their women and children lying dead amidst the ruins. Thein worst fears were now realized. The dreaded Mohawk was upon them. No part of the Connecticut Valley was now tenable. Capt. Henchman, reporting his observations to the Council, June 30th, says :■ — Our scouts brought intelligence that all tlie Indians were in a con" tinual motion, some towards Narraganset, others towards Watchuset, shifting gradually, and taking up each others quarters, and lay not above a night in a Place. The twenty-seven scouts brought in two squaws a boy and a girl, giving account of five slain. Yesterday, they brought in an old fellow, brother to a Sachem, six squaws and children, having killed five men and wounded others, if not killed them, as they supposed by the blood found in the way, and a hat shot through. These and the other inform that Philip and the THE END DRAWING NEAR. 1Y5 Narragansets were gone several days before to their own places. Philip's purpose being to do what mischief he could to the English. This vivid picture of the disorganized condition of the Wampanoags and Narragansets, might well apply also to the Nipmucks and Pocumtucks. The former were drifting to- wards Maine and Canada, while the latter scattered westward, seeking refuge with their old allies, the Mahicans. Caspechy, or Cogepeison, of Springfield, with a small party ventured to Albany, and pretending peace had been made, tried to procure a supply of powder. They were secured by Gov. Andros, but he refused to give them up at the demand of Connecticut. Fears were now entertained that the Indians who fled to the Hudson would return with recruits. Scouts, therefore, ranged the woods, and guards watched over the laborers in the fields. July i ith, Mr. Russell wrote to the Connecticut Council for more soldiers while "inning the corn;" but it be- ing time of harvest there, also, none could be spared. The grain was secured in safety, and no Indians appeared in the valley until July 19th, when some hundreds were seen near Westfield, going westward. They were pursued by the gar- rison, and took a southwest course, as if to cross the Hudson at Esopus, "to avoyd the Mohawks." August nth, another party of two hundred crossed the Connecticut on a raft at Chicopee, and were discovered near Westfield the 1 2th. The soldiers there fired upon them and recovered a stolen horse. Major Talcott pursued them, and on the 15th overtook them at Hoosatonic river, where he killed or captured fifty-five. By taking this route through the settlements, the fugitives showed more fear of the Mohawks, who were ranging the northern woods, than of the English, who had but a feeble force in the valley. The condition of things here is well shown in a letter from Pynchon to Gov. Leverett, extracts from which are given below. The news of Philip's death, three days before, had not reached the valley, and Pynchon supposed he had fled westward with those fugitives who crossed the Connecticut the day before. [Springfield, August 15, 1676.] "When I was at Hartford my cousin Allyn Rec'd a letter f Capt. Nichols, governor Andros his Secratary, who writes y' y° North In- 176 PHILIP'S WAR. dians y' came in to them they had Secured by putting y" under y" watch of .4. Nations of Indians. And he hopes it will not be thought y' their Govern' doth Harbor o' Enemy, inasmuch as we doe accept of such as come to us: But surely it is y' worst of Indians y' are gone thither, o"" Indians who most Treacherously ruined this Town & some of y" y' we know murdered o' people w"'out any provocation, & I suppose Philip is now gone w"" y' Company: So y* I suppose it may be necessary that Gov. Andros be again sent to to d'^ vp y° Murderers, as we d'* vp .2. Murderers in Lovelace, his tyme , w°'' fled to Springfield fr" their Justice. I hope no answer wil be taken short of this for if some the chief of y™ were apprehended & sent to vs all y' rest would be quiet & not till then. Severall Indians are come in at Norwich & as I hear; they say y' y° Bay Army killed Quanapin, & Jvmps or Allumps is dead, his wife & children having come in to Norwich: I desire to hear whether Ca- nonicus came in ther to Treate & what is become of those Indians [sic] came in? but I am so Troublesome & will not longer detaine you. I Pray g* give y° ease & Mitigate y' Paine & illness * * * P. S. If it be thought meete & y° send order for y" releaving of one halfe of y' Soldiers here in Garrison at Springfield, I shall doe it vpon intimation. Possibly it may be meete to leave 18 or 20 till Indian harvest be over for there will be most hazard of sculking In- dians about vs." All fugitives were sheltered by Gov. Andros, and none were ever given up to the New England authorities. The Mas- sachusetts Council passed an order August 12th — the very day on which Philip fell — directing Capt. Swaine to collect the garrison soldiers from all the valley towns and " march to DeerfLeld, Squakheag, and the places thereabout, and destroy all the growing corn, and then march homeward." The corn here was cut down on the 22d. While so engaged, six Indi- ans were seen on the other side of the Pocumtuck, who dis- charged their guns in the air. Swaine called to them to come over the river. They did not come, but "hallooing, other Indians answered, and shot off a gun down the river." Not understanding their intentions, and " fearing they might ensnare them," the night coming on, Swaine marched away. This may have been a lingering band of Pocumtucks, who saw with the falling corn their last hope vanish, and were ready to surrender. Their presence, however, was alarm- ing, and Major Pynchon wrote a vigorous letter to the Bay on the 24th, remonstrating against the withdrawal of the soldiers. The Council reply the 28th, that if Connecticut will send a force against the fugitives collecting on the Hud- son, Swaine may join them with all his command. The Con- A MOOTJED POINT. 177 necticut Council sent to Gov. Andros on the 19th, -asking leave for such an expedition. Andros declined, saying he would take care to restrain them. He also refused a demand to deliver up six of the ringleaders, two Pocumtuck and four Nipmuck Sachems, known to be near the Hudson. These refugees were finally incorporated with the Mahicans, and became known as the Scatakooks. ^ Menowniet, a captive Indian, said " the Indians hid a great many guns about Pocumtuck," and described the place. On the 23d, Lieut. Thomas HoUister, with ten men to escort the prisoner, came up to recover them. The result is not known. On the first of September, the war being considered at an end, Capt. Swaine and all his men were discharged. THE MOHAWKS IN PHILIP'S WAR. Judd says that the stories of Mohawk attacks on the hostile Indians were false; and Drake seems to give them little credence. The reported facts lead me to an opposite con- clusion. The contemporary correspondence qn the war, and its early historians, often allude to stories of Mohawk hostil- ities. A careful collation and qomparison of these notes with undisputed facts, tends strongly to prove their truth, and gives the key to many otherwise unexplained events. Con- tinual aggressive acts of the Mohawks are clearly shown in the spring and summer of 1676. They drove Philip and the Pocumtucks from the Hoosick river in February. They cut off the messengers sent from Squakheag to Canada with prisoners to exchange for poAvder, in March. The cry of '■ Mohawks ! Mohawks !" when surprised by Turner, May 19th, shows the allies felt they had more reason to expect an at- tack from that enemy than from the English. The attack on their camp June 12th, noted by Mather and Hubbard, is proved by the letter of Andros, July 5 th. The Mohawks having made several forays on our west frontiers in June without discovering any Indians, suspected peace had been made, and complained that the English had closed the war without notifying them. Someknowledge of the correspond- ence between the belligerents, already given, had probably reached them, and explanation was necessary. July 8th, the Connecticut Council of War sent the Mo- hawks word through Gov. Andros that they may "be fully 178 PHILIP'S WAR. assured that we have made no peace with the Indians, nei- ther ..is there at present anything amongst us looking that way." Then follows a detailed account of the offensive op- erations of the troops and plans for the future, with the re- quest that they also "would speedily prosecute them in those northern parts above Suckquackheag and farther up the riv- er, eastward from the river, about Wachuset." They also advise about a sign to distinguish them from the enemy, and think some "yellow cloath may be best." They point out the haunts of the enemy and suggest definite arrangements for the conduct of the Mohawks when approaching the Eng- lish frontiers with war parties. This style of correspond- ence would hardly be held with a neutral or indifferent power. The Council ordered that Major Talcott and Capt. Mason " advise with Uncas concerning the sending a present up to the Mohawks, and what may be a suitable present." The messenger, sent by Andros July 5th, said that the Mohawks had killed one hundred and forty of the enemy, and on the day of his departure three hundred Mohawk warriors moved this way in search of the enemy. The route of the fugitives flying westward in July and August, shows their fear of the old enemy. Other reasons and authorities might be given, but may it not be seen from the above that the Mohawks were an important factor in Philip's war? Many of the soldiers who came here during Philip's war remained as settlers at its close, and gave a character to the population of this valley. At least seven of those on Tur- ner's roll of April 7th, and twelve who served under him later, became residents of Deerfield. To these men, the fam- ilies of Arms, Bardwell, Barrett, Field, Hawks, Hoyt, Mat- toon, Wells and others may look for their ancestry. Of oth- ers on the same rolls of honor whose namesakes came among us we find the names of Alexander, Atherton, Belden, Chapin, Clapp, Clark, Clesson, Conable, Hinsdale, Hunt, Kellogg, King, Lyman, Miller, Morgan, Munn, Nims, Pomroy, Price, Scott, Selden, Smead, Smith, Stebbins, Sutlief, Taylor and Wait. CHAPTER VII. ATTEMPTED SETTLEMENT OF 1677. The men of Pocumtuck who had escaped the storms of Philip's war, scattered in the towns below, anxiously awaited an opportunity of returning to cultivate their lands and gath- er their families under roof-trees of their own. A short time after the death of Philip, the hopeful Quintin Stockwell be- gan to build a house on the Willard lot, his old home ; but this was soon in ashes. In the spring of 1677, this persever- ing man, with a few other bold adventurers, again returned to Pocumtuck. Here they planted their fields in quiet and proceeded to build houses. They were cheerful, hopeful and helpful to each other. A house was put up for Sergt. John Plympton " 18 feet long." Of his six children, one had died in peace ; one slept at Bloody Brook, and four were set- tled in homes of their own. This small house was large enough for the sergeant and his " old wife Jane." Stockwell hoped his third attempt would provide a shelter for his wife and babe before the winter set in. John Root, thirty-one years old, had married the widow of Samuel Hinsdale, a vic- tim at Bloody Brook. He thus iecame the protector of a help- less flock, for whom he was making ready a home on the Russell lot, the spot where they were born. Benoni Steb- bins, cheerily working to secure a dwelling place for his bride, the widow of James Bennett, — who was lost with Capt. Turner — was probably engaged on the Samuel Wells lot, where his house was burned and he killed Feb. 29th, 1704. Philip Mattoon, another young man, was about to pitch his tent here. July 31st, 1677, he made a bargain with John Pynchon, by which he could secure a home for his bride, and Sept. loth, he married Sarah, daughter of John Hawks of Hadley. The attempt at settlement failing, Mattoon came here later, and here died in 1696. This contract, the oldest met with, is given as illustrating in several points the condi- 180 ATTEMPTED SETTLEMENT OF 1677. tion of business affairs among the pioneers. It is fot^nd in John Pynchon's 9,ccount book. July 21, 1677. Let out to Philip Mattoon my 18 cow commons and 4 sheep commons at Pocumtuck, all the intervale land belonging to s'' commons, (excepting the home lot which is already disposed of) according as it is laid out in several divisions, towards the up- per end of Pocumtuck Meadows, for 1 1 years from the first of March next, to pay all rates, taxes and charges, make & leave good fences, to build on the lanjd a good dwelling house, strong, substantial & well built, & compleatly finished, 30 ft long, 20 ft wide & 10 ft stud. Also a barn at least 48 ft long, 24 ft wide & 14 ft stud, well braced, all pts to be strong, substantial & workmanlike, & to com- pleate & finish the same before the end of the term, & then leave & deliver up all in good repair. He is also to pay thirty shillings a year for nine years, ^^3 the tenth, and ^£4 the last year. He is to have the use of two cows between the ages of four and seven years, & return two of like ages. Other men may have been here, but the only other person known w^as Samuel, son of Philip Russell, a lad of eight years. Two years and a day had passed since the blow fell at Bloody Brook, which " made 8 persons widows and 26 chil- dren fatherless in this Plantation." It was the soft evening twilight of Sept. 19th, 1677. The labors of the day were end- ed. The tired workmen were awkwardly preparing their suppers about their camp fire, chatting hopefully perhaps of the future, when this service should be more deftly performed by their helpmates, when they were rudely interrupted and amazed by the whistling of bullets, the crash of musketry, the wild war-whoop and furious rush of a band of savages who seemed springing from the ground all around them. Stockwell rushed down the hill into the swamp. He was seen, pursued and fired upon. He "slumped and fell down" in the mire. One of the pursuers thinking he was wounded came up to tomahawk him. Stockwell kept him at bay with an empty pistol. The Indian told him they "had destroyed all Hatfield and the woods were full of Indians," but assured him of safety if he would yield. Whereupon, Stockwell sur- rendered. Plympton, Stebbins, Root and Russell also fell into their hands. Root was soon killed, and after an ineffect- ual attempt to take the frightened horses of the settlers, the captives were led away into the woods on East Mountain. There, to their astonishment, and with mingled feelings of RAID OF ASHPELON. 181 joy and sadness, they found seventeen Hatfield people, like- wise captives. Here Samuel Russell met several of his play- mates and learned that his mother and little brother had been murdered at home, and the doleful tale of that morn- ing's work of horror was told. About eleven o'clock, this same party had surprised a few men who were raising a house at the north end of Hatfield, and shot three men from the frame ; they then attacked and burned several ;houses outside the palisades and killed or captured most of their occupants, and hurried off in triumph. The killed were Isaac Graves and his brother John ; John Atchison, John Cooper, Elizabeth Russell and son Stephen ; Hannah Coleman and her babe Bethiah ; Sarah Kellogg and her baby boy ; Mary Belding, and Elizabeth Wells, daughter of John. Her mother and another child were wounded, as were Sarah Dickinson and a child of John Coleman, but they all escaped. The captured were Obadiah Dickinson and child ; Martha, wife of Benjamin Waite, with their children, Mary, six years old, Martha, four, and Sarah, two ; Mary, wife of Samuel Foote, their children, Nathaniel, and Mary, three ; Sarah Coleman, four, with another child of John Coleman ; Hannah, wife of Stephen Jennings, with two of her children by Samuel Gillett, between three and six years old ; vSamuel Kellogg, eight, Abigail AUis, six, and Abigail Bartholomew of Deerfield, five. The assailants were a party of twenty-six Indians from Canada, under Ashpelon ; one was a Narraganset, the others Pocumtucks. With the captives they retreated hurriedly up the river. On reaching this vicinity, the smoke of their camp fires may have betrayed the settlers, and another prize was easily secured. The captives were bound, and the march to far-off Canada began. They were the first party of whites ever taken on the sad journey, so often traveled in years to come. In scattered order they traversed the woods northward, the captors imitating the voices of beasts and birds that they should not lose one another, or be discovered by the Eng- lish, if followed. They halted for the night near the mouth of Hearthstone brook, and at daybreak crossed Connecticut river at Sheldon's rocks. From this place ten men were sent back to the town, who returned with about ten horses 182 ATTEMPTED SETTLEMENT OF 1677. loaded with corn and other provisions. Here they marked on trees, as was. their custom, the number of killed and cap- tured. Continuing their march, they crossed the river again at Peskeompskut and camped for the night a few miles above. Here the captives were "staked down," and told the Indian law was to do this for nine successive nights. They were " spread out on their backs," the arms and legs stretched out and fastened to the ground with stakes, and a cord tied about the neck, so that they "could stir noways." Stockwell says, " the first night of staking down, being much tired, I slept as comfortable as ever." On the 21st, the party crossed the river to Northfield. Here they stopped awhile, but when their scouts reported English soldiers in pursuit, they went over the river again and scattered on the west side. These soldiers were a party sent up from Hartford under Capt. Thomas Watts, Lieut. John Mawdsley and Ensign John Wyatt, with John Hawks and some others of the Hamp- shire men who joined. This party returned after going forty miles above Hadley, without finding the marauders. Ashpelon's party went up the river perhaps as far as Put- ney, Vt., and crossed to the east side, where they were " quite out of all fear of the English but in great fear of the Mo- hawks." Here they built a long wigwam and had a great dance, preparatory to burning some of the captives. Ashpe- lon and others opposing, this ceremony was given up. From here, a small party went to Hadley ; they were discovered near the mill, and captured or gave themselves up. They declared they came to make arrangements for the redemp- tion of the captives, which is not unlikely. They were re- leased after an agreement to meet the English on a certain plain in Hadley, on Sunday, Oct. 14th. To attend this meet- ing, Major Treat came up from Hartford with forty men " to lend his advice and grant assistance in defending the planta- tions, and the persons as shall be appointed to treat, in the best way and manner as they can. That all due endeavours be used for the redemption of the captives, by paying a sume of money or other goods ; probably a quantity of liquors may not be amiss to mention in the tender." All this preparation was thrown away. Not an Indian appeared. The reasons will be seen. When Ashpelon left Canada, a party of Nipmucks were in ASHPELON OVERRULED BY NIPMUCKS. 183 company. Somewhere on the route they parted from him, apparently fixing on Nashua ponds as a rendezvous. The same day on which Ashpelon struck Hatfield, the Nipmucks reached the place where Wonalonset, with eight men and some fifty women lived. He was' a Pennacook Sachem, who had been neutral through Philip's War. Partly by persua- sion and partly by force, he was induced to remove to Cana- da, and the whole party moved towards Lancaster. Mean- while, Ashpelon sent messengers to notify the Nipmucks to come to him on the Connecticut. With these went Benoni Stebbins. On the return of the party, Stebbins escaped about Oct. 2d, from a point near Templeton and reached Hadley on the 4th. As a consequence of this act, the English pris- oners were all in danger of torture, and it was only through the kindness and policy of Ashpelon that this fate was averted. A short time before, the Indians taken and re- leased at Hadley had returned ; and the question of the meet- ing at Hadley, for which they had arranged, was under dis- cussion. The captives urged it, Ashpelon was in favor of it, and it was proposed to send Wonalonset as agent. The Nipmuck Sachems were opposed to the policy. " They were willing to meet the English, indeed, but only to fall upon them and fight them and take them." The peace policy be- ing overruled, Ashpelon advised the captives " not to speak a word more to further that matter, for mischief would come of it." About October 20th the whole party moved towards Cana- da. Samuel Russell and little Mary Foote were killed by the way ; the rest straggled into French or Indian towns about the first of January. Soon after, old Sergt. Plympton was burnt to death at the stake. Since the opening of Philip's war, in Hampshire County alone two hundred and seven persons had been killed and forty wounded. WAITE AND JENNINGS'S EXPEDITION. When Capt. Watts returned from the pursuit northward with no tidings of the captives, it was generally thought that the Mohawks were the guilty ones, as a small party of that tribe were at Hatfield the day before ; and Benjamin Waite, whose whole family was swept away, determined to seek them westward. He traversed the wilderness over the Hoo- 184 ATTEMPTED SETTLEMENT OF 1677. sac Mountain, but found no trace of the marauders. At Al- bany he became satisfied that the Mohawks were innocent. Returning with letters for Pynchon from Capt. Salisbury, commander at Albany, he reached Springfield Oct. 4th. Without a day's delay he pushed on to Boston, bearing a pe- tition from Hatfield asking authority and aid for an expedi- tion to Canada. The petition was granted, and on the 12th Waite was appointed agent. The very day Waite left the valley for Boston, Benoni Stebbins came in, and Pynchon at once dispatched a post to Capt. Salisbury, urging him to in- cite the Mohawks to pursue Ashpelon's party, " their old en- emy and ours," with a promise of reward for the service. "Ben. Waite," he says, "is gone home before the Intelli- gence came to me. He talked of goeing to Canada before, and I suppose will rather be Forward to it now, than Back- ward." Pynchon judged the indomitable man rightly. He would never pause until he found his hapless family. With this object, neither distance, climate nor foe had terrors for him. Stephen Jennings, a like-minded man, also bereaved of wife and children, now joined Waite in this knightly quest. With letters for the authorities in Albany and Canada, the men set out from Hatfield October 24th, and reached Albany the 30th. Here in an interview with Salisbury they were coldly received, and directed to wait upon him again. The impatient men, however, pushed on to Schenectady to pro- cure an Indian guide. Here the old jealousy of New England appeared, and upon the most stupid pretext they were ar- rested and sent back to Albany, and finally to New York, for an examination before Gov. Brockholds. Through this vex- atious hindrance, while every hour seemed a day, it was not until Dec. loth, that these harassed men were able to resume their journey. Six weeks of precious time had been given to smooth the ruffled dignity of Commander Salisbury. Now, with a Mohawk for a guide, the adventurers turned their faces toward a northern winter and an unknown wilder- ness. Thfe Indian left them on reaching Lake George, and with no clue but a rough chart which he drew for them on a piece of birch bark, these men of tender hearts and iron will pushed forward on their chivalrous errand. At the lake they found an old bark cahoe, which the Mohawk had patched up ; LETTERS OF STOCKWELL AND WAITE. 185 this they dragged over the snow, or paddled through the icy waves of the lake, as necessity compelled. Were they cold or hungry, the thought that their wives and little ones might be freezing or starving urged them forward. With the birch bark chart in hand, they toiled day after day over the dreary wastes, until on New Year's day they reached the foot of Lake Champlain. Following the river Sorel, they passed the French outpost at Shambly, and soon after Jennings was re- warded by finding his wife— a meeting to be imagined only. It was not long before the surviving captives were found, all in the hands of the Indians, save a few who had been pawned to Frenchmen for liquor. In a few days the travelers set out for Quebec, one hundred miles down the St. Lawrence. They were kindly received by Governor Frontenac, and by his help the ransom of th^ whole party was effected by the payment of ;^2oo. On the 22d of January, before Waite could have returned from Quebec, his wife gave birth to a child, who was named Canada. Fifty days later a girl was born to Jennings, and named Captivity. Slowly the long Canada winter wore away, and on the 2d of May the whole party left Sorel and joyfully turned their faces homeward. An escort of French soldiers was sent by Frontenac as far as Albany, where they arrived on the 22d. From Albany, letters were posted to Hatfield. These letters, which are given below, gave the first news of the captives since the escape of Benoni Stebbins, and caused great rejoic- ing, mingled with sorrow for the fate of those who came not back. Albany, May 22, 1678. Loving Wife: — Hauing now opportunity to remember my kind loue to the and our child and the rest of our freinds, though wee met with greate afflictions and trouble since I see thee last, yet now here is opportunity of joy and thanksgiving to God, that wee are now pretty well, and in a hopeful way to see the faces of one another be- fore we take our finall farewell of this present world, hkewise God hath raised us freinds amongst our enemies, and there is but 3 of us dead of all those that were taken away — ^Sergt. Plympton, Samuel Russell, Samuel Foot's daughter. So I conclude, being in hast, and rest your most affectionate husband till death makes separation, QUINTIN StOCKEWELL. From Albany, May 23, 1678. To My Loving Friends & Kindred at Hatfield: — These few 186 ATTEMPTED SETTLEMENT OF 1677. lines are to let you understand that we are arrived at Albany now with the captives, and we now stand in need of assistance, with my charges is very greate and heavy ; and therefore any that hath any love to our condition, let it moove them to come and help us in this straight. There is 3 of y^ captives that are murdered — old Good- man Plympton, Samuel Foot's daughter, Samuel Russell. All the rest are alive and well now with me at Albany, namely, Obadiah Dickenson and his child, Mary Foote and her child, Hannah Gennings and 3 children, Abigail EUice, Abigail Bartholomew, Goodman Cole- man's children, Samuel Kellogg, my wife and four children and Quintin Stockwell. * I pray you hasten the matter, for it requireth greate hast. Stay not for y<= Sabbath, nor shoeing of horses. We shall endeavour to meete you at Canterhook, it may be at Housea- tonock. We must come very softly because of our wives and chil- dren. I pray you, hasten them, stay not night nor day, for y" mat- ter requireth great hast. Bring provisions with you for us. Your loving kinsman, Benjamin Waite. At Albany, written from myne owne hand. As I have bin affected to yours, all that were fatherless, be affected to me now, and hasten y" matter and stay not, and ease me of my charges. You shall not need to be afraid of any enemies. These letters, warm from the heart, reached the heart of the whole colony. They were copied by John Partridge, who, in company with John Plympton, son of the tortured captive, carried the copies to Medfield. Rev. Mr. Wilson at once sent them to the Governor at Boston with the following letter : — Worshipful S'' humbly presenting my humblest Servic to yo' wor^* keeping with these letters Copy'' out and newly brought fr™ Hadly by one John Partridge and not understanding of any Couriers to the Bay besydes: I have written out of these two Copys word for word as I take it & make bold to send it to your Worship : y' so you might be enformed of the Mercy of God in y" return of these Captives so far as y" two letters set Down. John Partridge and John Plimpton come in this night & none with y™ but a yomig mayde so y' I suppose yo' Worshi" will have y'= very first view of y^ News in Boston being very crasy am unfit to enlarge & y' I might not trouble your WorshP further With my humble Servecs presented to you"^ most virtuous Lady humbly reste Your Worsh^ most humble Servant John Wilson Medfield, May 29-78 A fast had been appointed for June 6th. The Governor received the letters May 29th, and the next day sent copies *There is 2 or 3 frenchmen Embassadors cowing to go to Boston. This sen- tence was erased. These men may have been stopped by Pynchon in the valley. CONTRIBUTIONS BY THE CHURCHES. 187 of Waite's letter to all the churches, to be read from the pul- pit on that occasion, with a recommendation that a contribu- tion for the benefit of the captives be taken up in every con- gregation. "And the ministers are desired to stir up the people thereunto. For quickening this work we do hereby remit a copy of Benjamin Waite's letter to be read publick- ly." This touching appeal of Waite was generously re. sponded to,* and many an offering dropped on the altar of charity that day was sanctified by tears. Who shall say that the gratitude engendered in the hearts of Benjamin and Martha Waite by the outpouring of that day was not nursed in the hearts of their descendants, until it bore fruit in that act of Oliver Smith, from whence flows the broad stream of charity which to-day blesses, and shall forever bless, the widow and fatherless in this valley ! " They remained in Albany five days," says Judd, " and on Monday, May 27th, walked twenty-two miles to Kinderhook, where they met men and horses from Hatfield." With the tired women, and, besides the two babes, twelve children under eight, the statement that they walked to Kinderhook, seems improbable. Did not Waite procure horses at Albany? and was not this expense, " charges" from which he sought "relief" by meeting horses from Hatfield? Judd continues, " They rode through the woods to Westfield, and soon all reached Hatfield in safety. The day of their arrival was one of the most joyful days that Hatfield ever knew." The attempt to resettle the town in 1677 was not a rash, unconsidered affair, but fully in accord with public opinion and State policy. The catastrophe here did not change that policy, but it incited to greater caution. October 22d, 1677, the General Court ordered the towns to " endeavour the new moddelling the scittuation of their hous- es, so as to be more compact, and Hue nearer together for their better defense ;" and a committee was appointed for Hampshire: — "To ord'' and contrive the same * * * and as a further provisions for the security of those townes, it is ordered, that a garrison be stated at Deerefield, and for effecting the same, it is ordered that the inhabitants of that place doe repayre thither this winter, (if the com- * In the church at Dorchester " £i 5s 6d in money " was contributed " after ye evening exersiz." 188 ATTEMPTED SETTLEMENT OF 1677. itee doe judge it safe) and provide for the settling thereof in the spring, which shallbe in a compact way, as ordered by the comittee, and this winter, stuff for fortiffication to be prouided, ready to be sett up there in the spring, viz, in March or Aprill ; at which time twenty soudjers shall be sent up by the Gouner & council to that place as they shall see cause, whose worke & care shallbe, to preserue & se- cure that place, & those adjoining there from the Indyans. At the same date, six soldiers were ordered to Hatfield, to be under Lieut. AUis, and employed in the winter time in getting out timber for the fortifications at Hatfield and Deer- field. Maj. Pynchon was directed to treat with Connecticut about joining " in keeping the garrison at Deareffield." The six soldiers were sent to Hatfield, but no evidence is found that anything was done here during the winter of 1677-8. The " Comittee " probably did " not judge it safe." CHAPTER VIII. PERMANENT SETTLEMENT. The settlers driven away in 1675 still called themselves "inhabitants," and at no time gave up their intention of re- turning as a community to their old homes. In addition to the inevitable delay, a new trouble had come upon them, the danger of losing their beloved minister. The condition of affairs is fully shown in the following petition : — To the honoured Generall Court of the Matachusetts Bay now set- ing in Boston y= 8th 3, '78 : Rigt Worshipfull : We the small Remnant that are left of Dearfield's poor inhabitants (that desolate place) hauing mett with a smile from your Honors the last General Court, by the merciful tender you made unto us of gar- ison men for our assistance, we are therby Incouraged & Imboldened (under great hopes of acceptance) to prostrate ourselves at yo'' Wor- ship's feett in this o' sorrowful complaints & fervent desires. We doe veryly hope that your thoughts are soe upon us & our con- dition, that it will be little better than superfluous to tell you ; that our estates are wasted, that we find it hard work to Live in this Iron age, & to Come to the years end with 'Comfort ; to tell you that our housen have been Rifled & then burnt, our flocks and heards Con- sumed, the ablest of our Inhabitants killed ; y*- our Plantation has become a wildernesse, a dwelling for owls and a pasture for flocks, & we that are left are separated into several townes. Also our Rev- erand & esteemed minister, Mr. Samuel Mather, hath been Invited from us, & great danger ther is of o"' loosing of him ; all which speaks us a people in a very miserable condition, & unlest you will be pleased to take us (out of your fatherlike pitty) and Cherish us in yo' Bosomes, we are like Suddainly to breathe out o' Last Breath. Right Honoured, the Committie appointed to manage o' affairs for us, the Rev. Mr. Mather, who hath not yet quitt forsaken us, and we the Remaining Inhabitants, Joyntly doe desire that we might re- turne and plant that place again. Yet we would earnestly begg (may it stand with the pleasure of Infinite Goodness) that we may Repossess the said plantation with great Advantage Both for the ad- vancing the cause and kingdome of Jesus, and for o' own saftie & comfort than ever we have heretofore. You may be pleased to know that the very principle & best of the land ; the best for soile ; the best for situation ; as lying in y» centre & midle of the town : & as to quantity, nere half, belongs unto eight 190 PERMANENT SETTLEMENT. or 9 proprietors each and every of which, are never like to come to a settlement amongst us, which we have formerly found grevious & doe Judge for the future will be found intollerable if not altered. O' minister, Mr. Mather, (that is still waiting to see what alteration may be made), & we ourselves are much discouraged as judging the Plantation will be spoiled if thes proprietors may not be begged, or will not be bought up on very easy terms outt of their Right. O' designe (the Lord permitting & yo'^ Worships helping) is to go when such a number of Inhabitants as (we hope) may be able to afford matter for a church ; we have it from y' Rev. Mr. Mather, that if the place was free from that Incumberments, he could find a suffi- cient number of men, pious & discreet, that would enter Into y'' plan- tation with him to build up a church in the place ; Butt as long as the maine of the plantation Lies in men's hands that can't improve it themselves, neither are ever like to putt such tenants on to it as shall be likly to advance the good of y'* place in Civill or sacred Respects ; he, ourselves, and all others that think of going to it, are much dis- couraged. We would therefore humb'^ beg of this Generall Court that some expedient way might be found out to Remove that impedi- ment that is so great a Lett & hindrance to the plantation's growth & y^ planters' outward happiness — pittie it is, that a plantation soe circumstanced should lie desolate. All Judicious men that have any acquaintance with it, Count It as Rich a tract of land as any upon the river ; they Judge it sufficient to entertain & maintain as great number of Inhabitants as most of the upland townes, alsoe were it well peopled it would be as a bulwark to the other townes; also it would be a great disheartening to the en- emie, & veryly (not to make to bold with your worship's patience) It would mightily Incourage and Raise the hearts of us the Inhabitants, yo"^ poor & Impoverished servants. Thus begging yo' pardon for o' boldnesse, waiting for the Result of yo' Judicious mind, and again earnestly beging, humbly Intreating, with greatest importu- nity, that something may be done to remove the fore said Impedi- ments ; and for the building the plantation Before this court be ended. Soe we rest, praying yo'' honors' happinesse ; and subscribing our- selves with the Committe Consenting, and subscribing yo"^ devoted and humble servants this 30th of Ap'l, '78. Moses Crafts, "| Richard Wellard, [ in the name William Smede, f of the rest. William Barth'mew, William Allis, Thomas Meekins, Samuel Smith, Peter Tillton, The hands of y« Committee. Oct. 1678. In ans' to the petition of the remayning inhabitants of Deerefield, the court judgeth it meete to referr the peticoners to the proprietors for the attayning of their interest, so farr as they shall judge necessary, leaving y" matter w"" the Comittee to regu- DIRECTIONS FOR RESETTLEMENT. 191 lat ; improvements & charges to be levyed thereupon, as they shall judge legall & meete, for the encouraging the rebuilding of that plantation. At the same session the soldiers at Hatfield were ordered home. In May, 1679, the General Court directed that no town should be resettled except by the consent of a commit- tee appointed by the Council, or county court having juris- diction in the premises. Such committee are to be "at the charge of the people intending to settle." It is made their duty to order "in what form, way & maner such towne shallbe settled & erected, wherein they are required to haue a prin- cipal respect to neerness and conveniency of habitation for security against enemyes, & more comfort for Xtian comun- ion and enjoyment of God's worship & education of children in schools & civility." A fine of ;£'ioo was the penalty for disobedience of this order. Under this act, upon the petition of some of the proprietors, the county court, March 3oth, 1680, appointed "Lieutt. William Clerk, Mr. Peter Tilton, Lieutt. Philip Smith, Medad Pumry and Jno. AUice, all of which, or any three of them, Lieutt. William Clerk, or Mr. Tilton being one, to be a Comity for y^ work," of resettling this town. Nothing further appears to have been done at this time. Mr. Mather, after declining repeated invitations, became at length discouraged, and in 1680 accepted a call to Brainford, Conn. In addition to the land troubles indicated in the petition of 1678, the uncertain condition of the Indian affairs was anoth- er cause of delay in a resettlement. The Indians had been expelled but not subdued. They had never, as a body sub- mitted in form to the English. Individuals had returned to their old haunts, and others were seeking conditions on which they might follow. With such, the county court was author- ized in May, 1680, to make definite arrangements. Although no treaty of peace was made with any of the hostile tribes, Philip's War really closed with the capture of Anawon by Church, August, 1676. For several years, however, there was a general distrust, and apprehension of danger to isolated settlements. The attitude of the Mohawks was not well un- derstood. Their incursions, invited in 1676, continued after the war closed. Friendly Indians were harassed, and some depredations made on the stock of the settlers. These things 192 PERMANENT SETTLEMENT. had in a measure been winked at by the authorities, in con- sideration of the importance of keeping peace with this pow- erful tribe. At length, when these " insolencyes & outrages" could no longer be endured, Maj. Pynchon was sent to de- mand redress. He left Springfield for Albany Oct. 13th, 1680, with a suitable retinue. A meeting was held there, Nov. 9th, in the presence of Capt. Brockholds, the command- er. The Mohawks were very diplomatic. They said they had acted only against supposed enemies of the English, pre- tending that they did not know the war had closed. On the 19th [?] another meeting was held, at which the old treaty was renewed ; and no further trouble was anticipated or felt, at the hands of the Mohawks. As soon as the news of this treaty was received, a meeting of the Proprietors of Pocumtuck was warned to be held at Northampton, Dec. 12th, 1680, and measures were at once taken to forward the reoccupation of their lands. The men named by the county court. May 30th, 1680, to have charge of this work, will hereafter be designated as the " Commit- tee," simply; and the owners of the 8000 acres, who took the title of the "Proprietors of Pocumtuck, alias Deerfield," will be called the " Proprietors." These bodies acted inde- pendently, meeting together, or separately, as was most con venient. Neither at first had a book for records. At Pro- prietors' meetings, propositions to be acted upon were gen- erally made in writing. If adopted, each slip of paper was laid before the Committee, and its approval or veto was en- dorsed thereon. The slips were then taken by those whom they concerned. Such of these votes as could be collected at a subsequent period, were transcribed, some of them many years after the event ; and the Town Record for this period is thus made up. It was done without a full sense of the inf- portance of chronological order, or consecutive action. In- deed, many of the votes are without date, and a large portion was doubtless entirely lost. Hence, our earlier records are imperfect, obscure, and liable to mislead one as to the order of events. Sources of information beside the Town Record for this period, are GeneraV Court Records of Massachusetts and Connecticut, County Court Records, and the manuscript archives of the State. The actual date of the permanent reoccupation of the SETTLERS WHO COME TO STAY. 193 town cannot be fixed with certainty. The spring of 1682 is assumed to be the time of the arrival of those named here- after as first " Permanent Settlers." The evidence leading to this conclusion will be found below in the course of the nar- rative. A meeting of the Committee and Proprietors to promote the settling of Deerfield, was held at Northampton, Dec. 12th, 1680. The only action known, was "granting to Thomas Hastings seyen cow commons, likewise to David Hoite six cow commons, and to Samuel Field, six cow commons, all which grants of land is thus to be understood, [that is] they are to haue Lieft. AUis's land that was granted to him there, divided amongst them three, and the rest to make up their grants or quantity [of land] in some other convenient place." [Lieut. Wm. Allis had died September, 1678.] Martin Smith had six acres added to a former grant of six acres. vSome doubt seems to have arisen as to the authority of the Committee, for in May, 168 1 , their appointment was confirmed by the General Court. March 6th, 1681-2. The Committee and Proprietors de- cide that one condition of the grants shall be the occupancy by the grantee personally, for four years. March 30th, 1682, grants were made of seven cow commons each, to Samuel Davis and Joshua Pomeroy, to lie on the north side of Deerfield river, below the mouth of Green river ; and home lots of four acres each, to Davis, Pomeroy, Lieut. Clark, Samuel Field, David Hoite and Martin Smith. The petitioners of 1678, getting no relief from the General Court, appealed to the owners of the land. They seemed to have been favorably received, and by some or all of them every tenth acre was given into a common stock, to be used in promoting the settlement. May 22d, 1682, " Richard Weller & other inhabitants of Deerfield," sent a petition to the General Court the import of which, as judged by the reply, was, that this provision might be made to cover the estate of deceased owners. The answer to the petition was : — The Court not being sattisfied that they may give away other proprietjes w"'out their consent, yet being desirous to doe what may promote the setling sajd plantation, doe commend it to the rest of the proprietors to follow the good example of those that haue given vp 194 PERMANENT SETTLEMENT. euery tenth acre, or otheruise, as they shall see cause, it being a very probable way to gaine more vsefuU inhabitants for planting & setling sajd place ; and as for the orphants, whose right & propriety' are not to be made voyd by this Court, but rather secured for them, or that which maybe as good for them, the Court judgeth it meet that they choose their guardians, who may act for them, referring to those orphants lands as such guardians judg best for securing the orphants estate w"" respect to the furthering, promoting the planting, & speedy setling of sajd plantation ; and for such children as are not capable of choosing guardians, the County Court for Hampshire are to make supply in appointing guardians who may act for them accord- ingly : and this order of Court to be their warrant in so doing, and security to such guardians hauing allowanc & approbation of the County Court therein. The action under this terse and lucid order was probably- satisfactory, as nothing more is heard on the subject to which it relates. Quintin Stockwell presented to the Committee a bill of ten pounds, " due from the former inhabitants of Deerfield for boarding Mr. Mather;" and the Committee "desired y" now inhabitants to give him some land in satisfaction for y^ debt." Agents were chosen by the inhabitants, who agreed with Stockwell for twenty acres on Green river, "bounded north- erly on y" hill on y" north side of y" Brook y' comes out of y"" great ash swamp ; easterly upon y° hill on y" east side of Green river and westerly on the west swamp & so to run southerly to make up y" quantity of twenty acres." For this land Stockwell gave a receipt, November 24th, 1684. He was then living at Suffield, Conn. January 6th, 1684-5. The Committee allowed the above grant. At the same meeting, the Committee ordered John Hawks, Thomas Wells and Joshua Pomeroy to "measure men's allotments at Deerfield and to bring in an ac- count of what land is wanting in every man's allotment which being done these three men with Joseph Barnard and Jona. Wells joyning them shall haue full power to look out land where it may be found in any of y' common land and to lay out to such as want land as neere as they can to each man's want; * * * and in order to satisfaction they are to cast lots where to begin and which shall be the first 2d and 3d percells, and where to begin each percell." The lots, as we have seen, had been drawn at Dedham. They were laid out by measuring the width only of each lot in the several divisions, according to the number of cow com- mons owned by each party. The area of these lots often fell WANTING LAND. 195 short of the amount to which the owner was entitled. Hence, this deficiency was called " wanting land." At Boggy Mead- ow, two hundred and twenty-four acres, on the east side of the Bars road, were granted for wanting land— usually three acres for one— to Thomas Hunt, Henry White, Jona. Church, Samuel Carter, William Smead and Joseph Gillett. Some of the lots ran from the meadow fence ninety-two rods south, to Long hill. West of the road, grants were made to Thom- as Hurst, the heirs of Nathaniel Sutlief, and Ephraim Hins- dell. John Sheldon had the island near Red rocks, called eight acres. Daniel Belding, forty acres at Wisdom, still known as " Belding's grant;" Samuel Northam, twelve acres on East Mountain, "at or near the head of the first swamp or brook lying against the middle of the town platt." This was in lieu of seven acres want, in the meadow. Whether the " Northam 's Grant" of to-day covers the seprecise acres is not certain. For keeping up a meadow gate at Wapping, Ephraim Beers had twenty acres joining Northam. For various reasons, John Evans had eight acres at the mouth of Hearthstone brook ; John Broughton, a lot in the " Elbow at New forte ;" John Sheldon and William Smead, eight acres each " on the Fort Hill, which lies at the east end of the meadow land, over Eagle Brook and without the meadow fence." Godfrey Nims, for five acres want, had fourteen acres " at the south end of the commonly called Martins Meadow : that to be his south line : to run in length from the Grate river to the Grate hill & so take his breadth northerly." At the same place grants amounting to about one hundred and thir- ty-five acres were made to Henry White, Rev. John Russell, Joseph Barnard, Jona. Church and Simon Beaman. Ensign Thomas Wells had " 40 acres of land by the Grate river ; beginning at the south end of that little meadow and below the meadow commonly called Martins Meadows to run in length from the Grate river to the Grate hill ; the south end of s'^ little meadow to be his south line to run in bredth northerly." At the same place, northerly in. succession, grants were made to the heirs of Barnabas Hinsdell, Moses Crafts, and John Evans, amounting to about 1 10 acres. These two localities have not been exactly identified. Martin Smith had twelve acres on the great river in 1680. This not being 196 PERMANENT SETTLEMENT. easy of access for cultivation, it was exchanged for a lot of the same area on the hill above New Fort, not far from " Mar- tins Falls." It is not improbable that he lived on " Martins Hill." Smaller lots, usually joining lands of the grantee, were given to John Catlin, Simon Beaman, Henry White, John Weller, John Broughton, Timothy Nash, Thomas Wells, Edward Allen, John Allen, James Brown, John Williams and others. " For the frame of a house, formerly Barnabas Hensdells, which was bought of the administrator, by the former inhab- itants of Deerfield," his heirs had twenty acres below Mar- tins Meadow. Hinsdale was killed with Lothrop, and this frame must have escaped destruction in Philip's War. Feb. 5th, 1686-7, at a meeting of the inhabitants, Lieut. Thomas Wells, Henry White and Thomas French, were made choice of to measure the common fence and to lay out to every proprietor his due proportion. The list below is given because it contains the names of all who owned land in the Common Field with the amount of fence set to each on the basis of " two Rhods to y" common, or eleven foot to y" acre." rds ft ih rds ft Allison, Thos 13 II Hensdell, Bar'bas 21 26 Allen, Jn's [heirs] 32 Hensdell, Jn 15 Allyn, Mr Dan'l 32 Hensdell, Sam.l 36 Barnard, Joseph 32 Hoyt, David 2 II Barrett, Benj 14 Hunt, Thos 18 3 Beaman, Simon 40 Hurst, Thomas 19 Belding, Daniel 13 II Nash, Timothy 6 II Brooks, Wm 6 5 6 Nims, Godfrey 27 II Broughton, Jn 7 Northam, Sm'l 15 gates & highway Middle gate & Broughton, Th's 12 5 6 highway Brown, James 13 II Plympton, Jn 2 II Carter, Joshua 42 5 Plympton, P'tr 6 Catlin, John 33 Price, Robert 2 5 Church, Jona 13 II Pynchon, Maj J 43 8 Evans, John 24 Root, John 7 Field, Zechariah 25 II Root, Thomas 7 Frary, Samson 9 13 3 Root, Hez & Jacob 12 French, Thos 10 7 Russell, Mr Jn 36 Gillett, Joseph 19 4 6 Seldon, Joseph 23 Hastings, Benj 16 Seldon, Thomas 6 Hawks, Eleaz'r 10 Severance, Jn 2 II gate going out Sheldon, Isaac 36 of the meadow Smead, Wm 26 II to Hatfield & the Smith, Martin 10 highway both be ;- Stebbins, Benoni 69 ing tjen rods new Stoddard, Sol'm 44 fence. Sutlief, Nath'l 14 16 Hawks, John 15 II Weld, Daniel 16 ADVENT OF JOHN WILLIAMS. 197 rds ft in rds ft in Weller, Jolin 12 Wells, Lt Thos 50 Weller, Rich'd 5 g White, Henry 35 Wells, Jona 21 Williams, Mr John 13 5 6 Eagle B Gate & Town fence 20 Highway The Ministry. Public law and public policy alike required any company of men engaged in settling a new plantation, to procure at once a sound and learned minister for their spiritual guide. Mr. Mather, the first minister, as before stated, became discouraged by the delay in resettling Pocum- tuck, and left his charge in 1680. It is not quite certain who took his place. Probably Samuel, son of Rev. John Russell, officiated for awhile. He was a graduate of Harvard in 1681 and teacher of the Hopkins School in Hadley, 1682-3. He certainly became a land-holder here about the time of the resettlement. Savage thinks he was here several years. Samuel Russell married about 1683-4, and succeeded Mr. Mather at Brainford in 1687. It is not unlikely that it was at Russell's suggestion, that Joshua Pomroy and Joseph Bar- nard were sent to Ipswich in search of a minister, where, Feb. 2 1 St, 1684, they called upon Noadiah Russell, with an in- vitation to be a candidate. Noadiah was a classmate of Sam- uel Russell, and was at this time engaged in teaching school and studying astronomy. He published an almanac the same year. He declined the call, and in 1687 settled in Middle- town, Conn. In May or June, 1686, John, son of Samuel Williams of Roxbury, came to the waiting field, and it soon became evi- dent that he had come to stay. He was born Dec. loth, 1664; was a graduate of Harvard in 1683. This young man, whose piety and misfortunes, far more than his talents, have made his name a household word all over the land, then began here his life work, which was finished in 1729. September 21st, 1686,— * "The Inhabitants of Deerfield to Incourage Mr. John Williams to settle amongst them to dispenc the blessed word of Truth unto them, have made propositions unto him as followeth :" "That they will give him 16 cowcommons of meadow land with a homelott that lieth on the Meetinghous hill. That they will build him a hous : 42 foot long, 20 foot wide, with a lentoo of the back side of the house & finish sd house : to fence his home lott, and within 2 yeares after this agrement, to build him a barn, and to break up his plowing land. 198 PERMANENT SETTLEMENT. ffor yearly salary to give him 60 pounds a year for the first, and 4 or 5 years after this agrement, to add to his sallary and make it eighty pounds." "Att a meeting of the Inhabitants of Deerfield, Dec: 17,: 1686, there was granted to M'' John Williams a certaine peice of land lying within the meadow fence : beginning att Joseph Selden's North line and so runs to Deerfield river North or North east : the owners of the comon fence, maintaining it as it is now att the day of the grant. Jan. 5, 1686, the Comitty approves and ratifies the above sd prop- ositions, on the Condition Mr. Williams settle among them. As attest Medad Pomroy, by ord'' of the Comitty." This real estate was afterwards " made sure to him and his heirs forever." The salary was to be paid "in wheat, peas, Indian corn and pork, in equal proportion, at y" prices stated : viz.: wheat at 3 shillings 3 pence p' bushel ; peas at 2 shillings 6 pence p'' bushel ; Indian corn at 2 shillings p' bushel ; fatted pork at 2 pence half penny p"' pound." In 171 1 he was paid £6^1 in money. The salary of Mr. Russell, who had been twenty-eight years minister at Hadley, was then about ;^8o, in grain at the same prices. Mr. Williams married July 21, 1687, Eunice, daughter of the Rev. Eleazer Mather of Northampton, and continued " to dispenc the blessed word of Truth " as the spir- itual guide of the people. Oct. 17th, 1688, a church was formed, and he was formally ordained as their minister for life. The connection of the young minister with the pastors of the two neighboring churches was intimate, and continued harinonious. His cousin and classmate at college, William, Williams, was settled in the ministry at Hatfield. In the events of their settlement and marriage the Hatfield Wil- liams was a year in advance of John. Both were sons-in-law of the Northampton ministers, John of Eleazer Mather, and William, of Mather's successor, Solomon Stoddard. Both had large families, and each educated three sons for the min- istry. William preached at the ordination of two of John's sons, and a son of William at the funeral of a third. Later, a new link bound the ministry of Hatfield and Deerfield, when a daughter of William married Jonathan Ashley, the successor of John Williams. Some of the consequences of this intimacy will be seen hereafter. During the land grant mania the minister was not forgot- ten, but, Dec. 13th, 1687, — A SELF-DENYING MINISTER. 199 ^ "There was granted Mr. John Williams 20 acres of land upon the Green river and a home lot ; provided he pay rates for it this year and so forward :" Probably he found it diflficult to meet the conditions, as no income could be derived from it during the war ; at any rate, he gave up the grant. By a vote of the town Dec. 23d, 1689, the salary of Mr. Williams was "for this present year 1689 seventy pounds." No other action for an increase in salary appears on record, unless it be the following vote : — Dec. 29, 1693, at the desire of y'' Rev. M' Jn» Williams it was agreed upon and voted by y° town, y' s'' M' Jn" Williams shall have y" use of y'= Towne home lot y' lies next his own home lot during his stay and continuance in y" work of y" ministry here in Deerf and shall carry on y° work of y" ministry himself : s'' M' Jn" Williams to make and maintain all y^ fence belonging to s'' lot ; and not to break up any part of s* lot It was difficult, if not impossible, for our impoverished peo- ple to pay the county, town and minister's taxes. In com- mon with his people, Mr. Williams, endured the calamities and hardships incident to a frontier town. His small stipend was often in arrears. He had a large family, ten children having been born down to 1702. Of these, seven survived, the oldest being thirteen years old. Notwithstanding his straitened circumstances, the tender-hearted, self-denying minister made the following declaration, which was presented to the town, March 3d, 1701-2, and ordered to be recorded. It stands to his credit on the records to-day, in strong contrast with records to follow : for y^ prevention of any future trouble about my sallery I doe free- ly acquitt y^ Town of Deerfield from all dues upon y'' account of Rates from my first Settlement to y" Rate of this present year 1701-2 and desire it may be entered upon Record ; more over be it known to Suruiuers y' y° time when my yearly Salery doth Begin is about y'' midle of June : John Williams. In a letter to Gov. Dudley the following October, Mr. Wil- liams writes : — "When the country abated them, their rates formerly, i was yet moued from certain knowledge of their pouerty & distress to abate them of my salary for several years together, tho they never asked it of me, & now their children must either suffer from want of cloth- ing, or the country consider them & i abate them what they are to pay me ; i neuer found the people unwilling to do when they had ability ; yea they haue often done aboue their ability." 200 PERMANENT SETTLEMENT. This pathetic statement presents a touching picture of the character and condition of pastor and people. The only out- side help received by either before 1704, so far as appeairs, was a grant of ten pounds by the General Court in the suc- cessive years of 1696 and 1697. Sequestered Land. "Dec. 17th, 1686, The Inhabitants voted that a piece of Land lying on y'' meeting hous hill by estimation 4 acres be it more or less as also 2 percells of Land lying one on the east side and the other on the west side of the mouth of the Green river by estimation thirty acre be they more or less shall be and is sequestered for the ministry in Deerfield forever :" The Green river lands are still held by trustees for the ben- efit of the "First Congregational Parish of Deerfield," to which they come by descent and are secured by legal enact- ment. The four-acre lot was the "church officers lot" of the original draft. It is the "Town home lot " voted Mr. Wil- liams in 1692, and is the lot south of Hitchcock's Lane, and includes the homestead of Robert Childs. In 1760, by leave of the General Court, all this lot, except the part south of the training field, and in front of the Ephraim Williams home- stead, was offered for sale "to accommodate tradesmen." Meetinghouses. Every new Plantation was obliged by law to employ a minister, as a fundamental condition of its ex- istence. Meetinghouses were only less essential, but more latitude was allowed in that direction. By the terms of the Dedham Grant, the grantees were obliged to settle a minister within five years, but they were not enjoined to build a meet- inghouse ; that was to follow as a matter of course. No pros- perity, it was held, could be expected where this " Candle of the Lord" was wanting. If the meetinghouse was burned in the devastation of towns by the Indians, it was considered a mark of divine anger ; and of mercy, when it escaped de- struction. No record has been found of the time and manner of build- ing our first meetinghouse. In an examination of the ac- count book of John Pynchon of Springfield, " The Worship- ful Major Pynchon," of Philip's War, items are found which prove that a meetinghouse was built before the breaking up of the first settlement. It was probably a small, cheap affair, built of logs, put up by voluntary contributions, and not by a tax. It was erected before August, 1675. MEETINGHOUSE HILL. 201 The following extract from the old account book is given partly as a curiosity from its age, partly for its historic value, but chiefly for its testimony on the subject in hand in nam- ing meetinghouse hill : — August 19, 1673, agreed with John Earle that he shall haue one of My Homelots at Pacomtuck, y= one next y" church Lot, being nere 6 acres, w"'' is 28 rod Brpad, for w<^'' Lot & fencing w'^'' I haue made on it, viz., y» 28 rods of five raile fence ; In lew of all, I am to haue of him & he hereby makes over to me, his meddow land ag' Eagle Brooke over Y river, being nere about 8 acres, w'^'' was y° 2d Devis- ion of mowing Land belonging to y^ Lot No 26, w""" he purchased from Joshua Carter. This persell of meddow Land, being nere about 8 acres, as he gueses it, he absolutely sells to me w'" y' p' of y^ 15 rod of s raile fence belonging to it, on y^ meeting house hill, I allow- ing him beside y° homelot abovsd, more, 12s w'''' is due him & al" as above ; to this exchange & setl"* I must have y*^ proportion of wood- land belonging to y° 8 acrs I haue of him, & he is to haue the pro- portion of y"" woodland belonging to y* 6 acrs he had of me w"" all y'= appurtenances to each of s* persels belonging. To this agreamt witness our hands Aug. 19, 1673. John Pynchon. John Earle. It was agreed between vs y' if James Osborne chalenged any in- terest in y^ Homelot aboue s*, Jo Earle hath ; that Jo Earle shall let him have 2 acrs of it, or some few rods more, he paying y" due worth of it, & satisfying for what he had expended on it ; provided s"* Os- borne doe agree about it by Michelstide come 12 mo. This fixes the fact of a meetinghouse hill. The following extract settles the question of a meetinghouse, and also shows further, that this people were building a house for their min- ister ; another testimony to the prosperity and high charac- ter of the little colony : — Rates at Pacomtucke, alias Deerfield, on my land there. Having disposed of some of my land there. that w"*" I keepe is the farme lot accf* 11 cow-commons, & that I had of Maj. Lusher, 9 commons, in all 20 commons. And at y^ hither end, my 18 cow commons & 4 sheep comons. ist y 1674. The Minister's Rate' on which I pay to Mr. Samuel Mather, Anno 1674, ending in Dec. 1674, is ;^03, i8s. 1675, 2d y. To Mr. Mather for y" y 1675, ending in Dec. 1675. They give me an ace' of some commons being wantmg, y' my Rate iS;^03, IIS. To y'= Rate to y'^ Minister's house this year they set me at £,01, CIS. To y^ little house for a Meeting House that y"* Meet in & to make Highway this y 1675, I allowed j[^i. 202 PERMANENT SETTLEMENT. If all the cow commons were taxed at the rate paid by Mr. Pynchon on his, the salary of Mr. Mather would be about fif- ty pounds, and the expense of building his house a'Sout nine- ty-seven pounds. A second meetinghouse was probably built soon after the permanent settlement. The town voted March nth, 1692-3, " that the meeting hous shall be new seated-; that Deacon David Hoyt & Deacon Jn" Sheldon shall be 2 of y° persons to doe it and Ben° Stebins to be w"> y" in s" work." From this time forward for one hundred and twenty-five years, " seating the meeting house " became a subject of frequent legislation and social agitation. The action of 1693 may have developed the fact that there was a lack of seats of high "dignity" for ambitious aspirants. That the delicate task of the seaters in this case was not executed without dissatisfaction, seems to appear in the next vote on the subject: "There shall be no Reference to former Seating in y' present Seating." But whatever the reason, a new meetinghouse was demanded, and provided, in the face of war and famine : — Att a legal Town Meeting in Deerf* Oct 30th 1694 Ensign John Sheldon Moderator That there shall be a meeting house Built in deerfield upon the Town charge voted affirmatively : That there shall be a committy chosen and impowered to agree with workmen to begin said building forthwith and carry it on fast as may be voted affirmatively That J" meetinghouse shall be built y'= bigness of Hatfield meeting house only y"^ height to be left to y" judgment and determination of y° committy voted affirmatively That there shall be a Rate made of one hundred and forty pounds payable this present year in pork and Indian corn in equal propor- tions for y" carrying on s'' buildmg voted affirmatively For y" carrying on s'' work there was chosen as a Committy Ltt David Hoyt Sergt John Hawks Henry White: Thomas ffrench: and Ens John Sheldon That y'= Committy above s'' shall have full power to Bargain with and let out unto particular persons y^ severall persalls of work for the carrying on and completing s" Building as y'= falling hewing framing shingling clabording &c voted affirmatively Att a legal Town Meeting in Deerf Novemb: 22 1695 Godfrey Nims was chosen Collector to collect and gather two rates y' is to say a Town Rate and a Meeting house Rate both made in y'= year 1694 which Rates he is to deliver being gathered to the Selectmen The records of the town meetings above and that following are given in full': — BUILDING THE MEETINGHOUSE. 203 Jan isth 1695-6. Att a legal Town Meeting in Deerfield John Catlin Moderator There being a place or plat of land agreed upon by y" Town whereon to set there meeting house now in building: y" Town have left it with y" committy chosen for to carrie on y*' building of s" house where about on s'' plat to set s'' house as also y= scituation of y° same Voted affirmatively That there shall be a Rate Granted to be paid in pork and Indian corn att an equall proportion for defraying what charge shall be ex- pended on s" Meeting house between this time and this time twelve month (y* is after y<^ first or present Rate is run out) which Rate is to be paid some time in y" month of January 1696-7 Voted affirma- tively That.y" modell for y" seats in s'' meeting hous shall be after y'' present modell of Hatfield Meeting House Seats only two short seats on each side of the house more Voted affirmatively That y" panels or boards of s'' seats shall be of pine boards and not wainscot Voted affirmatively The work went slowly on, but at length the edifice was so far completed that it could be occupied. There was no cer- emony of dedication. It was not set apart exclusively for sacred purposes. The meetinghouse of early days was liter- ally a house for meetings of all kinds. Town meetings were held in the meetinghouse here, until the " old meeting- house " was pulled down in 1824. It was usually the place of storing the town stock of ammunition, and the town bier. If our new building was not consecrated, certain other pro- ceedings were thought necessary before it should be used for divine worship. The " Seater " was called to do his work, that each citizen could listen to the " blessed word of Truth," as it fell from the lips of their beloved minister, from a prop- er and becoming position. There were real aristocratic distinctions in this little de- mocracy, and nowhere were they more apparent than in the meetings for religious exercises. No one seems to have doubted the fitness of this condition of society ; how to rank individuals under it, was the disturbing element. "Age" was fixed by the calendar ; " Estate " by the rate book ; " Dig- nity " there was the rub!' Few at this day can realize the social condition among the founders of New England. They were still bound by the fetters of custom and habit brought from motherland. Emancipation from its aristocratic prac- tices came only with the slow growth of democratic ideas, and emancipation from kingly rule. 204 PERMANENT SETTLEMENT. Rank was graded in every town from the minister, esquire , captain, selectman, down through the different stations in the nicest manner. The wife of a corporal must give way before the lady of a sergeant, but her compensation lay in being able to take precedence over the wife of the private soldier. The punctilios of these poor, ragged, half-starved, incipient republicans seem laughable enough in this irrev- erent age. But it has its sad, .as well as comic element. How much heart-burning and jealousy was engendered. How much loss of self-respect. How much wasting of hard earnings to keep up appearances on Sunday and Lecture day. But can we afford to srriile at these ways of our ancestors ? Were they laid in an even scale, over against the folly and extravagance of our time ; or the sterling integrity of their leading men to balance the character of ours, would not the latter surely kick the beam ? However we may regard this question of rank, it was real business with our worthy sires, of equal importance, it seems, with their personal security. This is shown at the town meeting held Oct. 31st, 1696, where the two subjects acted upon are treated with equal respect. Voted : — Thatt all Train Souldiers belonging to the Town of Deerfield shall labor about their fort y' next Monday and Tuesday being y" 2d and 3d days in November next ensuing for a generall way beginning att one certain place of y" fort and so going on Voted affirmatively That there shall be five men chosen as seaters to seat y' is to say to determine where every person to be seated shall sit in y° new meeting house Voted affirmatively That Deacon Hoit Deacon Sheldon M"- Jn° Catlin Edward Allen and Thomas French shall be y" seaters for y' seating of y' new meet- ing house Voted affirmatively That y' Rules for seating of persons shall be age state and dignity Voted affirmatively Three years later, the edifice is still unfinished. Janu'ry 2 1698-9, voted, that jice and board be provided for y° meeting house Galleries upon y" Town charge to be paid for in y'year 1699 Y' Town confirmed y" first committy chosen for y' building of s* meeting house to see s'' Galleries finished: The next vote directed the galleries to be finished by the last day of December, 1 700. At length, after seven years' labor, the meetinghouse is SEATING THE MEETINGHOUSE. 205 ready for occupancy in all parts. But the galleries have not been dignified. How this is to be done becomes the exciting topic. Naturally the task would be assigned to the two dea- cons and their associates, who had successfully solved the same problem in the " body." No ; for this important matter a town meeting must be called, which every voter must at- tend under a penalty of five shillings. The record is given in full, as due such a grave matter : — Oct. 2, 1701. Att a legall town meeting in Deerfield Oct 2d 1701 Lieutt Hoyt moderator That Seaters shall be chosen to -seat y*^ meeting house Voted af- firmatively That 5 men shall be chosen for s'' work was voted affirmatively The persons chosen to seat y° meeting house were Capt Wells; Lieutt Hoyt: Ensign Sheldon: Sergt Eliezer Hawks and Thomas French : As to estimation of Seats y' Town agreed and voted y' y'' fore seat in y' front Gallery shall be equall in dignity with y" 2d seat in y° Body of y' meeting house : That y' fore seats in y" side Gallerys shall be equall in dignity with y° 4th seats in y' Body of y' meeting house : That y" 2d seat in y' front Galery and y' hinde seat in y° front Gal- ery shall be equall in dignity with y" sth seat in y" Body of y" meet- ing house That y' 2d seat in y" side Galerys shall be esteemed equall in dignity with y' 6th in y" Body of y' meeting House : That y' hinde seat in y" side Galerys shall be esteemed the 7th seat in dignity and the 3d seat in y" front Galery y" Sth in dignity: That y' Rules which y' seaters shall seat persons by shall be : age : estate: place and qualifications: It will be observed that the four highest military officers in town are on the board of seaters. Two of them are dea- cons, to be sure, but in the records their ecclesiastical titles are sunk in the military. Is there any significance in this fact ? Does it proclaim that all rebellion, by ambitious spir- its whose yearnings for a high grade of seats may not be sat- isfied, shall be put down by the strong hand? Or does it simply imply, that, as these men had few social equals, they were thus delivered from temptation in their official action, and could safely rank themselves No. i without giving of- fence ? TOWN MEETINGS. The first town officers on record were chosen at a meeting without date, but which appears to have been held December 206 PERMANENT SETTLEMENT. 1 6th, 1686. At this meeting Thomas Wells was chosen mod- erator : — Wm Smead Joshua Pumry Jno Sheldon Benoni Stebbins Benj Hastings and Thomas French ware chosen Selectmen Townsmen or Overseers to continue in office until oth' be chosen and they dis- charged according to law. Jonathan Wells was chosen commission'' to joyn w"' y" Select"' to take lists for the County Rate and officiate in y" business according to law That the Town and Ministers' Rattes shall be raised upon Lands heads & flocks att the same prices as hath been y" last year past. Voted in y" affirmative * * * Edward Allyn Thomas Broughton & Thomas Allison were chosen server^ for y'^ year ensuing. Philip Mattoone Jonath Church & Robart Alexander were chosen Haywards for y^ year ensuing * * * That y'^ Selectmen Townsmen or Overseers aboue named shall haue pow' to order all y'= prudentials of y^ Town. A "Town brand" was established, and all horses ordered " to be branded y' w"' on the left should"." Grants of want- ing land were made, and the whole action appears to have been that of an independent commonwealth. As a matter of form, the land grants were approved by the Committee. In point of fact, the authority of the Committee at this time was little more than nominal, and their meetings were held mere- ly to ratify the action of the inhabitants. The last act of the Committee was December 20th, 1687, when "Joseph Barnard was, with the consent of the Town of Derefield, and the ap- robation of the Comitte appointed Clark and Recorder, for the Towne of Deerefield, as atteste, Medad Pomry, by order of s" Comitte." Down to this time, the meetings and action had been of "the Inhabitants." After this the meetings were "town meetings." The voters collectively were called " the Town," and their action, that of " the Town ;" and to this day, the term, "Town of Deerfield," has two distinct meanings recog- nized in law : One, a certain extent of territory bounded by fixed lines ; the other, the legal voters, acting collectively, or by their chosen agent. A third meaning, more loosely ap- plied, and used in this work, is the old village on the " TTown Plat," laid out in 1671. This is still called "Old Deerfield," " Old Town," and "Town Street." Those living here were called " Town's people," and those scattered in the outlying districts, " farmers." TOWN OFFICERS. 207 Town meetings seem to have been called on slight provo- cation, but the method of warning does not appear. At least sixty town meetings were held before 1704. Town officers were usually chosen in March, when the general business of the town was transacted ; the time fixed for " opening the meadows," in September; and rates laid in December. " The Town" acted on all matters pertaining to the welfare of the community : Divided the land, built fortifications, meetinghouses, schoolhouses, ferry boats, and pounds ; hired the minister and schoolmaster ; chose military officers ; laid out highways and graveyards ; levied rates, prescribed the " specie " in which it should be paid, and fixed its price ; fixed the price of grain betwixt man and man, and the price of labor ; looked carefully after the common field, the fences and the stock ; fixed the time for opening and closing the meadows ; regulated the building of mills, and settled the toll for grinding and sawing ; rented the sequestered land ; en- forced attendance on divine worship and its own meetings. The civil officers chosen were Recorder, Townsmen, Com- missioner of Assessment, Assessors, Collectors, Tithingmen, School Committee, Wardens, Seaters, Surveyors of High- ways, Fence-viewers, Haywards, Hog ringers. Town meas- urers — of land — Town appraisers. Clerk of the market. Sealer of weights and measures. Sealer of leather. Packers, Survey- ors of hemp and flax. Surveyors of wheat and flour. Survey- ors of clapboards. Cullers of brick. Cullers of shingles. Cullers of lumber. Pound-keeper, and Treasurer ; but the latter was not chosen until 1720. The Collector had charge of the "specie " — always pork or grain — in which rates were paid. Most financial transactions were by barter or settled by or- ders. In 1686, Deerfield was indicted for neglecting to choose Cullers of brick. Among other transactions at the first " Town meeting " was laying out the wood lands. The list below contains the names of all the Proprietors of that date, with the number of Cow Commons held by each. A list of the wood lots as they were Drawn April 20 1688. lying in two Divisions the first Division beginning at the Long Hill att Y left hand [of the highway and ending] att Hatfield bounds y' 2d Division beginning att s'' bounds on y oth' side of the highway and ending att y= long hill running east & west. 208 PERMANENT SETTLEMENT. p o o ia S n 2^ o a- 2: p o r 2 la o • o 0.0 o • &o U) 3 £" ^ (/] f m S, I Nath" Sutlief 8K 12^ 26 Eleazer Hawks 10 15 2 Sam" Hinsdell 12 i8 27 Jos Barnard 16 24 3 Tho Root .3^ 5X 28 Col Jn° Pynchon 19 28X 4 Joseph Seldon 13 I9>^ 29 Benoni Stebbins 26 39 5 W" Smead 14 21 30 Jn" Hawks 13 19)^ 6 Jno Hinsdell 8 12 31 Eph Hinsdell 6 9 7 Tho Seldon 3 4>^ 32 Jn" Sheldon I8>^ 27X 8 •Tho Allison TO 15 33 M' Sol Stoddard 22 33 9 Joshua Carter 13 ■i9'A 34 W» Brooks 4 6 lO Zach Field 13 iQ'A 35 Robert Price 1 i>^ ir James Brown 9 n'A 36 [os Gillet ■9K I4)< 12 Richard Weller 6 9 37 Jno Stebbins 8 12 13 Tho Hurst 4 6 38 Godfre Nims 14 21 14 Daniel Belding lo 15 39 Peter Plimton 3K 5X 15 Jn° Broughton 7 lO-^ 40 Tho Broughton 10 >5 i6 Benj Barret ID 15 41 Tho Hunt I3>^ 20X 17 M' W"" Williams i6 24 42 Sam" Northam 12 18 i8 Benj Hastings i6 24 43 Simon Beaman 12 ■ 18 IQ Jn° Catlin i6 24 44 Samson Frary 20 30 20 M' Jn" Russell '4 21 45 Henry White 18 27 21 Daniel Weld 8K 12^ 46 Edward Allen 5 vA 22 Ltt Thomas Wells 30 45 47 Jn" Evans 14 21 23 M' John Williams 8 12 48 Tho French 10 15 24 /onath Wells i6 24 49 Capt John AUis 25 Jonath Church 3)4 5X 50 Tim° Nash Here it must be noted that he y' hath y' first in y' first Division hath also y' first lot in y' 2d division (which is according to y' order of y" Comittee) so he that lies next y' long hill in one of his divisions lies next or near Hatfield bounds in his other division All y° lots ly in this order except Capt Jn" AUis & Tim" Nashes who were after- wards ordered and y" lie both divisions next hatfield bounds. These divisions have been subsequently known as Long Hill East, and Long Hill West Divisions. There was record- ed at the same time — A List of Wood Lots on the Mountain, the first Lot beginning at Deerfield River Laying along by the River side : — Z "1 p Z r? is. 1 f i° TS l-H foa "-^ 73a. r S n s^ r S 2 3- • p. • 0. "^ F 3 01 ? 3 m I Godfre Nims 14 28 10 Siman Beamon 12 24 2 Tho= Hurst 4 8 II M' Jn° Russell 14 28 3 Samson Frary 20 40 12 Tho Broughton 10 20 4 Eph Hinsdell 6 12 13 M' Sol Stoddard 22 44 5 W"» Smead 14 28 14 Tho French 10 20 6 Tho Hunt I3>^ 27 15 Benj Barret 10 20 7 Ltt Thomas Wells 30 60 16 Sam" Hinsdell 12 24 8 Tho Selden 3 6 17 Jn» Hawks 13 26 9 Jos Selden 13 26 18 Daniel Belding 10 20 VILLAGE STATECRAFT. 209 2; o 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 2; o [-•cd 2; o James Brown Col Jn" Pynchon Jn° Broughlon Edward Allyn Tho Allison Jn° Hinsdell Joseph Barnard Jn° Catlin Benj Hastings W" Brooks Benoni Stebbins Jonath Wells Pef Plimion Zach Field Tho Root Richard Weller '9 °^ r § wi p tfl 9 18 35 19 38 36 7 14 37 5 10 38 10 20 39 8 16 40 16 32 41 16 32 42 16 32 43 4 8 44 26 52 45 i6 32 46 3K 7 47 13 26 48 3'A 7 49 6 12 50 o 3 red Jdo- l/i o Henry White Jn° Sheldon Jn" Evans M' W" Williams Elea' Hawks Jonath Church Jn° Stebbins Sam" Northam M' Jn" Williams Joshua Carter Jos Gilletl Rob Price Daniel Weld Nath" Sutlief Capt Jn° Allis Tim° Nash 18 36 18K 37 14 28 16 10 3'A 8 12 32 20 7 le 24 8 16 13 26 9'A 19 1 2 8K 17 S'A 17 The following are names of men not on the above list who are found on a meadow fence list, and must have been own- ers of land in the Meadows : John Allen's heirs, Mr. Daniel Allyn, Ephraim Beers, Joseph Bodman, Ebenezer Brooks, Barnabas Hinsdale's heirs, David Hoyt, Francis Keet, lieze- kiah Root, John Severance, Isaac Sheldon, John Weller. Thomas Howard was also a resident, as appears by an " ear mark" recorded to him on the town records, but he held no land. By this list it appears that two only of those originally drawing commons in 1671, were now owners — John Pynchon and Samson Frary, — and in but one ease, that of John Steb- bins, are descendants found holding the land. Further town action relating to wood lands, roads, meetinghouses, schools, rates, fences, meadows, &c., will appear under those respect- ive heads. THE REVOLUTION OF 1 688. It is only through information gleaned from the old State manuscript archives that the history of this period can be given. Since the last recorded meeting of April, 1688, great changes had taken place in the aspect of affairs. The shad- ow of Indian hostilities had fallen across the valley. A rev- olution had swept the arbitrary Andros from the Governor's chair, and a provisional government had been established. In these events our town had been prominent; but on her records not the slightest indication appears that anything 210 PERMANENT SETTLEMENT. unusual had occurred. The record of the following meeting is given as notable for what it does not contain or intimate : — May 30th, 1689. Att a legal Town meeting in Deerfield Godfre Nims was chosen constable for the year ensuing until anoth' be chosen & sworn, Ltt Thomas Wells M' John Catlin, Lieut Jonath Wells Sam" Northam & Jos Barnard were chosen Townsmen for the year ensu- ing until others be chosen. Daniel Belding & Martin Smith were fence view" for the North of y<= common fence for the year ensuing. Joseph Goddard and Joseph Bodman were chosen fence view" for the South part of the common fence for the year ensuing. Jn° Al- lyn EHz"' Hawks & James Brown were chosen serveie' for y" year en- suing Tho. French Jn" Stebbins & Sam" Cart' were chosen Hay wards for y^ year ensuing Jonath Churches Home lot being forfited the town renewed his grant of s* Home lot provided he fulfil his former obligation and build a dwelling hous upon it within a twelve month from this 30th of May : There was also granted to Robbart Alexander a hom-Iot att Wap- ping or plumb tree playne (which lot was formerly given to Sam" Hastings but is now forfited to the Town) he y^ s* Alexander fulfill- ing y° obligations y' Sam" Hastings was und' as to fenc & also to build a dwelling upon it within one year after the grant and dwell upon s'' lot 3 years Ebenez' & Nath" Brooks had att y' same meeting y= grant of y' hom-lot renewed for one year they performing y" obligations as in y' form'' grant. There being formerly a bargain between William Brooks deceased and the Inhabitants of Deerfield concerning his y" s* Brooks dwelling house whareby s'^ house became y^ Towns prop"^ estate Mary Brooks widow of s** W™ Brooks made application to the Town desiring y' they would grant or give unto her s'' dwell- ing house she relinquishing that benefit of choyce of lots which he had in recompenc for s'^ hous as may be seen in record of s* bargain. That the widdow Brooks shall have and Injoy s'^ house as her own forever provided she take it away off from the Town Land or com- mon street att or before the last day of November 1689 but if s* house be not removed by the time prefixt then to return to the town according to first bargain voted in y° affirmative. To those having the clue, the unsettled condition of the country might be discovered in the following action at a town meeting June 26th, 1689: — r Considermg the circumstances that the Town is att present und that Selectmen cannot be chosen amongst us every way according to Law without greatly burthening p''ticular p'sons : the town have agreed y' y'' Selectment chosen in May shall stand in y° place and office and the town do bind y™selvs to stand by y" in s'' office and to obey all such acts and ord'» as s"* Selectmen shall doe and put forth DOWNFALL OF ANDROS. 211 for the good and benefit of the Town provided such acts and ord" shall not be repugnant to the Laws of this Jurisdiction Voted in y" affirmative Further action at this meeting will be given hereafter. A few words on the political condition of the colony at this time are necessary to the understanding of our annals. On the vacation of the charter, Dudley was made royal Governor in 1686. He was succeeded the next year by Sir Edmund Andros, who was put at the head of all the New England colonies by the Catholic King James. Andros, be- ing tyrannical and oppressive in his administration, aroused much opposition. He was of French extraction, and there was a strong undercurrent of feeling that he favored the Roman Catholics, and was intriguing to transfer these col- onies to French dominion. He had been unpopular in New England during Philip's War. His Indian policy seemed to be adverse to their interests, and never more so than now. He was aware of this feeling, and at this date, he was making a progress through New England looking after his political interests, but ostensibly, "to prevent a second Indian war." He was at Hadley about October iSth, where he had a meet- ing with town officers. Committees of the Plantations, officers of the militia, &c. From Boston, he issued orders on the i st of November, that ten companies of sixty men each be raised as " standing forces * * * for the defense of the country against the Indians, &c.," and sent out commissions for the officers. Pynchon was made a colonel, to command in the valley, and Aaron Cook, major. Thus he formed a standing army under his direct command. However, it failed him in his hour of need. News reached Boston about April 12th, 1689, that the Prince of Orange had landed in England. On the i8th, An- dros was seized by the people and imprisoned, with his prin- cipal adherents. The government was assumed by a Com- mittee of Safety, which on the 2d of May issued a call for the towns to choose representatives to meet in Boston on the 9th. A few men only gathered on this short notice, and little was done besides appointing a fast on the i6th, and issuing anoth- er call for representatives of the people to meet on the 22d. There is no record of any meeting here in response to this call. The people, however, were ripe for revolt, and the Se- 212 PERMANENT SETTTLEMENT. lectmen stepped at once to the front, assuming the grave re- sponsibility. A paper found in the manuscript archives of the State, tells a story of which there is no hint in the town records : — Deerfield, May 17, 1689. We the Town of Deerfield, complying with the desire of the pres- ent Counsell of Safety, to choose one among us as a representative to send down to signify our minds and concurance with the Counsell for establishing of the government, have chosen and deputed Lieu- tenant Thomas Wells, and signified to him our minds for the proceed- ing to the settlement of the government, as hath been signified to us, from the Honorable Counsell of Safety, and those other repre- sentatives. John Sheldon, "1 Benj. Hastings, I Selectmen. Benoni Stebbins, ( Thomas French, J All honor to these patriotic men who took this post of dan- ger, especially Lieut. Wells, who held his commission — now to be seen in Memorial Hall — under the hand of Andros him- self. A failure of the revolution meant for him, a court mar- tial, and the penalty of treason, at the hands of the vindictive Governor, and punishment for all concerned. The names of the first two Selectmen do not appear on this certificate of election or appointment, but there is no evidence of a divided sentiment here, unless it is found in' the fact that an entirely new board of Selectmen was chosen at a town meeting on the 30th. It is more likely, however, that that was part of the policy of the town. Even the prying eyes of Edward Randolph himself could find no treason in the record of this meeting, or in the diplomatic vote of June 26th, already giv- en. Shrewd men were managing affairs here at this crisis. Another of the unrecorded transactions, found in the State Archives, shows the real object of the June meeting. Should the revolution fail, the following paper, like the Wells cer- tificate, would be in safe hands. The representatives met on the 2 2d of May, and on the 24th chose Simon Bradstreet, then 86 years old, for Governor. June 26, 1689, — To the Governor and Council of the Massachu- setts Colony for the safety of the people and conservation of the peace : Right Honorable, in pursuance to an order bearing date June 14, for the nomination of Military officers, the to*n of Deerfield be- ing convened according to the above s* oi'der, have made a full and LIEUT. THOMAS WELLS BEFORE ANDROSS. 213 free voat for nomination of Thomas Wells for lieutenant and David Hoyt for ensign bearer. Joseph Barnard, Clerk. Bradstreet held his office until May 14th, 1692, when Phipps, who was appointed by the King under the second charter, succeeded him. The second topic passed by in silence at the meeting of May 30th. 1689, was the Indian raid from Canada. Indians had occasionally visited the English settlements, and min- gled to some extent with the inhabitants, and it was no re- markable thing, when on the evening of July 24th, 1688, fif- teen Indians came to lodge at the house of Lieut. Thomas Wells. Part of them, it proved, belonged to a war party sent out from Canada, by Gov. De Nonville in time of peace. They had orders, it appears, to take no prisoners, with a promise of ten beavers for each scalp taken. Part of the story is told by Wells in an affidavit made Oct. isth, 1688. A full account of the raid may be found in Temple & Sheldon's history of Northfield :— The examination of Thomas Wells, aged thirty-six years or there- abouts, taken Oct. 15, 1688, This examin' sayth, that about the Latter end of July, there came by water to his house fifteen Indians, who after he had some discourse with, he understood that eight of them were formerly North Indians, but now livd neere Albany, & had been out with y'' Maquas, & in their way home came to these parts to hunt. That 'four more were lykewise North Indians [in other depositions these 12 Indians are called Scaghooks] whom y" eight overtook a hunting ; & that y" other three were part of eleven Indians, formerly North Indians, but now lived amongst y" ffrench, & came in pursuit of y^ s^ eight Indi- ans, whom together they overtook. That y^ Capt or y« chiefe of y"^ s"* eleven Indians, was called Wahacoet, who not suffering his party to fall on y" eight Indians when they met them, eight of his company were displeased thereat & left him ; & he and two others, were y" three that came with y" other twelve Indians to Deerfield. That all y« s* 15 Indians staid one night at this examin''s house; that y" next morning y" s" eight Indians went by land from Deerfield intend- ing for Hatfield, & desired y" s'' Wahacoet and y" other two Indians to go with them, w'^'' he refused, but said he would come to them by & by. Soon after y" s'' four Indians likewise intending for Hatfield, by water, asked ye s* Wahacoet and y« s" two Indians, to goe with them, but he likewise refused, but sayd as before y' he would come to them by & by. That soone after the s" twelve Indians were gone, Wahacoet and the two Indians went away by water, and told this examin' that he was going for Hatfield, & from thence to Boston. That y" next morning all y° s'' 8 Indians, and three of y" four Indi- ans came again to Deerfield to this Examin''s house, & finding that 214 PERMANENT SETTLEMENT. Wahacoet & y'' two others were gone, & not come to them att Hat- field, as they promised, one Camaghtroett who was Capt or chiefe of y'= s"" eight Indians, told this exia"' in y" Indian language, which he well understood, that y° s'' eleven Indians were Rogues, & that he feared they were gone to doe mischiefe ; and that they would have done mischiefe at Northfield as they came down the River, had not they been in company with them; & that the said Wahacoet that told him that they were sent out by the French, & had orders to kill English, Indians, Dutch, & Maquas, and that he should bring noe English captives, but only their scalps; & advised the English Inhabi- tants to be Careful of themselves. That ab' three Days after, this ex- aminant heard that five Indians were killed, & others taken, at Spec- tacle Pond, neere Springfield; & ab' three weeks after, that three men two women & a girl were murdered by Indiens at Northfield, w"^"" this examin' veryly believes was done by the s'' eleven Indians. & further sayth not. Sworne the 15 October 1688 before me Thomas Wells E Randolph The live Indians were killed July 27tli. P5'-nclion at once sent posts to the towns above and below, scbuts in search of the marauders, and a party to bury the slain. A few days later, strange Indians were seen about Northfield. Micah Mudge and others went out in search of them, and found them camped in the woods. Mudge found Wahacoet, and Cungowasco, with whom he was well acquainted, and others whom he knew to be " North Indians," formerly belonging to these parts. Mudge " told them that there was peace be- tween the Kings of England and France, which Wahacoet replied he knew well enough and promised y" next morning to come in to Northfield, which they did not." These motions of the Indians caused excitement and alarm in the river towns. August 6th, Pynchon left Springfield for Northfield with six men ; he picked up twenty-four more on the way, arriving there on the i ith. After repairing the fort, and scouting a few days in the woods, Pynchon returned, leaving a small garrison at Northfield. No more Indians were seen, and the alarm subsided. The Indians summoned from Connecticut were sent home. This quiet was soon in- terrupted. Pynchon writes Aug. i6th, 1688: — By post from Northfield, I hear the Indians have killed 5 persons there, and were at the upper end of the town when the messengers came away. Samuel Janes and Josiah Marshfield brought the news. Thomas Powell was sent post to Quaboag, Sam'l Thomas to West- field, and Jonathan Morgan to Hartford, with the news. The next day, Lieut. Colton with sixteen men from Spring- SETTLEMENT AT WAPPING. 215 field, Lieut. Taylor, with thirty-four men " from the upper Towns, with horses," went to Northfield. Pynchon sent to Connecticut for thirty or forty Indians, but as only ten catoe up they were dismissed. The consternation at Brookfield was such that the town was about to be abandoned. On the 19th, Pynchon sent six men " to bring off such women as desired to come away," but with a command to the men for "their continuance there." August 2 1 St, a small garrison was sent to Northfield, and about a week later, Sergt. Bigelow, with fifteen men, joined it and remained until Oct. 9th. Capt. Jonathan Bull, and fifty-one men, left Hartford November 9th, for Northfield, where they remained until after the imprisonment of Andros. This was one of the companies raised under his order of No- vember I St, and was sent by him to Northfield. He com- plained to the King of their desertion of his government ; but Andros was then powerless for harm, and nothing came of it. By the same authority, and at the same time, Warham Math- er was sent to Northfield as their minister for six months. Small garrisons were kept there through the summer of 1689, and probably during the following winter, but in the spring of 1690 Northfield was deserted a second time, and Deer field again became the frontier town. It seems that a few Indians still lingered in the valley, subject to the English, and in view of the late raid from Canada the General Court passed the following order : — Mch 20, 1689, for the better settling the Inds belonging to Hamp- shire, John Pinchon, Esq., is requested and hereby empowered to dispose said Inds to such place or places for their abode as may pre- vent their being exposed to danger, & with such limitations & direc- tions as may be least disquiet to the English, the Inds to have warn- ing y' they exceed not the limits appropriated y™ upon their ut- termost peril. Wapping — 1685-90. Grants of home lots were not confined to the Town Plat. A street was early laid out at Plumbtree Playne, — as Wapping was called until 1689, — where, August 1685, home lots were granted to Benj. Barrett and James Brown ; and soon after, to Thomas Broughton, Benjamin and Samuel Hastings, John and Benoni Stebbins, Benjamin and Jonathan Church, Joseph Bodman, Ebenezer and Nathaniel Brooks, Robert Alexander, Martin Smith, Ephraim Beers, 216 PERMANENT SETTLEMENT. Joseph Gillett and Thomas Hurst. These grants were gen- erally made on condition of being built upon within a year, and maintaining all abutting meadow fence. This little band consisted of young men, nearly all with wives and young children, seeking a permanent home in this fertile valley. Their social relations were intimate, being closely connected by blood or marriage. The Brookses were broth- ers, and Benoni Stebbins their brother-in-law. The Stebbinses . were brothers, while John was brother-in-law to Alexander and Barrett, and the latter, brother-in-law to Benjamin Hast- ings. Barrett married a sister of Alexander ; the Churches were probably brothers, and brothers-in-law to Samuel Hast- ings. The wives of Bodman and Gillett had brothers in the Town Street. This harmonious little community faced cheer- fully the hardships of a new settlement. It was a time of peace, and no fears of the Indian disturbed their labors. That they were prosperous, and growing independent, with separate herds of cattle, is shown by the following vote, which is all the reference found as to their estate or financial condition : — June 26 1689, att the desire of the people at Wappmg: it is agreed y' so long as s' Wapping people keep and maintain a good and suffi- cient Bull among themselves and let him run att liberty on the com- mon: y" shall be freed from any charges in y' Town as to hiring or buying of bulls: The rough hand of war soon after scattered this happy family. In 1690 Alexander and Jonathan Church fell in the service. Barrett and Benjamin Church died the same year. Broughton was slain and Smith captured in 1693. The latter, and Benoni Stebbins were killed, and John Stebbins cap- tured, in 1704. Bodman, Brown, Beers, Gillet and Samuel Hastings, disappear from the scene. The Brookses, Benja- min Hastings and John Stebbins became permanent residents in the Town Street. It was many years before Wapping was again occupied as a dwelling place. Green River — 1686-90. While landless new comers were being provided for at Wapping, another colony was settling at Green river. The present Main street of Greenfield was selected as a site for the houses of those who had grants of meadow land on the river. The Town Measurers laid out twenty home lots, of four acres each. These were to be SETTLEMENT AT GREEN RIVER. 217 drawn by lot for actual settlers, except that William Brooks had " liberty to take his two lots together * * * at what place he should choose in s" tract" in consideration of his giving " to y' Inhabitants afors" (in recopense for that benifit or priviledge) his dwelling hous y' stands in the Town .Street in Deerfield." The numbering of the lots began at the west end, and they were drawn as follows. On the south side: No. i, Eb- enezer Wells ; 2, David Hoyt ; 3 and 4, selected by Brooks ; 5, Edward Allen. This came up to Arms's corner. On the north side: No. i, Samuel Smead; 2, the mill lot; 3, Joseph Goddard ; 4, Robert Goddard ; 5, John Severance ; 6 Jeremiah Hull ; 7, John Allen, which came about to Pond's block. No others were located at this time. Home lots were afterwards granted to Robert Poag, Nathaniel Cooke, Nathaniel Brooks, John Williams, Philip Mattoon and Samuel Beaman. How many of these men actually built on their lots cannot be told. The same cause which broke up Wapping also scattered this plantation. The heirs of David Hoyt sold his lot to Roger Newton in 1776. The first house built in Greenfield, so far as known, was that of Joshua Pomroy, referred to in the fol- lowing vote : — Feb. 5, 1686-7, There was granted to Joshua Pumry esteemed 7 acres be it more or less, lying on the back side of his now dwelling house bounded by the Green river [torn,] by y' brow of the hill east, by a little brook west which peice of land s"" Joshua Pumry is to have in exchange with y' Town for four acres of land formerly given him by the Town : lying on the plain called y' little plain ; This gift was in 1682. He had probably lived on the Town Street, but followed, or led, the colony to Green river. The land along Green river was doubtless clear of forest, as it was called " meadows " from the first. Its west bound was called "the swamp." Lots were granted here to all who have been named as having house lots except David Hoyt, (who had bought a grant of thirty-six acres, laid out to Sergeant Plympton,) John Severance, Nathaniel Cooke and Thomas Broughton. These lots contained twenty acres each, running from Green river to the west line of the town. Wm. Brooks's grant was to join Stockwell's, which he had bought. This may explain his right to two home lots. All grants on Green river were on condition of " paying part of the Indian 218 PERMANENT SETTLEMENT. purchase money" paying yearly rates, and sometimes a per- sonal occupation of three years. Unless Sachem Chaque's deed covered this territory there is no " Indian purchase " known. On the destruction of Schenectady the settlers retired to the shelter of the fortifications at the Town Street, and not a single one occupied his lands permanently. The Goddards, Cooke, Poag and Beaman no longer appear. Wm. Brooks died in 1688, Hull in 1691, Broughton was killed in 1693, Sev- erance went to Connecticut in 1702, John Allen, Hoyt and Mattoon fell in 1704. Wells retired to Hatfield ; his children and those of the Aliens, Severance and Nathaniel Brooks, subsequently occupied their fathers' lands. Edward Allen, Jr., lived, died and was buried on home lot No. 5, given to his father. On this lot was the old graveyard for the early dead of Greenfield. Here they rested in quiet until 1881, when, in order to lay out the cheapest highway to the rail- road station, the mercenary vandalism of Greenfield obliter- ated every vestige of this God's acre. No more efforts were made to settle at Green river, until after the peace of Ryswick, in 1697. While settlements on either hand were being encouraged, the community at the Town Street was itself increasing in numbers and prosperity. During the war, the most accessible fields were cultivated, with little care for proprietorship or lines. With a wider oc- cupation, came a call for better defined ownership. A vote was passed March i6th, 1698-9, — That all lands within y" meadow fence together with all wanting lands and homelots be measured by y'= Town Measurers : and that all lands not yet Recorded to be Recorded by the Town Clerk in y'' Town Book of Records : y° Town Clerk having first received an ac- count of s'' unrecorded land from the Town Measurers. The great staple was Indian corn. A failure in this crop was a public disaster, so the policy of public protection was adopted, as appears by the following vote : — That every house holder shall kill 12 Black Birds apiece this sum- mer or else what they shall want of s'' number shall pay pence apiece in the Town Rate : and for what they shall kill above s* number they shall receive of the Town pence apiece untill the last of May next : and for what Black birds they shall kill from thence to y'= middle of Sept a half a penny apiece : and whosoever shall kill crows this sum- mer shall have four pence apiece peayd them by y'' Town. REVISING THE RECORD. 219 This policy was continued in effect, until within about fifty years. March 3d, 1701, Voted y' a Commity be chosen whose work it shall be to Methodize y^ form and manner of Recording oiy" meadow lands in all four of y" divisions : as also to determine to whom lands shall be recorded determining upon the following Rule y* is to say to those, y' shall produce y" last legal deed of such and such lands : Capt Wells : Ensigne Jn° Sheldon : and Benoni Moor were chosen as a Commity to doe y" work mentioned in y" next above written vote : No such book of records has been discovered ; it may have been destroyed in the house of the Clerk, Feb. 29th, 1704. CHAPTER IX. KING WILLIAM'S WAR. The success of the Prince of Orange brought on war with France, in which their colonies becam6 involved, and Canada Indians under French guidance were soon ravaging our frontiers. Feb. 1 8th, Schenectady was surprised and burned by an army from Canada and the inhabitants massacred with a barbarity shocking to civilized warfare. Sixty were mur- dered, twenty-seven carried off to Canada, while the rest were driven half naked through the deep snow towards Albany. Twenty-five of these lost their feet by freezing. When the news of this horrible affair reached Deerfield, a town meeting was at once called. This town was equally exposed to attack, being entirely without defensive works. The most energetic measures were at once taken to supply this neglect and meet the danger ■ — Att a Leagall Town meeting Feb' 26th 1689-90 That y' shall be a good sufficient fortification made upon the meet- ing hous hill: it was voted in the affirmative for the stating proportioning and dividing to every p''son his part or proportion of fortification : for stating the height flankrs gates &c the Town have made choice of M' Jn" Catlin Jonath Wells Samuel Northam Benj Barret Thos French Henry White and Benoni Steb- bins to act and doe in every part and particular as to y" p''mises as y* shall Judg for y'= good benefit & safety of the Town : voted in y° affirmative That y*" fortifications shall be don & finished by y'= 8th of March next emediately ensuing: voted affirmatively Thatt all persons whose families cannot conveniently and comfort- ably be received into y'= houses y' are already upon y"^ meeting hous hill and shall be w"'n the fortifications: such persons shall have hab- itations provided for y™ w^'n s* fortifications att the Town charg but any p''son or p'sons y' shall provide habitations for y"selves shall be exempt from y" charges afores"*: voted in the affirmative That Sgt Jn" Sheldon Benoni Stebbins & Edward Allyn shall have full pow"' to appoint where every persons hous or cellar shall stand w* bigness y* shall be : y*- is such houses or cellars as are to be built by y" town as afores'': voted in the affirmative: FORTIFICATIONS UNDER DIFFICULTIES. 221 It was not known here that the horde which destroyed Schenectady had returned to Canada. The same party might fall upon this town at any time, and every nerve was strained to prepare for a visit. It was no trifling thing that the in- habitants of Deerfield undertook. The task they set them- selves shows their self reliance. Under the direction of the Committee, an area large enough to shelter the whole popu- lation was to be enclosed with a palisado. For this, many hundred pieces of timber, twelve to fourteen feet long, must be cut, hewed on two sides, and hauled to the spot : a trench two or three feet deep, dug in the frozen earth. In this the pali- sades were to be set solid and each pinned to a horizontal rail running across near the top. Planks for the gates and flank- ers were to be sawed out, and set up. All this to be finished in ten days, though the whole force of men which could be mustered for this service, including t'he Greenfield and Wap- ping refugees, could not have exceeded sixty ; and this force was doubtless weakened by the "great sickness" which proved so fatal in the Connecticut valley this year. We find no account of the exact size of this stockade. "Scouts of 14 or 16 men to bee out by the week together for the discovery of the enemy," were sent away weekly by Pynchon, to cover the frontiers during the spring months. Their pay was guaranteed by the county court, " if y" General Court do not pay them." A garrison of sixty Connecticut men under Capt. Colton, was established here as being the most exposed point on the river. The alarm at Albany equaled that here, and an application was made to Massachu- setts for aid in its defense. Gov. Bradstreet, in a reply dated June 24th, declined the request on the ground that Deerfield was as likely to be attacked as Albany. The failure of the expedition for the invasion of Canada this year left the fron- tiers in greater fear than before. Revenge was sure to fol- low, and extra precautions were taken to prevent a surprise by more vigilant watching and warding. In addition to the labor, danger and loss, occasioned by the war, the town suffered severely this year from a malignant distemper, and several prominent men died. The following letter gives a sad picture of the afflicting visitation. Peter Tilton writes Governor Bradstreet, August 23d, 1690: — 222 KING WILLIAM'S WAR. The righteous Lord is sorely visiting these frontier towns at pres- ent, with sickness by agues and fevers, of which many are sick and weak and many are carried to their graves. The arrows of mortal- itie and death, are flying thick from town to town, & from family to family. A hundred persons sick at Deerfield, about forescore at Northampton, many at Hadley & Hatfield. The disease increases in the towns downward. Capt. [William] Lewis, and Capt. [John] Moseley, are dead. 1691. This year, Major Peter Schuyler led a party of Mo- hawks against the Canada Indians, and being kept on the de- fensive, no war parties molested our frontiers. December 14th, town ofificers were chosen : Selectmen, Eleazer Hawks, Edward AUyn, Samson Frary, Godfrey Nims and Henry White. Sealers of weights and measures, and packers of pork, were now for the first time chosen, they be- coming necessary on account of the large dealings with the commissary department. In November about one hundred and fifty Indians came here from the Hudson, complicating affairs, and increasing the alarm. Concerning them, Pynchon wrote to Gov. Brad- street : — Springfield Dec 2, 1691. Hon'ble Sir There being Several Indians lately come into these pts who have Setled y^selves near Dearefeild, betweene it and Hatf'*, I judge it most meete and ace' it but Duty, to aquaint y'' Honor therewith and to crave advise & directions from y"' Hon. & Council concerning them, & what may be necessary for safety in this time of danger & hazzard of enemyes; having such loud cals both from heaven & earth to be awakened; whereby we have as much cause, if not more, to look out for approaching danger this winter then last, when it was thought needful to continue a garrison at Dearefeild. The Indians came into Dearefeild sometime in Nov * * * Yesterday I rec'd a letter from Capt Partrigg who writfes the Indians y' are come down are about 150 of y" men, women, & children, & are Setled at Deare- feild under y" Side of y" Mountain Southerly from the Town, living in y^ woods East of Wapping, about a mile of y'^ Town. The men Plying hunting & Leaving their Women & ch at home * * * They brought a written Pass Subscribed by y'' Mayor of Albany, that they, behaving y"°selves orderly, y^ English would carry it friendly to them; M' Partrigg writes for y*^ general they have been quiet hith- ertoe, only one or 2 of y™ were high & Insolent towards a Lad at Dearefeild, taking Some of his fathers Corn Si Pumpkins w"'out leave; & one of y™ y' came to Hatfield, upon one of our men req^'^s a Debt of him, y« Indian pulled out his knife. There are many of ym yt ^ere o' former Enymy Indians w°'' Setled at Albany til now. I doubt whether difficultys many ways may not arise, or jars upon HUNTING INDIANS. 223 y' acct. , w"^!' may raise spts & be provocations to Some ; y^ rather bee I understand (tho have note certaine Legal knowledge) some of o' peo- ple let y"' have cider & rum, being so besotted with lucre of un- righteous gain & Insensible of God's anger on those accounts, & there owne danger, that it is to be feared thay expose y"selves & others — Were y'= Indians honest, as they pretend, they may be advantag- ious in scouting & giving notice of an enemie if approaching; yet also, being so Setled, they have opportunity of entertaining an Ene- my & betraying y" . Townes, if they should p^'^ false ; & we having noe assurance of y"". I propose what may be necessary & meete to be done, y' we may be in some way of defending o'selves — whether a garrison at Dearefeild be not convenient, is w"' y' Hons; to con- sider, & then the writing to Connecticut to afford men & assist ther- in, will be necessary; & whether also these scouts of 4 men a week allowed by y^ General Court in this County * * * be not prof- itable to be continued: Sometimes I am thinking it convenient that 40 or 50, or 60 men out of these upper towns, be apointed to be in readyness & listed under a Capt & officers to command y", might be very useful, who should abide at home til occasion & then move presently upon notice * * * if such a company in their Arms should only march once or twice this winter to Dearefield, y^ very sight of them might awe these Inds, who will thereby see & know we are in a warlike Posture ; a laishlike indiscretion may procure some smart blow (as it did at Scenectoke) which should stir us up to dili- gence & Prudence; o' people minding there owne busnes, without Arms, or watches, requires y' some orders be given for rousing y™ up, especially, considering y" talke is of y' the French coming down on us this winter — Doubtless there is this winter as much danger as y« last * * * I crav leave to propose one thing more, which * * * is to write to y" Mayor of Albany concerning these In- dians; to gain a certaine knowledge what they are & y" occasion of there coming &c; which if you think convenent & ordere me to doe, I wil take care to send, if there can be Passing thether: Onething I had almost sliped. Leiut Wells of Dearefeild, who would have been very useful & is much wanted for these affairs be- ing dead, (a sad froune of God in this juncture of affairs) there wants a Lieut to be commissiond for Derefeild, which I think ought to be minded. If y' Company have not applyed y^selves to the Gen Court, I shall mention either David Hoite, or Jonathan Wells, or one Shel- den who dwels there, to be there Lieutenant. I pray consider how times call for a Settlement. They have only an Ensign now, & that is Hoite before named, & Shelden & Wells are Chief Sergants. * 1692. January ist, 1691-2, Pynchon writes again in great perplexity, asking advice. He says the Committee of the Mi- litia have had several meetings, and many have been to see him, but he knows not what to do. On the same day, Samuel Partridge and John King, senior, write in behalf of the Military Committee, on the same sub- ject. They say : — 224 KING WILLIAM'S WAR. We have feares they may be unfaithfule & soe betray us to our Enemies if they come, as they are not under our command but goe & come at pleasure. It is said their is some among them of the Penicook Inds that might have a hand in the late mischiefe done at Cocheco & Samon Falls, [in 1690] & of those that did mischiefe at North'*. Their numbers as nere as we can come at, are between 40 & 50 fighting men & women & children about 100. We humbly propose * * * them sent back to Albany, or set- led & put under limits & bounds that we may know their incomers & find out if they are our enemies. They ask the governor that, — Application may be made to Conniticot to send 100 men as she did last year, for Jan^ and Feb, that being the only time they can pass the rivers and lakes on the ice. The Council write Pynchon January 8th, to keep a sharp lookout, to organize a company of fifty men as he suggested, to continue the four scouts, to send a message of inquiry to Albany, "and, if necessary, to have a garrison of 50 or 60 Conn, men, and in all things to use your best judgment." They write to Connecticut the same day asking for forces to be sent to Deerfield. These were sent as requested. Capt. Whiting and fifty men came up about February ist to gar- rison the town. Pursuant to his broad instructions, Pynchon drafted a proc- lamation, with which he sent Capt. Partridge to the Indians. This was read to them, article by article, they responding, in the same manner. This paper is given below, as illustrating the relations between the two races at this period. When the natives sold land to the English, they usually reserved the privilege of hunting and fishing on the territory. Gov. Bradstreet seems to have recognized this general native right, but assumed the power to regulate its exercise on the ground of public exigency ; to this action the Indians took no exceptions in their replies to Pynchon's directions. Directions concerning y^ Indians lately come fro Albany & some proposals to be made known to them by Capt Saml Partrigg & such interpreter as he shall Improve : — I. Altho yo" ought to have made application to vs to have had liberty to sit downe in ovr towns, yet, having Passes from y^ Mayor of Albany for hunting, &c, we shal for y^ present overlook y' seem- ing intruding vpon vs & allow yo' abiding where you are this winter time, you behaving y''selves Peaceably & orderly & carrying it wel to all o' people y» time of y'" staying til spring, when you are to re- turne to Albany whence you came & wher you will be expected : pynchon's proclamation. 225 To w*^'' their answer was : 1. They owne it should have bene so at their coming 2. They intend no il to y<^ English, but to carry it peaceably 3. They desire there sqvas may be safe under our protection, while they are hunting: II. We doe particularly caution you to beware of strong drink, w'''' intoxicates men's braines, & makes y'" more disorderly than other- wise they would be, & to warne your young men in special least it oc- casion quarrels, w'''^ are carefully by you & by vs to be preuented, wherefore we allow not o'' people to sel it, & you would doe well to aqvaint vs w'" any w"'' does, that we may deale with y'" for their dis- order: Their reply — .1. Our young men & sqvas wil buy it for all y', & your English wil sel it. .2. They are afraid inform of y"-' English that do it least they do y™ mischiefe, Yet gave such hints in privite as 'tis hoped wil put a stop to that wickedness. III. We let you know we are now apprehensive of some approach of y'= French & Indian enemy, & therefore intend to keep out scouts & to haue more strict wach & shortly to settle some more soldiers in Dearefield, wherefore none of you (who account yourselves our friends, whom we hope are so & desire to approue themselues ac- cordingly) are to goe or wander from y'' present position, without order in writing from some one of y" Captains in these towns or y° Lieut of Dearefield, & not aboue five in a company when they goe out hunting : And if o' scouts find you w"' a greater Number, or without an order as aforesaid & laying downe your armes, then to be acco'""' as enemy Indians : Also not to come into any of o"' townas after sunset, to disturb y'^ watches, the day being sufificient — especial- ly in this troublesome seasorj — foi y"' necessary occasions. Nor at noe time to be w"" your Armes in o'' towns ; all w''"' we expect your carefull & due observance off, & y' you forthwith give notice fully & distinctly to all Indians at home & abroad, accordingly y' peace & orderly living y'= little time you stay here may be promoted & friend- ship encouraged : Lastly, we expect that if you understand anything of any enymys approach, or have any inteligence thereof, y' you forth^'" acquaint vs thereof, or with whatsoeuer you know that may be of use to us : Whereby you will approve yourselves to be, as you say, o' friends & we shall be enabled thereby to render y^ better ace' of you to yo'' Masters at Albany. Given under my hand at Springfield: Jan. i8th i6gi. John Pynchon. To the 3d and last Article they say, they consent to it in every particular thereof, & shall accordingly endeavor to attend it, prom- ising (so far as their promise is good), to make w' discovery they can of an approaching enymy, & forthwith to inform y'= English thereof. Their returns wer made Jan 21, 1691-2. Samuel Patrigg. Pynchon organized two new militia companies in the towns below, to be ready to march on an alarm, and kept the four scouts jconstantly out towards Canada. 226 KING WILLIAM'S WAR. February 22d, Pynchon sent the Council a copy of his " Di- rections " to the Indians, with the endorsements of Capt. Par- tridge. He writes that he hears the Indians intend planting here in the spring, but hopes that they will go back to Al- bany, and says he shall write to the Mayor to call them home ; that they appear friendly, but he is suspicious of them. Ru- mors had reached town that a great army of French and In- dians had been seen on Lake Champlain, coming this way. Some of the inhabitants "meditated a remove," but on the arrival of the Connecticut soldiers, all were reassured, and united heartily with them in strengthening the fortifications. On the breaking up of the ice in the Connecticut river, the danger of a winter's invasion was considered to be over, and the Connecticut men went home. Pynchon writes to the Council soon after, that he fears " the men at Deerfield will be unquiet in their stations there, unless your Honors think of some way for their security, or they should hear of some check upon the French." For the military company here, Pynchon appointed as lieu- tenant, Jona. Wells, brother of the late Lieut. Thomas Wells. Hitherto the highest military officer in town was a lieuten- ant. Before the close of 1692, Wells was made captain, David Hoyt, lieutenant, and John Sheldon, ensign. Early in May, the town was again alarmed by the story of a great army coming over the lakes. The intended invasion, of which news had been received about the ist of February, had been stopped, it wotild seem, by the breaking up of the ice. The party now marching this way were four or five hundred French and Indians, so one Mr. Trowbridge wrote, that might be expected here about the middle of May. The in- habitants were all gathered into the fort and preparations made to defend it to the last. The story of Trowbridge was soon confirmed. Some of the hunting Indians met some Al- bany Indians, who told them they had seen the track of the army, and that they would be "likely to be upon Deerfield the Saturday or Sabbath day," the 15th or i6th of May. The attack was not made. The foe rarely came when expected. Their visits were usually a surprise. About May 20th, a party of Indians arrived here f roni Albany, who were sent by the Mayor to call the hunters home — in anticipation of the in- road from Canada — and the town was relieved from the fear THE REASON WHY. 227 of their treachery. These messengers from Albany brought news about the French army, which explained its failure to attack Deerfield. An advance guard had encountered some Dutchmen, who captured six of them. The French com- mander, knowing that his march was thtts discovered, and that a surprise was impossible, instead of marching against a town that was ready to receive him, turned to the eastward, and on the loth of June attacked the town of Wells. Failing to surprise the garrison, this army of five hundred men, after three days' fighting, was beaten off by Capt. Converse with thirty resolute men. The approach of the enemy to Wells was discovered by the cattle running into town. It was probably belated news of this army, that caused Pynchon to write. May 25th, "We have sure news that the Earl of Frontenac has collected a large force, with munitions of war at Montreal, for a descent on the settlements." No enemy, however, was seen in this vicinity for more than a year, but watch and ward were strictly kept, and all cultiva- tion of land was at the imminent risk, of life. Capt. Wells, who had been chosen representative to the General Court, was so much needed at home, that this round- about way was taken to secure his release : Oct. 4th, — The Town made choice of, appouited, & impowered, Joseph Bar- nard to wright to Capt. Partrigg in y'= behalf of y'' s" Town, to labor w'" y^ Assembly, in ord' to get Capt. Wells his release from serving as deputy. This "labor" was in vain, for the name of Capt. Wells is found among the Deputies serving in 1692. Dec. 26th, " Ens. Jno Sheldon, Ltt. David Hoyt, Sergt. Be- noni Stebbins, Corp. Thomas French, & Simon Beaman, were chosen selectmen for the year ensuing." This vote shows the importance attached to military titles, and also, it may be, the judgment of the people that the most efficient adminis- tration of affairs, in this time of distress, could be secured by a union of military and civil power. 1693. The opening of this year found the settlers in a sad condition. For obvious reasons, their crops had decreased as danger from an enemy increased, and had been yieWing less and less from year to year. The area planted in 1692 had been small, and the returns meagre. In addition to the difficulty in cultivating the land, armies of caterpillars had 228 , KING WILLIAM'S WAR. made havoc with the Indian corn ; nevertheless garrison sol- diers must be supported, and scouts constantly fitted out for service. Municipal affairs were not neglected. This year the colony was reorganized under the new char- ter, and in March the town voted that the " Town officers chos- en Dec. 26th, are now chosen again ; and confirmed ; to stand and serve until others be chosen." The following paper shows the real condition of affairs here at this time : — Feb y'* 8, 1692-3. To His Excellency, S-^ W" Phipps, Kn', Gov' of y^ Masachusets, with y" Hon"' Counsell & Assembly in y" Great & General Court convened in Boston : — The Inhabitants of y"^ town of Dere''', in the County of Hampshire, Humbly petition this Hon'' Courts consideration of their present afflictive estate & condition as followeth: Hauing for a long time Been Much exercised, & at great expenses in purchasing & setlinge our place anew, & by reason of feares and Hazzard of the approach- ing of enemies, improving a great part of our time in Watchings, Wardings, & Scoutings & Making of fortifications, beside the inev- itable losses & mishaps we now meet with in oure labors, both by y^ hand of God, & the inconveniences of improving our lands or labors in these times of fears and hazzard as afors'' to any measure of advantage for support of our families and y"^ necessary expenses of our Town and church, and reliefe of such amongst us as we are bound in contience to relieve; whereby we have been exposed to many straits and are brought very low & in a likely way to come to extremity, so that it becomes a question amongst us, whether we have not a call to apply ourselves to this Honora'''^ Court, for an order to depart y^ place, we being already convinced that if we should let our whole accommodations to pay y'' charge, and take no other rent, we should be gainers as at present things are circumstanced, besides y'= more eminent hazzards we are in of y" excursions of y'^ enemy, being 13 mile distant northward from any other of y^ towns in this County, and a little handful more in y'= mouths of y'= enemy afores'' being but about 50 men. Upon the considerations afores*, and many more too large here to number up, we humbly entreate that we may have such creedence from your Honors, and such helps and reliefe as our nesessities if not extreame difficulties call for : and being heartily wiling to serve y° King & Queen's majesties and your Honors as Good and Loyal and obedient subiects, and especially Christ and his interests in this place, satisfing ou''selves in your speciall care and readynes to relieve such, (thinking with allowance to hold it here a Little longer,) places as are mostly exposed as afores"*. Humbly propose that we might haue a grant from your Honors out of their Maiesties treasury in this prouince, a suitable supply of amunition, we hauing no Town Stock ; as also an abatement of those taxes that are now called for in yo year 92, and those yet to be called for, till such time, (if euer CONNECTICUT SOLDIERS GARRISON DEERFIELD. 229 it be,) we may recouer our-selves from this low estate we are now in, y'* granting of wich will much oblige your poor ptitionrs, and for your Honors euer to pray. David Hoyt, ) In y*^ Jno. Shelden, >• name of Simon Beaman, ) y" Town. In answer to the Inhabitants of Deerfield this House doe judge it Meete and Requisite that a Committee be chosen out of the Towns Adjacent to be joined with some meet persons of Said Town of Deer- field, who shall manage that affair, and sett men to worke for the Repairing their fortifications for the Security of the said Town, and that something be allowed them for supply of Amunition, all w'^'' to be paid out of the Treasury of the province not exceeding the sume of that the place may be mainetained and not deserted. This action was timely ; without it, it may be, the Town would have been abandoned by the disheartened inhabitants. Feb. 19th, 1692-3, news reached Pynchon of the disastrous attack on the Mohawks by the French and Indians from Can- ada, which news he posted to Governor Phipps. By return post, Feb. 27th, he received orders for securing Deerfield ; Capt. Cooke was joined with him in this commission. Pur- suant to these orders on the 2d of March they went to Con- necticut. March 6th, the General Court made arrangements lor soldiers to be sent to Deerfield. Pynchon writes Mar. 8th:— They Readyly granted men for Securing that Post: 40 or 50 men to garrison y" upper Towns when they should be called for & 150 men more in readyness to march upon notice of need of them w'='' in regard y" French y' assaulted y'^ Maquas Forts are returned home & probably the spring or winter now breaking vp at Canida wil not al- low y"" to stir again til about May: I did not insist to have y*" Pres- ently Post away their men to Dearefield: also because though Con- necticut wil furnish w"' y" men & be at y" charge of their wages, yet wil not of their Dyet (as they say) w'='' Dearefield / douit cannot fur- nish y™ w"'. Their corne last yeare being destroyed by y° worms & Provisions will not be had w"'out sending it fr™ y'= next Townes, though Possibly some meate or few barrels of Pork (w"'' are scarce) may be in Dearefield, yet they belong to particular persons who wil quickly transport y™ away (w'"out yo"' Excel'^' order for stopping y" w'^'' I concieve necessary) & then provision will be wanting for Sol- diers Posted there. Now is y season to secure meate there & p'=vent charge afterwards & it wil be more easy bee : mens Rates there may be appointed to pay y*' owners of such Porke (If any be) provided yo"' Excel give or- ders w* I only suggest : I feare I am to tedious & not being willing to offend y'' Excellency shal forbeare further particularizing being assured yo" will from Hart- ford Gent Have al y* is needful for me to add. As also an account 230 KING WILLIAM'S WAR. concerning y'' French y' cume to y" Maquas Forts who are returned w'" their Indians (among whom were 30 Eastern Indians) Having lost 25 french & ten Indians y' were killed by Maj. Schuyler's Men & al- though y" French marched off w"' 250 Maquas yet they are al recov- ered & got hom only y* y'= Maquas have there Forts or Wigwams burnt down Please let me vnderstand whether you would have me hasten y° Posting those Soldiers from Connecticut to Dearefield & how they shal be provided for. I will Indeavour exactly tp attend order in hastning y'" for I am in Paine least my good husbandry in delaying y"° (to ease y° Country's charge) should prove of any dan- gerous consequence w* I shal be ready to Rec : check for & make amendment by hastning y'" vpon the least Information: Propose next weeke to visit Dearefield to Incourage y"' & vnder- stand their State when shal further consider w*^ may be necessary & forward vigorous & careful scouting, Yo' Excel caution & direction as to y'' readyness of y" Militia in this regn' I accept with great thankfulness & al due acknowledgm' of care for o'' p^sservation, Have been & am in attendence therunto & shal proceed according to my vtmost Indeavors, a greate want w"' vs & y' w'^'' disheartens some soldiers is y" scantiness of Powder. If yo'' Excellency would please to send .2 or 3. barrels of Good Gun Powder & some Bal (w"'' I would Indeavor to secure preserve & husband to advantage) it would quicken & enliven Some Soldiers sp'^ Craving y'' Pardon w"' y"^ tender & prostrating of al humble service I am Yo'' Excellencys Springfield Faithful Servant March 8th 1692 John Pynchon 93 [Addressed] For there Ma"°* Service To his Excellency S'' W" Phips Kn' Capt Generall & Gov' in Chief in & over there Ma"''' Province of y° Massa- chusets Bay in Boston : To be forwarded by y'^ Constables of Brookefield Marlborow &c for there Ma"''' Service Precaution and vigilance, however, did not prevent a severe blow from falling upon the town. The story of the attack on the Wells and Broughton fami- lies is thus told by Rev. Stephen Williams, in his appendix to the " Redeemed Captive." June, 1693, the Widow Hepzibah Wells and her three daughters were knocked on the head and scalped; two of them died, but the other lived : at the same time Thomas Broughton was killed, and his wife, great with child, and three of their children. TRAGEDY AT THE NORTH END. 231 That is all that history has given of this tragedy. From a manuscript by the same Mr. Williams, recently rescued from a pile of rubbish, a more detailed account is gleaned. The paper, 3>4x7J^ inches, closely written, with erasures, and interlineations, and many abbreviations, is hard to decipher. It has been submitted to several of the best experts in the State, who have given willing aid ; probably nothing can be added to the copy given below : — yy suspect" mischief before Broughton & Wells family & Capt. Wells laid in w'" Cutawak to find out w' was doing & he suspect" it but c" get nothing. Several Indians trading liv" ov' the River at Carter's land, & June 6, 1693, [in y'^ beginning of y" evening — erased] ab' midnight y'' came upon y'" & killed Thos Broughton & his wife & xdren 3, ^ scalp" 3 of y*^^ Widow Wells daughters (Dan" being asleep in y" chamber not hurt, & Nath' Kellogue jumped out of Mrs. Wells' chamber window & escap") 2 dyd of y'' wounds & y" 3d liv" & one Holms lay in y'* chamber at B & saw y'" & heard y' people plead for y'^ lives; y° man plead" if his own life might not.be spar" his xdren might, but y'' answer" in Indian, we dont care for y"^ xdren & will kill y" all, & Holms lay still & escap"- Mrs. Wells was from home w"' a sick child & ventured there, & before y'' people went w"' her & (then she returned having hid her xdren). The words in parenthesis are erased, and others interlined, which no expert has been able to make out with certainty, and the same is true of part of what follows in the narrative. took care of y" xdren & then hid herself; no body * * * came 'till y° break of y"^ day. Kellogue escaped by flinging down a beam, lying in y" chamber wh" (?) y° Indian run up & beat him back. Some of y'' Indians came into y^ Town in y^ morning & y'= English sent for y^ young capt & chedaw, wh"" y" Indians deliverd up & y^ [wound",?] Mary Wells accus" chedaw & he trembling & quivering deny" it. T. Broughton accus" y^ Young Capt, he deny" it. T. Broughton liv" a day or 2 & dyd. Ashpelon s" y' y° young woman did not ling [talk? this word is plain] as if she was fitt to give an evidence; she seem", distracted. These 2 accus" were car" to Spring- f" & putt into custody, but broke away y' prison by y° help of some Dutchman as was tho' — y' came there to see y™, & all the hunting Indians drew off ab' y' time — 'twas suspect" y' these y' did y'= mis- chief were some Canada Indians principally, but y' some of y" hunt- ing Indians had join" w"^ y", but y' T generality of y" trading Indians were ignorant of it, & I remember w' my indian mistress s" to me abMt. [Probably while Williams was a captive in Canada.] No attempt will be made to reconcile or explain the dis- crepancy in these two statements by the same author. Nei- ther seems to be in accordance with the facts. Mrs. Wells 232 KING WILLIAM S WAR. was the widow of Lieut. Thomas. The daughters were Mary, aged twenty ; Sarah, seventeen ; and Hepzibah, seven. It does not appear elsewhere, that Mrs. Wells was injured. She married, in 1699, Daniel Belding, and was killed in 1704; Mary, who was then living unmarried with her mother, was also killed. Hepzibah married, about 171 5, John Dickinson, and was grandmother to our " Uncle Sid." Sarah only was killed. Thomas Broughton was thirty-two years old. His wife was Hester Colton ; her age, or the ages or names of their children, are unknown. The only other paper found relating to this affair is the following from the records of Connecticut, Oct. 4th, 1694: — Upon the motion of Widow Wells of Dearefield that she might haue liberty to craue the charity of the good people of this colony for her reliefe of the great charge she hath bin at in curing the wounds of her children which they receiued by the Indians, this Court recomends to the congregations in Windsor, Hartford and Weathersfield and Farmington to be charitably helpful to the woman therin. Mrs. Wells was a native of Windsor, and had doubtless re- turned to her old home for medical treatment for her chil- dren. In 1673, the year of her marriage, and again in 1676, the proud young dame had been fined by the County Court for "wearing silk." Now she was a licensed beggar. It appears that a band of »Scatacook Indians, after their winter's hunt, had camped about a mile northwest of the town, for the purpose of trade, bartering their furs for Eng- lish productions. It is not unlikely that this was part of the same party which left here in the spring of 1692. The suspi- cion of Capt. Wells, indicated in the old manuscript, is the only evidence discovered of uneasiness at their presence. It appears that Ashpelon, so prominent in the raid of Sept. 19th, 1677, was of this party, and was advocate for the accused Chedaw. The murderers were doubtless Canada Indians, who were sheltered by the trading party ; but apparently some of the young hunters came over the river to witness, and possibly to share, the exploit. Two were recognized by the victims. As the lips of all were to be sealed in death, there was no need of disguise. On being named in the morning, the young captain and Chedaw were sent for, and were delivered up to the officers. The plan of the assailants seems to have been to do their bloody work with tomahawk WIDELY FELT CONSEQUENCES. 233 and scalping knife, without alarming the town. No firearms were used, nor any buildings set on fire. On the successful resistance and escape of Kellogue the Indians probably took the alarm, and fled in haste, leaving Daniel Wells asleep in his mother's house, and Holmes unharmed in the chamber at Broughton's. We are left to imagine how the cry of " Indians ! Indians !" woke the sleeping town, and how the people fled for their lives to the fort. It might well be supposed that an army of French and Indians was upon them, and that an ambuscade lay ready for any who should venture out from the lines. An attack might be expected at any moment, and active prepa- rations were made for defense. All the power of Capt. Wells, however, could not keep the heroic widow Hepzibah Wells within the palisades after hearing the story of Kellogue. The great love which fills the heart of a mother, inspired her with courage to rush seemingly into the very jaws of death, in a forlorn hope of saving her children. At the earli- est moment consistent with prudence, no doubt, Capt. Wells sent a party to the scene of slaughter and to her relief. The news of the arrest of Chedaw and the young captain flew fast and far. It will be interesting to note its effect on the Indians. The Scatacooks, a tribe made up largely from Pocumtuck and Nipmuck refugees, located by New York authorities a few miles north of Albany, were now allied with the Mohawks, and under the protection of the New York government. Deputies from this tribe met the authorities of Albany in council, June 15th. Their address is worth pre- serving in connection with our history : — We have been as if in great Darknesse or cloud for some time and now the light is come againe the Sun Shines. We return o"' hearty thanks for the presevacion of o'' wives and children in o"' absence while wee were hunting in the winter. [Here the orator presented two beaver skins.] Twenty years agoe wee were received as Children of this Govern- ment and have lived peaceably ever since under its protection, and seeing severall of o"' people are deteined Prisoners in New England upon Suspicion to have killed some of their People at Deerfield wee submit the whole matter to the judicious Consideration of his Excell: [Gave three.] Our Governor is a great man : Wee pray that hee would take care o'^ future preservacion & since the French are also Potent Let us have our Eyes open and bend all 0'' Strength against them. [Gave four beavers. 1 234 KING William's war. Meanwhile Gov. Fletcher on his route from New York to Albany, hearing of the murders and of the imprisonment, sent Maj. Wessells at once to Deerfield to make inquiries. Arriving at Albany, the governor gave audience to the Mo- hawks, June 2 1 St. Rode, their chief orator, made a charac- teristic speech, giving a beaver at the close of each para- graph. He gives the Governor a new name, Cayenquiragoe, or lord of the swift arrow, and thanks him for his prompt action in behalf of the suspected Indians. He says : — Before we knew o' men were detayned by the people of New Eng- land you were so kind as to send an expresse thither for their re- leasement this is so particular a kindness and favor, that wee must return o'' thanks in an especial manner. Fletcher made such investigation as he could, and what evidence he found in favor of the prisoners was sent to this colony. The strongest item was the affidavit of John Bap- tiste Van Eps, that he identified a war club found at the scene of the murders, as belonging to an Indian he well knew in Canada, while he had been a prisoner there. Pynchon writes Gov. Phipps, June 28, 1693, that he has been too busy with public business to write sooner, but, — According to my ability I have not been wanting to get an vnder- standing of y'^ state of affaires here in refference to y^ Indians and Murder at Dearefield : W'^'' as my time allowed, I have made report of to his excellency (al w""^ I know you are fully aqvainted w"') at same time Major Wessells hasting his return. By reason of my dispatch of him & w' was necessary to Gov'' Fletcher, 1 was enforced to [illegible] con- tract yet mind not anything material y' I neglected. The 2 Indians one a Maqva & y'= other an Albanian whom I verily supposed are Gilty in y° murder, are in safe Custody, I desire a sutable time & Gen'™ Commisioned be appointed for there Tryal &c which please to lay before his Excelency. The 3d Indian put into o"' Jaile before I came hom. Nothing appearing ag^' him But his saying he would kil .20. -English, evadenced by one single man who says y^ Indian was in drink when he s'' it, w'='^ was sometime before y° Commotion at Derf* & he minded it not til that Disturbance; He and others say- ing also, y' this Ind: always caryed it wel: The Indian saying He knows not he ever spake such words, & if he did he was in Drink & was sorry for y": He is discharged & set at Liberty (the Gen' y' comitted him judging it best: Colonol Allyn & Capt. Stanly (who were here) also advising to it) and went away to Albany w"^ Major Wessels, & those 6 Indians (one a Maqva Capt) who came with Ma- jor Wessels, so y' they wil see (though this Indian wel deserved Im- prisonment yet) we are not desirous to pvt any neadlessly vpon there WEIGHING THE EVIDENCE. 235 Tryal. They would haue bene glad we would have discharged y" other .2. setting forth y' good service y"^ Maqvs haue done, endeav- oring to vindicate al there Indians, & there being in good termes w"' y" English, saying they disclaime this murder & are not gilty But y' it was done by y" French Maqvas: & therevnto they Improve y° sight of some woden Swords or Mauls y' were found when o' People were murdered w'^'' had marks & signes on y'", as evidences y' al was done by y° French Inds. To w"^'' we Replyd, Such things might be to col- lour there wickedness, & y' y'' Positive assersions of dying persons were so express as could not anticipate y"^ legal Tryal of those per- sons, from w* they were charged w"\ And so they left off; desiring we would deliberate & heare againe from Albany before proceeding to there Tryal. I told y" o'' Gov'' was very cautious of giving any just provocation, wherew"' they seemed wel satisfied, Telling vs y° Indians Including y'' 5 Nations Hold firm there friendships w"" al there Ma"'^'' Subjects, Desyring we would (as they terrae it) hold y*^ Gov' fast. Gov' Fletcher Intends a Present of 5 or 600' for y" 5 Nations to Ingage y" to vigorous p^'^cution of y'= War ag"' y° French & french Indians w"^'' was to be d'^''' vpon Major Wessels return hom, who is a g''' man w'** y'' Indians; They tel me theres some p'^' of French Indians come over j" lake, reckne o'' Towns in much hazzard being so open &c : Say y" French are in g''' want of provisions some of them lately come from Ganida brought in 3 Scalps & more they expect dayly. If any further ace' be to be had from Albany I suppose we shal have it nexte weeke or y^ beginning of y° weeke after, for Major Wessels s'' they should send againe & desyred I would take care there Indians might come safely, for we have noe Indians left al being gon off vpon y' disturbance here & there Gorne neglected. Before a reply is received to this Pynchon writes again by the post from Gov. Fletcher: — Spr'' July 2d 1693 Excelent S' In y« Night past Receiving y'* Packet here w**" from Gov"' Fletcher for y' Excclency By Mr. Schuyler y'' Maqvas Son & .5. Maqva y' come along w"' him. The gent being weary & desiring me to sped away a Fresh Post as also Gov' Fletcher desires y Like I haue dis- patched y" bearer [as?] w*'' GoV Fletcher Letter to y' Excel so also w' he wrote to me, his letter I have sent for y' Excel pervsal w"' al y" pap''" or Posts now Reed w'' may be of vse to me to have y" re- turned as also y'^ letter againe I hope your Excel wil write so ful to Albany & to Gov' Fletcher y* I need not nor am I willing to presume to deliver any of my owne sentem*», matters are much clogged & made diflficult & it is such a tender case y' I Pray God to help & guide mee through it I shal Indeavor to attend your exact comands & directions not doubting but upon your ful consideration of al things you wil come to such a Resulte as may be Pleazing to God & for y^ good of his People w°" I heartily Pray for & am 'Yo' Excel humble Serv* John PyNCHON. 236 KING WILLIAM'S WAR. The Gent here L' Schuyler requests y^ Post may be w"' al speed dispatch'' w"^ you Letter to Gov Fletcher before he returns for Yorke. To his Excellency S'" W" Phips Kn'. Capt Gen' & Gov in Cheife in & over their Ma'^''^' Province of y^ Massachusetts Bay &c In Boston Gov. Phipps to Gov. Fletcher : — Sir I have before me yours of the 28th past relating to the murder perpetrated by some Indians at Deerfield the beginning of the same month together with the Examinations sent Inclosed of a French Prisoner and one Henry an Indian concerning a Canooe with some Enemy Indians therein discovered upon the Lake five or six Dayes after the doing of the mischief, and the reasons given to induce a suspicion that they might be the Actors thereof w°'' I Apprehend might obtain further were it not that y'^ accusacon and evidences are so direct and positive against y'^ persons taken up and in custody for that crime being well known unto their accusers and were lodged in or near the Town at the time, besides other circumstances concur- ring to strengthen the suspicions upon them I am very sensible of the difficulty of this Case, and the unhappy Consequences that may ensue thereon and shall meditate to proceed with circumspection in so momentous affaire. Yet as it concerns blood think all due in- quisition ought to be niade after the same I propose to defer a pres- ent Tryal if Probably Providence may make a fuller and more clear discovery of the matter. ' S' I am very studious that no just provocation be given or injury done to any of our friend Indians and shall be as ready to cause the same to be redressed when made to appear assuring myselfe Your Excellency will herein Concur that it is no less reasonable to expect satisfaction as the Law requires for any mischiefe done by them to- wards their Maj""* Subjects when legally convicted thereof especially of so horrid a crime as murder and desire you would please to let the Indians understand there is no intention on our part to break with them but to continue firme to former agreements. I shall be glad to give your Exc^ satisfaction that no violence or injustice shall be of- fered to the Indians now in Custody or any others heartily desiring they may appear innocent (if so) And that yo'' Endeavours to hold them firm to their Maj'^" Interests may be succeeded No Intelligences from Europe have arrived here for a considerable time past A ship or two belonging to this place are daily Expected If any thing occur for their Maj""'* Service I shall give you account thereof and Remain S'' Y' Excy" humble Servant Boston July 4th 1693 July 2d, Fletcher met -the chiefs of the Five Nations in council at Albany. He told them in an address, what he had A HAVEN OF REFUGE. 237 done in behalf of the imprisoned Scatacooks. Two days later the orator of the confederate tribes responded : — We are very thankful to you o'' Great brother Cayenquiragoe for the sending two expresses to New England about that accident at Deerfield and o'' people imprisoned there wee doubt not but in a short time it will be made appear that the Canada Indians have com- mitted this murder And the Brethren of New England who are in Covenant with us must have patience till such cases can be found out We doubt not but that the Governo'' of New England is a man of that prudence & conduct who will not be soe hasty since it cannot be long undiscovered. The same day, Fletcher had a conference with the Scata- cooks. He commends them for joining the Five Nations in warring against Canada, advises them not to draw off all their men to go to hunting, thus leaving the women and children without protection ; and tells them, — There is another stupendous folly you are guilty of when your huntng is over you'll set down nere some place where in a few days you drink out what has cost you the labor of some month's & then come home beggars as you went, the evill consequence of this ap- peared lately unto you at Deerfield & 1 hope will caution you for the future but 1 must advise you that from henceforth you will bring all the effects of yo' hunting into yo"' own country which by prudent man- agem' will support you the rest of the year. The Indians in reply thank him for his care over them, calling him that high tree under the branches of which their old men, women and children find shelter, when the warriors are absent, and promise to follow his directions. Thanking him for sending the messengers to New England on their behalf, they say : — Wee assure you that wee are Innocent of the mischefe done at Deerfield & soe are likewise those prisoners that are there in Custo- dy believe us o' hearts are good and wee desire only to live und' yo' protection in peace & quietness. Phipps writes again to Fletcher July 1 3th : — In my Lett' of the 4th past I omitted my awknowledgment of yo' goodness & Generosity In the Comprehention by the late Renuall of the League with the Maquas therefore doe by these manifest my Thankfulness for the same on the part of their majesties subjects of the province Acknowledging myselfe obleidged at all times to In- deavo' the utmost serviss for their majesties & their Subjects I as- sured your Excy that I was very Sensible of the difficulty of the Case Relating to the maquas charged with the murders perpetrated at Deerfeild and the 111 consequences that might Atend any wrong step 238 KING WILLIAM'S WAR. therein — therefore haveing Advis'' with my Councill Intend to send meet Persons to wait on Yourself at new Yorke for your advice & di- rection and assistance towards their proceedings on a trety with the maquas concerning that Affaire soe as to bring the same to a good Isue & to manefest our own Good Likeing and firm Adhereance on our part unto the League Lately Renued with them & to make some proposals relating to our Indian Enemy at the Eastward In all which thcs Gentlemen sent with the tender of my respects are to consult with yo'^self and Receive your Advice & direction wherein I Request yo'' Favor that a Right understanding may be had Between their Majesties Subjects of the province & the Maquas soe that noe Dis- content Arise &. yet that Justice may proceed In the triall of the per- sons accused of the murder. Gov. Phipps to Pynchon July 26, 1693 : — I have communicated unto the Council your several Letters refer- ing unto the two Indians in Custody within your County on suspition of being Actors in the murders perpetrated ill Deerfield. As also what I have received from Gov'^ Fletcher M' V. Cortlandt and Col" Bayard of the several Examinations and Evidences taken concerning that matter particularly the Deposition of one John Baptist Van Eps late prisoner in Canada of his knowledge of the marks and figures upon the clubs found at Deerfield and the persons that bear the same being of the Enemy Indians of Canada. The Council have likewise procured the Examinations and Evidences taken from the wounded people being chiefly what others report to have heard them say, and not directly from themselves, besides that it's much doubted whether they were of sound mind, and upon consederation of the whole, are of opinion, the Indians cannot be convicted by those Evidences, ad- vising that they be dismissed if no further material evidence appear against them, which I accordingly order, and that care be taken that they may pass homeward without any violence being offered them yourself directing to the most probable way for there Sucure passing, and send a copy of this my L''^ to the Mayor of Albany for his better satisfaction in this matter. It is of great concernment to the whole of there Maj"°= Interest in these Teritories that the English be in good termes with the Maquas &c at this Critical hour when they are so much Solicited to go over to the side of the Enemy & that no just provocations be given them for a Rupture. As all caution ought to be used that no muther es- cape Justice, so it being plainly evident before hand that these In- dians cannot by this evidence be found guilty upon Tryal, its thought more advisable to dismiss them without and to avoid the in- convenience that may ensue there being longer detained which the Indians (not understanding the formalities of Law) may improve to disaffect them to the English Interest I am Your Humble Sev"' Boston July 26, 1693 To the Hon"'''' John Pynchon Esq"^ Gov. Phipps to Gov. Fletcher July 26, 1693: — ESCAPE OF THE ACCUSED. 239 Sir In mine of the 13th current I intimated unto yo'' Exc'' that I in- tended to send some meet person to waite on yourr selfe at New ■ York for your advice direction and assistance in order to a treaty with the Maquas relateing to some of that Nation taken into custody on suspicion of the murder committed at Deerfield and to Endeavour to bring that affaire unto a good Issue &c. Since which I have a Letter from Mr V Cortlandt and Col" Bayard at Albany with the Deposition of one John Baptist Van Eps late prisoner in Canada relating to the marks and figures upon the clubs found at Deerfield, and advising upon the severall Examinations and Evidences relating to that murder have ordered Major Pynchon to dismiss the two Indians taken into custody and to direct for there safe passage home, withal to send a Copy of my Letter to him unto the Mayor of Albany for the better satisfying of the Indians Before Pynchon sent this letter he had written the one be- low to Gov. Phipps. Springfield July 29 1693. May it please yo' Excelency I have not yet had opportunity to aquaint yo'' Excels of y'' 2. Indians being gon til now: W^ first offers it selfe as foUoweth The .2. Indians in Custody vpon y^ ace' of y" murder at Dearefield escaped out of Prison July 27, when in y'= morning p'^sently sent out about .20. men to search after & pursue y"", some of whom finding their Tratts just a cross y'' streete from y= Prison house followed y"" for nere half a mile finding they bare Northerly, but coming into the Bushes could no longer follow y" & so returned tho y" Jaylor spent all y'" day, & sent to y^ next Townes &c The manner how they fitted for an escape is evident to be by some File or Files con- veighed to y" (as is supposed) by some Indians y' might secretly & unknown (we having none here unless by stealth) put y"" in to y" in y' Night, for it is very plaine & evident there chaines were cut by some sharpe thin file like a knife, or some thin Steele chissell they be- ing as smooth as may be where they are cut asunder & very narrow y' it was very thin instrument, when by this meanes they had got y^selves at Liberty in y" room they pulled out some stones & got to y" foundation & so crep out & are gon probably Irrecovably vnless sending to Albany may Recover y" thence w'^'' is submitted to y"' Ex- celency. Jesuit Peter Millet, of Canada, from Onidye, where he is a prisoner, writes Father Dellius, at Albany, July 31st: An Indian from Canada reports that a party of Indians who had been out towards Boston had brought home nine scalps ; that the leaders of the party are Sajatese and Onontaquiratt ; that he believes " that the Maquas & River Indians who are put in prison at Pekamptekook are wrongfully accused." 240 KING WILLIAM'S WAR. At a meeting of the Five Nations at their Grand Council Fire at Onondaga, Aug. 17th, Kajarsanhondare, speaking with the dignity and conscious power befitting one repre- senting eighty sachems, said : — Tell our brother Cayenquiragoe if any mischief be done to any in covenant with us as in New England it must not be said upon hear- ing of our language presently the five nations have done it, nor upon so light occasions must we be imprisoned, it is always known by whom the mischeife is done. ' At the date of Father Millet's letter, July 31st, the Indians, in whose behalf he testifies, were already at liberty, and they arrived in Albany the next day. They had broken from their prison, by the help, it was believed, of some Dutchmen from Albany. July 27th, a party of Canada Indians killed seven people at Brookfield and captured others. They were traced northerly by Capt. Colton with a party from Springfield, who surprised them on the 30th, killed several and recovered the captives. On the 31st, Capt. Whitney and Capt. Wells left Deerfield to search the woods about the swamps of Warwick, " looking for those villains who did the mischief at Brookfield." They did not know that Colton had routed them the day before. The Brookfield captives were told by these Indians, that " Canada Indians had been at Deerfield a month since and had done mischief there, who presently returned after they had done the mischief at Deerfield and near all got safe home to Canada." They inquired about the Indians in prison at Springfield, and said they were innocent. On this new alarm from Brookfield Capt. Partridge writes for " 40 or 50 soldiers to constantly scout the woods for two months." Our fort was now in a defensible condition, and well garrisoned. All, however, could not remain within its shelter. At whatever risk, the crops must be secured or starvation stared them in the face. Small parties of the 'en- emy were constantly hovering about the frontiers, watching chances for spoil. Oct. 12th, Mr. Williams, the minister, as afterwards appeared, had a narrow escape from a party lurk- ing near Wequamps. Oct. 13th, Martin Smith, venturing to Wapping early in the morning, was seized by Indians and carried to Canada. At a town meeting held Sept. 9th, 1693, it was voted,— ABATEMENT OF TAXES. 241 That y"' shall be a man sent to Boston on Town ace' to act & doe for y<^ Town such business as shall be committed to him: that y" Town shall find money to bear his charges and pay for his time for his Journey &c. The town appointed and empowered the selectmen to hire and agree w"> either Capt Jonath Wells Ensign John Sheldon or Joseph Barnard to goe to Boston On y'^ business afore s'' Some of this business is probably indicated in a paper from the Massacliusetts archives, given below : — An ace' of the fortifications made in Deerfield by order of War- rant from Maj. John Pynchon; made in May, 1693; the mesure or whole Compass of the fort is two hundred and two rods: vallued by the Committee of the Militia and y" Selectmen : to be worth five shillings p'' rod in money Deerfield i Attest hereunto Jonathan Wells, Capt, in name of Oct. 6, } y" rest of the Com'tte of Militia, per Joseph Bar- 1693. ( nard in the name of the rest of the Selectmen. We having intimation from Maj. Pynchon in s'' warrant, that it was an Order of Court concerning said fortification, that we should be allowed out of our County rates for s'' work, wee therefore present this account to y" Honorable Court. The following petition was doubtless presented by the same messenger : — To his Excellency, S"' William Phipps, Kn', Capt. Gener', & Gov' in Chiefe, of y" Ma''^ Province of the Massachusetts Bay; & to y"^ Hon"' Councell and Representatives convened In Generall Assem- bly— The Humble Petition of y" Inhabitants of Dearfield, in y" County of Hampshire sheweth that y= s" Town of Dearfield, being a frontier town, is liable unto, and of late hath been much Infested w"> the In- cursions of o"' Indian Enemies, to o"' great impovershment & preju- dice — That unless o' distressed Condition, be Considered by this Hon'' Assembly and some Assistance afforded us, we must of nesesity for- sake o' habitations, and draw off to some Neighbouring towns— We therefore, Humbly Acknowledging the Care & regard, hitherto afforded us by y' Excelency: Doe pray that o' part of the thirty thousand pound rate, remaining yet uncollected (by reason of o' In- ability to pay it,) may be remitted and y" s" Town in future taxes, may be Exempted during the present distress; & that a Garrison of Eighteen or twenty sould" may reside w*" us, for o' defence & y" se- curity of s" County, and y Petitioners shall ever pray for y Hon"; and Subscribe ourselves y' Honors most Humble & obliged serv''. Jno. Williams. , Joseph Barnard. In y<= name & behalf of y" Inhabitants of Dearf" Dearfield, Novemb' , 6th, 1693. 242 KING WILLIAM'S WAR. The petitioners were backed by Pynchon, who writes that the people are "much impoverished by maintaining garrison men, and otherwise so many ways, that they are not able to subsist or maintain their fami- lies, rather choosing to draw off, if it were not that the Gov. & Councill ordered them to abide, the attendance of which (though willing) yet are not able, unless enabled * * * till such peace- able times wherein they may attend their occasions, of which they are almost wholly obstructed at this day." Both papers were favorably received. Nov. 26, 1693, Tuesday. The Petition and ace* of the Town of Deerfield for the garrisoning of that town by the order of his Excel- lency the Governor, containing a line of 202 rods being read. Ordered, that there be jQ^^o allowed and paid s'^ Town by dis- count on the public Assessment towards the charges of s'" Fortifica- tions. No colony tax was levied upon the town until after the close of the war. 1694. Voted in town meeting, — March sth, 1693-4, that the Selectmen shall have full pow' * * * to make all such orders and by laws as y^ shall judge needful and necessary in ord'' to y'' managem' of the prudentialls of the Town : in w'ever p''ticul" y" shall judg y' Law doth not comprehend or reach y"^ full of s"* circumstances Voted affirmatively. Under this action the following were the "Ord' & Laws made by y'' Selectmen" : — 1 That all common fences shall be made up by the owners of such fences att or before the 7 th of April next according to law 2 That Haywards or any oth' y' shall Lawfully Impound any hors kind cattle sheep or swine : shall have for Impounding as in the Law specified : before such hors cattle sheep or swine be released : 3 That all cattle or hors kind that shall be left in the meadow except fast teddered upon y^ owners land : all such owners shall pay 3d p'' head to those y' shall Impound y": 4 That all beside working cattle that shall be found baiting w""- in the common fence shall be liable to be impounded : 5 That who so ever shall leave open any of y" common field gates or bars w"'in y° time y' y^ selectmen shall order it to be inclosed such persons or y'= overse'" shall pay asa fine five shillings: one half to y" Town y« oth' half to y« Inform' : 6 That every man shall have a stake at the North end of his common fence : marked w"' the first letf^ of his name : and for want of such stake or Stakes shall pay one shilling to y" fence viewer Voted and passed by the Town ♦ Attest Tho French J Jn° Porter I Selectmen. JoNA Wells ) FRONTENAC BREAKS THE TREATY. 243 Passed and allowed by Justices sitting in quart'' sessions att North- ampton March 6th 1693-4. Attest Jn° Pynchon Clerk. The town officers for this year were chosen at this meeting. The next day they all went to Northampton to take the oath of office before the County Court, and get the by-laws con- firmed. From that time until now the annual meeting for the choice of officers has been the first Monday in March. The spring of 1694 opened gloomily upon the harassed settlers. As soon as the leaves were out no one felt safe for one moment outside the palisades. Each bush or tree was a covert, whence the deadly bullet, from an unseen foe, might at any moment issue. Under such conditions, but little could be effected in raising crops ; but the summer passed, and no enemy appeared. Frontenac was engaged in a more profita- ble adventure. The eastern Indians had made a treaty of peace and alliance with the English in August, 1693. The polity of France required that this treaty should be broken, and French Jesuitism was successfully employed to that end. During the following winter, and in the spring, a French army was sent to join the Indians in an attack on the eastern settlements. Oyster River was surprised, and about one hundred inhabitants were killed or captured. ATTACK ON THE TOWN, SEPT. 15TH, 1694. On the return of the French army from the east, flushed with victory, and loaded with spoils, an expedition was fitted out against Deerfield, under Castreen. This was done with such dispatch and secrecy, that no news of it reached our frontiers. Eluding the scouts that were ranging the woods, Castreen arrived undiscovered, September 1 5th, and the town had a narrow escape from a complete surprise. He halted in the woods on the East Mountain, overlooking the town, evi- dently intending to make his attack at the north gate of the fort, which was in the street, in front of the present brick meetinghouse. Watching his opportunity, he came down the ravine in the rear of the William Sheldon home lot, to creep up the alder swamp, and enter the street where Philo Munn's shop stands. On emerging from the ravine, howev- er, the party was discovered by Daijiel, son of Joseph Sev- erance, who lived on this lot. Daniel was shot, and the alarm 244 KING WILLIAM'S WAR. thus given. Mrs. Hannah Beaman, the school dame, with her young flock, on the home lot next northward, started for the fort. It was a race for life ; the dame with her charge up the street, the enemy up the parallel swamp on the east, to intercept them before they should reach the gate. Fear gave wings to the children ; the fort was reached in safety, and the gate shut. But not a second too soon. The Indians were near enough to send a volley of bullets among the fugi- tives as they were crossing the causeway at the foot of Meet- inghouse hill, and entering the fort gate. All, however, es- caped unhurt. Meanwhile within the stockade all was activ- ity without confusion. Capt. Wells had for years been train- ing the inhabitants for just such an emergency. Each man snatched his loaded firelock from its hooks on the summer tree, the powder horn and bullet pouch from the mantle tree, and in less time than it takes to relate the fact, was on the way to the point of danger, ready to sally out if need be, to the rescue of the little ones, who, as we have seen, were in the same brief time safely received within the gate. The heroic conduct of Capt. Converse and his little band, in defending Wells against a horde of the enemy two years before, had been on the lips of all New England, and doubt- less inspired these men of Deerfield on this occasion. Cas- treen had led his army three hundred miles through the wil- derness to surprise the town, butcher its inhabitants, burn their dwellings, and carry their scalps in triumph back to Canada. He failed of a surprise, found a resolute people ready to defend their wives and children, and was driven ig- nominiously back into the wilderness. This repulse of the enemy gave the settlers fresh confi- dence in themselves. The panic of last year gave way to a feeling of ability to defend their homes, and the idea of giv- ing them up to this cowardly foe was abandoned. They now felt that they were indeed permanent settlers, and, six weeks later, the town voted to build a new meetinghouse. The loss to the English in the assault was only two men wounded — John Beaman and Richard Lyman. I have found no mention hitherto of Zebediah Williams being engaged in this affair ; but the fact is established by the following paper from Massachusetts Archives, vol. 70, page 359:— RELIEF FOR THE WOUNDED. 245 To y'' Hono"""' W"> Stoughton Esq' L" Gov'' &c. & Counsell & Representatives Convened in Gen" Corte ttiis Ocf 13 1697 The Humble Petition of Zabadiah Williams who was a Sould'' in Derefield & Wounded by y" Enemy w" they set upon Derefield Gar- rison Sept 16 1695 [1694 ?] & lay wounded 22 weekes for w'=" the Docf Requires four pounds beside w* I am to pay other Chirurgions & my tyme & Expences w='' hath already beene motioned to this Corte & Now againe I intreate my case may be considered & allowences Granted mee as yo' Honor" shall Judge meete & for you' Hono'" I shall Ever pray Zabadiah Williams. Oct 20. Voted. In answer to y° aboues'' petition y' he shall re- ceiue fifteene pounds out of y" prouince Treasury: for full compensa- tion This sum was paid Williams Dec. 4th, 1697. In another petition Mch. 22d, 1697, Williams states that, — In Sept last when y* enemy came upon a family in Deerfield, as he was running with others to relieve that family the enemy wound'' him on the arm in two places w'' wound has preuented his labor and oc- casions much pain & charge for more than three months, is but new- ly come of age having little to begin withall Rev. John Williams attests the truth of these statements. Dec. 4th, 1697, Zebediah was allowed £1^1. John Bement had sent in a petition as follows, in 1695 : — To y^ Hon''''^ Leiut Gov' & Council & to y'= Representatives now Assembled, may it please yo' Honors to releive a Pore Wounded Sol- dier who is in al respects Needy and wanting supply: His Pay for his Service being ordered to com fr" Enfeild Constable who Pays noth- ing, renders him y" more needy, & cals for yo' order to help him therin, but most especially for a due consideration of his wound he Rec'' on y" isth of Sept' last at Dearefeild, w""'' besides y misery & Paine, hath disabled him fr° Labor for now neere eight months & when I shal be able to get anything I know not, wherefore Pray yo' compashons & speedy ordering of Just releife y' I may not stay in Boston where it is too expensive for him y' hath noe Money, But be at Liberty to returne w"' yo' Honors favorable orders & Due allow- ance, w"'' wil Thankfully Ingage him ever to Serve you as he is able, who is Yo' humble Serv* Boston June 5 1695 John Bement. John showed his wounds in the House, and June 8th, he was sent on his way rejoicing, with ten pounds in his pocket. Dec. r2th. Gov. Stoughton writes Gov. Treat and the Con- necticut Council, asking them "to relieve our Garrison at Deerfield by posting forty or fifty fresh men there sometime in Jan'' at the charge of y" Colony, to continue there for the space of six months following if occasion be." 246 KING WILLIAM'S WAR. 1695; Jan. 3d, Connecticut in reply to Stoughton's letter of Dec. 12, that after "seriously considering" the matter, it is concluded to "send the Assistance of 32 men for the space of two months " or until the winter breaks up provided Massa- chusetts will furnish provision. Jan. 12th Stoughton returns his thanks, but thinks they should send more men and provision them ; they being as much interested in keeping the frontier as Massachusetts. But he writes Pynchon at the same time to provide for the Connecticut soldiers and discharge the garrison at Deerfield when they arrive. Soon after Lieut. Stephen HoUister with thirty-two men arrives here. March 6th Connecticut sends word to Stoughton that she is willing to do her share in the work of defence and the General Court will consider the matter at its May session. This does not quite satisfy our authorities, who write March 1 6th to the Governor and Council of Connecticut giving thanks for their men and hope they will be continued. They say : — "Our interests cannot be divided, It is a common Enemy we are en- gaged ag'. and tlio y" seat of War do' prudentially lye nearer to our doors, yet it is y° over Turning & Exterpation of y'= whole y' is sought & Endeavoured, and if we be necessitated to give way and draw in you may not Expect to stand ; It has been received a maxim in war y' it is better to Engage y° Enemy at a distance than within our own borders." A mutual commission is invited to determine the best way of "disresting of y Enemy and what Quota of Men and Money " each should furnish. After a service of ten weeks Lt. HoUister is recalled. Pynchon notifies Stoughton, who writes March 28th, to re- monstrate. He urges the disrespect of such an order with- out notice, and the danger to Deerfield involved in it, and hopes the governor will " see cause to retrieve that unhapy mistake." Treat replies that it is not in his power, but that he will refer the matters in his late letters to the General Court in May. May. 6th Stoughton reminds Treat of this promise. He gives news from Canada that after planting is over the In- dians may be expected on our frontiers. May 2 1 st Stoughton again urges Connecticut to send a gar- ENCOUNTER AT ASHUELOT. 247 rison to Deerfield. June ist, Connecticut declines, as they have need of all their men for their husbandry, and they hear Maj. Pynchon has furnished a garrison for Deerfield. "Upon news of any Assault coming upon them " they will " respond with all speed." June 17th Stoughton sends a sharp reply. He is much pained " that Deerfield, a post of such consequence for the Security of yo-' Colony, is so much slighted by you." He gets no satisfaction from the reply. July 3d. The authorities of Connecticut say it is impossible to send soldiers to garrison Deerfield ; for Gov. Fletcher has called for their full quota of men "which they are consider- ing how to raise." No large parties were sent against our frontiers this year. The Mohawks had in a measure recovered from the disasters of 1693, and Frontenac found occupation for his soldiers in operations against them. Smaller bands of the enemy, how- ever, hovered about the English towns, waylaying roads and fields, watching safe opportunities for attack. Their occa- sional success kept the settlers in a state of continual alarm. An impending disaster here was averted by a mere accident. The Indians about Albany continued their friendly rela- tions with our people, and still made this vicinity their hunt- ing ground. A party of about twenty arrived here the first week in August. It was probably this party which on the morning of the loth was surprised by a war party from Can- ada, near the mouth of the Ashuelot river. One of the hunt- ers, whose arm was broken by a shot, escaped, swam the Connecticut and brought the news to Deerfield. Capt. Wells at once sent a post to Springfield for help. Pynchon, report- ing the affair to Gov. Stoughton, August 12th, says: — Capt. Wells writes in these words: 'August 10, 1695. Just now an Indian called Strawberry, his son. Hath made an escape from Nashawelot above Northfield. He is come in this evening much wounded; says this day, about 8 or 9 o'clock in the morning, the en- em)' made a shot on them and killed 8 or 9 of them; so many he reckons, he saw as good as dead. He says he saw many canoes; accounts the enemy to be 40 or 50 men, upon which Capt. Wells de- sires some assistance be speedily sent to theni; which Capt. Patrigg enforces by his lines by the same post, which was writ in the night Aug. II, saying the Relation of the wounded Indian was undoubted- ly true.' The messengers called Pynchon " out of bed an hour be- 248 KING WILLIAM'S WAR. fore day." He at once summoned Capt. Colton, who " had 24 troopers together by 8 o'clock well mounted and fixed." They left for the north "a little after the first Bell rang * * * for meeting, which I suppose you will reckon was speedy to fit out so many men so presently." Pynchon rec- ommended Colton to march up the east side of the Connecti- cut, asking the men from the towns above to go up on the west side. He thought of sending a party to follow with supplies, that Colton might pursue the enemy, "although they had gone almost to Canada," but did not like to under- take it on his " own head without orders." He thinks " in all reason this has put a stop to ravaging Deerfield, or some oth- er town, which it is supposed they intended," and that the danger is over, as the custom of the Indians is to return home after each exploit. They may have done so in this case, but if so another party was soon in the field. Joseph Barnard killed at Indian Bridge. In the town records for this year may be read these two entries : — March i, 1694-5. Joseph Barnard was chosen Town Clerk for the year ensuing; — Sept. 17, 1695. Thomas French was chosen Town Clerk. No other clue to the surprisal at Indian Bridge is found on the town books. In an appendix to the " Redeemed Cap- tive," Stephen Williams briefly notes this affair as occurring August 1 8th. Subsequent historians have accepted this date, which is doubtless a mistake, as the i8th was Sunday. Pyn- chon, whom I follow, is the better authority. On the morning of August 21st, 1695, five men started to- gether for mutual protection to go to mill, three miles away at Mill River. They were all on horseback, each with his gun across his saddle bow, and his bag of grain beneath him. By some subtle and mysterious influence, Capt. Wells, the commander of the town, had the night before been warned of impending danger from the Indians, and passed a sleep- less and watchful night in consequence. On seeing the mill party riding down the street, he went out to stop them. He could give no substantial reason for his order. The bright morning sunshine may have weakened his nocturnal impres- sions, and seeing Mr. Barnard, whom " he thought to be a prudent man, he let them go on." The result is given below in the words of Stephen Williams. pynchon's pen pictures. 249 Joseph Barnard, Henry White, Philip Mattoon, Godfrey Nims, going to mill came to the place ab' y" drain, & y" horses snuffing & being fright'' one of y"" cryd out, Indians, Indians, & y"f turned ab', & y"* Indians fir* upon y™ & wound" Mr. Barnard in left hand (one wrist broke to pieces), & one bullet in y» body, & his horse shot down, & then N[ims] took him up & his horse was shot down & then he was mounted behind M[attoon] & came of home. Joseph Barnard lingered until September 6tli, when he died. The stone marking his place of rest bears the earliest date of any in the old graveyard. Pynchon writing to the Governor, gives a more particular account of this affair, and of subsequent events in connec- tion. / The letters of Pynchon, hastily penned under the pressure of exciting news, with all their tedious details, are photo- graphic pictures, showing the condition of the plantation at this trying period, albeit the shading is dark. No abstract, or narrative based upon their contents, can compare in valtfe. The originals are in the Massachusetts archives. Springfield, Sept. 13, 1695. Hon"*^ S':— So little TiaveUing hath bene, y' I haue not had opportunity to give y"^ Honor such ace' of affaires as might be needful, though I haue writ twice If not thrice, w"*" letters (after long stay) I suppose are w"" you. By my last you would haue y'^ ace' of about 8 Indians at Deerefield, this was on y" 21st of Aug', who within a mile of y" garrison lay in waite close by y" Road, Hid & altogether vnseene, so y' 5 men of Dearefeild coming out in y'^ Morning on Horses goeing to mil & w"" Baggs under y'". Had 7 or 8 guns discharged upon y"", vnexpectedly, & seeing noebody till y° guns were shot of, wherein eminent gracious providence appeared that noe more mischeife was done to o". For except Joseph Barnard, who was shot downe off his horse and sorely wounded, not one more hurt, whenas ours were surprised & y'^ Indians had time. For y' our men, one of y" his horse starting, threw him and stuned him for y" present, y^ rest were Imployed in getting vp Jos Barnard, & setting him vpon his horse, so y' y^ Indians had opportunity, yet God suffered y" not to be so hardy, as to run in vpon our men (Possibly bee one of ours kept a calling as If they had more) y' y" men behind would come vp) where- by ours had also opportunity to set Jos B. vpon his horse, w'" one to hold him on. The rest also mounted Sz: made to y" Garrison; when p'sently a shot was made on y"", and killed y» horse dead y' Jos B. was sat on, yet then again they mounted him vpon another Horse, when another gun (tis supposed Jos B's owne gun w'''' the Indian had taken vp), was discharged vpon y"', & this shot also light vpon Jos Barnard againe : Al w'='' notwithstanding, our men got off, & came al to y* garrison; though since Jos B. is dead, a Humbling 250 KING WILLIAM'S WAR. providence, he being a very vseful & helpful man in y" place so much vnder discouragement, & will y'' more find & feel y° want of him. We were not wanting in persuing y" enemy. Dearefeild men, & a parcel of N^'"ampton men, y' had bene vp y^ River, being just come in, went out after y"" imediately, about 30 or 40 men in al (beside more y* followed from Hatfield & N"") who soone tooke their tracks Westward vp Dearefeild river, & followed y", tho lost y" after a while, yet were so Intent vpon it that they found y" againe & per- sued y" enymy 7 or 8 miles, till they could noe longer discover any tracks, & altho they Kanged westward ^ Northward & vp y" river to y^ place where Capt. Colton found and broke 2 cannoes, yet could they not find or discover y'^ enymy who are skilful in hiding y^selves in Swamps & Thickets. Possibly these Inds. might draw off wholy, But if they did, yet others were about presentjy, & then were (& now are) in those q'trs, & Dearefield people who are (in a sence in y'= enemy's Mouth almost, & are often & so continualy Pecked at, (tho wonderfully preserved) being apprehensive of their danger & Hazzard, the Number of sol- diers there (viz 24) being few to maintaine so large a fortification, when some must necessarily be Imployed in guarding y" Inhabitants who are in y"* fields at worke & others vpon y° scout &c — wherein always some of y" Inhabitants are Improved. They addressed y™- selves to me for some Further addition & supply of men, w'' I can- not but think necessary & needful to secure y" Fort, & prevent their Surprisal, w* would be of woeful consequence If (for want of sufi- cient strength there) the enemy should attayne it. But having noe order from yourselfe, (tho I moved it,) to Place more men there, & knowing how hard it would be to find y™ here, we having more men out already than can wel be spared, I thought it advisable to move y'^ Gent at Hartford, & thervpon writ to Col. AUyn &c that they would be so kind as to send 40 men to range y' woods wel w"' some of ours, w'' they readyly granted to y" Number of 30, under Lt. Holister, who haue been of good vse & incourage- ment to Dearefeild. But they Intending their stay about 3 weeks only. The people at Dearefield, thoughtful of their danger when they should draw off, Intimated y" same to me & that the Number of men for y^ garrison might then be increased. So y' I took occa- sion thereby againe to write to Hartford that 12 of their men might be left at Dearfield till Indian Harvest was in, tho' they called off y'' rest presently; w°'' they haue Lovingly & readyly complied w"'; or- dering Lieut. Holister to leave 12 men w"" a sergt, till y" loth of October, who hath accordingly done it & is gon home y" begining of this weeke, hauing drawn off al their soldiers But 12 left for about a month longer from this time, & I hope these w"^ ours, wil be suffi- cient in al respect, if noe more of y° enemy appears then at present, & when Indian Harvest is in, & Busyness over, our 24 men may doe, probably, tho what may by y' time be further discovered I know not. We know Indians are now lurking about, & are satisfied y' some number of y" are waiting to get some booty, for besides some seen at Northampton, as also at Hadley, there haue been some ab'' Spr''; twice one hath bene scene, whether the same Indian or another can- . not conclude. But upon any appearance we range al y"^ woods UNWELCOME VISITORS EXPECTED. 251 about, beside our dayly scouting out 4 men a day on Horses by Turnes, w°'' God may bless to awe y' enemy who cannot but per- ceive it, for these towns are dayly Infested by y" enymy; so it is not prudent to empty our towns of men [as we arej by so many at Dearefield & Brookfield, w'='' take 22 men from vs, whereof 30 are out of Spr'' & every day we look that some mischief or other wil be done, when to Relieve one another it may prove h:izardous y" weak- ning ourselves. If y" enymy take notice therof and haue strength to manage any designe ag" vs. We desire to waite vpon God in y° due use of means for our safe- ty, leaving y" success to him on whom our dependance is for Bless- ing & Preservation. It is a troublesome time here, we having had 2 Alarmes lately, w'^'' it is mercy prove nothing in reality. But the same, w"" other dis- quiets, & exercises, refering to y' enymy & our own safety, take up my time & proves hard for me to do w' belongs to me, w'"' I am de- sirous to be found in, & anxious for y" Publicke good, wherein I shall be glad of any good directions from y'' Honors, who am Hon"" S' Your very Humble sev\ John Pynchon. Postcript. An Indian from Wiyantemick come in to Hartford re- ports (as Col Allen writes me) that y" Mohawks Have done' greate Spoile upon y" French at Canida. Killed & taken Captive about a hundred. If true it may something allay y" enymys motion but it wants Confirmation & seconding by some good hands. If y° have occasion to write to Hartford may it not be of use to take notice of there sending men up (as above declared) to o' assistance & Inte- mate y' acceptance w°'' probably may tend to further there readyness another time when they find I have observed it to you & y' y° doe accept it to them w"'' is only hinted at by Your Serv' J. P. [Superscription :] These for the Hon"" Wm. Stoughton his Ma"" Lieut. Gov'' in Dorchester For his Ma"" Service. ■ Stoughton follows Pynchon's suggestion and writes the Governor Sept. 15th, thanking him for "giving help in pur- uing the enemy & your Enforc"" of the Garrison at Deerfield with twelvemen when Joseph Barnard was killed." For his Maj""' Service — To y" truly Hon"'^ Wm. Stoughton, Esq., his Ma""" Lieut. Gov. for his Province at y" Massachusetts Bay in Dorchester; — Posthaste. Springfield, Sept. 30, 1695. Hon*"" S"': — Not being awar of my Neighbors goeing so soone, I am prevented much (of enlarging) yet may not omit to give y' Hon- or some ace"- of y" discouraged state of y° Inhabitants of Dearefeild — They having discovered many stragling Indians since y' sudden 252 KING WILLIAM'S WAR. surprise when Jos Barnard Rec'' his death wound, & now y" Relation of a Maqua come in there, (as he says from y^ eastward where he hath been several years) startles y™ very much, who says y' 600 French & Indians designe mischeife upon Albany (w°" he is going to advise y° off, They being (as he tells) out upon y' designe : & Intend to visit Dearefield in their way, w='' overbeares y" w'''' feares of some sudden onset vpon y™, & makes y"' shy of Leaving their Fort, or goe- ing out to gather in their Come accounting they haue not strength enough. (They haue 24 soldiers out of this county in garrison there From Conecticot 12 more, w'' y^ yeilded to leave til 9th of October — In al 36.) But y* if they scatter about their busyness Shall haz- zard y" Fort & endanger their Breaking vp, or abetting & incouraging of y^ enymy, w"'' would be of very ill Consequence to y" country, if any such thing should be; wherfore they sent to me for further as- sistance, & on y" 24th inst. by Post, they signifie that y' morning an Indian discovered himselfe on y'' other side of their river ag' Carter's Land, and not far from their Fort, vpon w°'' they sent out 15 men, who could find noe Indian or Indians, though some signes. Return- ing againe not long after, about Noone Two men Plainly saw anoth- er Indian or y" same, or about y^ same Place, walking as if he de- signed to make y" see him. They at Dearefeild are jealous (as they wrote) least y" enemies' designe is to draw their men from y'' Fort & so ensnare y™ or come vpon y'^ Fort when they are out of it or weake in it and soe take it. Inasmuch as there scouts y' were out y'= day before, saw tracks of 2 or 3 Indians & discovered where corne y' had been gathered was eaten by leaving y^ cobs or gr' ends of at least 50 eares of corne & this in a corner of y'* Neck towards Carter's land afore mentioned, or not far from it, w"*" is a Bushy swaippy Place. Hence Capt. Wells desired my speedy sending some more soldiers to their assistance, & to range about &c., whervpon I ordered Capt. Clap of Northampton, y" next to y", (Capt. Partridg being here at y" Sessions), to draw out 20 men of his Company y" most apt for serv- ice, to range y"' woods and afford y"' all y" assistance they were able, who accordingly went to Dearf'' y'^ 25th of this instant Sept, & re- turned y" 27th, at Night, making little or noe discovery of y" enymy. But y' evening one of y= garrison soldiers y' was at Hatfield goeing vp to y"^ garrison, discovered two Indians about 2 miles on this side of Dearfield Fort, & shot at y'" as he says &c. Capt. Clap, who hath bene at Dearefield, is very sensible of need of men to be sent vp to strengthen y'", & to guard & scout about while they issue their har- vest. Capt. Partridg also joyns w"' him in writing y' I would send vp 20 for a fortnight or three weeks, w°'' y" people much desire, fear- ing some sudden mischeife Thervpon I have ordered y" some men, w°'' I suppose went vp or are this day gon, 8 from N. H., 4 from Hatfeild, & 4 from Hadly, y" next towns, in al 16 men added to their number of 36, to be there a week or ten days, whom I have directed to Capt. Wells for y'^ best improvement of y™ for their saftie, & for y'= Public advantage. I hope it will be acceptable to y"' Honor. I am very sensible of y" Countrys charges. But if there should be any sudden surprise there, y° want of strength may abet y" enemy. Be- fore we can send further aid, w""" vpon y^ least notice of, I shall send to y" w'" al y" strength y" county can afford if nere, & procure from FEARS NOT REALIZED. 253 Hartford I hope more, could we haue any timely discovery of any enemy on y", w"'' y" good L'* prevent if it be his blessed wil & save his Pore people. I shal gladly Receive from y'' Honor Further & better directions & orders as you se meete & best, w<^'' I shal as I am able readyly attend, & in meanetime desire to be found doeing my duty, begging y' Prayers for God's guidance therein, & y' I may act for y« best good of this Pore Wilderness People. w*'' humble service I am s' y' Honors Faithful Serv' John Pynchon. At a town meeting, Sept. 1695, " it was then agreed and vot- ed y' Mr. Samuel Porter of Hadley should carry their present County Bills to get them passed at Boston and to receive the money or orders for y" same." The vigilance of the inhabitants and the garrison with the activity of the scouts secured the town from further depreda- tions this year. The General Court declared that all Indians found within five miles easterly or twenty miles westerly of the Connecti- cut river should be considered enemies, and soon after a bounty was offered for Indians captured, or scalps of those killed; $50 for men, and $25 for women and children under fourteen years of age. 1696. From beginning to end this proved another trouble- some year to the town. Fear and distress pervaded the household, danger and death lurked in every by-way about the fields. Only the least exposed ground could be plant- ed, and the harvest was scanty. The Green River lands had not been wholly deserted by the owners, who had con- tinued to cultivate them to some small extent. This was no longer possible, and all land at Green River was this year exempt from taxation. Notwithstanding the unsettled con- dition of business affairs it was considered necessary that every freeman of this little Commonwealth should punctually attend to his civil duties. March 2d, " It was agreed and voted y' a penalty of one shilling shall be laid upon every le- gall voter not attending Town Meetings, provided they be legally warned therto." The building of the meetinghouse went on. A rate had been laid for that purpose in 1695, and in January of this year another was laid, both payable in "pork and Indian corn in equal proportions." It was a sea- sonable relief when, in June, the General Court voted £\o 254 KING WILLIAM'S WAR. for the support of the ministry here. The Court also pro- vided a garrison ; and scouting was continued on the front- iers. Although this dangerous service was performed with boldness and fidelity, sudden inroads of the enemy could not always be averted. Like a whirlwind they came and went, , leaving destruction in their track. Belding Family Surprisal. The following account of the at- tack is from the Stephen Williams manuscript : — 7*'^ i6, 1696, John Smead & John Gillett being in the woods, looking or tracking Bees, were besett by a company of French Mo- hawks. J. G. was taken prisoner & J. S. escapd — the Indians fear- ing a discovery by S. 16 of them hastend away toward the town, and three were left with J. G. It being lecture day the people were got out of y" meadows, that so y>' might attend y° lecture, so that y^ enemy came as far as Mr. Dan' Beldings house, that was within gun shot of y" fort. Mr. B.. being belaf^ a*" his work was but just got home f™ the Fiealds & left his cart (y' was loaded w"' corn) & went into y" house & left y" xren w"' y^ cart, & y^ Indians rushed upon them & took him prisoner & his son Nath' ag* 22 years of age & his daughter Esther age 13 years & kill'' his wife & his sons Daniel & John & his daughter Thankful, & one of y" took his son Sam' from the cart, but he kick'' & scratch'' & bit, so that y'= Indian set him down & struck y" edge of his hatchet into y^ side of his head; he twich'' twice or thrice to pull it out and so left him for dead [illegible] & as he came to himself he look'' up & saw y" running f"" him. Bled con- siderably & brains came out at y" wound & went in a maz"* condition towards y^ Fort, til he came to y" little bridge where fell off & was carr'' to Mr. W""" & was so bad as left for dead, but it pleas'' god his life was spar'' & his wound healed & he is yet living; he was once or twice account'' to be dying & once accf as dead, a day or two af- ter his being wound'' Abigail Belding another daughter was shot in y" arm as she was running to the fort, but it is generally tho't y° bullet y' struck her came from y" Fort. Sarah Belding another of y' daughters, hid her- self among some Tobacco in y" chamber & so escap''. The people in the fort (being then at the public worship) were alarmed & shot from the Fort & wound'' one of y" enemy in the fleshy part of the thigh, the Indians fired at y" Fort and wound'' one Mr. W"" [Zebediah] as he open'' y° gate, the enemy presently with- drew (were not one quarter of an hour in doing y° exploit) and were followed by some Brisk young men into the meadow, who came with- in 30 rods of them & fired at them & y' Indians at them again with- out damage on either side, the Indians kill'' some cattle that were feeding in y° meadows, & a boy that had the care of the cattle hid himself in the weeds & escap''. the enemy went up Green River & came to their companions that they had left w"' Gillett. John Smead came into the Town soon after Mr. Belding's family were well off. ye 1 81 night y" enemy lodg'' in a round hole near the river, above y" rock, at Nf'' st., where y' fires were fresh, thence set away for Can- IN CAPTIVITY. 255 ada by y' way of Otter Creek, leaving Connecticut river &c. When they came near Otter creek, they came upon some tracks of Albany Indians that were going to Canada, (for in those times y° Indians from Albany were wont to go a-scalping, as they call it, to Canada) they sent out their scouts & were upon the lookout, and at length discovered y' smoak; and then they flung down their packs & painted themselves & ty'' their English captives to trees & left two men to guard them: & proceeded to y"' business, & having divid'' themselves into two companies, they sett upon the secure company (w°'' consist"* of six men) & kill'' two of y", took two & 2 escap"* Among y° slain was one Uroen an Indian known among y° english (& suspect'' to be a bloody fellow & sometimes mischievous to y' english). Of their own men one was wound"* in y" fleshy part of the thigh (as one had been before at D'f'd). the prisoners were one a Scatocook Indian & y" other a young Albany Mohawk. When the skirmish was over, the English were brot up & so they proceed'* on their journey. Mr. B. asked the Scatacook Indian, (now his fellow prisoners) what he thought the enemy would do with them, who reply'* that they would not kill y' english prisoners, but give some of them to y° french & keep some of them themselves; but he expected to be burnt himself, but when they came to y" lake, one rainy night, they made no fire, and some of them lodg"* under y' canoes, from whom this Scatacook made his escape having loosed himself by some means from his cords &c., and altho he was psu"* the enemy could not recover him &c. As to the young Albany Mohawk, he was kept alive, being of their own nation (the french mohawks went from y'^ nation over to Canada for y' sak of y' romish religion) W" Mr. B. & company came to the fort call'* Oso, the males were obliged to run the Gauntlet near it. Mr. B. being a very nimble or light footed man, received but few blows, save at first setting out, but the other men were much abus"* by clubs, firebrands, &c: They ariv"* at Canada S^" g. Now they found what the Scatacook Indian had said, to be true, for the Indians kept Mr. B. himself & his daughter with them, & gave J. G. & N. B. to the french. J. G. worked as a serv' to y" Nuns at their Farm. N. B. worked for the Holy Sisters. On y' 9'" of July following, Mr. B. was sold to y' french & lived as a serv' with the Jesuits at the seminary; his business was to wait upon them & cutt wood, make fires & tend the garden &c. He accounted himself favorably dealt with. In y' winter following Co*' Abr™ Schyler with some others came to Canada & brought with them a copy of y' Articles of peace between England and France & return" home w*^*" some Dutch Captives. In Aprill following Co*' peter Schyler & Co*' A. Schyler & the Dutch Domine, w"' some oth- ers, came to Canada & the French governor gave liberty to all cap- tives, English & Dutch, to return home, yea alowed them to oblige all under 16 years of age to return w'" them, those above y' age were to be at their liberty &c. These Dutch Gentlemen gather<* up w* captives both English & Dutch they could & returned June 8 & took Mr. B. and his xdren and Martin Smith with ab' 20 more English with them, & arrived at Albany in about 15 days, where y° Dutch showed to him a great deal of kindness, offered to send him home directly to Deerf* Co'* Schyler cloth"* him & his xdren at the de- 256 KING WILLIAM'S WAR. sire of his brother Mr. John Balding of Norwalk, who paid him for the clothes &c. after about three weeks' stay at Albany, Mr. B. & his children went down the River to N. York wnere his B' had pro- vided a place for his entertainment & from York he went in a vessill to Stamford & from there went to Norwalk to his friends & after some stay there, return'' to D'f'd. J. G. got home a little before him by the way of France & so to England, having received great kind- ness in England. At Deerfield it was thought that the assailants of the Beld- ing family were some pretended friendly Indians. This sen- timent was voiced by Capt. Partridge, who wrote Oct. 6th, 1696, that "the Deerfield people are fearful concerning the pretended friendly Indians proving enemies, being worse than open enemies;" and he proposed sending them "over the sea, or near the sea coast on some island." This suspicion was natural enough under the circumstances ; their fears were justified; the day before, Oct. 5th, a party of Albany Indians who were staying about Hatfield, had killed Richard Church of Hadley, while both parties were hunting in Had- ley woods. Four of the Indians were arrested and tried for the murder. Two of them were convicted, and executed at Northampton, Oct. 23d, 1696. [For detailed account, see Judd's Hadley, 263-5. J Oct. 6th, a party of Indians was discovered between Deer- field and Hatfield. Oct. 7th, a letter, signed by John Wil- liams, Solomon Stoddard and Capt. Partridge, was sent to Hartford, " declaring their distressed condition by reason of the mischief done among them by the Indians, and their great and continuall fear of more mischief from their barba- rous enemies, with an earnest desire that the Gen'll Assem- bly would grant them a speedy supply of fortie or fiftie men for their defence." There was another party of Indians hunting at Deerfield, and a repetition of the Hadley tragedy was feared. On the receipt of this paper by the General Court, it " having seriously considered the matter, and com- passionating the condition of their distressed friends, and also apprehending that his Majesties interest and the secur- ity of his subjects was deeply concerned, and that their was a necessity of speedy relief, did order, that forthwith fortie men, two of them officers, be forthwith levied" and well fitted and furnished, to be put under Lieut. Stephen HoUister and " to march with all possible speed up to Dearfield, there to A SAD CATASTROPHY. 257 employ themselves for the defense and security " of the in- habitants. Part of this employment may have been to put the defen- sive works in repair. There was need of it, and the town voted Oct. 31st, — "Thatt all Train Soldiers belonging in the Town of Deerfield shall labor about their fort y' next Monday & Tuesday being y' 2d & 3d days in November next ensuing for a general way beginning att one certain place of y" fort and so going on." The only other business at this meeting related to their de- fense against the devil. It was upon securing for each a proper seat in the new meetinghouse. At a meeting Dec. nth, 1696, voted, "Thatt upon consideration, y' Joseph Brooks, his cattle were killed by y' enemie he shall have his cattle y' he has sence bought, y' is to say, 3 cattle one horse. Rate free for y' year." "There was granted to Eleizer Hawks twelve shillings, which was formerly granted to Godfrey Nims as constable to pay him and was lost by y" burning of s'' Nims house." The sad casualty to which reference is thus made, oc- curred Jan. 4th, 1694. A step-son of Nims, Jeremiah Hull, perished in the flames. The particulars of the affair are learned from the return of the jury of inquest. The said Jeremiah Hull, being put to bed in a chamber with an- other child, after some time, Henry, said Godfrey Nims's son, a boy of about 10 years of age, went into the chamber with a light & by accident fired some flax or tow, which fired the house. S'' Henry brought down one child, & going up again to fetch s"" Jeremiah, the chamber was all aflame & before other help came, s'' Jeremiah was past recovery. This house .stood on the site of the present Nims house, and where another house was burned with three children in it, Feb. 29th, 1704. 1697. This year proved to be another of uncommon hard- ship. It became evident before the opening of spring, that the short grain crop of the year before would soon be ex- hausted ; and an appeal was made to Connecticut for charita- ble aid. Feb. i8th, six of the leading ministers of that colo- ony wrote Gov. Treat, asking help for " such as are, or are likely in a short time to be in distress." March 6th, the Governor andCouncil, — having heard and considered their affecting lines, and bearing on their spirits a deep sense of their obligation to works of charity to 258 KING WILLIAM'S WAR. such of God's people as stand in need, doe see cause to order that a brief be sent forth through the Colonie, and do hereby recommend it to all the reverend elders, to exhort * * * the several congre- gations to contribute as God has blessed them * * * suitable relief to their christian brethren in distress. Agents were selected to receive and transport the contri- butions, and a day of fasting and prayer appointed " for Wednesday come seven night." March 27th, the Massachusetts Council ordered the regi- mental commanders to visit the frontier towns, and after consulting with the principal persons, to order such repairs on the old fortifications, and the building of such new, as they judged necessary for protection. This was to be done at the expense of the respective towns. Our town had already anticipated the action of this order. March ist, the town voted, — Thatt there shall be 3 Mounts built to y'* fort about y" Town: to be set where and built according to y" Appointment of y" Committy of malitia for y^ Town : The 3 fort great gates to be built new strong and substantial with conveniences for fastening both open & shut as also y' y° whole fort shallbe repaired and maintained sufficient & sub- stantiall att these 3 particulars: To be done on a Town charge: only yt ye fQj.^- a^jjd gates are to be maintained on a Town charge but for a twelve-month after y" date herof. This was for the emergency. Usually, individuals had special parts of this work assigned them in proportion to their ability. The spring was backward, with little promise. The sum- mer was cold and wet. There was frost every month, and the crops were smaller than ever. The danger of invasion was imminent. Parties of English and Indians from Connecti- cut ranged the woods to the north and east continually. About twenty-five men came up in April. In May the num- ber was increased to sixty-four, under the command of Lieut. Peter Aspinwall ; and quite as many continued here until the fall of the leaves in October. Our frontiers were so well guarded that the only depredation recorded for this year was the killing of Sergt. Samuel Field at Hatfield, June 24th. No particulars of this affair have been found. Sept. 15, Capt Jona Wells and Ensigne Jn° Sheldon were made choice by y^ Town to view & look over all those Town papers (to- gether with y^ Town Clerk) y' were left lose & unrecorded by y*^ for- mer Town Clerk and to judge what papers are needful to be recorded and y^ present Town Clerk is hereby ordered to record them. A HARD WINTER. 259 The result of this action was the preservation of much im- portant information on the records. 1698. The winter of 1697-8 was long and severe. Gov. Walcott writes : — In February and March the snow was very high and hard. There was a great cry for bread, the cattle famishing in the yards for want the sickness very distressing and mortal. Those in health could hardly get fuel, tend the sick, and bury the dead. Many suffered for want of fire and tendence. Though this was said of Connecticut, the condition of things here was essentially the same. No mode of relief ap- peared but in an appeal to the Most High, and the 23d of March was appointed a day of fasting and prayer, " consider- ing the hand of God upon his people in great sickness and mortality, and the sharpness and long continuance of the winter season." No Connecticut troops were sent up to Deer- field this winter, but sixteen Massachusetts soldiers were in garrison here, and June loth, by an act of General Court, 16 men were allowed to garrison Deerfield. •The Peace of Ryswick, signed Sept. 20th, 1697, was pro- claimed in Boston in December following. It was not pro- claimed in Quebec until Sept. 22d, 1698, and it did not release the settlers from fear of Indian hostilities ; and the continued necessity of watching by night, warding and scouting by day, seriously interfered with every other occupation. Alarms were frequent, but no attack was made on Deerfield this year, the vigilance of the guards preventing a surprise. Joe English, a friendly Indian captured in 1697, came into town and reported that he left Canada " with a party of In- dians, with some French joined to the number of near ^o, in the whole (from whom he made his escape) and that 16 of them are designed for Deerfield, the remainder to assault the Frontiers lying upon the Merimack." This news was ex- pressed to Boston, and laid before the Council, at a meeting on vSunday, June 12th. The invaders were not after heard from, having probably turned back on Joe's escape. A dis- patch was sent to the Governor of New York, asking him to prevent the Scatacook, or River Indians, from joining the In- dian rebels in this Province. On the 15th of July a party in Hatfield north meadows 260 KING WILLIAM'S WAR. were fired upon, by four Indians ; John Billings, aged twenty- four, and Nathaniel Dickinson, Jr., thirteen, were killed. The horse of Nathaniel Dickinson, Sen., was shot under him, and his son Samuel, and Charley were captured. A post reached here with the news after dark. It seems to have been known or suspected that the Indians had canoes some- where on the Connecticut, and a party was at once organized under Benjamin Wright to march up the river and intercept them. The English reached the great bend, in Vernon, Vt., some twenty miles distant, before daylight. Securing their horses at a safe distance, they silently posted themselves on the west bank of the river. The only account of what fol- lowed is found in Cotton Mather's "Wars of the Lord," pub- lished a few months after. I give it in his own quaint words : — They perceived the Indians in their canoos coming up the river, but on the other side of it, within a rod or two of the opposite shore ; whereupon they so shot as to hit one of the Indians, and they all jumpt out of the canoos, and one of the boys with them. The wounded Salvage crawled unto the shoar; where his back being brok- en, he lay in great anguish, often endeavoring with his hatchet for to knock out his own brains, and tear open his own breast, but could not; and another Indian seeing the two boys getting one to another, design'' em a shot, but his gun would not go off; whereupon fie fol- lowed em with his hatchet for to have knock'' em on the head; but just as he came at em, one of our men sent a shot into him that spoil'' his enterprise : and so the boys getting together into one canoo, brought it over to the friends thus concerned for them. These good men seeing their exploit performed thus far; two Indians destroyed and tivo children delivered, they fell to praising of God; and one young man particularly kept thus expressing himself: Surely 'tis God, and not we, that have wrought this deliverance! But as we have some- times been told, that even in the beating of 2. pulse, the dilating of the heart, by a diastole of delight, may be turned into a contracting of it, with a systole of sorrow: In the beating of a le,vi pulse, after this, they sent five or six men with the canoo, to fetch the other which was lodged at an island not far off, that they might pursue the other Indians; when those two Indians having hid themselves in the high grass, unhappily shot a quick death unto the young man, whose ex- pressions were but now recited. This hopeful man's brother-in-law was intending to have gone out upon this action ; but the young man himselfe importuned his mother to let him go: which, because he was an only son, she denied ; but then fearing she did not well to withhold her son from the service of the publick, she gave him leave saying: See that you do now, and as you go along, resign, and give yourself unto the Lord; and I desire to resign you to him! So he goes, and so he dies; and may he be the last that falls in a long and sad war with In- dian Salvages.' POMROV'S ISLAND. 261 This brave and pious young man was Nathaniel Pomroy of Deerfield, then eighteen years old. He was not an " only son," but he was the last that fell in that war. No memorial marks the rude grave, where his comrades tearfully laid him to his long sleep beside the murmuring river ; but let " Pom- roy Island" the spot where he fell, keep green the story of his sad fate to all coming generations. It was thought at first that this party of Indians were from Scatacook, and by order of the Council Joseph Hawley and Joseph Parsons were sent to Albany to give a particular ac- count of the affair. They were guarded by Behj. Wright, Wm. King, Benj. Stebbins, Jona. Taylor and Nath'l Gillet. The following paper, found in the Massachusetts Archives, gives the names of the men in the " Pomroy pursuit :" — To the Gentlemen appointed to grant Debenters, or others who may Be Concerned therein. These may Inform that the Persons y' followed and waylaid the Indians: Redeemed y'^ Captives with the loss of one and in probability of two of our enemies, on the 14 [i6th] of July, 1698, Are As follows: Benj. Wright, Corporal of the troop, Leader; Benj. Stibbins, Jonathan Taylor, troopers; Thomas Wells, Benoni More, Ebenezer Stebbins, Nath. Pumrey, Dragoons; Corpo- ral gillit, Benj. King, Jonath Brooks, Saml (?) Root, Jos Petty, Jos Clesson, Henerey Dwit, Garrison Soldiers at Deerfield. We are of opinion that the persons above mentioned ought to be well rewarded. The 3 first Newly come into Deerfield weary out of the woods, and upon hearing of the news from Hatfield, four of the town, with seven of the garrison joining with them, went away in the Night. Their Journey was difficult, their undertaking hazardous. The issue successful!, & we hope of good consequence. TJie ready spirit of the Soldiers to go out tho under pay already, we beleive will be taken notice of for incouragement. The time of their service may well be esteemed two dayes. They travelling all the Night Before and the first three the night after from deerfield to North- ampton, where they did belong. They all found themselves horses And provisions. Deerfield, Augs' 26, 1698 — A true account as attest Jona. Wells, Capt of the fort in D" " & Comander of the garrison there. Joseph Hawley. Samuel Patrigg. Nov. 9th, 1698, Benj. Wright was allowed ^^3, the "six in- habitants," £2 each, and the garrison soldiers £\ each, by the General Court. Aug. 13th, Earl Bellamont wrote a letter to Frontenac, Gov- ernor of Canada, complaining of the attack at Hatfield. The latter replies Sept. 21st, regretting it and says: "This obliges 262 KING WILLIAM'S WAR. me to send a second order to these Indians to make them cease hostilities." The assailants were Pocumtucks, and some of them were known to the captive boys. Frontenac pretended they were Acadians, and that the attack was to avenge the imprisonment of some of these people in Boston. He had been willing that the Indians should harass our set- tlers until formal complaint was made. But Sept. 22d, the day after he wrote to Bellamont, peace was proclaimed at Quebec, by Frontenac ; a year and a day after, the treaty was signed. In April, 1698, Col. Schuyler and others went from Albany to Canada to gather and bring away the English captives. In June, Daniel Belding and his children, with Martin Smith, and about twenty other prisoners, left Canada by the way of the lakes for Albany, where they arrived after a journey of fifteen days. There Mr. Belding and his children were enter- tained and provided with clothing at the expense of his brother, John Belding of Norwalk, Connecticut. After re- cruiting three weeks, the Belding family went down the Hudson to New York, and by a vessel to Stamford, whence they walked to Norwalk, to visit their benefactor, after which they returned' to Deerfield. Martin Smith was sent home from Albany. John (lillett reached home before the Beldings by the way of France and England. Gillett's story is well told below by Col. Partridge : — Wheras John Gillet who hath been a very active and wilhng sould'' wifhin the County of- Hampshire & Being on the i6th day of Sept 1696 out upon service & together w"" some others was that day taken by the Enemy & suffering hardship was carried to Canada Captive & there Remayn'' till Sept°^ Last & then was sent from thence Prison'' unto old ffrance & thence (by the later Articles of Peace) the s'' Gillet together with other Captives was Released & carried into England: Since his Arrivall there hath Lived & obtained pay for his Passage by the Charitie of some English Marche'^ there: & now being arrived here Destetute of Money or Cloaths for his P's- ent Reliefe Humbly propose it to y' Hono'''° Gen" Cor''= to allow him something w' this Cor'^ judge meet for his P'sent Reliefe Samuel Patrigg — June 17 1698 — In the House of Representatives — Orderdered that there be allowed and paid out of the Publick Treasury the sum of six pounds to the above named John Gillet for the consideration above mentioned Nath' Byfield. Speaker By vote of the town, December 27th, 1698, — CRIME AND FATE OF SARAH SMITH. 263 Daniel Belding & Martin Smith, being new returned out of cap- tivity, their heads, together with w'' Ratable estate was on there hands at y^ date of y" present meeting, were freed from Town charges y" year 1688. Among the prisoners sent home from Canada under the treaty was Martin Smith, who was taken in 1693. A sorrow- ful tragedy awaited him. His wife was in prison at Spring- field, about to be tried for murder. Little is known of the Smiths, beyond what is found on the court records. Judd thinks they came from New Jersey. Martin received sever- al grants of land here, among the first settlers. The first mention we find of his name is on the court record at North- ampton : " May 31, 1674, Martin Smith, a resident of Pocum- tuck, was fined 20 s for trying to kiss the wife of Jedediah Strong, on the street." Aug. 4th, 1694, Sarah Smith enters a complaint against John Evans of Deerfield, for "attempting to force an unclean act upon her." Two young soldiers of the night watch were witnesses of the act, which was at her house, "ten rods south of the south gate of the fort." I find no action under this complaint. In the assault of Feb. 29th, 1704, Martin Smith was "smothered in a seller,'' with the family of John Hawks, Jr. No children of Martin and Sarah Smith are known. The crime and fate of Sarah appear in the following record : — At a meeting of the Council in Boston, Aug. 8, 1698 — Upon in- formation given by His Majesty's Justices in the County of Hamp- shire, that one Sarah Smith lies in prison for murdering her bastard child. * * * Ordered and appointed that a Court of Assize and General Gaol Delivery be held and kept at Springfield within said county of Hampshire by the Justices, upon Thursday, the eighteenth of the present month of August for the trial of said Sarah Smith. Pursuant to this order three justices, Wait Winthrop, Elisha Cooke, and Samuel Sewall, escorted by a guard of twenty-six troopers, went up to Springfield and held a court. Sarah Smith was indicted by a grand jury of sixteen men, John Holyoke, foreman, and charged that, — on Tuesday the eleventh day of January in the year of our Lord God one thousand six hundred and ninety-seven-8 betwixt the hours of one and five a clock afternoon of the same day at Deerfield * * * in the dwelling house of Daniel Wells * * * by the providence of God one female bastard child did bring forth alive * * * be- ing led by the instigation of the devil, between the hours of one and seven a clock afternoon of the same day, withholding her natural 264 KING WILLIAM'S WAR. affection, neglected and refused all necessary help to preserve the life of s'' child, and with intent to conceal her Lewdness the said child did strangle and smother. She pleaded not guilty, was tried, and found guilty before a jury of twelve men, Joseph Parsons, foreman. Justice Win- throp pronounced the sentence, that she be hung the follow- ing Thursday, Aug. 25th. Her minister, Rev. John Williams, preached a sermon before her on the day of the execution, in accordance with the custom of the times. Tradition concurring with known facts, fixes the place of the murder to be in the northeast room of the house now standing on the east side of the street on the second lot north of Memorial Lane, now owned by C. Alice Baker. By the same authority, in several generations, this house has been haunted. The last visible ghost disappeared about thirty years since. CHAPTER X. COMMON FIELD FENCES — STOCK — MILLS — ROADS — SCHOOLS — RATES — FIOUSES. One of the earliest and most frequent subjects of legisla- tion by the settlers was that of fencing the meadow lands. It was an affair of vital interest. These lands, as we have seen, were laid out in long, narrow strips ; this, and the fact that they were subject to inundation, alike made it impossi- ble to fence the lots separately. The stock was allowed to run at large on the East Mountain, and to protect the crops on the meadow a common fence was built as a prime necessi- ty. Beginning at the "point of rocks," at Cheapside, it ran by the foot of the hills to the north end of the street, thence along the rear of the west home lots to South Meadow, along its north and east borders to Wapping, by the west end of Wapping home lots to Boggy Meadow, thence westerly, cross- ing the the Hatfield road at the Bars, and skirting vStebbins Meadow to the Pocumtuck River at Stillwater — an extent of about seven miles. Later the meadows at Cheapside and Wisdom were also enclosed, requiring about seven miles more of fence. This fence was laid out in "divisions," and two fence viewers were annually chosen to each division, whose duty it was to see that the fence was made secure, and that all orders concerning it were obeyed. In 1692 it was found necessary to extend the fence from the "point of rocks," along the bank, to the mouth of Deerfield River, " to prevent the cattle going over [the river] to Cheapside to damnify the corn and grass there. A committee was chosen to lay out to the proprietors of land at Cheapside their pro- portion of said fence, and the rest of s" fence to be done by y" town." All fences were ordered " to be made sufficient as against orderly cattle, so also against hoggs that be sufficiently ringed," but no prescribed material or mode of building is 266 COMMON FIELD FENCES — STOCK — MILLS. found at the period we are considering. This common fence was supported by the owners of land enclosed, in proportion ta their interest. February, 1687, Thomas Wells, Henry White and Thomas French, were chosen a committee to ap- portion the fence and locate each man's share. They report- ed a list of fifty-seven owners, and the length set to each in rods, feet and inches. The shortest was to Francis Keet — ten feet three inches. The owners of home lots in the town were obliged to build one half of their rear fence, and those at Wapping the whole of it. A condition was made in all grants there, that the grantee should make all fence wherev- er the grant abutted on the common field. Gates were set up on all roads leading into the meadows, except on the road leading from Hatfield into South Mead- ows, where there was a set of bars. The name of the village there testifies to that fact to this day. The first gate-keepers were John Broughton, at the north gate, Samuel Northam, the middle of the town, Jonathan Wells, at Eagle Brook, and Ephraim Beers at Wapping. Eleazer Hawks had care of the bars. Beers, in 1 686, agreed to keep up forever, two rods of fence across the highway, including the Wapping gate, in consideration of a grant of twenty acres of land in Wisdom. When cow commons in the meadow fell short of measure, " wanting lands " were located elsewhere ; but the rule was to assess the tence on the original number of commons. Votes like the following illustrate this practice. After granting sixteen acres to John and Benoni Stebbins, "for want of 8 acres of measure in the meadow, y' is to say, in the whole 36 cow-com'ons (formerly John Stebbins' sen'r), y^ s* Jno. & Be- nony making com'on fence, & paying Rates for the whole 36 com'ons forever." In a similar case, William Smead was " to maintain com'on fence & pay Rates for his land as it now lies for, by com'ons, in the meadow." The regulations about the fence were strict, and provision made to bring easily home to the offender any neglect in keeping his share secure. It was voted, — "that any person whatsoever, concerned with any com'on fence * * * shall set up a stake with the two first letters of his name fairly written, at y* north end of every part * * * of y'* com'on fence to be made up, on penalty of 1 2d a stake for every stake y' y'^ viewers shall find wanting, & so from time to time, as often as they shall by y" be found wanting. " OPENING THE MEADOWS. 267 A few years later, stones in place of stakes were ordered for this purpose. The fall feeding, or " opening the meadows," was yearly a subject of legislation. The Common Field fence was "made intire," or closed, in the spring, and opened in the fall, at times fixed, first by the selectmen, and later in town meeting. The earliest action recorded was : — April 4, 1692; whereas y'* Selectmen have taken great care and paynes y' all defects in y" common fence be repayered for the preser- vation of y" meadows now the Town does hereby order y' all com- mon fence y' shall be found defective after y^ nth day of this in- stant: y'' own' of s* fence shall pay as a fine to y'= use of y° Town one shilling p' rod for one day & so forward for every day till such de- fective fence shall be repayered That all cattle baited upon other mens land without leave shall be liable to be pounded That any persons baiting cows or young cattle upon y^ meadows shall be liable to be pounded tho there be a keep' w"' y"' That all hoggs shall be rung according to law ; * * * the hog ringers shall have 6d p' head for every hogg y"- ring. That all horses and cattle found in y" meadow are liable to pay izd p' head: and for hogs 6d p' head & for sheep 4d p' head That y"^ penalty for leaving creatures in the meadow wilfully shall be 3d p' head That pounding creatures shall be present pay Similar regulations in even more stringent language were passed in December following, and repeated in some form every year. March 3d, 1693-4, the by-laws already given were adopted by the town. A vote was passed, — Sept 15 1697, that the time for opening the meadow or corn field shall be on Monday at night being the 4th day of October unless y" Townsmen having hereby power see cause to lengthen the time. That the selectmen now in being shall have pow' to make sale of y« old Red Town Bull & dispose of y" money to y" Towns use. Dec: 7: 1697 y" Town Bargained with Ens Jn° Sheldon to main- tain a gate at y" uper or South end of their meadows on y^ highway aty-^ meadow fence: * * * to be made and set up by the first of April next. Mch 7 1697-8 voted that if any person or persons shall leave open any of y'= Meadow gates wilfully or carelessly within y" time of the. meadow being inclosed: Such persons or their overseers shall be lia- ble to pay 2S 6d for every such offence y" one half to y" informer y« other to y° Townsmen for y" use of y" Town. By this arrangement the bars were discontinued, a nuisance abated, and doubtless a great strain on the morals of travel- 268 COMMON FIELD FENCES — STOCK — MILLS. ers removed. Sergt. John Hawks was accepted in place of Capt. Wells, to maintain the gate at Eagle Brook, and the fence was made into three divisions. In 1699, the disputed question as to the rights of the public on highways was settled. The town voted " That all proprie- tors of land within y" meadows or Com'on Field, shall have liberty to feed or mow such highways which their land shall abut upon, and no other person." Lands were cultivated at Cheapside and Wisdom, and to protect the crops there, it was voted : — Mch I, 1700, y' w' cattle horse kind or any other creature soever usually impounded shall be found at liberty on y" westerly or north- erly side of Deerfield river within y" township of Deerfield shall be liable to be impounded provided they be found there within y" time of y" enclosing of y^ common field. That y« meadows be Cleared by y^ Haywards by y" eleventh of y" instant March. The bad effect of allowing stock to Irample the land in the spring was then realized. In pursuance of this vote, the selectmen were charged with the duty of clearing the mead- ow of Hatfield horses by driving them into the Hatfield meadows. Voted : " That all y"" common fence * * * be kept up in good repair untill y° towns next election meeting in next March so as to pass y'' fence viewers." This policy seems to have continued. The same vote was passed Sept. 15th, 1701 ; also, "That all swine of 16 inches or upward * * * found in y" meadows or common field unringed shall be impounded and Ringed before released out of y'' pound y" owners * * * to pay 6d a head for impounding 3d for ringing." Four divisions were made of the fence in 1 702, and eight fence viewers chosen. During this period the stock was branded or marked, and ran at large on the East Mountain ; the milch cows under the care of a " cow-keeper," hired by the town. His wages were assessed on the owners of the cows. A bull to run at large, was furnished at the expense of the town. In 1686, the peo- ple at Wapping procured a separate bull to run with their own herd. Saw and Grist Mills. For some years the settlers got out boards, slit-work, and plank in saw-pits. Logs were squared with the broad axe and taken to the pit, where the work was done by two men, the " top-sawyer," who guided the saw, and ORIGINAL MILLS. 269 had the largest wages, and the "pit-man" whose place was tinder the log in the pit. About one hundred feet of boards was a day's work. Grain was pounded in a mortar, or carried to Hatfield mill on horseback. This mill had no bolter ; if flour was desired, the meal was sifted by hand, in a sieve, at home. It is not known when the first sawmill was erected. One stood on Mill river as early as 1689, when the town author- ized the selectmen to bargain with Capt. John AUis of Hat- field, to build a corn mill upon the same stream. Mr. Allis died in January, 1690-91, before his mill was finished. Feb. 3d, 1690-91, a committee was authorized to make a bargain with Joseph Parsons, Sen., of Northampton, on essentially the same terms granted Mr. Allis. The mill put up by Par- sons stood on Mill river, "where the sawmill now stands," and where Mr. Phelps's sawmill stands to-day. It was prob- ably finished before Dec. 20th, 1692, at which date the town granted Parsons as part of the bargain, a tract of land, — Att the uper end of the meadow cotnonly called Stebbins mead- ow all that tract of land that lies between y'= last lot y' is now layd out and the comon fence; by estimation, 30 or 40 acres * * * bounded by the land of Maj' John Pynchon northeast; by the comon fence southwest; by the Dearf* river northwest, and by j" comon fence south east; s"" Joseph Parsons being to make comon fence for it, as shall be found by messure proportionally to what other men doe for their lands on the meadows; and to pay rates att present only for so much of it as is Improvable. "Ten acres of upland," was also granted. By the contract, signed Dec. 29th, 1692, Parsons was — To take for his tole for Grinding y° twelfth part of all grain except wheat and Early Malt and only the fourteenth part of wheat and y" eighteenth part of Barly malt: and for provender the fourteenth part: * * * the mill to be set up and iit to grind att or before May 31, 1693, and to be kept in good Repair fit to doe y^ towns work. Should the mill be deserted, or destroyed, " except in case of extraordinary Providence as the Town being driven out by the enemie ; * * * the remainders of said Mill as Irons, Stones," &c., were to revert to the town, unless Parsons re- built. If a place more for y" Towns Benefit to have a mill set there," be found. Parsons is to " have the first offer of s" place. The town agree to furnish y" help of 6 cattle and two 270 ROADS — SCHOOLS — RATES — HOUSES. men to draw y" millstones to y" place ; s* Joseph Parsons to call for them in a time y'' may be as little hindrance to their occasions as he can." These stones may have been procured from Mount Tom where Pynchon got millstones in 1666. The stone now lying in front of Memorial Hall was doubtless one of those set running by Parsons in 1693. Its dimensions agree exactly with those got out by Pynchon at Mount Tom. No further account of this mill appears ; and it was probably destroyed by Indians during the war. Aug. 3, 1699, Att a Meeting y'= town, considering y^ they were in great want of a mill to Grind their Corn, made Choice of a Commity, viz Ens Jno Sheldon; Benony Moor and Thos. French whose work it was to view and consider of a place or places * h * f^r (-q erect a mill in as also to discourse with Mr. Joseph Parsons to see * * * whether he will Rebuild his mill upon the Sawmill Stream * * * jn another place, or throw up his interest in a mill or mills at Deerfield. Four weeks later Mr. Parsons was asking of the Proprietors •'liberty to set a corn mill on Green river. Being considered, it was granted for y° space of a twelve month." If a mill was then built on Green river, it did not give satisfaction as it appears by a vote passed, — March 11, 1700-1, That a Commity be chosen to discourse with Mr Joseph Parsons concerning the Corn mill built by him in Deer- field whether he will stand to his Bargin, either to maintain s'' mill in good Repair fit to doe y^ towns Grinding or throw it up into y° towns hands. The same committee above named, except Edward Allen in the place of French, were chosen to apply this "prod" to Parsons, and nothing more is heard of the mill for ten years. This topic will be resumed at a later period. Roads. Among the duties assigned the committee which laid out the Dedham Grant in 1671, was that of "apoynting the highways and laying out." Their report shows that the town street was then located, from the middle and each ex- treme of which, roads three rods wide were laid to the moun- tain on the east, and meadows on the west. They also pro- vided for roads two rods wide, running through each division of meadow, "so that every man may come to his land." These roads are essentially the same with those now in use. The " Country highway " was the road to Hatfield through South Meadows, and up Bars Long Hill. Before 1687, there MEMORIAL LANE. 271 was a road leading southerly from the middle mountain road, in the rear of John Catlin's home lot, [now the Ware lot] almost exactly where the road to the Connecticut River rail- road freight depot, and the sawmill, now runs, and so through the woods east of Wapping through Turnip Yard to Sunder- land bridge. March i6 1698-9, y^ Committy Chosen to Consider y'= mater (viz Lieutt David Hoyt: Ens Jno Sheldon and Edward Allyn,) made y' Return to y" Town Clerk in y" maner; viz: * s= * ^jj^j. ^-jjgy ]^.^^ stated and settled y° middle heiway leading up to y*" mountain to be eight rods wide at y'= front on Town Street: and then at y" end of eighteen rods and a half from y'^ front upon s"* John Catlin's North line y" heiway comes to be Three Rods wide and so holdeth thurow- out to y^ Reer. This is Memorial Lane. March 3d, 1 700-1, Capt. Jona. Wells, Sergt. John Hawks, and Daniel Belding, were chosen to look up a road from the south end of the town, along the west side of the East Moun- tain, "to the head of Muddy brook swamp," as also "to view y° way now began to be made from Wapping towards Hat- field to se where they shall be stated if found to be feasible : and make Return of w' they find upon these accounts in writ- ing to y* Town." No return of this commission has been found. lii 1690, a road was laid across the land of Thomas French in Little Meadow, to give access to the lands at Old Fort Meadow. In compensation, French was given the same quan- tity, to be taken in the rear of his home lot — worthless side- hill, for rich meadow land. But the road has been carried off by the river long ago, while the side-hill still holds the Orthodox parsonage lot to the East Mountain. March 5, 1693-4, Henry White & Simon Beaman and Jos Barnard * * * are appoynted a Com'itty to examine the Antient Records and Acts of the form' Com'itty with reference to hieways in Dearf* Meadows: and accordingly State a hieway to the land on the west side [of the] riv' Com'only Called Carter's Land. Nothing appears to have been done respecting the road at this time. March 3d, 1 700-1, Godfrey Nims, Sergt. John Allyn and Corp. Thomas Wells were chosen to lay this road. They re- , ported June 14th, 1701, that they 272 ROADS — SCHOOLS — RATES — HOUSES. have laid out y" hie way to Carters land in this manner: we begin to turn out of y" hie way y' leads down into y" Neck in Samuel Car- ters lot on the northerly side of it next to M^ John Catlins land: and to Run down there untill it comes to y^ River: and then to run along by y'^ river until it comes of Henry White's lot: Here we find the origin of " White Swamp." The river at this point has largely encroached on the meadow, and nearly the whole of the lots named have been washed away, and added to the Carter's Land farm opposite, where George W. Jones had the benefit of it. The committee also reported : — As to y" hie way to y" Green River lands we turn out of y" Coun- try Road which is Easterly of the Green River Town plot, and to Run near upon a west line throw y"' middle of s'' Town plot down to y" River, and Runs over y" River into Peter Evans his lot: then Runs northwards into Joseph Petty his lot and across his lot untill it comes to y" North side of and so in Joseph Pettys lot untill it comes up y" great hill westerly and then it Runs in Benony Moors lot until it comes to the foot path and then it runs in y'^ foot path to the uper end of Green River lands: the breadth to be one Rod and a half except in the part of it from the Country Road down to and so thorow y'' Town plot afores''. This part was what is now the Main street of Greenfield. The "country road," I suppose, included the present High street, and led from Deerfield to Northfield. The " foot path" was the Indian road, which crossing the Pocumtuck at Still- water, ran northerly through Wisdom and Greenfield Mead- ows, and up the hill at the right of Mrs. Eunice Williams's monument. " Sarveyors of Roads " were chosen with the earliest town officers, and annually thereafter. Their duties were the same as those of to-day. Highway taxes could be paid at will in "specie" or labor, the latter "as he shall be warned thereto by the sarveigher." The price of labor on the road was fixed by the town and varied with the season and from year to year. Schools. No town action regarding education is found un- til after the close of King William's War. The first school- house was built, and a school master hired, in 1698. Before this, doubtless, schools had been kept by dames in p'rivate houses. It has been seen that Mrs. Beaman had a school in 1694. In 1698 the town established a school, and enforced at- tendance by hiring a master at the expense of all those hav- ing children of school age. THE FIRST SCHOOLHOUSE. 273 Mch 7, 1698, It was agreed and voted y' a school be contitmed in y' Town : That all heads of familes y' have Children whether male or female, between y^ ages of six and ten years, shall -pay by the poll to s* school whether y" send such children to School or not That a School house be built upon y>^ Town Charge in y" year 1698 y^' dimensions of s" house to be 21 foot long eighteen foot wide and seven foot betwixt joynts That a Com'ity shall be chosen to look after y'' building of said School House, and to hire a school master That y'' persons for a Com'ity y' y'' Town did choose and empower m y" carrying on y'' school house aforesaid and in hiring a school mas- ter; were Mr. Jno. Catlin Benony Stebbins and William Armes: Att a legal Town meeting in Deerfield, March 21, 1698, Capt Wells Moderator further relating to a school, it was y" agreed y^ what children soever shall be sent to s" school above y" age of ten years or under y^ age of six years shall pay for according to y" time y" shall improve s"* school; voted affirmatively This meeting was a special one, and no other business was transacted. The schoolhouse was built and a school master engaged. Probably " Mr. John Richards," who was certainly a resident in 1699, and school master in 1 701-2-3. Another meeting was held Dec. 27th, 1698, when it was voted, — That there be a schooll maintained in y'' Town of Deerfield Att y" same meeting y** Town agreed and voted y' from y" time of y'' date hereoff, untill y" term of 20 years forwards be expired they will give twenty pounds towards y° maintaining of a Schooll in y^ Town This heavy tax, in the then exhausted condition of the town, shows the spirit of some controlling influence. In March, 1700, the school committee chosen were, — Mr. Jn" Catlin, Sergt Jn° Hawks and Jn° Stebins * * * whose work shall- be to hire a meet person or persons to teach y.'^ Towns Children to Read and write as also to repair y" Towns School house* at their discretion which is to be repaired at y" Towns Charge; as also to proportion y" providing of firewood to y^ Scholars: In 1 701, a change of policy is noticed, although no cause for it appears. The town, — Unanimously voted to make null and void their former act of twenty pounds for twenty years towards a School and have voted to pay fifteen pounds in pay yearly for y" space of Seven years from y^ day of y^ date hereof towards y" maintaining of a School in Deer- field: The Com'ity chosen for looking after the concerns of y*" afores*, were Ensigne Jno. Sheldon, William Arms, Sergt. Eliezer Hawks. Their duties were defined to be the same as those given above. The committee for 1702 were Benoni Stebbins, God- 274 ROADS— SCHOOLS — RATES — HOUSES. frey Nims and Simon Beaman. In 1703, "Mr. Jno. Catlin: Dea. Hoyt: and Ebenezer Smead were chosen." They, — Bargained with Mr Jno Richards to pay him for y^ teaching of their Town children for 7"= year Twenty and five pounds in manner folowing: y' is to say They have by Bargin liberty to pay him y" one 3d part of s* sum in Barley and no more; y'' other two 3ds in other grain y' is to say in Indian corn : peas : or Rye in any or all of them : oats wholly excepted : all these aforementioned to be good and mer- chantable ; The Town y" voted y' all children y' is to say boys from four to eight: and Girls from 4 to six years old y' live in y" Town plat shall pay their proportion of ten pounds for y'^ year ensuing whether they go to School or not: This is the last record of any action on the subject of edu. cation until 1 720, when the town had in a good degree recov- ered from its broken condition. Rates, or Taxes. The first record of any rate was that raised Dec. 17th, 1687, when "Jonathan Wells was chosen Com'issioner to joyn w'" y" Selectm" to take lists for the Country rate and officiate in y= business according to Law. That the Town & Minisf Ratte shall be raised upon Lands heads & flocks at the same prises as hath been y'' last year past." It appears from the above, that this was not the first general tax; the previous impositions had doubtless been made under the direction of the Committee. Subsequent action of the town shows the "prises" (or valuation) to have been: — Heads att 16 pounds; oxen 3 pounds, cows 2 pounds; 3 yr olds 2 pounds; 2 yearlings i pound ten; i year old 15 shillings; horses 3 pounds; 2 yr olds one pound ten; i year old 15 shillings; hoggs 10 shillings; sheep 5 shillings; lands 2 pounds per acre. The "specia" in which the minister's rate was to be paid, was fixed at his settlement. For town rates, it was varied from time to time, probably as different crops were scanty or abundant. Rates were generally laid in December and for expenses already incurred. In 1691-3, the town rate was paid in wheat and Indian corn in equal parts. In 1694, it was to be paid '' one-half in Indian corn at 2s a bushell, & one-half in fatted pork, at 2 pence half -penny a pound." In 1695 the Green River lands were made " rate free," and in 1696, no tax was laid on "fat cattle and swine killed in y" town." No reason for this exemption appears. • VALUATION OF LANDS. 276 In 1697, rates were to be paid in Indian corn at 2s; the next year in rye at 3s, barley 3s, Indian corn 3s, one-third each. In 1699, the "Country Rate" was ;^5 for Deerfield. Swine were rated according to goodness : ten shillings for y' Best and so downward, when for market. "And wheras home- lots were last year Apprized According to Industry, y' now y" shall not be so aprized." The "specia" was "Rye at 3s per bushel, and Indian corn at 2s per bushell." The prices fixed " for grain between man and man shall be thes folowing, namely, viz Winter wheat at 4s per bushell : Sumer wheat at 3s 66. per bushell : Rye at 3s per bushell : Bar- ley at 3s per bushell : peas at 3s per bushell : Indian Corn at 2s per bushell: and oats at is 6d per bushell:" Dec. 1 6th, 1700, "Lieut David Hoyt: Sergt. Jno AUyn: and Benony Moor: were chosen aprizers," to appraise "all lands and stocks Rateable in Deerfield * * * according to y^ best of their Judgment upon the Rates set and prescribed for Aprizal y'= last year:" a few weeks later, March 3d, 1 700-1, " Ens Jno Sheldon was Chosen Com'isioner for Assesments for y" year ensuing * * * Capt Jona Wells and Mr John Richards and Ens Jno. Sheldon were chosen Assessors for the Country Taxes." The special functions of these three boards does not clearly appear. Down to 1702, the valua- tion of taxable property had continued as it was in 1686. In January of that year, a new departure was made. The regular meeting for December, 1701, was held and money raised as usual. There is no record of this action, but it ap- pears in the following votes : — Jan. 27, 1 701-2, The Town then unanimously agreed and voted, y* notwithstanding their minister and Town Rates are already made yet y' they will alter the former way of Rating, which was by y^ Country law by way of income The town then also voted y' heads shall be Rated at 24 pounds Estate * * * As to aprisall of lands y^ town proceeded in this maner folowing viz. : That the Great meadow and pine hill plain that is from little meadow hill and Jno Broughton's hill to Deerfield River and also Cheapside; Tho Frenches lot in Harrow meadow; log meadow; and part of Stebbines meadow; that is to say from the northerly part of it unto James Browns south line shall all be set at 30 shillings an acre ; * * * That Carters land; Newfort mowing land of y^ 2d Division Capt Wellses pasture; from 2d Division hill to y'= south line of Mr. Catlin's lot in 2d Divis- ion ; with the Residue of Stebbinses meadow all to be set at eighteen 276 ROADS — SCHOOLS — RATES — HOUSES. shillings an acre; That y^ Residue of harrow meadow and Eagle Brook plain from Capt Wellses pasture to 2d Division hill shall be set at fifteen shillings an acre : That old fort meadow and little plain shall be set at ten shillings an acre : That y« Residue of 2d Division, from y" South line of Mr. Catlins lot Southward shall be set at Six Shillings an acre; That Green Riv- er lands shall be set at five shillings an acre That y^ Best home- steads shall be Aprized at Eight pounds and so to descend according to goodness to be aprized by y"^ Select men: Ens Jno Sheldon and Thomas French were chosen to joyn with the Select men in taking a list of all estate Rateable : Cattle and horse kind to be aprised as in y" Country law ; Year- ling Cattle and horses to be Aprised at ten shillings : Two year old cattle and horses at twenty shillings: 3 year olds at thirty shillings. The taxes for this year's charges were paid in "Rye at 3s, barley at 3s, corn at 2s and oats at is 6d, an equal proportion of each." DWELLINGS ; AND AN EVENING AT HOME. The first houses of the settlers were doubtless of logs, one story high, " daubed " with clay. A common form was eight- een feet square, with seven feet stud, stone fire-places, with catted chimney, ahd a hip-roof covered with thatch. These structures generally gave way in a few years to large frame houses, covered with clo'boards and shingles, having fire- place and chimney of brick, which was laid in clay mortar, ex- cept the part above the roof, where lime was used. Of these houses, two styles prevailed; one represented by the "Old Indian House," the other, less elaborate, by the house now [in 1888] standing on the Smead lot. This house is thirty feet square, two stories, with pitch roof, facing the street westerly. It is covered with cloveboards, apparently the original, with no signs of paint. It has four windows in front, and five at each end. The front door, a little south of the center, opens directly into the south front room, which is sixteen by eight- een feet. On the north of this is the huge chimney, which rises through the ridge, and the north front room, twelve by thirteen feet. North of the chimney is a large, dark closet. East of it is the kitchen, eleven by twenty feet, south of which is the buttery. Stairs to cellar and chambers occupy the southeast corner. The space over the kitchen is unfin- ished. The southwest chamber is fifteen by fifteen, the northwest twelve by thirteen. Each story is seven and a THE OLD INDIAN HOUSE. 277 half feet stud. The frame is of hewn timber, generally nine by fourteen inches. The plates are nine by sixteen ; those at the ends in the upper story project twelve inches over the walls, supported by the side plates, and studs on the inner edge. The rafters are sawed, four by four inches, and sup- ported by purlins which are framed into heavy beam rafters at the middle and each end of the roof. The whole building is of pine. There was no lath and plaster ; the walls were made of matched boards. The ceiling was finished by plan- ing the joists and underside of the floor above ; the floors were double or of matched boards. The "Old Indian House," built by John Sheldon about 1696, stood at the north end of the training field, facing the south. Its frame was largely of oak. It was twenty-one by forty-two feet, two stories, with a steep pitch roof. In front, the second story projected about two feet, the ends of the cross beams being supported by ornamental oak brackets, two of which are preserved in Memorial Hall. A lean-to thirteen and a half feet wide, ran the whole length of the north side, its roof being a continuation of that on the main building. The ground floor was thus thirty-four and a half by forty- two feet. Near the centre rose the chimney, about ten feet square at the base, with fire-places on the sides and rear. South of it was the front entry, which, including the stair- way, was eight by twelve feet. The lower floor was laid un- der the sill, which, projecting beyond the wall, formed a ledge around the bottom of the rooms, a tempting seat for the chil- dren. Stepping over the sill into the front entry, doors on either hand opened into the front rooms ; stairs on the right led by two square landings, and two turns to the left, to a passage over the entry, from which at the right and left doors led to the chambers. In the rear of the chimney was a small, dark room, with stairs to the garret. Including the garret, there were flve rooms in the main structure, each of them lighted by two windows with diamond panes set in lead. The kitchen was in the central part of the lean-to, with windows in the rear; east of this was a bedroom, and west, the buttery and back entry. The fire-place was a deep cavern, the jambs and back at 278 ROADS — SCHOOLS — RATES — HOUSES. right angles to each other and the floor. Here, hanging on nails driven into a piece of wood built into the structure for the purpose, hung the branding-iron, the burning-iron, the pot-hook, the long-handled frying-pan, the iron peel or oven slice, the scooped fire-shovel with stout tongs standing by. In one end was the oven, its mouth flush with the back of the fire-place. In this nook, when the oven was not in use, stood a wooden bench, on which the children could sit and study the catechism and spelling book by firelight, or watch the stars through the square tower above their heads, the view interrupted only by the black, shiny lug-pole, and its great trammels ; or in the season, its burden of hams and flitches of pork or venison, hanging to be cured in the smoke. The mantletree was a huge beam of oak, protected from the blaze only by the current of cold air constantly ascending. The preparation of fuel was no light task, and " building a fire " was no misnomer. The foundation was a " back-log," two or three feet in diameter; in front of this the "fore- stick," considerably smaller, both lying on the ashes ; on them lay the "top-stick," half as big as the back-log. All these were usually of green wood. In front of this pile was a stack of split wood, branches, chips and cobs, or, if cob-irons were present, the smaller wood was laid horizontally across these. The logs would last several days and be renewed when nec- essary, but the fire was not allowed to go out. Should this happen, the fire-pan was sent to a neighbor for coals, or the tin lantern with a candle for a light. In default of neigh, bors, the tinder-box, or flint-lock musket with a wad of tow, was used to evoke a spark. "Tending fire," meant renew- ing the lighter parts of the fuel ; for this purpose, there was, in prudent families, a generous pile of dry cord-wood in the kitchen. With these appliances, considerable warmth was felt in the room; the larger part of the heat, however, was lost up the chimney. Fresh air rushed in at every crack and cranny to supply this great draft ; and although the windows were small, and the walls lined with brick, there was no lack of ventilation. In this condition of things, the high-backed set- tle in front of the blazing fire was a cozy seat. It was the place of honor for the heads of the family and distinguished guests. Sometimes the settle was placed permanently on one FINISHING AND FURNISHING. 279 side of the fire-place, the seat hung on leather hinges, under which was the "pot-hole," where smaller pots, spiders, skillets and kettles were stored. The fire-places in the front rooms were of the same pat- tern, but smaller than that in the kitchen. Fires were seldom built there except at weddings, funerals, or on state occa- sions. The furniture, for the most part home-made, rude and unpainted, was scanty — a few stools, benches and splint-bot- tomed chairs ; a table or two, plain chests, rude low bedsteads, with home-made ticks, filled with straw or pine needles. The best room may have had a carved oak chest, brought from England, a tent or field bedstead, with green baize, or white dimity curtains, and generous feather bed. The stout tick for this, the snow-white sheets, the warm flannel blankets, and heavy woolen rugs, woven in checks of black red blue or white, were all the products of domestic wheel and loom. There were no carpets. The floors were sprinkled with fine white sand, which, on particular occasions, was brushed into fanciful patterns with a birch broom, or bundle of twigs. The style of painting floors called "marbling," hardly yet extinct, was a survival of this custom. The finishing of the " Indian House " was more elaborate than that of the Smead house ; but there was no lath and plaster, the ceiling being the same. The partitions and walls were of panel-work, with mouldings about the doors and win- dows. These mouldings were all cut by hand from solid wood. In some cases the oak summertree was smoothed and left bare, with a capital cut on the supporting posts ; general- ly, hereabouts, it was covered with plain boards, it may be, in the best room, with panels. No finer lumber is found than that with which these old houses were finished. Their massive frames, each stout tenon fitted to its shapely mortise by the try rule, whose foundations were laid by our sires so long ago that the unsubdued savage still roamed in the forest where its timbers were hewn, stand as firmly as when the master builder dismissed the tired neighbors, who had heaved up the huge beams and pinned the last rafter to its mate (for there were no ridge-poles) at the raising. The ample kitchen was the centre of family life, social and industrial. Here around the rough table, seated on rude stools or benches, all partook of the plain and sometimes 280 ROADS— SCHOOLS — RATES — HOUSES. stinted fare. A glance at the family gathered here after nightfall of a winter's day, may prove of interest. After a supper of bean porridge, or hasty-pudding and milk, which all partake in common from a great pewter basin, or wooden bowl, with spoons of wood, horn or pewter ; after a reverent reading of the Bible, and fervent supplication to the Most High, for care and guidance ; after the watch was set on the tall mount, and the vigilant sentinel began pacing his lonely beat, the shutters were closed and barred, and with a sense of security, the occupations of the long winter evening be- gan. Here was a picture of industry, enjoined alike by the law of the land and the stern necessities of the settlers. All were busy. Idleness was a crime. On the settle, or a low arm chair, in the most sheltered nook, sat the revered gran- dam — as a term of endearment called granny — in red woolen gown, and white linen cap, her gray hair and wrinkled face reflecting the bright firelight, the long stocking growing un- der her busy needles, while she watched the youngling of the flock, in the cradle by her side. The goodwife, in linsey woolsey short-gown and red petticoat, steps lightly back and forth in calf pumps, beside the great wheel, or poising grace- fully on the right foot, the left hand extended with the roll or bat, while with a wheel-finger in the other she gives the wheel a few swift turns for a final twist to the long-drawn thread of wool or tow. The continuous buzz of the flax wheels, harmonizing with the spasmodic hum of the big wheel, shows that the girls are preparing a stock of linen against their wedding day. Less active, and more fitful, rat- tles the quill wheel, where the younger children are filling quills for the morrow's weaving. Craftsmen are still scarce, and the yeoman must depend largely on his own skill and resources. The grandsire, and the goodman, his son, in blue woolen frocks, buckskin breech- es, long stockings, and clouted brogans with pewter buckles, and the older boys, in shirts of brown tow, waistcoat and breeches of butternut-colored woolen homespun, surrounded by piles of white hickory shavings, are whittling out with keen Barlow jack-knives, implements for home use : — ox-bows and bow-pins, ax-helves, rakestales, forkstales, handles for spades and billhooks, wooden shovels, flail staff and swingle, swingling knives, or pokes and hog yokes for unruly cattle AN INDUSTRIAL UNION. 281 and swine. The more ingenious, perhaps, are fashioning buckets, or powdering tubs, or weaving skepes, baskets, or snow shoes. Some, it may be, sit astride the wooden shovel, shelling corn on its iron-shod edge, while others are pound- ing it into samp or hominy in the great wooden mortar. There are no lamps or candles, but the red light from the burning pine knots on the hearth glows over all, repeating, in fantastic pantomime on the brown walls and closed shut- ters the varied activities around it. These are occasionally brought into a higher relief by the white flashes, as the boys throw handfuls of hickory shavings on to the fore-stick, or punch the back-log with the long iron-peel, while wishing they had "as many shillings as sparks go up chimney." Then, the smoke-stained joists and boards of the ceiling, with the twisted rings of pumpkin, strings of crimson peppers, and festoons of apple, drying on poles hung beneath ; the men's hats, the crook-necked squashes, the skeins of thread arid yarn hanging in bunches on the wainscot ; the sheen of the pewter plates and basins, standing in rows on the shelves of the dresser ; the trusty firelock, with powder horn, bando- lier and bullet pouch, hanging on the summertree, and the bright brass warming pan behind the bedroom door — all stand revealed more clearly for an instant, showing the prov- ident care for the comfort and safety ot the household. Dim- ly seen in the corners of the room are baskets, in which are packed hands of flax from the barn, where, under the flax- brake, the swingling knife and coarse hackle, the shives, and swingling tow have been removed by the men ; to-morrow the more deft manipulations of the women will prepare these bunches of fibre for the little wheel, and granny will card the tow into bats, to be spun into tow yarn on the big wheel. All quaff the sparkling cider, or foaming beer, from the briskly circulating pewter mug, which the last out of bed in the morning must replenish from the barrel in the cellar. But over all a grave earnestness prevails; there is little laughter or mirth, and no song, to cheer the tired workers. If stories are told, they are of Indian horrors, of ghosts, or of the fearful pranks of witches and wizards. This was the age of superstitution. Women were hung for witches in Old England and New, and witchcraft be- lieved in everywhere. Every untoward event was imput- 282 ROADS— SCHOOLS — RATES — HOUSES. ed to supernatural causes. Did the butter or soap delay its coming, the churn and kettle were bewitched. Did the chimney refuse to draw, witches were blowing down the smoke. Did the loaded cart get stuck in the mud, invisible hands were holding it fast. Did the cow's milk grow scant, the imps had been sucking her. Did the sick child give an unusual cry, search was made for the witches' pins by which it was tormented. Were its sufferings relieved by death, glances were cast around to discover the malignant eye that doomed it. Tales of events like these, so fascinating and so fearful, sent the adults as well as children to bed with blood chilled, every sense alert with fear, ready to see a ghost in every slip of moonshine, and trace to malign origin every sound breaking the stillness, — the rattle of a shutter, the creaking of a door, the moan of the winds or the cries of the birds and beasts of the night. For more than a century lat- er, the belief in witchcraft kept a strong hold on the popular mind, and must have had a marked influence on the charac- ter of the people. For two or three evenings previous to Feb. 29th, 1704, a new topic of supernatural interest had been added to the usual stock. Ominous sounds had been heard in the night, and, says Rev. Solomon Stoddard, "the people were strange- ly amazed by a trampling noise round the fort, as if it were beset by Indians." The older men recalled similar omens before the outbreak of Philip's War, when from the clear sky came the sound of trampling horses, the roar of artillery, the rattle of small arms, and the beating of drums to the charge. [See Sewell's Journal Vol. i , for noises heard in the air about 1672.] As these tales of fear, coupled with their own warning, were in everybody's mouth, what wonder if the hearts of the thoughtful sank within them ; that they cowered with undefinable dread, as under the shadow of impending diaster; and asked each other with fear and trembling the meaning of this new and dire portent. They had not long to wait the answer. CHAPTER XI. QUEEN ANNE'S WAR — 1702 — 1713. The peace of Ryswick was of short duration. The harassed settlers of Deerfield had small chance to recover from their low condition, before the quarrels of European princes to es- tablish a balance of power, brought fire and sword all along the frontiers of New England. Charles II. of Spain died Nov. 1 , 1 700, making over the throne by will to Philip of An- jou, a French Bourbon heir. The possession was resisted by Archduke Charles of Austria, in behalf of the House of Haps- burg, and the war of the Spanish Succession broke out. Sept. 16, 1 70 1, exiled James II. of England, died in France, where his son, the " Pretender," was at once pro- claimed King of England, by the French monarch, Louis XIV. William III. of England, resenting this insult and threat, formed a strong alliance with Austria and other pow- ers against France, but he died soon after, March 8, 1702. His successor. Queen Anne, declared war against France May 4, 1702, and for more than ten years Europe was con- vulsed to its center in a conflict to establish a balance of civil and ecclesiastical power. The scent of blood crossed the sea, and the English colonies soon felt the fury of Romish zeal and savage ferocity. Joseph Dudley, with a commission from Queen Anne as Governor of Massachusetts, landed at Boston June 11, 1702, bringing news of the impending war. The same news had reached Canada at an earlier date, for only two weeks later, the inhabitants of Deerfield became aware of preparations for hostilities among the Indians, as appears by the follow- ing record : — Att a.legall Town meeting in Deerfield, June 26, 1702; Ens. Jno. Sheldon, moderator: That y" Town fort shall forthwith be Righted vp Voted affirma- tively That every man shall for y'^ present Right vp his proportion of y^ fort y' was last laid out to him Voted affirmatively. 284 QUEEN ANNE'S WAR— 1702 — 1713. That all y^ fort shall be Righted vp by Wednesday next at night vpon penalty of 3 shillings p' Rod for every Rod y" defective and after y' one shilling per Rod per day so long as s'* fortification shall lie unrepaired : Voted afirm ; That y^ coniisioned ofiScers shall be y" men y' shall Inspect and pass y*^ fort in General : Voted afirm That a pitition be sent to y'^ Gouerner for help and Relief in our present distress occasion by a prospect of war:' The Town left y^ wording of s* petition with Capt Jonath Wells and Mr Jno Richards together with y'* selectmen: Voted afirmatively : The action of the Council on the petition sent under this vote shows that the evident alarm here was not considered groundless : — In the Council July 2d 1702. Upon a representation made by the inhabitants of Deerfield in the County of Hampshire, the most westerly frontier of the Province, that a considerable part of the Line of Fortification about their Plan- tation is decayed and fal" down, praying for some assistance in re- building and setting up the same, for that they are apprehensive of some evil designs forming by the Indians, an unwonted intercourse of Indians from other Plantations being observed. Advised, That his Excellency do write to John Pynchon Esq Coll. of the Regiment of militia in that County, directing him forthwith to send his Lieut. Coll to Deerfield aforesaid to view the Palisado about that Town, and to stay there some short time, to put the Inhabitants upon the present repair of the said fortifications in all places where it is defective, and to cover them with a scout of ten men by turns out of the next towns whilst they are about the said work, and to as- sure them of an necessary support and to take the like order as to Brookfield saving the scout. The scout not to be paid. [Six soldiers were paid ^^65 for this service.] On the peace of 1697, some of the settlers had left Meeting- house Hill and located " some a mile and some two miles " away ; now they were gathering again within the palisades. Att a legall Town meeting in Deerfield Sept 11: 1702: Ens Jno Sheldon moderator The Town y" agreed and voted y' y'^ Comon field shall be opened on Wednesday in y^ morning being y'= 30th day of y^ instant September 1702 There was also at y" same meeting a little piece of land Granted to Sergint Jno. Hawks to builde on in y'= fort for his lifetime: which land is to be in y'= middle hie way leading into y" meadow and on y" South East corner of Mr. Jno Williams his home lot adjoyning therevnto as it shall be laid to him by a Comitty: The Comitty Chosen for s* work were Capt Jonathan Wells Liett Dauid Hoyt and Sergeant Benony Stebins: Town meetings for public business were often held at this period, and always under the lead of military officers. " Dec"" 24: 1702 : Ens Jno Shelden moderator The Town y" VAUDREUIL SUCCEEDS CALLIERES. 285 agreed and voted y' all timber or firewood y"" shall be only fal" and not cut vp shall be forfeted at any time after it hath lain fal" 3 mpnths" — a provision, it seems, for getting a win- ter's stock of fuel with the least exposure to an enemy. There is no account of any hostilities about here at this time, but " John Santimore and Peter Boyloe, two Frenchmen, prison- ers" of whom I learn nothing — they may have been spies — were taken from Deerfield to Boston by Stephen Belden and Samuel Allen, for which service they were paid by the Coun- cil, Jan. 17, 1702-3, £6, los. In May, 1703, Lord Cornbury, Governor of New York, sent word to Gov. Dudley, that, through his Mohawk spies he had learned that an expedition against Deerfield was fitting out in Canada. Similar information was sent here by Maj. Peter Schuyler not long after, and twenty soldiers, enlisted in the towns below, were stationed here as a garrison. M. de Callieres, Governor of Canada, had already secured the neutrality of the Iroquois, and Dudley, in the same line of policy, met the sagamores of the Eastern Indians at Casco, June 30th, 1703. Here the old treaty was solemnly renewed. Both parties " added a great number of stones " to the piles called the " twin brothers," erected at a former treaty ; vol- leys were fired by each, and the Indians sang and danced for joy. They declared "that as high as the sun was above the earth so far distant shall their design be of making the least breach between each other." The savages were doubtless honest in these expressions, but they had placed their destiny beyond their own control, and in six weeks were all in arms against the English. Before the arrival of Dudley the saga- mores had .sent to Canada for help to revenge on the English some fancied or real wrong. M. de Callieres died about that time and M. de Vaudreuil, Governor of Montreal, succeeded him. Vaudreuil eagerly responded to this appeal of the Abenakis, and sent Lieut. Beaubassin, with five hundred In- dians and some French, to their aid. On his arrival Beau- bassin was told of the new treaty of peace and of the satis- faction for their complaints, but he declared it was too late ; they had been sent for, and came, to fight the English, and if the Abenakis refused to join them, themselves should be the first object of attack. This rupture "was not effected without- protracted discussion," says French authority, but 286 QUEEN ANNE's WAR — 1702 — 1713. the savages at length succumbed to Beaubassin's threats. The army was divided, and at 9 o'clock a. m. of Aug. loth, 1703, by concerted action, every English town on the coast was surprised. The sending of this force to Maine was one of the earliest of Governor Vaudreuil's official acts, and to his ambition must be attributed the horrors of the Indian war that fol- lowed. He gleefully writes to France that Beaubassin " laid waste more than fifteen leagues of territory and took or killed more than 300 prisoners." His conduct was not approved at home. Ponchartrain, the Minister of War, condemns this expedition. He says : " M. de Vaudreuil was wishing for it, in M. de Callieres' time, who would never consent to it, no more than I. I have a perfect knowledge that the English want only peace, aware that war is contrary to the interests of all the colonies. The French have always commenced hostilities in Canada." Fears were entertained in France that the English would in turn incite the Iroquois to attack Canada. Vaudreuil had written the War Minister that he " consid- ered it highly necessary to embroil the Indians of these parts and the English, otherwise the Abenakis, who are wavering, might * * * eventually be opposed to us," and that "the serious attack we have obliged them to make " was part of his plan. Again he speaks of " the absolute necessity we were under to embroil them with the English * * * The English and the Indians must be kept irreconcilable enemies * * * The Jesuits were watching the Indians * * * Father Rasle wrote that the Abenakis would take up the hatchet when I pleased." The Iroquois, not understanding the cause of the outbreak, offered, says Vaudreuil, "to act as mediators between the English and us." This did not meet the views of the gov- ernor, and this Christian office of the savages was declined by the American representative of " His Most Christian Maj- esty " of France. After the return of Beaubassin six Indians were killed at Pigwacket by a party of English under Col. March. The disapproval of the home government did not reach Vaudreuil in season to prevent his fitting out another expedi- tion — this time against our devoted town. We shall see how DANGER BY DAY AND BY NIGHT. 28Y closely this was connected with the events on the Maine coast, which have been noticed. The condition of affairs here at this time is vividly pictured in the letter of our minister given below. No one was for a moment safe outside the palisades; but there was less risk, it was thought, in being out after dark than in the daytime, when every movement could be observed from the adjoining hills. It was found, however, that danger lurked under the shades of night, as well as in the glare of sunshine. The common field had been opened Oct. ist ; on the 8th two young men, probably after their milch cows feeding there, were sur- prised, captured and taken to Canada by Indians. The fol- lowing account of the affair is found on a scrap of paper, in the handwriting of Stephen Williams : — Zebediah Williams & John Nims went into y" meadow in y" even- ing to look after creatures, & wer ambushed by indians in y^ ditch beyond Frary's bridge, who fir* at y™, but miss'' y™, and took W. quick, & N ran to y^ pond, & then return'' to y'" (fearing to be shot,) y" Indians [then?] woun'' cattle and went off . Y'^ men were carried to Canada, where W. dyd, & N ran away in y" year 1705, w*^"" Joseph petty, Thos Baker and Martin Kellogue. My father escaped nar- rowly y' n'^ before at Broughtons hill. The alarm caused by news of hostilities in Maine was now increased ten fold. Military affairs in Connecticut were put into the hands of a Council of War, with authority to defend Hampshire county as well as their own borders. By the fol- lowing paper it would appear that a garrison of sixteen men, probably from Connecticut, was continued here through the season : An account of Billets of Sixteen Soldiers at the Garrison in Deer- field, from the 21st of October, 1703, to the sixth of December fol- lowing, amounted to ^6-3-5, having been examined by your Com- missary General, was presented ; And it was paid to the order of Capt. Jona. Wells. The pay of Massachusetts garrison soldiers was five shillings per week, as established by order in Council, May 29th, 1703. It had become a question whether our fortifications were strong enough to resist an attack, and a town meeting was called for Oct. 15th, 1703. The Town at s'' meeting Considering there nesasaty of fortifiug agreed & voted y' a comitty should be chosen to ioyn with Colonell patrigg to consult agree & determin wheither to fortifi or no and if 288 QUEEN ANNE'S WAR — I7O2— 1713. y" agree to fortifie then in what manar place or places The comitty to s" work were: Capt Wells: lieut Hoyt: Ens Jno Sheldon: and Daniel Belden: One result of the consultation ordered above appears in the following petition : — To his Excellency, Joseph Dudley, Esq. Capt Gen' & GoV over this Prouince of the Massachusets Bay & to y" Counsell & Repre- sentatives in Gen Corte assembled this 27 Oct. 1703. The Town of Deerfield who lye much exposed to y'= present enemy, w* obstructe them much in their occations, their Lives hanging in doubt everywhere w" they goe out. Also they are now forced to re- build their fortifications at much disadvantage to them, & it being 320 rod or upwards, will fall very heavy to do it all upon their own charge, were verry earnest with me w" lately there, to plead with this Corte for some allowance towards the doing of it out of their publique Rates now to be collected there ; as also, that they might, be Quitted of Rates to y" pubUque for y° tyme being of this present warr, w'' is so destressing upon them. Saml Partridge. By the statement of Col. Partridge it is seen that 320 rods of palisading was required. Mr. Williams says 206 is re- quired. In 1693 "the whole compass of the fort was 202 rods." Perhaps the present plan was to enclose with stock- ades the houses of Capt. Wells and Lieut. Hoyt, as places of refuge in sudden alarms — they were both well situated for that purpose, south and north of the main fort — and not un- likely to add flankers to the latter. There is no evidence of any works at Hoyt's, but when the shock came, the stockad- ing of Wells's house proved the salvation of many. The following modest, ingenuous and pathetic letter, gives a vivid picture of our settlement at this time. It was ad- dressed : — For his Excellency Joseph Dudley Esq her Majesties Govenor for the Prounce of Massachusetts Bay in N. E &c at his dwelling house In Roxb: Deerf. October 21, 1703. May it please your Excellency: As i am bound in duty i would thankfully acknowledge your care and concernment for our safety in the seasonable provision to get the fortification made up, & in the care to have a supply of souldiers with us, so i am emboldened to lay before your Excellency our dis- tress* state & condition, knowing your forwardness to commiserate & incourage frontiers, that you may stir up your Councele & the As- sembly to an encouraging of them, i would be far from showing any discontented complaint; an evil too common & frequent, to the dis- honour of God, the scandal of religion, & the great exercise of them A PLAIN STATEMENT OF FACTS. 289 that are in place of power: yet I would lay open our case before your Excellency as it is; we have been driven from our houses & home lots into the fort, (there are but lo house lots in the fort). Some a mile some 2 miles, whereby we have suffered much loss, we have in the alarms several times been wholly taken off from any business, the whole town kept in, our children of 12 or 13 years and under we have been afraid to improve in the field for fear of the enemy, (our town plat & meadows all lay exposed to the view of an enemy if they come at any time on the mountains), we have been crowded togath- er into houses to the preventing of indoor affairs being carryed on to any advantage, & must be constrained to expend at least 50^ to make any comfortable provision of housing if we stay togather in cold weather: so that our losses are far more than would have paid our taxes; the people have been very ready & forward to pay their taxes, & know sensibly that the present curcumstances of the coun- try call for & require great taxes, & would not in the least grumble, but i lay it before your Execellency, to move your Compassions of us: Strangers tell us they would not live where we do for twenty times as much as we do, the enemy having such an advantage of the river to come down upon us, several say they would freely leave all they have & go away were it not that it would be disobedience to author- ity & a discouraging their bretheren : The fronteir difficulties of a place so remote from others & so exposed as ours, are more than be known, if not felt, i am very sensible that if they have no ease as to their rates under these circumstances, the people must suffer very much ; when the Country abated them their rates formerly, i was yet moved from certain knowledge of their poverty & distress, to abate them of my salary for several years togathef, tho they never askt it of me; & now their children must either suffer for want of clothing, or the Country consider them, or i abate them what they are to pay me: i never found the people unwilling to do when they had the ability, yea they have often done above their ability; i would request your Execellency so far to commiserate, as to do what may be en- couraging to persons to venture their all in the fronteirs, their charge will necessarily be trebled, if this place be deserted: i would humbly beg they may be considered in having something allowed them in making'the fortification: we have mended it, it is in vain to mend & must make it all new, & fetch timber for 206 rod, 3 or 4 miles if we get oak : The sorrowful parents, & distres'' widow of the poor cap- tives taken from us, request your Excellency to endeavour that there may be an exchange of prisoners to their release; i know i need not use arguments to move your Exc>'= pitty & compassion of them & endeavours to have them returned; the blessings of them y' are ready to perish will surely come upon you, in endeavours of this kind: i pray God direct & every way assist & encourage your Excellency in the great work before you, in a day of so great exercise & trial as this is: my duty to yourself and Good Lady, with due respects to your Honorable family, requesting forgiveness for any failure in my writing as exercising your patience, begging prayers for me & mine, i rest your Excellency humble sevant, John Williams: [P. S. on the back.] The people of the town earnestly requested me to draw something 290 QUEEN ANNE'S WAR — 1/02 — 1713. to present to. your Excellency & the assembly in their behalf & desire this may be presented in their name both to yourself, Council & Representatives. Your Excelancys humble servant. [Mass. Archives, 113-350.] This letter and the following from the Northampton min- ister, doubtless accompanied the petition of Partridge, and both were written for the same end. There seems to be a good deal of force in Stoddard's recommendation to train dogs to track the enemy, particularly in the suggestion that the men, being relieved from the danger of ambush, could follow the savages so much more effectively. A practical objection, however, may have existed in the difficulty of teaching the dogs to distinguish between the enemy, and the friendly Indians employed as scouts. These letters are given entire, not only as presenting pic- tures of the sad condition of our town, but because they con- tain much of value from other points of view. Rev. Solomon Stoddard to Gov. Dudley : — Excellent S' The Town of Deerfield has suffered much formerly from the In- dians: of late two of tl^ir young men are car. into Captivity: this makes great impression on the Spirits of the people & they are much discouraged. This puts it upon me to make two proposals to your Excellency — The first is that they may be put in a way to Hunt the Inds. with dogs — Other methods that have been taken are found by experience to be chargable, hazzardous and insufficient: But if dogs were trained up to hunt Inds as th do Bears; we sh. quickly be senseble of a great advantage thereby. The dogs would be an extream terrour to the Inds; they not much afraid of us, they know they can take us — & leave us, if they can but get out of gun-shot, th count themselves in no great danger, however so many pursue them they are neither afraid of being discovered or pursued; But these dogs would be such a terrour to them, that after a little experience it w* prevent their comming' & men would live more safely in their houses & work more safely in the fields and woods: In case the Inds sh. come near the Towne the dogs w'^ readely take their track & lead us to them: Sometimes we see the track of one or two Inds but cant follow it; the dogs would discover it and lead our men directly to their ene- mies; for want of w*" help we many times take a good deal of pains to little purpose — Besides if we had dogs fitted for that purpose our men might follow Inds w*" more safety, there would be [no?] hazzard of their being shot at out of the bushes, they would follow their dogs with an undaunted spirit, not fearing a surprise; & indeed the pres- ence of dogs would very much facilitate their victory : the dogs would DOGS AS INDIAN HUNTERS. 291 do a great .deal of execution upon the enemy, & catch many an Ind that w* be too light of foot for us. If it should be thot by any that this way is impractible & that dogs would not [deavor?] to do what we expect from them, these two things may satisfy them, one is that in a time of war with Inds in Virginia, they did in this way prevail over them, though all attempts before they betook themselves to this method proved in vain ; the other is that our Hunters give an account the dogs that are used to hunt Bears, mind no other track but the track of a Bear; from whence we may conclude, that if dogs were used to persue Indians they would mind nothing else. If the Indians were as other people are, and did manage their warr fairly after the maner of other nations, it might be looked upon as inhuman to persue them in such a maner. But they are to be looked upon as theives and murderers, & they doe acts of hostility, without proclaiming war, they dont appear openly in the field to bid us bat- tle, they use those cruelly that fall into their hands, they act like wolves, & are to be dealt withall as wolves. There must be some charge m prosecuting this design, something must be expended for purchasing suitable dogs, & their maintenance, the men who spend their time in this service must be paid, but this will not rise in any proportion to the charge of maintaining a suitable number of garrison soldiers — I have taken advice with several of the principal persons among us & they looke upon this way as the most [favorable?] expedient in this case. The other proposal is that the town of Deerfield may be freed from Country Rates during the time of the war; their circumstances doe call for commiseration : sometimes they are allarmed & called off from their businesse, sometimes they dare not goe into the fields & when they doe goe, they are fain to wait till they have a gard ; they cant make improvement of their outlands, as other Towns doe, their houses are so crowded, sometimes with souldiers, that men and wom- en can doe little businesse within doors, & their spirits are so taken up about their Dangers, that they haye little heart to undertake what is needful for advancing their estates : it seems to be a thing accepta- ble to God, that they should be considered & freed from Rates; Your Excellency will not take it amiss that I take my accustomed freedom & am so officious as to tender my advice before it is asked. The Good Lord guide y"' Ex'cy & the Genrl Assembly; to do that w^ shall be servicable to this afflicted Country w'' is the hearty prayer of your humble servant. Solo: Stoddard Northampton Oct zad 1703. Since I wrote : the father of the two Captives [Godfrey Nims] be- longing to Deerfield, has importunately desired me to write to y' Ex'cy that you w"* endeavour the Redemption of his children — I re- quest that if you have any opportunity, you w" not be backward to such a work of mercy. The Assembly record for Nov. 26th, 1703, contains the fol- lowing : — Considering the extraordinary impoverishing circumstances the 292 QUEEN ANNE'S WAR— 1702 — I/I 3. Town of Deerfield is under by Reason of the present War, Resolved, that the sum of Twenty Pounds 'be allowed and paid out of the pub- lick Treasury towards the support of the ministry in the said Town of Deerfield for the y'' cur*. The weeks dragged slowly on. The green robes of sum- mer had been changed to garments of scarlet and gold, among which the painted and plumed warrior could lurk un- seen ; but the town was unmolested. The blasts of autumn had laid this gaudy screen, seared and dry, upon the ground, forming a russet carpet, which not even the soft moccasined foot of the Indian could traverse undiscovered. The snow of winter piled unusually deep, and the wooded wilderness, stretching two hundred miles between the settlement and Canada, seemed a safe barrier ; and with each changing sea- son the feeling of security grew stronger. The settlers breathed more freely and gradually resumed their wonted ways of life, believing that the warnings of invasion were founded on unreliable reports. Among the interesting events of the winter were the suc- cessful attempts of two Deerfield maidens to secure " French and Indian captives." The affairs were settled by treaties of alliance, which were ratified by Pastor Williams. The vic- torious contracting parties were Abigail Stebbins with James Denieur — one of three Frenchmen from Canada living here — and Elizabeth Price, with " Andrew Stephens y" Indian," of whom nothing more is known, save that he was killed in the assault of Feb. 2gth. Another notable marriage was that of John, son of Ensign Sheldon, to Hannah Chapin. Their wedding journey was a winter's horseback trip from Springfield to the since historic " Old Indian House," the bride on a pillion behind the groom. What but the great love which binds a woman's heart to her husband could have induced her to leave her secure home in Springfield, to brave with him the dangers of this doomed frontier? Of the six persons married as above, five were, within a few weeks, swallowed up by death or captivity. The guard of twenty men, allowed by the Council in May, 1703, were now here quartered among the inhabitants, two of them in the house of the minister. The winter wore away, even to the last day, and no enemy had been seen ; the only alarm being the supernatural one, already noted. Mr. Wil- MR. WILLIAMS DOES WHAT HE CAN. 293 iiams, the pastor, did not share in the general feeling of se- curity, and did not attempt to conceal his anxiety. He tirged caution and vigilance, and above all, counseled the people to repentance of sin, and to walking in the ways of the right- eous, that the wrath of God might be averted. He says : — I set apart a day of prayer, to ask of God, either to spare, and save us from the hands of our enemies, or prepare us to sanctify and honor him in what way soever he should come forth towards us * * * The places of Scripture from whence we were entertained were Gen. xxxii. lo. II. / am not worthy of the hast of all the mercies, and of all the truth which thou hast shewed unto thy servants. Deliver me, I pray thee, from the hand of my brother, from the hand of Esau: For I fear him, lest he will come and smite me, and the mother with the children, (in the forenoon.) And Gen. xxxii. 26, And he said, let me go, for the day breaketh: Atid he said, I will not let thee go except thou bless me (in the afternoon.) From which we were called upon to spread the causes of fear, relating to ourselves, or families, before God ; as also, how it becomes us, with an undeniable importunity, to be following God, with earnest prayers for his blessing, in every condition. And it is very observable, how God ordered our prayers, in a peculiar manner, to be going up to him: to prepare us, with a right Christian spirit, to undergo, and endure suffering trials. His people had need of all the Christian faith and forti- tude with which this devout man could inspire them, for the day of trial was come. The tale of the assault on Deerfield, Feb. 29th, 1703-4, shall be told in the words of those who gave or felt the stroke, or were contemporary witnesses. No attention will be paid to any modern versions conflicting with these. The specula- tions are my own. THE CAPTURE OF DEERFIELD, FEB. 29TH, 1703-4. Governor de Vaudreuil writes to the war minister at Paris, Nov. I4.th, 1703, that he should send a strong party against the English in the spring, "were it only to break up the meas- ures the English might be adopting to induce the Abenaquis to conclude peace." And again, one year later, Nov. 17th, 1704,— We had the honor to report to you last year, my Lord, the reasons which had obliged us to embroil the English with the Abenakis, and the heavy blow which, with that view, we caused Sieur de Beaubassin to strike. Shortly after he had retired, the English having killed some of these Indians, they sent us word of it, and at the same time demanded assistance. This obliged us, my lord, to send thither Sieur de Rouville, an officer of the line, with nearly two hundred 294 QUEEN ANNe's war — 1/02 — I^I^. men, who attacked a fort, in which, according to the report of all the prisoners, there were more than one hundred men under arms; they took more than one hundred and fifty prisoners, including men and women, and retreated, having lost only three men and some twenty wounded. That the true motive of the expedition against Deerfield has been thus given, is shown by another letter from Vau- dreuil to the Minister, Nov. i6th, 1704, in which he speaks of "the success of a party I sent this winter on the ice as far as the Boston government at the request of the Abenakis." Charlevoix, in his history of New France, tells the story of an attack by the English on the Abenakis, whose chiefts called on M. Vaudreuil for aid, and he sent out during the winter 250 men commanded by the Sieur Hertel de Rouville * * * who, in his turn, surprised the English, killed a large number of them, and took 150 prisoners. He himself lost only three Frenchmen, and some savages. In the letter of November i6th, quoted above, Vaudreuil commends de Rouville, and asks his promotion, complacently adding, "Sieur de Rouvilles party, My Lord, has accom- plished everything that was expected of it ; for independent of the capture of a fort, it showed the Abenakiss that they could truly rely on our promises ; and this is what they told me at Montreal on the 13th of June, when they came to thank me." Thus this representative of a Christian nation, sent an army through the wilderness, not to fight an English force, but to surprise and butcher the settlers of an English plantation three hundred miles away, merely to keep on good terms with a savage tribe, and gratify his own ambition. It was an act of hardly less than cold-blooded murder. De Rou- ville's command was made up of two hundred French, and one hundred and forty Indians, part French Mohawks, or " Macquas " of Caghnawaga — probably in civilized dress — and part Eastern Indians in native costume. The oft-told tale that the Indians for the love of their favorite valley, came back to punish the white intruders, is pure romance ; for not a Pocumtuck or the son of a Pocumtuck appears on the scene. On the contrary, the Macquas were the hereditary enemies of the Pocumtucks. The invaders were provided with moccasins and snow shoes, and brought an extra supply for the use of captives FEBRUARY 29TH, 1703-4. 295 Provisions were brought along on sleds, some of which were drawn by dogs, and each man carried a pack upon his back. Their food becoming exhausted, the whole force was scanti- ly supported on game killed by the Indian hunters. When De Rouville reached this vicinity, the French were half starved, almost in a state of mutiny, and would doubtless have surrendered to the English at discretion had the attack on the town been unsuccessful. The route of the invaders was probably up the Sorel river and Lake Champlain, and by French river over the Green Mountains, and down the Connecticut river. On reaching the mouth of West river, at the foot of Wantastiquat Moun- tain, the sleds and dogs were left with a small guard. The main body pushing rapidly on, reached Petty's Plain, Febru- ary 28th, at night. vSkirting the foot of West Mountain along the bluff overlooking North Meadows, a halt was made, prob- ably near or on the farm now occupied by Lucius B. Wise, a mile and a half northwest from the fort. Here, sheltered by a low ridge from possible observation from the town, their packs were deposited, the war paint put on, and other prep- arations made for the assault. Creeping down the hill, and crossing the Pocumtuck on the ice near Red Rocks, spies were sent towards the fort, and the advance regulated by their reports. The following, published in 1726, is from Penhallow, who gives as his authority Rev. Solomon Stod- dard, whose son John, — afterwards the famous Col. Stod- dard, — was one of the two soldiers in the house of Mr. Wil- liams that night. PENHALLOW'S ACCOUNT OF THE ASSAULT. Towards morning, being February 29th, the enemy sent scouts to discover the posture of the town, who observing the watch walking in the street, returned and put them to a stand; after awhile they sent again and were advised that all was still and quiet; upon which two hours before day, they attacked the fort, and by advantage of some drifts of snow, got over the walls. The whole body was above two hundred and fifty, under the command of Monsieur Arteil, who found the people fast asleep, and easily secured them. The most considerable part of the town thus fell into their hands. They left no garrison unattacked, excepting that of Capt. Wells; but at Benoni Stebbins they met with some repulse and lost several. Sixty Eng- lish fell whereof many were stifled in a cellar, and a hundred were taken captive, who with melancholy countenance condoled each others misery, yet durst not express the anguish of their souls. That 29G QUEEN ANNE'S WAR — 1/02 — I/I 3. day and night were spent in plundering, burning and destroying. The next morning they withdrew to the woods. The writer's mistake as to the time the enemy spent in town, which has been followed by other writers, is corrected in the next extract. REV. JOHN WILLIATMS'S RELATION. On Tuesday, the 29th of February, 1703-4, not long before the break of day, the enemy came in like a flood upon us; our watch be- ing unfaithful, an evil, whose awful effects, in a surprisal of our fort, should bespeak all watchmen to avoid, as they would not bring charge of blood upon themselves. They came to my house in the beginning of the onset, and by their violent endeavors to break open doors and windows, with axes and hatchets, awakened me out of sleep; on which I leapt out of bed, and running towards the door perceived the enemy making their entrance into the house ; I called to awaken two soldiers in the chamber, and returned to my bedside for my arms; the enemy immediately brake into the room, I judge to the number of twenty, with painted faces and hideous exclama- tions. I reached up my hands to the bed-tester for my pistol, uttering a short petition to God for everlasting mercies for me and mine, * * * expecting a present passage through the valley of the shadow of death. Taking down my pistol, I cocked it, and put it to the breast of the first Indian that came up; but my pistol miss- ing fire, I was seized by 3 Indians who disarmed me, and bound me naked, as I was in my shirt, and so I stood for near the space of an hour; binding me, they told me they would carry me to Quebec. My pistol missing fire, was an occasion of my life being preserved. The judgment of God did not long slumber against one of the three which took me, who was a Captain ; for by sun-rising he received a mortal shot from my next neighbor's house, [Benoni StebbinsJ who op- posed so great a number of French and Indians as three hundred, and yet were no more than seven men in an ungarrisoned house. * * * The enemy fell to rifling the house, entering in great numbers into every room. * * * The enemies who entered the house were all of them Indians and Macquas; insulting over me awhile, holding up hatchets over my head, threatening to burn all I had; but yet God, beyond expectation, made us in a great measure to be pitied; for tho some were so cruel and barbarous as to take and carry to the door two of my children and murder them, as also a Negro wom- an ; yet they gave me liberty to put on my clothes, * * * gave liberty to my dear wife to dress herself and our children. About sun an hour high, we were all carried out of the house for a march, and saw many of the houses of my neighbors in flames, perceiving the whole fort, one house excepted, to be taken. * * * Upon my parting from the town, they fired my house and barn. We were carried over the river to the foot of the mountain, about a mile from my house, where we found a great number of our Christian neigh- bors, men, women and children, to the number of an hundred, nine- teen of whom were afterwards murdered by the way and two starved THE MEADOW FIGHT. 297 to death near Cowass, in a time of great scarcity or famine, the sav- ages underwent there. When we came to the foot of our mountain they took away our shoes, and gave us in the room of them Indian shoes to prepare us for our travel. * * * After this we went up the mountain, and saw the smoke of the fires in town, and beheld the awful desolations of Deerfield. And before we marched any far- ther they killed a sucking child of the English. There were slain by. the enemy, of the inhabitants of our town, to the number of thir- ty-eight, beside nine of the neighboring towns. Whilst we were there, the English beat out a company that re- mained in the town, and pursued them to the river, killing and wounding many of them; but the body of the army being alarmed, they repulsed those few English that pursued them. I am not able to give you an account of the number of the enemy slain, but I ob- served after this fight no great insulting mirth, as I expected; and saw many wounded persons, and for several days together they buried of their party, and one of chief note among the Macquas. The Gov- ernor of Canada told me, his army had that success with the loss of but eleven men, three Frenchmen, one of which was the lieutenant of the army, five Macquas and three Indians. At Quebec Mr. Williams learned through "the soldiers both French and Indian, that they lost above forty, and many others wounded, among whom was the Ensign of the French." WELLS AND WRIGHT'S STORY OF THE AFFAIR. The next paper, copied from the original in the Massachu- setts archives, is also by those who took part in the eventsof that day : — To his Excellency the Governor, together with the Hon* Council & Representatives, met in the Great &*General Assembly at Boston, May 31, 1704: — The Humble Petition of Jonathan Wells & Ebenezer Wright, in behalfe of the Company who encountered the ffrench & Indians ^t Deerfield, ffeb. 29, 1703, Showeth — ffirst. That we understanding the extremity of the poor people at Deerfield, made all possible haste to their reliefe, that we might deliver the Remnant that was left & doe spoil on the enemy. 2dly, That being joyned with a small number of the inhabitants and garrison souldiers, we forced the enemy out of town, leaving a great part of their plunder behinde them; & persuing them about a mile & an halfe did great execution upon them; we saw at the time many dead bodies, and we & others did afterwards see the manifest prints on the snow, where other dead bodies were drawn to a hole in the river. 3dly, That the enemy being reinforced by a great number of fresh men we were overpowered & necessitated to run to the fort, & in our flight nine of the company were slain, & some others wounded, & some of us lost our upper garments which we had put off before in the pursuit. 298 QUEEN anne's war — 1702 — 171 3. 4thly, That the action was over & the enemy withdrawn about fourscore Rods from the fort before any of our neighbors came into the fort. Wherefore we doe Humbly suplicate this Hon* Assembly, that ac- cording to their wonted justice & bounty, they would consider the service we have done in preserving many lives & much estate & mak- ing a spoil on the enemy; the hazzard that we run, the losse we sus- teined, the afflicted condition of such as have lost near relations- in this encounter & bestow upon us some proportionate recompense, that we & others may be incouraged on such occasions, to be forward and active to repell the enemy & rescue such as shall be in distress though with the utmost peril of our lives & Your Petitioners shall pray, &c. Jonathan Wells. Ebenezer Wright. In the name of the rest. [Endorsed] In y^ House of Representatives, Read ist time June 2, 1704. To the petition of Wells and Wright above, the two fol- lowing lists of names were annexed. The only change made in copying, is an alphabetical arrangement of the first list and adding the name of Richard Biling, evidently omitted by accident. The mark : o : apparently indicates those killed on the meadow, in the pursuit. A list of names of those that fought In the Dearfield Medow on the last of Febewarey, 1703-4: — John Allice [Allis] John graves Samuel EUice [AUis] :0: David hoit :o: Thomas Aluard garison soulder Thomas Hove John Armes Jonathan ingriem :o: Samuell barnod John marsh Thomas barnod John matoone Serian [Sergeant Wm?] Beldin John mountecu [Richard Biling] John mun Robard Boltwhood :o: primus, Negro Serian Samuell Boltwhood garison Thomas Russell garison soulder soulder : o : Ebenezer seldin Samuell Boltwhood ; iur Joseph siverance James Bridgman John smeed Joseph catlin :o: John smith Joseph church Joseph smith Samuell church Beniamin Stebings Joseph Clesson garison soulder Preservid strong Nathanell colman Serian Benj. wait :o: Samuell crofoot John waite Eben'r Dickeson Daniell warner Nathaniell Dickeson Ebenezer warner Samuell Dickeson John warner Benjamin field garison soulder Nathaniell warner .0: Samuell field Samuell warner Zacrye field John wells Samuell Foot (left no wife or children) Capt Jonathan Wells :o: garison soulder Jonathan wells' [Jr.] Samuell gillit Thomas wells LOSSES IN THE ENCOUNTER. 299 Nathaniell while Joseph wright Serian Ebenezer wright Samuell wright [58] June 8th, 1704, the General Assembly passed a resolve, — That the Summ of five Pounds be paid to each of the widows of those Slain mentioned in the List annexed, being four in number. [Sergt. Boltwood, Joseph Catlin, David Hoyt and Sergt. Waite.] And altho but one Scalp of Indians slain by them is Recovered, yet for their Encouragem', that the sum of Sixty Pounds be allowed and Paid to the Petitioners whose names are contained in the s* list annexed as serving, as Scalp money, to be equally Divided amongst them. Together with all Plunder whereof they give account. The second list accompanying the petition was the follow- ing:— An Acount of what was lost by the souldeirs in that axshon at Dearfield : — John Allise, A coat, Samuel Alli.se, o, gun & stript, Richard Biling, A coat, Robard Boltwhood, o, one iacket, Samuell boltwhood, a coat, James bridgmon, a coat & gloves, Joseph Catlin, o, gun & stipl, Joseph church, coat & jacket, Samuell crofoot, pr shoose, Nathaniell dickeson, one hat & pair gloves, Samuell dickeson, a coat, Samuel foot, o, gun & stript, Samuel gilit, pr shoose, 6 John graves, a coat, wascote & belt, 2 David hoite, o, gun & stript, Thomas Hove, a coat, i i Jonathan ingrem, u, coal iacket & gun, 3 John Mounticu, coat & neckeclothes, i 3 Ebenezer Seldin, coat & gloves, 16 John smith, one coat & jacket, i 6 Joseph smith, one coat & gloves, i 8 Beniamin waite, o, stript, Daniell warner, coat & jacket, 2 3 Ebenezer warner, A coat, 3 9 00 Nathaniell Warner, o, A coat, iacket, gun & hat, 3 6 00 Nathaniell white, coat & hat, I 6 o Ebenezer wright, one pr new shooes & spurs 9 00 Sum total, [Sic] 33 5 00 More thirty four s, i 14 34 19 00 The slain marked o Sir, since 1 spak with you I have Resaued an account from dear- field of the loss of some cloaths in the fight at dearfield : Thomas barnod 2- wascorts 01 02 00 Joseph siverance one hat 12 please to ad it to the account. This last taken by order of Capt. Wells— Ebenezer Wright. £ s d I 10 00 3 18 9 I 00 00 I 2 I 10 6 2 7 16 00 300 QUEEN ANNE's war— 1702 — 1713. This paper was directed " To cap preserved Clap, In Bos- ton." June 8th, the General Assembly — Resolved, that the Losses of the Petitioners be made good, and Paid out of the PubUck Treasury to such as sustained them accord- ing to their acco' here with exhibited, amount^ to the sum of Thir- ty Four Pounds & Seventeen shillings. The third paper contains an account of the "Plunder'' re- ferred to in the vote of the Assembly given above, those who secured it, and the amount for which it sold. The names of a few men appear on the list who were not in the fight on the naeadow. An account of w' plunder was taken from the ene- ) & sold [ by ye my on the last of P'ebewary, 1703 -4: f com pany John wells one gun 01 oq Thorn hovey A hatchet GO 02 more one bareill of gun GO 05 6 Sa" church A powder horn GO 01 2 Samuell barnod on' gun 01 og Nath" white A blancket GO 05 8 Thomas Russell on' bareil Eben Seldin A baganet 00 04 6 and lock 01 03 G Sam" field A hatchet GO G2 G John matone A piece of gun 00 14 Joseph brooks A gun 01 II 6 John wells 3 pieces of gun 00 07 Zacrye field in'' shoes GO GO 10 Thomas Barnod on' hatchet 00 G2 Nath" Colman gun case OG 00 6 hezeciah Root one blancket GO 09 primus negro glas botle 00 00 6 Thomas barnod one blanc- Richard biling [torn] OG g8 04 ket OG 03 8 John Wait A hatchet 02 07 Samuell Carter blancket 00 04 Zacrye field A squaline 01 07 onathan wells 00 04 4 Sam" Warner A squaline 02 10 'ibene Sarles on' cap* 00 04 6 Nath" Colman A squaline or 06 Jonathan wells " 00 06 G Jona Wells A squaline GI 02 William belding " 00 02 Zacrye field A cap 02 10 Jonathan Wells OG 03 Sam" Wright A Knife OJ Ebenezer Wright on' giin 01 15 Sam" Warner (II 03 Benia" stebing on' pistill 00 10 Zacrye field A pair of sno John graves on' hatchett GO GI 6 shoes G 05 03 Joseph Smith on' gun 02 GO 6 Zacrye field A blancket G2 08 Ebene boltwhood on' pistile 00 og John graves A blancket 03 Samuii dickeson A hatchet 00 02 Thomas Wells A blancket 05 Natha" white A hatchet GO G2 G Sum totall [Sic] 16 12 10 In 1736, when the General Court was granting land on the lightest provocation, Jonathan Wells and fifty-three others asked for a township in consideration of being in the Mead- ow Fight, and received a grant of 11,037 acres, joining Hat- field on the west. The petitioners say : — In the night following the 28th of Feb., 1703-4, we were alarmed with the Surprizeing news of the Destruction of l3eerfield. * * * * The powder horn carried by Ebenezer Searls on this occasion is among the relics in Memorial Hall. THE STORY GROWS WITH TIME. 301 The garrison was taken with an army of three hundred & fifty of the French and Indian enemy, who soon satiated their Savage Nature and thirst in the barbarous murder of many of the Inhabitants, and had captivated the rest all except a few that had found means to escape to Capt. Wellses garrison, a little fortress distinct from that round the town and five or six men that defended one House More ; the Other Buildings were Consumed in Flames, the Light of which gave Notice to the Towns below a long Time before we had News from the Distressed people, and it must ever have passed for crimi- nal negligence for any that could Serve, to wait till Constrained, be- fore they Repaired to the Keleif of that people. Accordingly as many as could then man out, being a little above forty in number, hasted to their releif, who we found in the most Lamentable and pityous Circumstances, and when we entred at one gate the enemy fled out at the other, & being joyn* with fifteen of Deerfield men, we pursued them with utmtost Earnestness & Resolution, and in our Pursuit had the Success of killing many of them, and havieng pur- sued them about one Mile and a half, they came to a River Bank where was an ambuscade of a Numerous Company of the Enemy, fresh Hands, that had drawn off fro.m the garrison before, who Rose up Fired upon us, and pursued us back; our breath being Spent, theirs in full Strength, the Battle was Sore against us. We retreated with caution, faceing & fireing, so that those that first failed might be defended; notwithstanding many were Slain and others wounded, whose Loss can never be made up, and the rest of us had very little Consideration for it. This particular and graphic account of the pursuit and re- treat is invaluable, as complementing that given by the same parties in their petition in 1704. It is also interesting as il- lustrating the tendency to exaggeration in tradition ; show- ing how the story of the losses here had grown in thirty-two years. It is here stated that nearly all the inhabitants were killed or captured, and all the buildings but two were laid in ashes. Succeeding generations accepted these statements as facts, and they have since passed into current history. By means of newly discovered papers, a more correct story can now be told. The following account of the tragedy is essentially differ- ent, but it bears internal evidence of being genuine; it is abundantly supported by collateral testimony, is consistent with subsequent action here, and must be considered final authority in the case. The manuscript containing it was found a short time ago amongst the papers of Fitz John Win- throp. Governor of Connecticut, 1698- 1707. It was probably an official report, by an officer of the troop that came up on the alarm. It is carefully drawn up and must have been pre- 302 QUEEN anne's war — 1702 — 171 3. pared on the spot. The manuscript is held by the Massa- chusetts Historical Society, which kindly submitted it to my inspection and use. There are some errors in the table of losses. Mistakes not unlikely occurred in the identification of the naked and mangled bodies, especially those of young children, where the whole family was swept away ; nor could it be certainly known at that time, who had perished in the burned houses. AN ACCOUNT OF YE DESTRUCTION AT DEREFD, FEBR 29, I703-4. Upon y" day of y" date above s" about 2 hours before day y" French & Indian Enemy made an attaque upon Derefield, entering y« Fort with Little discovery (though it is s^ y'* watch shot of a gun & cryed Arm, w""" verry few heard) imeadiately set upon breaking open doors & windows, took y'= watch & others" Captive & had y" men appointed to Lead y" away, others improved in Rifleing houses of provissions, money, cloathing, drink, & packing up & sending away, the greatest part standing to their Arms, fireing houses, & killing all they could y' made any resistance; alsoe killing cattle, hogs, sheep & sakeing & wasting all that came before y". Except some persons that Escaped in y= Crowds, some by Leaping out at windows & over y'= fortifications. Some ran to Capt. Well[s] his Garrison, & some to Hatfield with Litle or no cloathing on, & bare- footed, w°'' with y" bitterness of y° season caused y™ to come of w'" frozen feete, & Lye Lame of y" One house, viz, Benoni Stebbins, they attaqued Later thin some others, y' those in it were well awak- ened, being 7 men, besides woemen and children, who stood stoutly to y" Armes, firing upon y' Enemy & y" Enemy upon y™, causing sev" of the Enemy to fall, of w°'' was one frentchman, a Gentile man to appearance. Y" Enemy gave back, they strove to fire y'= house, our men killed 3 or 4 Indians in their attempt, y° Enemy being nu- merous about y'^ house, powered much shot upon the house; y° walls being filled up with brick, y^ force of y' shot was repelled, yet they killed sayd Stebbins, & wounded one man & one woeman, of w'^'' y'^ survive' made no discovery to y^ Assailants, but with more than or- dinary Couridge kept fireing, haveing powder & Ball sufficient in s'' house; y^ Enemy betook y"'selves to the next house* & y" Meeting house, both of w"='' but about 8 rod distant, o'' men yet plyed their business & accepting of no q"", though offered by y" Enemy, nor Ca- pitulate, but by guns, giveing little or no Respite from y'= tyme they began (say some of y'' men in y^ house shot 40 tymes, & had fair shots at y" Enemy all the while) about an hour before day till y° Sun about one hour Sz: half high, at w"='' tyme they were almost spent; yet at the verry pintch, ready to yield o'' men from Hadley & Hatfield about 30 men, rushed in upon y° Enemy & made a shot upon them, at w"*" they Quitted their Assaileing y" house & y" Fort alsoe ; the house at Libertie, woemen & children ran to Cap" Wells his fort, the men w*'' ours still p'rsued the Enemy, all of them vigorously, causing *The Old Indian House. CONNECTICUT CONTEMPORANEOUS ACCOUNT. 303 many of y» Enemy to fall, yet being but about 40 men p'rsued to farr, imprudently, not altogether for want of conduct, for Capt. Wells, who had led them, called for a retreate, which they Litle mynded, y'' Enemy discoviring their numbe^ haveing ambushm'" of men, caused o'' men to give back, though to Late, being a Mile from y" Fort; in y'"' drawing of & at y" Fort Lost 11 of o' men, viz, Sergt Benj Waite, Sergt Sam" Boltwood, & his son Rob' Boltwood, Sam" Foot, Sam" Alliss, Nath' Warner, Jon"" Ligram, Thomas Selding, David Hoite, Jos Ingersoll, & Jos Catlin, & after 0' men recovered the Fort againe, the Enemy drew of, haveing at s* house & in j" in- gagm'^ (as is Judge by y'= best calculation we can come at) Lost about 50 men, & 12 or 15 wounded (as o'ur captive says) w"^'' they carried of, & is thought they will not see Canada againe (& s"* Cap- tive escaped says) they, viz, the Enemy, went 6 mile that night; about midnight y"" same night were gathered of o"^ uper & Low"' Towns neer about 80 men w'^'' had thoughts with that numb'er to have As- saulted y" Enemy that Night, but y"" snow being at Least 3 foot deep & impassable without snow shoes (w""" we had not a supply of) & doubtfull whether we could ataque y" before day, being in a capacitie to follow y™ but in their path, they in a Capacitie to flank us on both sides, being fitted with snow shoes, & with treble 0' Numb^, if not more, & some were much concerned for the Captives, Mr Wm's fam- yly Especially, whome y^ Enemy would kill, if we come on, & it was concluded we should too much Expose o"' men. The next day by two of the Clock Coniticut men began to come in, & came by p'tis till within Night at w"*" tyme we were Raised to 250 men in Deref*, but the afores" Objections, & the weather verry Warme, & like to be so, (& so it was w"' Raine) we judge it impossible to travill, but as afores"" to uttermost disadvantage, Especally w" we came up to y" to an attaque, (Providence put a bar in o" way) we Judge we should Expose o'rselves to y^ Loss of men and not be able, as the case was circumstanced, to offend the Enemy or Rescue 0' Captives, which was y'= End we aimed at in all, therefore desisted, & haveing buried the dead, saved w' we Could of Catt", hogg, & sheep, & other Es- tate, out of y" spoyles of y" Remayneing Inhabitants, & some of o' N. H., Hadly & Hatfi'* men settled a Garrisson of 30 men or up- wards, und'" Capt Wells, & drew of to o'' places; of y^ destruction of Deref'' see more over the Leafe. On the same folio sheet with the foregoing report is the table on the following pages, giving the loss of life, liberty, and property, and also a list of remaining inhabitants. The figures in the property column probably represent pounds, current money of New England. All the persons referred to on this list are identified, except one child with Frary, and the servant girl of Beaman. The figures in brackets indicate corrections which have been made on the authority of the town records, or of Rev. Stephen Williams, who was one of the captives. ^ M S « u ■ ^13 s ja « i B +3+= P3"c-St n 5„^^^ ""oo QOO ooooo poooo d3 S e 3 T-tO OOt^ ■S 2 H ■« ?, :3 .§.§i OOt-rH ■^ 5 a aa « S3 ""3 h m a> 5i o -2 ^ ^ ,„ 0) S S 2 rt S S S la OOOOOTf i-iOt-i©It-iOOOOO OOOOO' iooc in I diiCi -t 00«(Ni-tO ^ d8 il 23 £fi ^ _,'3'3 ferQfrt S 'S ^ "S OS'S S T- 1-H L- 91 d 1-' i-« O O O O 00000000 I2 ■a .S ° 2 2 " 2 a 2 i-a &H l-a hti 1-5 03 hs M ^ S ■a - ^ a 2 * S ^ = 2 025 ■:r _c '^ a o 5 a i S ^ •= ■a 5 .a "^ a W B a " .a a g £. -f a ^ ^ J3 ■a H S, a u 0} a; ■a H e &H H ,: - 306 QUEEN ANNE'S WAR — 1702 — 1713. To the above list of captives must be added Joseph Alex- ander, John Burt, Abigail Brown, Mary Harris, Daniel Crow- foot, Frank, negro slave to Mr. Williams, killed the first night, and Samuel Hastings. To the list of slain, Joseph Ingersol, Pathena, wife of Frank, Thomas Selden, and two, names unknown, of the sev- en from towns below who were killed on the meadows. Total of killed, 49 ; of captives, in. Papers in the Massachusetts Archives show that three men were wounded in the Meadow Fight, one, a prisoner, in mere wantonness. We learn that John Smead, after doing heroic service, received a bullet in his thigh. Thomas Wells, Joseph Clesson and John Arms certify that John Smead was in the fight and carried the bullet to his death, in 1720. In a peti- tion to the General Court, May, 1743, his son John says of him: — By the blessing of Providence on his Endeavors, 'tis thot he did as much or more Spoil on the Enemy as any man there, * * * slaying two of the Indian Enemy, which, it is likely, is more than any other person did, & which Experience shows, has been a rare thing amongst us. The following certificate accompanied this petition : — I was in Dearfield Meadow fight, * * * and I see the said Smead kill an indian, & some of the souldiers tock off this Indian's scalp & secured it, & I see the said John Smeed shoot at another In- dian, which he gave a mortal wound, & y* Indian died in a short time at the place where he received y'' wound, or very near the place. Ebenezer Warner. Two hundred acres of land at Poquoig were granted the petitioner, Jan. 14th, 1743. Samuel Church of Hadley, in a petition for aid, May, 1705, says : — Haveing Rec'' a Wound in my Arme in y" fight at Derefield feb' 29 170^ In the healeing of s"* Wound I was disabled for to work & La- bor for the space or tyme of twelve weeks & am weak in my Arm still Humbly Petition &c &c * * * it haveing been a great hin- derence to me & Lose in my ocations and affairs June 15th, two pounds were allowed him on this petition. May 30th, 1705, Benjamin Church of Hadley, says: — Haveing Rec* a Wound in my Foot, in the fight at Derefeild Feb. 29, 1703-4. In the healeing of said wound, I was disabled for to work or labour, for the space, or tyme, of twenty-five weeks, & am THE sentinel's FATEFUL SLUMBER. 307 weak in my foot still * * * j entreat I may be considered as aforesaid, & for your Excellency & Honors I shall Ever Pray. Four pounds were allowed him, June iSth, by the Court. John Bridgman of Northampton was captured, but escaped during the Meadow Fight. In a petition, May 22d, 1705, he says : — Being at Dearfeild upon the 29 day of faber, 1703-4, at the time when it was destroyed, & there meet with considerable Loss in estat, & maime in his body, being in her Majesty's service & under pay: — ily I lost in goods, cloathing and money, to the value of five pounds eleven shillings & six pence. 2 I was taken by the Enimy, & when I was in there hands, they cut off the forefinger of my Right hand, 3 by which wound I Lost my time & was disenabled from work four months. The items of loss were : — Sadel, j£i, 6s, od; leath"^ breches, 15 s; leathe"' wescot, ;£i; gloves, 3 s; leathe' wescot, 16 s; neckcloth & handkerchief, 6s; stockings, 4s; shirt, 5s; powder & lead, 2 s, 6d; money, 14 s. Seven pounds were allowed him, June 26th, 1705. The several statements, already given, referring to the sen- tinel appointed to watch the town, and warn the sleeping in- habitants in case of danger, appear quite contradictory. But a tradition told me by Mrs. Sylvia Munn, when in her 88th year, may be interpreted to reconcile them all. She said she had "always heard," that while on his beat, towards morning, the wearied watchman heard from one of the houses, the soft voice of a woman, singing a lullaby to a sick child ; that he stopped, and leaning against the window of the room where the child lay, listened to the soothing tones of the singer until he fell asleep. If this story be true, he was doubtless rudely aroused from his criminal slumber by the noise of the attack, and was the man referred to in the Win- throp paper as "y" watch who shot of a gun & cryed Arm, w"*" verry few heard." The alarm came too late, and they soon "took y" watch captive." The following list of killed and captured, taken from the " Redeemed Captive," was made by Stephen Williams, one of the captives. I have added the age of each person, when it could be ascertained. Some slight corrections and additions have been placed in brackets. Names of those who were slain in or near the Town : — 308 QUEEN ANNE's WAR — 1/02 — 1713. David Alexander Henry Nims, 12 Thomas Carter, 4 Mary, ) supposed to Mercy, > be burnt in Meh'tble, ) the cellar 5 John Catlin, (?)6o C Jonathan Catlin 7 Sarah Field, 10 months Sarah Price, (?)53 Samson Frary, (?)64 Mercy Root, 15 John French, 4 weeks Thos Shelden [Selden] 26 Alice Hawks, (?)50 Mrs [Hannah] Sheldon, 39 ohn Hawks, Jr, 30 Mercy Sheldon, 2 His wife, [Thankful] 26 Sam'l Smead's wife and two children Thankful Hawks, 2 [Mary Smead, 23 John Hawks, 7 Sarah Smead, 4 Martha Hawks, 4 William Smead, ] 2 Samuel Hinsdale, 15 mos Elizabeth Smead, (?)64 Joseph Ingersol, 28 Martin Smith, (?)50 Jonathan Kellogg, 5 Serg Benoni Stebbins, 51 Philip Matoon's wife & child Andrew Stevens, [Indian] [Rebecca Mattoon, 24, and infant son] Mary Wells, 30 Parthena. a negro, [servant to Re V John Williams, fun, 6 John Williams] Jerusha Williams, 6 weeks SLAIN IN THE MEADOW. David Hoyt, Jun., [Deerfield] Jonathan Ingram, [Hadley] Serg Benjamin Wait, [Hatfield] Nathaniel Warner, [Hadley] 24 27 (?)54 22 Samuel Allis [Hatfield] 25 Serg [Sam'l] Boltwood, [Hadley](?) 53 Rob't Boltwood [HadleyJ 21 Joseph Catlin [Deerfield] (?) 23 Samuel Foot [Hatfield] (?) 26 Taken Captive — Where is this Sign, f, against the Person's Name, it is to signify they were killed after they went out of town. And this mark, *, is to signify that they are still absent from their native country. Mary Alexander, 36 *Elizabeth Corse, jun. 8 Mary Alexander, jun. 2 *Daniel Crowfoot, 3 Joseph Alexander, ran away the *Abigail Denio, 17 first night 23 Sarah Dickinson, (?)24 *Sarah Allen, 16 Joseph Eastman, 20 Mary Allis, 22 Mary Field, 28 Thomas Baker, 21 John Field, 3 Simon Beaumont, 47 *Mary Field, jun. 6 Hannah Beaumont, 36 f Mary Frary, (?) 64 f Hepzibah Belding, 54 Thomas French, 47 John Bridgman, ran away in the f Mary French, 40 meadow 30 Thomas French, jun, 14 Nathaniel Brooks, 39 Mary French, jun. 17 ■fMary Brooks, (?)40 *Freedom French, II *Mary Brooks, jun, 7 *Martha French, 8 *William Brooks, 6 *Abigail French, 6 Abigail Brown, 25 *Mary Harris, (?)9 Benjamin Burt, 23 *Samuel Hastings, 20 John Burt, 21 f Elizabeth Hawks, 6 Sarah Burt, 22 Mehuman Hinsdale, 31 Hannah Carter, ■Hannah Carter, jun, 7 mos 29 Mary Hinsdale, 23 Jacob Hix, [Hickson] died at Co- *Mercy Carter, 10 wass [He died on French river.] *Samuel Carter, 12 Dea David Hoit, died at Cowass, 52 *John Carter, 8 Abigail Hoit, 44 Ebenezer Carter, 6 Jonathan Hoit, 15 ■Marah Carter, 3 Sarah Hoit, 17 ohn Catlin, 17 fEbenezer Hoit, 8 'luth Catlin, (?)20 f Abigail Hoit, jun, 2 ^.Elizabeth Corse, (?)32 Elizabeth Hull, 15 AN INTERESTING TRADITION. 309 9 23 12 *Thomas Hurst, 12 *Josiah Riseing, *Ebenezer Hurst, 10 Hannah Sheldon, f Benjamin Hurst, 2 Ebenezer Sheldon, Sarah Hurst, (?)40 Remembrance Sheldon, 11 Elizabeth Hurst, 16 Mary Sheldon, 16 Hannah Hurst, 8 John Stebbins, 56 Sarah Hurst, jun, 18 Dorothy Stebbins, (')42 Martin Kellogue, 45 John Stebbins, jun, 19 Martin Kellogue, jun, 17 Samuel Stebbins, 15 Joseph Kellogue, 12 *Ebenezer Stebbins, 9 *Joanna Kellogue, 11 *Joseph Stebbins, 4 Rebecca Kellogue, 8 *ThankfuI Stebbins, 12 John'Marsh, 24 *Elizabeth Stevens, 20 Sarah Mutoon [Mattoon] 17 Ebenezer Warner, 27 jPhilip Mutoon [Mattoon] 23 fWaitstill Warner, 24 fFrank, a negro, [slave to Mr. Wil- *Waitstill Warner, jun, 2 liams.] Sarah Warner, 4 fMehitable Nims, 36 Rev Mr Jn Williams, 39 Ebenezer Nims, 17 -j-Mrs Eunice Williams, 39 *Abigail Nims, 2 Samuel Williams, 15 Joseph Petty, 31 Stephen Williams, 10 Sarah Petty, (?)3i *Eunice Williams, jun, 7 Lydia Pomroy, 20 Esther Williams, 13 Joshua Pomroy, 28 Warham Williams, 4 ■fEsther Pomroy, (?) 27 John Wilton, (?)39 Samuel Price, (?) 18 Judah Wright, 26 *Jemima Richards, (?) lo Three Frenchmen who had lived in the town for some time, and came from Canada, were also taken. The following letter from Mrs. Lucy D. Shearer of Col- rain, a descendant of John Catlin, to the writer, giving an ap- parently authentic tradition, handed down in the Catlin fam- ily, should have a permanent record here. The " Frenchman " was doubtless the officer who fell in the attack on the house of Benoni Stebbins. The "uncle" was probably Jonathan Catlin, an older brother, who fell with his father, in the de- fense of their home. Mrs. Shearer was born in 1 804. COLERAINE, Nov. I, 1875. Mr. Sheldon: Dear Sir, — John Catlin, the captive, was born in the 50th year of his mother's age, and never had slept out of his father's house 'till the age of 16, when he was taken captive, and went to Canada in' company with a sister. His sister was very delicate, never had en- dured any hardship, but performed the journey so well that the Indi- ans would give her something to carry; she would carry it a little way, and then throw it back as far as she could throw it. « He (John) used to tremble for fear they would kill his sister, but they would laugh, and go back and get it. They acted as though they thought she was a great lady. The captives suffered from hunger, but she had plenty, and gave some to her brother. What her name was or what became of her I cannot tell. [Ruth, and she was redeemed.] He (John) was given to a French Jesuit. The Jesuit tried to per- suade him to become a Catholic, but when he found he could not, 310 QUEEN ANNE'S WAR — 1/02 — 1713. told him he might go home when he had an opportunity; and when an opportunity presented, furnished him what he needed for the jour- ney, and gave him some money when he parted with him. He was with him two years. His father and uncle [brother Jonathan?] were killed in the house; he took his father's gun, and his uncle's powder horn, and was going to use them when the Indians took him. The captives were taken to a house, (I do not know what house) and a Frenchman* was brought in and laid on the floor; he was in great distress, and called for water; Mrs. Catlin fed him with water. Some one said to her, "How can you do that for your enemy?" She replied, "If thine en- emy hunger, feed him; if he thirst, give him water to drink." The Frenchman was taken and carried away, and the captives marched off. Mrs. Catlin was left. After they were all gone, a little boy came that was hid in the house. Mrs. Catlin said to the boy, "go run and hide." The boy said, "Mrs. Catlin, why don't you go and hide?" She said, "I am a captive; it is not my duty to hide, but you have not been taken, and it is your duty to hide." Who this boy was I do not know. Some thought the kindness shown to the French- man was the reason of Mrs. Catlin's being left. Lucy D. Shearer. In 1704 the town was built along the whole length of the plateau as to-day. Of its forty-one houses, at least fifteen were within the line of the stockades. About twelve were north, and fourteen south of it. When the night of Februa- ry 28th closed down, 291 souls were under their rooftrees. Of these, twenty were garrison soldiers, two visitors from Hat- field, and 268 inhabitants. They were of all ages, from Wid- ow Allison of eighty-four years, to John, the youngling of Deacon French's flock, of four weeks. Among them were three negro slaves, one Indian, and three Frenchmen from Canada. In a few hours all but one hundred and twenty- six of the inhabitants were either killed or in the hands of a cruel enemy, on a march over the snow to Canada, three hundred miles away. By collating the papers before given, one may find a full and particular account of this great catastrophe. We see De Rouville, on his errand of blood, reaching our frontier in such an exhausted condition as to necessitate an ignominious surrender, unless he can surprise his prey. In this he suc- ceeds. We have seen the army leave their lair at Little Hope, steal silently across the north meadows, scale the pal- isades on the drifted snow, and scatter themselves among the * Probably De Rouville's brother. THE PASTOR MILITANT. 311 houses, when the wearied sentinel has been lulled to sleep. Probably the first to be aroused, he fired his gun and gave the alarum cry, and so hastened the attack before all the houses were invested. If the alarum was heard by the citi- zens, the fearful war-whoop and the blows of the hatchet on door and shutter must have been heard almost simultaneous- ly. Of the scenes of horror which followed, the picture painted by Mr. Williams of his own experiences will repre- sent those being enacted among his fellow sufferers. It was in the darkest hour of the night, when he was awak- ened by the noise of hatchets at his door and windows. Jumping out of bed, he rushed to defend the door, but was too late ; it was already broken down, and he saw the dim form of a Macqua chief and his followers crowding through the doorway. Calling upon the two soldiers quartered in his house for help, the brave man sprang for his arms. Failing in his attempt to shoot the leader, he was disarmed and bound. In pitchy darkness the Indians raged through the house. The soldiers leaped from the windows and escaped. The screaming children were dragged from their bed by rough but unseen hands, collected in the ample kitchen and bound, probably with cords brought from Canada for the oc- casion. The smouldering fire on the hearth was raked open, and the lurid flame from the back-log faintly lighted up the dismal scene. We can imagine the faithful Pathena, resist- ing in defense of the younger children, for which she was . dragged to the door, where all the three were murdered. Had not the pistol of Mr. Williams missed fire, he doubtless would have shared their fate. With fire-brands, or torches, the Indians searched the rooms for plunder, eagerly eating of the food they found and packing up such stuff as they chose to take.* When this was completed, and the prisoners led off, the house was set on fire and burned. The stout door of Ensign John Sheldon's house resisted the efforts to break it down. It was cut partly through with axes, and bullets fired through the place at random, one of 312 QUEEN ANNE'S WAR — 1702 — I/I 3. which killed Mrs. Sheldon as she was sitting on a bed in the east room. Entrance was finally effected at the back door, which, according to a family tradition, was left open by a lad who sought safety in flight. Most of the family were cap- tured. Probably the Ensign was not at home. His son, the newly married John, with his wife jumped from the east chamber window. Hannah sprained her ankle and could not escape, but she urged her husband to fly to Hatfield for aid. This he did, binding strips of a woolen blanket about his naked feet as he ran. The tradition says also that the two years old Mercy was taken to the front door and her brains dashed out on the doorstone : and further, that the house, being the largest in the town, was reserved as a depot for captives. Here, then, was the place where Mrs. Catlin re- lieved the wounded French lieutenant, and secured her own freedom by her practical Christianity. It was certainly used as a cover and point of attack on the Stebbins house. It was set on fire, when the last marauders were driven away, but it was saved, and stood until 1849 — the widely known "Old In- dian House." The scarred and battered door, supported by the original door posts and flanked by great oaken brackets from the front of the house, is now a center of attraction at Memorial. Hall. The house of Benoni Stebbins stood about eight rods southwest of Ensign Sheldon's. It was occupied by Sergt. Stebbins, his wife and five children ; David Hoyt, his wife and child; and probably Joseph Catlin with his wife and child, and Benjamin Church, a soldier. There were besides, three other men, and perhaps other women and children. This house being "attaqued later than some," the inmates were aroused, made ready to defend themselves, and the assailants were driven back with loss. It was again beset by a strong force, but the little garrison was a match for that. Again later in the morning nearly the whole army surround- ed the house, pouring bullets upon it from every quarter. The fire was bravely returned, and several of the enemy fell before the sharp shooters ; among them, a French lieu- tenant, the second in command of the expedition. Desper- ate attempts were now made to set the house on fire, which cost the lives of a Macqua chief and several of his men The fury ot the assailants increased with their losses, but BRAVERY DEFIES FORCE. 313 they were forced to leave the field and take shelter in the Sheldon house and the meetinghouse. From these covers they continued to shower their bullets upon the heroic garri- son, which, however, kept them at bay until relieved by the reinforcement. Sergt. Stebbins was killed. Mrs. Hoyt was wounded, and also a soldier, probably Church. In all the wars of New England, there is not a more gallant act recorded than this defense of an unfortified hotise, by seven men and a few women, for three hours, against, not only the fury and wiles of an unorganized horde of savages, but also a large force of French soldiers, under officers of the line trained in the wars of France. The check received here by the enemy, probably tended strongly to stay the tide of devastation, and so saved the south part of the town. The current historical and tradi- tional account, that only two houses in town escaped destruc- tion, must be relegated to that mysterious fertile realm, where so large a portion of accepted history is born and nur- tured. I find no evidence of any attack on the house of Capt. Wells, as stated by Gen. Hoyt ; nor is it certain that the ene- my penetrated the town beyond the fort. Not one of the slain, and none of the losses by fire or plunder, reported in the Winthrop paper, can be certainly located in that section, and only two of the captives — Sarah Allen and Sarah Mat- toon, girls of sixteen. They were doubtless away from home. Nearly all on the list who escaped loss, can be definitely placed south of the fort ; while two thirds of those who lost life, or liberty, are known to have been in the fort, or north of it, as was certainly at least five-sixths of the property lost. The Benoni Stebbins house, so heroically preserved from the fury and fagots of the enemy, sad to relate, accidentally took fire and was burned after the valiant garrison had joined the knights of the rescue in the pursuit of the assailants. De Rouville was aware of the danger from English rein- forcements, and all haste was made in removing the prisoners to the rendezvous, and packing up provisions for the home- ward march. It was about eight o'clock, and the main body had already withdrawn with the captives, when about thirty men on horse-back arrived from the towns below, which had been alarmed by the light of the burning buildings. Scattered 314 QUEEN ANNE'S WAR — 1702 — 1713. parties of the enemy were still searching for plunder, or wantonly killing the settlers' stock, and a considerable body were yet besieging the Stebbins house. These were quickly driven pell-mell out of the north gate, across the home lots and North Meadows. Capt. Wells, joining the rescuers, with fifteen citizens and five garrison soldiers, took the command, and ordered instant pursuit. Bravely, but rashly and with- out order, each fighting on his own hook, the pursuers rush on ; intent only on avenging their slaughtered friends. As they warm up to the fight, they throw off gloves, coats, hats, waistcoats, jackets and neckcloths. Capt. Wells could not control the headlong chase. He had not forgotten the disas- trous effects of disorder at Turners Falls. He saw the dan- ger which threatened, and ordered a halt. This was unheed- ed ; the foe was followed recklessly into the inevitable am- buscade. Manly bravery was shown on the retreat, and there was no panic. The pursuers were kept at bay, and their wounded comrades brought off. A stand was made at the palisades, and .the bodies of some who fell within gunshot range were protected from plunder. There is a doubtful tradition, that while our men were gallantly charging over the meadows, De Rouville sent an order to kill all the prisoners, but that the messenger fell before delivering this command. The tradition is accepted by Hoyt, but the circumstance is not mentioned by earlier writers and there is small probability that a messenger from Rotiville to the prisoners' guard could have come in range of the pursuers. Had the French army been in real danger, the inhuman deed might have been done. After the escape of Bridgman, Mr. Williams was ordered to tell the captives, that in case another ran away, the rest should be burned. Having hastily secured the prisoners, and prepared their packs, the invaders began their retreat. The snow had be. come soft, and the progress of the spoil-enctimbered army was slow, until, on the fourth day, it reached the sleds at West river, a distance of thirty miles. All were heavily burdened ; beside provisions and plunder, they were obliged to carry their wounded and the young children on their backs. More than half the captives were under eighteen years of age ; forty of them not over twelve, and twelve un- der five. One of the latter, Marah Carter, was murdered be- ROUTE OF THE CAPTIVES. 315 fore the retreat began ; Frank, Mr. Williams's servant, was killed in a drunken frolic the first night ; Mrs. Williams his mistress, Hannah Carter, Jr., and a " girl about eleven years of age," according to Mr. Williams, were murdered the next day. No female between the ages of six and twenty-four, is marked on Stephen Williams's list, as having been killed on the march. This girl was probably Jemima Richards. The melting snow, which impeded their march, also secured their retreat unmolested. For lack of snow shoes, the men who soon collected in the desolated town, could only follow in their path. It was impossible to intercept or flank the ene- my, or attack in the rear with any hope of rescuing the cap- tives. The body of Mrs. Williams was recovered, and her grave is still seen in the old graveyard ; that of Marah Carter, was doubtless brought in, and consigned to the common grave, in which tradition says, the rest of the victims were buried. This, by the same authority, is located near the southeast corner of the Old Burying Ground. Twenty were slain by the way, "for their manner was, if any loitered to kill them." Route of the Captives. The night of February 29th, the party camped at Greenfield Meadows, in the swamp east of the old Nims house. The next day they crossed Green river at the foot of Leyden hills, where the monument to Mrs. Eunice Williams marks the spot where she was killed. Thence up the hill in the old Indian path, still to be seen, northeasterly through Leyden, Bernardston, Vernon to the mouth of West river in Brattleboro, where they had left their heavy baggage, dogs, sledges, &c., arriving there, March 2d. Thence up the Connecticut river on the ice. Sunday, March 5th, the army was at the mouth of Williams river, where Mr. Williams preached to the captives, who sang "one of Zion's Songs" to the Indians at their request. The river got its name from this occurrence. March 6th, continuing on the river, they reached the mouth of White river March 8th. Here the party was broken up, the larger part going up White river. The St. Francis, or Abenaki Indians with Stephen Williams, David Hoyt, Jacob Hickson, and perhaps others, continued up the Connecticut. After months of wan- dering this party struck across to French river, and went down that to Lake Champlain, down the lake, and the Sorel 316 QUEEN ANNE'S WAR — 1702 — 1713. arriving at Chambly in August, and thence to the Indian fort at St. Francis. The Caghnawaga Indians, with whom was Mr. Williams, went over the Green Mountain, .and struck French river about March i8th. They reached the Sorel, March 29th, and Chambly, April ist, being a little over a month on the march. The pathetic story of the dreadful march to Canada, "at least 300 miles," and " the snow up to the knees," by this miserable band of men, women and children, as told by Mr. Williams in the "Redeemed Captive," is accessible to all, and is as familiar as household words to every student of New- England history. The journal of his son Stephen, a boy of ten years, as com- plementing his father's narrative, is of great interest and value. This was printed by Dr. S. W. Williams, in the Northampton edition of the "Redeemed Captive," in 1853, and again by the P. V. M. Association in 1889, with an appen- dix and notes by George Sheldon. One man has been found foolish enough to doubt the truth of these narrations. His efforts to cast a shadow upon the integrity of Mr. Williams, will be as successful as an attempt to shut out the rays of the noonday sun with a wire fence. Deer field as a Military Post. We usually speak of the catas- trophe of February 29th, 1704, as the "destruction of Deer- field," and rightly, too. For twenty years the persistent set- tlers had struggled bravely, not only against the inevitable hardships of a new plantation, but against the plague of worms, frost and drought ; against war, pestilence, and almost famine. But the end had now come. The ground could be held no longer. They were but twenty-five men, twenty-five women, with seventy-five children, forty-three of whom were under ten years of age. More than half the population, in- cluding their loved minister, were being swept over the snow to Popish Canada, or laid underneath it, in one wide grave hard by in their own God's acre. Their cup was more than full ; and this sad despairing remnant, giving up all hope, deliberately resolved to abandon their all in this fatal spot ; to let the " candlestick of the Lord be removed," and this speck of civilization become once more a waste place in the wilderness, from which they had tried to redeem it, while they sought refuge in the towns below. But fortunately, COURAGE SUCCEEDS DESPAIR. 317 this broken people were not the arbiters of their own desti- ny. The policy of the rulers forbade the sacrifice. Connecticut had usually responded promptly to calls for aid in defending Hampshire county. October, 1703, her Gen- eral Court had established a Council of War, with authority to send sixty men in case of invasion. That number, and eighty-seven men more, arrived here before the close of March, 1704. A special session of the General Court of Con- necticut convened March 15th, when sixty men were raised for permanent service in this county, in scouting and garri- son duty. They soon came up under Capt. Benjamin New- bury. A committee came also to confer with Col. Partridge, how they could be employed to the best advantage. It was something more than neighborly kindness Vhich prompted these efforts ; it was in accordance with a wise policy of keep- ing the northern frontier as far as possible from their own borders. It was in pursuance of the same end, that Col. Partridge, on the 2d of March, forbade the inhabitants of our town to desert the place ; and establishing here a military station, impressed all the able bodied men as soldiers in the Queen's service. The non-combatants were sent to the lower towns. Gradually the men of Deerfield rallied from the great shock. By slow degrees, the situation took on a new aspect. Houses were left to shelter them ; soldiers were there for their protection ; the rich meadow land was still theirs. Their faith in an overruling Providence became once more a controlling power, and the future became more hopeful. Bravely they set about gathering up the broken threads of their lives as best they might. The house of the town clerk, Thomas French, though ran- sacked, was not burned, and the town books were preserved. On their time-stained pages bearing record of town action, there is not a single syllable referring to this great catastro- phe. Those initiated, can see why the spring meeting was deferred seven weeks ; why the list of officers is incomplete ; why a new handwriting appears on its pages. To other eyes nothing unusual is revealed. A meeting was held April 20th, when town clerk, selectmen, constable and fence viewers were chosen, and the machinery of a municipal organization so far set in motion The functions of the constable were chiefly 318 QUEEN ANNE's WAR — 1702 — 1713. military ; the fence was a necessity; for with stock running at large no crops could be raised on the Common Field un- less this was in repair. Arrangements were made whereby two days out of five were allowed the impressed inhabitants by turns to labor in the fields. In this broken manner a small area of land was cultivated ; but every hour thus spent was at the imminent risk of life. The woods were full of lurking Indians watching chances for spoil. Their first suc- cess is thus briefly recorded by Stephen Williams in his ap- pendix to the " Redeemed Captive." " May nth, 1704, John Allen and his wife were killed at a- place called the Bars." A manuscript account says Mrs. Al- len was killed " about a mile or two from the place." Ed- ward Allen, the new town clerk, a brother of John, makes this record : " Joh AUyn, y" head of this famyly, was slaine by y" Enemy May y" 11, 1704." He makes no note of the death of Mrs. Allen ; by which it appears that her fate was then unknown. Her captors finding her an incumbrance in their hasty retreat, probably, knocked her on the head in the woods, where her body became the prey of wild beasts, the scalp being retained, to grace their triumphant reception at home. Allen was forty-four years old. The next blow fell upon an outlying hamlet of Northamp- ton, called Pascommuck, containing five families. Near the close of 1703, complaint was made to De Vau- dreuil, by the Penaski Indians, of losses by the English, and aid demanded. The Governor at once sent Sieur de Mon- tigny with five or six Frenchmen to " reassure them," and "engage them to continue the war" with the English. On the triumphant return of De Rouville from Deerfield, Mon- tigny, with about twenty French, and fifty of these Indians, was sent to this valley to avenge their wrongs. May 13th, he surprised Pascommuck, and took all the inhabitants pris- oners. As soon as the captives could be secured, and provis- ions and plunder packed for the journey, De Montigny be- gan his retreat. When the news of this disaster reached Northampton, Capt. John Taylor led a company of horsemen in pursuit, with a calamitous result, as we shall see. Whether or not the death strokes were actually given by the savages, the or- dering of affairs was with Sieur de Montigny, the representa- MONTIGNY DESTROYS PASCOMMUCK. 319 tive ot France, " who," says Vaudreuil, " distinguished him- self particularly on that occasion." The following account is taken from the Recorder's Book for Old Hampshire County, which is relied upon as being an original record, though differing somewhat from the account given by Judd : — May 12, [13 1 Pascomok Fort taken by y" French & Indians, being about 72. They took and Captivated y" whole Garrison, being about 37 Persons. The English pursueing of them caused them to nock all the Captives on the head Save 5 or 6. Three, they carried to Canada with them, the others escap'd and about 7 of those knocked on the head Recovered, y'^ rest died. Capt. John Taylor was killed in the fight, and Sam'l Bartlett wounded. Those carried to Canada were Esther, wife of Benoni Jones; her niece, Margaret Huggins, eighteen; and Elisha, son of John vSearles, eight. The slain were Samuel Janes, forty, with wife Sarah, and children, Obadiah, five, Ebenezer, three, Sa- rah, one ; four children of Benjamin Janes, Hannah, eight, Miriam, four, Nathan, one, and one of unknown name and age ; Benoni Jones, about thirty-five, with his children, Eben- ezer, six, and Jonathan, one ; John Searles, about fifty-eight, with three children, names and ages unknown ; Moses Hutch- inson, and one child, and Patience Webb, forty-six, or her daughter Patience, seventeen. About a hundred miles up the valley, near the mouth of Wells river, was a tract of pine woods, called by the Indians Cowass, [a place of pines], and near by, many acres of clear meadows. Here a party of Indians located a camp, and plant- ed the meadows with corn, it being a convenient summer rendezvous, from which to sally out on the frontier. The captives from Pascommuck, and some of those from Deer- field were taken to the place. It was there that in May, 1704, David Hoyt died of starvation. It was not far from there that Stephen Williams found Jacob , Hickson, so weak from want of food, that he died before the end of July, at French river, while being taken to Canada. Rumors of the estab- lishment at Cowass reaching the English, about the 6th of June, a scouting party, made up of Caleb Lyman and five Connecticut Indians, was sent up to make an examination. On the 14th they discovered a camp about twenty miles this side of Cowass, which they surprised, and killed six men and one woman, while two others escaped, one mortally wounded. 320 QUEEN ANNE'S WAR — 1702 — 1713. Making a hurried retreat, they reached home with six scalps in five or six days. The method of the English scout was exactly the same as that of the enemy. Coming near the Indian settlement, Ly- man sent forward a spy, with his head and body covered with green leaves, to make what discovery he could. He found a wigwam not far away, and it was determined to attack it by night. Creeping on all fours, Lyman's party reached the wig- wam undiscovered, and deliberately fired on the sleeping in- mates. Then dropping their guns, " we surrounded them," says Lyman, "with our clubs and hatchets, and knocked down several we met with." No provisions were found, but loading the skins, guns and other plunder into the canoes, Lyman retreated down the river about twelve miles, when at daylight he broke up the canoes and took to the woods, knowing that parties of the en- emy were between him and home. They had but one meal each in their packs, and lived on " birds, grass and strawber- ry leaves" until they reached Northampton, June 19th or 20th. The General Court gave Lyman ^21 and the Indians £10. Major Whiting of Connecticut gave the Indians £40. This was repaid him by Massachusetts some time after. When the Indians at Cowass heard the result of this foray, they deserted the place in alarm, and went off to Canada via French river and Lake Champlain. The Lyman scout proved to be a great and unexpected success. Great fears were entertained for their safety, for Lyman had hardly got away into the woods, before news came that an army was on the march from Canada to this valley. On this alarm Major Whiting came up from Connecticut with 342 men to aid in defending the frontier. Within six weeks, two more reports of the same nature followed, and each time, additional sol- diers came up. These reports were true, the alarm well grounded, and the preparations timely and effective. The Governor of Canada, elated by the success of De Rou- ville, had resolved " to lay desolate all the places on the Con- necticut river." To this end he gathered a force of about 700 Indians, and adding 125 French soldiers, with several young and active officers, put the whole under Captain de Beaucours, who set out for this valley soon after the return CONTINUED DEPREDATIONS. 321 of Montigny from Pascommuck. There was great rejoicing in Canada on their departure. " This force," says Vaudreuil, " would be competent to attack whatever posts or village they please," and he " regarded as certain, the success of the expe- dition." The Jesuits, says the captive John Williams, boast- ed what great things this army would do ; " that they could not devise what they should do with us, we should be so many prisoners when the army returned." And yet, adds Mr. Williams, " the great army turned back ashamed." Prob- ably they found our towns too much on the alert for a sur- prise, and they had no stomach for an open attack. De Vau- dreuil, however, in his home report assigns another cause for this disgraceful retreat. He says, " a French soldier, one Peter Newgate, deserted within a day's journey of the ene- my ; a panic hereupon seized the minds of our Indians to such a degree that it was impossible for Sieur de Beaucours to prevent them retreating." While this army lay on our frontiers its spies and scouts filled the woods, hovered about the towns, and waylaid the roads. Some of the results are given by Stephen Williams : — About the middle of July [the loth,] 1704, a friend indian was killed at Hatfield Mill. His name was Kindness. The enemy had not op- portunity to scalp him. On the same week, Thomas Russell, a young man of Hatfield, (being then a soldier at Deerfield) was sent out into y"^ woods with others as a scout, but he rambling from his company, was kill"* by y' indians. Some tracks discover'' Deacon Sheldon w"> some others went after y" & came in sight of y™, & shot at y", & y'' at y'= english at a great distance, & then y^ past along on y^ west side of y" Town, Sz: fir"* y' guns in a bravado, & went along up to y'^ Northward, & kill'' Tho* Russell July 20, 1704. July 30, 1704, one Dr. Grossman with two or three more men were riding in the night between Hadley and Springfield & were fir'' upon by the enemy, who wound"* Dr. Grossman in the arm. This is y^ only time (that I can learn) that they ever fir* upon anybody travel- ling in the night. About this time, Sergt. John Hawks was fired upon while riding to Hatfield, and wounded in the hand. July 29th, Thomas Battis, who had been sent post to Boston, was killed on his return, east of Hadley. His dispatches were taken to Canada, and were the grounds on which Vaudreuil wrote the French war minister, in the report already quoted. Though this party broke up, it did not fail. My Lord, to cost the 322 QUEEN ANNE'S WAR — 1 702 — 1713. enemy considerable sums; the advices they received of it, having obliged them not only to postpone their meeting the Iroquois na- tions, but also, to remain a great portion of the summer idle, not knowing where this party might strike. July 31st, a scout was ambushed near Westfield, and two Connecticut soldiers, William Olmstead and one Benton, killed. Another English scout coming up soon after, killed in turn two of the Indians. No more depredations in the valley this year are recorded, but the harassing uncertainty spoken of by De Vaudreuil still kept the Connecticut troops here, and parties constantly scouting on the frontiers ; it prevented labor in the fields, or any efficient action in getting a living. A strong garrison was kept here, and Benjamin Choate, a Harvard graduate of 1703, was sent here by the General Court to be "chaplain to the Town and Garrison," for six months from November I St. He was continued here by the same authority until the return of Mr. Williams, on a salary of ;£'40. Part of this was paid by the inhabitants. The country tax for 1703-4 was £6'&, ids. Thomas Wells, Constable, received a warrant from the Treasurer, directing him to collect and send in that amount. One-half was paid in 1703; the rest was due in May, 1704. October 25th, 1704, the Constable sent a petition to the General Court, asking re- lief; saying "The town was so far destroyed, that at least one-half that should have paid it, were killed or taken cap- tive." One-half of what was due in May was abated, and Col. Partridge, Preserved Smith, and Capt. Jonathan Wells, made a committee to reassess the balance of ^17, 2 s, 6 d. As a preparation for a winter campaign, the General Court ordered, November 1 5th, that "5s be granted to every per- son who are or shall be furnished according to law with snow shoes and mogginsins." Their necessity had been demon- strated at Deerfield, Feb. 29th, 1704; and two weeks later, 500 pairs had been ordered for frontier use. At that time the price was three shillings, which went up to seven shil- lings before the war closed. 1705. This year no enemy appeared ©n our borders. Vau- dreuil was crippled by the loss of the "Seine," his annual store ship of supplies, with " two millions of wealth." It was captured by the English in October, 1704. The Bishop of DEERFIELD A MILITARY POST. 323 Canada, with twenty ecclesiastics were on board. It was a severe blow to the enemy. Negotiations for a treaty of neu- trality were set on foot this year, pending which, there was less disposition for hostile action. There were several alarms here, however, and much marching of troops, and continuous scouting. The following petition, found in the Massachusetts Ar- chives, gives a vivid picture of the town at this time :— To His Excellency, Joseph Dudley, Esq., &c., &c. : The Petition of the Militia of the Town of Dearefeild Most Humbly showeth— That after the Bloody Desolation made by the French and Indian Enemy in the s* town on the last of Feb 1703-4 wee ware unanimous- ly Determined to Desert the town & seek shelter and safty whear we could find it; But the Hon Left Colo Sam" Patridge Issued forth a warant whereby we were Impressed into Her Magestys service & Posted as Garrison Souldiers in the s'' town & our hopes of seaving our lives by Quitting our Hajaitations superseeded by fear of Incur- ring the Penalty of Deserting Her majstys Service, And have Con- tinued ever sence the 2d of March 1703-4 under the said Impress, not being as yet Dismissed so that we are uncapable of Attending to our business to procure a maintenance for ourselves & families as other- wise we might Have done, being obliged to be in actuall duty as souldiers three fifth parts of our time. And in Confidence that we should Receive the Pay & Subsistence of those in Her Majstys searvis wee went to the neighboring Towns & run in debt for Provisions to sustain ourselves & familis & upon the same Expectations have been Credited by them, we have also thankfully to Acknowledge that the Account for our Pay & subsist- ence hath been accepted & Passed by your Excellency & Honors to the first of Dec last but understand by ^ol Patridge that our pay and subsistence for the time since that, is not alowed, which con- strains us further to Acquaint your Excellency & Honors & submit to your favourable Consideration that when the enemy slew & capti- vated the one half of our town they also plundered. & destroyed the greatest Part of our Provision & stock of cattle, that the last Sum- mer the frequent Alarums & continuall Expectations of the Enemy, with our obligations to Attend the Duty of Souldiers Put us by our Labour so much, that our crop of grain on w'' we Depend for our livelihood was inconsiderable, that we were in no wise capable to Discharge the Debts we have already Contracted for Supplying our necessities. If we may not obtain Pay for our searvis & subsistence for the time past. And we expect that as soon as it is known that we are Dismissed the searvice & to have no pay, that our creditors will arest us for what is now due & trust us no more for the future. We therefore Most Hnmbly pray your Excellency & Honors to take the Premises into your Compassionate Consideration, & grant us wages & subsistance for so long a time as we are continued in the searvis & when we shall be Dismissed such Protection as that we may 324 QUEEN ANNE'S WAR — 1702 — 1713. be enabled to follow our Husbandry, and we shall use our utmost diligence & endeavours to be no farther charge to the Publick. And the Petitioners shall as in Duty Bound ever Pray. Jonathan Wells, in the name & behalf of y^ rest. This petition was received Sept. 6th, 1705, and pay and subsistence was allowed the petitioners up to July 27th, 1705, at which time they were dismissed. At a town meeting Nov. 24th, 1705, — Voted y* Capt. Jonathan Weals should have aight pound in money, for his charges and sarvis in geeting our bill past. It was also agreed and voted y' Capt. Weals should recave his 8 pounds out of y" money y' was obtained by his sarvis and to have deducted out of every man's bill, according to proportion. Soldiers Pay. — " In Council, July 12th, 1704. A Muster Roll of the soldiers posted in garrison at Deerfield under the com- mand of Capt. Jonathan Wells, containing an account of Wages for their service from the 28th of Febuary, 1703 to the 27th of June, 1704, amounting to the sum of .^199, los, 2]^d, having been examined by Mr. Commissary General, was pre- sented," and a warrant to the Treasurer made out to Mr. Samuel Porter, to the order of Capt. Wells and company. A bill of ;^i I, 5 s, 6d was also allowed " for keeping the Post and scout horses, at the garrison in Deerfield " for the same period. November 20th, 1704, ^397, i8s, 10 d was allowed on the Deerfield Muster Roll, on account of " wages for the service & subsistence from the 28th of June to the 20th of October, 1 704, and for subsisting the Auxiliary forces sent thither, and other incidental charges." December 13th, a supplementary account for £26, 10 s, 3d, was allowed. The allowance for subsistence, fixed March 22d, 1703-4, was " I pound of bread a man a day, allowing one eighth for breakage ; Two pieces Pork, each containing two pounds, to 6 men per day, and sometimes two pieces of beef, instead of Pork, each containing 4 pounds to 6 men per day, 3 pts of pease for 6 men per day, 2 quarts of Bear to a man per day." REDEMPTION OF CAPTIVES. In the efforts for the recovery and redemption of the cap- tives from Canada, Ensign John Sheldon was a central fig- ENSIGN SHELDON'S RESOLUTION. 325 ure. To his tenderness of heart, to his unflagging faith, his indomitable will, his muscles of iron and nerves of steel, is due in a large measure, the success which followed. His wife and their baby, his brother-in-law, and daughter's hus- band were slain. Four of his own children, his wife's broth- er with a large family, were in captivity. His house re- mained, but his hearthstone was desolate. The house of worship was spared, but the voice of his loved pastor was unheard within its walls. His colleague, Dea. Hoyt, was in captivity, and he alone was left to uphold the shattered church. Dea. Sheldon could give sympathy and Scriptural words of comfort to the bereaved, for he drank daily of the bitterness which flooded their souls ; but unfitted for other sacerdotal duties, he mourned sadly for his pastor and friend, and pondered in his heart the possibilities of his redemption. Other public duties also devolved on this man. Ensign Shel- don was second in command of the garrison, and the inces- sant labors of that summer of fear and disaster, we have al- ready seen. But as the season waned and the blasts of au- tumn laid bare the thickets which had been the coverts of the enemy, the danger lessened; and when Rev. Benjamin Choate was sent to be their chaplain and spiritual guide, in November, and the deacon was thus relieved of his ecclesias- tical duties, he felt his presence less essential, and a grand purpose gradually took form. He resolved to risk his life in a visit to his distressed children and friends in Canada. He could no longer endure the uncertainty hanging over their fate, which constantly haunted him. Had they met a linger- ing death, on the march, through hardship and privation ? or a sudden one by the merciful hatchet? Had their flesh been given to the wild beasts, and their bones left to bleach on some desolate hill, or moulder in some dark morass ? How many, and which, of their precious ones were dead? How many of the younglings of the flock were imbibing Popish poison in cruel bondage? These and similar questionings must be answered. Inspiring young John Wells (whose sis- ter had been killed and mother captured) with like resolu* tion, both set out for Boston, to get the necessary leave from the government. Dec. 13th, 1704, Gov. Dudley informed the Council that " John Sheldon and John Wells of Deerfield, who both had S26 QUEEN ANNE*S WAli — 1702 — 1713. relations in captivity, were now attending him, and very ur- gent to have liscense to travel! thither." On the 19th, he an- nounced that Capt. John Livingstone of Albany, who was ac- quainted with the route by the lakes, was in town, and was willing to go with Sheldon and Wells for ;^ioo and his ex- penses. The Council advised his being employed, and the next day the three Johns, with credentials from the Gov- ernor, and letters to Marquis de Vaudreuil, took the Bay path for Hatfield, where they were fitted out for the journey by Col. Partridge. Their route was over the Hoosac Mountain to Albany, and thence northwards through the wilderness. In an historical sketch of Ensign John Sheldon, read before the Pocumtuck Valley Memorial Association, Feb. 27th, 1878, C. Alice Baker says of this journey : — We need not go back to King Arthur for exploits of chivalry; our colonial history is full of them. This man, long past the daring im- pulses of youth, — this youth, whose life was all before him — show me two braver knights-errant setting out with loftier purpose, on a more perilous pilgrimage. Three hundred miles of painful and unaccustomed tramping on snow-shoes in mid-winter, over mountain and morass, through tan- gled thickets and "snow-clogged forest," where with fell purpose the cruel savage lurked ; with gun in hand and pack on back, now wading knee-deep over some rapid stream, now in the teeth of the fierce north wind, toiling over the slippery surface of the frozen lake, now shufHing tediously along in the sodden ice of some half-thawed river, digging away the drifts at night for his camp; wet, lame, half- famished, and chilled to the bone, hardly daring to build a fire, — a bit of dried meat from his pack for a supper, spruce boughs for his bed, crouching there wrapped in his blanket, his head muffled in the hood of his capote, eye and ear alert, his mittened hand grasping the hilt of the knife at his belt; up at daybreak and on again, through storm and sleet, pelted by pitiless rains, or blinded by whirling snow, — what iron will and nerves of steel, sound mind in sound body, to dare and do what this man did ! Slowly and warily, they traversed Lakes George and Cham- plain, down the Sorel to the St. Lawrence, and thence to Que- bec, where the worn travelers arrived without having been molested by the savages. Here the minister and his deacon met. Here the latter heard the welcome news that his chil- dren and relatives were still alive, and the sad story of those who fell by the way, among whom was the mother of John Wells, his companion. The envoys were well received by De Vaudreuil, and en- couraged to believe they would be successful in their mis- A HARD SUBJECT FOR CONVERSION. 327 sion. Mr. Williams, who had been sent down to " Chateau- riche"* to prevent his hindering the Jesuits in their efforts to convert the captives to popery, had been allowed to come up to Quebec. Every effort was made to learn about the prisoners and forward measures for their relief. The Jesuits, who had great influence with Vaudreuil, obstructed the en- voys in their mission in every possible way, and at their re- quest, Mr. Williams was .returned to Chateau Richer, after being at Quebec but three weeks. " One of chief note," prob- ably the intendant, invited Mr. Williams to dinner, where he was tempted with an offer to collect all the prisoners about him, and have a pension "large enough for an honorable maintenance for you and them," if he would be of their re- ligion. The Puritan replied, " Sir, if I thought your religion to be true, I would embrace it freely, * * * but so long as I believe it to be what it is, the offer of the whole world is of no more value to me than a blackberry." His lordship then earnestly requested me, says Mr. Williams, "to come down to the palace' to-morrow morning and honor me with your company in my coach to the great church, it being then a saint's day," who replied, "Ask me anything wherein lean serve you with a good conscience, and I am ready to gratify you, but I must ask your excuse here." It was after the Jesuits had given up all hope of any seeming compliance even, to their forms, that he was sent away from Quebec. The apparently courteous reception of Mr. Sheldon really afforded him little opportunity of communication with the captives, but as his presence in Canada became known, "it gave revival to many," says Mr. Williams, "and raised expec- tations of a return, * * * and strengthened many who were ready to faint, and gave some check to the designs of the Pa- pists to gain proselytes. But God's time of deliverance was not yet come." The Indians feared an exchange of prisoners, when the French might take away their captives without ran- som ; so they hustled them into hiding places, and pretended they were absent with hunting parties. March 29th, Mr. Shel- don received a letter from his son's wife enclosing the fol- lowing note, probably from Mr. James Adams, who had been captured at Wells, by Beaubassin, August loth, 1703: — *So Mr. Williams writes it, but Miss Baker has no doubt that this place is the present Chateau Richer. 328 QUEEN ANNE'S WAR — 1702 — 1713. I pray giue my kind loue to Landlord Shelden, and tel Him that i am sorry for all his los. I doe in these few lins showe youe that god has shone yo grat kindness and marcy, In carrying youre Daigh- ter Hanna, and Mary in pertickeler, through so grat a iorney, far be- iend my expectation, noing How Lame they war; the Rest of your children are with the Indians, Rememberrance liues near cabect, Hannah also Liues with the frenc, Jn in the same house i doe. In reply the father sent the letter following, which, with that of Mr. Adams, has been preserved among the vSheldon family manuscript. By this it appears that Mr. Sheldon had before heard of his son Remembrance's whereabouts, but had not been able to get sight of him : — QuBECK, the I of Aperl, 1705. der child: — this is to let you noe that i rescued youres the 29th of march, which was a comfort to me; this is to let you noe that i am whale blesed be god for it, and i maye tel you i dont here of my child as it the saye is that he is in the wodes a honten ; remember my loue to Mr Addams and his wif and iudah writ and all the reste ase if named and my harty desire is that god would in his time opene ■ a dore of deliurans fore you al and the mene while let us wait with patiens one god for it, hoe can bring lite out of darkness and let us cast al oure care one god whoe doeth care for us and can helpe us. Mr Williams is sent downe the riuer a gane about 18 or 20 miles i ded ingoy his company about 3 wekes [which] was a comfort to me. he giues his loue to al the captives there, my desire is that Mr Addames and you wod doe al you can with your mistres that my children mite be redemed from the indanes. our post retorned bake agan in 8 days by reson of the badnes of the ise, they goe again the sekcont of this month and i desine to com up to moreal the beginen of May. John wels and Ebenesere warner giues ther loue to al the captiues there, and soe rites your louene father, John Sheldon. The following fragment of a letter from Mr. Sheldon to his son John at Deerfield, should be read in connection with the above : — QuBECK, the 2 of aperl, 1705. dere child: — thes fue lins are to let you noe that i am in good helth at this time, blesed be god for it. i may tel you that we sent away a post the 18 daye of march, and thay ware gone 8 days, and retorned a gane by reson that the ise was soe bad. this may let you noe that i rescued a letere from your wif, the 29 of march, and she wase whel. 1 may let you noe i hant sene none of my children, but I hear thay are gone a honten. [The rest torn off.] The "post" referred to went across the country to Casco, in accordance with an arrangement with Gov. Dudley. The dispatches and letters were sent by Capt. Samuel Hill, another captive from Wells, and laid before the Council May 1 5th by Gov. Dudley. The reply of Vaudreuil to Dudley's proposal SOME RESULTS OF THE MISSION. 329 for an exchange of prisoners, was diplomatic and evasive, and nothing came of it. Meanwhile the envoys in Canada, by persistent endeavors, and the kindly aid of Capt. De Beauville, brother to the Lord Intendant, secured the release of Hannah Sheldon, and one other of .the Ensign's children, Esther Williams and two others. Early in May, the whole party, escorted by Courte- manche and eight French soldiers, set out for home by the way of Albany. Ostensibly this guard was sent as an act of honor and courtesy, but really to observe the condition of the enemy's country. Livingstone and the escort were probably left at Albany, while Capt. Courtemanche and Ensign Shel- don pushed on to Boston, leaving the redeemed captives at Springfield, on the way. They arrived before June 5th, as appears by the General Court records. On that day a com- mittee was ordered to audit the accounts of the "Messengers to Quebec." June 27th, they voted "that an order be made on the Treasurer, payable forthwith to Vaudreuil's Commis- sioner for the amount," taken up on their letter of credit, by Ensign Sheldon, which was 4000 livres. Courtemanche bought duplicates of the dispatches which Vaudreuil had sent Dudley by Samuel Hill, and another futile attempt was made to arrange an exchange of prisoners. Courtemanche being taken sick, Capt. Vetch with his brig- antine, was engaged to take him home by sea. Capt. Hill was returned by the same conveyance. At the solicitation of the French envoy, William Dudley, * son of the Governor, accompanied him to Quebec. The latter bore new proposals to Vaudreuil for an exchange of captives. The vessel reached Quebec in August, and on the petition of Dudley and Vetch, Mr. Williams was allowed to go up and join them. He and his son Stephen were entertained by Courtemanche, at his own house "most nobly," until September 19th, when he was sent back to Chateau Richer, because he hindered an English friar from making converts among the prisoners. Mr. Wil- liams says the priests " were ready to think their time was short for gaining English proselytes and doubled their dili- gence and wiles." * Young Dudley was the orator at the Cambridge commencement, 1705, where " he spoke of Mr. Williams in Captivity." Courtemanche also attended com- mencement. 330 QUEEN ANNE'S WAR — 1/02 — 1713. When Dudley arrived at Quebec, Vaudreuil was at Mon- treal busy settling troubles among his Indian allies at the west, and on the 16th and 17th of August he was holding a conference with the Iroquois, who complained that while he had persuaded them to be neutral, their kindred in Canada [the Macquas] had been incited to take up the hatchet. The Governor defended his action as best he could, on the ground that it was necessary for them to make common cause with the Abenakis, who had been wronged by the English, and said that he must follow this course so long as the war be- tween France and England continued. To the English en- voys he held different language when he came down to Que- bec. He professed a great desire for peace, but found excuse for amending and returning the draft of the treaty brought by Dudley. He said the war could " never contribute to the glory of their sovereigns, or the aggrandizement of their States, but merely to the ruin and desolation of some poor families," and the priest at Chateau Richer told Mr. Wil- liams he " abhorred their sending down heathen to commit ravages against the English, saying that it was more like committing murders, than managing a war." October 12th, Capt. Vetch sailed for Boston with young Dudley, where he arrived November 21st, having done little towards accomplishing the object of their mission, unless, as Ponchartrain, the French minister, suspects, the illness of Courtemanche was a pretense, "assumed as a cover for trade," under an arrangement with Gov. Dudley. This conjecture appears more than probable, by the operations of Vetch the next year. The vessel, however, brought home eleven captives, only three of whom are known— Stephen Williams, Samuel Wil- liams and Jonathan Hoyt. Nov. 30th, 1705, John Borland was allowed .£'22 for their passage. By the same vessel which brought the captive boys, came the following letter and petition, addressed : — To the Honored Paul Dudley, Esq. , her Magesties Attorney Gen- r'all for the province of the Massachusetts Bay in New England at his house att Boston in New England: Worthy Sir: — I hope at the receipt of this you will be made right glad at the return of Mr. Dudley, who has merited the thanks & a great reward of his country, for the great service he has done them here. These are humbly to request that favour of you as to draw up EFFECTIVE APPEAL OF MR. WILLIAMS. 331 a petition to the General Assembly on my behalf, for the reimbursing Capt. Vetch money he has lent me for paying what I have been forced to expend for my comfort & the necessary relief of my chil- dren, j have on the other side drawn up some minutes for you to lay before the Honored Court that i desire you would better form, & give it to my sou Samuel to present, in so doing you will abun- dantly oblige your afflicted friend, i know i need not use arguments to stir up your generous mind to plead the cause of such as are in distress, & therefore forbear them & do humbly offer my best re- spects to yourself & good lady, wishing you all happiness, & am sir Your humble servant, John Williams. Quebeck octob lo. 1705 To the Honor'd Generall Court of the province of the Massachu- setts Bay in New England : I have for a long time (well known to yourselves) been in sorrow- ful state of Captivity under many exercising trials having so many children captivated with myself among the enemies & some of them among the heathen where they were reduced to many straits, so that i have been necessitated to be at considerable expense for their & my own comfort. One of my children came to me from the Indians the first of May past without so much as a shirt upon him, & unless i would be unmercifully cruel & have hardened my heart to all un- naturalness i could not avoid charges i have for the honour of my country & the comfort of my children expended ^18, 6 s, gd. These are humbly to request you to make payment of the same to Capt. Samuel Vetch who has been so charitable to give me several things that he saw I had a need of, though he had never seen me be- fore, who has also put me in a capacity to make payment for what i owed for my son's clothing &c. i hope you will be so generous as to reward the service he has performed with such prudence & unfailing industry & so charitable to me, as to make him full payment of the above named sum. our adversaryes upbraid our religion that it falls so short of theirs in charity & good works, whom i have put to si- lence in assuring them that our charity to all in affliction & good works of every nature far exceeding theirs, i promise myself your charity to me in my affliction and want (having lost what I had at Deerfeild) without any repining will yet give me occasion from my own experiences to refute their calumnyes. your charity herein will also be encouraging me still to keep my post (if God graciously re- turn me) a post lost without any default of mine. wishing you the guidance of God in all your publick affairs & concerns i am Dudley wisely chose to lay this ingenuous and high-minded appeal before the General Court, in its original form, fresh from the, heart of the writer. I find the following record of action endorsed on this petition : — Nov. 22, 1705, Read in the House of Representatives. Nov. 27, Read & Resolved, That the Prayer of this Petition be Granted, and the sum of Eighteen Pounds Six Shillings and nine pence be Paid out of the public Treasury to the s'' Capt. Samuel 332 QUEEN ANNE'S WAR — 1/02 — 1713. Vetch, to Imburse him the same sum, which he suppHed Mr. Wil- liams the petitioner. Sent up for concurrence. Thomas Oaks, Speaker. In Council, Nov. 28, 1705. Read & passed a concurrence. ISA. Addington, Sect'y. SHELDON'S SECOND EXPEDITION TO CANADA. The Governor and Council could not accept the proposals brought from De Vaudreuil by Vetch, and the whole matter was left to Gov. Dudley, who was to advise with Lord Corn- bury, Governor of New York. To forward the business of ex- change, Dudley sent forty-seven French prisoners to Port Royal in December, and on the 17th of January, 1705-6, he read to the Council his answer to Vaudreuil, which was " to be dispatched to Quebec by Mr. John Sheldon, attended with a servant or two, and accompanied by two French prisoners of war.'' Mr. Sheldon left home January 15th and on the 17th he received an outfit from the Commissary General at Boston, costing £4, 1 1 s, 6d, and a bill on Lewis Marchant of Quebec for £2, ids ; and for John Wells, on the same service, 16 s, 6d. Joseph Bradley of Haverhill, it seems, got leave to attend the envoy as one of the servants. His wife was now in a second captivity in Canada. January 20th, Sheldon, bearing funds to the military chest in the valley, with Brad- ley, and the two Frenchmen, left Boston for Hadley, where they arrived the next day, as shown by the following paper : — Rec'd of Deacon Shelding this Jan'ie 21, 1705, three hundred for- tie one pound eight shillings & one penny w'='' s'' sum he Rec'd of Mr. James Taylor, Treasu'r in Boston, & Brought & delivered to me as aboovs*, w"'' I own 1 have the day of the date aboovs'' Received. per me, Sam'll Partridge. John Wells joined the party at Deerfield, and on the 25th of January, 1 706, the ambassador plunged once more into the wilderness for a winter journey to Canada. His experience now aided him in battling with the elements, and a truce which had been arranged for five weeks, secured him from Indian hostility, and thus enabled him to push on more rap- idly and so arrive before its expiration. April 28th, 1706, De Vaudreuil writes to Ponchartrain, en- closing Dudley's propositions by Capt. Vetch, and his own HOMEWARD BOUND. 333 reply ; with an account of the attempt to arrange a treaty of neutrality. He says : — This induced Mr. Dudley to send me, a Deputy by land, with a letter, about a month ago, but as it is not sufficiently explicit and as Mr. Dudley according to appearances is seeking only to gain time, the term I had fixed in my answer to these propositions having ex- pired, I permitted several small parties of our Indians to recommence hostilities. This deputy was Ensign Sheldon, but Mr. Williams says the ensign reached Quebec "the beginning of March." On his arrival he was glad to find Mr. Williams; but in a few days the latter was sent down to Chateau Richer, and Sheldon was left alone to prosecute his mission, which he found diffi- cult and perplexing. Dudley's dispatches were not satisfac- tory to Vaudreuil. The Jesuits used their all-powerful in- fluence for delay, and redoubled their artful efforts to seduce the young captives to popery. The sturdy envoy persisted in pushing his claims to at least as many captives as would equal the French prisoners which Dudley had sent to Port Royal, in December, 1705; and he so far succeeded, that on the 30th of May, he embarked for Boston with forty-four Eng- lish captives, on board the French vessel La Marie, chartered at an expense of 3000 livres, for Port Royal and Boston. After considerable delay at Port Royal, he reached his desti- nation August 2d, 1706. In this company came James Adams of Wells, Hannah, wife of Joseph Bradley, — one of Sheldon's attendants, Eben- ezer(?) and Remembrance, sons of Ensign Sheldon, and his daughter Mary, Thomas French, Sen., John Burt, Benjamin Burt, his wife Sarah, and their children, Christopher, born April 4, 1 704, while on the march to Canada, and Seaborn, born July 4, 1706, on the home voyage. Mrs. Mary Hinsdale gave birth to son Ebenezer, on the voyage. Both babies were baptized by Samuel Willard, on landing in Boston. The names of the others are unknown, but the greater num- ber were presumably Deerfield captives. August 8th, with light hearts, these began their homeward march. Mr. Williams not being allowed to see the assembled company of returning captives, wrote them a " Pastoral Let- ter," dated at Chateau Richer, May 28th, 1706. It was sent on board, " Per Samuel Scammon, Q. D. C. Present with 334 QUEEN ANNE'S WAR — iyo2 — 1713. Care I Pray." This was to be read to his flock on the home- ward voyage. He says : — "Inasmuch as I may neither be permitted to return with you; nor be permitted to come to see you before your return; these come to acquaint you that I am truly desirous of Prosperity for soul and Body. I would bless God who is opening a door of Return for you; and if God be your Front Guard & Rearward, it shall go well with you. * * * Pray for us that are left behind, that God would preserve and recover us, and give us Grace to Glorify His Holy name, tho' He continue, yea increase our Trials. * * * What is it that is most upon your heart in your Return? Is it that you may with all Freedom Glorify God, in bringing forth much Fruit, whilst you are again planted in the Court Yards of our God? How sorrow- ful is it if your greatest design be to see your Friends so long Sepa- rated from you; to Gain Estates, and recover your outward Losses; and to be free again to go and come as you list!" This is the spirit of the whole address. He urges them to make it a business to glorify God. "Let God have the Glory of preserving you, and dont ascribe it to your own wisdom; dont think to go shares or partners with God in His Glory; He has done it for the honor of His Name * * * Dont think after your return ; that having desired publicly in the congre- gation of God's people to have thanks returned to God on your be- half ; you have done your duty * * * Thanksliving is the best Thanks- giving. * * * J wish you a healthy, a safe, a speedy passage to your destined port; if it be the will of God. But above all, I wish you a gracious, truly penitent, Christ prizing, and soul enriching, sanctifying voyage to a better port, when it is the pleasure of God to call you to come home to your Father's house." Zebadiah Williams, captured in Deerfield Meadows, Oct. 8th, 1703, died in the hospital at Quebec, April 12th, 1706. Mr. Williams says : " He was a very hopeful and pious young man, * * * prayerful to God and studious and painful in reading the Holy Scriptures." Williams had "recovered one, [Joseph Edgerly] fallen to Popery," and after his death, the French told Mr. Williams, " Zebadiah was gone to hell and damned, for he had appeared to Joseph Edgerly in a flame of fire, and told him he was damned for refusing to embrace the Romish religion, when such pains were used to bring him to the true faith, and be- ing instrumental in drawing him from the Romish commun- ion — forsaking the mass — and was therefore now come to ad- vertise him of his danger." "I told them," says the plain- spoken Mr. Williams, " I judged it to be a Popish lie !" and THE envoy's bill OF EXPENSES. 335 he soberly went about gathering evidence to prove it so ; and wrote to Samuel Hill and his brother Ebenezer, at Quebec, " to make discovery of this lying plot, to warn them of their danger." It seems he seriously feared its effect upon the superstitious minds of his flock. On Sheldon's return he presented his bill of expenses to the Governor: — An account of what John Sheldon (who was impressed by his Ex- cellency to go to Canada to treat about y" English Captives) hath expended upon the Country's account in Canada for himself and the Captives in General : — By Taylors work in making clothes, To Mr Dubenot (?) [ — ] cloath for cloathing, for stockins, shoes, a shirt & a hat and a pair of gloves & a neckcloath. For a carriall to goe to see the captives at the Mohawk fort, For a cannoe and men to goe from Quebec to visit Mr Williams, More paid to Mr La Count my landlord at Quebec, More paid to the Barbour for me and my men and my blooting, More paid for washing, More paid my landlord at Montreall, More paid for my second visit to the cap's at the Mohawk fort. More what I laid out for the captives when i came away from Can- ada & one of the sailers. For John Wells for a hat i6 livres, for silk, 8 livres, for a pair of stockins, 12 livres, for a shirt, 8 livres, 11 sous, Joseph Bradley for a shirt. Delivered to Mr Williams, Laid out for my deaughter Mary, for necessary cloathing. More for my darter. To the doctor for John Wells and for other things for the captives, Expended at Port Royal for Pocket expenses, ;^io-oo-oo-at 20d pr livre. ivres. sous. 17 00 106 II 12 00 06 00 38 00 21 10 08 00 77 06 4 08 42 10 44 II 8 13 200 00 59 00 15 00 12 00 689 809 Accompanying the above bill was the following petition : — Aug. 8, 1706. To his Excellency, Joseph Dudley &c, &c, &c. The Petition of John Shelden in behalfe of himself, Joseph Brad- ley, & John Wells, humbly sheweth That your Petitioner with the afore mentioned Bradley & Wells were Sent by your Excellency & Council the last winter by Land to Canada to Obtain the Return of the Captives wherein they have so far succeeded, as that on the 2d instant They Arrived herq with forty-four of the Captives. Your Petitioner entered upon the said service on the 15th day of Janu'ry last, the said Bradley on the 20th day & the s'' Wells on the 25th day of the same month. Your Petitioners therefore humbly Pray your Excellency & this Hon'ble Court to Take into your Consideration their service aforsaid and the extraordinary Difficulties, Hazzards and Hardships they have undergone & the time spent therein, and Order Them such Allow- 336 QUEEN ANNE'S WAR — 1702 — 1713. ance & Consideration for the same as in your wisdom you Shall think meet. And your Petitioners as in duty bound shall ever pray. John Shelden. Wells and Bradley also petitioned in their own behalf : — To his excellency &c &c — The Humble petition of John Wells & Joseph Bradley Showeth that your Petitioners were lately sent by his Excellency to Qubeck with Sheldon and in their journey they were necessitated to be at some Expenses and your Petitioner Wells expended above three pounds ten shillings & Bradley forty sh beside snow shoes and pumps which cost him thirteen shillings and a Dog fifteen & beside there was a gun hired for the Voyage valued at 50 s which s* gun was broken accidentally in y° discharging Your petitioners therefore humbly pray that they may be allowed the Disbursements above mentioned and y^ money for the gun John Wells. Aug 7, 1706 Joseph Bradly. Action on these petitions by the General Court : — Oct. 29, 1706, Granted to John Sheldon 35 pounds; to John Wells -20 pounds & to Joseph Bradley 20 pounds over and at)ove what they had in fitting them out. The successful mission of Ensign Sheldon having opened the door for the captives' return, the brigantine Hope, Capt. Bonner, was chartered to bring another party of them home. August 9th, an order was issued by the General Court, that the captain of the. La Marie be kept under inspection, and that the French prisoners be gathered at once at Cambridge, ready to be sent home when the vessel was ready. These prisoners had probably been scattered among the towns. By the following order, found among the Sheldon manuscript, it appears that two of them were at DeerfieM : — To the Constable at Deerfield. In her Maj'tys Name You are Required to Impress two Squa Lynes & any other Necessary the two Frenchmen now going to Can- ada stand in need of. fayle not.. 27 August, 1706. Sam'll Partridge, Lt. Colo. Envoy John Sheldon, ensign and deacon, was constable as well,' and as soon as his papers were presented and reports made to the Governor, he hastened home and Aug. 27th, he was fitting out these men to join the other French captives now being gathered at Cambridge for the home voyage. In June, 1706, the "Superior of the priests" told Mr. Wil- liams he was ragged, but that his obstinacy against the Catli- THE PURITAN HOLDS HIS OWN. 337 olic religion prevented them providing him better clothes. Mr. Williams, always a match for a priest, replied : " It is better going in a ragged coat, than with a ragged conscience." This conversation was doubtless reported by John Sheldon, on his arrival at Boston, and reached the ears of Judge Sew- all, a friend of Mr. Williams. An entry in the diary of Sewall Aug. 1 6th, 1706, shows that he attended a meeting of the Governor and Council when he " spake that a suit of clothes might be made here for Mr. Williams." The garments were doubtless sent to Canada by Capt. Appleton. The brigantine Hope and La Marie, with Capt. Samuel Appleton as agent, sailed for Quebec with the French pris- oners soon after, reaching their port about October ist. Then came a trying struggle between the French priests and Mr. Williams for the possession of the captive children. '' I can- not tell you," says he, "how the clergy and others labored to stop many of the prisoners. To some liberty, to some money and yearly pensions were offered, if they would stay." To some they urged the danger of shipwreck at that late season, and " some younger ones they told ' if they went home they would be damned and burnt in hell forever,' to af right them." To Mr. Williams's son Warham, then seven years old, they promised " an honorable pension from the King," and a "great deal" from his master, "an old man, and the richest in Canada." No means were left untried to prevail upon them to stay " at least till the spring. * * * But God graciously brake the snare, and brought them out." Who can imagine the anxiety and distress of the good pas- tor in this critical time ? or the intense feeling of relief, when the strain was removed, and the Hope spread her white wings over fifty-seven English captives for the homeward voyage, and his lambs were safe and beyond the reach of the Popish wolves? They sailed October 25th and had a narrow escape from shipwreck shortly after; but arrived safely at Boston on the 21st of November, 1706. On landing they were sent for to go before the General Court, which voted that "20S be allowed each prisoner this day returned from captivity." Capt. Appleton's bill of expenses being ;^i4o6^ 6 s, was allowed December 6th ; amongst the items of his bill were £2, 13 s, 6d, for five Bibles sent to the 'captives, and 155 livres paid for the redemption of three captives. This sum 338 QUEEN ANNE'S WAR— 1/02 — 1713. was probably to reimburse the French for what they paid the Indians as the price of the captives ; Dudley having firmly re- solved not to " set up an Algiers trade," purchasing the cap- tives from the Indians, as such a course would surely en- courage them to further raids. December 5th, Mr. Williams preached " at the Boston Lect- ure," from Luke viii : 39 — " Return to thine own house, and show how great things God hath done unto thee." The bur- den of his sermon was that God should be glorified for all benefits received, and showing that God speedily answered particular prayers, while the captives were in the hands of the savages. December 6th, the General Court voted Mr. Williams forty pounds on condition that he returned to Deerfield within three weeks and remained a year. "Dec. 7, I invited the Gov'r," says Sewall in his diary, "to dine at Holmes.' There were the Gov'r, Col. Townsend, Bromfield, Leverett, Williams, Capt. Wells, Sheldon, Hook, Sewall." Townsend, Bromfield, Leverett and the host, were members of the Council. December 20th, Mr. Williams preached "at Mr. Bromfield's," and probably returned to Deerfield directly after, with his children and such townsmen as had not previously gone on. It may be he spent part of the winter in Boston writing and getting out his " Redeemed Captive." Sewall writes : — "Mch 8 [1707] M'' Williams visits us and tells me he goes to Deerfield 14 nights hence next Tues- day. His Narrative is now in the Press." Of all the fifty-seven captives who returned with Appleton, the names of only Mr. Williams and his children Esther and Warham are known. THIRD EXPEDITION OF SHELDON TO CANADA. There being still many English captives in Canada whom Vaudreuil had promised to return in the spring. Dudley pro- posed to the Council, January 14th, 1707, to have " a Person Ledger at Quebec, to put forward that affair, and that Mr. John Sheldon, who has been twice already, may be employed with a suitable retinue to undertake a journey thither on that service." This plan was adopted: Two men of character and standing, Edward Allen, town clerk of Deerfield, and Deacon Edmund Rice of Sudbury, were selected as a " suita- THE LEDGER LABORS UNDER DIFFICULTIES. 339 ble retinue." Nathaniel Brooks, a Deerfield captive, was added somewhere on the route. It was now a time of active hostilities, and this embassy though ever so wise and pru- dent, ran great risks. They might at any time be fired upon from some cover before their flag of truce was seen or their character discovered. They set out April 17th, and arrived at Quebec May 9th without molestation. In a dispatch to Dudley of June 20th, Sheldon says they found the city in a fever of excitement, over news of an expedition fitting out in New England against Canada, and active in preparations to repel it. Their presence was unwelcome and the "Ledger" found a less courteous reception than on his former visits. He was not imprisoned, but was kept under strict surveillance and not allowed to go home lest he report the condition of their de- fences and military preparations. After about six weeks at Quebec, he was sent up to Montreal. Col. Schuyler writing to Col. Partridge, Aug. nth, 1707, tells him that his Indian spies, just returned, report that " they see Deacon Sheldon at Montreal, who walked the streets, but was told he was de- tained, and had not the liberty to go home." We find no details of the negotiations for prisoners, for which there could have been but scant opportunity, in this crisis. With- in three weeks after Sheldon's arrival an English army had made an attack on Port Royal. The event of the campaign being determined, the embassy was allowed to depart. On the nth of August, Sheldon, bearing dispatches of August i6th, [N. S.,] from Vaudreuil to Dudley, set out from Chambly. He was escorted by five French soldiers under Capt. de Chambly, a brother of Hertel de Rouville. They arrived at Albany August 24th, whence Sheldon wrote the Council a letter, received September 2d, in which he says, " Col. Schuyler had obliged him, with the six Frenchmen, to attend the Lord Cornbury, at New York." This was no hardship for the Frenchmen ; and it gave them, greater facil- ities for carrying out their secret instructions. Vaudreuil gave a detailed account of this mission in his dispatches to the home government. In reply, Ponchartrain, the war min- ister, says : — His Majesty approvfes of your haven spoken as you have done to the man named Schalden, [Sheldon] whom that Governor [Dudley] 340 QUEEN ANNE'S WAR — 1702 — 1713. sent to you overland in quest of the English prisoners at Quebec, and even had you imprisoned him, and those of his suite, it would have been no great harm. You did well to send these prisoners to Orange, under the charge of an officer, and a detachment of soldiers, and to recommend that officer to inform himself of what was passing at Orange, and in countries in that direction, in possession of the Eng- lish. Leaving New York, Sheldon's party traveled eastward, by Saybrook, New London and Seeconk, reaching Boston Sep- tember 8th, when Sheldon delivered his dispatches to the Governor, and gave the Council a verbal account of his mis- sion. He soon after went home. In October, he was sent again to Boston as an agent for the town. On the 30th, he presented to the General Court the following petition and bill of expenses : — To his Excellency & Honors — The Petition of John Shelden Humbly Sheweth: That your petitioner, accompanied by Edward Allin & Edmund Rice and Nathaniel Brooks were ordered by your Ex'cy to undertake a Journey to Canada in order to recover the English Captives there. In obedience whereunto y'' Petitioner, with the persons afores'^, be- gan their Journey on the 17th day of April last, and Proceeded to Canada, when your Petitioner faithfully & diligently pursued the s* Designe to the utmost of his power, & so far succeeded therein, as to bring home with him seven captives, and Returned home again on the i8th of Sept., In which journey y'' Petition', with the afors"* Per- sons, endured much fatigue & hardship & passed through great Dan- ger, & by their absence from their Businesse Sustained considerable Damage ; Your Pet' therefore. Humbly Praies y' Excellency & Hon° to Con- sider the Premises, & order such Compensation & Allowance to him & those that accompanied him, in the s'' service, as in your Wisdom & Justice shall be thought meet. And your Pet'r as in Duty bound, shall ever Pray. Boston, Oct. 30, 1707. John Sheldon. An Accompt of the Sums of Disbursements of John Shelden in his Journey to Canada, in the Service of the Massachusetts Bay, from Aprill 17th to the i8th of Sep. 1707, viz, with 3 men travelling with him: livres. sous. Viz't from May gth to June 25th, expended for our Diet and Wash- ing, 174 13 To expenses for Diet & washing from June 24 to Aug, g, 142 13 To expenses for a pr of shoes for Edw. Allin, 6 More for said Allin for tobaccoe, 5 7 Ex for Edm. Rice for a pr shoes, 6 More for sd Rice for Tobaccoe, 4 1 Expences for Nathanial Brooks for a pr shoes, 6 More for tobaccoe, 2 15 To an Indian to guide us into the way when bewildered, 6 SHELDON'S PETITION AND GRANT. 341 Pd to ferryman to going to Oso fort to se the captives. Pd to the Barber for trimming, Pd for Diet for Henry Segur, captive, IVIore paid for sd Segur for stoclcins & shoes, Pd to a man for fetching sd Segur from the Indian town to Mont Roy'l, Pd for a Bottle Brandy for the voyage, Pd for a Deerskin for shoes & 3 pr Indian shoes, To further expences at Albany in coming home for ye ffrenchmens' Diete, To Diet for myself, for provision and drink for our voyage from -York to Seabrook, pd for our ffreight, pd to ye fferryman at Seabrook, pd for a man & horse to N London, pd for quarters at Stoningtown, pd for Shoeing horses, pd for quarters at Seaconk & horse hire, pd Pocket expenses. livres. sou 2 14 41 9 10 3 10 2 8 10 443 16 £. s. d. 00 16 10 2 6 12 6 8 00 I 4 2 2 10 2 8 10 6 3 00 00 5 19 pd out of his own particuler stock, viz, To money paid for hire of a man & horse to bring a Captive woman from Albany to Wood- bury, I 19 o and to money paid for provision for the Captives, 10 6 296 To pa for the Redemption of a molatto Captive, taken from Exeter 40 pieces of 8s, 8d, at I7d weight which he is to pay me. This petition was endorsed on the back : — In the House of Representatives: Nov. I, 1707, In ans. to the Pet. on the other side — Resolved that the Pet'rs Ace. herewith Presented, viz., Seven Hundred Livres amounting to fifty-eight Pounds sixteen shillings & eight pence allowed out of the Province Treasury. And for his time & Service in the affair within mentioned, the sum of fifty pounds, of which he is paid thirteen Pounds twelve shil's by a Muletto. And to each the three persons that went with him sev- enteen Pounds apiece. John Burrill, Speaker. A few days later, the following petition was laid before the General Court :— To his Excellency Joseph Dudley, Esq., Captaine, Generall & Governor in Chiefe in & over the Province of y= Massachusetts Bay & New Hampshire in New England, the Honrable Council and Rep- resentatives in Gen'll corte assembled this i8th day of November, 1707: — The Petition of John Shelding of Derefeild, Humbly Sheweth, that whereas I have been a great sufferer in the Common Calamities that hath befallen us at Derefeild, greatly impaireing my estate & family, so that I have been Much Unsettled, & the Rather because so many 342 QUEEN ANNE'S WAR — \^02 — 1713. of o' neighbors & of my own children were carried away into Captiv- ity, occationing my self to take three journeys to Canada, to obtain and be helpfuU in their Release & Returning home againe, which hath been a Verry Difficult and Hazzardous Undertakeing, which I doubt not but this Hon'ble Corte is very Senceable of. Upon the Considerations afores'*, I am imboldened to ask a Gratuity by Grant- ing me a tract of some of the country's Land undisposed of, within or Nere the County of West Hampshire, in some conveynient place where I can finde it, to y" quantity of five hundred Acres or there- abouts, and the Corte shall Judge Most Meet & Conveynient for me, & least prejudiciall to any other" Grant. The Consideration of, & allowance to me as above will very much oblidge Your Humble Ser- vant as in duty Bound for yo'r Excellency & Hon'rs ever to pray. John Sheedon. " In consideration of his good services," 300 acres were granted the petitioner Nov. 26th, 1 707. The names of the captives brought home by Mr. Sheldon on this ill-timed mission are unknown, save as gathered from the foregoing petition and bill. Nathaniel Brooks was from Deerfield. His two children were left behind ; their mother had been killed on the march. Henry Seger was son of Henry of Newtown. Of the Woodbury woman and the mulat- to nothing further appears. Such facts as have been found relating to the captives from Deerfield who remained in Canada, will be given as a contribution to their history. The list made up by Stephen Williams about 1730, and printed in Prince's edition of the "Redeemed Captive," may be referred to in this connection. The Carter Children. There is a family tradition that Sam- uel Carter was drowned while crossing a river in Canada and that he was previously engaged to be married to a Deerfield captive. On the death of their father at Norwalk, Conn., in 1728, he left by will estate worth ;£'5oo to John, and ;£'ioo to Mercy, on condition they would come to Connecticut and re- main ten years. It appears by this will, and by a letter from their brother Ebenezer, the residuary legatee, to his brother John, now preserved in the Carter family, that both John and Mercy were married and had children in Canada. When Col. Stoddard and John Williams were in Canada in 1 7 14, as commissioners empowered to recover captives, John Carter agreed to go home with them ; but his attachment to the country was so strong that he changed his mind, and they were obliged to leave him. CONCERNING CANADA CAPTIVES. 343 The following papers show that some of this family long years after came to New England to visit their relatives : — Albany, July 6, 1736. Lift. Ebenezer Carter: — This is to let you know that your brother John Carter is come from Canada, in Albany * * * ^^j] the people in Albany did advice him to go alone afoot to Norwalck * * * We advice him to go with this man William Hobis (?) for he promise to take your brother along to Norwalck, for Reason we was afraid your brother should Lost himself before he comes to you, for he no not the Road. I desire you to Satisfy Hobis (?) when he has delivered your Brother. * * * -Qq your best Indeavours to make him sta by you, and to bring him to Repentance. Love your Brother, for love is of God. We wiss you well. And Remain your Humble Servant, Robert Wendell. Ahasueras Wendell. Remember my Love to my wife and shildren and parens and all friends. The bearers hereof, two of the sons of Mercy Carter, an English woman taken captive at Deerfield, Anno. 1703, and since married to a Cagnawaga Indian being desirous to travel to Norwalk in the Col- ony of Connecticut to visit the Relations of their mother there, this is to desire such persons in said Colony as may see them on their way thither, to direct them in their road, and afford them Necessary and proper Support; and if any Expect to be paid therefor, to bring in their account to us the Subscribers. William Pitkin. Albany, July the sth, 1751. John Chester. After the close of the old French War, John Carter again appears in his native land. Capt. Ephraim Williams writes from Fort Massachusetts to Lieutenant Governor Phipps, Sept. 3d, 1751, saying:— Last night came to the Fort 2 Frenchmen & i English captive whose name is John Carter; he was taken when Deerfield was de- stroyed; he is now married in Canada & has a family there. The Frenchmen's mother is an English captive, taken at the same time. She was old Mr. Thomas French's daughter. They had a pass from the Governor of Canada, and are going to see their relatives as they say, but if the truth were known, I believe they are sent for spies. Three of Mr. French's daughters remained in Canada. It is not known which of them is referred to above. Abigail Denio.—She was a daughter of John Stebbins, twenty-six days married to James Denio, or Denieur, one of the "three Frenchmen "of Stephen Williams's list, when cap- tured. Their son Aaron when about ten years old came down with a party of Indians to visit his kin. His grand- father persuaded him to stay, and when the Indians were ready to return, Aaron could not be found. He became a 344 QUEEN ANNE'S WAR — 1702 — 1713. noted tavern keeper in Greenfield, was prominent in public affairs, and a soldier in later wars. Mary Field, Jr. — She was six years old when taken. She was adopted by a squaw and named Walahowey. She mar- ried an Indian, and both came down to visit her relatives. Nothing could induce her to remain, although it is said her husband was willing. She told her brother Pedajah, she would contrive his capture, that he might have the benefit of the Popish religion and a life in Canada. Pedajah believed the attempt was once made, and only frustrated by a skillful device which enabled him to escape from the scene of dan- ger. Mary Harris. — Robert Eastman, captured at Oswego in 1756, and taken to Canada, says "When at Cahnawaga, I lodged with the French captain's mother, (an English woman named Mary Harris, taken captive when a child from Deer- field, in New England), who told me she was my grandmoth- er and was kind." In the New England Historical and Genealogical Register is the following query : — In the early days of Ohio, 'White Woman's Creek' was a branch of Muskingum, and a town on it was called 'White Woman's. ' Gist, in his journal, under date January, 1751, says: This white woman was taken away from New England, when she was not above ten years old, by the French and Indians. She is now upwards of fifty j has an Indian husband and several children. Her name is Mary Harris. Can any one tell whence she was taken or anything about her? C. C. Baldwin, Cleveland, Ohio. Capt. Joseph Kellogg writes from Suffield, Conn., Dec. 3d, 1744, that, — Two young men, Mary Harris' children, have been with me twice, which have lodged at my house. One of them is a very InteUigable man about thirty years of age, and from them endeavoured to criti- cally examine them about the affairs of Canada. Kellogg was a fellow captive of Mary Harris. The woman in each of these papers appears to be Mary Harris, the Deerfield captive. All agree substantially as to her age, but at present it seems impossible to reconcile these conflicting accounts, and no attempt at an explanation will be made. I have always thought her a child when taken, but have been unable to learn her parentage or previous his- tory. THE MYSTERY OF ABIGAIL NIMS. 345 Joanna Kellogg was eleven years old when taken. She married a chief of the Caghnawaga tribe. Many years after she was induced to visit New England, when every induce- ment was offered, and artifice and strategem used to prevent her return ; but all in vain. She died in her chosen home to all intents a veritable savage. Abigail Nims, aged three when captured. There was a mystery hanging over her life never fully cleared up. It is not certainly known that she was ever heard from by her friends. In her father's will, a provision was made for her in case of her return. There is no indication that the estate was ever called for by her. If the story, of which a glimpse is given in the Massachusetts Council Records, really relates to Abigail, as seems probable from the evidence, it is a tale which, in its suggestions and possibilities, is brimful of sad- ness and pathos. All that is known bearing on the matter is given below. At a meeting of the Council, July 31st, 1714, a letter from Col. Partridge, dated July 28th, was laid before it : — Giving an account of an outrage in the County of Hampshire, re- lating to a girl brought thither by a Macqua, and offered for sale; supposed to be an English captive carryed from Deerfield, it appear- ing so, by her own relation, and divers circumstances concurring. Advised that a letter be written to the Commissioners of Indian af- fairs at Albany to acquaint them thereof, that a strict examination and inquiry be made therinto, & that Capt. John Sheldon be desired to undertake the journey to Albany with said letter, and assist in said enquiry. And a letter was accordingly digested, signed and ex- pressed to Col. Partridge, with a letter from Gov. Saltonstal, to Capt. Sheldon to undertake said Journey. Further advised, that a copy of this s"" letter be sent to Gen; Nicholson at Pisquataqua, & that he be desired also to write to the Commissioners about this affair. " Ensign Sheldon," now a captain, and living at Hartford, accepted the mission, and went to Albany with his son. On his return he reported its results to the Council, which took the following action on the case : — In Council, Aug. 22, 1714. Upon reading a letter from the Com- missioners of the Indian affairs at Albany, by Capt. John Sheldon, messenger thither to make inquiries concerning a young Maid or Girle, brought thither into Westfield by a Macqua and offered for sale, very probably, supposed to be English, & daughter of one [God- frey] Nims, late of Deerfield, and carried away captive, the Com- misioners insisting upon it that she is an Indian. Ordered, that Samuel Partridge, Esq., treat with the Macqua, her 346 QUEEN ANNE's WAR — 1702 — 1713. pretended master, & agree with him on the reasonablest terms he can for her release, & then to dispose her to some good family near the sea side, without charge for the present, to prevent her fears; unless Capt. Sheldon will be prevailed with to take her home with him. Paid John Sheldon for journey to Boston from Northampton, and back to Albany, and back, with his son, £iT, i6s, 7d, for time and expenses. In Council, Sept. 20, 1714. Ordered, that the sum of ^£2$ be paid to Elewacamb, the Albany Indian now attending with letters and papers from thence, who claims the English girl in the hands of the English, and her Relations at Deerfield, and that a warrant be made to the Treasurer accordingly. Also that a coat and shirt be given s"* Indian. So it seems that Partridge was successful in his mission, and delivered the girl at Deerfield, before the above date. Here the curtain dropped. After this, not the slightest trace of Abigail Nims was found. The Commissioners at Albany believed she was an Indi- an. But it would appear that the Council of Massachusetts, Col. Partridge and Capt. Sheldon, as well as her " relations in Deerfield," believed she was the Abigail Nims she claimed to be. Which was right? What became of her? Did she, chafing under the ecclesiastical rigor of New England disci- pline, go back to the easy-going forms of Catholicism in Can- ada? Was she enticed away by some Canadian priest, anx- ious for her soul's salvation ? Did she receive reproof rather than pitiful care, on her awkwardness in household work? Did she rebel against regular labor in any form? Did she find civilized life uncongenial and irksome, and pining for the primitive freedom of savage customs, steal away into the wilderness for relief ? In the list of captives by Stephen Williams, a fellow cap- tive, Abigail Nims, is marked as one who never came back from Canada. Was the pretended Abigail, spurious? — an Indian girl, in a conspiracy with Elewacamb, to obtain ran- som money and to run away at her leisure ? Did she remain until the return of Ebenezer Nims and wife ? They re- mained in captivity until Sept. i, 17 14, when they sailed from Canada for home. They must have been able to distinguish an English from an Indian girl. Did they detect the cheat, and send her packing ? All speculations are idle. No voice comes in answer to all this questioning. This romance and EUNICE WILLIAMS BECOMES A SAVAGE. 347 mystery remain, and probably must remain, a sad, unsolved problem of border history.* Thankful Stebbins, aged twelve. Hoyt, in Antiquarian Re- searches, says : — A gentleman who recently resided in Montreal stated, that at the lake of the Two Mountains, near the mouth of Grand river, he saw a French girl who informed him that her grandmother was Thankful Stebbing, who was one of the captives taken from Deerfield in 1704. Her father, John Stebbins, who died in 1723, made provis. ion in his will for five children then in Canada, provided they returned and remained in New England. Samuel alone re- turned. Their ages ranged from four to seventeen. Elizabeth {Price) Stevens. — She was wife of " Andrew Stev- ens y" Indian." She married in Montreal, Feb. 3d, 1706, Jean Fourneau, a Frenchman, and never came back. Eunice Williams, daughter of Rev. John Williams, aged seven. — A full and interesting account of this case can be found in a paper read by Miss C. Alice Baker before the Po- cumtuck Valley Memorial Association in 1871. She re- mained with the Indians until she became practically one of them. Nothing could induce her captors to give her up, ei- ther to the English or French. " De Vaudreuil," says Mr. Williams, her father, " labored much for her redemption. He offered an hundred pieces of eight for her and was refused. His lady went over and begged her from them, but all in vain." How shall we account for the tenacity with which the fickle, money-loving savages clung to this child ? It was said they "would as soon part with their hearts," as with her. Could it have been from personal attachment ? Was it not rather through the influence of the Jesuits, plotting a grand triumph over Mr. Williams ? Prolonged and earnest efforts were made for her recovery; but when in 171 3 she married Amrusus, a Caghnawaga Indian, they were almost as hope- * Thanks to the untiring research of C. Alice Baker, the life of Abigail Nims in Canada has been recently traced. She was baptized June 15th, 1704, [N. S.] ' by the name of Mary Elizabeth. She lived with Ganastarsi, a squaw, who gave her the name of To-wat-a-go-wach. July 2gth, 1715, [N. S.], nine months after her supposed appearance in Deerfield, Abigail was married at the Indian fort to Josiah Rising, a fellow Deerfield captive. They settled at the Lake of the Two Mountains, on a farm still held by their descendants. Here Abigail died Feb. 19th, 1748, [N. S.] leaving eight children. The oldest son became a priest; the youngest daughter. Lady Superior of the Community of the Congregation. A tree transplanted from the home of Abigail and Josiah is now growing near Memorial Hall, on land that was the home lot of Abigail's father. 348 QUEEN anne's war — 1702 — 1713. less. In 1740, she was prevailed upon to visit her brother Stephen at Longmeadow, with her husband, on the guarantee that she should not be detained. They came to New Eng- land again the next year, with two children, and stayed sev- eral months, visiting her relatives ; a third time in October, 1743, and once again later. The General Court granted the family a large tract of land on condition they would remain, but to no purpose ; she, fearing it would endanger her soul. The only other reason ever given, so far as it appears, was, that her father had married a second wife. The papers below show the wide-spread interest in Eunice and some of the efforts for her recovery : — Peter Schuyler to Gov. Dudley : — May it please your Excellency Your Excellencys Letters of y" 6"' & lo''' Currant for Expresse have Received togather with five letters for Mens"' Vaudreuil gov'' of Canida which have deliver'' to y" french officer Dayeville who goes from hence y"' [19] Instant & have taken his Receipt for three Let- ters as you Designed which is here Inclosed as to what your Excel- lency mentions Relating to Mr Williams his doghter, the squaw nor she is not come her yet nor have 1 heard anything of her Coming altho I shall be very glad to see them and do assure your Excellency If they come together or be it y= squaw alone I shall use all possible meanes to get the child exchanged Either as your Excellency pro- poses or what other way the Squaw will be most willing to Comply with In the meantime shall Inform my Selfe by all opportunities whether the said Squaw & Child be coming here or if they be any- where near by. Your Excellency may depend that whatever I can do for y'^ obtaining of y'' s'' Child shall at no time be wanting. So shall take leave to subscribe my Selfe Your Excellency' Most humble & obedient Servant Albany Dec i9(?) 1712 P Schuyler John Schuyler to Gov. Dudley : — May it Please . Yo'' Excellency I. thought it my duty imediately (w'^out any further Omis- sion) to signify to yo'' Excellency my return from Mount Real to Al- bany upon y" 15*'' of this Instant June with Mons' Bolock [Hertel de Beaulac. C. A. Baker] and three more and nine prisonirs a list of y' Names is herein enclosed: I sett them forward for New engl'' w"' Sam" Ashly and Daniell Bagg upon y'* 10'" Instant I have not here- in incerted the charges; By reason I cann' make up the Ace*' till y" Officers return to Canada; I have likewise enclos* for Yo'' Excellency my Memoriall that touches the concern of y^ Rev'' Mr Williams y'= Minister at Dearfeild for his Daughter My indefatigueable Pains A FINAL AND VAIN EFFORT. 349 therein came to no purpose If y'' Excellency hath the Returns of peace I hope to receive them; and then shall dispatch them away as directed. I found a great fatique in my Journey to and from Canada and waded through many Difficulties in y'= way w"' the Prisonirs To Dilate thereon would be proli.x. I now beg leave to assure your Excellency of my Effection and Zeal to every yo'' Commands and that in all Sincerity I am May it Please Yo' Excell'' Yo' most obedient humble Serv' Albany June y*^ John Schuyler lo"' 1713 Col. Schuyler's narrative of the culminating event in the eventful life of Eunice Williams is as pathetic as it is dra- matic. The actors are all truly representative characters; the scene an epitome of the historic verities of our Colonial life. One may be pardoned if he do not quite agree with the honest Dutchman as to the disinterested efforts of the priests to release Eunice, whom they had baptized Margaret. A true and perfect Memoriall of my proceedings Jn behalf of Mar- garett Williams now Captive amongst y'= Jndians at the ffort of Cag- henewaga Jn Canada, Jnsisting upon here Relief and to persuade her to go home, to her father and Native Countrey, it being upon the instant and earnest desire of her ffather now Minister at Dearfeild in New England. J arrived from Albany at Mont Reall on y= 15"' of Aprill last 17 13 Where J understood y' Mons' de Vaudruille Govern' and Chief of Canada, was expected then every day from Quebeck, Upon which J thought proper not to mention any thing touching the aforesaid Captive, untill his Excellency should be h'ere himself, and according- ly when he arrived here ; J propos'd the matter to him, who gave me all the Encouragera' J could immagine for her to go home, he also permitted me, to go to her at the ffort, where she was to prepare, if J could persuade her to go home. Moreover his Excellency said that w'h all his heart, he would give a hundred Crowns out of his own pockett, if that she might be persuaded to go to her Native Countrey; J observing all this, then was in hopes, J should prevaile with her to go home. Accordingly J went to the ffort of Caghenewaga being accompanied by one of the Kings Officers and a ffrench Jnterpreter likewise another of the Jndian Language, Being upon the 26 Day of May entring at the Jndian ffort, J thought fitt first to apply mySelf to the priests; As J did. Being two in Company, And was informed before that this infant (As J may say) was married to a young Jndian J therefore proposed to know the Reason why this poor Captive should be Married to an Jndian being a Christian Born (tho neerly taken from the Mothers Breast and such like Instances &c) Where- upon the priest Sett forth to me Such' good Reasons, w"' Witnesses that my Self, or any other person (as J believe) could fairly make Objection against their Marriage; (First s" he they came to me to Marry them) very often w<='' J always refus'd w*" good words and per- suasions to the Contrary, But both continuing in their former resolu- 350 QUEEN ANNE'S WAR — 1702 — 1713. tions to Such a Degree, that J was constrained to be absent from y'' the ifort three Severall times, because not Satisfyed mySelf in their Marriage; Untill last, after Some days past they both came to me, and s* that they were Joined together. And if he would not marry them they matter'd not, for they were resolved never to leave one the other But live together heathen like; Upon w""" J thought proper to Join them in Matrimony and Such like Reasons as afore- said the priest did plainly Sett forth) and after some further dis- course, J desired the priest, to let me see her at his house, ffor J knew not where to find her upon which he sent for her, who p''sently came with the Jndian She was Married to both together She looking very poor in body, bashfull in the face but proved harder than Steel in her breast, at her first Entrance into the Room, J desired her to sitt down w°'' she did, J first Spoak to her in English, Upon w'^* she did not Answ' me ; And J believe She did not understand me, she be- ing very Young when she was taken, And liveing always amongst the Jndians afterwards, J Jmployed my Jndian Languister to talk to her; informing him first by the ffrench Jnterpretor who understood the English Language, What he should tell her, and what Questions he should Ask her. Accordingly he did J understood amost all what he said to her; And found that he Spoak according to my Order but could not gett one word from her. Upon which J advised the priest To Speak to her And if J could not prevail w"' her to go home to Stay there, that She might only- go to see her ffather. And directly return hither again, The priest made a long Speech to her and en- deavoured to persuade her to go, but after almost half an hours dis- course — could not get one word from her; And afterwards when he found She did not Speak, he again Endeavoured to persuade her to go and see her ffather. And J seeing She continued inpersuadable to speak; J promised upon my Word and honour, if she would go only to see her ffather, J would "convey her to New England, and give her Assureance of liberty to return if she pleased — the priest asked her Severall times, for answer upon the my earnest request. And fair offers w°'' was after long Solicitations (Jaghte oghte) which word being translated into the English Tongue their Signifycation (is) may be not) but the meaning thereof amongst the Jndians is a plaine de- nyall and these two words were all we could gett from her; in all- most two hours time that we talked with her. Upon this my eyes being almost filled with tears, J said to her mySelf, had I made such proposalls and prayings to the worst of Jndians, J did not doubt but have had a reasonable Answere and consent to what J have s*. Up- on w'^'' her husband seeing that J was so much concerned about her replyed had her ffather not Married againe. She would have gone and Seen him, long Ere this time But gave no further reason and the time growing late and J being very SorrowfuU, that J could not pre- vail upon nor get one word more from her J took her by the hand and left her in the priests house. John Schuyler. The following letter gives us a parting glimpse of Eunice enjoying a serene old age in her Canada home. It was writ- ten by James Dean to her brother Stephen. Dean had spent several months at Caghnawaga and knew Eunice intimately. LOST LETTER OF EUNICE WILLIAMS. 351 The original letter is owned by Edward E. Ayers of Chicago^ who kindly loaned it for my examination and use. Two ex- tracts are given : — * * * "She has two daughters & one grandson which are all the Descendants she has. Both her daughters are married : But one of them has no children. Your sister lives Comfortably & well & con- sidering her advanced age enjoy'' a good state of health when I left the Country. She retains still an affectionate remembrance of her friends in New England : but tells me she never expects to see them again ; the fatigues of so long a journey would be too much for her- to undergo" * * * "Should have written more particular respect ing your sister, but I suppose you either have, or soon will receive a letter from herself, which Mr. Frisbee has brought down, in which she gives a particular account of her family." Where is this letter ? ANECDOTES RELATING TO THE CAPTIVES. Penhallow, who died in 1727, gives the following anecdote, in referring to the invasion of Deerfield, February, 1 704. It is not found elsewhere. A certain historian (?) has transferred this story to the time of the capture of Fort Massachusetts in 1746:— Some of the captives then in Canada, knowing the enterprise that was then on foot, sent several letters unto their friends, which the enemy did carefully put into a bag and hang it upon the hmb of a tree in the highway; which letters were afterwards found, and satis- faction of those that were then alive among them. There is a tradition in the Nims family, that when De Rouville's expedition was being planned, some of the leaders made John Nims the offer to save harmless all of his friends, if he would act as their guide. The proposition was joyfully accepted by Nims, with the expectation of being able to es- cape and give seasonable warning. But when the matter came to the ears of the Governor, he forthwith put a stop to the project, as a dangerous experiment. Soon after John Sheldon left Canada for home in 1705, four young men, disappointed at not being allowed to return with him, made their escape and reached home about June 8th. Their names were Thomas Baker, John Nims, Martin Kellogg and Joseph Petty. ' They had no arms, but probably a small stock of provisions, and reached our frontier more dead than alive from hunger and fatigue. They were dis- covered in Wisdom in an imbecile condition, and seemed 352 QUEEN ANNE'S WAR — 1702 — 1713. guided more by instinct than reason, in making their way towards home. Their appearance when brought in was such as to melt the stoutest heart. Nourishment was given ac- cording to the judgment of some old men, who had known what starvation was by experience. But the alternate ab- ject supplication, and impotent wrath, with which the poor fellows begged and fought for "more," was more than some of their friends could bear; and stringent measures were necessary to prevent such a response to these appeals as would have proved fatal to the sufferers, according to the theory of those in charge. Broth, in small quantities, was given at first, and by slow degrees more substantial food, un- til they were filled. It was a long time before their cravings were satisfied. After having eaten all they could, they still felt as hungry as ever. I had this account, when ten years old, from my grand- mother Sheldon, who was fifteen when John Nims died, and who heard it from his own lips. She was then more than four- score, and the story came from her trembling lips with a pa- thos never to be forgotten. I recall another incident : One day when the fugitives seemed at the last extremity, they discovered and killed a great white owl. This was instantly torn in pieces, which were laid in four piles, and fairly di- vided, one turning his back, and responding to the query, "Who shall have this?" until all had been "touched off." Each took his share, and hardly waiting to pull off the feath- ers, tore the tough fragments with their teeth, like so many ravenous beasts. Grandmother said, " John Nims always in- sisted that a wing which fell to him was the sweetest morsel he ever tasted." As an illustration of the value of tradition this story will be left as printed in the first edition. How the slow tortoise of which Petty partook, as appears in the following letter, obtained the plumage of the grave bird is of no consequence, for the " Providential Great White Owl " will still live, with "Goffe the Guardian Angel" of Hadley. And both will plume themselves and dress their feathers on the pages of so-called historical writers, to the music of the silver toned " Bell of St. Regis." To the courtesy and generosity of William F. Havemyer of New York City, we are able to give the following letter, the original of which is framed in A RARE DOCUMENT COMES TO LIGHT. 353 Memorial Hall. It was procured by him at an auction sale in Philadelphia in 1 892 : — Rev" S'- Upon your desire, I now present you with a Narrative of my es- cape from Canada, tho it is now so long Since y' I may possibly for- get some particulars. But the ace' as near as I can remember is as follows t'/s' About thirteen months after I was taken from Deerfield (w'= you well remember) four of us consulted methods to make our escape. Sometime in May upon y'' great procession day we had Lib- erty to go in & about y" city of Mont Real & there we happened all to meet together & John Nyms & I informed y'^ other two of our de- sign to make our escape. This was on a thirsday [May 10] & we agreed y' y° other three were to come down to where I lived w'^ was about 9 miles from y'^ city & w* was something remarkable y" guns & Provisions w'^ I had designed to bring w"' us was in another room from where 1 Lodged w"^ exercised my mind very much how I should come at y™ since I Lodged in another room wifth y" people of y" house & w' still oppressed my spirits more was, y' coming in from work at noon I found a bed & sick person placed in y' room where y° guns & Provisions were: & I thot now it was impossible to escape but upon my return at night I found y" sick person removed & my bed brought into y' room w° much revived me. on y« Sabbath [May 13] following I was to go to y° city again to conclude further about our escape, & having confirmed all matters I returned at night & found my Landlords son there w'' was designed to Lodge with me w'^ again dashed my spirits much for now I thot it impossible for me to Escape from him. But while I sat pausing w' to do I remembered y' I was to set up a sign by y" River for y" other three to know where y" house was & I thot I would go & do y' w'^ w" I had done upon my return I found my Landlord's son moving off & would not stay tho much persuaded to tarry & altho it was very Dark & he did go ; w= again revived me & about break of day y^ other three came & I handed y'" two guns & some Provision & we took a Cannoe & passed y" River by sun rising & tho y" people Lived on y" other side we passed by them undiscov- ered. This was on monday morning [May 14] & on Wednesday about sun two hours high at night we arrived at Chamblee River about 9 miles below y" fort y'e we made a raft & went over & y'^ next day we travelled up against y« fort & stopped to get some Provision killed a calf & dryed it, but friday & Saturday rained so hard y' we could not travel w" y" we judged made against us but in Providence we found it otherwise, for those y' pursued us were in this time re- turned, on y"^ Sabbath following we set out for y« Lake & arrived y"^ on Wednesday about no [torn] there we found two cannoes w" we judged our pursuers [torn] ad Left one of these we took & came along with our journey, & came along y* day & all night & y^ next day & at night Left our Cannoe [x pou?] we came along on y" east side of y-^ Lake untill we came to y" mouth of Misisecou River we went up this river all night for it comes along y" same course as y= east shore of y'' Lake & next morning we found a small runn [?] wather w'= Led out of y" River into y^ Lake w'= we made use of to 354 QUEEN ANNE'S WAR — 1702 — 1713. waft us into y" Lake again : there is extraordoary good Land on each side of this River all y" way we went as far as we could perceive, this day we travelled on y^ Lake till night & Lay by y'= Lake, ' but next morning y° wind was so high against us y' we Left our Cannoe & travelled on y" side of y' Lake y' day: & y^ next day being Satur- day we struck across for French river falls & arrived there on Sab- bath about 9 in y° morning, this we travelled up about 2 or 3 dais & Left it & struck away for y'' branches of White River & on y^ next Sabbath about 9 in y" morning we came to White River Now our Provision was spent excepting some small matters we had Left to fish withal, & y' day we spent in getting Provision & supplied our-, selves for y' night & part of y" next day w" was all y^ Provision we had untill we came to Deerfield excepting y'^ leg of a tortoise & a small hook fish w" we brought along a Little way. y° next night we came to y° mouth of white river & made a fire & designed to Lodge there & we set one to fish for us; but by reason of y^ flies he was soon discouraged & as soon as he came up I was going down to y^ River to drink & espied an Indian on y° East side of y^ Great river coming to drink w'' made me stop and hide myself untill he was gone off & for fear of discovery we made off y' night & y^ next day our provision being spent sometime & we weak & faint we thot best to make a raft upon w'= we came down y' day & y'* next night on Con- necticutt River & y^ next day also we still continued our Course on y" raft & on thursday about 9 or 10 in y'= morning we came to y" great falls, there we Let go our raft & went below y" falls ^ made another & came y' day to y'' Lower end of y^ great meadows or y'= place now called y" Cannoe place there we Lodged y' night & y" next morning we came on our raft to y'' meadows where y" fort is now there we Left our raft & came on foot y' day into Deerfield about twilight in y' evening & thus thro the good hand of divine Providence (w° watched over us all y'= way) we safely arrived to our own native Land again & were joyfully received & well taken care of by our friends upon w'^ I cannot but say y' we have reason to praise God four our deliverance, & never forget his be [torn] ts. thus S"' I have given you a brief & as exact a relation [torn] can well, since t'is so Long a time passed since, & if it may be of any service I Rejoyce & sub- scribe my self yours to Command Joseph Petty [This letter was addressed to] "The Rev" Mr. Stephen Williams Att Springfield Longmeadow These." Ebenezer Nims, seventeen when captured. He was adopted by a squaw, and lived at Lorette ; perhaps taken to fill the place of a son killed in the expedition. He came home with Stoddard and Williams in 17 14, bringing his wife and son Ebenezer. The Indians of Lorette were so much attached THE PRIEST OUTWITTED. 355 to this family that on hearing they had been taken on board the vessel by force, they came to Quebec in a body to rescue them. Sarah Hoyt, seventeen. The priests urged her to marry. They pertinaciously insisted upon it as a duty, and had a French officer selected as her mate, thus assuring themselves of a permanent resident, and popish convert. Professing to be convinced of her duty in the matter, Sarah declared one day in public that she would be married, if any of her fellow- captives would have her. Ebenezer Nims, a life-long com- panion, at once stepped forward and claimed her for his bride. The twain were made one upon the spot. The wily priests had met their match, for it is easy to believe that this was a pre-arranged issue on the part of the lovers. Ebenezer Carter. A family tradition says, " he was stolen away by merchants trading between Montreal and Albany, and restored to his father." Probably this story originated in the following incident : Feb. i ith, 1707, Col. Schuyler writes from Albany to Capt. Partridge: "Yours of the nth came to hand by this Indian you sent it by. As to the boy the Indians brought here, he is at my house, in good health, and when his friends come to redeem him, shall be delivered up." Samuel Carter, in a petition to the Connecticut General Court, May 8th, 1707, says his son Ebenezer "was redeemed by paying £2^, borrowed money." It is probable that some of the Schuylers had been engaged to redeem Ebenezer from his Indian master in Canada, and that he was the boy re- ferred to in the above letter. Benjamin Burt and his wife were among the captives. Their first child, Christopher, was born April 14th, 1704, on the march. They were among those recovered by Ens. Shel- don, on his second expedition, and a second child was born to them July 4th, 1706, on the return voyage. It was named Seaborn, and baptized on his arrival in Boston by Rev. Sam- uel Willard, as already stated. Jonathan Hoyt, sixteen. The story of his redemption is told by his grandson, Elihu Hoyt, who was nine years old when the captive died. When young Dudley was at Quebec with Capt. Vetch, in 1706, he was attracted one day by the English-looking face of a boy on the street ; he spoke to him, learned he was from Deerfield, and that his Indian master §56 QUEEN anne's war — 1702--1713. was in the city, selling garden truck. He found Hoyt anx- ious to go home, and told him to go and fetch his master. With a light heart he tripped about the city until his. master was found and brought to Dudley. The latter holding out twenty silver dollars, offered them for the boy. The savage could not resist the temptation, and accepted the coin. Hoyt was at once hurried on board the English brigantine. As Dudley expected, the Indian soon repented of his bargain, and came back with the money. But it was too late, and he went away lamenting that he had parted with his favorite boy for a few dumb dollars, that could neither hunt nor fish. His home was at Lorette, where Hoyt had learned the Indian language, which he spoke fluently as long as he lived. In after years his Indian master paid him a visit at Deerfield, and was well received and kindly treated. On parting, " they took an affectionate leave of each other, expecting! to meet here no more." Mary Sheldon, seventeen years old when taken, was adopted by a squaw. After the war her Indian mother often visited her in Northampton. She would never sleep in the house but would go out to Fort Hill to sleep every night. On this hill stood an Indian fort before Philip's War. Stephen Williams, then ten years old, was taken by an " Eastern Indian," named Wattanamon, who, after two or three weeks, gave the boy to his brother, who took him the nepct summer to the fort at St. Francis, an Abenaki settle- ment. But, as this savage " could not comply with their rites and customs, he went to Albany," leaving the captive with his kinsman, Sagamore George, a Pennicook chief, who had settled at St. Francis. The latter was a faithless, avaricious fellow, who, while Stephen was yet in the hands of his second master, had taken money of Mr. Williams for his redemption and appropriated it to his own use. He now set a price of forty crowns upon the boy, which, after a long parley, was paid by Vaudreuil. What is the explanation of the undisputed fact, that chil- dren taken among savages soon became strongly attached to their mode of life ? There is plenty of evidence that many of those taken from Deerfield, remained in Canada of their ■own choice ; that many who did return were induced to leave savage for civilized life with great difficulty ; and some were SEEKING AN EXPLANATION OF A FACT. 357 hardly restrained from returning to it, after many years. Agassiz, in reply to this query, said he thought it was a reac- tion from the rigid restraint of Puritanic training. Others say, children always fall naturally into their surroundings, whatever they may be. While the latter view may apply to very young children, and the former to those older, neither appears to cover the whole ground. It would seem that our every-day observation gives evidence, that there is an ele- ment, underlying all such considerations, where the explana- tion may be sought, if not found. We all know the fascination of camping out. Nothing so delights the heart of youth as a wigwam in the woods. Al- though it be represented by a shawl spread over bushes in the garden, or even over chairs in the parlor, the charm is still there. The same feeling governs those of a larger growth, who find no keener enjoyment than shanty life on the borders of some wild lake, or in the depths of a primeval forest, where they can indulge in the natural sports of fish- ing and hunting. In the same direction are picnic parties, where all are happy in using fingers instead of forks, green leaves for napkins, and a single cup supplies the wants of many ; where ottomans and sofas are found on stumps, logs or stones, and pine needles, or green-sward, are a more en- joyable carpet than the most luxurious product of the loom. And the more highly cultivated the participants, the more keen the zest. In the late rebellion, young men, nurtured the most tenderly, living luxuriously all their days, were never happier than when enduring the rough usage of a sol- dier's life, — the hard march, the coarse fare and the bivouac under the stars. For such, the artificial life of a high civil- ization, the etiquette of their accustomed social circle often became henceforth irksome ; the cramping influences of their old life were unendurable, and thousands have broken away for broader and more natural surroundings. To-day they are scattered all over the plains and mountains of our great Western wilderness ; shepherds, " cow-boys," hunters, mittiers, enduring almost all the hardships incident to a savage life. Here extremes meet ; the most scholarly productions of our universities strike hands with the unlettered trapper, or guide, find a common level, become boon companions, andP perhaps bosom friends, and but for their maturer years, would 8'68 QUEEN anne's war— 1702— 1 71 3. feasily lapse into the same condition of barbarism which swallowed up the young Deerfield captives in Canada. Do not these things all indicate a natural desire for a clos- er walk with nature? a more primitive life? a deep-seated protest against the results of hot-house cultivation ? a tenden- cy, which, when the pressure of centuries is removed, be- comes the controlling influence ? The same tendency may be observed in flowers, fruits, and domestic animals. Those brought by artificial means to the highest degree of excel- lence, retrograde the most rapidly. It is only by unceasing cultivation and care, that those are kept from falling back into the condition of the original stock. CLOSE OF QUEEN ANNE'S WAR. During the negotiations between Gov. Dudley and De Vaudreuil for an exchange of prisoners and treaty of neu- trality, there was a general desire for peace on the part of the English. Dudley evidently did not share this feeling. He was ambitious for the conquest of Canada ; and his policy seems to have been, to prolong the correspondence until he could recover the captives in the hands of the enemy, and gain time and opportunity to effect his object. During this same period, Vaudreuil, who had become alarmed for the safety of Canada, and therefore desirous of peace, sent no parties of Indians against our valley. The vigilance of our authorities, however, was not relaxed. A garrison constantly occupied Deerfield, and scouts were kept ranging the woods. The following orders, found among the Sheldon manu. script, have historic interest and value ; showing, as pictures of the times, the power conferred upon military officers over persons and property in public exigencies, and their mode of exercising it : — To y"^ Constable of Derefield: In her Maj'sts name, these Require you to impress such & so many men of the Derefield Inhabitants, or others, as are well acquainted with the woods up the River & ajacent woods, to be pilates for the scouts that are now sending out, & shall be sent out according to direction you shall from tyme to tyme receive from Capt. Jon- athan Wells, or from Capt. John Stoddart; & hereof you may not fayle at yo'r Utmost Perrill; dated in Hatfield this 21 June, 1706, In fae 5th yeare of Her Maj'sts Reign, Anno domino. Sam'll Partridge, Lt. Colo. THE "REDEEMED CAPTIVE" AT HOME. 359 To y« consabel of Dearfield, Greting: This Require you jn Hear Magj'tis Name forthwith to Impress one Good & abel Hors, bridel & sadel, for Hear Majytis sarvis; Hear of you may not fail. Given under my Hand this 20 fo July, 1706. Jonathan Wells, capt. In her Maj'tis Name you a Required to Impress two Squa lynes & any other Necessary the two PVenchmen now Goeing to Canada stand in need of; fayle not. 27 August, 1706. Sam'll Partridge, Lt. Colo. To the Constable of Dearfield: In Her Majisties name you are hereby required forthwith to im- press and deliver to Capt. John Stoddard, pork or any other provis- ions, & so much as he shall direct to, also, men horses, or anything or things whatsoever he shall think needful; to be imployed in Her Majesties service according as he s" Stoddard shall direct; herof fayle not at your peril: dated at Hatfield, this 2Sth day of Sept'br, in the fifth year of her Majesties Rn, Anno y^ Dom'i, 1706. Sam'll Partridge, Lt. Colo. The above order was not in Partridge's handwriting. It was endorsed on the back : — Deerfield, Oct. 11, 1706. pursuant to the within, this warrant John Sheldin of Dearfield, constable, hath impressed pork and other things, all which were done by my order and direction. John Stoddard, Capt. When the joyful news reached Deerfield of the return of Mr. Williams to Boston, a town meeting was at once called. By the record of its action the town's relation to the Re- deemed Captive seems a little mixed. He is called their pas- tor, and at the same time measures were adopted for his re- settlement. There may have been no precedents to govern the case. At a legall town Meeting in Deerfield November 30, 1706, the town then unanimously made choice of Capt. Jonathan Wells, ens. jno. Shelden and Thomas ffrench, to goe down to y^ bay for them, and in thair be half to act and treat with thair pastor the reverand mr. jno. Williams, in regard to his resetl'g with them againe in y^ work of y^ ministry; as also to take advice and counsel of y^ Elders in our Coun- ty for the management of that work; as also to put up a petition to y'= generall court or counsel, for a grant of money for y'= encourage- ment of y'= reverant mr. jno. Williams in his resetelment in said work with y""; and in all thes partickulars to act and doe according to y'' best of thair discration. As we have seen, the desired grant was voted by the Gen. eral Court six days later. A conference with "the Elders" probably showed the fact, that no special "management'^ was necessary, and Mr. Williams was soon reestablished in 360 QUEEN ANNE'S WAR — 1702 — 1713. his chosen work, and field of labor, without further ceremony, having refused eligible offers of settlements near Boston. From the day of her great disaster, up to this time. Deer- field had hardly been more than a military post, held by sol- diers in the pay of the colony ; and little attention had been given to municipal affairs beyond keeping up the meadow fence. The discouraged inhabitants had felt that at any time they might be called upon to desert the place. Now, every- thing was changed. Their loved minister, who had been so much to them, was again among them. Their courage rose. The town should now be held at all hazard ; and the regular routine of town business must be taken up. First of all, Mr. Williams must be provided for. 1707. January 9, 1706-7 Att a Legall Town meeting in Deerfield It was y" agreed and uoted y' y'' Towne would build a house for Mr. Jno. Williams in Derfield as big as Ens Jno Sheldon's a back room as big as may be thought convenient: It was also uoted y' Ens Jno Sheldon Sar Thomas ffrench and Edward Alln ware chosen a Comity for carying on said work. At the March meeting, " Sergt. Eleizar Hawks, and ben- nony more " were added to this committee, Sheldon and Al- len having been in the meantime, as we have -Been, called to more important duties for the State. April 5, It was then agreed and uoted, y' y'' town should pay un- to Mr Jno Williams: 20 pounds in money and euery male head of 16 years and upward i day work a pese and thos y'' haue tames a day with thair tames: for y*^ yere. That all land owners should bear their share of the bur- dens, a petition was sent to the General Court for leave " to rais all thair town charges upon lands only." The military defenses had become so weak that the labor necessary to strengthen the lines was more than the settlers could bear, and a call was made upon Col. Partridge for aid. The result of this appeal may be seen in the following pa- per : — To his Excellency Joseph Dudley, Esq., Capt. Gen'll Governor in Cheife & the Hon'rd Counsell & Representatives in Gen'll Corte as- sembled this 28 May, 1707: Samull Patridge Humbly proposeth Refferring to the Settleing of the Broken State of Derefeild & to their building up in a way of de- ffence against the Comon enemy, it being absolutely nesessary both to the people and Church of Christ & of absolute advantage to the whole county & youre Especiall care & allowance for y«^ Encouridgem' CAPTAIN STODDARD'S NORTHWARD SCOUT. 361 & Strengthening the Rev'ed Mr. John Williams in y^ work of Christ there is greatly advantageous to us all, for which myself, in the be- half of us all, do Return our thankfulness to this Corte & Humbly spread before you the Nessessetie of Rebuilding the Forts there so as to take in Mr. Williams his house & several other houses for In- habitants that are & will repaire there for enlarg'mt & strengthening the place: we propose to Rebuild with 120 Rodd of fortification with square timber which may be done at 20s per Rodd: now the people being in a Broken Condition as afores" most of their houses to Re- build upon the former Ruins are incapacitated to Rebuild the Forts as afores* therefore I Humbly intreate this Corte's Consideration of the premises & to grant such allowances as are needfull for the per- formance of the afore'sd which will much oblidge y= whole people & myself youre unworthy serv't ffor youre Honors ever to pray. Sam'll Partridge. June 13th, 1707, ^30 was " allowed towards that part of the general fortification, that falls to the share of the poor of Deerfield, and such as are returned from captivity." This appropriation, it will be observed, was for the general stockade. No more is heard of the smaller work of square timber proposed by Col. Partridge. August 1 1 th, 1 707, Col. Schuyler wrote Partridge, that his Indian spies, just returned from Canada, reported a party of twenty-seven French and Indians at the mouth of Otter Creek on the 6th, bound for the New England frontier. The spies were charged by this party not to tell of the expedition. To this they would not agree, as the war party " was going to kill our brethren of New England." Nothing more was heard of these enemies. Probably this discovery sent them back. No Indian made an attack but by surprise ; according to their ethics, it would be a disgrace to do it openly. In this war the English adopted the French tactics, and sent small scouts to harass the frontiers of the enemy. From the following paper a good idea of their methods may be ob- tained : — Capt. [John] Stoddard set away from Deerfield the 28th of April with 12 men, & Wednesday was a fortnight after, they tracked Indi- ans upon the French river & they followed them till Saturday Night, at which time they had got to the last carrying place, and was quite discouraged & concluded that they had got so far out of their Reach y' y* could not overtake y™ & three of them had a mind to take their cano, which was all they had that was serviceable & go to Chamblee and get a Frenchman, or more if they could, and set away upon the lakes & was driven by a contrary wind upon a point of land ; & there they discovered some Indians; & two of y'" staid at y^ canno, and the third, namely, John Wells, went to observe their motions & after he 362 QUEEN ANNE'S WAR — 1702 — 1713. had got a little way he saw a person with its back towards him, he be- ing in a plain place so that he could not get away without being dis- covered, & he was loath to shoot, because he was in hopes of getting more booty, & while he was thus thinking the person rose up & stood a Httle while & for fear of being discovered he shot & she fell down; he took his hatchet out of his girdle & ran up to it to cut off its head & then he saw it had a white face, which very much startled him, & she spake, saying, "Netop, Netop, my master." He ran to the cano; they set off; the Indians shot off two or three guns which he judged were to alarm one another, and they overtook y" rest of y'' company y" same day just at night & they y" set away for home & arrived the 30th of May. By the discribing of the person y' was killed Uncle thinks it was an Eastern captive. Namely, Johannah Ardaway, and Wells saith y' he thought it was she, as soon as he saw her face. This manuscript was without signature. October 17th, 1707, a town meeting was held when, — It was uoted to send a petistion to y° generall Cort for a grant of money towards y" maintainance of y^ reuarant Mr Jno Williams in y^ work of y" ministry in Deerfield. it was allso uoted y' Colonall partrig and ensin Jno Sheldon should be implyed to manage y' afaire: Att y" same meeting, y'= town made choise of Capt Jonathan Weals and ensin jno Sheldon for to git a petistion drawn to send to y'^ genarall Cort and allso impowered them to Sine it in the towns behalf: In their petition the committee say : — We, Labouring Still under many Difficulties & Streights, being but a Smal handfull of us & most of us very low in the World, are at Considerable charges among ourselves, in Building a House & pro- viding other Necessarys & Conveniencys for the Resettlement of our Rev'd Pastor, not here to be Named, & Many who Deserted y"^ Place quickly after y" Desolation, By our Rev. Pastor's return and giveing hopes of Settleing again amongst us has encouraged their Return, with many other who Returned out of Captivity, who Instead of helping in such charges, have rather need of help to build Houses for themselves, & providing other Necessarys for their Subsistance. Our Necessities putting us upon it & being Imboldened by former favors & Incouragements, Wee humbly crave your' help for the maintanance & Incouragement of our Worthy Pastor amongst us. You were pleased to do considerable y*^ last year that way. Our ne- cessities being still very great, we Pray you would consider us in that Regard: We have devolved this our Concern into y' hands of y* Worshipfull Col. Sam'l Partridge, Esq., & Capt. John Shelden, to manage for us, hopeing your Honors will consider your Poor Peti- tioners & for your Honors we shall ever Pray. Jonathan Wells, John Sheldon, In behalf of y" whole town of Deerfield. Deerfield, Oct. 25, 1707. MUNICIPAL AND MINISTERIAL. 363 Eleven days later twenty pounds were granted for one year in answer to this appeal. December 23d "the town voted to pay thair town charg in prouition pay as foUoweth Indian corn, 2 s, otes, i s 6d, peas 4s per bushel." Voted to give "y° Widow Williams all her reats for this present yere.'' Her husband, Zebadiah, cap- tured in 1703, had died in the hospital at Quebec, April 12th, 1706. 1708. At a meeting Feb. ist, three men "were chosen a comittee to Masure all y" common fence in Derefield and to stake it out to y" now present proprietors." February 9th, " Uoted to forgiv John Allison all his reats for y° present yere except one pound, which he hath already paid in sweeping y" house of god." This is the only instance in which I have found the meetinghouse referred to as a sa- cred edifice, until many years later. March ist, the usual town officers were chosen, and "forty pounds in money for his salery y" yere ensuing " was voted to Mr. Williams, and a tax was laid. March 25th, it was "uoted y': Martin Smith and widow Hursts and Robert prises comonfence should be repaired up- on y" town charg." Sept. 23d, Uoted y' all swine y' shall be found upon y" comans aft- er y" 3d day of Ocktober shall be ringed, and any that shall neglect to ring their own swine, thay shall be forthwith rung by y'' hog ringer. December loth, " Uoted to pay for y" glasing of meeting- hous this present yere," and the price of grain was fixed as follows: "Corn 2S, peas 4s, oats 1-6 or is 6d — 1-3 off for money." Voted to pay Deacon Hawks "Six pounds as or in money for his horse which dyed in y" town Saruis." Although 1*708 was a year of alarm and disaster, the above votes are the only allusion on the town record to anything connected with the war ; what I have learned of military op- erations about this period, has been found .chiefly in English and French official reports. About the first of February, 1708, news was received through Col. Schuyler, that a large force had been fitted out in Canada to begin a march against this region January 1 5th. Active measures were at once taken for defence. Connecti- cut was appealed to, and sent up Col. William Whiting with 364 QUEEN ANNE'S WAR — 1702 — 1713. several companies of infantry and dragoons. The first week in February Capt. Benjamin Wright led a war party of Eng- lish and Indians up the Connecticut. He went as high as Cowass ; was gone aboi:t nine weeks, and returned without seeing the face of an enemy. Scouts were kept constantly out in other directions. The warning and preparation prob- ably prevented an attack. Small parties hovered about the frontiers, however, all the season, keeping up the alarm, pre- venting any labor in the field except under strong guards. July 9th, one of these parties killed and scalped Samuel and Joseph Parsons, sons of Capt. John Parsons, at Northamp- ton. July 26th, the house of Lieut. Abel Wright of Skipmuck (now Chicopee) was surprised. Aaron Parsons and Barijah Hubbard were killed and their bodies mangled ; Martha, wife of Lieut. Wright, was mortally wounded. Two grandchil- dren, Hannah, aged two years, and Henry, seven months, ly- ing in a cradle together, were tomahawked. Hannah sur- vived the blow. Their mother, wife of Henry Wright, was captured and never afterwards heard from. August sth. Col. Peter Schuyler writes Gov. Dudley that an army was being assembled at Montreal, and that he was trying to find out their design. The next day he sends news that eight hundred men were on the march for New Eng- land. The express bearing this information arrived at Bos- ton on the loth. The soldiers were put under marching or- ders, and the woods filled with scouts, to learn the point of attack. De Vaudreuil had been blamed by the home government for beginning this war with the English colonies. He was now urged to prosecute it more vigorously. Ponchartrain, the war minister, wrote him June 30th, 1 707, to send out more parties to harass the English, adding, " If you could go out and attack them yourself, his Majesty would be glad of it ;" and, again, that the king " expected to receive news of some expedition against them, and is not satisfied with the inactiv- ity in which you remain, with such numerous forces as you have." In accordance with his directions De Vaudreuil had raised a large army of French and Indians, and put Hertel de Rouville at its head. De Rouville began his march July i6th. To conceal his destination, part of the force went up the St. Francis river THE EXPECTED ENEMY RAVAGE HAVERHILL. 365 and the rest up the Sorel, to Lake Champlain. The latter were mostly French Mohawks or Macquas, over whom Col. Schuyler had great influence. On the march they met Schuyler's messengers, bearing a secret belt, desiring them not to go to war against the English. The Macquas, pre- tending to the French that some infectious disease had ap- peared among them, at once turned back and went home. A large portion of the Indians with the other part of the army also deserted. The plan of the campaign was, for both branches to uniie in an attack on the Maine coast, with force enough to sweep all before it. On the desertion of the Mac- quas, De Vaudreuil ordered De Rouville to push on with his Frenchmen and St. Francis Indians, and surprise some scat- tered settlement. Henceforth, the barbarous murder of frontier settlers was to please the King of France, as well as the Abenakis. August 23d, Dudley received word from Schuyler, that the Indians had turned back, and that there was nothing to fear from the French, who could do nothing without them. On this representation part of the soldiers were dismissed, in- cluding a force of five hundred volunteers under officers of their own choice. Meanwhile, De Rouvillfe had traversed three or four hun- dred miles of forest, and at daybreak on the 29th of August, he surprised the town of Haverhill, killed about forty of the inhabitants, and took many captives. He began his retreat about sunrise, but was pursued by the survivors, who at- tacked him, killed his brother, another French officer, and seven men ; took a third officer prisoner, and rescued part of the captives. In the north part of the township, Joseph Brad- ley — the same who accompanied Ensign Sheldon to Canada — hearing the alarm, collected a party and sallied out into the woods. He discovered and secured the medicine chest of the invaders, and their knapsacks, which they had taken off before making the assault. It was feared De Rouville would now turn to the Connecticut Valley, and Aug. 31st, the Council sent orders to Col. Partridge to prepare for their reception. A large force came up from Connecticut, and the military companies made ready to march at a moment's warning. Nothing more was seen of De Rouville, but some of his Indians may have remained upon our frontiers. 366 QUEEN ANNE'S WAR — 1702 — 1713. About this time a scout of six men from Deerfield fell into an ambush of Indians near Cowass. Martin Kellogg, after shooting one of the enemy, was taken captive a second time. A son of Josiah Barber of Windsor, Conn., after receiving a fatal wound, rallied, and getting on his knees, shot the Indian who had fired upon him. Both were found dead by the In- dians, shortly after, lying but a few rods apart. The Indian who told this story of Barber's pluck to Stephen Williams, added, "No he, (i. e. Barber) but his ghost,'' did the exploit. Oct. 13th, Abijah Bartlett was killed at Brgokfield, and Jo- . seph and Benjamin Jennings, and John Green, wounded, and John Walcott, a lad of ten, captured. Oct. 26th, Ebenezer Field of Hatfield, was killed at Bloody Brook, while on his way to this place. With his death, the tragedies of the year closed. There could, however, be no relief from anxiety, watching, warding and scouting. The enemy might strike again at any moment. On receiving the report of this year's operations, the King wrote De Vaudreuil that he was satisfied with his application. 1 709. During the winter of 1 708-9, there was great alarm in Canada upon a report received by Sieur de Joncaire, through the Mohawks, that an English army was coming over the snow against Montreal. De Vaudreuil, with all the regular soldiers, took post at the threatened point, and all the militia were under orders to march at a moment's warn- ing. De Vaudreuil remained in this posture of defense about a month ; meanwhile, fortifications were being made in every direction. Quiet was hardly restored before the scare was repeated. This time the grounds of alarm were real. Gen. Nicholson with fifteen hundred men was moving from Al- bany toward Lake Champlain. April 27th, De Vaudreuil returned to Montreal, where an army was collected, to repel the invaders. Orders were issued to gather all the inhabi- tants and movable property from the south of the St. Law- rence within the walls of Montreal and Quebec, and on the north side to drive the cattle and remove the women and children up into the forests northward. The walls of Quebec were strengthened in every possible way, the settlers were called from their farms, and much of the harvest was lost for lack of hands to gather it. De Vaudreuil had "sure news" of an intended attack both by eea and land, and the whole EXPERIENCES IN A SECOND CAPTIVITY. 367 Spring and summer was spent in preparations to resist it. On the other hand, the English army halted at Wood Creek, waiting until October for the arrival of the fleet which was expected to assail Quebec, while Nicholson went against Montreal. Three forts were built meantime and hundreds of bateaux and canoes in which to cross the lake. Scouts from each frontier were sent against the other, seeking prisoners and information of military movements. In this the French had the earliest success. MEHUMAN HINSDALE'S CAPTIVITY. April nth, Mehuman Hinsdale returning from Northamp- ton with an ox team loaded with apple trees, was surprised and captured. His team was not molested and was found near where he was taken, standing quietly in the road. The following account of his capture and experience, taken from a manuscript in the handwriting of Stephen Williams, con- tains enough of general interest to warrant its publication entire : — April II, 1709, Mr Mehuman Hinsdell driving his teem from Northampton loaded with apple trees, without any fear of Indians (the leaves not being put forth) was met by two Indians about half of a mile from the pine bridge who took him prisoner and cari'' him away into y* west woods. The Indians were civil & courteous to him on y' journey. They arriv'* at Shamble within about eleven days & an half after they took Mr. Hinsdell. From Shamble they cari'' Mr. Hinsdell to Oso, where he was oblig'' to run the Gauntlett (as they call it) [i. e. to run from the Indians who persue & if th when — This is erased] for near three quarters of a mile, but he ran so briskly as not to receive a blow till he came near the Fort when he was met by an Indian, who taking hold of y' line (that was round his neck and hung upon his Back) pull" him down, and so he was struck by one fellow; after he was got into y" Fort, he was set in y^ midst of a com- pany and oblig'' to sing and dance, & while thus employ*, he was struck a very severe blow upon the naked back, by a youth y' was of such an age as to think of engaging in some warlike expedition, but this being contrary to their usual custom (he having perform" y^ cer- emony of running y'= gauntlett) was resented not only by M"' H. y'= sufferer, but by y" Indians in generall &c. From this Fort Mr H was cari'' to the French Govenour who knew him (for this was y" 2* time of M"' Hinsdells captivity) and told him he expecf^ a full account of news from him, especially about an expidition (which he suspected was on foot). Ye governour told him if he would give him a full ac- count of what news there was in his country, he would treat him with respect, but if he found he did not, he would use him worse than a Devill &c. But M"^ H. endeavored as best as he could to avoid giv- ing him an account &c. But when M' Whiting of Bellerica was brot 368 QUEEN ANNE'S WAR— 1/02— 1713. into the country by y"* Indians and gave an account of an expidition on foot, M'^ H. was taken and put into y'= dungeon &c. [After a while Gen" Nicholson sent an indian as a spy into y' country who was to endeavor to draw off y^ indians from the French, and join with Gen" Nicholson, this plan — this is erased, but gives a clue to the story]. After a while y" indians desired of the Governeur. that they might have IVP H. to burn, (pretending they should fight the better if they could burn an Englishman) and he was delivered to the indians, who were plotting to leave y° French & go over to Gen" Nicholson & y" Dutch, and designed to have made use of M'' H. to have introdu'' them. All was kept private from the French, & M' Hinsdell was led away towards Montreal from Qubeck. The indi- ans communicated their design to M'' H. who was overjoy'* with the account (for he thought of nothing but being sacrificed by them) & encourag'' it, but before they were ready to execute y' design, a cer- tain indian fell sick, and m his sickness making confession to a priest, discover"" the plot, and so all was dash*. The fellow y' was the projector of it (being one that had come from Albany, or from some of the five nations to them) had timely notice, so as to escape to Shamble, where he putt a trick upon y<= officer of y^ Fort, pretend- ing to him that he was sent from the governeur, to make what dis- covery he could of y" English, upon which y^ officer supply"* him with arms, amunition & provision and he had been gone but a little while into the woods before his pursuers (the plot being wholly ript up) came after him, but yet he was gone, so as to escape his pursuers. M' H. was taken from y" indians and again commit'' to prison, and the next year M'' H. and Mr. Joseph Clesson were sent to France in a man of war — and in France he met with great kindness, particularly from the Ld intendant at Roshelle, and after a while they were ship* at Saint Meloes for London, where they met with great kindness es- pecially from Mr Agent Dummer, who interceed* with the Lords of the Admiralty, who order* them on board one of the Queens Ships which brought them to Rhode island whence they got home in Safty to their families, after M^ Hinsdell had been absent from his family ab' three years and a half. He returned October, 17 12. Mr. Hinsdell was the first white man born in Deerfield. His first capture by Indians was February 29th, 1704. He died May 2d, 1736. The above story bears evidence of being from his own dictation. The following intensely interesting narrative, taken twen- ty years after the event from the lips of the survivors, by Eb- enezer Grant, I printed from the original in an appendix to the "Narrative of the Captivity of Stephen Williams," in 1 889. The date given is an error. The scout left Deerfield about April 26th, 1 709. Here we find a realistic, matter-of-fact de- scription of one of those tragedies constantly occurring, when scouts from the opposing nations met under the primeval trees, or on the lone waters of the great northern wilderness. DESPERATE ENCOUNTER IN THE WILDERNESS. 369 Nowhere have I met with a more enlightening account of the nature of this dangerotis service. The reports of these des- perate encounters are usually of the briefest ; sometimes, it may be, none return to tell the bloody tale. CAPT. BENJAMIN WRIGHt'S SCOUT. Rever" Sir — After Due Regards these May Inform you what Lieut. Childs and Mr Hoit related to me concerning the travails of Capt Write & his Company towards Canada & w'' happened to them about that time it is as follows — Capt Write & a Small Company of men designing for Canada to destroy y'^ enemy, in y° Beginning of April 1710, [1709J we then set out from Deerfield in Number Containing 16, and travailed up Con- necticut River which is usually Called 120 Miles. There we discov- ered two Bark Canos, by reason of that our Capt was pleased to Leave 6 of his men to Ly in wait of y'' Canos Supposing Some In- dians would Come there. And then the Capt, with y" Levt & y" rest of y" men set forward up y" White River taking y" Nor west Branch, following it up to the Head then we Steared to French river & trav- ailing down s* River till we Came to y'' 3'' Falls & y'' we built two Canoes & then set out for the Lake & when we came there the wind was so high y' we were forced to lye by a Day or two. After that one Evening we espied a fire y» opposite Side. Supposing it to be Indian we then forthwith Im bark & Steared our Course towards the fire and while we was upon y<' water, there arose a terrible Storm of thunder & Lightning which put out the fire y' we before espied & thro' Gods Goodness we all got safe to land & Drawing up our Ca- nos upon y>^ Land turned them up for Shelter till next morning & then we making search for the fire that we afore espied & found it had only been y' woods on fire. After that we set out for Canada in our Canoes on y^ west side of the Lake till two hours by sun at night & then the wind arose again which forced us to lye by till next day in y" afternoon & then we set out for Shamble & coming to a point of land near Fortlemate, we espied 2 Canos of Indians in number 8 coming towards us theifi we paddled to Land & running up y"^ Bank, by this time those Indian Canos was got against us, & then we gave them a Salutation out of the mussel of our guns turned one over- board & we still continued firing caused y™ to Paddle away w"^ all Speed & left y' fellow Swimming about & when they had got out of y'= reach of our guns both Canos got together, and all got into one, & left y'= other w'" Considerable plunder in it, & when they was moved off we maned out one of our Canoes and fetched in theirs. And he that was Swimming about we Called to Shore to us. And Levt Childs killed him & some of y'^ men scalped him. And by In- formation that we had afterward by the Captives, y' were then m Canada three were killed at the Same Time. And after that Skir- mish, we made the best of our way homeward, & Came to y" French River after Dark, and so proceeded all that night up y" French River till we Come to the Falls, and there we Left our Canos and took our Packs upon our Backs and travailed homewards up y" River, and comeing to a Crook that was in the river; we Left y" river & took y'' 370 QUEEN ANNE'S WAR — 1/02 — 1713. nearest Cutt acrost y' Elbow and so come to y" river again, which was about nine of y^ clock that morning, & there we espied a Canoa coming down y" river with four Indians in it and a Captive-man, which was taken at Exeter, named William Moody. We Immediate- ly fired on them and killed 2 the first shoot & wounded y'= 3'* & y'= 4"^ Jumped out & Swam to y'= Contrary Shore, then our Capt ordered some of his men to tarry there & fire at him when he got to Shore, and they did So, & afterwards we was Informed y' he was so wound- ed, that in a few days after he got to Canada, died. Now the rest of the men followed y'* Canoa as it fell Down Stream, and the Capt Called to the Captive to paddle y" Canoe to Land, but he replied he could not because the wounded Indian would not Let him, with that the Capt hollowed to him & bid him knock in him in y" head, with that he took up a hatchet to Do it but y" Indian rising up took hold of y" hatchet & got it away from him and then catched up the Pad- dle & Laid it on his head & they skuffling together turned over the Canoe and parted in the water, & the Indian Swam to the Contrary Shore. As he got out of the water we pined him to the Bank with seven Bullets. The Captive also Swimming towards us, but being very weak fell down a great pace & Cried out he should Drown be- fore he Could get to Shore, with that Lieut Wells flung down his gun upon y Bank & run Down & Catched up a pool & held out to him & he catched hold of it & y*^ Lieut, drew him to Land. And John Strong being upon the Bank heard y^ sticks Crack behind him & Looked round & cried out Indians & was Immediately fired upon by them & was wounded in the face & breast with a Charge of Cutt Shoot, but not mortal. With that Lieut Wells sprung up the Bank to get his gun & was mortally shot. Now the men being scattered along upon the Bank but the Capt being with y" captive y' came to y" shore Immediately examined him how many Indians there was, he made answer 19 being in 5 Canos 2 being down stream from that which we shot upon. And 2 above, having been at Exeter took 4 captives (men), which they there had with them and those 2 canos y' was passed by was y" Indians y' made y'' first shoot upon us. And we also received Several Shoots from those y' were above us, which Landed on y" other side o^ the River. Now we being under no advantage to defend ourselves we every one made y^ best of our way and shirked for our Selves & in a short Time Capt Write & 5 of his men got together, three more yet missing. The next Day came 2 more to us where we hid some of our Provisions & there waiting some hours for the other man. But he came not while we tarried there, whereas Capt. Write thinking best to leave a Suitable quantity of Provisions and other necesseries in Case he ever came it might be of service to him in his journey homeward. It being one John Burt of Northampton. Then seting forward on our Journey homewards & Came to our Canoas that we left on White River then we got into them & came down y'' river to y'= mouth of it, where we left 6 men formally mentioned in our History. And finding them gone, then we set forward homeward & after we had got home, those six men formally mentioned Informed us w' they had Litt of 6 Days after we left them. These 6 men espied a Cano of 2 Indians Coming Down the River & called to them not knowing but y' that they was Scat- MOODY SURRENDERS ANO IS BURNED. 371 tocooks but they refused to come to them & paddled to the contrary shore. Then they fired wounding one, but they geting to the shore Left y" Canoa & plunder. After that y^ men made y* best of their way home And some Time after they were got home was Informed y' they were Scattecooks. Now returning to our former Story, having an account of two of those Captives y' were with y" Indians that we Litt of on y° french riv- er, are now returned home, & gave us an account y' we then killed 4 Indians. And Moody that we had taken from them we Lost again, we being then in such a fright, every one took to his heals. But moody being so weak & feeble was not able to follow, now after this the Indians all gathered together on the other Shore, & Moody see- ing them hallowed to them to fetch him over & one came & after they had got him over they Burnt him on the Spot. We was in- formed also y' w° the Indians got to Canada they Burnt one more of these Captives Andrew Gilman by name. Now to say a little more concerning Burt, what became of him, having some Transient stories y' a mans bones, and a gun was found by some Indians above y^ Great Falls npon Connect' River about 60 miles above Deerfield, which some think was s'^ Burt. The number of Days we was taking this march was 32, and the men's Names areas follows: Capt Benj"^ Write of North'™ Levi* John Wells, killed, of Deer* Henry Write, of Spring"* Timothy Childs, of Deer-* Jon" Hoit, of Deer"" Jabez Olmstead, Deer"* John Burt, Lost, North'"" [John Strong, Northampton, wounded, see above.] Jose" Ephraim } ^^^.^^^ ^^ ^^^-^^^ Thomas Pagan ) The other 6 men y' set out w"" us y' we left at y" mouth of White River are as follows: Eben'' Severance of Deer* Math^ Clesson of North'™ [later o*f Deerfield.] Thomas McCranne of Spring* Joseph Wait of Hatf, [son of Benjamin Waite.] Josp. Root of Hatfield. The other we cannot at present call by name. [Doubtless John Kmg of Northampton.] In a petition to the General Court of May 28th, 1709, the survivors say concerning the affair on the lake : — "We judge we killed 4 of the enemy, & one in special. One we got and scalped him, which scalp we now present." Col. Partridge, in forwrarding this paper, says : " They also declared that they are very certain that they killed 4 as above & that on French River they killed 4 more— 8 in all. This they aiSrm to me." 19 12 8 6 12 10 i8 6 15 o 10 o 19 6 372 QUEEN ANNE'S WAR — 1702 — 1713. De Vaudreuil, giving an account of these affairs, in a dis- patch to Ponchartrain says, two were killed on the lake, and one on the river, and that four or five of the English party were killed at the latter place. Possibly one or both of the Naticks were lost. Captain Wright was allowed £\2, and the others £6 each. Bills for losses were paid as follows : — Capt. Wright, i blanket, los, gun case, is, 6d, hatchet, 3s 6d snapsack, 2s 6cl, 0176 Lt. Wells, I gun, 2s lod, blaneket, 7s, hatchet, 2s 6d, jacket, 6s, shirt, 3s, stockins, 2s, compass, 6s 8d, cap, 2s, 6d, John Strong, blanket, 7s 6d, snapsack, 2s 6d, hatchet, 2s 6d, gun, 20s, Thomas McCreeny, snapsack, 2s6d, cap, 3s, sursingle, is 6d, belt, 2s, pouch, 8d, horn, 8d, male strapt, is, hatchet, 2s. 6d, Timothy Childs. blanket, 7s 6d, hatchet, 3s, 6d, a squaw line, is 6d, gun- case, IS 6d, cap, 3s, snapsack, 2s, Jabez Omstead, blanket, los, snapsack, 2S 6d, hatchet, 2s 6d, Jon. Hoit, blanket, 7s, 6d, hatchet, 2S ed, Lt. John King, blanket, i8d, snapsack, is 6d, Judd says that William Moody, whose attempted rescue was attended with such disastrous results, was by the Macqua Indians tortured to death and eaten. On the return to Canada of the Indians whom Capt. Wright had surprised, "feeling piqued," says De Vaudreuil, "they asked me to let them go on an excursion with some fifty of the most active Frenchmen and allow Sieur de Rouville and de la Periere to command. I assented on the spot.". He says the force went to " guerrefiille, [Deerfield] where having pre- pared an ambu.sh, they caught two alive." It is the same af- fair to which Hutchinson refers as follows : — In June, one of the Rouvilles with 180 French and Indians made another attempt on Deerfield to destroy or carry away prisoners; * * * but the eneiny was discovered at a distance and beat off, the inhabitants bravely defending themselves. Penhallow gives the following account of the same event : — The Town of Deerfield which had suffered so much spoil before by Monsieur Artell [Rouville,] was on June 23d obliged to a new encoun- ter by Monssieur Ravell, his son-in-law, who, with 180 French and In- dians, expected to lay all desolate. But the town being alarmed they valliantly resisted with the loss of only one man and another wounded. No other particulars of this fight are found. Stephen Wil- liams says: "Joseph Clesson and John Arms were taken, June 22d, [these were the two " caught alive,"] and the next day Jonathan Williams was killed and Matthew Clesson mor- tally wounded ; and Lieut. Thomas Taylor and Isaac Mattoon wounded, but recovered." CAPTIVITY AND REDEMPTION OF JOHN ARMS. 373 It is probable that De Rouville was discovered the 22d, and that the brave men of Deerfield went out the next day and drove his crew back into the wilderness. John Arms was wounded in two places before being taken. Soon after this, the General Court allowed bills for horses killed or wounded, arms, and horse furniture lost, to the heirs of Matthew Clesson, and Jonathan Williams, to Jonathan Hoyt, Daniel Belding, Eleazar Hawks, Edward Allen, John Allen, John Wait and William King. Probably all these men were in the engagement. On the return of De Rouville and De la Periere to Canada via the lakes, with reports of the condition of affairs at Wood Creek, De Vaudreuil sent Sieur de Ramezay, Governor of Montreal, with 1500 French and Indians, up Champlain to surprise the English. They left Chambly about the 17th of July, and being discovered when they had arrived near Crown Point by an advanced guard of Nicholson's army, they retreated after a slight skirmish. The alarm in Canada now became almost a panic. All pos- sible measures for defense were taken. No more war parties were sent against our frontiers ; but one already out killed John Clary and Robert Granger, at Brookfield, on the 8th of August. Gen. Nicholson, tired of waiting for the fleet, left Wood Creek, September 26th, to consult with the colonial govern- ments as to what measures to take. Shortly after, the whole army retired to Albany, burning their forts and boats as they retreated. The expected ships had gone to Portugal, and all the trouble and expense in preparing for the campaign was thrown away. Rev. John Williams was chaplain in this futile expedition, and received ^24, 8 s, 6 d for his time and ex- penses. During his absence, " Mr. John Avery and Mr. Aaron Porter" were chaplains by turn at Deerfield, and were paid ten pounds each for the service. THE RANSOM OF JOHN ARMS. In the winter of 1709-10, De Vaudreuil, under a pretext of exchanging prisoners, but really, as he writes to France, " to obtain information of what is going on at Orange," sent Sieurs de la Periere and Dupuis, with five men to Albany, as escort for Lieut. Staats, a nephew of Col. Schuyler, and three 374 QUEEN ANNE'S WAR — 1702 — 1713. other Dutch prisoners, to be exchanged for Father de Ma- reuil, and three other Frenchmen ; they also brought " a mili- tia officer of the Boston Government," to exchange for " Sieur de Vercheres, ensign of the Regulars." This " militia offi- cer " was John Arms of Deer field, captured the June previ- ous. One of the French officers probably came with Arms to Deerfield. The dispatches brought from Canada were for- warded to Boston by Col. Partridge. Gov. Dudley is dis- pleased with these proceedings, and writes to Partridge in February that he believes these officers little better than spies, and directing him to send them back, and Arms with them. He says he is ready to exchange prisoners when the French follow the course agreed upon. The French officers reached Montreal on their return about the " time navigation opened." Arms appears to have been left on parole. The following papers relating to the affair, and events un- der consideration, are from the Massachusetts manuscript archives. Letter to Col. Partridge : — Boston, February, ult [28] 1709-10. His Excellency has this day communicated in Council your letter to himselfe accompanying those from the magistrates of Albany, with a copy of a letter from Mr. Vaudreuil, Directed to Col. Peter Schuyler, by the hand of his Messengers then attending from Mont Real, on pretence of negotiating an Exchange of Dutch Prisoners, & one Armes of Deerfield, brought thither with them, for some French prisoners at New York, Bouvenire, taken at Haverhill, and Leffeur, two of theirs in our hands the latter proposed to be Ex- changed for Armes, with a great demand upon him for his redemp- tion out of the hands of the Indians. It is no hard thing to pene- trate into their Intreague, The Designe being to conciliate a new friendship and neutrality with th^ Albanians as they have lately had; to gain Intelligence of the motions and preparations of the English, and leave this and other Her Mag'tys Colony's to take care for them- selves. Mr. Vaudreuil takes no notice of his Excellency, neglects to write to him, thinking to obtain his Prisoners from hence by the interposi- tion of the Gents of Albany, well knowing how false he has been, and Violated his promises made once and again to return all the English Prisoners, and that long since; upon which the French pris- oners on his side were sent home by way of Port Royall. Knowing also his Excellency's Resolution never to set up an Algier trade to purchase the Prisoners out of his hands, and Direction not to have them sent to Albany, but to have them brought in a vessell by water from Canada, or down Kenebeck River to Casco Bay, or Piscataqua, In which Resolution he continues, and it is agreeable to the minds of the Council. DUDLEY'S POLICY REGARDING ENGLISH CAPTIVES. 375 So that Armes must go back with the Messengers, unless he can otherwise obtain his Liberty: You will further Examine him particu- larly referring to the State of Quebec, and Mont Real, how they are as to provisions and Clothing; what store ships arrived there the last summer, and other shipping, and what are there now; what new For- tifications they rasyd in the Summer past and where. And by the next post from Albany, you must send for Beuvenire from thence, and write to the mayor and Magistrates to adjust the accompt of the Demand for his Keeping, — which, as is Intimated, is very extravagant, beyond what is usually allowed for Prisoners, — and let him draw upon the Government here for pay'mt, and it shall be done. In case the Hunting Mohawks attend you, it's thought advisable that Major Stoddard joyne a Sergt & Six Centinels of his best hunt- ers, w*'' them, who will take care to Observe them, and they will be a good out scout, for which you have, his Ex'l'ys Letter & order w"' this. You may adjust the Post as is proposed from Albany. If the ser- vice will be as well performed, & the Charge of the Province be thereby eased, but the Albanians must not think to make a purse from us, and to Exact more than it would be done for by our own people. It being much better that they have y" advantage of what must be necessarily expended. This by the Ord'r of his Ex'lcy, with the advice of the Council, from S'r. Yo'r very humble servant, ISA. Addington, Sect'y. The letter to Mr. Vaudreuil must be sent to Albany by y" Post & forwarded from thence by an Ind'n w'"out charge, or otherwise, by y= French Messingers there now attending. [Endorsed] Letter to Col. Partridge relating to Mr. Vaudreuil's messengers at Albany, and French Prison 'rs. A few weeks previous, Dudley had written in reference to the ransom of Josiah Littlefield, of Maine : " I always pitty a prisoner in Indian hands, especially when their masters are indigent, in necessity of everything ; but no consideration of that nature has yet altered my resolution never to buy a pris- oner of an Indian, lest we make a market for our poor women and children in the frontiers." He had also in this case, pre- vented the goods which Littlefield had himself ordered for his own ransom, from being forwarded to his Indian master. On learning the decision of the Governor and Council, John Arms at once hurried to Boston, armed with letters from Mr. Williams, his minister, and Col. Partridge, seeking to avert the hard fate of being returned to Canadian captivity. He appeared before the Council March 6th, to plead his cause in person ; but his mission was fruitless ; the policy of the gov. ernment was fixed, and he " was dismissed, the Governor and 376 QUEEN ANNE'S WAR— 1702 — 1713. Council not seeing reason to alter anything of their directions to Col. Partridge by their letters last week." Notwithstanding this decision, our townsman did not re- turn with the French officers, as we see by the following let- ter:— To his Honor Cor'n patrigg Leiuing in Hatfield this present. Deerfeild, May y^ 27, 1710. Worthey & Reuerant Sur, thes lins are to inform yourself of y^ ac- count of my Charges, Both for my time & expenses sence I came in- to this contry,' y' time that I spent in waiting on y" french Gentle- men at Albany, & in y" marching in y" woods contains ten: 10: weeks, whic at 12 pence per day is 3 00 00 ye charges for my Dieght & Lodgin was 2 06 00 & my charge for 2 hores jorney to albeny at ten shillings per jorney i 00 00 6 06 00 having given yourself an account only for my time, & my diat, & my lodging, & my horses jurny, all amounts to six pounds, six shlens — pray sur, present my humble Duty to his Excelency, & inform him of my Dificult Surcumstances, both in Canada, being ther a wounded prisener, & stript of all my Clothes j could get none out their maga- send, but was fourst to by them with my one mony, having credit with a gentleman thar, & allso of my oblagations that I am now un- der; which I supose that y" french captaine has informed his Exelan- cy abought, & intreat his Excelency to helpe me in so dificult a Cas as I am under. I shall not ade but Remain your humble sauruent, Joh. Arms. This letter was sent to Gov. Dudley, by Partridge, who writes May 31st, 1710:^ I humbly move in behalf of John Armes, now of Derefeild a pris- oner to the Frentch, being taken by the enemy in June was twelve- month, & carried to Canada, & since he came hither hath been at great Charges at Albany, as per account annexed, prays it may be allowed and payd him out of the Treasurie of this Province, as also such other allowances for his Losses of his tyme & cloathing & his wounds' &c as this corte may judge meete & just, & for y'r Excellen- cy & Hon's shall ever pray. Samuel Partridge, in behalf of John Arms afores'd. The measures Arms took to secure his freedom have not been discovered. It would seem that he had been captive to the Indians, and that a " French captain " had ransomed him for one hundred livres, which he had obligated himself to re- pay. Arms was also held as a prisoner of war, and a French officer of the line was asked in exchange. This officer, whose name is given as " Sieur de Vercheres," by De Vaudreuil, and "Le Fever" by Dudley, did not return with the French en- EARLY PROTECTION OF THE FOREST TREES. 377 voys. A prisoner of the latter name was at Hadley two years later, when he refused to return with a party of exchanged prisoners going from Deerfield to Canada, and declared his intention of becoming a citizen. Arms was allowed six pounds, six shillings, on his bill of May 27th. He became a cripple from his wounds, and a life pension of six potmds a year was granted him in 1721, to which three pounds, ten shillings was added in 1752. August loth, 1 710, Connecticut voted to raise scouting par- ties, not to exceed sixty Indians and four or five English, to range towards the lakes ; fitting them out and paying a boun- ty of ten pounds for each Indian scalp. Of all the troubles from the enemy this year, not a clue is found on the town records, although the action of three meetings is recorded. There had been some difficulty in re- gard to rights in the wood land. Wood Land and Turpentine. In 1686 it was voted " That notwithstanding the wood lands are to be laid out in particu- lar to euery person his proportion, * * * all timber, fire wood, stone, clay, &c., shall be common for euery proprietor's use till such time as the town shall other ways order it." Soon after, the wood lands were divided according to the number of cow commons held by each proprietor. The ad- vantage of ownership, under these circumstances, is not very apparent, for over and above the right given individuals to take timber, &c., where they chose, the town still retained a general control of the whole. None were allowed the use of pine trees for making turpentine without leave of the town, and privileges of this kind were granted by vote from time to time. It appears that in 1 708 parties had been engaged in the business without leave ; but the town asserted its author- ity and voted December loth, "that thare shall be no more pine trees cut for making of turpentine without the town's liberty." In March, 1709, the town granted unto Joseph Clesson and Ebe Severance a persel of pine trees for making turpentine liing est of Deerfield est mountain by the great river; y" plas is known by y** name of y^ pine nook; it is to be understood y' y" are to haue y" three yere. The town also agreed and uoted to giue all y" pine trees which jos petty and y'= trees y' Sam'll ffield and the trees Joseph Allicksander cut for turpentine the Last sumer unto Edward Allen, Sam'll ffield 378 QUEEN ANNE'S WAR — 1702 — 1713. and jos Allicksander to each and aighter of them an eaquall sheare. Dan'l Belden, Sam'll Allyn, Nath Brooks refus to giue thair right. It does not appear what the individual rights of the three last named men were, or what was the result of their protest. The whole matter continued under the direct control of the town, and the policy of restricted use of the pines was continued until March, 171 5 ; when "the town then voated y' from this time forward no person whome soveer shall cut a tree for turpentine within y" Bounds of y" township of d'fd." In connection with the abundant town legislation for the protection of the wood lands, there is also found frequent mention of the woods being " burned over," under the direc- tion of committees chosen for that purpose ; but no definite information is to be obtained on that point. On the whole, patient search concerning the extent and character of the forests here at the first settlement, their con- dition later under the policy of the town, and the real object of the many town regulations, only develops numerous rid- dles, which I have been obliged to " give up," no solution be- ing found to the apparent inconsistencies in statement and action. 171 1. This year another attempt was made to subdue Can- ada. Fifteen men of war and forty transports sailed from Boston, July 30th, for Quebec. Ten transports and a thou- sand men were lost by shipwreck in the St. Lawence August 2 1 St, and the rest turned back. Another army of 4000 men was collected on the old ground above Albany under Gen. Nicholson, but nothing was accomplished against Canada. Rev. John Williams was chaplain on this expedition. The campaign was a total failure except so far as it kept the enemy away from our frontiers. The only loss in the valley was at Northampton, August loth or nth, when Samuel Strong was killed and his father Samuel wounded and taken captive. December was a cold month ; the snow was deep, the rivers and lakes were frozen very hard, and an expedition from Canada was feared. December 27th, Connecticut voted that " a small scout of ten or twelve men be posted about thirty or forty miles above Deerfield upon some eminence for the dis- covery of the enemy until such time as the approach of spring renders it impractical for them to come in a body.'' SCOUTING ON SNOW SHOES. 379 17 1 2. As additional security, Col. Partridge sent a large force up here January 9th, provided with snow shoes, and prepared for a winter's campaign. Two companies of snow- shoe men were sent from the Bay, to be employed by Col. Partridge for the defense of Hampshire county, " particular- ly by posting some of them in conjunction with such as Col. Partridge shall joyn with them, in some convenient place or places, above the scout now stated 30 miles above Deerfield, to discover the approach of the enemy." March 12th, Lieut. William Crocker was directed to raise a party of English and Indian volunteers to join the scout that Partridge was fitting out, to send "up to Coaset to meet the Indian enemy hunting in these parts." No further account of this most remarkable winter's campaign has been found. No details of the endurance, bravery and heroism of those men who spent the dead of winter in tramping through the forests and camping on the mountains of Southern Vermont ; waiting and watching the approach of the subtle foe, while their lives depended on their ability to outmatch in strategy an enemy with a life-long training in the arts of wood-craft. The number of men engaged is not known, but in the spring, Col. Partridge was allowed seven shillings each for 468 pairs of snow shoes and moccasins furnished to that number of men. Sometime in April Lieut. Thomas Baker left Deerfield with thirty men on a scout to the north. Ebenezer Grant writes concerning it as follows : — CAPT. THOMAS BAKEr's* SCOUT. Another story related to me by Livet Childs Concerning Capt. Baker & his Company, and what happened to them in their march is as follows: April the Beginning Capt Baker, Lieut Saip" Williams Lieut Mar- tin Kellogg with 28 men set out from Deerfield up Connect River Designing for Cowass on purpose to Destroy a family or two of In- dians that they heard was there. But when arrived found no signs of any enemy there. Then afterwards we took our journey for mer- *Capt., then Lieut. Thomas Baker of Northampton. He wa.-i born about 1683, he died in 1753. He was one of the captives tal^en at Deerfield, Feb. 2gth, 1704! and one of four who escaped and reached home in June, 1705. In 1714, he led the party which escorted John Stoddard and Rev. John Williams to Canada, as Massachusetts Commissioners to treat for the return of prisoners; while there, occurred the romantic episode of his marriage to Madam Le Beau, nee Margaret Otis, which is so fully and so well treated by Miss C. Alice Baker, in her paper before the P. V. M. Association, upon Christina Otis. 380 QUEEN ANNE'S WAR — 1702 — 1713. rimack & coming upon it at y" head of the west Branch following of it Down one Day, & then finding two Indian Tracks which went down the river we continuing our Course next Day Down y" river after them, towards night finding the Tracks of 4 more & then en- campt. The officers next morning thought it best to send forth a Small Company of our men to see what they could Discover And in about two hours they returned again & Informed by what they had Discovered that there was a party of Indians not far off. Then the officers took 3 of there Soaldiers to make further Discovery ordering the rest of the Company to Lye still & be very Carefull & make no rout till they returned and in about 3 hours they returned & In- formed their Company that they had discovered some Wigwams. Judging [three ?] of them to be Indians with families, with that y<^ whole Company moved in about half a mile of them, and then find- ing y"= wigmans to be on y= [bank ?] of the river and a swamp Ly- ing upon the back side. And Judging it to be best to Devide y' Company into two parts Livt Williams & Livt Kellogge taking one half & Capt Baker y« other. Agreeing also y' one part should go round y" Swamp up Stream, and the other part Down Stream. Soon after we parted the Company of Capt Baker espied a straggling In- dian Coming directly towards them, with a hatchet Stuck in his Gir- dle & a Stick on his Shouldier, which we judged was a going to peal Bark. Now we knowing that we should be Discovered was obliged to fire him Down & did so, now many guns being Discharged at him, Alarmed y" other Indians & caused the tother part of the men to come back again. After that word was given out to run to the wigwams. After running a Little way Litting of some Indian dogs which we following lead us to the wigwams upon the river Bank & there find- ing 12 Indians Jest entred into their Canoes to Cross the river & Es- pying a number of Squas & Poposes on the other Side running into the woods, but we firing briskly on them that was on y" water. Soon turned the bulk of them out of their Canoas, and the other Jumped out and Swam to the Contrary Shore. So we judged we had killed 8 or 9 atid afterwards was informed by Some Easterd Captives y* we did kill 9. After the skirmish was over, we viewed their habitation & judged that they had lived there two or three years, by the quan- tity of Furs we found there. The Place where we Litt of these In- dians, was where the two Branches of the river come together.* Aft- er this we returned to the place where we left our Packs, with a small quantity of plunder and there we packed up and Steared our Course for Dunstable & in Time reached it, from thence we travailed to Chensford, And th'e People being very kind to us. Our Capt with a Waiting-man, went to Boston to Inform his Excellency Gov Dudley of his good service done the Province, ordering the Lieut to take the men and march to Marlborough & there to wait for him & in a little time he Came and ordered us to march homewards, from thence we marched to brookfield which was a very hard Day's travail by reason of some men being very Lame, from thence we marched to Hadley, from thence to Hatfield, from thence to Deer'' w'' we first set from. Finis. * One of them since called Baker's river. CARTEL FOR EXCHANGE OF PRISONERS AT DEERFIELD. 381 On a scrap of paper in the handwriting of Stephen Wil- liams, is found the following : — Capt. Baker & my Brother's expedition to Cowass & over the Mer- rimack, where they killed my old master Wottanammon in April, 1712. With the scalp of Wottanammon and others, Baker went down the Mernmac and to Boston, arriving May 8th. The General Court voted his company £21° besides their wages, for scalp money. There had been no general exchange of prisoners since John Sheldon was in Canada. Individual or special exchanges had been made occasionally, perhaps as the one side or the other took that method of gaining intelligence of their ene- my. June i6th, a letter was received from De Vaudreuil respect- ing an exchange of prisoners of war. He proposes ''that our prisoners from Canada be brought into or near Deerfield, and that the French prisoners be sent home from thence." This proposal was satisfactory to Dudley, and Col. Partridge was ordered to collect the prisoners here and dispatch them home. Partridge set about the mission with zeal and energy, and in about four weeks, a party of French captives, with an English escort, left Deerfield under a flag of truce for Cana- da. The departure had been delayed somewhat by difficulty from an unexpected quarter. Of this the following letter gives a graphic relation : — Hatfield, July i, 1712. I begg yo'' Excellencys excuse & tender Resentment. Off our repeated demur & delay of moveing towards Canada by the Frentchmcn & o'' Messengers, which is wholie by the indisposi- tion of the P'rentchmen, Especially two of them, who will not be p'suaded to go, neither by p'suasions, nor force, except they be car- ried, viz., Cossett & La ffever. the Capt. hath used all means with them, especially Cosset, in so much that 1 believe if they go into woods together, they will murder one another before they get to Can- ada. Cosset positively refusing to go, chuseing rather to Remayen a prison'' all his days, as he saith, rather than go with him. The Captaine vehemently mad with him, as he saith, will kill him, & its thought by their violent treatm' one towards another, that murder had been done if o' men had not p-^vented itt They cannot speak to- gether, but some fall to blows, whoever is p^'sent. La ffever has been oposite of goeing all a Long, & now it comes too positively op- poses it, except he be forct. Yesterday I went up to Deref" & two of the Frentchmen ordert him & the Frenchman to attend me in order to their goeing immediately away, Haveing all things ready 382 QUEEN ANNE'S WAR — 1702 — 1713. there but am demured, as afores'^, & knowing the sending of but two with o'' Messeng^^, would not comport with y'r Excellency's de- sign in this motion, I chose rather to delay two or 3 days more to waite for yo'' further direction. I have with much ado, caused the two Frentchmen that are willing to go, to abide at Deref til further order: he, viz., the Capt., proposes that two others of his men be sent immediately to go, saying he knows they will go without trouble if y'self see meet yet to proceed in this motion, though rather chuses to come back to Boston with hopes to get home by water, but he is stay* as afores*. In the enclosed paper he gives y° names of y= men &c. As to o"' Messengers, severall offer themselves to go, viz., Ltt. Baker, Ltt. Williams, Ltt. Wells & Sergt. Taylor; & for men with either of them, Jonathan Wells, Jno. Nims, (an absolute pilot) Eleazer [Ebenezer ?] Warner, Thomas Frentch &c., but insist upon 4 to goe, &c. We had pitcht upon Ltt. Williams, with the consent of his ffather, who hath the Frentch tongue, Jonath. Wells, Jno. Nims, & Eliezer [Ebenezer?] Warner, but haveing in yo' last letter a forbidd to any of Baker's company we pitcht on Lt. Wells, Sergt. Taylor, John Nims & Thos. Frentch, who also hath the F^rentch tongue, but think the former most apt for y^ designe, &c. I have had no small fategue in this matter, but y'= disappointment hath been on the Frentchman's p' as aforesaid. I am verry sorry there is no better attendence to y'r Excellencys commands, w'^'" I desire to be sencere in attending, to the utmost of my power at all tymes. Humbly desiring further directions in this matter, with my Hum- ble service p^sented to yo' Excellency, Madam Dudley & whole fam- ily. Rendering myself much obliged in obeydience & yo"" Verry Humble serv't. Sam" Partridge. P. S. Our scouts can discover verry little appearance of y^ ene- my at the Lake ; doubtless more might be discovered & y'^ enemy more forct to a retirement. The following was endorsed on the above letter : — Co'l/. Patridg: — Honn'd Sr, I have all along been much against re- turning home: to Canada: but am now come to a Resolution that I will not go, except the Governor with yourself, doe compell me to returne; which I hope you will not do; I have an Affection for the people and Countery; and therefore do not intend to lieue it untill thare be a Peace; and then only for to give my Parents a vissitt and Returne againe. from your humble ser'vt to command: this is La ffeveres words. Dudley writes Partridge, Sept. 26th, "Cosset stays with you ; they have abandoned him as a protestant." The party for Canada left Deerfield July loth, with Lieut. Samuel Williams finally at the head. 'This is shown by the following extract from a letter written July 21st, 1712, by Elisha Williams, at Hatfield, to his cousin Stephen Williams, at Roxbury :-^ SCHUYLER'S WARNING COMES TOO LATE. 383 "Cousin Samuel & 3 others from Deerfield, set out for Canada the last Thursday was a seven-night. No news but that we are not, & have not been molested by the enemy." The "three others" were Jonathan Wells, John Nims and Eleazer, or Ebenezer Warner. Lieut. Williams reached Bos- ton on his return September 24th, bringing nine English prisoners. He was allowed for his services thirty shillings per week. Lieut. Williams, son of the minister, was but twenty-three years old. In March, 1713, he was chosen town clerk, and died in June following. The quiet noted by both writers above was soon to be broken. July 13th, twenty Indians in two parties left Cana- da for our frontiers; twelve under the noted Gray Lock.* The news of this movement reached Col. Schuyler July 28th. He sent a post in hot haste to warn Col. Partridge ; but it was too late. Partridge writes the Governor August 4th : — Hatfield Aug 4, 1712 May it please yo' Excellency On Wednesday the 30 July past in y« forenoone came too me a Messeng'^ enforming of a young man taken by a p"" of the Enemy at Springfield in the afternoone a massenger from Deref that o"' west- ern scout from thence was attaqued by the enemy & s'' ther were most of them taken & killed, but upon a more full ace' there is one man killed & two taken of them, at Night a Messenger from o'' East- ern scouts gave news of the discovery of a p"^ of 8 or 9 seen & they made shot at y" but the enemy soon ran out of reach towards Brookf'' We immeadiately sent a post to Brookf'' to enforme them, who im- meadiately sent out to all there work folks abroad & in there way see 6 or 8 Indians — Alarmed the y^ said workers & disappointed the En- emy who were about Secretly to way lay them, but run for it — by all this it plainly appears the Enemy are on every hand of us — Laying waite for to accomplish their bloody designes — the same night a post from Albany came with the Enclosed, "Bhe letf doth not speak of it, but the Missing" say y"^ Gov' of Canada Looks for a speedy Peace, but will do as much spoyle as he can before it comes. I have Given Notice to Capt How of the Enemys Appearance here w"'' may soone come over to y"" Major Stoddard & myself are Secureing all p'^ by scouts & guards as much as we can to p'vent the Sudden surprizes of the Enemy who doubtless will do all the mischeef they can before they go off with my Humble Service p^'sented to yC Excellency & whole family Ren- dering my Self yo' Obeydient & very Humble Ser'' Sam" Partridge. Yo' Excellency's directions is at all tymes advantageous to us *For an account of Gray Lock see History of Northfield. 384 QUEEN ANNE'S WAR — 1/02 — 1713. The "man taken at Springfield" was Benjamin Wright of " Skipmuck," and he was probably killed soon after. He was eighteen years old. The man killed on the western scout was Samuel Andrews of Hartford ; the captured men, Ben- jamin Barrett of Deerfield and Sunderland, and William San- ford, a Connecticut soldier. The party was under the charge of Sergt. Samuel Taylor of Deerfield, who did not keep them under sufficient restraint. They were " very careless & noisy as they traveled," says Stephen Williams. Lieut. Samuel Williams was in Canada when the two captives were brought in. Both were recovered by him, and brought back in Sep- tember. This was the last raid on this valley during Queen Anne's War. The messenger who brought Schuyler's dispatch to Partridge July 31st, said the Governor of Canada expected a speedy peace, but would do as much spoil as he could before it came. It was in continuance of this characteristic and infamous method of carrying on the war, that De Vau- dreuil, to make the most of the time, sent a large force against the eastern towns in September. A proclamation for the cessation of hostilities was promul- gated at Boston Oct. 29th, 1712, and Queen Anne's War was closed by the Treaty of Utrecht, March 30th, 171 3. In this war Deerfield lost sixty-one killed, nine wounded and one hundred and twelve captured. The valley below lost fifty-eight killed, sixteen wounded and thirteen captured. Total in Hampshire county, one hundred and nineteen killed, twenty-five wounded, one hundred and twenty-five captured. CHAPTER XII. INTERVAL OF UNQUIET PEACE. Within a few months after the Peace of Utrecht, signed March 30th, 171 3, it became apparent that Deerfield was no longer to be the forlorn hope of civilization in the Connecti- cut Valley— the extreme point of that wedge of settlements which was being driven northwards to split the wilderness asunder. February, 17 14, the General Court appointed a Committee to superintend the settlement at Swampfield. Four years later it dismissed the Committee with thanks, and gave the plantation a charter and the name of Sunderland. Thus the wedge became thickened hereabouts, and in 1714 Northfield was resettled, and that became the entering edge . — the post of danger and honor. The war cloud had hardly rolled away before the Indians from every quarter, under one pretext or another, were free- ly mingling with the English. In May, 17 14, Upehonedie was here with a party of Iroquois ; with a pass from Col. Par- tridge they went to Boston, and appeared before the Gov- ernor and Council to express their friendship for our people. The Eastern Indians were anxious for a new treaty ; the Pen- nicooks came also to make complaint of encroachment on their lands. All along our frontiers the Indian hunters who had been at arms against us came to sell their furs, the prod- uct of the last winter's hunt. When under the influence of fire-water these Indians would boast of their murderous ex- ploits during the war, making a merit of them as praise- worthy actions of brave warriors. This would rouse the ire of the English, altercations would follow, and sometimes, ac- cording to tradition, a swift and secret revenge. At any rate there must have been great provocation to retaliation on the part of the whites, whose friends had been the victims of their barbarity, and the objects of their boasts, which would have led to reprisals, and brought on a general conflict. There was all the while a profound distrust of the Indians, 386 INTERVAL OF UNQUIET PEACE. and little confidence was felt in their professions of amity. Men like Thomas Baker, Joseph and Martin Kellogg, who had been in captivity among them, and understood their hab- its, were employed to go among them to watch their mo- tions, and interpret the meaning. The government gave watchful heed to the intercourse between the red man and the white and made wholesome regulations in regard to their barter. Nov. 14th, 171 5, the Council gave Col. Partridge or- ders to " direct his inspection and care of trade with Indians coming into Deerfield, and other parts within the county of Hampshire, to prevent their being debauched with rum or other spirits or being defrauded and abused in their trade." Perhaps it was owing to his wise management that no out- break occurred. During the whole of this interval of peace continuous ef- forts were made for the recovery of captives still held by the French and Indians in Canada ; and for the release of Eunice Williams, especially, no possible inducement was left untried. A large sum of money was rejected ; the personal solicitation of the Governor's wife was disregarded. Two captive Indian children offered in exchange for this white girl were refused, but four captive Englishmen were given up for them instead. Even Father Justinian, a French priest captured at Annapo- lis Royal, was brought to Boston, and kept a long time, as an exchange for the captive child ; but all in vain. Col. John Schuyler, however, still had hopes. He writes Dudley April 6th, 171 3, that he is going from Albany with some French gentlemen, and that " agreeable to a promise made to Mr. Williams and for Christian considerations, he will endeavour the recovery of his daughter out of the hands of the Indians and doubts not to prevail." The disheartening result we have seen. [See ante, page 349.] The sorrowing father of Eunice, however, could not yet give up his daughter. We may safely presume that it was through his means that another party was sent for captives the same year. Nov. 5th, 171 3, Capt. John Stoddard and Rev. John Williams received their credentials as Commis- sioners, and were fitted out for a journey to Canada. They left Northampton for Albany, November T3th, attended by Capt. Thomas Baker, Martin Kellogg, Eleazer Warner and Jonathan Smith, all on horseback. They reached the Hudson STODDARD AND WILLIAMS IN CANADA. 387 November i6th. Here they were detained ten long weeks on account of warm weather and broken ice. At length on the 22d of January they set forward, having in the meantime se- cured for a guide Hendrick, a Mohawk chief of the Cahnaing- has, who had great influence over the Caghnawagas, with whom Eunice Williams and the other captives lived. The party arrived at Quebec February i6th, and were well re- ceived by Gov. de Vaudreuil. He assured them that all cap- tives should have free liberty to go home. The Commission- ers set about their business with energy and hopefulness, but they soon found the Governor could not be relied upon for assistance. His doings fell far short of his promises. The wily priests put every possible obstacle in their way, and when complaint was made, De Vaudreuil said he could as " easily change the course of the river as prevent the priest's endeavours." Complications on questions of State coming up, Capt. Baker was sent to Dudley for further instructions. He left April 4th, via Albany, taking with him three re- deemed captives, and a Frenchman to act as guide, and to take back the canoe. June 8th and again June i ith the Commissioners sent more dispatches to Dudley. Capt. Baker returned to the Commis- sioners by the way of Montreal, where he secured one captive, and reached Quebec July 23d. The papers he brought from Gov. Dudley had no effect on men who had determined be- forehand to keep as many captives from going home as they could by any means in their power. After six months of difficult and vexatious negotiations, the Commissioners on the 24th of August, embarked on a vessel sent by Dudley to Quebec, with only twenty-six pris- oners, leaving behind more than four times that number. Many of these were children when taken, and had become so attached to savage modes of living, that no persuasions could induce them to give up the free, wild life in the wil- derness. The land of their birth was with many wholly blotted out, or remembered only as a dream, and they had become really the children of Nature. Mr. Williams could not understand— no Puritan of that period could understand — that this reluctance to go back to New England might be other than the work of the devil, operating through the Popish priests. When at home, the 388 INTERVAL OF UNQUIET PEACE. word of Mr. Williams was law to young and old, but h^re, with his own daughter, and the young of his flock living at Caghnawaga, his most earnest prayers and solicitations fell on ears that gave no heed and on hearts that were moved by no emotion. No wonder the broken-hearted minister says he found the captives " rather worse than the Indians." Quite a number who had consented, changed their minds at the last, and refused to go home ; among them " five who pretend- ed to embark just before we sailed." The only known Deerfield captives brought home in Dud- ley's vessel were Ebenezer Nims and his wife Sarah (Hoyt). They brought away, after fierce opposition by the Indians of Lorette where they lived, their only child, a boy of eighteen months, named for his father. The babe had been baptized by a priest, but in 1737 he was baptized anew by the then minister of Deerfield, Jonathan Ashley, who on that occasion preached two sermons " showing that y" chh of rome is y mother of harlots spoken of by Saint John & that none of her administrations can be valid." Martin Kellogg came home by land bringing his brother Joseph and perhaps other Deerfield captives. It was while the Commissioners were in Canada that Ele- wacamb brought Abigail Nims — or her countefeit — to our frontier, as before related. Probably he feared being obliged to give her up to the English without ransom, in accordance with De Vaudreuil's first declaration, and so fled with her to a more profitable field. [See ante, page 345.] The Kelloggs were taken into the service of the govern- ment on regular pay, and employed as messengers, interpret- er and spies. Their sister, redeemed later, was also em- ployed as interpreter. In 171 5 Martin Kellogg relates in a petition to the General Court, the " hardships of a long cap- tivity, from which by a dangerous adventure he escaped & has since been in the service," and the Court voted him ten pounds " in consideration of his uncommon bravery and suf- fering in the public service." Twenty-five pounds had been allowed him in 1712, ''to repay his ransom money, expenses and loss of arms." February 25th, 171 7 or 18, Joseph Kellogg, representing to the General Court that he has " several near relatives [two sisters] now in the hands of the French and Indians who CONFLICTING CLAIMS IN ACADIA. 389 have professed the Catholic religion & that he has considera- ble encouragement to undertake a journey thither to per- suade them to return to their country and religion," was giv- en leave by the Council to go to them, with an assurance of a good reward if he succeed. Joseph's efforts were in vain at this time, but his sister Rebecca was brought back by him in 1728. In addition to the information obtained by the messengers to Canada as to the condition of affairs there, the scattered tribes were also watched. In March, 17 16, Lieut. Joseph Clesson led a scouting party to the north and east frontiers. He was absent three weeks. April 17th, Capt. Thomas Bak- er left here on a five weeks' scout towards Canada. The pay of Clesson's party was ;£'35, 4s, 8d; of Baker's ;£'44, iis, 6d. CLOUDS ON THE EASTERN FRONTIER. In the Treaty of Utrecht, " Acadia " was ceded to the Eng- lish ; but its bounds were undefined. By virtue of this treaty, the English claimed the territory along the coast of Maine from the Kennebec to the St. Johns, as against the French ; and as against the Abenakis, under deeds given by their sachems many years before. Both French and Indians disputed this claim. When the English began to build on the lands in question, a party of Abenakis went to Canada, and in an interview with the Governor, explained the situa- tion, and asked him if he would help them, — In case of a rupture, as they had assisted him at the expense of their blood, on every occasion he had required them. The general assured them that he should never fail them in time of need. But what assistance, Father, will you give us? they asked. My children, answered M. de Vaudreuil, I shall secretly send you some hatchets, some powder and lead. Is this the way, then, the Indians retorted, that a Father aids his children? and was it thus we assisted you? A Father, they added, when he sees a son engaged with an enemy stronger than he, comes forward, extricates his son, and tells the en- emy that it is with him he has to do. Well, replied M. de Vaudreuil, I will engage the other Indian tribes to furnish you aid. At these words the deputies retorted with an ironical laugh. Know that we all who inhabit this vast continent, will, whenever we please, as long as we exist, unite to expel all foreigners from it, be they who they may. This declaration much surprised the general, who, to mollify them, protested that rather than abandon them to the mercy of the English, he would himself march to their aid. [Memoir sent from Canada to France in 1720.] 390 INTERVAL OF UNQUIET PEACE. The Abenakis were too shrewd to give credit to this forced declaration, and, on their return, spread dissatisfac- tion through their country. The Intendant of Canada wishes "some hair-brained fel- low of the Abenakis might make some attack on the English that would light up a war" without French agency, but, he adds, " What will become of ourselves if these Indians be worsted, and the English become masters of their villages, some of which are in our midst?" Great alarm was felt in Canada on rumors that the Iroquois and the Abenakis were about to become friends: "From which nothing can come but the ruin of the colony," is the word sent to France by the Governor. The problem of De Vaudreuil was to prevent this union, keep control of the Abenakis, and foment a war between the latter and the English ; aiding them so far as he could with- out breaking the peace between France and England. Louis XV. writes De Vaudreuil in May, 17 19, that he must " prevent the English from settling on these lands either by means of the Indians, or in any other way that would not, however, bring about any cause of rupture with England." This was the condition of affairs when the newly-arrived Governor of Massachusetts, Samuel Shute, held a conference with the Eastern Indians on Arrowsick Island, August 9th, 1 7 1 7, and arranged by treaty a settlement of all the disputes. The policy of the French required that this friendly con- clusion should be disturbed, and the Jesuits were successful- ly employed to that end. Divisions were created among the Indians* aggressions and reprisals followed. Sebastian Rasle, a Jesuit missionary at Narantsouak, or Norridgewock, was the center of this influence. In 1 720, the Sagamore of Nor- ridgewock died, and through the action of the old men, Oui- koniroumenet, who was for keeping faith with the English, was chosen his successor. By his party an agreement was made with Governor Shute, May i8th, 1721, that the Indians would pay the English all damages; and hostages were sent to Boston to secure payment, and peace. Another meeting was arranged at which it was hoped all the Indians would bind themselves to a peaceful policy. This, Father Rasle de- termined to prevent. The very same day this agreement was made Father Rasle dispatched a letter to De Vaudreuil, THE FRENCH AT ARROWSICK ISLAND. 391 acquainting him with this new turn of affairs. The Govern- or replied, June 4th, [O. S.,J that the condition of things re- ported about the Abenakis would, — Subject them to the English if the utmost care should not be im- mediately taken to prevent so great a misfortune. * * * with- out a moment's delay I set out in order to apply myself to the busi- ness at Montreal, and then to St. Francis and Becancour, where I prevailed with the Indians of those villages to vigorously support their brethren of Norridgewock. [De Vaudreuil, relating this affair to the King, writes,] If the Indians of this village should confer alone with the English, those that had remained firm until then, might permit themselves to be gained over by their offers; it became nec- essary that the well-intentioned Indians should be most numerous at the conference. Accordingly, he sent seven canoes of Indians, from Cana- da. Father La Chasse, Superior of the Jesuits, was sent at the same time, to visit the other tribes of the Eastern In- dians, to induce them to attend the proposed conference. At the desire of the Canada Indians, after some scruples, he al- so sent M. de Croisil, a French officer of the line. These emissaries easily accomplished their object, the more so as Gov. Shute, in consequence of opposition by the House of Representatives had not yet been able to carry out his agree- ment with the Abenakis to set up truck houses among them. July 17th, 1 72 1, [O. S.,] La Chasse, Rasle and De Croisil, with 250 Indians armed and painted, appeared under French col- ors, at Arrowsick Island, the place appointed for the second conference. Gov. Shute having been informed of the progress of affairs, did not think it worth while to keep the appoint- ment. After remaining on the Island about seven weeks, the Indians called together the leading settlers on the disputed territory, laid down 200 beavers to pay for cattle killed, de- manded the four hostages given by Ouikoniroumenet, and told the settlers they must leave their lands. These demands were put in writing and read by one of the Jesuits. They were then left to be sent to Gov. Shute, with a demand for a reply in three weeks. An answer was sent, calling the Abenakis traitors, and demanding the surrender of Father Rasle, who was regarded as the author of the revolt and the letter. The direct agency of De Vaudreuil was not then known or sus- pected. In December, 1721, a force was sent to capture the Jesuit and some of the principal men at Norridgewock. They 392 INTERVAL OF UNQUIET PEACE. reached the place January 4th, 1 722. Father Rasle received sufficient notice to fly to the woods and so escaped. His books and papers were found and brought off.. In June following, the Abenakis captured a number of English at different places, burned Brunswick, and continued their depredations under the direction of Father Rasle. He as their religious teacher had acquired almost unbolinded influence over them, and his political and religious zeal com- bined to inflame the Abenakis against English and Protest- ant aggression. During all this excitement on the Maine coast, diplomatic correspondence was continued between Gov. Shute and De Vaudreuil, messengers going and coming by the way of Alba- ny and the lake. Joseph Kellogg and Thomas Baker were employed in this service. Christina, wife of Capt. Baker, accompanied her husband on one trip in 1722. Her expenses were paid by the Council, but no indications of the object of the journey are found. Probably it was an attempt to recov- er her children, whom she was forced to leave when she came back with Stoddard and Williams in 17 14. If so, she was unsuccessful, for they lived and died in Canada. CHAPTER XIII. FATHER RASLE'S WAR. Under the condition of affairs related in the last chapter there could be no settlement of the dispute except by the arbitrament of the sword; and July 25th, 1722, Gov. Shute formally declared war against the Eastern Indians. He sent three hundred men to the scene of the conflict. De Vau- dreuil sent one hundred and sixty Indians from Canada, and the whole frontier was soon ablaze, and many were killed or captured on both sides. Col. Samuel Partridge of Hatfield, then seventy-six years old, was military commander in the Connecticut Valley, with John Stoddard of Northampton as his lieutenant. A company of ninety-two men under Capt. Samuel Barnard of Deerfield, and Lieutenant Joseph Kel- logg, was raised for the protection of our town and North- field. During the summer several houses at both places were made defensible, being surrounded by palisades ; scouts constantly ranged the woods ; watching and warding in the towns was unremitting; but no enemy appeared on our fron- tiers this year. . By the papers of Father Rasle, it had been seen how the Abenakis were backed by De Vaudreuil, and it was feared he would induce the Caghnawaga, St. Francis and other In- dians to join in the war, and come down upon the valley towns. Special efforts were made through agents sent them, to keep them neutral. Conference at Albany, May, 1723. Massachusetts and New York were alive to the consequences of a general combination of the tribes in favor of the Abenakis, and both united to pre- vent it. A sketch of some of the measures taken to avoid a general war will throw light on the obscure subject of the dealings of Englishmen and Indians at this period. It will be seen that in diplomatic transactions the native was quite a match for the white man. Their forms and ceremonies cov- ered deep and far-seeing wisdom. At a Council held at Fort 394 FATHER RASLE'S WAR. George, Feb. 20th, 1722-3, a letter of Feb. 4th from Governor Dummer was read, thanks were given to Governor Burnett for the interest shown by his letter of Jan. 28th, and the re- quest made that the Indians be directed to assemble at Alba- ny, May 2Sth, to meet the Commissioners appointed to treat with the Six Nations within his government. Enclosed were instructions to the Commissioners, William Tailor, Spencer Phipps and John Stoddard, which he thinks conformable to " your letter to Gov. Shute & a vote of your Council." The Commissioners were instructed to remind the Six Na- tions of " an absolute promise " their delegates made at Bos- ton to "call off the Merrimack & Scatacook Indians from confederating with the Eastern Indians," and of their giv- ing reasons to expect that the Six Nations would " make war against the East Indians;" to tell them a large bounty is of- fered for scalps, and that each party of ten shall have two Englishmen go out with them. May 23d the Massachusetts agents appeared before the " New York Commissioners for Indian Affairs" at Albany and presented their credentials. They reported that " Col. Peter Schuyler the President answered & assured us that they would not be wanting to give us all the assistance which was consented to by the rest of the gentlemen, But the Sec- retary stood up and said ' as far as was consistent with his Excellency Governor Burnets Instructions,' " and that we must tell Gov. Burnett what we were going to say to the Six Nations. Our Agents then invited the Indian Commissioners to go to their lodgings and " take a glass of wine with us which they accepted." So ends the first day. May 28th. This day was spent by the Agents and Indians in making presents and flattering speeches to each other. May 29th. The Indians say " the Present was not common, but that it was extraordinary." They give thanks for it not on account of its real value but for "your sincerity" — but — they are not yet ready for a talk. May 30th. They, like adept diplomates, make a long and diffuse talk meaning nothing. The Commissioners declare the cause of the war with the " Abnequois" which, as was well understood was a question of the ownership of certain territory. They refer to the deeds from the Abenakis "which your delegates saw." The INDIAN DIPLOMACY. 395 Indians are urged to take up arms against the hostile In- dians. "We bring you the hatchet," and we will give you a hundred dollars for every scalp of a male over twelve years old, fifty dollars for prisoners, and for "all others killed in fight fifty dollars;" and, if they come into this little arrange- ment will fit them out, mend their guns, hatchets, kettles, &c. May 31st. This day the Indians say this is a great matter and they must deliberate upon it until to-morrow evening. "June 1st, the Scatacooks and River Indians [Mahicans] came to us according to appointment." There was much formal palaver on both sides, and mutual presents, the Com- missioners repeated to them the substance of their speeches to the Six Nations, in urging them to espouse the cause of the English. But that they were not expected to take up arms unless their " fathers " did, in that case they were to join in the war. The presents were "divided between the tribes in our presence." In their answer the Indians say you call us " brethren " we wish you to call us children and we will call you father as we do the Five Nations. If they go to the war, we shall fol- low. "Fathers, " they say, "we were the first Inhabitants of the Country, and some time after the Arrival of the English, they and we made a covenant which hath never been broken and hope it will endure to future generations." This decla- ration might apply to the Mahicans whom the Dutch discov- erers found on the Hudson, but not to the Scatacooks. This tribe was founded by refugees from New England after Phil- ip's War. June 3. After four days' deliberation the Six Nations make answer to the propositions of May 30th. In long, ram- bling talks they vaunt their power over the other Indians, and their friendship for the English. They say we sent dele- gates to the Eastern parts, and found the place empty ; on their return we sent a message to the three tribes of East In- 'dians in Canada to take away the hatchet against the Eng- lish, and they delivered it up, and by their messengers cast it at our feet. We will wait and see what comes of this meas- ure. If you will call a Peace Conference in Boston, we will go and meet the East Indians there, and will try all we can to quiet " our children " in your presence ; meanwhile, we will send another delegation to the East Indians. 396 FATHER RASLE'S WAR. June 4th the indignant Commissioners, in reply, ask a re- consideration of this action. They have nothing to do with " Peace." They want the Six Nations to give hard blows in- stead of hard words to "your children," the East Indians. The reply was that hard words will do. We spoke soft before, now we will go to Boston with your hatchet and the one they sent us. Then we will dig a hole before you and them, and bury these hatchets forever, and tell them if they smite you, they smite us. That will settle the case. We will be surety for them. The Indians have here gained a point in delaying the mat- ter, and will find new' excuses for inaction when necessary. The disappointed Agents make the best they can of the situation, and tell the Indians they will be welcome at Boston to meet the East Indians. They will pay all expenses and make "suitable provisions for your return to your castle." The messengers selected to visit the East Indians a.sk that they may be admitted to some post to meet them under a flag of truce. So ended the ten days' Conference, a high jollification to the Indians and a heavy bill of expense to the English. Meanwhile preparations for defense went on. May 14th, Partridge writes William Dummer, now Governor of the col- ony, " The river is pretty well secured by the forts and men at Northfield and Deerfield, yet Sunderland, Hatfield and Hadley, Northampton, Westfield, and Brookfield and Rut- land, are too much exposed to invasion from the East and West. * * * These towns can't stand the strain upon them to watch and ward, scout and fort without pay, while their spring work is pressing tobe done, they can't get a liv- ing." A quarrel of some years' standing between the Execu- tive and House of Representatives had blocked the necessa- ry legislation to make appropriations and raise money enough to garrison these exposed towns. The Schuylers of New York had long been, and long con- tinued to be, staunch friends of the English of New England. The following tells its own story : — Gentlemen this Encloses a vote of the Gen" Assembly of this Province desiring that one of you Gentlemen as will best suit with your convenience will please to favor us with a visit that we may confer with you upon the Present Scituation of our Capital affairs re- DISASTROUS RAID OF GRAY LOCK. 397 specting the Maquois & the Eastern Indians which will also Oblige Gentlemen Y" Most Humble Ser' W" DUMMER Boston Aug: 13, 1723. To the Hon'"^ Coll: Peter, & Coll John Skyler No Indians appeared in the valley until Aug. 1 3tli, when a party of five killed Thomas Holton and Theophilus Merriman at Northfield. The leader was the notorious Gray Lock, a chieftain of one of the Pocumtuck confederate clans, driven off in Philip's War. He had been a noted warrior in Queen Anne's War, was well acquainted with the country, the peo- ple and their habits, and his advanced age did not prevent his being an active and dangerous enemy. Turning east- ward, the same party surprised Dea. Joseph Stevens and his four sons while at work in the field at Rutland. Two of the boys were killed and two captured. Two of the Indians, after an attempt to surprise Mr. Davis and son, who were haying not far off, accidentally met in the road Rev. Joseph Willard. He was armed and shot one of them, and wounded the other ; while in a struggle with the latter, the rest of the party came up and Willard was killed. Mr. Willard, former- ly the minister of Sunderland, was now the minister elect for Rutland. The slain Indian was a Huron chief of Lorette. One of the boys captured was the famed Capt. Phineas Ste- vens, of the later wars. Aug. 1 7th, Gov. Dummer wrote Col. Partridge : — Sir These are to direct you forthwith to impress 18 able bodied ef- fective men well armed out of the Regiment under your Command to be employed as Scouts for the several Towns of Brookfield Sun- derland Deerfield & Northfield the first & last to have five men apiece, the other two four men in each, to range the woods on the skirts of Several Towns for their Defence & when the Towns have a sufficient number of men & it be most acceptable to the Inhabitants you may raise those Men out of those towns otherwise not. Appoint a suitable Person to be one of the twelve (sic) as an officer to command the scouts of Sunderland Deerfield & Northfield & one Substantial Person to direct the other four (sic) at Brookfield. Give a strict Charge to the Officer That he keep the scouts in Constant & regular duty and that they Meet together as often as may be Con- venient. Boston Aug 17, 1723 Capt. Joseph Kellogg was kept at Albany to act with Col. John Schuyler in watching the movements of the Indians. They write Gov. Dummer, Aug. 4th, 1725: * * * "Gov. 398 FATHER RASLE'S WAR. Longuile's son has been among the Ownuntaugas & that the Onitas had [been ?] to Onuntawga to hear what he has to say & no doubt he is employed by Gov'' de Nonville to practice w"' these nations to defeat the present purpose of the In- dians." Hearing that a messenger from the Eastern Indians was among the Mohawks, they sent a man to find out what sort of a reception the envoy met with. He reported that the " Abanakke messenger met with a rough answer and was told they must meet them in Boston & there heare what was to be said to em ;" they add " one of the Onitas said the Sa- chems from Ownuntawge w'ere soon coming along." Conference in Boston. Aug. 22d, a delegation of the Six Na- tions met the General Court in the Court House. Gov. Dum- mer made them a formal address of welcome, and hoped they were comfortably quartered in Boston. In their reply they speak of the bad news they have heard of the attack at Rut- land, and say " we mourn and lament after the way of our country and wipe away your tears." They express themselves satisfied with their reception, but wish to delay further pro- ceedings until the arrival of Col. Schuyler. Aug. 28th, Schuy- ler having arrived, the Governor, Council and General Court met the Indians in the Council Chamber. It must have been an interesting and impressive scene. Men were not chosen to office in those days for their skill in manipulating caucuses and conventions. Men of character were there, the pick of the colony, with grave countenance and dignified bearing which harmonized with the velvet and gold and lace of their costumes. The Indians also were doubtless dressed in their best ; their gayest feathers, their scarlet-hued blankets, their bright beaded moccasins and hair-fringed leggings made a fitting element in the picturesque whole. Of equal interest was the grave ceremony to follow. The red man is generally spoken of as the child of free- dom ; but no galley slave was more firmly bound to his task than was the North American Indian by the customs and traditions of his tribe. He had no will of his own. His cos- tume, his habits, his conduct in war or peace, were all marked out for him by inexorable law. In his occasional torture of prisoners and other barbarities he only followed customs handed down from more barbarous ancestors. Contact with civilization made not a whit of change in his mode of con- ENGLISH CONFORM TO INDIAN CEREMONIALS. 399 ducting public business. At the Court of the '' Grande Mon- arche" Louis XIV., etiquette was not more strictly enforced than with the tribes in their conferences and treaties with the whites. The latter were obliged to conform as best they could to the ceremonial forms of the savage. Governors and Embassadors gravely smoked the Pipe of Peace around the Council fire ; lifted or buried the hatchet, brightened the Covenant chain, sent or received the wampum belts, and gave the inevitable present, for no promise was sacred and no treaty binding which was not ratified by an exchange of gifts. Although Schuyler was a friend and counselor of the Indians he was not their spokesman. After the usual open- ing address, an Indian orator, probably Kajarsanhondare, of the Five Nations, took the floor. Then followed the childish ceremony of mourning for the dead. The "minister" was Joseph Willard, pastor elect at Rutland, who had been killed by a party under Gray Lock shortly before. The speaker made a procession through them, lamenting and be- moaning which continued a long time, being now and then prompted by the tribes. The procession & Lamentation being at an end, their speaker took his seat and after some time the Delegates made an- other heavy moan. Then the orator in a long speech giving words to their sorrow at " the bloody news " of the " killing of your minister and the others," and at the conclusion "laid half a belt of wampum on his corpse and the other half on the bodies of the others that have been slain." Sept. 2d, another meeting was held in the Council Cham- ber. The Indian orator made a long, formal speech. He gave an account of the discovery of America by the White Men, and the several peoples which came to occupy it. The Spaniards, he said, were of his own color. He talked at length of old treaties, and of love and friendship between themselves and the Strangers. He calls the Scatacooks and the River Indians "Neph- ews." In presenting a Belt of wampum, he says,— This respects more people who have gone from us and settled in Canada naming Chucknawaugaw and Oso Recolect and other Indi- ans that have not meddled in the war. We the eight Nations have agreed that Col. Schuyler be ordered to draw these nations down to be treated with that so they may be kept in peace with the English. We do not mean that Col. Schuyler should go himself but that he 400 FATHER RASLE'S WAR. should send some person on this affair and laid the belt down for Col. Schuyler. He says they came for a peace Conference, but as things stand they will take hold of the "hatchet which you offer." They leave a Belt to be sent to King George and as soon as they get a reply will take an active part in the war. The English are advised to keep a careful watch against being surprised by the enemy. Strong hopes had been entertained of inducing the Five Nations to join the English in this war. Agents were sent to meet them at Albany, and a large delegation of them came to Boston August 21st. It was soon found to be the old story of the Mountain in labor. After all the ceremonious talk, the most they would do was to allow some of their young men to go out with the English. Two only volunteered, who were sent to the eastward. It was foreseen that when the result of these negotiations was known in Canada, war parties would be at once sent out against the valley towns ; and Col. Partridge, who was at Bos- ton with the Iroquois, sent his orders to Capt. Abijah Dewey at Westfield ; — Boston Aug 30 1723 Cap. Abijah Dewey I have enclosed a Coppy of the Ord' of the Ltt Governor that you Rally up your troop & march to the Upper Towns Scouting & Repaireing to the places of the Most Danger for the space of four- teen days & then for Capt. Dwight to take a turn at the same term of tyme & so by turns for the space of 8 weeks to provide for yo'selves Arms Ammunition & provision all which to be paid by the publique; send the Enclosed ord'' to Capt Dwite after you have p''rused & at- tend the whole as nere as you can according to the enclosed ord' Sam" Partridge Col" If there be Need at Wesf"" you must take care at home yet must not Neglect this order Early in September, the Schuylers sent word of a party of the enemy being at Otter Creek, to which Dummer replies : — Sept. 13 1723 Gent. I have rec* you'' Advice in a Letf Directed to Co" Partridge of a party of 50 Indians come over the Lake to attack our Frontiers. I hope the seasonable arrival of this Inteligence will be a means to disappoint the Enemy. I do for my self & in Behalf and at the de- sire of his Majesties Council of this Province give you Thanks for your Good offices to this Govern' from Time to Time especially in Advising us so opportunely of the Motions of the Enemy & other COL. SCHUYLER SENDS THE BELT. 401 matters that so nearly concern this Province ; and pray the continu- ance of yo' care & Friendship to us in this respect, and we shall very punctually pay y>' expenses. Sept. 2oth this letter was supplemented by a vote of thanks in the House. Soon after this Col. John Schuyler visited the government at Boston ; on his return he sent the following letter to the Governor by Capt. Kellogg :— Hon''' Sir the first day of this Inst. I sent two Mohawks to Canh- nawaugo with the belt of Wampum the Nations gave me to invite the Chiefts of those people withalle. The 2'' day of this Inst I sent my son with two others Towards Canada with instructions y' if they met with any news of any parties of Inds designed for New England they would dispatch an express directly and also to enquire respecting Captives & any other news that may be Serviceable I arrived here in health a short time after I left yo' Hon'' I am in expectation this day to rid my hands of a troublesome people to their great satisfaction. He further says he is waiting news of some Caghnawaga Indians whom he suspects are out upon our frontiers ; that was why he sent out his son as above. Oct. 3d Col. Partridge writes Capt. Dewey at Westfield that Daniel Ashley, just from Albany, reports great fears there that the Indians are preparing for an incursion. Again Oct. nth he sends the following: — S'' These Give you orders forthwith to Move with yo"' troop up to Deerf & when there to divide yo"' troop & send one half of them with one of yo'' officers to Northfield to improve y'' tyme in Scouting & Guarding the people to get in the Remainder of their Harvest as also with some of the people to go out scout Northard & Westard in the woods to make discovery of any approaching Enemy & upon any Discovery of a body of the Enemy forthwith to Alarm the people & by a post inform me I pray God guard p'^serve & be yo'^ Safety I am yo' Humble Ser'' Sam" Partridge Col" Hatfield Oct. 10, 1723 The next day the Governor writes Partridge : — Sir These are to direct you forthwith to impress men out of the regiment under your command for His Majesty's service on the Frontier of your County as to make up [with] those already in the service (excepting those at Brookfield) forty men to be all under the command of Capt. Joseph Kellogg to be employed according to the orders herewith enclosed w"" pray deliver to him together with his commission. 402 FATHER RASLE'S WAR. Enclosed was Kellogg's commission as Captain with di- rections to look after the frontiers of Deerfield, Northfield and Sunderland, to keep his men busy and report often. At the same date Lieut. Samuel Wright was commissioned to look out for Brookfield, Leicester, Rutland, Shrewsbury and Worcester. With all these precautions the harvest of Indian corn was a service of extreme danger. From the covert furnished by the standing crop, the whir of the bullet or hatchet, with the fearful war-whoop might at any moment be expected. The order of Partridge was too late ; the Indians arrived before the notice of their coming. October 9th, they fell upon a party of men at work at Northfield Meadows, killed Ebenezer Severance, wounded Hezekiah Stratton and Enoch Hall, and took prisoner Samu- el Dickinson, who had been before captured at Hatfield. [See ante, p. 260.J Dickinson was redeemed and became a promi- nent citizen of Deerfield. Severance and Stratton had re- moved from Deerfield to Northfield not long before. Hall was a soldier in Capt. Barnard's company, from Enfield, Conn. A company of Connecticut troops came up at this alarm and stayed a few weeks. By vote of the General Court, No- vember 8th, "40 effective men to be levied," in Hampshire county to scout about Deerfield, Northfield and Sunderland. About the last of November came news which gave hopes of peace. Albany 28"' Nov. 1723 Col. Partridge I have yours of 19"' Instant & I note the Contents therof the two Indians that have been w"" y"" belt of Wampum to Cagnawago are come back again. They found y° Cagnawago Indians where gone to your parts butt y" Sachems said they went against their will, & s* yy had no ware against New England butt would live peaseably with the English. Their young. people having been deluded as viz. Three Cagnawago Indians who have been at Northfield arr* here yesterday Sagwenoquas & Cahowasso two chief Cap'" & his brother in Law. They tell mee they had no design to do any harme butt Governor Vaudreuil persuaded them & gave y™ powder & shott & tenn Gunns butt they are very sorry & ashamed that they have gonne & say they will never goe againe all the Indians who have beene up- wards of three hundred are come back againe except five Eastern In- dians who Returned back to your frontiers. I hope they may doe no harme. The Cagnawagos have sent seven hands of wampum that yy will come in the Spring to treat heare further about theire friend- ship. POLICY TOWARDS THE IROQUOIS. 403 The Gray Lock has killed y" Minister & y" four brothers of which two are alive & two scalpt the youngest is given to the Cagnowagos. I shall Endeavore y" Interest of New England as much as Lies in my power, pray Lett [me know] how these two French Gentlemen pro- ceed at Boston I agreed with bearer herof for 30 s which I hope you will see paid. I have not to add butt Co" [Peter] Schuyler & Myne Respect to you. I am S' Your Very humble Serv' John Schuyler Dec. 5th, Capt. Benjamin Wright asks the Governor's leave to raise a company of, — 35 or 40 men to go on the track of this Enemy w'' came to North- field as far as Otta Creek, & thence round to White River, & so home by Connecticut River * * * This I humbly judge to be very serviceable to this part of y" Country & Probably might be y" means of Destroying some of y^ Enemy '* * * & if y'' Hon"' see meet to give order we think it a piece of good service to mark y" road w'^'' y^ Enemy went as far as Otter Creek. John Stoddard, reporting for a Legislative Committee, fa- vored this scheme, which might perhaps also include a visit to the St. Francis Indians. Dec. 17th, Capt. John Ashley, Lieut. John Root, Ens. John Gunn, commissioned officers of Westfield, write the Governor that Hezikiah Phelps is enlist- ing a company of English Indians to go out against the " In- dian Rebels." Nothing came of these movements. As in previous wars, the English took great pains to con- ciliate the Five Nations, and induce them to become allies, or remain neutral. Many formal conferences were held with them. Delegations were brought to Boston, others were in- duced to visit the Ab,enakis, and the Canada Indians. They were feasted and made much of, and a large sum was ex- pended in presents. The Iroquois were fully aware of their importance, willing to receive the attentions of the English, and promised in certain contingencies to engage in the war, but they could not be held to their promises, while under the influence of the Albany Dutchmen. War to the latter meant serious interruption to their lucrative Indian trade, and they left no stone unturned to prevent their customers from en- gaging in it. Some bills of expense attending negotiations with the Five Nations are given from the Council Records : — 1722, Nov. 14th, Joseph Kellogg, in consideration of his services as interpreter to ye delegates of ye Five Nations, ;^io o o Col. Jn. Schuyler, services attending them eastward, 150 o o 404 FATHER RASLE'S WAR. Lawrence, as interpreter to Delegates, 30 o o Dec. nth. Col. John Stoddard, expenses of delegates on their journey hither, 27 II 5 Samuel Partridge, expenses of delegates-at Springfield, 14 g 7 Tilley Merrick, entertainer of delegates at Springfield, 2 18 5 Dec. 18th, Luke Hitchcock, victuals to Clorse, the interpreter, 131 Nov. 22d, Col. Stoddard, charge of the delegation, 17 11 5 Hendrick, De Witt, and each of the other delegates were in Council Chamber in Boston, when a gun was presented each. 1723, Jan. gth, Blue Broadcloth for the delegates, 500 Feb. 8th, To Wm. Tailor, Josiah Willard and John Stoddard, Commis- sioners to accompany delegates eastward, each £^S, 75 o ° Elisha Danforth, physician, 500 Obadiah Ayers, chaplain, 500 Peter Martyn, steward, 300 There was talk of getting the Iroquois to meet the English at a conference at Albany, March 12th, 1722-3, and it was voted to bear the expense of a message to them, and of sub- sisting them at Albany during the treaty. Col. Stoddard and Col. Philip Livingstone were appointed Commissioners to perform this duty, and Joseph Kellogg was to attend them as interpreter. This programme was soon changed; July 19th, orders were expressed Kellogg to go to Albany, wait the coming of the delegates from the Five Nations, and conduct them to Boston. HILLS OF EXPENSE. Aug. 20, 1723, allowed Wm. Tailor, Col. Stoddard and Spencer Phipps, Commissioners for Indian treaty at Albanj, £59'] I5 7 Aug. 30, Thomas Wells, accompanying the delegates to Deer- field, 3 II 9 Aug. 30, Timothy Dwight, accompanying delegates and expense, g 6 Aug. 30, Jos. Jennings, accompanying delegates to Boston, ex- pense, 3 Aug. 30, Daniel Ashley, attending delegates and expense to Albany, 10 7 Aug. 30, Ebenezer Pomroy, attending delegates and expense, 3 8 Aug. 30, Joseph Kellogg, money advanced for delegates on journey to Boston, 44 4 I Sept. 2g, Joseph Kellogg, for going to Albany and conducting the delegates to Boston, 30 Sept. 2g, Jos. Kellogg, money advanced for the expenses of the delegates on their return home, 50 Sept. 29, Jos. Kellogg, expenses at Albany, 76 15 i Sept. 2g, Col. John Schuyler, for good services, 100 Sept. 29, William Tailor, entertainment of delegates at Castle William, 38 o i Sept. 29, Addington Davenport and Thos. Fitch, provisions, shirts, house hire, &c., ^ 483 8 8 FORT DUMMER. It was uncertain whether the Five Nations could be relied upon to defend our river towns against incursions from Can- ada, and a defensive post above Northfield was projected. The General Court voted, December 27th, 1723 : — BLOCK HOUSE ABOVE NORTHFIELD. 405 That It will be of Great Service to all the Western Frontiers, both in this and the Neighboring Government of Conn., to Build a Block House above Northfield, in the most convenient Place on the Lands called the Equivilant Lands, & to post in it forty Able Men, English & Western Indians, to be employed in Scouting at a Good distance up Conn. River, West River, Otter Creek, and sometimes Eastwardly above Great Manadnuck, for the Discovery of the Enemy Coming towards anny of the frontier Towns; and' that so Much of the said Equivilant Land, as shall bee necessary for a Block House, bee tak- en up, with the consent of the owners of said Land; Together with five or six acres of their Interval Land, to be broke up, or plowed, for the present use of Western Indians (In case any of them shall think fit to bring their families), and that His Honor, the Lieut. Gov'r, bee desired to Give his Orders Accordingly. In Council, Read & Concurred. Consented to, Wm. Dummer. 1723-4.. January loth, Capt. Kellogg writes Dummer that he has forty men at Northfield and ten at Deerfield, whom he keeps watching, warding and scouting. He asks attention to the forts, that " some care might be taken in y' they might be made better, for they are exceeding mean." Meanwhile the fort voted in December was being put up. I find no formal naming of this post. In the ofificial records and correspondence it is uniformly called the " Block House above Northfield " or simply the " Block House." The name of " Fort Dummer " is first noticed in a petition to the General Court from Capt. Timothy Dwight, of December 2d, 1724, and this name gradually came to be adopted. February 3d, 1723-4, Col. Stoddard writes the Lieutenant Governor : — I have committed the work about the Block House to Lieut. Tim- othy Dwight; Mr. Dwight will this day go to the place with four carpenters, 12 soldiers with narrow axes & 2 teams. I suppose they will hew all the timber for the fort & housing before they return. I hope the fort and -houses will be framed and set up this month * * * I have talked with Capt. Kellogg about a lieut. ; he seems to be unwiUing to say who he desires, but I discover by his talk that he thinks well of one Joseph Clesson, who is universally esteemed a good soldier; the hazard is whether he will take sufficient authority upon him* * * * j presume your honor intends a second to Mr. Dwight at the Block House; Capt. Kellogg tells me Dwight is de- sirous that Elisha Searle be with him; he is at present a sergeant un- der Capt. K. ; was put in by request of the Assembly at his return * Clesson was a sergeant in Capt. Barnard's company. He was a son of an Irish settler at Northampton, and seems to have had no "influence" to back him. Later he was a captain, and figured largely in the affairs at Deerfield. 406 FATHER RASLE'S WAR. from Canada, where he had long been a prisoner; [ante, p. 319. J he seems to be a discreet and careful man * * * Capt. Pomroy is willing, if your Honors think fit, that his son John Pomroy should be Kellogg's lieut. ; he hath a soldier like spirit, & if he will exert him- self, is more 'capable of government than the other mentioned. There is a good understanding between him and Kellogg. Your Honors will judge what is best. After the above letter was written, one Stebbins arrived from the West, bearing letters from Schuyler. These were dispatched to Boston by Col. Stoddard, who writes : — I perceive Col. Schuyler is worried by the Indians, & embarrassed by the Dutch, so that he is almost dispirited. He hath all along in- sisted on it that somebody should be sent to Albany to act with him in the affairs of this government. The Indians by degrees grow cool & are daily dissuaded by the Dutch from undertaking anything for our advantage, & unless they be often solicited, there is hazard that we may, in a great measure, lose the expense we have been at upon them. I somewhat doubt the care Col. Schuyler has taken to en- courage the Indians to enlist in the service of the Block House. I did not know but the gov't would send to Albany, as Col. Schuyler desires otherwise I should have sent a man to engage the 20 Indians, who should have sent them out of the reach and influence of the Dutch. We suppose if that number came over hither, it would be the most likely method for our safety, & to engage the Nation in the war; for if they should once taste the sweets of our pay, the Gentle- men from Albany cannot draw them from us. Many of their nation will visit them at the Block House. The enemy will greatly fear them, will conclude in case they kill any of the Macquas the Nation will forthwith revenge it. I wrote in my last letter that I had ^£8, 17s, 6d for the 3 Macquas returned from the Eastward, which is ready for them when soever they called for it. I hoped it would be a means to draw them and others hither * * * j j^ave agreed with Mr. Stebbins that he should have 3 pounds for his journey. Dummer replies, February 7th, " I have your letters by Stebbins of the 3d ; was well pleased with orders about the Block House, but don't see how they can lay foundations and dig cellars until the frost is out." He thinks Dwight should have a chaplain, "More especially in respect to the Mo- hawks;" asks Stoddard to employ a suitable person, and he will arrange for the compensation; sends him ;^5o by Steb- bins for Kellogg, with orders for the latter to join Schuyler among the Indians, and to engage and pay such as he shall see fit ; to give it as advanced wages, or as bounty, as he could do best. Stebbins also brought ^500 for Capt. Dwight, at the Block House. The fort was about 180 feet square, built of hewn yellow pine, laid up log-house fashion, and was a AFFAIRS GENERALLY AWRY. 407 perfect defense against existing enemies. It was located on the west bank of the Connecticut in the southeast part of Brattleboro, on what is now the "Brooks farm.'* Lean-to houses were built against the walls on the inside. When Stoddard sent in his bill in August, he says :— We agreed with the Carpenters at N'"field for five shillings per diem, except Crowfoot to whom 1 promised six, and they allow that he earned his money by doing so much more work than others The Soldiers had very hard service lying in the woods & were obliged to work hard early and late, its thought they deserve two shillings p'' diem besides the stated pay, and the Carpenters some- thing more. The horses were wrought very hard, and commonly had nothing to eat but oats; and I believe two shillings a day will not be thought an excess for that service. There was much fear of a winter incursion from Canada. Sunderland is troubled and writes the Lieutenant Governor :— S'- These are to inform your honor of the Difficulties we are un- der by reason of our being Exposed to y" Enemy: We are a very Small People & might be an Easy Pray to them if they should make an attempt upon us We understand that y'= Last May y" Generall Court Granted us a number of Soldiers, and y' your honor ordered y' we should have them from Deerfield & Northfield. But they were never sent to us; and we have had no assistance sence, except (for a little while) from Connecticut, but have been put to great Difficulties in Watching, warding, Guarding and Scouting out ourselves. Wherefore we humbly request that your Honor would Consider our Difficulties and send us a few Soldiers to Defend us. Your honors Humble Servants Sunder Land Ebenezer Billings Feb 9-1724 Jo' Clary February 23d, Dummer writes Stoddard: — I have a letter from Capt. Kellogg about the mean condition of the forts. * * * you will review them and advise and encourage the inhabitants to repair them, and let me know the charge, also the necessity they are under of a further reinforcement of men. If our negotiations with the Mohawks does succeed, I hope they will be sufficiently provided for. Col. John Schuyler had been employed to enlist Mohawks for the new Block House. He wants help and writes Stod- dard to send Capt. Kellogg to go among them, as his son Philip is in Canada. Dummer writes Stoddard again, giving information and instructions : — Boston Mch 18, 1723-4 S' I have yours of y" 5 of March & am glad to hear that the Gar- 4:08 FATHER RASLE'S WAR. risons at Northfield are repaired & that the Block House goes for- ward so well. If Kellog Succeeds in his negociations I think you'll have little . to fear on your frontiers. In the mean time I shall Di- rectly give orders to Capt Wright to add another man to the Minis- ters garrison at Northfield. I have given orders for one man to be posted there some time sence. I would have Col. Partridge be easy about the Subsistance of the Detatchment he sent to the frontier, for that money ought, & Doubt- less will be paid. I have comunicated what you wrote about the Ex- change of Dickinson to a Council I had yesterday, & we shall have a General Council next Thursday, when the affair of Exchanges will be further Considered I am S' Your Humble Serv' W™ DUMMER As spring advanced, and 'the ill success of Schuyler and Kellogg among the Mohawks became known, the fears of the inhabitants increased. The condition of affairs here is so well shown by the following papers, that they are given in full. Letter from Stoddard to Dummer : — Sir, Capt. Kellogg is returned, & I suppose hath given you an ac- count of his affairs; he tells me he expected 4 or 5 Scautacook Indi- ans to have been at Deerfield some days since, which I hear nothing of & am prone to think the Dutch have dissuaded them; it seems probable the Western Indians will not answer our expectations (at present) in assisting at the Block House, & i'nasmuch as our depend- ence is greatly on the scouts to be sent from thence, which cannot be well managed without the number of men allowed; it seems nec- essary that the complement be made of English, for the Present, & in case the Indians do not within a little time join us, undoubtedly it will be best that a number of good dogs be provided, which I hope may near as well answer our design; for I think it considerable prob- able that by means of some of our friend Indians, they may be in- structed so that they will persue an enemy, & in case they should kill one Indian, it will more effectually prevent them coming, than the killing many in anny other way, & although the 5 Nations will not approve such a method, yet they must be silent, inasmuch as their neglect hath obliged us to that method. The people of Deerfield grow uneasy (now the spring comes on) at their having but 10 men; & those of Northfield say, that it will be in vain for them to pretend to manage any business, in case their number of soldiers be not aug- mented; & I am fully of their opinion, & if order be not speedily given, recruits will not be had seasonably. If we are thorough in our endeavours for the preservation of those in the frontiers, that will greatly quiet the spirits of the people, & I hope to be a means of the preservation of some lives, & probably will no [t] long continue; for I think there is a general disposition in the French, Dutch and Indians, that the present differences between us and the Eastern In- dians be accommodated. I am y'' Hon's Most Humble Serv't, John Stoddard. Northampton, March 27, 1724. DEERFIELD PETITIONS FOR AID. 409 To the Hon. Wm. Dummer, Lieut. Gov. & Commander in Chief in & over his province of the Mass. Bay in New England : May it please Your Honor, We the Subscribers the Committee & Selectmen of Deerfield in the Province aforesaid, Humbly Showeth; That the season of the year has now come that our business call for us in the fields, & by reason of the war are much afraid to go about our occupations, expecting daily a descent of the enemy on our Western frontiers, which there seems to be more reason to ex- pect, inasmuch as we have intelligence that Grey Lock hath enticed away several of the Scatacooks, which are so well acquainted with the circumstances of our fields, that they are able to take the great- est advantage against us; & indeed the difficulties of the war lie so hard upon us, that several families, & also several young men have drawn off from us, & several more are going in a little time, to the great discouragement of those who are left behind. For which reasons, we, your Humble petitioners, humbly pray y' Honors to consider the circumstances we are under & grant us a suf- ficiency of men, both to guard our forts, & men in the field, (and we are humbly of opinion that we stand in great need of 30 men) for which your Humble petitioners shall be ever obliged, & as in duty bound shall ever pray. Thos. Wells, ) Committee Mahuman Hinsdale, \ of Militia. Samuel Childs, ) Samuel Taylor, V Selectmen. April 6, 1724. Ebenezer Wells, ) No answer to the above appears. Probably because relief appeared in another quarter, or, at least, a renewed expecta- tion of it. Col. John Schuyler writes to Col. Stoddard, April loth, that he had, — Enlisted on the 3d inst. Hendrick and Ezeare, the Indians; if Hendrick meets any of the river or Scatacook Indians in the way, he will as he promises me, take so many Indians with him as he can. Five days ago here arrived two canoes of Cagnawago Indians, who say that (among them is y^ Cahowasso) y« Sachem of y* Cagnawagos Scauinecdie and Wondatis will come Hether so soon as they come from Hunting, as soon as 1 hear by a cano they will send before of there coming I will let you know Immediately, y' you may send Hen- drick and some old Scagcooke Indians, to meet them here. I hope all will be good Schuyler thinks everything is going on well at last. Hen- drick was a Mohawk chief, and there were high hopes from his accession to our forces. April 1 6th, Dummer writes Stoddard that he has ordered Partridge to impress thirty men ; fifteen from Deerfield and fifteen from Northfield ; to take them where they have not been hardly drawn upon, and to "do it with the utmost 410 FATHER RASLE'S WAR. Speed, and remember [Rev.J Mr. Williams' house. * * * Capt. Dwight must let the Mohawks have as much victual as they please ; their bellies must by no means be pinched & he need not fear the allowance of his account. * * * Ac- quaint the Mohawks that I have accounts from home, that the King received their belt of the 6th of March very gra- ciously." April 2oth, Col. Partridge writes Dummer : — 4 or 5 Scatacook Indians are come to Deerfield & are gone to see the fort. They say there will be peace. * * * This I would say, if peace could be settled on good terms, it would be best, though di- minutive for us, to make peace with them, yet if the Mohawks who are stirring for a peace would engage for them, I am of opinion it would be the best course that can be taken, for the way we are in. He says John Graves, who has "many infirmities of age — is 70 years old, and deaf — desires freedom from watching," but is willing to attend to any other duty. A page of details could give no clearer idea of the spirit as well as the severity of the service than this simple item, — a man of three score and ten years, infirm and deaf, asking only to be exempt from night watching. Partridge thinks if Deerfield, Northfield and Hatfield had not been reinforced, the Indians would not have turned back. He says the "enemy can, and doe sometimes, lye in waite 2 months about the towns, before they kill or take, as some of the former enemys have acknowledged." News was gener- ally received through the Schuylers when any considerable party left Canada, but their destination was not often known, and the time they left home for our frontiers more rarely. This uncertainty necessitated constant watch and ward, in all the towns on the borders. May I sth, the garrison here was increased by fifteen men , and the same number added to that at Northfield. On the same day at a town meeting it was voted : — That no person shall from and after the first day of next June move any cart that is not four foot wide between y° naves of y° wheels, upon any of y" highways belonging to y" town, * * * ^„(j for each offence forfit five shillings to y" use of y^ town to be recov- ered by bill, plaint, or information, before any of his Majisties Jus- tices within the county. This seems a very queer regulation in the supposed condi- tion of the roads at that time. May it nof have been aimed EXCITEMENT BELOW THE LINE. 411 at carts coming from the towns below, and its object to secure the transportation of army supplies by their own vehicles ? There was a party in the county opposed to the establish- ment of the Block House ; but the reasons for it do not ap- pear. May 1 6th, Col. Stoddard, writing to Dummer about it, says : — Mr. Parsons [of Northampton] hath promised to some, that he will do two things; * * * Qjjg ;§ (.jj^t (.jjg Block House be de- molished, or at least slighted, (although the garrison is truly the best, or most probable means of our security that ever the govern- ment afforded us;) the other is to obtain the dismission of the Com- missioners of Sewers. [A local quarrel at Northampton.] About this time there was a great scare in Connecticut. May 1 8th, one Griswold was captured near Litchfield by two Indians who called themselves Scatacooks. They took him twenty-six miles northward.. In the night he escaped, bring- ing off the guns and ammunition of his captors, with great stories of the Indians, about parties out on our frontiers and that they should take him to Canada in ten days. When near home on his return he saw two more Indians. In great alarm Gov. Saltonstall writes Col. Stoddard, May 20th and May 2 1 st, repeating Griswold's stories and saying that several other parties of Indians had been seen since Griswold's capture. He details his action in sending out scouts, and posting guards about Litchfield and Simsbury. May 23d, Major Tal- cott writes Partridge he has fifty men ranging the frontiers ; has got notice of an intended conference at Albany. In the matter of securing Indian allies the Schuylers were the chief agents of Massachusetts. Col. John writes to Stod- dard and Partridge : — Saregtogue, May 18, 1724 Hon. S"'' This comes by Maskimit the Indian & is chiefly to aquaint you that I have advices that y° Cagnawago, Rondox Scawin- dees Indiaris are by the way & I hourly expect y™ here, of which please to aquaint hendrick & Ampamit y^ Indians. I would also think propper if you would think fit to send any proper person heth- er that might hear by word of mouth what they say y™selves. Here are severall of our Mohawks Sachems who also would be glad if you would send anybody hether on s" ace' I pray send y^ bearer hereof back again immediately & hope you" favor mee with a Line by him I have paid him here for his journey. I have not to add So I remaine with much respect Gentlemen Your honors Sev' John Schuyler. 412 FATHER RASLE'S WAR. This movement of the Indians was probably in response to the belt sent in November, 1723. This letter was received in the night of May 21st. At three o'clock in the morning it was dispatched to the Governor by Partridge and Stoddard, who say, " Inasmuch as the consequences of this meeting will greatly affect this government we thought it most necessary to send it forward with all speed 'tis probable that there will be present a great number of the Indians at that meeting (either of the 5 nations, or from Canada) so that the charge of subsisting them will be greatly enhanced, if they should stay long at Albany, waiting in expectation of some gen"" from Boston." May 22d, the Governor directs Col. Stoddard and Capt. Kellogg to attend the meeting, and act in concert with Schuy- ler in the matter ; to keep him constantly informed of affairs there, and of any movements of the Indians ; and he also ad- vised Schuyler of that action. Stoddard had not waited for this order. On receiving Schuyler's letter, he at once hastened to Albany, where he arrived May 24th. Capt. Kellogg, with Capt. Ebenezer Pomroy, left Northampton for Albany, May 25th. A post left Albany May 30th, by which Stoddard writes Dummer that, — The Gen'"' now here have had a notable difficulty about sending for the chiefs of the five nations, but on perusal of Col Schuylers In- structions they thought they would justify there sending for them especiall considering the necessity of their being present, for if they sh not be here its probable that the French Indians would not treat at all, and the five nations would be greatly disobliged If affairs are prudently managed at this treaty 'tis hopeful that the Eastern Indians will be obliged by fair or foul means to forbear fur- ther acts of hostility: If not our Indians will be greater than ever, there will be nothing further to be done for several days therefore I propose to return on the beginning of the next week. The reason Col. Stoddard desired to shirk further respon- sibility appears in the following letters, which also give an inside view to the matter in hand. They are addressed to Governor Dummer: — Albany May 30 1724 S' We came hether on thursday last and found five Indians newly arrived with the Enclosed Message from Cagnawago and Sekohandie which was delivered to the Commissioners of Indian affairs, who sent for us and told us that by some mistake the message was delivered to them that they had not sent for them, neither could they send for the Five Nations without an order from their gov"' & it is not reason CONFERENCE AT ALBANY. 413 that N. Y. should be at the charge of feeding them w°'' w"" happen if they sent for them. Wherefore examining the treaty made at Boston last year we find that the 5 Nations gave a belt of wampum "to be sent to Canada to draw the French Indians to Albany " & so if the 5 Nations were not here the whole would fall through, we took the liberty of sending for the 5 Nations without waiting to hear from Boston John Schuyler Ebenezer Pomroy Joseph Kellogg Knowing the reason why Stoddard would not act with thetn in this proceeding, they write another letter to Dum- mer the same day, — S' Col Stoddard is here upon the spot and notwithstanding what he has wrote y' honor about Returning homeward next week we hope he will be persuaded to stay, and if he should [illegible] he thinks the government did not do him justice in finding as much fault with his accpts, or at least with the Commissary accompts last year. Whereas he spent so little Its great pitty he should not be at the Conference for he is more knowing: and as well able to serve the government as almost any in y'^ government Excuse our boldness who are your honors Humble & obedient Serv'" The same parties write a third letter the same day to Dum- mer, saying, "here we Remain Waiting your Honors Or- ders." These letters were dispatched by post to Boston. June 5th, Dummer sends to Gov. Burnett of New York a formal notice of the belt the Mohawks left for Col. Schuyler to take to the Canada Indians and informs him that Col. John Schuyler and Col. John vStoddard have been appointed to act for this Province at the coming Conference. He hopes Gov. Burnett will aid in it as he can. Schuyler and Stoddard report progress to Dudley : — Albany June 19, 1724 On Tuesday last the Chefts of Cagnawago Skehandie, Rondox, Nepinsing Indians came hether. The next morning we had a short Conference with them. Copies of what was s'' is Inclosed. Yesterday the Commissioners sent for Col Stoddard & Capt Pom- roy and read to them the minutes of these Indians answer to a Mes- sage formerly sent from the Commissioners, the Substance of which we have enclosed, by which it plainly appears that Gov'' Vaudrouile designs that, if we have peace, it shall be by his direction, it is like- wise apparent to us the Commissioners for Indian affairs do aim at the Hon'' of peace being made by their influence. And we doubt not our Government will think it reasonable that they themselves have some direction in an affair of their own. but it seems a great Pitty that an opportunity of being at Peace should be lost by a Struggle 414 FATHER RASLE'S WAR. who should have the honor of it. we presume that in case the French Indians should propose to us the delivery of the Hostages [in Boston from the East] that the government will allow us to Assure them (that upon the Eastern Indians submission, and giving sufficient Se- curity for there good behavior) the Hostages will be set at liberty at the same time they restore the English Prisoners. The Commissioners doe pretend to a readiness to serve our gov- ernment according to their power, yet they plainly tell us that they have been overlooked by our Government, and that the respect due to them hath not been formaly paid them. They endeavour to make us believe that they have the whole direction of the Six Nations & it seems that they have never [informed?] the Nations with y^ Resolve of y*^ Council of New York, that the five Nations should send such a Number of there young men (to our assistance) as they could con- veniently spare, altho they long since had a copy of it, nor with the Order of Gov' Burnett agreable to s'^ Resolve. The Canada Indians say that they think that Skonodoah is much discouraged for he has been fifteen days since at Maseeskuk, and that none of the Maseeskuk Indians would go with him. they imag- ine that he will endeavour in case he Proceeds on his journey, to take a Prisoner and not attempt to kill any Body. Some of them say they should be glad that the first bullet that is shot may go through Sken- ondoah's Body Upon hearing of the Parties going to war we gave order to a Ma- qua Sachem to enlist a greater Number of Indians than our govn' had ordered, supposing it necessary to take this opportunity to En- gage them in our interest, and supposed it might be well (if you' Hon'' approved of it) to post some of them at N^'field and release some of the English Soldiers, immagining that if a few more were drawn into our party it would not be in the power of the people here to prevent the Nations engaging in the war with us. We have heard divers times from Onieata (the Second nation of the Iroquois) that they wait the Coming of the Chiefs of the Upper Nations, which they daily expect, their delaying their Coming will necessarily Enhance the Expense of the government. We think it needful that Gov' Burnett be aquainted with the state of our affairs which shall be done from hence (if opportunity present) that our bus- iness may not be so embarrased as it hath been. We has been as particular as we could that you should be the bet- ter advantaged to know what further Instructions are necessary for the conduct of Your Humble Sevants John Schuyler John Stoddard By the same post Capt. Pomroy writes Col. Partridge, giv- ing some more particulars. " Schonodoah '' is evidently an Abenaki, trying to raise a war party in Canada, to which the chiefs here are opposed. He says the chiefs of the four tribes mentioned above came last Tuesday : — In answer to y" Commissioners of Albany Belt of Wampum : they in y" name and in behalf of y" four tribes aforesaid, have Laid down PLOTS AND COUNTER PLOTS. 415 the hatchet of war aganst New England [one sent from the East? to y^ s^ Commissioners: and they further add y' Skonanda [seems? some disgust at quarel with a Sachem: was resolyed to go to war against there desire and minds * * * Vi/e have further inteligence that fifteen days ago Skonanda was at Masixqouoch and could get none of those Indians to joyn with him and there is but six Indians with him. Tis good for to be very watchful and Careful in Scouting, especial- ly the Indians if Posable to surprise him. if not to way lay him on his Return Soe his utter Ruin I think is desired almost universally in this City by y^ aforesaid tribes of y'^ Canada Indians & y^ five Nations, tis almost universally determined y' Skononda is a great Coward. We are waiting y= Coming of y^ Six nations & our Com' have now sent an Express to Boston Informing what y^ Canada Indians said to y" Commissions, our Affairs Labor under Difficultys, but we hope for a good Issue, and am your honors Hum' Ser' Eben' Pumroy. Sir Tis concluded that this be immeadiately dispatched to Capt Dwight [at Fort Dummer] that he with y^ Indians may take meas- ures accordingly Hendrick you may tell his daughter is well. Scliuyler and Stoddard write again to Dummer : — June i8, 1724 Col. Stoddard did according to his purpose (which was mentioned in our last) send a letter to Gov' Burnett a Copy of which is enclosed The Chefs of the Tribes (except the Senacas of which we could have no Certain Account) being advised we met with them yesterday and [advised?] as our business, but made no great proficiency therin and on the last night the Senacas Came to Town. We hope we shall be ready to speak to the Canada Indians to-morrow, and shall persue our business as much as the Temper of the Indians will allow. We have endeavoured to Engage some of the five Nations (of greatest influence) by hopes of private gratuities to appear strenous- ly in our Interest. We have enlisted Seven Maquas and three Onietas in the Service of our Prov'=*. they are waiting the issue of this Conference but we will endeavour to persuade them to go to the Blockhouse forthwith. We hope we shall gain several others, Hendrick tells us that upon hearing the news from Canada their young men grew Angry. While we were waiting came in the Express from Boston with the Paquet from yo' Hon', We shall carefully observe the present as well as our former Instructions which we secured by our first Express. We are your Hon" most Humble and Obedient Servants John Schuyler John Stoddard On the 24"" the Deputy Secretary Communicated a Copy of a Re- solue of the Council of New York, wherein the Commissioners were directed to afford us there assistance in drawing off the Cagnawago Indians from the Eastern Indians and that they should be present at al Conferences, and see what we propose to say to the Indians before it was delivered, and that nothing should be done that should hurt the trade and Interest of New York J.S. 416 FATHER RASLE'S WAR. tis probable that our business with the Nations will be finished be- fore the Express can return hether. The Dutch burghers of Albany could be safely trusted — without instructions — to look after their trade and other in- terests regardless of consequences to any body else. The charge of selfishness was often brought against them by the other colonies. The question of war or peace was always considered in its supposed effect on their Indian trade. De Vaudreuil it seems, could not prevent a treaty with the Caghnawagas, but he could prevent a peace with the Abena- kis, and later practically nullify the treaty. Provision was made by the General Court, June 3d, to " procure a chaplain for the Block House, More especially to Indian natives residing thereabouts in the true christian Re- ligion," he to be a '" Person of Gravity, Prudence & Ability." A salary of ;^ 100 was allowed. June 9th, a pressing letter was to be sent to Connecticut asking aid in defending Hampshire county. Gov. Saltonstall replies, June nth, that he will send soldiers, or, what he thinks better, money, as the men at Deerfield and Northfield are so much better acquainted with Indian hunting. June 13th, Massachusetts voted to raise ninety-nine more men and to keep up scouting all along the frontier ; " that the twenty-five men under the command of a Lieutenant at Deer- field, be employed in scouting round that town, and for se- curing the people thereof and of Hatfield and Westfield in their harvest."— This must be of hay. Meanwhile the Commissioners at Albany had been so suc- cessful in their mission, that on the 3d of July a treaty was made with the Canada Indians, and a covenant entered into with the Five Nations, by which peace was to be secured. Concerning this agreement. Gov. Burnett of New York writes, August 9th, 1724: — Those Canada Indians solemnly promised not to make war any longer on Boston, and our Five Nations undertook to send Deputys to the Eastern Indians, who are now at war with Boston, to per- wuade them to come to a peace; and in case they will not make one, to threaten them permptorily, that they, the said Five Nations, will compel them to it by force of arms. De Vaudreuil, writing of the same transaction to the War minister at Paris, says: The English "have just renewed their alliance with the Iroquois, and obtained their promise THE SETTLERS WARNED. 417 to wage war against the Abenakis." De Vaudreuil makes a merit of having broken up this peaceful prospect, and is com- mended for it by ihe Minister and King. There was no cessation of hostilities during these negotia- tions. The woods on the frontiers were filled with war par- ties, though constantly traversed by English scouts. Desert- ers from the Scatacooks had gone to Canada, and were per- fect guides for the marauders. This tribe, located about twenty miles above Albany, was partially made up of Po- cumtucks and Nipmucks, driven off in Philip's War, who in times of peace hunted in their old haunts, mingled freely with the English, and were intimately acquainted with their roads and fields, as well as the ravines and swamps where an enemy could skulk in safety. One good result of the Conference at Albany was the in- formation that came to our men of the Indian raids from Canada. The following letter from Col. Partridge was occa- sioned by a post from Capt. Pomroy, — Hatf"* June 15 1724 Honorable S' on the 13 Ins at lo o'clock at night we were Sur- pris* with news from Albany per a letter from Capt Pomeroy which inform of Severall p"^' of the Enemy Coming this way & intend an attack on some of the Towns & particularly on Northfield, which news I immediately posted to Deerfield and Northfield & to the fort above Northfield & since to Sund'^l* advising them to be on there guard & there Sold" to scout out the more full account of this news 1 understand is sent by Col Stoddard by the way of Westf'' to y''self. I am of opinion that Sunderland, Hadly, Hatfield & Northampton should have S or 6 men each to be in pay, to .scout out in the adja- cent woods and fields to discover the approach of the Enemy having no men but the men belonging to sayd Towns & all of them out up- on there Occasions to get there Bread & that with the perrill of there lives or beg there bread in a little tyme, but where I know not if it comes to that o'^ dependance is by tilling the ground This was sent by Capt. Dwight. Even with the notice and extra precaution it was impossible to prevent a surprise. The assailants had all the advantage of a choice of time and circumstance. Like a flash of lightning they struck and disappeared. Hatfield June 20 1724 Honorable S"^ On the 18'" Inst at 10 o'clock in the forenoon the Enemy made an assault in Hatfield on some of our men at a mowing Field about 3 miles from Town at Nehe Waits swamp lot where he with severall men Sz: carts were loading hay. They killed Benj Smith son of Jo- 418 FATHER RASLE'S WAR. seph Smith & have taken Aaron Wells & Joseph AUis Captives as we judge because all the rest Escaped home & these two are not to be found. They also killed two oxen of one of our Tames & drew of, the men that was there judge there was 8 or lo of the Enemy. We have sent immediately to Deerf'' & Northf* & the Fort above Deerf"* immedeately sent out 20 men into the Western Woods & we from hence have sent out 17 men, from hence [sic] with provisions for ten days p'sute of the s* Enemy or discovery of any p*'^' of the Enemy. I presume this Enemy will take a Westward course clear out of the Reach of all o' Upper forces So o' unguarded Towns are in a evil case & although we have some men of o' own in Northampton Had- ly, Hatfield Sunderland & Westfield yet we have none but what have Occasions abroad in the Fields so that our Towns all the day are so emtred of men that we are very much exposed & the Enemy seem to shape there course upon the lower Towns and our men abroad at their work in a moments tyme may be shot down before anything can be seen who it is that doth it InmylefbyCaptDwight ofthei3"'[isth?] insti proposed for some Reliefe & gave my Reasons I shall not need to ad expecting every hour y'' Honors directions in the p''meses. I think we may say the Lord of Mercy upon us & doubt not y' care & consideration of our circumstances the seat of the war seems to be here with my earnest desire & pray' for divine Guidance & support to y' Hono' & the whole Co'te I am y' Afflicted & very Humble Serv' Samuel Partridge The leader of this party was Gray Lock. With his prison- ers, he hurried to the woods westward, where AUis was killed the next day, tinder cirsumstances unknown. Partridge sent twenty-one men in pursuit, under Sergts. Joseph Clesson and Joseph Wait. They went up as far as Otter Creek, but met with no enemy. It .appears by the following statement of Dr. Hastings that this scout suffered severely : — To the Hon'ble the Gentlemen of the House of Representatives In General Court Convened: May it please your Hon% I being desired by Sergt Clesson and Sergt Wayte to inform what I know of their Expedition in June last to Otter Creek, Do Inform on my Certain Knowledge that the Ex- pedition being suddenly formed Suitable Nessessaries was wanting for such a Long & hard Journey; Saw most of y« men when they wemt forth, they were Lusty & in good Plight — Effective men; Saw them when they returned & they were much emaciated & their feet so Swolen & galled that they could scarce Travel on their feet, for some they necessitated to hire horses, some one or more applied to me to dress their feet & were under my care for a week or more in bathing & emplastering before they were anything Tolerably Recruited, in Fine they underwent much, & I believe they were hearty in their de- sires & faithful in their Indeavours to overtake the Enemy & make Reprisals. RAPID TRANSIT BY POST RIDERS. 419 With Leave humbly say its Pitty Such Persons undergoing such Difficulties for y" Country's cause should fail of a suitable Reward. Excuse me, I pretend not to prescribe to y'' Hon's Wishing the Blessings of Heaven on your persons & on your Consultations for the Good of the People whom you Represent, I crave Leave to subscribe yo'r most humble & ob't Sevt, Thomas Hastings. Hatfield, May 26, 1725. As we have seen, a post was dispatched from Albany to Boston June 19th. By the following letter it will be seen he was in Northampton the next day. Remarkable time was made by these riders, considering the roads, or paths, of the day. They must have ridden night and day ; dispatches sent from the Connecticut Valley were often received and an- swered in Boston the next day. Notwithstanding this dan- gerous and constant service, I recall but a single instance in which the messenger fell into the hands of the enemy. Northampton June 20 1724 ColonoU Partridge Honored Sir: According to your desire I have procured a man to go to Boston on his Maj'ts Service: viz: Daniel King. Sir: it is the desire of our people at Northampton: myself and the rest of the Commissioned officers: that your Honor would propose to his Honor the Lieutenant Governor that we may have a Number of men, about eight or ten in each town appointed to be there a scout and also to guard our people when they are obliged to goe in exposed places on their necessary Occasions: And also that we have some stores provided in each Town: Especially of Indian Shoes and Bis- cake: that when we have extraordinary occasion of a sudden (as of Late) we may have where withall to furnish men Immediately for a march: Pray your Honor not only propose as above but that you wuld urge it so far as may be convenient ff your Honor see meet which is all at present from your Humble Sevant Joseph Hawley Sir since I wrote the above Benj Alvord is come from Albany or- dered to Boston, and to travel to day. I would advise y' King go along with Him think it to much boldness for one to travel alone especially upon public service: Have sent your letters to yourself pr farefield thinking you might add something: King is now at Hadly w"" Alvord waiting your Honors pleasure Your Honors Sev Joseph Hawley June 22d, 1724, Partridge writes the Governor that messen- gers " from Springf'' out Farms say they are much molested with trails of Indians. So that they fear to get in there Har- vest desiring a p"^ of men to guard them * * * they think a fortnight or 3 weeks tyme they hope will serve there turn." 420 FATHER RASLE'S WAR. June 24th, 1724, four Indians scouting from the Block House, discovered the tracks of about forty Indians east of the Connecticut, " going towards Sunderland," as they ascer- tained by marks on the bushes by the way. Capt. Dwight dispatched the news to Partridge the 25th, and the same was sent by Lieut. John Pomroy, from Northfield, to Capt. Thomas Wells at Deerfield the same day. Hatfield June 26 1724 Honorable S'^ Your Honors letter of the 24"^ just Received this day att noone with directions & a Lett"' to y^ Hounerable Gov Saltonstall. yo"' Hono''^ directions in the affair I am immediately prosecuting 1 hope to effect. However shall with as much speed as may be Give an ac- count of that affair to y"' Honor: S"' as to y"' Hono'' Letter Referring to o' towns its true about the Middle of May Last I Rec"" y'' Hono" order for 30 men to be Raysd & plact 15 at Northf & 15 at Deerf which accordingly was done this supply made 25 at Deerf* & but 45 at Northf- If y' Honor Re- member 10 of these Northf* men was carried over to the Fort, when the Fort was first settled with men & then Northf'^ had but 30 men & the 15 afors* made them to 45. So that if Northf be reduced to 40 men there is but 5 men a spare for Brookfield & none to relieve Sunderland with who indeed have great need of at Least ten men & this day we are alarmed of the Enemies comeing down the East side the river directly upon Sunderland or Rutland or Brookfield and we are forct to leave 0'' villages and sent out of Northampton, Hadly & Hatfield 40 men if posible to secure Sunderland & waylay the Enemie & immediately sent to Brookf to Alarm them & directed them to Alarm Brimfield & Rutland & so upon y™ Frontiers. Be- sides the 29 men that went out in p'suite of the Enemie that came upon Hatfield on the 18'* & are not Returned. As to the 25 men at Deerf* I am of opinion that they are few Enoff to scout watch and ward Deerf"* & can be no Reliefe Hatfield 13 mile distant & much Less to Wesf* 30 miles distant & therefore Humbly intreat that my two former letf^* may be considered in be- half of Sunderland Hatf* Hadly Northampton St Westf & some Re- liefe be ordered if it be but 5 or 6 men in each town afor'' to Guard o' people in the townes & at there worke. We must improve the means for Bread or dye Sr the Lord sanctify this day of trouble & Rebuke & be not a tero' to us for there is o'' Hope I pray God Sup- port y"' Hon''. I am satisfyed y' Burthen is very great & Render Myself y' Afflicted & very Humble Serv' Sam" Partridge Capt. Wells at once led a party from this town in search of the same invaders. None were found by either party in the pursuits. The Indians at the fort " thought the enemy heard the whites coming up the river, & were discouraged at their numbers and fled." It is more probable they concealed their trail and broke up into small parties to skulk about the set- CAPT. WELLS'S SCOUT AMBUSCADED. 421 tlements. Capt. Wells, who apparently believed they were beyond reach, was rudely undeceived. While returning in careless security, June 27th, Ebenezer Sheldon of Northamp- t'on, Thomas Colton, and Jeremiah English, an Indian "who used to be Col. Lambs," riding in advance of the main body, fell into an ambuscade about four miles north of Deerfield, probably at the great spruce swamp near Turners Falls. They were fired upon, their horses shot down and the riders all killed. The company behind, hearing the guns, rode up with all speed, and came upon the enemy while they were scalping the slain, and firing upon them, wounded several. Upon which the enemy fled into the swamp, and the English dismounting their horses, ran in after them, and tracked them a considerable way by the blood of the wounded, but found none. However, they recovered 10 packs and heard afterwards that 2 died of their wounds, and a third lost the use of his arm. The saddened scouts returned to Deerfield bearing the mangled remains of their comrades. After an affecting ser- vice by Mr. Williams, they were laid to rest in the old bury- ing yard. A moss-grown stone still marks the spot where Ebenezer Sheldon sleeps near the graves of his kindred. There is a tradition in the Sheldon family that Ebenezer was killed by a hatchet thrown by one of the enemy, which stuck in his skull ; that he wore silver shoe buckles, which an In- dian was trying to get off when interrupted by the fire of Capt. Wells. The buckles were bent in the attempt, but not secured. The hatchet and the buckles were long kept in the Sheldon family in Northampton as mementos of that bloody day. Memorial Hall at Deerfield would be the most fitting place for their preservation. To add to the general alarm, word came from Zachariah Prescott, a prisoner at Montreal, of a report there that the Abenaki hostages " were dead in Boston prison, which has ■ put the Indians in a great rage ; that about 700 are gone or going to all parts of New England, in parties of 10, 12, 15^ 20, 25." June 29th, an appea was made to Connecticut by Gov. Dudley for help, and Gov. Saltonstall sent seventy-five men under Capt. Goodrich, thirty-seven under Capt. Butler, with forty-two Indians to report to Col. Partridge at Hatfield for orders. This bad news from Canada was soon confirmed. Stoddard writes : — 422 FATHER RASLE'S WAR. Albany June 28, 1724 in the Evening Just now hether came Sam" Dickinson from Canada with two Genl"" belonging to this place (Dickinson was taken from No"'field last Oct''"') they give an accompt that about fifteen days since the In- dian called Graylock with eleven others set out for war towards New England and di'segn to go with all speed and that last Tuesday night they passed by another company of thirty Abenaquois near the fur- ther end of the lake, they knew before of there going to war, and the same day were advised by a Frenchman where they lay so that we avoided them in the night. They add that there were abput forty more that have sung their war songs & are preaparing to goe out. Dickinson tells us further that about ten of the Cagnawago Indians that were for war and that the Sachems told him that they would stone them out of the fort, he adds that Denion a French Man (well known in New England) was in the Army at N^'field la"st fall. We have aquainted Co" Partridge with the news; and if we omit anything Needful you will attribute it to our hast. Dickinson just now informs us that Mr love hath written a letter to the Interpretre of the East- ern Indians, that fDote?J Peter is dead. Another of the Hostages is Sick but well looked after the third is well, this hath greatly in- sensed the Eastern Indians, and they were for going to war and some of them came to the gov' for liberty to goe to war against these parts, being angry at Co" Schuyler assisting us. In reply to the letter from Dudley asking aid, Gov. Salton- stall writes : — New London July 2 1724 On Monday last I had you^ of y^ 29*'% by an Express from Colo Partridge The next day I saw two of our Indian Tribes of Mohegan & Niantic They would not be pursuaded to March Eastward, but 20 of them agreed to go into your County of Hampshire, whom I have joined to 30 English under the command of Capt Walter But- ler. They will begin to march tomorrow, will be in Hampshire next week about the middle of it, with orders to attend such Directions as you have given to Colo Partridge; or your Chief Commanding Ofifi- cers there The Pequots could not go " on account of there corn " until a month later. As the failure to engage the Five Nations or the Caghna- wagas as active allies had been disheartening, so the present success in another direction was cheering. It was held to be necessary to secure Indians to fight Indians, they being bet- ter able to cope with the enemy in their own fashion, and to meet wile with wile. No doubt they were more to be feared than the English. It is surprising that more damage was n ot done by the swarms of Abenakis and their Canadian al- MOHAWK CHIEFS AT FORT DUMMER. 423 lies which infested the dense forests surrounding the settle- ments. As we have seen, a few Mohawks and Scatacooks had been enlisted by Schuyler and Stoddard at Albany, and stationed at Fort Dummer — not then so named. The Indians at the Block House were well cared for. June 20th, a Committee of the General Court reported, that pur- suant to the promise of Col. Schuyler, — Two shilling per day be allowed Hendrick and Umpaumet, as they are Sachems, and the first of that Rank that have entered into the service of this province; that none of y^ Indians be stinted as to allowance of provisions; that all have the use of their arms gratis, and their guns mended at free cost; that a supply of knives, pipes, tobacco, lead, shot, & flints be sent to the commanding officer at the fort, to be given out to them at his discretion ; that 4 barrels of rum be sent to Capt. Jona. Wells, at Deerfield, to be lodged in his hands, and to be delivered to the commanding officer at the Block House as he sees occasion to send for it, that he may be enabled to give out one Gill a Day to each Indian & some to his other Men as Occasion may Require. According to the usual estimate of Indian character these attractions at the fort should have drawn crowds into the ser- vice under Capt. Dwight ; but it is a singular fact that only about a dozen enlisted. Was the counter influence of the Dutch traders stronger, or did the natives really believe the Abenakis were in the right, and acted up to their convic- tions? In any event, they rejected an opportunity for animal gratification, the like of which could never have been open to them in all their lives before. Early on the morning of July 8th, 1724, a party of Indians plundered some houses at the Bars, " of rum, meal, cheese, meat, &c." The houses had been deserted, the occupants having doubtless gone to spend the night within the stock- ade at the Town Street. Partridge writing Dummer, July i ith, says : — We are much distressed by lurking enemies * * * We are confident they are still about us waiting to shed blood, so that we, being in the middle of our harvest, are forced to go 30 or 40 men in a day with their arms & with a guard to accompany & work together * * * The whole country is alarmed & upon their guard every- where, its hopeful the stress of the enemy will abate. Writing again July 14th, he says: — These aquainte yo' Hon'' that yC Letf pr John Huggins I rec" last 424 FATHER RASLE'S WAR. Night with the proclamations enclosed & shall endeav"' to Suppress such pernicious acting, but am not apprised of any that have done so here, but shall enquire about itt [Proclamation not found — Offence unknown] We have been Much distressed with the Lurcking Enemy' that first set on a p"^ of o"^ men killed a lusty young man, took 2 men Captive (killed a yoke of oxen in a cart.) the next betwixt Deerfield & Northfield they killed 3 young men — a third time they Reviled Several hoases in a village of Deerfield and they wounded 2 men in Deerfield. This was July loth. While a party was at work in North Meadows, they were being watched by a party of Indians on Pine Hill, — probably the same that recruited its commissary department at the Bars. Hiding themselves in a thicket at the south end of the hill near the road, the skulkers waited until nightfall and the return of the laborers to their homes. At the right moment they fired from the ambush, and Lieut. Timothy Childs and Samuel Allen were wounded, but not disabled ; all escaped, Childs, says Hoyt, " by dashing through an adjacent pond." Of this affair we give a vivid account from the lips of one who had a finger in it — to his cost : — He Being at work with 3 men & 2 boys Northward of the Town, Capt Wells working with a Company of men farther Northward Still with 4 guardsmen, having done his work a Little before me, came )^by and I Desired him to wait a few minutes and so I would go with him home, now he told me he had a Little piece of [work] to do in harrow meadow, West of the Town Plot. Then I desired him to Le''' me the guards that he had with him, of which two men tarried, and in a Short Time we finished our work and mounted our horses to go home & came to y^ South End of Pine Hill when the Rode Carried us Close to the Hill, there being fired upon by three Indians that way Laid the Rode, Myself was wounded in both Shouldiers & in one finger, which was so broken that it was forced to be cutt off which was on my right hand & y" same Shouldier the Bullett going so far thro that it was cutt out on y« other Side, which has very much Disabled my Arm from almost any Service: There being one man behind me at the same Time, Sam" Allen by Name, who also was wounded by a Shoot going into his Buttock. My horse being also shoot in y« Neck made him Spring forward, so that he threw us both off, but finding that we had y^ use of our Leggs soon made our escape. Calling to the rest of y^ men to face about, with y' they turned and fired upon y= Enemy, With that they ran down where we had fallen of y« horse, and catched up Allen's hat. People being alarmed in the Town came out with great Speed. The Indians run- ning acrost y^ hill passed over y<' river at Cheapside & soon got to the woods without any Damage. Afterwards our people finding 3 CONCERNING SCALP HUNTING. 425 packs supposing them to be the Packs of these same Indians which fired upon us which were in Number three. Finis. Gov. Dummer writes Capt. Joseph Kellogg about the af- fairs on the frontier and at Fort Dummer: — Boston, July 25"' 1724 Capt Kellogg. I have your L*"'" of the 20*'' & am glad you find your garrisons in Good order & the Service so well performed You do well to have great regard to the protection of the people in there Harvest which you must always do in the most impartial manner I have wrote to Coll" Partridge & Coll" Stoddard that you may ex- change your men until you have got a good company. I have an ac' from Capt Dwight of one George Swan who behaved in a very vil- lianous manner in his Garrison (who would have been shot for it in any Garrison in Eng) & that in your absence Hee was admitted into . your Company at Nfiield. Let the fellow forthwith be turned out of the Company with disgrace I would you as soon as you can Inlist a Surgeon for the Service of your Company & Capt Dwight & in the meantime I enclose you my warrant to enable you to ffetch a Sur- geon when you want one. I shall be glad to see a scalp or two brought downe by some of your scouts. I am y' H'''^ Sv' W™ Dummer An active correspondence was kept up between the govern- ors of Massachusetts and Connecticut concerning the Indians in the service, their officers, their supplies and their move- ments. Gov. Saltonstall writes July 23d, 1724, to Secretary Willard:— It fell out unhappily y° Lt Gov"^ is out of town, for tho what you sent me shows w* wages or Premiums on scalps; yet I cant tell whith- er such a Small Number as our Pequods w""" at y*^ most will not be above 25 or 30 will be acceptable to him or whether He will like that they should have English officers of there acquaintance from here, w* they always expect. They seemed rather inclined to try for a scalps about Menadnuck and the back side of Dunstable & Groton. My account of scalp money from Col Partridge much exceeds your a°' in many particulars; How the Indians will like y' when they come to understand I cant tell I appointed to meet the Pequods on Wednesday next in order to there marching but am obliged to put it off till the Return of the Post the week after that I may know the Lt Gov''^ Inclination as low number of Indians & there being joined with English, as also wheth- er He will fit them with arms at Boston, for the Indians have very few. We have had now about a fortnight [40?] English and Indians in Hampshire county for a standing party, but I have heard nothing from them, above a week July 27th, the Secretary writes that "the Gov'' is pleased with the offer, wishes them sent out at once. They can go 4:26 FATHER RASLE'S WAR. where they suggest until October & will then send them east- ward. May choose there own officers if the Gov"^ approve them. He cant arm them for his supplies are exhausted." By another letter of the 27th, it appears that thirty Pequot Indians,— having I suppose, finished hoeing their corn,— were to be "employed in scouting about Manadnock and other parts between Connecticut & Merrimack Rivers." Orders were sent to Stoddard and Partridge to, — Dispatch them to Col. Tyng at Dunstable as soon as they come to you. Let them take such a Rout thither through the woods as will be best for the Defence of the Frontier & you must take effectual care that in there coming in to you, & going from you to Col Tyng, the places through which they pass may be notified & apprised of it; that the Indians have some signal, which must also be known by our people to prevent any evil that might otherwise happen. With our limited knowledge of frontier warfare in those days, it seems that it must have been a difficult thing indeed, to devise any scheme by which friendly and enemy Indians could be distinguished in the woods, in season to prevent the "evil" which the Governor fears. And we must bear in mind that should harm come to one of them by any mistake of the English, the rest would instantly become active ene- mies. In this case the people in Middlesex were alarmed and an order was sent to Col. Stoddard by the Governor "that some effectual method may be agreed on to distinguish there In- dians or to limit them in there hunting so as that there may be no Danger of the Towns being Alarm'd by them, or there being Surpriz* & hurt by our scouts." If no method can be devised for the safety and security of both parties, then the Mohegans must be told of their danger, " and that it is abso- lutely necessary that they desist from Hunting on our Fron- tiers." The defensive policy of the English not being successful in preventing incursions of the Indians, it was resolved to carry the war into the enemy's country. An army of two hundred and eighty men, including three Macquas, under Captains Harman, Moulton, Bourn, and Lieut. Bean were sent to the eastward. August 12th, they surprised Norridgewock, destroyed the town, killed thirty or forty men, among whom were six noted warriors and Father Rasle, the chief agent under De Vaudreuil, in fomenting the war. The following DEATH OF FATHER RASLE. 427 French account of his death is utterly irreconcilable with that of the English. Charlevoix says the attacking force was, — iioo men, part English, part Indians * * * The noise and tumult gave Father Rasle notice of the danger his converts were in. Not intimidated he went to meet the enemy, in hopes to draw all their attention to himself, and secure his flock at the peril of his own life. He was not disappointed. As soon as he appeared, the English set up a great shout, which was followed by a shower of shot, and he fell down dead near to a cross which he had erected in the midst of the village, seven Indians who accompanied him to shelter him with their own bodies, falling dead round about him * * * ^he Eng- lish first fell to pillaging, then burning the wigwams. They spared the church so long as was necessary for their shamefully profaning the sacred vessels, and the adorable body of Jesus Christ, and then set fire to it * * * The Indians returned to their village, where they made it their first care to weep over the body of their holy mis- sionary. They found him shot in a thousand places, scalped, his skull broke to pieces with the blows of hatchets, his mouth and eyes full of mud, the bones of his legs fractured, and all his members mangled in a hundred different ways. This charge of barbarity in the treatment of the body of Father Rasle is held by some Romanists to be true, and brought by them against the English, to offset, or palliate, the wanton cruelty so often practiced by the French and In- dians in their raids against New England. But such an out- rage on the body of the missionary was not only contrary to the habits and character of New England people, but there is not a particle of evidence to support the charge of Charle- voix. De Vaudreuil, who must have had all the accessible facts, writing to the home government, Nov. 1 8th, only three months after the event, says : " All the circumstances attend- ing the affair deserve to be fully narrated ; you will permit me not to omit any of them," and then gives the following details of the affair : — Father Rasle * * * went out of his house on hearing the noise, but the moment he made his appearance the English fired a volley at him by which he was immediately killed. Those of the Indians who possessed not the courage to resist, fled towards the riv- er as soon as they perceived the Father was slain * * * -phe mass of the village which escaped amounts to 150 persons, among whom there still remain 29 warriors, who were so incensed at the death of their Missionary, and the profanation of the sacred vessels belonging to their church, that they would have pursued the English the day following their defeat, had they not found themselves with- out arms, powder and clothes. 428 FATHER RASLE'S WAR. The next spring, April 24th, 1725, De Vaudreuil and Fath- er de la Chasse, Superior of the Jesuits in Canada, unite in sending to the War minister an account of the same affair. This agrees in every particular with the account given above. In neither is there the slightest hint of any indignity to the body of the fallen missionary. The omission of such a charge against the English can only be accounted for on the ground that there was no foundation for it whatever. The truth seems to be, that Father Rasle was killed in the heat of the attack, while encouraging his charge in defend- ing themselves; that even his death under these circum- stances was against the moral sense of the English command- er, and that pretexts were sought to excuse the English sol- diers. Capt. Harman did not perhaps know, so well as it is known to-day, that his death was justifiable, on the ground that to him more than to any other the opening and contin- uance of the war was directly chargeable. The following is the English version of the event taken from Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts, p. 282. After the Indians had been driven across the river, — The English then returned to the town, where they found the Jes- uit in one of the wigwams, firing upon a few of our men who had not pursued after the enemy. He had an English boy in the wigwam with him about fourteen years of age, who had been taken about six months before. This boy he shot through the thigh and afterwards stabbed in the body, but, by the care of the surgeons he recovered. I find this act of cruelty in the account given by [Capt.] Harman on oath: Moulton had given orders not to kill the Jesuit, but, by his fir- ing from the wigwam, one of our men being wounded, a lieutenant Jaques, stove open the door and shot him through the head. Jaques excused himself to his commanding officer, alledging that Ralle was loading his gun when he entered the wigwam, and declared he would neither give nor take quarter. Moulton allowed that some answer was made by Ralle, which provoked Jaques, but doubted whether it was the same as reported, and always expressed his disapprobation of the action. August 17th, 1724, Col. Schuyler writes to Stoddard: — I send you the answer what Jacob and his company brought from Canada * * * Note that the Cagnawagoes and Scawinadees stand strict and honorable by there former Resolution and promise * * * There is now againe fourty Indians Gone Against your Gov' but I know not where they will make there attempt Later advices show that somebody is mistaken. Aug. 23d, 1724, Capt. Kellogg writes Stoddard the news that four of his THE WAR BELT. 429 Macquas brought from Albany about the messengers which the Five Nations sent to carry a Belt to the Caghnawagas — one "to take the hatchet away,'" the other to invite them to a Conference at Albany. In reply to the first they returned "an Extraordinary Large Belt of Wampum w° was very much redded & told y" you our fathers of y" Six Nations say we take the hatchet out of your hands, but these are to aquaint y' we shall not deliver it up but shall still war against y° Eng- lish," giving as a reason that the English have taken away their land and keep their Hostages in prison. They also report a Conference between the Caghnawaga and the Eastern .Indians before the governor of Canada. This last item explains the action of the Caghnawagas in the first. De Vaudreuil never let slip an opportunity of keeping the Indians on the war path towards New England. Aug. 17th, 1724, Col. Stoddard writes to Dummer: — I hoped that the enemy, (who have been very troublesome to us) were drawn off, but we are again informed from Fort Dummer that their scouts have discovered tracks of several Indians coming tow- ards us, but we have had that advantage, that not one party of the enemy has passed the fort without being discovered and seasonable notice given, which hath undoubtedly been a means of preserving many lives. The like discovery we were never able to make in any former war. Several parties of the Enemy have been afraid to re- turn their usual way but by Hooseck, which is near Albany. Fort Dummer was Stoddard's pet, and did good service ; but the notices did not always prevent disaster, nor was this possible, while the subtle enemy had only to lurk and wait until a favorable opportunity offered, when the stroke came like a flash of lightning. August 25 th, Noah Edwards, while going with others from Easthampton to Northampton with a load of hay, was shot and scalped, and Abrahahi Miller was wounded. The next day a party of the enemy, probably the same that shot Ed- wards, appeared at Westfield. An Englishman was wounded, and one of the assailants, a Scatacook, was killed by Noah Ashley, who received .^100 for his scalp. The chiefs of this tribe said that he had deserted and gone to Canada, and they were not responsible for his conduct. August 27th, Col. Pynchon writes to Lieut. John Root at Westfield, concerning, — The Mischief done at Northampton upon the Rhode Saturday, 430 FATHER RASLE'S WAR. nere unto Joseph Bartlett's house, about 4 score Rodds from s'' House toward Northampton, which alarms us to be careful! in o' going out, & I advise & order that you be very careful in yo"' goeing out, not to goe, near or further of, from town with less in number than 12 or 15 men to guard & before any work is done to scout the wood Round about the place where the work is done before they goe to work & the Guards to be very Watchfull all the tyme they are out; * * * Also to give notice of this mischief to the Carters and Guards com- ing from Hartfort. High hopes had been entertained after the treaty of July 3d, 1724, but no important result followed. The Abenakis were not intimidated by the threats of the Iroquois. Their messengers sent to Canada were told the war should be pros- ecuted until the English gave up the land and hostages of the Abenakis. Those Mohawks who went eastward pretend- ed, at least, to have been convinced of the justness of the Abenakis' claim. The Iroquois, when upbraided by Gov. Burnett, in a conference at Albany, Sept. 14th, for not keep- ing their promise, say they only offered " to be mediators for Peace." On being further pressed, and confronted with their language of July 3d, they said they would give the English- Commissioners an answer. On the i6th this was given. They tell the English that they had sent messengers three times to the Abenakis, who said they would make peace on the " Return of the Land and the hostages, and the matter re- specting peace seems to lye with you. All mankind is not without thinking, and our thoughts are, that the delivering up the Hostages is the likeliest way for Peace. * * * if we should make a war it would not end in a few days as yours doth, but must last till one nation or the other is de- stroyed, as it hath been heretofore with us." This is plain Indian common sense. They also say they have no answer to the belt sent to the King of England on the subject. In a speech to them Sept.. 19th, Governor Burnett again charges the Iroquois with bad faith. " I find you do not deny your promises, but only you say, wait for King of Great Brit- ian's orders in answer to your Belt. Now this is not a just Pretence. * * * You know very well you have promised that if the Eastern Indians did not accept your last messen- gers you would take up the Hatchet, and you ought to stand to this." In their reply to the Governor's speech, the next day, the Iroquois with diplomatic silence entirely ignore the POLITICAL SKIRMISHING. 431 Eastern question ; making no reply to this charge. In a con- ference with the Scatacooks, Sept. 19th, Gov. Burnett accuses them of harboring and furnishing supplies to the hostile In- dians, and allowing some of their men to join in the war against New England. They reply, that those who have de- serted and gone to Canada are seeking revenge; for two years ago they were " arrested while hunting, and shut up in Boston jail." [They had been mistaken for enemies, and were soon released.] When again urged to join the English against the Abenakis, they finally say, " the Belt they sent King George concerning the war has not been answered, and you are our father, aind the Six Nations our Leaders, where they go we shall follow." The truth seems to be, that the Iroquois had no notion of going to war, but confidently ex- pected their threats would frighten the Abenakis into yield- ing to the English demands. This doubtless would have been the result, but for French encouragement. De Vau- dreuil says it "Seriously intimidated them," and "cooled them down considerably," but having more favorable news " he hopes shortly to make them to act with more vigor." The policy of both the English and French towards the Indians, looked solely to their own respective security or agrandizement, with no regard whatever to the effect on the native tribes. The wonder is, that the Indians were able to match them so ably as they did, in shrewdness and state- craft. September 2d, the Massachusetts General Court authorized Col. Schuyler " to give the Six Nations one thousand pounds, if they will come into y" war with the Eastern Indians." September 2d, Timothy Childs of Deerfield was appointed Commissary for Hampshire county and was directed to send ;^300 in goods to Fort Dummer for the use of the Indians and others in the service there. September 4th, Capt. Kellogg reports to Gov. Dummer that he continues scouting " as usual up the River & then Eastward, that it might be the best security to the Towns below, but have made no Late Discovery." It was the duty of Lieut. Childs to look after the west side of the river, and Stoddard thought it best that he should be made captain, and command that part of Kellogg's company then at Deerfield and the men at Sunderland. Kellogg says he " is very free 432 FATHER RASLE'S WAR. Lieut. Childs shall be set off, iu case it don't Hazzard my pay, nor the pay of under officers." Childs was commissioned captain Oct. 7th, 1724, and stationed in Deerfield. The fol- lowing shows service not elsewhere found : — Deerfield Sept 9, 1724 These may Testifie whome it may concerne that I came in to This Plase with a company of Inglish and Indians for y° Defence of this place and were entertaind by Capt Thomas Wells his order till y^ 14*'' Instant, y^ Number of men 43. This 14"' Day of Sep" 1724 John Mason Capt. He probably brought the Pequods and Nianticks Partridge speaks of below. • Hatfield, Oct. i 1724 Honorable S' I am to inform yo' Hono' of a very troubelsome summer we have had in getting in o' Harvests, the Indian Harvest not all gott in yet y° Enemy frequently discovered by their trals ly- ing in waite to shed blood & some they have as I suppose you' Hon- ou'^ hath heard from tyme to tyme so that we have been working with perrill of our lives. 15 20 30 40 in a Company with Guards, the Coniticott P'orces have been very helpfull to us in this County & speak off drawing off in a fortnight or 3 weeks time, our Forces ex- pend much of o'' stores of amnition I am forct to supply them with some for which I have good governo' Saltonstons engage"'' to an- swer o' Government for itt of which I shall be ready to give account of it If the war Continue there will be great need of more amnition be sent up to Hartford now while vessels are goeing, I am sorry we have no better success with the Mohawks but we must put o'' trust in God in vain is the help of Man with my humble duty, submission & obedience I am yo' very hum- ble Serv' Sam" Partridge The following letter shows a new cause for anxiety and caution : — Albany y^ 5"" of Octo' 1724 Col Stoddard, Sir This accompanys my Former Letter wrote you by Sekekeko and his companion dated y*' 30"* Last past You will un- derstand my meaning therein, these Indians went via Shagtekoke as they came from hunting above Saretogue they seen a Large path of a number of Inds butt could not directly guise what the number might bee but the path went directly towards N E. as y^ say. And the said Indians of Skagtekoke told y™ y' y" Onongongus had laid way for y™ in y^ Road upon which [illegible] I have consulted by myself and concluded to dispatch y^ bearer hereof John Tyson with y'= enclosed and these There is since my last unto you nott ans'' any one from Canada neither Indians or christians. I shall not at p'sent Enlarge but my due Respects as in my former. I am S'' your Humble Serv' John Schuyler PEQUOTS AND MOHEGANS. 433 This letter was forwarded to Boston from Northampton, Oct. 1 2th, with the following letter from Stoddard to the Gov- ernor and Council : — I received your Hon'rs of the 6"". There are now no Indians in the Block House, save two Mohikans [i. e. Mahicans] or River In- dians. All the Macquas went to Albany at the last treaty. Since my coming from thence I hear nothing about their young men. I rec'd the enclosed letter by expi-ess last Wednesday; our people are pretty much alarmed therewith. I am ready to imagine that it is [Cattanawlet's?] son who is cos'n to Grey Lock, that hath either made or aggravated the story of tracks, to afright the Indians & prevent their bringing the letter, presuming that in it was an account of Grey Lock being out, but I dare not mention such a thing to our people, lest it should make them too secure. This Cattanawlet is a French Indian & was in Deerfield Meadows when our people were wounded & from thence he ran to Scatacook, there married a squaw & is suf- fered to dwell there. In the former part of the summer there were 42 Connecticut In- dians at Deerfield, Moheags & Nehanticks, as likely men as I have seen. They drew off & near 40 Pequods & Nehanticks supplied their place. The Pequods look pretty well, but the people at Deerfield say they can't compare with the Moheags, not being so active, & un- used to the woods; there is some misunderstanding between them & they don't do well together; there are some some likely Indians at Farmington & Hartford. I hear the Moheags incline to come up hither again in the winter. * * * Capt. Wright & others have pretended to make some marches, but their designs have dropped through & I don't expect anything will be done this way before win- ter; but I cannot be weaned from the expedition proposed to your Hon'rs last winter when Gov' Saltonstall was here. He gives details of the proposed march to Canada. To guard against discovery, and insure a surprise, he would "send two Indians with a belt of wampum to Grey Locks place to invite the Scatakooks to return home, and to the St. Fran- cis to let them know we delight not in blood, but are willing to hearken to any reasonable terms of peace; or it matters not what message." Capt. Kellogg, at Northfield, could not be depended on to intercept the enemy. He had written Oct. 7th, 1724, '"Tis difficult keeping a scout out constantly, by reason of guarding y^ people, who are now busy getting in y" harvest. I have a scout out now, ordered to go 40 miles up y" Great River, and from there to the eastward to Great Monadnock." The party about whose movements Schuyler warned Stod- dard, October sth, did not appear on our frontiers. Schuyler writes October •24th : — 434 FATHER RASLE'S WAR. Since my last to you am assured of the french Indians of Cagna- waga & the Shaweenade have hitherto kept the Treaty here made with you and can have no other design than continuence of the same by them two tribes. Here have been since your departure above 20 Canoes: Two Days ago hendrick and six more Mohawk Indians came here to offer their services to your government, on which con- dition I have delivered them the following things out of your stores left in my hands: 4 guns, 6 shirts, 30 lbs lead, 3lbs powder, 4 hatch- ets & 4 cutlashes: 6 knives, some spirits, paint, and one blanket, hope they may be of Service to the government in some way or other. If one or more should happen to be killed in the service. I believe it would animate the others to revenge the cause Pray make my Respects acceptable to your ffather, mother and all other aquaintance and you' oblige S"' your friend and Humble Sev' John Schuyler Schuyler sends the same to Gov. Dummer by Mr. Trescot " who will be able to give you an account of the proceedings in Canada where he has been a prisoner for some time." These seven Indians appeared in the Council Chamber at Boston, November r7th, offering their services against the Eastern Indians, and were accepted by the Governor. November 6th, Stoddard, writing Dummer, says he is sup- plying the Indians with extra stores, to keep them quiet. Thinks there will be no danger until the last of January, or February, when the enemy may come on snow shoes. No- vember 17th, he writes, "The Block House has been of great service ; notice was received from there of every party of the enemy that came by that route, saving many lives by putting people on their guard. I have been obliged to guard the men while gathering crops in the distant fields, or several people must have lost their corn and other fruits." He thinks Grey Lock has gone back. The frontiers were too well guarded for successful forays. And it may be doubted whether any Indians left Canada after the news of the disaster to the Nor- ridgewocks, and the death of Father Rasle August 12th ; and there appeared an evident desire for peace. To test the feelings of the Eastern Indians, Saccamakton, one of the Abenaki hostages from Norridgewock, was sent home on parole for six weeks. Saccamakton was true to his engagements, and it was through him that peace was finally established. Capt. Thomas Wells of Deerfield had command of a com- pany this year. His muster roll has not been found, but in December, 1724, he was allowed for their pay ;^ 162, 4 s, 6 d. WHAT WINTER SCOUTING STANDS FOR. 435 and for subsistence £go, 12 s, 10 d, with _£g for funeral charges for soldiers. To pay off sergeants' commands in Hampshire county, ;^64, 4 s, 6 d was put into his hands December 21st, and .^90, I OS, i2d, for subsistence. Capt. Samuel Barnard of Deerfield was stationed at Hadley, with about 100 men. Lieut. Timothy Childs was commissary, and the supplies for . Fort Dummer passed through his hands. He was commissioned lieutenant under Capt. Kellogg in October, and stationed in Deerfield. Sergt. Joseph Clesson had a scout under his com- mand, and received in December, £2,2, i s, 6d, for their wages and subsistence. Among the expenses of the campaign of 1 724, three Mac- quas, "Christian, his son Christian, and Isaac" were paid 40s per week for five weeks. On such muster rolls of Fort Dummer as I have found were Ezerus, Kewakcum and Cosannip, under the Mohawk Sachem Hendrick. Wakumtameeg, Poopornuck, Ponagum, Suckkeecoo, Noonoowannet, Waunoowooseet and Taukaquint, Scatacooks, under Ampaumeet of Hudson River. When the rivers and lakes were frozen and the snow was the deepest, the enemy were the most to be feared, and par- ties constantly ranged the woods to prevent a surprisal of the settlements. Capt. Kellogg reports to Gov. Dummer the journals of those sent out by him in the winter of 1724-5. The story is that of the every day duty by soldiers guarding the frontiers, told in the fewest words. We must look through the matter-of-fact language for the underlying heroism and romance, to see the brave hearts, tough fibre and high sense of duty, which carried these men through the cold, the snow, and the danger. We should see them tramping all day through interminable forest, on cumbersome snow shoes, gun in hand, hatchet and bullet pouch at the belt, pack with provisions and blanket on the back ; with senses all alert, the strained ear noting every sound, the trained eye peering be- hind every tree, scanning every thicket, and snuffing the very air for signs of the foe. They would be found camping in the snow where the falling night finds them ; eating in silence their scanty supper of salt pork, raw and frozen it may be, with no fire to warm their benumbed bodies, with no song or story to cheer their spirits; cutting with mufiied strokes of the hatchet a bed of spruce or hemlock boughs ; 436 FATHER RASLE'S WAR. with a watchful sentinel standing a little apart, the rest of the wearied men stretching themselves in their blankets to pass the long and dreary night as best they may ; shivering under the driving blast, or cased, perchance, in icy armor of frozen rain ; fortunate, indeed, if they found themselves in the morning, sheltered under a blanket of soft-falling snow. Harder and more tedious than all this, was lying inactive for days together on the bleak summits of the highest moun- tains, watching for smoke from the fire of an incautious ene- my. Only constitutions of iron could endure these hardships unharmed ; and the gravestones of those generations testify to the cost of such service. Kellogg says : — The first scout on Nov. 30, 1724, went up on y" west side of Con- necticut River & crossing y'' West river went up to y" Great Falls, and returned, making no discovery of the enemy. The second scout went up to West river & followed up s"* river 6 miles, & then crossed the woods to y" Great Falls & returned seeing no new signs of y* en- emy. The third scout went west from Northfield about 12 miles, then northward crossing West river, and steering east came to the canoe place about 16 or 17 miles above Northfield * * * -pj^g fourth struck out northwest about 6 miles, thence north across West river & so to the Great Meadow below y" Great Falls, then crossed the Connecticut river, and came down on the east side. This mead- ow is about 32 miles from Northfield. The fifth, the men were sent up West river mountain [Wantastiquat] there to lodge on the top, and view morning and evening for smoaks, and from there up to y" Mountain at y" Great Falls, & there also to lodge on y'= top, and view morning and evening for smoaks. The sixth went up to West river, which they followed 5 miles, then went north till they came upon Saxton's river, six miles from the mouth of it, which empties itself at y'^ foot of y' Great Falls; then they came down to the mouth of it, & so returned. In addition we watch & ward 3 forts at Northfield continually, besides what those lo men do at Deerfield, & y'= people are uneasy that we have no more men to keep y^ forts than we have. Some of these scouts penetrate to the lake, and even to the borders of Canada. The employment of Indian scouts, and the permission of the Mohegans and Scatacook Indians, to hunt in our woods, added much to the difficulties of scouting. If by means of smoke, or otherwise, an Indian camp was dis- covered, the scout must not fall upon the occupants until their spies could discover their character, — a service of pecul- iar delicacy and danger, requiring the utmost circumspection, knowledge of wood-craft and judgment. A fatal mistake would rouse a whole clan to vengeance. To facilitate recog- nition, the authorities required these hunting Indians to wear DECEIVED BY FALSE PRETENSES. 437 some distinguishing mark on their heads, but the difficulty the scout must find in discovering this sign, under all condi- tions, is too obvious to need comment. The successful campaign of Capt. Lovewell in December, and his unfortunate one in April following, are too well known to need .detailing here. In their effects on the cam- paign, one neutralized the other. For a full and interesting account of Lovewell's fight see Gen. Hoyt's Antiquarian Re- searches, page 216. Men under Capt. Joseph Kellogg in Northfield & Deerfield in 1724:— Lieut. John Pomroy, Northampton. Sergt. Josiah Stebbins, " Sergt. Waitstill Strong, " Corp. Jas. Stephenson, Suffield. Corp. Japhet Chapin, Northfield. Corp. Benoni Wright, " Eldad Wright, " Stephen Belden, " Jonathan Belden, " Hezekiah Stratton, Eleazer Mattoon, " Edward Grandy, Hezekiah Elmer, " Benjamin Brooks, Deerfield. Joshua Wells, " James Corse, " Nathaniel Hawks, " George Swan, " Nathaniel Brooks, " John Allen, " Daniel Severance, " John King, Northampton. Orlando Bridgman, " James Porter, " Asahel Stebbins, Northampton. David Smith, Suffield. Ebenezer Smith, " Joseph Allen, " Eb. Williams, Hatfield. Joseph Burt, " Samuel Bedortha, Springfield. Shem Chapin, " Abraham Elger, servant to Rev. Mr. Doolittle, Northfield. Jonathan Warriner, Springfield. Benjamin Bedortha, " Benjamin Miller, " Benjamin Munn, " Daniel King, Westfield. John Beaman, " Samuel Vining, Enfield. John Brown, " Enoch Hall, Westfield. Joseph Merchant, Hadley. George Bates, " John Seargant, Worcester. Daniel Shattuck, " Josiah King, Clerk. About December ist, 1724, Dummer received dispatches from De. Vaudreuil, through Col. Schuyler, who wrote him by the same post : " Mons. Vaudreuil is very sorry and wea- ry of the war & would willingly see one or two gentlemen empowered by New England governments to endeavour to put an end to that war." Believing this story, with which the wily Frenchman had imposed upon the honest Dutch- men, to be true, the Governor on the 24th of December, ap- pointed William Dudley and Col. Stoddard Commissioners to go to Canada in response to its suggestion. Dudley, Samuel Thaxter, and Thomas Atkinson of New Hampshire were finally sent. They were accompanied by Schuyler, and reached Montreal March 3d, 1725, N. S. 438 FATHER RASLE'S WAR. 1725. The project of harassing the Canadian frontiers by large war parties was a subject of much correspondence. Feb. 3d, Col. Stoddard in reply to a letter from Gov. Dummer says :— 1 retain my tormer opinion that if our people had gone to Grey Locks fort (which lyeth up a small river which emptieth itself into the Lake near the further end of it) [at Missisquoi bay] and had made spoil upon the Indians, those that should escape would in their rage meditate revenge upon our Commissioners, either in going to or returning from Canada; but an expedition there in the spring, about the time of planting corn, which they wont suppose the Commission- ers privy to, may not be attended with like inconvenience; tho' I think ordinarily men are in less danger in the winter & more likely to be successful. Since my last to y' Honor Lieut Pomroy hath aquainted me that about thirty of Capt Kelloggs best soldiers offer to goe out this winter or rather early in the spring There hath likewise some of Deerfield men been with me to mani- fest their desire to go out with a small party in the spring and to ly on some Rivers in [ ] They say there are eight men at Deerfield some of which are men of Estate & have been prisoners with the Indians, and know there maners. They propose to add some from the lower towns but would not have their number exceed twenty. I am in a great measure a Stranger to the Business of the Com- missioners, and so incapable to Judge whither such Enterprises are consistant with there affairs or what the consequences of doing spoil on the enemy at this Juncture may be, but doe assure our people that in case we should be advised that a Truce should be agreed on then all designs against the Enemy must be laid aside. But if your Hon'' think it expedient, I think it probable that parties may be raised amongst us to go to the upper part of St. Francis river, where these Indians plant, or towards the head of Connecticut river, where the Indians hunt, or to the Amanoosuck, which emptieth into the Con- necticut River & is the Common road from St. Francis to Amascog- gin, & to the East Country, or to Grey Locks fort, and possibly to all of them, provided y° be allowed to assure the men of such en- couragment as they shall Judge reasonable, but they will be slow to go wholly on uncertainties, it will be needful that your mind be known as soon as may be, for it will soon be time to make canoes for such as go by water. Yesterday two of the Moheage Indians were with me, and say that most of their people are at Springfield and a little below Enfield they Suppose, to be here next week to take directions where they shall hunt. I suppose they may be allowed to hunt on Swift river, Ware river, Pequoquag & about Monadnock, but not to pass Contocook river eastward. I presume your Hon"' will advise the officers at Dun- stable and the other neighboring towns although I think their scouts seldom if ever goe so far westward. When I have opportunity I shall learn their disposition about going to war. I am y"' Hon" most hum*"' Ser^' John Stoddard. MARCHING ORDERS. 439 Joseph Lyman was paid thirty shillings to go post to Bos- ton with this and other letters. Dummer replies Feb. 8th. He agrees, — That to send any parties into the French Country at this juncture will very much hazzard the safety of our Commissioners. How- ever I have taken advice of His Maj" Council upon your proposal of sending twenty men of Deerfield and other Towns to waylay the In- dians, and they have voted the encouragment for that small party, viz, that they be allowed half a crown per Day each man (they to find themselves with provisions) during there being out upon actual service and for the time necessary for fitting themselves out and that they be entitled to the same Rewards for scalps & prisoners as the volunteers without pay provided you cannot agree with them at any Lower Rates, and I desire you would accordingly encourage there designe. But for any marches into the French Country we must not think of it Should likewise have Capt Kellogg's men that have offered them- selves sent out upon such service as you shall judge most promising of success. The Indians must not come hunting East of Ware & Swift rivers at present, for parties are out about Monadnock scout- ing, and can't get notice. The following is given as a specimen of the marching or- ders issued when scouting parties were sent into the woods. The place, the kind of service and time is usually carefully defined. This was made out in blank by Secretary Willard. S' these are to direct you forthwith to prepare for a march along Meremack River up to Winnepesaukee Ponds with the Company un- der your immediate Command including the men posted at Dracut together with the Comp of Capt Josiah Willard who is hereby ordered to attend your Directions m this Affair & proceed with you on the aforesaid march. Let him therefore be forthwith advertised hereof that he may have his Company in due Readiness You must give or- ders for the making five or six Canooes of white Pine for the more Convenient Conveyance of your Baggage & setting your People over & along the Rivers & Ponds Lett the said Canooes be so made as to be as little expensive to the Province as may be in w"*' you may direct to employe your sol- diers at cheapest rate you can. You must begin your March the 25'''' day of this month if the weather be favorable & the Rivers & Ponds be open enough for such an undertaking If otherwise as soon as you can with Convenience. You must scour all the Country adjoining to the River & the branches thereof Especially the small hunting & fish- ing Places of the Enemy in those parts, and always have a very care- ful & vigilent scout on each side the River for discovery: You must take the utmost care that your Marches be performed with the great- est Secrecy & Silence, w""" is absolutely necessary for your Success herin: It will be best for you to carry provisions for thirty or forty days if you have Opportunity of exchanging your men that are not on 440 FATHER RASLE'S WAR. all accents so fit for the service for such as are more capable & ef- fective you have my Leave & Order to make such exchanges from Time to Time as such Occasions shall offer which is agreable to my verbal Order to you formerly Probably this order was made out for Col. Tyng, but for some reason never issued. As should have been foreseen, the attempt to make a treaty of peace with the Eastern Indians in Canada came to naught. It was the settled policy- of the French to keep the Indians up to the fighting point as long as possible, and on his own ground, De Vaudreuil had every needed advantage. March i6th, the Commissioners held a conference with De Vaudreuil. To their demand of the restitution of the English prisoners taken by the Abenakis, he said he had no control over those in the hands of the Indians, but those ran- somed by the French should be given up. At another con- ference the next day, the Commissioners demanded that the supply of food, ammunition &c., to the Abenakis, should be stopped. The Governor replied, that what had been given them was only the annual present from the French King ; that the English were to blame if these things were used against them, as they had provoked the war. De Vaudreuil " is entirely governed by Pere La Chasse the chief of the Jes- uits." At another meeting on the i8th, the Commissioners asserted that the lands in dispute had been bought of the Abenakis, and showed deeds from the Indians. The reply was that the Abenakis did not acknowledge these deeds, and declared them forgeries. We told the Governor, they say, " We desire no grace or favor from him but Demand only Justice." If he would not favor a peaceful issue "he must be looked upon by God & man as the instigator of the war, which we could & did prove by his other letters & the hin- drance of Peace." His course is vacillating, " one today an- other tomorrow," don't know how things will come out. " But if the governor had that Stedynes & Sway he ought only to have we should have nothing to doubt." They doubtless give De Vaudreuil more credit for integrity than the result war- ranted. April 24th, the Commissioners met deputies of the Abena- kis at Montreal. De Vaudreuil says in a letter to France that he was " not in the humor to dispose the Abenakis to a AN ANCIENT BOUNDARY. 441 peace," and told them before they spoke to the English " that it was not enough to demand the demolition of the forts on their territory, or the restitution of their land and prisoners, but that the death of Father Rasle, and the burning of their church, ought to make them demand heavy indemnities, without which, they ought not to listen to any proposal for peace or a suspension of hostilities." It was in accordance with this advice that, at the meeting with the Commissioners, " the chiefs of the Abenakis spoke with such haughtiness and firmness to the English," says De Vaudreuil, " that so far from agreeing together on any point, they separated with dispositions very adverse to peace." The Abenakis claimed all the land so far west as the " River Gow- nitigon, otherwise called the Long River, [Connecticut] which was f ormeyly the boundary which separated the lands of the Iroquois from those of the Abenakis," but would give up all to one league west of the Saco. They also demanded suita- ble presents to atone for the death of Father Rasle and the destruction of their church. The English promised to report at Boston and the mission ended. The Commissioners left Canada, April 26th, N. S., and reached Albany, May ist, O. S., 1725. The action of De Vaudreuil was approved at home. He is told "nothing better can be done than foment this war." As we return to the events of 1725 it will appear that he was not negligent in that direction. Lieut. Timothy Childs' bill for a sick soldier at Mr. Wil- liams's : — Six Weeks attendance by Rev. John Williams' Maid, 4d, 014 4 pounds Sugar 4s, i Pt wine is, Spice of Sundry sorts, 2s, 070 Horse for messenger to Northfield, 13 miles, 022 Horse for messenger to Hatfield, 13 miles, 022 Horse for messenger to Northampton, 18 miles, 030 April 24, 1725. Allowed. March 20th, 1725, Schuyler writes Gov. Dummer that he has been sounding the St. Francis Indians, and that it ap- pears they intend to make peace with the English next June. Dummer writes Stoddard to " send a messenger to concil- iate Grey Lock, & to try to get him to come in, & assure him not only of safety & protection, but of kindness & good usage." April 19th, 1725, Capt. John Ashley writes from Westfield asking for six or eight men to guard the workmen in the 442 p-ATHER RASLE'S WAR. fields. He says, " We have no news from our Gent'" that are gone to Canada, neither from Capt Wells, neither from Al- bany, but only a gentleman sends to us to be careful as he expected the Indenss would be revenged on us for the In- den wee kiled of thars at my farme." By the following letter from Partridge to the Governor, April 2ist, 1725, it appears that there was so little expectation of peace in high quarters, that preparations were being made for another winter campaign. Partridge sent a list " of men that are ffixed with snow shoes & Mogesens on the west side of the river," there were thirty in Hatfield "under Sergt John Waite their leader ;" twenty in West Springfield "under Sergt Henry Rogers their Leader." He continues : — We hear nothing from o' Gentlemen that went to Canada, nor from Capt Wells & about 65 men that have been out one month or more I pray God we may heare good when it comes, the hand of God is much upon the several Towns upon o' River in Sore Sickness & many deaths. [In a postscript he adds,] Before sealing this Letf I perceive there is news from Canada & in this mynett I Rec'd yo'' Hon" Letf dated April 2 1725 & shall attend to yo'^ ord"'^ therein di- rected This news came in a letter from Capt. Ashley of Westfield. It had been sent him from Albany by Philip Schuyler, who had dispatches from the Commissioners in Canada. Philip Schuyler writing from Albany, April 8th, says, " Your gen- tlemen in Canada desired me to let you know that all the enemy Indians was out in order to invade your frontiers, & were gone before their arrival." This was as unexpected as startling. A meeting of the military officers was held at Hatfield and a post was sent Gov. Dummer with Ashley's letter and the dispatch from Canada. Stoddard writes by same post. He says : — April 21, 1724 Many of o'' Towns are in a poor Condition, as particularly West- field N"" Hampton Hatfield Sunderland and Hadly, having no sol- diers to scout or cover there laborers in there out Fields and in case we employ any men in such service the government refuses to pay them so that many of our people are in a fair way to be ruined, al- tho they escape the Enemy Col Partridge hath sent a copy of Capt Ashleys letter to Gov Talcott, but I dont expect any good effect of it. Sonle think it very strange that our Gentlemen [in Canada] should write only two letters one to y"' Hon'^ the other to Mr Schuyler un- less they are under some restraint We have not heard anything from Capt Wells. UNFORTUNATE ENDING OF WELLS'S SCOUT. 443 Three days later the result of his expedition and sad end- ing was known to Stoddard. March 9th, 1725, Capt. Thos. Wells of Deerfield led a scout- ing party of sixty-five men out towards the frontiers of Can- ada. They came back on the Connecticut river in canoes. April 24th, one of these, containing Lieut. Joseph Clesson, Samuel Harman, James Porter, Simeon Pomroy, Thomas Alexander and Noah Ashley, was upset in the rapids at the " French King," near the mouth of Millers river, and the three last named were drowned. The others reached land with great difficulty with the loss of all their arms and effects. The next news from the Commissioners is contained in the following letter to Dummer : — Albany April 27 1725 S'' The enclos'^ I rec'd to be forwarded to New Hampshire from Mr Atkinson who I expect here in 10 or j2 days from Canada w"" M"' Dudley. Col Thackster, Capt Kellogg & Jourdain remain at Can- ada sometime M' Vaudreuils Sonn goes to Boston w"" Col Dudley as a token of Peace this was the last agreement [between?] Vau- dreuil & y^ Boston gente as I am advised by my sonn who has been always present at all conferences, by a 1''^ of y" S"" Instant Pray forward the enclosed by the first opportunity as I was desired to do but not by express. In doing w"** you' oblige him who has wrote you in former times 50 L'"'' from Col. Schuyler my dead broth- er in law & who now is S'' at your Command & y"^^ very Humble Serv'. John Collins Excuse haste Partridge to Dummer, "Hatfield, 14 May 1725 * * * Although the River is pretty well guarded by the Fort & men at Nfd & Dfd, yet Sund Had Nh Hat Westf' Rutland & Brookfield are now more exposed" Thinks there is no pros- pect of peace, and all the people much exposed. It is hard to .spend so much time watching and scouting and " all with- out pay from the publique & carry on their Husbandry af- fairs, especially when they get there Bread with the perrill of there lives & now & then men snatched away by a Secret un- discoverable enemy til men are shott down." May 1st, Edward Allen petitions the General Court to be exempt from watching on account of infirmity, and says he is this day 62 years old, and has for forty-six years faithfully performed his duty in that service. May 22d, Sunderland feels the need of guards and peti- tions through the selectmen for help. They represent that, — 444 FATHER RASLE'S WAR. We being very [poor?] living altogether by husbandry, our lands not being thoroughly subdued & lying scattered & remote from one another, & compassed round on the wilderness side with thick swamps, fit receptacle for the enemy to hide & lurk in to our dam- age, hath occasioned our maintaining in the last year a considerable time a scout and guard of our own men at our own charge (as yet) for the covering our labors. Samuel Gunn, ) Isaac Hubbard, v Selectmen. Joseph Field, ) This season the agressive policy was settled upon by the authorities as the best protection for the frontiers. Dummer suggested to Capt. Benj. Wright to raise a company of vol- unteers to go against the Indian settlements in Canada. Wright replies, May 29th, — 1 am very willing to go & do what I can but y'= undertaking being so difficult & y" fitting out so chargable y' y" men cant possably go upon the encouragement but if there was suitable encouragement, no doubt y" men would go (but y^ unhappy loss of men by y" mis- management of y^ officers has very much dispirited people young & old) and it seems to me the most probable place to be obtained & the most serviceable when done is Massesquich, Grey Locks fort. Partridge writing the Governor the same day advises that Capt. Wright's party be " allowed double pay [5 s] if after 6 or 7 weeks they return with scalps." He fears the enemy are on our borders, and "parties of 30 or 40 go out together to their work." It was probably this caution that saved them from attack, and the planting season passed without molesta- tion. Meanwhile Wright's expedition was settled upon, and Kellogg at Northfield and Dwight at Dummer, were directed "to make up (by volunteers, or by impressment of good men,) his company to 60 or 70 men." The journal of the march is given entire as illustrating this kind of service at first hand. A large discount must be made of the estimated distance. It would be surprising if the miles did not seem very long to these tired men. Wright probably followed one of the usual paths of the enemy in coming against the river towns, and struck the lake at the mouth of French river, about seventy- five miles from the point of his destination. It will be seen that the home march was made with surprising celerity. No visible results followed this expedition beyond defining a line of march for future service. A true Journal of our March from N Field to Misixcouh bay under CAPT. BENJAMIN WRIGHT'S JOURNAL. 445 y'^ Command of Benj. Wright, captain, began July 27, Ano Dom, 1725- July 27. It rained in y" forenoon; about 2 o'clock in y" afternoon I set out from N Field; being fifty nine of us & we came y' night to Pumroys Island, 5 miles above Northfield. 28. We set off from Pumroys Island & came to Fort Dummer & there we mended our canoes & went y' night to Hawleys Island 5 miles above F'ort Dummer, in all 10 miles. 29. We departed from Hawleys Island & came to a meadow 2 miles short of y" Great Falls, 18 miles. 30. We set off from y° great meadow & came to y'' Great Falls & carried our canoes across & from there we went 10 miles. 31. From there we set off & came within 3 miles of Black river, 17 miles. August I. We came to y" 2d falls, 15 miles. 2. We set off from hence & came to the upper end of white riv- er falls 13 miles & ^. 3. From y' upper end of white river falls to paddle Island, 13 miles. 4. F'oul weather & we remained on paddle Island all Day. 5. from paddle Island we went up 13 miles & encamped. 6. from thence we came to the third meadow at Cowass, 20 miles y' day. 7. from thence we came to Wells river mouth, 15 miles. 8. We encamped here and hid our provisions & canoes, it being foul weather y' day. 9. foul weather in y" forenoon, in y'' afterpart of y" day we marched from the mouth of Wells river N. 5 miles. 10. This day we marched West & by North 10 miles. 11. We marched to y" upper end of y" 2d pond at the head of Wells river upon a N. W. course ten miles. About noon this day we came to y"^ first pond, 5 miles & then we turned round N. West & travelled 5 miles further in very bad woods. 12. We marched from y" upper end of y'= upper pond 3 miles in very bad woods & here encamped by reason of foul weather; here David Allen was taken sick. 13. We lay by to see if Allen would be able to travel. 14. We marched from y° upper end of y" 2d (?) pond W. by N. to French river 9 miles; we crossed y" French river & travelled i mile & J^ in all 10 miles & half. 15. Here we encamped all day by reason of foul weather; this day Clerk Hubbard being very lame was sent back & two men with him to the fort at the mouth of Wells river. 16. We marched from our camp 3 miles and came to a branch of y" French river; from thence we marched 6 miles & came to a bea- ver pond, out of which ran another Branch of said river; from thence we travelled 6 miles & came upon another Branch when we camped, our course being W. N. W. 15 17. We marched from said branch 13 miles & crossed a vast mountain & there we camped that night. 13 18. We marched from our camp a Little & came to a 4th branch of French river & we travelled down s'' branch 10 miles & then 446 FATHER RASLE'S WAR. Struck over y^ Mountain 6 miles further & then we camped; our course was W. N. W. 12 ig. We marched from thence W. N. W. to the top of a vast high mountain which we called Mount Discovery, where we had a fair prospect of y'' lake 4 miles; from whence we went down s* mountain 2 miles on a N. course & then travelled 6 miles N. W. on a brook; here arose a storm which caused us to take up our lodgings some- thing before night. 20. We followed said brook N. N. W. 9 miles & then y« brook turned N. & we travelled on it 9 miles further & y° brook increased to a considerable river. 18 21. We marched 6 miles N. & then came to where y" river em- tyed itself into another very large river coming out from y" east somewhat northerly; we travelled down said river W. 7 miles; then the river turned south & we marched 7 miles further & here we en- camped at y^ foot of y" falls. 20 22. Here we lay still by reason of rain. 23. Now I gave liberty to some y' they might return home by reason our provision was almost spent & there appeared 41. The Capt Lt & Ens with 12 men marched over y^ river at y'= foot of s* Falls & marched 6 miles S. S. W. & 3 miles W. & y" came to y^ Lake & marched 6 miles down upon y" Lake & this N. W. & y" N. W. end of y^ Lake or bay being at a great distance, & then we turiied homeward without making any discovery here of any enemy. 25. We set off from y'^ Lake to return home & came to y" mouth of Wells river in five days and a half; here we discovered 3 Indians who had waded over y' River just below y" fort which we took to be our own men by reason y' y^ two Indians which were with us & one man more set away early in the morning to hunt; but it proved upon examination that they were enemies, but it was too Late for they were moved off. 29. We set off from y" fort at y= mouth of Wells river & came to Northfield Sept. 2d at Night. I have given your Honors a true Journal of our marches & sub- mit y* whole to your Honors censure and am your Honors most humble & obedient Sev' to command. Benj. Wright. Sept. 4th, Wright transmits this journal to Gov. Dummer, — W'' will aquaint your Honour of w' happened in our journey & how far we went I humbly wait upon your Honours order whether to Dismiss my Company or to prepare for a March again & humbly pray your Honour to let me know your pleasure in this affair I shall speedily send a muster roll & humbly pray it might be made paya- ble to me for I have been at considerable charge to procure Canoes for them & other things w°'' I shall lose if y^ Muster Roll be not be made payable to me. I am your Honours Jn all Respects to Command Benj" Wright. Dummer replies Sept. 13th, 1725: — S' I rec'd your Letf of the 4"' Instant and sh* have been glad your muster Roll had been sent down, but lest your men sh'' want Money to fit them out for a Second March I have sent you Three THE GOVERNOR COMPLAINS. 447 Hundred Pounds by Mr Jo* Lyman which is about Half the wages due on the Roll. You must distribute it to your officers & men in due Proportion as Part of their Wages, that so they may be encour- aged to proceed with you again. I am sorry for your Mistake by which you mist those three Indians; I hope you will be more care- ful for the Time to come not to lose such advantage: & so the prin- cipal design off this [chargable?] March. Having fresh tidings of the Designs of y" Enemy, I now desire &