:rA- v CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY GIFT OF Susan H. Douglass Cornell University Library JK2312 1868 .C38 The Democratic speaker's liand-bool< olin 3 1924 030 483 535 DATE DUE '^'"ffilffil^ii 1 ]^yf^// riif! ***^^ ™***»BMl- ^^..^-^ * ^^ '"'^ y GAYLORD PRJNTEDINU.S.A. The original of tiiis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924030483535 THE DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK: CONTAmiNG EVERY THING NECESSARY FOR THE DEFENSE OF THE NATIONAL DEMOCRACY IN THE COMING PRESIDENTIAL CAM- PAIGN, AND FOR THE ASSAULT OF THE RADICAL ENEMIES OF THE COUNTRY AND ITS CONSTITUTION. COMPILED BY MATTHEW CAREY, Jr. "Can Buch things be, And overcome us like a sunioier's cloud, Without our special wonder!" CINCINNATI: MIAMI PRINT. AND PQB. COMPANY. 1868. Entered according to Act of Congress, in the _year 1868, by JIIAIII PKINTING AXD PUBLISHING CO., In the Clerk's office of the District Court of the United States, in and for the Southern District of Oliio. PEEEACE. The editor and compiler of this work, from his previous profes- sional occupation, was enabled to accumulate a vast amount of ma- terial, which, properly condensed and arranged, would be of service to Democratic speakers and editors, in the great National duty they are called upon to discharge to their country in the existing Presi- dential campaign. Wishing to contribute to the cause, which he believes to be the cause of good government, and the only hope for the restoration of a Constitutional Union, as much of personal service as he may be capable of rendering, he has prepared the book which follows with a view of facilitating the Democratic champions of the Constitution in the great work of defense and assault which is to distinguish them during this campaign, and which is to rescue the nation ftom the anarchy. of Radicalism, or consign it permanently to the disintegrating and destructive influ- ences of that revolutionary school. His great difficulty has been to condense a great deal into as little space as possible ; and while his book omits very much that he would like to embrace in it, in order to bring it within the space to which he is restricted, he believes it will serve, to a great extent, to relieve the use of the ponderous scrap-books and authorities which are so burdensome to the prose- cution of an active political campaign. The nomination of Horatio Seymour and Francis P. Blair, jr., by the National Democratic Convention, and the distinct and patri- otic platform upon which they were placed, gives assurance to the nation that the ancient Guard of the Constitution is still intact, and that, like the famous Guard of Napoleon, it "never surrenders." Should it triumph in this, the most critical hour of the nation's peril, a return of the Government to its natural and Constitutional motion will give repose to domestic strife, security to the individ- ual rights of the citizens, restored Constitutional governments to IV PREFACE. oppressed and proscribed States, and protection to each of the co- ordinate branches of the Government against the assaults of either or both of the others. It will reinvigorate and put in exercise the discarded checks and balances of the Constitution ; and, by making its administration in all of its departments to conform to the organic law, it will' re-elevate the nation to its former position of command- ing respect, and place it on the highway to still greater achievement than the most hopeful votaries of the system ever anticipated, or the most sanguine prophet stretched his vision to foresee. Should this result be the crowning compensation of the present Democratic effort, the contribution toward it, though small, of this endeavor to aid the champions of the public liberty in the fierce struggle for the right, will afford a sufficient satisfaction to the editor for the labor this work has cost. The arrangement of matter is not as perfect as was intended, owing to the delay in procuring and preparing portions of it after other parts referring to the same subject had necessarily been fur- nished to the printer — a difficulty inseparable from a work pre- pared, as this has been, in a great hurry, and under circiimstances of great embarrassment. The political classification of Congressmen on certain votes is according to their party associations at the time when they were called upon to act on the various questions. To the Democratic speakers and editors of the country the com- piler and editor dedicates his labors, because upon them depends the good work which is to produce the fruit of a restored Constitu- tion, on the first Tuesday after the first Monday in November next. THE DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAID-BOOK. OOKSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. Its Abnegation by Radicalism. We the People of the United States, in order to form a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure do- mestic Tranquillity, provide for the common defense, promote the gen- eral welfare, and secure the bless- ings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America.' ARTICLE I. Section 1. All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives. Sec. 2. The House of Representa- tives shall be composed of members chosen every second year by the people of the several States, and the electors in each State shall have the qualifica- tions requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State Legislature.^ No person shall be a Representa- tive who shall not have attained to the age of twenty-five years, and 1 The Preamble violated by tlie Radical party, in this : that the blessings of liberty are denied to the people of ten States, who, by act of Congress, are subjected to the government of Military despotisms, apd to the people of Ten- nessee, who, by an usurping Radical State Gov- ernment, erected upon the ruins of the legiti- mate Constitution of the State, and acting under the cover of an irregular bogus Consti- tution, have deprived a majority of the White people of their dearest franchises, and are im- been seven years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State in which he shall be chosen. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the sev- eral States which may be included within this Union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons. The actual enumeration shall be made within three years after the first meet- ing of the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent term of ten years, in such manner as they shall by law direct. The number of Representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand, but each State shall have at least one Repre- sentative; and until such enumeration shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall be entitled to choose three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations one, Connecticut five. New York six. New Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia posing upon them the most cruel and oppressive measures, pretending to be laws, and sustained by the United States Army, a partisan Militia, armed with Federal bayonets, and a ruling horde of illiterate and brutal negro suffragans. 2 This section violated inasmuch as the duly elected Representatives of ten States of the Union are arbitrarily excluded from their rightful seats by the Radical majority in tho House of Representatives, DEMOCKA'L'IC SPEAKER'S HAXD-BOOK. ten, North Carolina five, South Caro- lina five, and Georgia three.^ When vacancies happen in the representation from any State, the Ex- ecutive authority thereof shall issrfe writs of election to fill such vacan- cies.^ The House of Representatives shall choose their Speaker and other ofii- csrs ; and shall have the sole power of impeachment. Sec. 3. The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two Senators from each State, chosen by the Legislature thereof, for six years ; ami each Senator shall have one vote.' Immediately after they shall be assembled in consequence of the first election, they shall be divided as equally as may be into three classes. The seats of the Senators of the first- class shall be vacated at the expiration of the second year, of the second class at the expiration of the fourth year, and of the third class at the expiration of the sixth year ; so that one-third may be chosen every second year ; and if vacancies happen by resignation, or otherwise, during the recess of the Legislature of any State, the Execu- tive thereof may make temporary appointments until the next meeting of the Legislature, which shall then fill such vacancies.* No person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained to the age of thirty years, and been nine years a iThis section violated in this; tliat the direct tax on cotton was levied witliont reference to any such apportionment, and while ten States, whose product of cotton in 1S66 and 1867 was taxed, were denied their Constitulional repre- sentation in Congress, by the Radical majority in each branch of the same. In this; that no enumeration was had in the cotton-producing States in 1860, the end of the term of ten years, nor since ; and yet a direct tax on cotton was levied in the absence of the same. In this; that this clause especially provides for a repre- eentation in the United States House of Repre- sentatives from Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia, and yet a representa- tion from those States in said house is arbitra- rily excluded by the Radical majority in said House. citizen of the United States, and whc shall not, when elected, be an inhab- tant of that State for which he shall be chosen. The Vice-President of the United States shall be President of the Senate, but shall have no vote, unless they be equally divided. The Senate shall choose their other officers, and also a President pro tempore, in the absence of the Vice- President, or when he shall exercise the ofiice of President of the United States. The Sfrnate shall have the sole power to trj' all impeachments. When sitting for that purpose, they shall be on oath or affirmation. When the President of the United States is tried, the Chief Justice shall preside : And no person shall be convicted without the concurrence of two-thirds of the members present. Judgement in cases of impeach- ment shall not extend further than to removal from ofiice, and disqualifica- tion to hold and enjoy any office of honor, trust, or profit, under the United States ; but the party con- victed shall nevertheless be liable and subject to indictment, trial, judg- ment and punishment according to law. Sec. 4. The times, places . and manner of holding elections for Sena- tors and Representatives, shall be pre- scribed in each State by the Legisla- 2 This section violated in this; that vacancies existed in the repre.^entatiou of ten States; the elections to till w liich were held under writs issued by the Executives thereof, but tiie Representatives chosen were denied admi^^slon by the Radical majority in Congress. 3 This section violated in this: that Senators from ten States are denied their rightful sciits in the Senate by the Radical majority in that ' body, and laws are passed in the absence of those Senators violently excluded therefrom. * This section violated in this; that its rule of classification is defeated by the exclusion en- tirely from the Senate, by the Radical majority therein, of the Senators from ten States, pre- venting the choice of one-third of the Senators every two years. CONSTITUTION OF TUB UNITED -TAXES. ture thereof; but the Congress may at any time, by law, make or alter such regulations, except as to the places of choosing Senators. The Congress shall assemble at least onoe in every year, and such meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall by law appoint a different day. Sec. 5. Each House shall be the judge of the elections, returns and qualifications of its own members ; and a majority of each shall constitute a quorum to do business ; but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the attendance of absent members, in such manner and under such penalties as each House may provide.* Each House may determine the rule of its proceedings, punish its members for disorderly behavior, and, with the concurrence of two-thirds, expel a member.^ Each House shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and from time to time publish the same, excepting such parts as may in their judgment re- quire secresy ; and the yeas and nays of the members of either House, on any question, shall, at the desire of one-fifth of those present, be entered on the iournal. Neither House during the session of Conirress shall, without the consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other place than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting. Sec. 6. The Senators and Repre- sentatives shall receive a compensa- 1 This section violated in thia: that the Sen- ators and Representatives from ten States are excluded from each House by the Radical ma- jority therein, and a majority of the number chosen without counting them, assume to act as a quorum instead of a majority of the entire Dumber of the Senators and Representatives from all the States. ^Thia section violated in this: that members of both Houses are driven from or excluded from admission into the same, upon the fraudu- tion for their services, to be ascer- tained by law, and paid out of the Treasury of the United States. They shall in all cases except treason, felony, and breach of the peace, be privileged from arrest during their attendance at the session of their re- spective Houses, and in going to and returning from the same ; and for any speech or debate in either House, they shall not be questioned in any other place. No Senator or Representative shall, during the time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil ofiice under the authority of the United States, which shall have been created, or the emoluments whereof shall have been increased, during such time ; and no person holding any oflSce under the United States shall be a member of either House during his continuance in ofiice. Sec. 7. AH bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives; but the Senate may propose or concur with amendments, as on other bills. Every bill whitjh shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it become a law, be presented to the President of the United States ; if he approve, he shall sign it; but if not, he shall return it, with his objections, to that House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the objections at large on their journal, and proceed to recon- sider it. If, after such reconsidera- tion, two-thirds of that House shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, together with the objections, to the lent pretenses of contest or illegality of elec- tion, by a mere majority vote of said Houses; these pretenses being manufactured to avoid the necessity of a two-third vote under this section, not always so certain of attainment. See case of Mr. Stockton, Senator from New Jersey; Gen. Morgan, Representative from Ohio; and Messrs. Brown and Young, Represen- tatives from Kentucky. The two latter gentle- men were never admitted. Their exclusion was a negative violation of this clause /cow- ever. DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. other House, by which it shall like- wise be reconsidered, and if approved by two-thirds of that House, it shall become a law. But in all such cases the votes of both Houses shall be determined by yeas and nays, and the names of the persons voting for and against the bill shall be entered on the journal of each House respec- tively. If any bill shall not be re- turned by the President within ten day (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the same shall be a law in like manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress by their adjournment prevent its return, in which case it shall not be a law. Every order, resolution, or vote to which the concurrence of the Senate and House of Representatives may be necessary (except on a question of adjournment), shall be presented to the President of the United States ; and before the same shall take eifect, shall be approved by him, or being disapproved by him, shall be re-passed by two-thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, according to the rules and limitations prescribed in the case of a bill. Sec. 8. The Congress shall have power To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defense and general welfare of the United States ; but all duties, imposts, and excises, shall be uniform throughout the United States ; ^ To borrow money on the credit of the United States ; To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian tribes ; To establish an uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies, through- out the United States ; ' This seotion violated inasmucli as cotton, a product of but a section of the United States, was taxed in 1866 and 1867, which consequently could not have been uniform throughout the United States. To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin, and fix the standard of weights and measures; To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and cur- rent coin of the United States ; To establish post-offices and post roads ; To promote the progress of science and useful arts, by securing for lim- ited times to authors and inventors the exclusive right to their respective writings and discoveries ; To constitute tribunals inferior to the Supreme Court ; To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and ofi'enses against the law of na- tions ; To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules concerning captures on land and wa- ter ; To raise and support armies ; but no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a longer term than two years ; To provide and maintain a navy : To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces ; To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Un- ion, suppress insurrections and repel invasions ; To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the Uni- ted States, reserving to the states respectively the appointment of the officers and the authority of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress ; To exercise exclusive legislation, in all cases whatsoever, over such district (not exceeding ten ifiilea square), as may, by cession of partic- ular States and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of the Gov- ernment of the United States, and to exercise like authority over all places CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. purchased, by the consent of the legis- lature of the State in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dock-yards, and other needful buildings ; and To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this Constitution in the government of the United States, or in any Depart- ment or oflScer thereof. Sec. 9. The migration or importa- tion of such persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight, but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person. The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in. cases of rebellion or inva- sion the public safety may require it.' No bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed.^ No capitation, or other direct, tax shall be laid, unless in proportion to the census or enumeration hereinbe- fore directed to be taken.' No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any state.* No preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or reve- nue to the ports of one State over those of another : nor shall vessels bound to, or from, one State, be obliged 1 This section violated inasmuch as the writ 'of haheas corpus is arbitrarily suspended by the Military Commanders of ten States in this Union, acting under the authority of the Rad- ical Congress, and by Gen. G. H. Thomas, Military Commander of Tennessee and Ken- tucl;y, who asserts the right to seize a citizen ©f Tennessee at his home, drag him to Ken- tucky, and by a mere order confine him in a military dungeon. Vide case of Mr. Millilien, of Teilnessee; T. "W. Roberts, and other citi- zens of Eutaw, Greene county, Alabama; con- fined for a while in Tortugas; Col. W. H. Mc- Cardle, of the Vicksburg Times, and other cases too numerous to mention. 2 This section most flagrantly violated by the act wresting jurisdiction from the Su- to enter, clear, or pay duties in an- other. No money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in consequence of ap- propriations made by law ; and a regular statement and account of the receipts and expenditures of all pub- lic money shall be published from time to time. No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States : and no person holding any ofBce of profit or trust un- der them, shall, without the consent of the Congress, accept of any pres- ent, emolument, office, or title, of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign State.' Sec. 10. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation ; grant letters of marque and reprisal ; coin money, emit bills of credit, make anything but gold and silver coin a tender in the payment of debts, pass any bill of attainder, ex post facto law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts, or grant any title of nobility. No State shall, without the consent of the Congress, lay any imposts, or duties on imports or exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for executing its inspection laws : and the net produce of all duties and imposts, laid by any State on imports or exports, shall be for the use of the Treasury of the United States; and all such laws 'shall be subject to the revision and control of Congress. preme Court, in the McArdle case, when a de- cision, it was believed, was about to be made declaring the reconstruction acts unconstitu- tional. 3 This clause also violated by Cotton Tax. * This clause also violated by Cotton Tax. 5 This clause violated by Mr. Anson Bur- lingame, a High-priest of Radicalism, in this: that he accepted, without the consent of Con- gress, while holding the position of U. S. Min- ister to China, the place of Chief of the Chinese Embassy to the reigning powers of the world, and was received by the Radical Congress, whose consent he contemned, with the highest honors. 10 DEMOCRATIC ,,m-:ers iia^'d^book. No state shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any duty of tonnage, keep troops or ships of war in time of peace, enter into any agreement or compact with another State, or with a foreign power, or engage in war, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay. ARTICLE II. Sec. 1. The Executive power shall he vested in a President of the United States of America. He shall hold his ofBce during the term of four years, and, together with the Vice- President, chosen for the same term, be elected as follows : Each State shall appoint, in such manner as the legislature thereof may direct, a number of electors, equal to the -whole number of Senators and Representatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress ; but no Senator or Representative, or per- son holding an office of trust or profit under the United States, shall be ap- pointed an elector. [The electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by ballot for two persons, of whom one, at least, shall not be an inhabitant of the same State with themselves. And they shall make a list of all the persons voted for, and of the numbers of votes for each ; which list they shall sign and certif3^ and transmit sealed to the seat of the Government of the United States, directed to the President of the Sen- ate. The President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate ami House of Representatives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted. The person having the greatest number of votes shall be the President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of elec- tors appointed ; and if there be more than one who have such majority, and have an equal number of votes, then the House of Representatives shall immediately choose by ballot one of them for President ; and if no person have a majority, then from the five highest on the list the said House shall in like manner choose the Pres- ident. But in choosing the President, the votes shall be taken by States, the Reprerentation from each State hav- ing one vote ; a quorum for this pur- pose shall consist of a member or m-embers from two-thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States shall be necessary to a choice. In every case, after the choice of the President, the person having the greatest number of votes of the electors shall be the Vic>;- Prcsident. But if there should re- main two or more who have equal votes, the Senate shall choose from them by ballot the Vice-President.'] The Congress may determine the time of choosing the electors, and the day on Avhich they shall give their votes ; which day shall be the same throughout the UnitTed States. No person except a natural born citizen, or a citizen of the United States at the time of the adoption -of this Constitution, shall be eligible to the ofSce of President ; neither shall any person be eligible to that oflSce who shall not have attained to the age of thirty-five years, and been fourteen years a resident within the United States. In case of tlie removal of the President from ofSce, or of his death, resignation, or inability to discharge the powers and duties of the said oifice, the same shall devolve on the Vice-President, and the Congress may by law provide for the case of removal, death, resignation, or inabil- ity, both of the President and Vice- President, declaring what officer shall then act as President, and such ofiicer shall act accordingly, until the disa- bility be removed, or a President shall be elected. The President shall, at stated times, receive for his services a compensa- 1 This clause of the Constitution has been annulled. See ISth Article of the amendment. COXSTITU'l'IOX OF THE UNITED STATES 11 tion, which shall neither be increased nor diminished during the period for which he shiill have been elected, and he shall not receive within that period any other emolument from the United States, or any of them. Before he enter on the execution (if his office, he shall take the follow- ing oath or aflSrmation : " I do solemnly swear (or afiBrm) that I will faithfully execute the oflSce of President of the United States, and will, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Con- stitution of the United States." Sec. 2. The President shall be com- mander-in-chief of the army and navy of the United States and of the militia of the several States, when called into the actual service of the United Ptates; he may require the opinion in writing of the principal officer in each of the executive departments upon any subject relating to the duties of their respective offices ; and he shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons for offenses against the United States, except in cases of im- peachment.' He shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to make treaties, provided two-thirds of the Senators present concur ; and lie shall nominate, and by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, shall appoint ambassadors, other pub- lic ministers and consuls, judges of the Supreme Court, and all other officers of the United States, whose appoint- ments are not herein otherwise pro- vided for, and which shall be estab- ' This clause held in contempt by the Rad- ical majority in the House of Representatives, in passing a Supplementary Reconstruction Bill during the present session, seizing the right of assignment from tlie President in order to enable Gen. Grant to appoint supple Radical tools in command of the departments embracing the ten unrepresented States. Bill not acted on in Senate. Violated by section 2 of the Act of March H, 1867, requiring the President to send all orders to the army through Gen. Grant, and forbidding army officers from obeying his orders otherwise sent; also, fixing army head- quarters at Washington. lished by law. But the Congress may by law vest the appointment of such inferior officers a.^ they think proper in the President alone, in the courts of law, or in the heads of departments. The President shall have power to fill up all vacancies that may happen during the recess of the Senate, by granting commissions, which shall ex- pire at the end of their next session.^ Sec^ 3. He shall, from time to time, give to the Congress information of the state of the Union, and recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient ; he may, on extraordinary occasions, convene both Houses, or either of them ; and in case of disagreement between them, with respect to the time of adjournment, he may adjourn them to such time as he shall think proper ; he shall receive ambassadors and other public ministers ; he shall take care that the laws be faithfully exe- cuted; and shall commission all the officers of the United States. Sec. 4. The Piesident, Vice-Presi- dent, and all civil officers of the United States, shall be removed from office on impeachment for and conviction of treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors. A E T I C L E III. Sec. 1. The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one Supreme Court, and in such inferior courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain and establish. The judges, both of the Supreme and inferior courts, shall hold their offices during good behavior, and shall, at stated times, receive for their services a com- pensation, which shall not be dimin- ished during their continuance in of- fice. Sec. 2. The judicial power shall 2 This clause viohited by the Tenure of Of- fice Bill, und the President impeached by the Radical House of Representatives for exercising his authority under the same; thirty-seven Rad- ical Senators voting to convict him therefor and remove him from ofBce. 12 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. extend to all cases in law and equity arising under this Constitution, the laws of the United States, and treat- ies made, or which shall be made, under their authority; to all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers, and consuls ; to all cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdic- tion ; to controversies to which the United States shall be a party; to controversies between two or_ more States ; between a State and dtizens of another State ; between citizens of diflferent States ; between citizens of the same State claiming lands under grants of diiferent States ; and be- tween a State, or the citizens thereof, and foreign States, citizens, or sub- jects.^ In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers, and consuls, and those in which a State shall be party, the Supreme Court shall have original jurisdiction. In all the other cases before mentioned, the Supreme Court shall have appellate jurisdic- tion, both as to law and fact, with such exceptions, and under such regulations as the Congress shall make. The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury, and such trial shall be held in the State where the said crimes shall have been committed ; but when not committed within any State, the trial shall be at such place or places as Congress may by law have directed.^ 1 This clause attempted to be Tiolated by the Radical majority in the House of Represen- tatives, in passing a bill forbidding the Supreme Court to take cognizance of cases arising under the reconstruction legislation of Congress. Since violated by Congress snatching jurisdic- tion from the Supreme Court in the McArdle case. ''■ This clause violated by the manifold Mili- tary Commissions, which have sat on the liber- ties of citizens, and executed them without law or jury, and by the several IVlilitary commanders in the unrepresented States. ' This section violated by the arbitrary abne- gation of the legitimate State authorities of the South by the reconstruction legislation of Congress, which sets over them military rulers who set aside at their own caprice the public »ctfl, records, and judicial proceedings of the Sec. 3. Treason against the United States shall consist only in levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort. No person shall be convicted of treason, unless on the testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or on confession in open court. The Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of treason ; but no attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood or forfeiture, ex- cept during the life of the person at- tainted. ARTICLE IV. Sec. 1. Full faith and credit shall be given in each State to the public acts, records, and judicial proceedings of every other State. The Congress may, by general laws, prescribe the manner in which such acts, records, and proceedings shall be proved, and the effect thereof.^ Sec. 2. The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States.* A person charged in any State with treason, felony, or other crime, who shall flee from justice, and be found in another State, shall, on demand of the executive authority of the State from which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the State having jurisdiction of the crime.' No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, same, and interrupts the cognizance upon the part of the States of the public acts, records and judicial proceedings of each other. ' This clause violated by the recent act of Congress admitting Arkansas to representa- tion, and the recent Omnibus act, admitting certain other States to representation which ratify the constitutions of the bogus organiza- tion of said States, which require certain oaths to be taken as a necessary prerequisite to the enjoyment of certain privileges and immunities in those States ; and in other modes to be seen by an examination of the same : an incapacity to take the oath working this unconstitutional proscription. 5 This clause violated by the Radical State authorities of New York, who went into Louisi- CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 13 escaping into another, shall, in conse- quence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such ser- vice or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due. Sec. 3. New States may be admit- ted by the Congress into this Union ; but no new State shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other State ; nor any State be formed by the junction of two or more States, or parts of States, -without the consent of the Legislatures of the States con- cerned as well as of the Congress.' The Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the terri- tory or other property belonging to the United States, and nothing in this Constitution shall be so construed as to prejudice any claims of the United States, or of any particular State. Sec. 4. The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a republican form of government, and shall protect each of them against invasion; and on application of the Legislature, or of the Executive (when the Legislature can not be convened), against domestic violence.^ ARTICLE V. The Congress, whenever two-thirds of both Houses shall deem it neces- sary, shall propose amendments to this Constitution; or, on the applica- tion of the Legislatures of two-thirds of the several States, shall call a con- ana and seized a prisoner without a demand upon the Governor thereof, and spirited him away to New York in contempt of a writ of habeas corpvs and in defiance of the military interposition of Gen. Hancoclc. Violated also by the Radical Governor of Tennessee, who declines to respect any demand upon him from the Governor of any other State, when the criminal is what he calls a loyal citizen. 1 This section violated by the division of the Commonwealth of Virginia, by the Radical party in Congress, with the approval of Presi- dent Lincoln, cutting off from the same the State of West Virginia, without the consent of Vhginia vention for proposing amendments, which, in either case, shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of this Constitution, when ratified by the Legislatures of three-fourths of the several States, or by conventions in three-fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by the Congress ; provided that no amendment which may be made prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight shall in any manner affect the first and fourth clauses in the ninth section of the first Article; and that no State, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal suflFrage in the Senate. ARTICLE VI. All debts contracted and engage- ments entered into, before the adop- tion of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the United States under this Constitution, as under the Con- federation. This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof; and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land ; and the Judges in every State shall be bound thereby, anything in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding.^ The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the members of the several State Legislatures, and all executive and judicial oflBcers, both 2 This clause is violated in this, that the Radical Congress does not guarantee to Ten- nessee a Republican form of government, but permits it to be dominated over by a licentious and tyrannical oligarchy, and that it imposed upon ten States of the South a military des- potism. 3 This clause is violated by the Radical Con- gress, which openly and unblushingly legislates without reference to the existence of the Con- stitution, and in violation of its letter and spirit. It is no longer mentioned by them in argument or regarded in action. It is not named either in the platform at Chicago or in the letter of ac- ceptance either of Grant or Colfax. 14 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. of the United States and of the seve- ral States, shall be bound by oath or affirmation, to support this Constitu- tion; but no religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any office or public trust under the United States.' ARTICLE VII. The ratification of the conventions of nine States, shall be sufficient for the establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the same. Amendments. Art. 1. Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of re- ligion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech or of the press, or the right of tlie people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the gov-ernment for a re- dress of grievances.^ Art. 2. A well regulated militia be- ing necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed.' Art. 3. No soldier shall in time of peace be quartered in any house without the consent of the owner ; nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law.* 1 This clause violated in this : that Con- gress adds to the oath prescribed in it, certain tests, embraced in what is called the iron-clad oath, and requires parties eligible to the offices named, and who are able to take the oath pre- scribed in the Constitution, to subscribe to the extra constitutional oath, thus exclu-ding them from those offices by such indirect means, when incompetent or indisposed to take it. 2 This article is violated with impunity in ten States of the South. Witness the destruction in August, 1867, of the Constitutional Eagle, a Democratic paper, published at Camden, Ark., by a band of U. S. soldiers in command of an otlicer of the armies of the U. S., for strictures on the indecent exposure of their persons in the town by the soldiers afoi-esaid; the suppression by Gen. Grant, in 1866, of the Richmond En- quirer; the tlu-cat of Brig. -Gen. Sliepherd, commanding at Mobile, to the Editors of the Mobile Register and Advertiser; the arrest and imprisonment of Col. W. H. McArdle, Editor of the Vicksbur" Times; the arrest and impris- onment of the Editors of the Memphis Ava- lanche by a Radical Judge; the arrest of the Art. 4. The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, ■ papers, and effects, against unreason- able searches and seizures, shall not be violated ; and no warrants shall issue but upon probable cause, sup- ported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.^ Art. 5. No person shall be held to answer for a capital or otherwise in- - famous crime, unless on a present- ment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia when in actual service in time of war, or pub- lic danger; nor shall any person be subject for the same offense, to be put twice in jeopardy of life or limb ; nor shall be compelled, in any criminal case, to he witness against himself; nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use without just compensa- tion.'' Art. 6. In all criminal prosecu- tions, the accused shall enjoy the, right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and dis- trict wherein the crime shall have Editors of the Ledger, by the same ; and other cases too numerous to mention. 3 This article not regarded in the ten States of the South, the militia in the same being dis- banded, and the right to bear arms being taken away or given at the discretion of their military rulers. * This article, the violation of which no officer of the army of the U. S. will deny, be- cause the houses of citizens, for quarters of officers of all grades from General down, and for troops, were occupied to a great extent in the South, for a long time since the war, against the consent of, and in many instances without compensation to, the owners, and are to a much less extent so occupied now. 5 This article, now the subject of violation daily in all of the Military Districts of the South, more particularly in the command of Gen. Meade and that of the sub-commander of the State of Arkansas. « The next note applies as well to this article. CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him ; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor ; and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense.^ Art. 7. In suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved ; and no fact tried by jury shall be other- wise re- examined in any court of the United States than according to the rules of the common law.^ Art. 8. Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted.^ Art. 9. The enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.* Art. 10. The powers not delegn- ted to the United States by the Con- stitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.^ Art. 11. The judicial power of the United States shall not be construed to extend to any suit in law or equity commenced or prosecuted against one of the United States by citizens of another State, or by citizens or sub- jects of another State, or by citizens or subjects of any foreign State. Art. 12. The electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by 'This article, not regarded in the District of North and South Carolina, commanded by Gen, Canbj ; nor in that of Georgia, Florida and Alabuma, eommasnded by Gen. Meade; nor hi that of Mississippi and Arlcansas, lately put in command of Gen. McDowell. 2 This article, in the ten States of the South, and in Kentucky and Tennessee, in any case where a negro or a white loyalist (as a carpet- bagger is officially designated), is the plaintiff, and a white man is defendant, is set aside, and the authority of an officer of the Freedman's Bureau is supreme. The same where their positions are reversed. ballot for President and Vice-Presi- dent, one of whom, at least, shall not be an inhabitant of the same State with themselves ; they shall name in their ballots the person voted for as President, and in distinct ballots the person voted for as Vice President : and they shall make distinct lists of all persons voted for as President, and of all persons voted for as Vice-Presi- dent, and of the number of votes for each, which lists they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of government of the United States, directed to the President of the Senate : the President of the Sen- ate shall, in the presence of the Sen- ate and House of Representatives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted ; the person having the greatest number of votes for President shall be the President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed; and if no person have such a majority, then from the persons having the highest numbers, not exceeding three, on the list of those voted for as Pres- ident, the House of Representatives shall choose immediately by ballot the President. But in choosing the President, the votes shall be taken by States, the representation from each State having one vote ; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States shall be necessary to a choice. And if the House of Representatives shall not choose a President whenever the 3 This article utterly obsolete in the South- ern States. Look into the horrible prisons at Dry Tortugas, and reflect thatdrum-head Court Martials are in session all over the ten South- ern States, and continue to send citizens to it and other kindred prisons. * Congress exercises no respect for any enu- meration of rights, but claims unlimited powers, as is shown in previous notes and hereafter in this book, and utterly denies to the ten States of the South and the people thereof the rights reserved to them. ' This article is violated in the same manner as Article 9, and the same note applies to it 16 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. right of choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth day of March nsxt following, then the Vice-Presi- dent shall act as President, as in the case of the death or other constitu- tional disability of the President. The person having the greatest number of votes as Vice-President, shall be the Vice-President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed ; and if no person have a majority, then from the two highest numbers on the list, the Senate shall choose the Vice- President : a quorum for this purpose shall consist of two- thirds of the whole number of Senators, and a majority of the whole number shall be neces- sary to a choice. But no person constitutionally in- eligible to the office of President shall be eligible to that of Vice-President of the United States.' DBCLAEATION OF INDEPENDENOE, Its Vital Pkinciples Violated by the Radicals. When, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with an- other, and to assume, among the pow- ers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions 1 The notes to the Constitution, in so far as they refer to the existence of Military govern- ment in ten States of the South, were prepared preparatory to the admission to representation in Congress of some of those States under bogus constitutions, and with bogus Senators and Representatives. This does not change the force of the notes, for the Military power itself exercises a supervisory control, which amounts to as absolute a despotism as its exclusive sway. It is the more offensive since it becomes the means of giving violent support if necessary to the rotten boroughs which substitute the real States, and which are in the possession and under the government of a gang of vagrant Radicals. Gen. Grant's order to Gen. Mc- Dowell, directs him not to turn over the Gov- ernment of Arkansas absolutely; but "as rapidly as he deems it prudent." In other words, not to be in a hurry until after the Presi- dential election. of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to a separation. We hold these truths to be self- evident : that all men are created equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights ; that among these are life, lib- erty, and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights, govern- ments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed ; and that, whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute a new gov- ernment, laying its foundations on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to eiFect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that governments, long established, should not be changed for light and transient causes ; and, accordingly, all experience hath sho wn,that mankind are more disposed to suffer, vfhile evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolish- ing the forms to which they are accustomed. But, when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them under abso- lute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such govern- ment, and to provide new guards for their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of the colonies, and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former systems of government. The history of the present king of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having, in direct ob- ject, the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these States. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world : He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome and necessary for the public good. DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 17 He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operations till his assent should be obtained ; and, when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them. He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large dis- tricts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of repre- sentation in the legislature — a right inestimable to them, and formidable to tyrants only. He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomforta- ble, and distant from the depository of their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into com- pliance with his measures. He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people. He has refused, for a long time after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected; whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their exercise ; the State remain- ing, in the mean time, exposed to all the danger of invasion from without, and convulsions within. He has endeavored to prevent the population of these States ; for that purpose, obstructing the laws for nat- uralization of foreigners, refusing to pass others to encourage their migra- tion hither, and raising the conditions of new appropriations of lands. He has obstructed the administra- tion of justice, by refusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers. He has made judges dependent on iiis will alone for the tenure of their offices and the amount and payment of their salaries. He has erected a multitude of new ofiices, and sent hither swarms of offi- cers to harass our people, and eat out their substance. 2 He has kept among us, in time of peace, standing armies, without the c.onsent of our legislature. He has affected to render the mili- tary independent of, and superior to the civil power. He has combined, with others, to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our Constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws ; giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation : For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us : For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment for any mur- ders which they should commit on the inhabitants of these States : For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world: For imposing taxes on us without our consent : For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury : For transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended offenses : For abolishing the free system of En- glish laws in a neighboring province, establishing therein an arbitrary gov- ernment, and enlarging its boundaries so as to render it at once an example anfl fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these colonies : For taking away our charters, abol- ishing our most valuable ' laws, and altering, fundamentally, the powers of our governments : For suspending our own legisla- tures, and declaring themselves invest- ed with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever. He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of his protection, and waging war against us. He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns, and de- stroyed the lives our people. He is, at this time, transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to complete the works of death, deso- lation, and tyranny, already begun, with circumstances of cruelty and perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most 18 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the head of a civilized nation. He has constrained our fellow-citi- zens, taken captive on the high seas, to bear arms against their country, to become the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall them- selves by their hands. He has excited domestic insurrec- tions among us, and has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, and conditions. In every stage of these oppressions, we have petitioned for redress in the most humble terms. Our repeated petitions have only been answered by repeated injuries. A prince, whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people. Nor have we been wanting in at- tention to our British brethren. We have warned them, from time to time, of attempts by their legislature, to extend an unwarrantable jurisdic- tion over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of pur emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have con- jured them, by the ties of our common kindred, to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably interrupt our connexions and correspondence. They, too, have been deaf to the voice of justice and consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity which denounces our separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind — enemies in war ; in peace, friends. We, therefore, the Representatives of the United States of America, in General Congress assembled, appeal- ing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our inten- tions, do, in the name and by the authority of the good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare that these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independ- ent States ; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all political connexion be- tween them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved; and that, as free and inde- pendent States, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and do all other acts and things which inde- pendent States may of right do. And, for the support of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor. Indorsement of tlie foregoing by the Eadioal Na- tional Convention! Resolved, That we recognize the great principle laid down in the Declaration of Independence as the true platform of demo- cratic Government, and we hail with glad- ness every effort toward making these prin- ciples a living reality on every inch of American soil. — Chicago Platform. Tte Indorsement a Swindle. This Declaration of Independence it will be seen by reference to the Chicago Platform, was affirmed by the Radical Convention, while all al- lusion to the Constitution was pre- termitted. The Albany Argus shows up the Radical violation also of the Declaration of Independence. Says the Argus : Who can deny that this indictment against George the Third does not apply to Con- grct.s? It sounds as though it was es- pecially written to meet the usurpation of the men at Washington. A miscalled Republican Congress has been guilty of acts of tyranny which render them unfit to rule a free people. They have dissolve.! representative govern- ments of States in times of peace. They have annulled ^tate Governments, and refusod to receive representatives elected to that body. They have overthrown tribunals estab- lished by the people, and erected military tribunals in their stead. They keep laige standing armies to eat VIOLATION OF THE CONSTITUTION. 19 out the substance of the people, and to resist and defeat tlie popular will. They have annulled the right of trial by jury ill lea States, and substituted martial- law in its place. They have declared the military to be Hiipei-ior to the civil power, and stigmatize all as " disloyal" who resist such a usurpa- ti(in of power. They have suspended Legislatures in ten Slates, and assume to legislate for the peo- ple.^ 'J'liey have removed Governors of States iiy military edicts, because they would not violate the oaths they had taken to support the Constitution. And worse than all, they made a military dictator superior to 'the President, usurped llie powers of the Supreme Court, and de- clare themselves the government independ- ent of the State, and ''outside of the Con- stitution " A Congress '' whose character is thus marked by every act wliich may de- fine a tyrant, is unfit to rule a free pople." Senator Saulsbury grapljically por- trays the violation by the Radicals of both the Constitution and Declara- tion of Independence. Tlie Republican party waged three wars at one and the same time. A war against the Soutliern States, a war against their political opponents, and a war against the Constitution of the United States. In the prosecution of these wars they were guilty of almost every offense for the commission of which our fathers declared their independ- ence of the British Crown and made war to secure that independence. I will say noth- ing of their action in respect to the people of the South. Against those who adhered to the Union, and who were much more de- voted to the Constitution and Government of the United States than they were them- selves, they were guilty of the following offenses charged in the Declaration of In dependence: 1st. They dissolved Legislatures for oppos- ing with manly firmness their invasions on the rights of the people. 2d. They obstruct ed the administration of justice by imprison- ing .ludges and officers of the law. 3d. They attempted to make Judges dependenton their will alone for the tenure of their offices and the payment of their salaries. 4th, They erected a multitude of new offices and sent among them swarms of officers to harass the people and eat out their substance. 5th. 'J'hey kept among the people, who were at peace among themselves, standing armies, without the consent of their Legislature. 6th. They rendered the military independ- ent of and superior to the' civil power. 7th. They subjected the people to a juris- diction foreign to their Constitution and unacknowledged by their law. 8th. They quartered large bodies of armed troops among them. 9th. They protected officers and troops from punishment for marder and other crimes committed by tliem. 10th. They cut off the trade of the people among themselves and with other parts of the world. Ilth. They deprived the people in many cases of the benefits of the trial by jury. 12th. Without authority of law thei'r President exercised the following powers which belong exclusively to Congress, and was thereby guilty of usurpation, which usurpation was approved by the Republi- can party, and thus it became their act: 1, he increased the army; 2, he increased the navy; 3, he appropriated the public money; 4, he regulated commerce with foreign na- tions; 5, he regulated commerce between the States; 6, he contracted debt on behalf of the nation; 7, he suspended the writ of habeas corpus. 13th. The following powers, denied both to Congress and the President, their President exercised, which exercise of unauthorized power they approved, and thereby are guilty as a party of the usurpa- tion themselves: 1, he proclaimed martial- law; 2, he arrested without legal warrant; 3, imprisoned and punished without con- viction and legal trial ; 4, punished under ex post facto or non-existing law; 5, introduced tettres de cachet, bastiles, and the midnight secret proceedings of the Inquisition ; 6, in- terdicted reports; 7, favored some ports to the prejudice of others; 8, regulated the commerce of a State within its own bounds ; 9, impaired tlie freedom of speech and of the press; 10, infringed the people's right to keep and bear arms ; 11, made unreasonable searches and seizures; 12, prohibited emi- gration and required passports; 13, dismissed the police of cities in States not proclaimed in insurrection, and appointed others in their place; 14, interfered by the military force with the freedom of elections in the Slates; 15, took private property for public use without just compensation. 14th. This party has conferred the elective franchise upon the negro in the District of Columbia against the will of the people. 15th. They have placed Governors over the people against their will and in violation of their laws, by military force. 16tli. They have caused pretended Legislatures to be elected in the States against the will of the people in the same manner and by the same em- ployment of the same means. 17th. They have by the same means appointed pre- tended conventions to form and revise the Constitutions of the States. 18th. They have forced illegal State Constitutions upon the people against their wills. 19th. They have appropriated money out of the public Treasury ; for the support of negroes living in 20 DEMOCEATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. idleness, and have levied taxes upon tiie white citizens for that purpose. 20th. They liave attempted to deprive the people of the States of the power to determine evidence and regulate the judicial proceedings of their own courts, in violation of their laws and Constitutions. 21st They have deprived the State courts of the jurisdiction to hear and determine questions relating to the 1 ights of persons, liberty, and property within the State, and to pass and determine upon the guilt or innocence of those accused ot crimes committed within the State. 22d. 'J'liey have authorized the arrest and punish- ment of Judges for deciding questions of law against their enactment. 2ud. They have annulled the Constitutional authority and prerogatives of the Executive of the United States. 24th. They have banished the citizens from family and home without trial. 25th. They have violated every one of the twelve amendments to the Constitution de- signed to protect the people in the enjoy- ment of their rights of persons, liberty, and property. 26th. They have sacrificed the lives of half a million men in a war which they might easily have averted, and have burdened the industry of the people by the creation of a debt amounting to billions of dollars. " And now there was no foe in arms T' unite tlieir factions with alarms, But all reduced and overcome, Except their worst, themselves, at home, Who'd compass'd all they pray'd and swore And fought and preach'd and plunder'd for; Subdued the nation, church, and state. And all things but their laws and hate. But when they came to treat and transact, And share the spoil of all they'd ransack'd To botch up all they'd torn and rent. Religion and the Government, They met no sooner, but prepared To pull down all the war had spared. Agreed in nothing but t' abolish, Subvert, extirpate, and demolish. And all conjoined to do their best To damn the public interest." And yet, Mr. President, this Republican party, with this record, instead of calling upon the rocks and mountains to hide them from the face of an outraged and indignant people, coolly charge the members of the Domooratic party with being disloyal and with being unfaithful to the Constitution and law8 of their country. shame, where is thy blush I Badical Flatfoim. Not a Word in it About the Consti- tution. The following is the Platform adop- ted by the Republican National Con- vention recently in session in Chicago : The National Union Republican party of the United States, assembled in Na- tional Convention in the city of Chicago, on the 20th day of May, 1868, make the following declaration of principles : 1. "We congratulate the country on the assured success of the reconstruction pol- icy of Congress as evidenced by the adop- tion, in a majority of the States lately in rebellion, of Constitutions securing equal civil and political rights to all, and re- gard it as the duty of the Government to sustain those Constitutions and prevent the people of such States from being re- mitted to a state of anarchy or military rule. 2. The guarantee by Congress of equal suffrage to all loyal men in the South was demanded by every consideration of public safety, of gratitude and of justice, and must be maintained while the ques- tion of suffrage in all the loyal States, properly belongs to the people of those States. 3. We denounce all forms of repudia- tion as a national crime, and national honor requires the payment of the public indebtedness in the utmost good faith to our creditors at home and abroad, not only according to the letter, but the spirit of the laws under which it was con- tracted. 4. It i§ due to the labor of the nation that taxation should be equalized and reduced as rapidly as national faith will permit. ^ 5. The national debt, contracted as it has been, for the preservation of the Union for all time to come, should be extended over a fair period for redemp- tion, and it is the duty of Congress to reduce the rate of interest thereon when- ever it can honestly be done. — - 6. That the best policy to diminish our burden of debt is to improve our credit, that capitalists will seek to lend us money at lower rates of interest than wo now pay, and must continue to pay so long as repudiation, partial or total, open or covert, is threatened or suspected. 7. The Government of the United States should be administered with the strictest economy. The corruptions which have been so shamefully nursed and fostered by Andrew Johnson, call loudly for radical reform. 8. We profoundly deplore the un- GRANT'S LETTER OF ACCEPTANCE. 21 timely and tragic deatli of Abraham Lincoln, and regret the accession of An- drew Johnson to the Presidency, who has acted treacherously to the people who elected him and the cause he was pledged to support ; has usurped high legislative and judicial functions ; has refused to execute the laws ; has used his high office to induce other officers to violate the laws ; has employed his ex- ecutive power to render insecure the lives, property, peace, and liberty of the citi- zens ; has abused the pardoning power ; has denounced the National Legislature as unconstitutional ; has persistently and habitually resisted, by every means in his power, every proper attempt at the reconstruction of the States lately in re- bellion ; has perverted the public patron- age into an engine of wholesale corrup- tion, and has been justly impeached for high crimes and misdemeanors, and prop- erly pronounced guilty thereof by the votes of thirty-five Senators. 9. The doctrine of Great Britain, and other European powers, that because a man is once a subject he is always so, must be resisted at every hazard by the United States as a relic of the feudal times, not authorized by the law of na- tions, and at war with our national honor and independence. Naturalized citizens are entitled to be protected in all their rights of citizenship as though they were native-born. No citizen of the United States, native or naturalized, must be li- able to arrest or imprisonment by any foreign power, for acts done or words spoken in this country ; and, if so arrested and imprisoned, it is the duty of the Government to interfere in his behalf. 10. Of all who were faithful in the trials of the late war, there were none en- titled to more especial honor than the brave soldiers and seamen who endured the hardships of the camp and cruise, and imperiled their lives in the service of the country. The bounties and pen- sions appropriated by law for these brave defenders of the Union are obligations never to be forgotten. The widows and orphans of the gallant dead are the wards of the people — a sacred legacy be- queathed to the United States' protecting care. 11. Foreign emigration, which in the past has added so much to the wealth and increased the resources of this na- tion — the asylum of all nations — should be fostered by a liberal and just policy. 12. This Convention declares its sym- pathy with all oppressed people who arc struggling for their rights. Resolved, That we recognize the great principles laid down in the Declaration of Independence as the true platform of democratic government, and we hail with gladness every effort toward making these principles a living reality on every inch of American soil. Resolved, That we highly commend the spirit of magnanimity and forgive- ness with which men who have served in the rebellion have now frankly and honestly co-operated with us in restor- ing the peace of the country, and are reconstructed. They are received back into the Union of the loyal people. We favor the removal of the restrictions im- posed upon the late rebels as soon as the spirit of rebellion has died out. &en6ial Grant's Letter of Acoeptanoe. The following is General Grant's reply to the nomination of the Chi- caffo Convention : o Washinotox, May 29, 1808. To- General Joseph R. Ilawley, President National Union Republican Convention: In formally accepting the nomination of the National Union Republican Convention of the 21st of May instant, it seems proper that some statement of views beyond thf mere acceptance of the nomination should be expressed. The proceedings of the t'on- vention were marked vfith wisdom, modera- tion, and patriotism, and, I believe, express the feelings of the great mass of ihose wlio sustained the country through its recent tri- als. I indorse the resolutions. If elected to the office of President of the United Slates, it will be my endeavor to administer all tlie laws in good failli, with economy, and with the view of giving peace, quiet, and proteo tion ever) where. In times like tlie present it is impossible, or at least eminently im- proper, to lay down a policy to be adhered to, right or wrong, through an administra- tion of four years. New political issues, not foreseen, are. constantly arising; the views of the public on old ones are constantly changing, and a purely administrative offi- cer should always be left free to execute the will of the people. I always have respected that will, and always shall. Peace, and DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOE. universal prosperity, its sequence, with econ- omy of administration, will lighten the bur- den of taxation, while it constantly reduces the national debt. Let us have peace. With great respect, your obedient servant, U. S. GRANT. He does not mention the Constitu- tion once. Speaker Colfax's Letter of Acceptance. The following is the reply of Speaker Colfax to the Committee announcing his nomination by the Chicago Convention: Washington, May 30, 1808. Hon. J. It. Hawley, President of the National Union Sepublican Convention : Drar Sik: The platform adopted by that patriotic convention over whicli you pre- sided, and the resolutions which so happily supplement it, so naturally agree with my views as to a just national policy, that my thanks are due to the delegates as nuich for this clear and auspicious declaration of prin- ciples, as for the nomination with which I have been honored and which 1 gratefully accept. When a great rebellion, which im- periled the national existence was at last overthrown, the duty, of all others, devolv- ing on those intrusted with the responsibili- ties of legislation, evidently was to require that the revolted States should be readmit ted to participation in the Government against which they had erred, only on such a basis as to increase and fortily, not to weaken or endanger, the strength and power of the nation. Certainly no one ought to have claimed that they should be' readmit- ted under such rule that their organization as States could ever again be used, as at the opeTiing of the war, to defy the national au- thority or to destroy the national unity. 'J'his principle has been the pole-star of those who have inflexibly insisted on the Ctmgres- sional policy your convention so cordially indorsed. Baffled by executive opposition, and by persistent refusals to accept any plan of reconstruction proffered by Congress, jus- tice and public safety at last combined to teach us that only by an enlargement of suffrage in those States could the desired end be attained, and that it was even more safe to give the ballot to those who loved the Union than to those who had sought ineffectually to destroy it. The assured suc- cess of this legislation is being written on the adamant of history, and will be our tri- umphant vindication. More clearly, too, than ever before, does the nation now recog nize that the greatest glory of a republic is, that it throws the shield of its protection over the humblest and weakest of its people, and vindicates the rights of the poor and tlie powerless as faithfully as those of the rich and the powerful. I rejoice, too, in this connection, to find in your platform the frank and fearless avowal that naturalized citizens must be protected abroad, at every hazard, as though they were native-born. Our whole people are foreigners, or des<'end- ants of foreigners ; our fathers established by arms their right to be called a nation. It remains for us to establish the right to welcome to our shores all who are willing, by oaths of allegiance, to become American citizens. Perpetual allegiance, as claimed abroad, is only another name tor perpetual bondage, and would make all slaves to the soil where first they saw the light. Our national cemeteries prove how faithfully these oaths of fidelity to their adopted land have been sealed in the life-blood of thou- sands upon thousands. Should we not then be faithless to the dead if we did not pro- tect their living brethren in the full enjoy- ment of that nationality for which, side by side with the native-born, our soldiers of for- eign birth laid down their lives? It was fitting, too, that the representatives of a party which had proved so tru€ to national duty in time of war, should speak so clearly in time of peace for the maintenance, untar- nished, of the national honor, national credit, and good faith as regards its debt, the cost of our national existence. I do not need to extend this reply by further comment on a platform which has elicited such hearty ap- proval throughout the land. The debt of gratitude it acknowledges to the brave men who saved the Union from destruction, the' frank approval of amnesty based on repent- ance and loyalty, the demand for the most thorough economy and honesty in the Gov- ernment, the sympathy of the party of lib- erty with all throughout the world who long for the liberty we fiere enjoy, and the recog- nition of the sublime principles of the De- claration of Independence, are worthy of the organization on whose banners they are to be written in the coming contest. Its past record can not be blotted out or forgot- ten. If there had been no Republican party, slavery would to-day cast its baneful shadow over the republic. If there had been no Re- publican party, a free press and free speech would be as unknown, from the Potomac to the Rio Grande, as ten years ago. If the Republican party could have been stricken from existence when the banner of rebellion was unfurled, and when the response of " No coercion ! " was heard at the North, we would have had no nation lo-day. But for the Republican party daring to risk the odium of tax and draft laws, our flag could not have been kept flying in the field untii the long hoped for victory came. Without GENERAL GRA:NrS EECORD. 23 a Kepublican party the Civil Rights bill — the guarantee of equality under the law to the liumble and the del'enseleas, as well as to the strong — would not be to-day upon our national statute-book. With such inspira tion from the past, and following the example of the founders of the republic, who called tlie victorious General of the Revolution to preside over the land his triumphs had saved from its enemies, J can not doubt that our lahors will be a success that shall bring re- stored hope, confidence, prosperity, and pro- gress, riouth as well as North, West as well as Eapt, and, above all, the blessings under Providence of national concord and peace. Very truly yours, SCHUYLER COLFAX. The Constitution has become of go little concern in Radical eyes that even the Sophomore Colfax fails to reverence it with a mention. General Grant's Eeoord. REGULATONS IN EELATION TO NEGROES. HEAjiQUAiti'KRa Dki'aetment op he Tknnkssee, ■) Corinth, Miss., August 11, 1862. / * * OfBcers and soldiers are positively prohibited from enticing slaves to leave their masters. * * It is enjoined on all com- manders to see that this order is executed strictly under their own direction. By com- mand of U. S. GRANT, Major-Geueral. [From the WorlJ, July 28, 18C3.] grant's politics — HE VOTED FOR DOUGLAS. Tlie Galena (111.) Advertiser settles the vexed question as to Gen. Grant's political status. While in the army he never voted, but after he settled in Galena he declared himself a Democrat, and voted in 1860 for Stephen A. Douglas for President. It should be understood that it requires a good dfal of moral courage for a business man in Northern Illinois to acknowledge himself a Democrat. That section of the country is more intensely and bigotedly Abolition than even Massachusetts or the Western Reserve. ON IOWA SOLDIERS VOTING. Headquahtehs Department of the Tennfbsee, 1 ViOKsBuRG, Alisfi., August 4, 1863. J L. G. Byington, Esq.; Si] — Your letter of the 6th of July, ask- ing if citizens of the State of Iowa will be allowed to visit this army and distribute ticUetswhen the election is held for soldiers to vote, etc., is just received. In reply 1 will .state that loyal citizens of Northern States will be allowed to visit the troops from their States at any time. Electioneering, or any I ! other course calculated to arouse discordant \ feelings, will be prohibited. The volunteer soldiers of the army will be allowed to hold an election, if the law gives them the right to vote, and no power shall prevent them from voting the ticket of their choice. I have the honor to be, very respeolfullv, your obedient servant. U. S. GRANT, Major-General. HE WAS "never an ANTI-SLAVERY MAN." Senator Wilson, in a speech before the American. Anti-Slavery Society, in Decem- ber, 1863, quoted the following extract from a letter written by Gen. Grant to Hon. E. B. Washburne : I have never been an anti-slavery man, but I try to judge justly of what I see. I made up my mind when this war commenced that the North and South could only live together in peace as one nation, and they could only be one nation by being a free nation. Slavery, the corner-stone of the so-called Confederacy, is knocked out, and it will take more men to keep black men slaves than to put down the rebellion. Much as I desire peace, I am opposed to any peace until the question of slavery is forever set- tled. TERMS OF GEN, LEe's SURRENDER. Appomattox Cocet House, April 9, 18C5. Gen. K. B. Lee, Commanding C. S. A. * * * The officers to give their indi- vidual paroles not to take arms against the Government of the United States until properly exchanged, and each company or regimental commander sign a like parole for the men of their commands. * * * 'fhis done, each officer and man will be al- lowed to return to their homes, not to he dis- turbed by the United States authority so lovg as they observe their parole and the laws in force where they reside. Very respectfully, ■ U. S. GRANT, Lieut-Gen [The Southern armies subsequently sur- rendered in substantially the same terms.] HE IMPLORES PAKDON FOR GCN. LEE AND QBX. PICKETT. Richmond, Va., June 13, 18G,5. Lee, Gen. R. B. — For benefit and full restoration to all rights and privileges ex- tended to those included in amnesty proc- lamation of the President of 20th AJay, 1865. Headquaeteks ARMy OF THE U. S. 1^ Juno 10, 181,5. J Respectfully forwarded through the Sec- retary of War to the President, with earnest recommendation that the application of Gen. Robert E. Lee for amnesty and pardon may be grunted Imn. The oath of allegiance required by the 24 UEMOCEATIG SPEAKER'S KA^'D-BOOK. recent order of the President to accompany application, does not accompany this, (or the reason, as I am intormed by General Ord, the order requiring it had not reached Kichmond wljen tliis was forwarded. U. S. GKANX, Lieut.-General. Headqnarlers Armies of the United States, July IS, 1867. Official copy : GEO. K. LEET, Ass't Adj. Gen. EiCHMOND, Va., Jupe 13, 1R05. Lee, Generai, Egbert E. — Understanding that he and other officers are to he indicted by grand jury at Norfolk, Virginia, states hisreadiness to be brought to trial, but had supposed tlie terms of his surrender pro- tected him ; therelbre prays, etc. Headquarteks Ahht v. S., June 16, 18C5. In my opinion, the officers and men pa- roled at the Appomattox Court House, and since, upon the same terms given to Lee, can not be tried ibr treason so long as they observe the terms of their parole. This is my understanding. Good faith, as well as true policy, dictates that we should observe the conditions of that convention. Bad faith on the part of the Government, or a construction of that convention subjecting officers to trial for treason, would produce a feeling of insecurity in the minds of all the paroled ofhcers and men. If so dis- posed they might even regard such an in- fraction of terms by the Government as an entire release from all obligations on their part I will state, further, that the terjns granted by me met with the hearty approval of the President at the time, and of the people generally. 'J'he action of Judge Un- derwood, in jSJorfolk, has had an injurious effect, and I would ask that he be ordered to quash all indictments Ibund against pris- oners of war, and to desist from further prosecution of them. U. S. GKA^'T, LieuL-General. Headquarters Armies of the United States, July 18, 1867. Official copy: GEO. K. LEET, Ass't Adj. Gen. [Cipher.] HEADftUAKTElie AllMY UNITED STATES, ") WAhUiNQTON, May ti, 18(j5. J Maj. Gen. Halleck, Richmond, Virginia. Since receipt of your dispatch ol' 3d, I think it will be advisable to leave Ilnntrr alone for the present. Although it uould meet with opposition in the Nortli to allow Lee the benefit of amnesty, I think it wuiild have the best possible ejfecl toward resto7iiiy :/ui>d feeling and peace in the Houih to hive l,iiii come in. All the people, except a few political leaders in the South, will accent Headquautems Army United States, ) March 16, ISOD. whatever lie does as right, and will be guided to a great extent by his example. Headquarters Armies United States, July 18, 1867. Official copy: GEO. K LEET, Ass't Adj. Gen. Washikgton, D. C, March 12, 1865, Pickett, Gen. Geo. E. — Presents liistory of his case, refers to surrender and agree- ment of April 9, 1865, and asks for pro- tection from prosecution for treason. 'ATES, ) J01>. j Respectfully forwarded to his Excellency, the President of the United States, with the recommendation that clemency be extended in this case, or assurance given that no trial will talie place for the ofl'enae charged against George E. Pickett. HIS OPINION ON NEGEO SUPFEAGE. [E.xtract from Senator Doolittle's speech at Milwau- kee, October '1, Iblio.] The other day, when Gen. Grant was here, spending several hours with him in free conversation upon this subject, among others, he expressed to me the same opin- ion. Said 1, "General Grant, I never quote private conversation without express per- mission. Am 1 permitted to state what you now state to me?" Said he, "Certainly, there is no concealment on my part." And he stated to me in the conversation that a considerable portion of the troubles between the whites and the blacks that had already occurred, wa.s in consequence of the unwise attempt to lorce negro suffrage in tiiose States. He said furtlier, that if the Federal Government were to attempt to do it and enforce it, it would undoubtedly produce war between the two races there. SEN. GRANT ON AKBITKAKY ARKESTS. [Cincinnati Telegram (Oct. 3, 1867,) to the Chicag') Times. 'There was much excitement in Newport, yesterday, at the arrest of Rev. L. D. Hus- ton. * * * Cien. Grant immediately telegraphed Gen. Palmer, at Louisville, di- recting the unconditional release of the distinguished divine. Subsequent to tlii.s action by Gen. Grant, Rev. Geo. Malev, an old acquaintance of tlie General and his family, called upon Gen. Grant, and after a brief interview in a social character. Father Maley inquired: " Gener.al, what can vou do for Dr. Huston?" ■'1 have aliendv' or- dered his unconditional release. It is time that military arrc^l.i and military commissions were at an end We are now'at peace, and if any citizen cdn-imits any political offen.'ie he should be taken before the civil conrts and there tried for his crime." GENERAL GHANTS RECORD. EEPOET ON THE CONDITION OF THE SOUTHERN STATES. IIbadciuar'Iere Armies of United States, ) Wabhinqton, D. C, December 18, 186.5. J * » * With your approval, and also that of the IJonorable Secretary of War, I left Waaliington City on the 27th of last month for the purpose of making a tour of inspection through some of the Southern Statps, or States lately in rebellion, and to .-.iL" what changes were necessary to be made in tlie disposition of the military forces of ihe country; how these forces could be re- duced and expenses curtailed, etc. ; and to learn, as far as possible, tlie feelings and iiitentions of the citizens of those States to- ward the General Government. * -* Both in traveling and while stopping, I saw much and conversed freely with the citizens of those States, as well as with officers of the army who have been stationed amongthem. Tlie following are tlie conclusions come to by me: I am satisfied that the mass of thinking men of the South accept the pres- ent situation of affairs in good faith. The questions which have heretofore divided the sentiments of the people of the two sections — slavery and States' rights, or the right of a State to secede from the Union — they re- gard as having been settled forever by the highest tribunal — arms — that man can resort ill. I was pleased to learn from the lead- ing men whom I met, that they not only accepted the decision arrived at as final, but, now tluit the smoke of battle has cleared away and time has been given for reflection, that ikis decision has been a fortunate one for the whole country, they receiving like bene- fits from it witii those who opposed them in the field and in council. * * There is such vnioersal acquiescence, in the authority of the General Government throughout the portions of the country visited by me, that the mere presence of a military force, without regard to numbers, is sufficient to maintai}i order. The good of the country and econ- oniv require that the force kept in the interior, where there are many freedmen {eliewhereiyi the Southern States than at ports upon ihe sea-coast no force is necessary), should all be white troops. The reasonsibr tliis are obvious, without mentioning many o(" them The presence of black troop.s, lately slaves, demoralizes labor, both by thi'ir advice and by furnishing in their camps a resort for th£ freedmen for long distances around. White troops generally excite no opposition, and therefore a small number of these can maintain order in a given district. * * My observations lead me to the conclusion that the citizens of the Southern Slates are anxious to return to self-gi'verniiient within the L nion as soon a< possible; that while reconstructing they want and require protection from the Gov- ernment; that they are earnest in wishing to do what they think is required by the Government, not humiliating to them as citi- zens, and that if such a course was pointed out they would pursue it in good faith. It is to pe regretted that there can not be a greater commingling at this time between the citizens of the two sections, and partic- ularly of those intrusted with the lavif-mak- ing power. I did not give the operations of the Freed- men's Bureau that attention I would have done if more time had been at my disposal. Conversations on the subject, however, with officers connected with the Bureau, lead me to think that in some of the States its alfaira have not been conducted with good judg- ment or economy, and that the belief, widely spread among the freedmen of the Southern States, that the lands of their for- mer owners will, at least in part, be divided among them, h and principles, but pre-eminently dangerous to the spirit of our Government. However humane the ends sought and the motives, it is in Ifict, a course of instruction, prepar- ing our Government to be despotic, and familiarizing the people to a, stretch of au- thority wliich can never be otner than dan- gerous to liberty. .1 am aware that good men are withheld from advocating the prompt and sucee.«sive admission of tlie exiled States by the fear, chiefly, of its effects upon parties, and upon the freedmen. It is said that, if admitted to Congress, the Southern Senators and Representatives will coalesce witli Northern Democrats, and rule the country. Is this Nation, then, to remain dismembered to serve the ends of parties ? Have we learned no wisdom by the historj' of the last ten years, in which just this course of sacrificing the Nation to the exigencies of parties plunged us into in to rebellion and war ? Even admit that the power would pass into the hands of a party made up of Soutli- ern men, and the hitlierto dishonored and misled Democracy of the North, that power could not be used just as they pleased. The war has clianged, not alone institutions, but ideas. The whole country has advanced. Publicsentiment is exalted far beyond what it has been at any former period. A new part}' would, lilce a river, be obliged to seek out its channels, in the already existing slopes and forms of the continent. We have entered a new era of liberty. The style of thought is freer and more noble. The young men of our times are regenerated. The great army has been a school, and hun- dreds of thousands of men are gone home to preach a truer and nobler view of human rights. All the industrial interests of so- ciety are moving with increasing wisdom toward intelligence and liberty. Every- where, in cliurches, in literature", in natural science, in physical industries, in social questions, as well as in politics, the Nation leels tliat the winter is over, and a new spring liangs n tlie horizon, and works through all the elements. In this happily changed and advanced condition of thinss, no p;irly of the retrograde can maintain "it- IIEXEY WiiED BEECHER ON EECONSTEUCTION. 51 eelf. Everything marches, and parties must march. 1 hear, with wonder and shame and scorn, the fear of a few, that the South once more, in adjustmentwith the Federal Government, will rule this nation I The North is rich, never so rich ; the South is poor, never so poor. The population of the North is nearly double that of tlie South. The industry of tlie North, in diversity, in forwardness and productiveness, in all the machinery and education required for manufacturing, is half a century in advance of the Soutli. Churches in the North crown every hill, and schools swarm in every neighborhood; wiiile the South has but scattered lights, at long distances, like lighthouses twinkling along the edge of a continent of darkness. Ir] tlie presence of such a, contrast, how mean and craven is the fear that the South will rule the policy of the land! That it will have an influence, that it will contribute, in time, most important influences or re- straints, we are glad to believe. But, if it rises at once to the control of the Govern- ment, it will be because the North, demoral- ized by prosperity, and besotted hy grovel- ing interests, refuses to discharge its share of political duty. In such a case, the South not only will control the Government, but it ought to do it! 2 It is feared with more reason that the restoration of the South to her full inde- pendence, will be detrimental to the freed- men. The sooner vie dismiss from our minds the idea that the freedmen can be classified and separated from the white pop- ulation, and nursed and defended by them- selves, the better it will be for them and us. The negro is part and parcel of Southern society. He can not be prosperous while it i.s unprospered. Its evils will rebound upon liim. Its happiness and reiuvigoration can not be kept from his participation. The restoration of the South to amicable rela- tions with the North, the reorganization of its industry, the reiiispiration of its enter- prise and thrift will all redound to the freed- men's benefit. Nothing is so dangerous to the freedmen as an unsettled state of society in the South. On him comes all the spite, and anger, and caprice, and revenge. He will be made the scapegoat of lawless and heartless men. Unless we turn the Gov- ernment into a vast military machine, there can not be armies enough to protect the freedmen while Southern society remains in- surrectionary. IlSouthern society is calmed, settled, and occupied and soothed with new hopes and prosperous industries, no armies will be needed. Eiots vrill subside, lawless hangers on will be driven oft' or better gov- erned, and a way will be gradually opened up to the freedmen, through education and industry, to full citizenship, with all its honors and duties. Civilization is a growth. None can escape that forty years in the wilderness who travel from the Egyptof ignoi-anceto the promised land of civilization. The freedmen must take their march. I have full faith in the results. If they have the stamina to un- dergo the hardships which every uncivilized people 'has undergone in their upward pro- gress, they will in due time take their place among us. That place can not be bought, nor bequeathed, nor gained by sleight of hand. It will come to sobriety, virtue, in- dustry and frugality. As the nation can not be sound until the South is prosperous, so, on the other extreme, a, healthy condi- tion of civil society in the South is indis- pensable to the welfare of the freedmen ! Refusing to admit loyal Senators and Representatives from the South to Congress will not help the Freedmen. It will not secure for them the vote. It will not pro- tect them. Jt will not secure any amend- ment of our Constitution; however just and wise. It will only increase the dangers and complicate the difiioulties. Whether we regard the whole nation, or any section of it, or class in it, the first demand of our time is, entire I'eunion. Once united, we can, by schools, churches, a free press and increasing free speech, at- tack each evil and secure every good. Meanwhile tlie great chasm which rebel- lion made is not filled up It grows deeper and stretches wider ? Out of it rise dread specters and threatening sounds. Let that gulf be closed, and bury in it slavery, sec- tional animosity, and all strifes and hatreds. It is fit that the brave men, who, on sea and land, faced death to save the nation, should now, by their voice and vote, con- summate what their swords rendered possi- ble. For the sake of the freedmen, for the sake of the South and its millions of our fellow-countrymen, for our own sake, and for the great cause of freedom and civiliza- tion, I urge the immediate reunion of all the parts which rebellion and war have shat- tered. I am, truly, vours, HENRY WARD BEECHER. The Democratic Platform of 1864. The Democratic National Conven- tion which assembled in Chicago on the 30th of August, 1864, nominated George B. McClellan and George H. Pendleton for the Presidency and Vice-Presidency, and adopted the fol- lowing platform, as reported by Mr. Guthrie, Chairman of the Committee: 52 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. Resolved, That in the future, as in the past, we will adhere with unswerving fidelity to the Union under the Constitution as the only solid foundation of our strength, secu- rity, and happiness as a people, and as a frame-work of government equally condu- cive to the welfare and prosperity of all the States, both Northern and Southern. Resolved, That this Convention does ex- plicitly declare, as the sense of the Arneri- can people, that after four years of failure to restore the Union by the experiment of war, during which, under the pretense of a military necessity, or war power higher than the Constitution, the Constitution itself has been disregarded in every part, a;id public liberty and private right alike trodden down and the material prosperity of the country essentially imperiled — justice, humanity, liberty, and the public welfare demand that immediate efforts be made for a cessation of hostilities, with a view to an ultimate con- vention of the States, or other peaceable means, to the end that at the earliest prac- ticable moment peace may be restored on the basis of the JFederal Union of the States. Resolved, That the direct interference. of tlie military authorities of the United States in the recent elections held in Kentucky, Maryland, Missouri, and Delaware, was a shameful violation of the Constitution; and a repetition of such acts in the approaching election v?ill be held as revolutionary, and resisted with all the means and power under our control. Resolved, That the aim and object of the Democratic party is to preserve the Federal Union and the rights of the States unim- paired; and they hereby declare that they consider that the administrative usurpation of extraordinary and dangerous powers not granted by the Constitution; the subversion of the civil by military law in States not in insurrection; the arbitrary military arrest, imprisonment, trial, and sentence of Ameri- can citizens in States where civil law exists in full force ; the suppression of freedom of speech and of. the press; the denial of the right of asylum ; the open and avowed dis- regard of State rights; the employment of unusual test-oaths, and the interference with and denial of the right of the people to bear arms in their defense, is calculated to pre- vent a restoration of the Union and the per- petuation of a government deriving its just powers from the consent of the governed. Resolved, That the shameful disregard of the Administration to its duty in respect to our fellow-citizens who now are, and long have been prisoners of war in a suffering condition, deserves the severest reprobation, on the score alike of public policy and com- mon humanity. Resolved, Tliat the sympathy of the Dem- ocratic party is heartily and earnestly ex- tended to the soldiery of our army and sail- ors of our navy, who are, and have been ni the field and on the sea, under the flag of their country ; and in the event of its attain- ing power, they will receive all the care, protection, and regard that the brave sol- diers and sailors of the Kepublic have so nobly earned. Negro Privileges in Railroad Cars. On the 27th of February, 1863, pending a supplement to the charter of the Wash- ington and Alexandria Railroad Company, Mr. Sumner offered this proviso to the first section : That no person shall be excluded from the cars on account of color. Which was agreed to — yeas 19, nays 18, as follows : Yeas — Messrs. Arnold, Chandler, Clark, Fes- senden, Foot, Grimes, Harris, Howard, King, Lane (of Kansas), Morrill, Pomeroy, Sumner, Ten Eyok, Trumbull, Wade, Wilkinson, Wil- mot, Wilson (of Massacliusetts) — 19. Nays — Messrs. Antliony, Bayard, Carlile, Cowan, Davis, Henderson, Hicks, Howe, Ken- nedy, Lane (of Indiana), Latham, McBougaJ, Powell, BicJiardaon, SauUhury, Turpie, Willey, Wihon (of Missouri)— 18. March 2. — The House concurred in the amendment without debate, itnder the pre- vious question. Radicals in Roman, Democrats in Italic. President Lkicoln'a Letter on Politics, to Horace &reeley, EXECUTITK ■Washington, Friday, August Mansto¥, ) 22, 1S62. J Hon. Horace Greeley : Dear Sir : I have just read yours of the 19th instant, addressed to myself through the New York Tribune. If there be in it any statements or as- sumptions of fact which I may know to be erroneous, I do not now and here contro- vert them. If there be any inferences which I may believe to be falsely drawn, I do not now and here argue against them. If there be perceptible in it an impatient and dictatorial tone, I waive it in deference to an old friend whose heart I have always supposed to be right. As to the policy I "seem to be pursu- ing," as you say, I have not meant to leave any one in doubt I would save the Union. I would save it in the shortest way under the Constitution. The sooner the national authority can be restored, the nearer the Union will be the Union as it was. If there be those who would not save the NEGRO SUFFRAGE. Union unless they could at the same time save slavery, I do not agree with them. If there be those who would not save the Uniim unless they could, at the same time destioy slavery, I do not agree with them. My paramount object is to save the Union and not either to save or destroy davery. JF I could save the Union without free- ing any slave, I would do it — and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves, 1 would do it — and if 1 could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone, 1 would also do that. What I do about slavery and the colored race, I do because I believe it helps to save tlie Union, and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not believe it would help to save the Union. I shall do less whenever I shall believe what I am doing hurts the cause, and shall do more whenever I believe doing more will help the cause. I shall try. to correct errors when shown to be errors, and I shall adopt new views so fast as they appear to be true views. I have here statpd my purpose according to my view of ofBcial duty, and I intend no modification of my oft-expressed personal wish that all men everywhere could be free. Yours, A. LINCOLN. Megro Suffrage, The White Man's Platform. I hold that this Government was made on the white basis, by white men. for the bene- fit of white men and their posterity forever, and should be administered by white men, and none others. I do not believe that the Almighty made the negro capable of self- government— /SZepAen A. Douglas. Hear President Lincoln in reply : I AM NOT. NOR EVER HAVE BEEN, IN FAVOR OF MAKING VOTERS OR JURORS OF NEGROB.S, nor of qualifying them to hold ofKce, nor intermarrying them with white people, and I will say, in addi- tion to this, that there is a PHVSICAL Dl FFERENCE between the white and black race, which, I believe, will forever forbid the two races living together on terms of so- •ial and political equality — and, inasmuch as they can not so live, while theydo remain together, there must be a position of supe- rior and inferior, and I, as much as any other man, am in favor of having the SU- PERIOR POSITIOIS" ASSIGNED TO THE WHITE RACE. Two years before the death of Dan- iel Webster he said : IF THESE IMPERTINENT Fanatics and Abolitionists ever get the power in tlieir own hands, they will override the Constitu- tion, setthe Supreme Court at defiance, change and make laws to suit themselves, lay vio- lent hands on those who differ with them in opinion or dare question their fidelity; and finally, bankrupt the country and del- uge it in blood. On September 2, 1843, twenty-five years ago, Henry Clay said; The agitation of the question in the free States will first destroy all harmony, and fiarially lead to disunion — perpetuate the wai — the extinction of the African race — ultimate military despotism. But the great aim and object of your tract should be to arouse the laboring classes of the free States against abolition. De- pict the consequences to them of immedi- ate emancipation. The slaves being free, would be dispersed throughout the Union; they would enter into con) petition with free labor; with the American, tlie Irish, the German ; reduce his wages, be confounded with him, and afl'ect his moral and social standing. And as the ultras go both for abolition and amalgamation, show that their object is to unite.in marriage the la- boring white man and the laboring black woman, to reduce the white laboring man to the despised and degraded condition of the black man. I would show their opposition to Colon- ization. Show its humane, religious and patriotic aim. That they are to separate those whom God had separated. Why do tlie Abolitionists oppose Colonization? To keep and amalgamate together the two races, in violation of God's will, and to keep the blacks here, that they may interfere with, degrade and debase the laboring whites. Show that the British Government is co- operating with the Abolitionists, for the purpose of dissolving the Union, etc. You can make a powerful article that will be felt in every extremity of the Union. I am perfectly satisfied it will do great good. Let me hear from you on this subject, Mr. Jefferson, the very man who is the author of the Declaration of Independence, when speaking upon the subject of races, said : Nothing is more certainly written in the book of fate than that these people (the negroes) are to be free. Nor is it less cer- tain that the two races — equally free — can not live in the same Government Nature, habit, opinion, have drawn indelible lines of distinction between thern. 64 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK Kadioal Views on Negro Suffrage. Governor Morton, of Indiana, now U. S. Senator, in his annual message to the Legislature, Nov. 14th, 1865, speaking of Southern reconstruction, said : The subject of suffrage is, by the national Cimstitution, expressly referred totbedeter- mination of the several States, and it can not be taken from them Tiithout a violation of the letter and spirit of that instrument, But without stopping to discuss theories or questions of Constitutional law, and leav- ing them out of view, it would, in my opin- ion, be unwise to make the work of recon- struction depend- upon a condition of such doubtful utility as negro suffrage. It is a fact so manifest, that it should not be called in question by any, that a people who are just emerging from the barbarism of slavery, are not qualified to become a part of our political system, and take part, not only in the government of themselves and their neighbors, but of the whole United States. So far from believing that negro suflfrage is a remedy for all of our national ills, I doubt whether it is a remedy for any, and rather believe that its enforcement by Congress would be more likely to subject the negro to a merciless persecution, than to confer upon him any substantial benefit. By some it is thought that suffrage is al- ready cheap enough in this country ; and the immediate transfer of more than a half million of men from the bonds of slavery, with all the ignorance and degradation up- on them which the slavery of generations upon Southern fields has produced, would be a declaration to the world that the exer- cise of American suffrage involves no intel- lectual or moral qualifications, and that there is no difference between an American freeman and an American slave, which may not be removed by a mere act of Congress. Mr. Spalding, a Radical Eepresent- ative from Ohio, in the course of a de- bate in the House, on the 18tli of March, 1868, on a bill making universal suflfrage obligatory on the States said : I wish to remark that only last October I uas called upon, ns a citizen of Ohio, to vote on the proposition to amend the Con- stitution of that State by inserting a right for the free black to vote, equally with the white. I not only voted clieerfuily for that provision as amendatory of my State Con- stitution, but I used all my influence with the citizens in my section of the State to in- duce them to engraft that provision on our State Constitution. It was unsuccessful. We were in advance of the sentiment of our people, and they voted it down by forty thousand majority. Now, I would like to' see the member of Congress from the State of Ohio who would come here and have the boldness to vote for the passage of this bill, which cuts directly, in my judgment, across the Constitution of the United States, and really derides the action of the people of my State, who have refused to insert in their own Constitution of State goverrmient this general right of suffrage for the blacks as well as the whites. Sir, I believe the day may come when our Constitution, the great bulwark of our liberties, shall be so amended as that all free people may vote at the polls. God hasten the day when that right shall be ex- tended ! But so long as the Constitution re- mains as it is, I will suffer my right arm to drop from its socket sooner than vote for any such bill as that now before the House. In saying this, I am bold to affirm that I speak the sentiment of a large miijority of my colleagues on this floor, irrespective of party. I should regard the passage of this iiill at this hour as the death-knell of our hopes as a political party in the Presidential canvass. In the course of the debate it came out that the Supreme Court of Pennsyl- vania had decided, under the old Con- stitution of that State, framed in tbe year 1790, that the word "freeman' meant white freenuui, and that, in tbe present Constitution (framed about thirty years ago), the word " white " had been expressly introduced. Moreover, it appears that, only a few days ago, in the lower House of the Pennsylvania Legislature — a body in which the Re- publicans have a large majorit}- — out of ninety members, only thirteen voted in favor of negro suffrage. It appeared, moreover, that, by a recent decision of Judge Agnew — a man placed on the bench of the Supreme Court of Penn- sylvania by the Republican party— it had been determined that a nsgro had no right to a seat in a railway car pro- vided for the accommodation of white people. In short, it appeared that the Pennsylvania Radicals, in advocating the doctrine of universal suflfrage and uni- versal social equality, did so with refer- ence to the Southern States, and not with j reference to Pennsylvania, as does the Radical Platform adopted at Chicao-o. I James Hughes, of Indiana, savs the Cin- cinnati E„qni,cr, is one of the "ablest and RESERVATIONS OF THE STATES, ETC. 55 most prominent of the Radical leaders in that State. He is a bold and positive man, of very decided views upon public questicms. He is the intimate friend of Morton, and of other Republican leaders, and is thoroughly acquainted with their secret views and with the objects at wliich they ultimately aim. As a member of the Indiana Legislature from Monroe county he lately gave an account of his stewardship, at Bloomington. The Indianapolis fffraM hud a special re- porter tliere, who thus reports the leading portion of his speech : " I am opposed to negro suffrage, not becauae they are negroes, or are black, for those are matters of taste and preju- dice, but because the right of suffrage has already been too much extended and cheapened in this country. While J am opposed to extending the right of suffrage to the negroes, I am in favor of disfranchising one-half the white people in this country. Our fathers committed a great and fatal mistake in extending as they did the right of suffrage. All history proves that there is but one interest that is conservative, and that can be safely intrusted with the govern- ing power, and that is the property interest. When a man is pos.s>^ssed of property he has a stake in the country and desires a strong and stable government, and will not endanger his property by unwise legislation or by involving the country in war. The great defect in our form of government has been the want of strength and power in the Federal Government. It will be impossible to govern this vast and rapidly increasing country under the operation of universal suffrage. Our system of government has been materially and radically changed dur- ing the war, and it can never be restored to what it was prior to the war. The Consti- tution is not worth the paper upon which it is written. The first effect of universal suf- frage will be to make the Government more nearly approach a pure democracy, but this can not last long. We will tbllow the ex- ample of other governments. The strife of factions will goon until, ultimately, either the Senate or the Pre.sident will assume the con- trol, when we will have a strong and stable government. The British Government is the best governmentthatlias ever existed on the face of God's earth, and the sooner ours assimilates itself to that of the British Gov- ernment, the better it will be for the coun- try. I do not hesitate to declare, no matter how unpopular it may be, that if the negro race, and one-half of the white race, had good masters and mistresses, they would be much better off and the Government would be safer and stronger." Beservations of the States. Danoek.s of CoNSOLiDATioy — Instructions TO Delegates in the Continental Con- gress. The Pennsylvania instructions contain the following reservation : " Reserving to the people of this coloiy the sole and exclusive right of regulating the internal government and police of the same." And, in a subsequent instruction, in refer- ence to suppressing the British authority in the colonies, Pennsylvania uses this lan- guage: " Unanimously declare our willingness to concur in a vote of the Congress declaring the United Colonies free and independent States, provided the forming the government and the regulation of the internal police of this colony be alway reserved to the people of the said colony." Connecticut, in authorizing her delegates to vote for the Declaration of Independ- ence, attached to it the following condition; "Saving that the administration of gov- ernment, and the power of forming govern- ments for, and the regulation of the internal concerns and police of each colony, ought to be left and remain to the respective colo- nial legislatures." New Hampshire annexed this proviso to her instructions to her delegates to vote for independence : " Provided the regulation of our internal police be under the direction of our own A.s.sembl)' ; New Jersey imposed the following condi- tion : '' Always observing that, whatever plan of confederacy you enter into, the regulating the internal police of this province is to be reserved to the colonial legislature." Maryland gave her consent to the Decla- ration of Independence upon the condition contained in this proviso : "And that said colony will hold itself bound by the resolutions of a majority of the United Colonies in the premises, pro- vided the sole and exchLsive right of regu- lating the internal government and police of that colony be reserved to the people thereof ' Virginia annexed the following condition to her instructions to vote for the Declara- tion of Independence: " Provided that the power of forming government for, and the regulations of the internal concerns of the colony, be left to respective colonial legislatures." Debate ia tie Convention wtich Tramed the Consti- tution. John Dickinson, adverted in the Conven- tioUj with prophetic and iar-seeing sagacity, 56 DEMOCEATIC SPEAKEK'S HAND-BOOK. to t.lie division of the countr)' into distinct States as "tlie chief source of stahilHy" to -BOOK. discontinue suits in qui tarn, actions on a nolle prosequi in criminal cases — "Mr. Sclienck (Radical) argued against the amendment, and stated that 'the whisl:y ring ' had its aiders and abettors aa often in the District Attorneys as in all other officers in the law. He had in his mind one proof furnished to the Committee of Ways and Means — the case of a Judge in one of the Federal courts, and of a District Attorney, who had divided the black-mail between them, which was the consideration of them letting off some sixty culprits ar- raigned before the Court, He trusted that would result yet in an impeachment of that .Judge. The committee ought not to throw everything into the power of the District Attorney so that he should hold a veto over all the cases. He was perfectly willing that in a proper case a District Attorney should have his remedy against any possibility of the ends of justice by continuing his case, if if witnesses are spirited out of the way." The Xew Albany (Ind.) Ledger says: " We know a soldier who is minus an arm, and who was left on the battle-field for dead, who was nominated by the President for the position of Assessor of Internal Revenue for this district, but was neverthe- less rejected by the Senate, simply and only because he was a Democrat, for his qualifi- cations were undoubted. Such is a specimen of Radical love for armless soldiers. Such is the ' pride they take in bestowing civil offices upon men who honorably and ef- ficiently served their country in the army.' " Tlie Wtisky Ring at Biohmondi Vai The facts developed on the 11th of June, 186S, in the FederalCourt at Richmond, the Chief-Justice presiding, show an astonish- ing degree of corruption among the " whisky ring" of that city. We give some of the particulars fi-om the Whig : " The parties on trial are J. H. Anderson, Collector of Internal Revenue; J. H. Pat- terson, Assessor; and Goldman Shepherd, Richard Anderson, Horatio Anderson, Mc- Creary, Manson and Elsom, subordinates. "Colonel Clarkson, one of the largest dis- tillers in this section, testified that an agreement had been entered into by the dis- tillers on the south side of the James, and .John H. Anderson and John H. Patterson, internal revenue officers of the Fourth Dis- trict, by which more than ten thousand dol- lars had been paid them for granting said distillers the privilege of shipping large quantities of spirits distilled by them, with- out the payment of the revenue tax. The aggregate loss to the Government by this arrangement was over 1250,000. It was further agreed that these revenue officers should realize $50,000 annual.y for these privileges. iMany of their subordmate officers were parties to the agreement and profited by their connection with it. " Dr. Clendenin, the next witness, before testifying, desired to know whether an in- dictment could be found against him upon any testimony he might give in the ca,se? "Mr. Chandler, United States District Attorney, replied, that not upon any evi- dence he himself might give. "In June or July, Mr. Goldman came to witness and said he thought he would not be doing justice to himself in the oflSce lie held unless he made some money above his salary. He then offered witnes.s'^ firm c«r- tain privileges in evading the United States tax. on whisky if it would give him $500. Witness referred him to his partner (Mr. Parrish), with whom the arrangement pro- posed was consummated. Under it a good deal of whisky was shipped, and the money promised the Government officers paid. A second contract was made, Mr. Parrish rep- resenting the Hewlett distillery, in which witness also had an interest; Mr. Richard F. Walker, the Roxdale distillery, and Mr. Denmead, the Denmead distillery. The four distilleries were to pay $30,000 per annum, to be divided between them, for the privilege of shipping five-sixths of all the whisky they might distill free of Government tax — — the revenue officers to make the arrange- ments by which this could be eff'ected?" The parties have since been convicted, and are in the New York penitentiary. Who is Eesponsible 7 Mr. McCulloch, Secretary of the Treasury, in his indorsement on Mr. Commissioner Rollins' resignation, fixes it: " This communication is partial because it attributes the present deranged condition of the internal revenue service to the removals and appointments made by the President, while it must be clear to the mind of the Commissioner that this demoralization is attributable in part to the antagonism be- tween the executive and legislative branches of the Government, which has prevented harmony of action between them in regard to appointments and to the Tenure-of-Office act, but mainly to the high duties upon distilled liquors, tobacco, etc., which have created an irresistible temptation to fraud on the part of revenue officers, as well as on the part of manufacturers, dealers, and others. " It is incorrect in that it alleges that the numerous recommendations of the Commis- sioner for removal of assessors and collec- tors, even for the grossest misconduct, have been almost always disregarded, while the truth is that in all cases in which recom- mendations for removals were accompanied TKE WIIISKY-TAX STEALING BUSIXEsS. 65 by evidence of iiicompetenoy or misconduct on the part of the officers, the recommenda- tions were promptly responded to by the President. " It is unjust and disrespectful to the President, because the records of the bureau show that the falling oflf of the revenue in the districts in which removals were made hy the President, in 1866, was not compara- tively greater than in the districts in which no changes took place. "That, in fact, the revenues of the fiscal year, ending June 20, 1867, during which the removals were made, were entirely sat- isfactory, coming up very closely to the liberal estimates of the department. The demoralization of the service and the decline of the revenues have chiefly occurred during the present fiscal year, long after the officers removed by the President had been reinstated, or others whose nominations had been approved by the Senate had taken the places of appointees of the President. It was for these reasons, and for no others, that the communication could not be re- ceived, and was returned to the Commis- sioner. The return of it is also justified by the fact that copies of it were sent to the press before it was handed to the Seore tary. It must, therefore, have been in- tended for the public rather than for the files of the department. HUGH MoCULLOCH, Secretary of the Treasury. June 13, 1868. Tlie Whisky Tax Stealing BusinesB. What a Radical Jouknal Thinks op It. [From the Now York Tiuias.] Of the seven collection districts in New York City, for instance, the distilling busi- ness is confined mainly to two; while in the third district (Brooklyn) the number of dis- tilleries increased from about twenty in May, 1866, to upward of ninety by the 1st of the following September. It has been repeat- edly proven that the whisky manufactured in this district for six months in that year, did not pay four cents on the gallon. Yet the officers of every district in this locality must suffer for the frauds committed in these two or three districts. It is a fact well known to all familiar with internal revenue matters, that the frauds which have so disgraced the country are mainly con- fined to some fifteen or sixteen districts, and to correct them it is only necessary to re- move the present incumbents in these dis- tricts and put honest men in their places. This done, and the service cleaned of a score or more of leeches in the shape of Inspectors, Special Agents, and Revenue Agents, it would be purged of corruption, and tlierevenuelargely collected, even under the present law. But they are not ren)Oved. On the con- trary, men whose misconduct in oflice i.- well known and understood, are retained in office. This is distinctly stated by the Com- missioner, and is assigned as his reason for resigning his office. The Secretary admits the fact, but insists that it is not the Presi- dent who is responsible for this failure, but that it is to be attributed to the unfortunate conflict going on between the President and Congress. This, doubtless, is true; but the question still recurs, which party is it that, notwithstanding this controversy, is respon- sible for the failure to remove corrupt men from office? * * The frauds in New York and else- where, in the winter and spring of 1867, were simply frightful, and they were largely, but not entirely, to be found in the districts where Mr. Johnson had made removals. In one of these districts, false and fraudu- lent bonds to the amount of about $750,000 were accepted, and whisky representing taxes to this amount was released from bond on them. In another district, on Saturday night, as the Collector was to surrender his office to his successor on the following Mon- day morning, he accepted a bond for one hundred thousand dollars, and released the whisky represented in it. But neither the principal nor either of the sureties who signed this bond could ever be found. But these frauds were by no means confined to the appointees of Mr. Johnson. Some of the worst men ever in the revenue service were the appointees of Mr. Lincoln. Tliese fraadssoreduced the market value of whisky that no man could afford to pay the tax, and fraud thus became a necessity of doing business under the law. To prevent future changes for political reasons Congress passed the Tenure-of Office Bill. By the provisions of this act, the President can not remove an officer even for cause. If the officer is guilty of misconduct in office during a recess of the Senate, he may suspend him from office, but if the miscon- duct occnr.s during a session of Congress, the most he can do is to send a name to the Senate, the incumbent retaining the office until his successor is confirmed. Notwithstanding the notorious corruption of the service, we believe it is a fact that no person has ever been removed from office under this law. Its only effect thus far has been to give practical immunity to thieves, and they have not been slow to avail them- selves of its benefits. To get a man out of office under this law you must first convince the Commissioner that the officer complained of has been 66 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S IIAND-EOOK. guilty of misconduct in office. He must then convince the Secretary of the Treas- ury, who must convince the President, who must in turn convince tlie Senate. In five or Bix cases we believe the Com- missioner has succeeded in convincing the President that officers have been guilty of corruption in oflice. In these- cases the President has suspended the delinquents and reported the cases to the Senate. It is a curious fact, one worth noting as we are passing along, that all of these delinquents were, we believe, Kepublioans. We do not intimate that this fact rendered it easy for the Commissioner to convince the President that these men had been guilty of miscon- duct in office, nor that it was this fact which made it difficult, and, in fact, impossible, for the President to convince the Senate of their guilt. In no instance, so lar as we are informed, has the President found a Democrat guilty of such misconduct in office as to warrant his suspension from office ; nor has the Senate, in any case, approved the suspension of a Republican. This fact tells the whole story of our difficulties. Some Badical Officials Come to G-iief. An bx-Spbaker of the N. Y. Assembly IN THE Penitentiary. [From the Rochester (N. T.) Union.] Dispatches from New York to-day an- nounce the sentence of Theophilus C. Calli- cott, Collector of Internal Revenue, Richard C. Enright and John S. Allen, to the Albany penitentiary, for defrauding the Government of taxes to a large amount by means of bo- gus whisky bonds. The New York Ex- press of last evening gives a sketch of the scene in court. Judge Nelson directed the prisoners to stand up, and after a, few re- marks on the enormity of their offenses, sentenced Callicott to imprisonment in the Albany Penitentiary for two years and to pay a fine of $10,000. Judge Benedict sen- tenced the other two — Enright to the Albany Penitentiary for eighteen months, and to pay a fine of $2,500, and Allen to be imprisoned in the same place for one year and to pay a fine of $2,000. The return of Callicott to Albany a.s a convict in its penitentiary is suggestive. On attaining bis majority he was a Democrat from principle, and soon after, when he en- tered active life as a lawyer, with fair natural and acquired talent, he showed such signs of promise that the Democracy of his dis- trict in Brooklyn elected him to the Assem- bly. This, was in 18o0. In 1863 he was re-elected. The Assembly of that year was politically a tie, and there was a long strug- gle for the Speakership. This struggle also involved the succession to Preston King in the United States Senate, Governor Mor- gan, who had just gone out of the Execu- tive chair, being an ambitious candidate. The Republican leaders were on tLe ground, prominent among them Ilorace Greeley, and they canvassed the entire Democratic side for a time in vain to find a Judas who would sell himself Fi- nally they debauched Callicott — bribed hin with money, one of the checks for which, from the Republican State Committee, was unearthed at the time and exposed. Calli- cott was elected Speaker, Morgan was elected United States Senator, and all the villainous participants in the work for a time pros- pered. Callicott sought a re-election at the hands of his new-made friends. He ran as the " [^nion " — the " loyal " candidate, and had the active personal support of Horace (ireeley and the open advocacy of the New York Trihvne. The "loyal" men of the district, although they liked the treason, detested the traitor to his party, and out of a vote of 5,837 Callicott received just 272 Spurned on all sides by honest nien, Greeley and Morgan still stood hj their protege. They did not violate the well-known princi- ple of honor among, etc. They induced the late lamented Lincoln to give Callicott a cotton agency on the Mississippi, and when that ran out they procured for him the In- ternal Revenue Collectorship, Morgan secu- ring his confirmation against all the facts that were brought to bear as to his char- acter, and showing hip unfitness for the trust From the Collectorship he goes back to Albany — not to resume the Speakership of the Assembly, but to occupy a felon's cell. Hon, S, S, Marshall, of Illinois, in a Speech in tie Honse of Representatives, January 9, 1868, The men holding the public offices of the country under the Presidential appoint- ment are men appointed either by Mr Lincoln or Mr. Johnson with the approba- tion of the Senate of the United t^tates. It -s a notorious fact that no member of the Democratic party proper can pass the ordeal of tlie Senate for any appointment. The appointments throughout the country have been made horn men within the Republi- can party. So far as my colleague's speech was intended to have a partii^an bearing, let me say that he must know that the Demo- cratic party piroper has had no part or lot m the collection of the revenues of the Government. Secretary MoCulloch stated n oath before the Judiciary Committee that nmeteen out of twenty of the officials m his Department were not only not Demo- crats but Radicals, supporters of the policy of Congress; and Mr. Rollins, the Commis- sioner of Internal Revenue, admitted to be a strong Radical, was present when the testi- SPEECH OF S. S. MARSHALL, OF ILLINOIS. 67 mony was given and assented to the state- ment.' So it is all over the country. The effort of my colleague to give this matter a partisan tnrn must be met, and maybe rightfully met, in thi,3 way : in all ftrivernments, frauds ooca.sionally occur. Now and tlien, under every Administration, a scoundrel gets into office. Even under gnod old Democratic Administrations there occasionally got into oflKce some man who perpetrated frauds upon the Grovernment ; but they were promptly turned out when the fact was discovered. It was not till the advent of the Republican party to power that robbery of the people became a fine art (laughter) and was indulged in all over the country. A distinguished Republican Sena- tor from New Hampshire (Mr. Hale) has testified in the Senate, and a distinguished Republican Representative from Massa- chusettes (Mr. Dawes) has testified in this House, that more of the money of the people was stolen during the first year of Mr. Lincoln's Administration tlian the entire expenses of conducting the Government during the four years of Mr. Buchanan's Administration. And, sir, that inundation of thievery which commenced then has been growing and rolling and swelling from that day to this, until the people are brought to poverty in one section of the country and to starvation in another. If the party that brought about this thing has any remedy to offer, it is time the remedy should be pre- sented. When the people are crying for relief from the enormous burdens wliioh are weigh- ing them down, it is high time that this party, now upon its last legs, and about to retire from power forever, should inaugurate some system by which the peoiile may he here- after protected from such robbery as that by which they liave suffered. There are many ways of introducing reform and pro- tecting the interests of the people. I know of one method which I think would be in- fallible, and I hope my colleagues, or if that be hopeless, at least that the honest masses who have been deceived by the false pretensions of the party in power, will join me in bringing about the desired reform. I do not, I must confess, have very strong hopes that my colleague will unite in the proposed effort, but the remedy is a palpable one, and that is to go back to the old prin- ciples and practice of Democratic Adminis- tration, bring in a Democratic President and a Democratic Congress, and introduce the principles of economy and justice which were always carried out when that party was in power. Then this robbery of the people will cease. I will guarantee it, sir. The history of our Government, from its foundation to the present time, furnishes irrefragable evidence that this is the remedy, and now the only remedy. My colleague proposes one plan by which to increase the revenue from the whisky tax. I propose another plan, and that is to get rid right now of this party which has thus wronged and oppressed the people, and brought desolation, ruin, mourningand woe to our fair land. Let the slick, unctuous gentlemen around me bow themselves out of these Halls, and let the old-fashiond Democi'atic Administration comeinto power, and I will guarantee that we will have an Administration which will relieve the people of the enormous burdens which are now crushing out their very lives, and that we will drive the thieves and money-changers in disgrace and ignominy from this great temple of liberty which they have been pol- luting and desecrating. Mr. Maynard. Let me ask the gentle- man a question. Mr. Floyd, one of the old llishioned economists, has unfortunately de- parted, but can he inform us whether Jacob Thompson is accessible, and what means we shall resort to in order to get him back ? (Laughter.) Mr. Marshall. I have heard charges against these men, and they may be true, but Mr. Buchanan's Administration was not a favorite of mine. I have, however, the testimony of leading Republicans for saying that the stealing during the first year of Mr. Lincoln's Administration amounted to a larger sum than it cost to run Mr. Buchanan's Administration for four years, stealing and all. (Great Laughter.) This thing of stealing, sir, has become a wholesale business, and has grown to most appalling proportions since the advent of the Republican party to power, and it will cease, in my judgment, the very day that it goes out of power, and not one moment sooner. The present condition of the coun- try, sir, ought not to be considered cause for surprise or wonder to any one who has brains enough to comprehend the natural and inevitable connection and sequence be- tween cause and effect Similar causes would produce similar results in any age or in any country. The Abolition, now called the Republican or Radical, party was founded on the maxim, which they spread out on their banners and boldlyproclaimed to the world, that "the United States Con- stitution is a covenant with death and an agreement with hell," and that there was a higher law than the Constitution, and no man was bound by its provisions or obliga- tions. And this party, since it came into power, has been true to this theory upon which it was founded. Every feature and principle of that sacred instrument, and every safeguard put there for the protection 68 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S IIAN'D-BOOK. of tlie rights and liberties of the citizen, have been openly and defiantly trampled under foot by this party. And now its great leaders and Representatives upon this floor openly proclaim that they are admin- istering the Government "outside of" and in open defiance of the Constitution. No wonder, Mr. Speaker, that all sense of moral ohh'gation has been destroyed among their followers. No wonder that tlie floodgates have been broken down, and a deluge of Clime, debauchery, and prostitution, politi- cal, moral, and social, has swept over the land. When the chosen and select pro- phets of the sect openly and defiantly disre- gard the sanctions and guarantees of that great charter which they have just sworn to support, why should we wonder that the lesser lights and disciples should feel rest- ing liglitlyupon them the obligations of the commandment which says, "Thou shall not steal," or be surprised when we see them engaged in wholesale plunder and debauchery ? It was the most natural thing in the world that, when the leaders were engaged in violating their duties to the country and its Constitution, the lesser lights should practice upon the rules of venality which has been laid down for them and go to fill- ing their pockets. And they have done it with a vengeance. These robbers are now rioting in luxury all over the land, while the honest, indus- trious laboring people are borne down with poverty and taxation. The very bread which they make by the sweat of their brow is wrested from them before it reaches •,i>e mouths of their children, and one-half of the revenue wrung from them is taken to feed and clothe lazy, vagabond negroes, or put into the hands and pockets of these plunderers. This system must cease, and there is a remedy for it; and the only remedy is to go back to the original principles of the Gov- ernment; to reinstate that party in power which for sixty years safely and economi- cally carried on the Government, and suc- cessfully prosecuted two great foreign wars without any oppression of the citizen, any violation of the safeguards of the Constitu- tion, and without sending one single Federal tax-gatherer among the people to eat out tlieir substance. And how dare my colleague or any gen- tleman, in the presence of public and well- known facts, charge any of these frauds upon the President or upon any one outside of the party now in power? By an act of Congress the President is stripped of his rightful power for the correction of these evils. He can not remove a single man from office, not even one of his own Cabinet raiuistei's, or appoint a .=ingle man to office without the consent of your Radical Senate. The consequence is that, while the offices are now filled by Radicals, all new ap- pointments must be .made from that party. It is suflScient for the Senate to know that a man is a friend of the President or an opposer of the Radical measures of Con- gress to secure his rejection; and, therefore, rather than have these offices vacant that are necessary to be filled for the public ser- vice, he time and again sends in men of the Radical party, the very elect of the party, and they are the only ones who can be con- firmed for positions of any importance. He has not the power to select men of his own choicfe. Why, even for the very high- est offices in the land, although opposing Congress in its miscalled "reconstruction" policy, the President takes the elect of the Radical party. Look at our foreign mis- sions where vacancies have occurred. Mr. Bancroft was appointed to one, and Mr. Raymond to another. Then Mr. Greeley, the very head and front of the party, was nominated for one of the first positions under the Government. It is not true that the President, even where he has had the power of appointment, has confined himsell to his own friends in making the selection. He had been compelled, in all these re- venue cases, so far as my knowledge ex- tends, either to take men of the dominant party or those with whom they were satis- fied, or leave the oflSces unfilled. And if, in selecting among them, he finds one thief out of a dozen, I do not think it is at all remarkable, and I am only surprised that he has not been more unlucky than he has in this particular. The Object of the War, the Restoration of the TTnioa. In the House of Representatives, on the 22d of July, 1861, the day after the battle of Manassas, Mr. Crittenden offered the following resolution : " Resolved, That the present deplorahle civil war has been forced upon the country by the disunionists of the Southern States now in revolt against the constitutional Government and in arms around the Capital ; that in this national emergency Congress, banishing all feeling of mere passion or resentment, will recollect only its duty to the whole country; that this war is not waged upon our part in any spirit of oppression, nor for any pur- pose of conquest or subjugation, nor pur- pose of overthrowing or interfering with the rights or established institutions of those States; but to defend and maintain the supremacy of the Constitution and to pre- serve the Union with all the dignity, equal- ity, and rights of the several States unim- THE OBJECT OF THE WAR 69 paired ; that as soon as these objects are I ao.compliphed tlie war ouglit to cease." The question being divided, tlie House adopted tlie first clause of the resolution, being the part in italics, by a vote of 122 to 2. The second clause of the resolution, be- ginning with the words "that in this na- tional," etc., and ending " the war ought to cease," was adopted — yeas 119, nays 2, as follows: Yeas — Messrs. Aldrioh, Allen, Alley, Bab- bitt, Goldsmith F. Bailey, Joseph Baily, Baxter, Beatnan, Francis P. Blair, Samuel S. Blair, Blake, George H. Browne, BufBnton Calverf, Campbell, Chamberlain, Clark, Cobb, Colfax, F. A. Conkling, Roscoo Conkling, Cooper, Cor- ning, Cox, Crittenden, Curtis, Cutler, Dawes, Delano, Diven, Duell, Dunlap, Dunn, Edwards, English, Fenton, Fessenden, Fouke, Francbot, Frank, Gooch, Gfrangcr, Grider, Gurley, Haight, Hale, Harding, Harrison, Holman, Horton, Jackson, Johnson, Kelley, AVilliam Kullogg, Killinger, Law, Lazear, Leary, Lehman, Logan, Loomis, McClernand, Mallory, Menzies, Mitch- ell, Moorhead, Anson P. Morrill, Justin S. Morrill, Morris, Nixon, Noble, Nugen, Odell, Olin, Patton, Pendleton, Perry, Pike, Pomeroy, Porter, Reid, Alexander II. Rice, John H. Kiee, Richardson, Robinson, Edward H. Rollins, James S. Rollins, Sheffield, Shollabarger, Sher- man, Smith, Spaulding, John B. Steele, Wil- liam G. Steele, Stratton, Francis Thomas, Train, Trowbridge, Upton, Vallandigham, Van Horn, Van Valkenburgh, Van Wyck, Verree, Vib- bard, Wadsworth, Charles W. Walton, E. P. Walton, Ward, Webster, Wheeler, Wbaley, Al- bert S. White, Chilton A. White, Wiokliffe, Windom, Woodruff, Worcester, Wright— 119. Nats — Messrs. Potter, Riddle — 2. Every Radical, except two, voting for it. July 24, 1S61. — Mr. Johnson, of Tennes- see, offered substantially the same resolu tion in tlie Seriate, which was passed July 25 — yeas 30, nays 5, as follows : Yeas — Messrs. Anthony, Browning, Chand- ler, Clark, Cowan, Dixon. Doolittle, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Harlan, Harris, Howe, Johnson of Tennessee, Kennedy, King, Lane (of Indiana), Lane (of Kansas), Latham, Morrill, Ncsmith, Pomeroy, Saulsbury, Sherman, Ten Eyck, Wade, Wilkinson, M'illey, Wilson — 30. Nays — Messrs. Breckenridge, Johnson (of Missouri), Polk, Powell, Trumbull — 5. Every Radical, except one, voting for it. THE POSITION OF THE STATE DEPARTMENT. In a letter to Mr. Dayton, United States Minister to France, as late as February 6, 1863, with reference tn a proposed media- tion suggested by M. Drouyn de I'lluys, French Premier, through M. Mercier, Mr. Seward says: It is true, indeed, that peace must come at some time, and that conferences must at- tend, if they are not allowed to precede the pacification. There is, however, a better form for such conferences than the one which M. Drouyn del'Huys suggests. The latter would be palpably in derogation of the Constitution of the United States, and would carry no weight, because destitute of the sanction necessary to bind either the disloyal or tlie loyal portions of tlie people. On the other hand, the Congress of the United States furnishes a constitutional fo- rum for debates between the alienated par- ties. Senators and Representatives from the loyal portion of the people are tliere al- ready, freely empowered to confer; and seats also are vacant, and inviting Senators and Representatives of the discontented party who may be constitutionally sent there from the States involved in the insurrection. Moreover, the conferences which can thus be held in Congress have this great advan- tage over any that could be organized upon tlie plan of M. Drouyn de I'Huys namely: that the Congress, if it were thought wise, could call a national convention to adopt its recommendations, and give them all the solemnity and binding force of organic law. Such conferences between the alienated par- ties may be said to have already begun. Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee and Missouri — States which are claimed by the insurgents — 'are already representd in Cnngress, and submitting with perfect free- dom, and in a proper spirit, their advice upon the course best calculated to bring about, in the shortest time, a firm, lasting, and honorable peace. Representatives have been sent, also, from Louisiana, and others are understood to be coming from Arkan- sas. There is a preponderating argument in favor of the congressional form of confer- ence over that which is suggested by M. Drouyn del'IIuys, namely: that while an accession to the latter would bring this Gov- ernment into a concurrence with the in- surgents in disregarding and setting aside an important part of the Constitution of the United States, and so would be of pernicious example, the congressional conference, on the contrary, preserves and gives new strength to that sacred writing which must continue through future ages the sheet an- chor of the Republic. You will be at liberty to read this dis- patch to M. Drouyn del'Huys, and to give him a copy, if he shall desire it. To the end that you may be informed of the whole case, I transmit a copy of M. Drouyn del'Huys' dispatch. I am, sir, your obedient servant, WILLIAM H. SEWARD. 70 DEMOCRATIC SrEAKEUS IIAND-EOOK. PRESIDENT LINCOLN TO HON. FEKNANDO TTOOD. Executive Mansion, ) Washington, December 12, 1862. / Hon. Feknando Wood: ^fy Dear Sir: Your letter of the 8th, v?ith the accompanying note of same date, was received yesterday. Tlie most important paragraph in the letter, us 1 consider, is in these words: "On the 26th of November last, I vpas advised by an authority wliich I deemed likely to be well informed, as well as reliable and truthful, that the Southern States would send representatives to the next Congress, pro- vided that a full and general amnesty should permit them to do so. No guarantee or terms were asked for other than the am nesty referred to." [ strongly suspect your information will prove to be groundless; nevertheless, I thank you for communicating it to me. Understanding the phrase in the paragraph abos'e quoted — "the Southern States would sendreprescTitatives to the next Congress" — to be substantially the same as that "the people of the Southern States would cease resistance, and would reinaugurate, submit to, and maintain the national authority within the limits of such States, under the Constitution of the United States," I say that in such case the war would cease on the part of the United States; and that if within a reasonable time " a full and general amnesty" were necessary to such end, it would not be withheld. 1 do not think it would be proper now to communicate this, formally or informally, to the people of the Southern States. My belief is tliat they already know it; and when they choose, if ever, they can com- municate with me unequivocally. Nor do I think it proper now to suspend military operations to try an experiment of negotia- tion. 1 should, nevertheless, receive with great pleasure, the exact mformation you now have, and also such other as you may in any way obtain. Such information might lie more valuable before the 1st of January than afterward. While there is nothing in this letter which 1 shall dread to see in history, it is, perhaps, better for the present that its existence should not become public. I therefore have to request that you will regard it as confi- dential. Your obedient servant, ABRAHAM LINCOLN. From the foregoing it will be seen thiit President Lincoln promised the se- I'uiity of a full and general amnesty to protect Senators and Representatives from the Seceded States, who would at- tend and take their seats in Congress, and thus preserve their persons from ar. rest, and any condition other than full freedom. The Disnnionista of the Radical Party. What its pkojiinent Leaders thought OF Disunion — What they did to Pbo- VOKE A DiSRUPTUKE. It is not necessary to encumber this work with a history of the causes which ended in an attempted dissolution of the UTiion. That the Democratic party is in no- wise responsible for it, no honest man will gainsay. That it used every effort to prevent the dire culmination, and its bloody conse- quences, is equally true. That the Radical party, which is now vociferous in its hypo- critical canting about the terrible crime of disunion, is under the party leadership of men who were diligent in devising and exer- cising the means, with the criminal purpose of provoking a disruption of the Union, is susceptible of the clearest proof. Tiiat it is now in its daily history, in and out of Congress, acting upon the hypothesis that the Union was dissolved, will not be denied even by its own oracles. That disunion, which they now att'ect to regard with so much horror, was tiieir iavorite agency for years before the war, by which they hoped to accomplibh their unholy designs — their own words shall attest. Let us look into history a little and reproduce what it records. Let us recall the incendiary work of Hin- ton Rowan Helper, which was indorsed, published and circuhited by them to inflame the Northern mind to an irreconcilable dis- content with any further fellowship with their Southern brethren. That it was the text book of the Radical, or, as it was then called, the " Republican" piarty, is apparent from the indorsement of its views and revo- lutionary objects, by the leading representa- tive men of that party in Congress. So sliocked was the conservative temper of the country by the chnr.icter of this book that, when it came to be exposed, Mr John Sherman, at present a Radical Senator from the State of Ohio, who indorsed it, waa coerced by public sentiment to withdraw from the position of Republican nominee for the Speakership of the House of Repre- sentatives and give way to another Republi- can who had not indorsed it. The following passages we extract from tliis amiable work : " Our own banner is inscribed : No co-op- eration with shiveliolders in politics: no fellowship with them in religion; noafiilia- tion with them in society; no recognition oi pro-slavery men, except as ruffians, outlaws and crimials. " Immediate death to slavery; or if not DISUNION SENTIMENTS OF NORTHEEN EADICALS. n immediate, unqualified proscription of its advocates during the periods of its existence. " It is our lione-t conviction, that all the pro-slavery slaveholders deserve at once to be reduced to a parallel with the basest criminals that lie fettered within the cells of our public prisons. " We are determined to abolish slavery at all liazards — in defiance of all the oppo- sition, of whatever nature it is possible for the slaveocrats to bring against us. Of this they may take due notice, and govern themselves accordingly. " We believe it is, as it ought to be, the desire, the determination, and the destiny of the Republican party to give the death- blow to slavery." Among other things, it proposed "to land military forces in the Southern States, who shall raise the standard of freedom, and call the slaves to it, and such free per- sons as may be willing to join it" The purpose was thus more fully developed : " Our plan is to make war, openly or se- cretly a.s circumstances may dictate, upon the property of slaveholders and their abet- tors, not for its destruction, if that can be easily avoided, but to convert it to the use of the 8lave.=. If it can not be thus converted, we advise its destruction. Teach the slaves to burn their masters' buildings, to kill their cattle and hogs, to conceal and destroy farming utensils, to abandoTi labor in seed-time and harvest, and let the crops perish." This is but a small sample of the blood- thirsty theories and advices of this work which was circulated by the hundreds of thousands throughout the North, and among the slaves of the South, as a campaign docu- ment of the Republican party. It was the device of its genius to invoke disunion and bloodshed. We have quoted enough of it to give its true character. Let us recur a little further to history. About that lime a well known politician, N. P. Banks, Jr., was Governor of Massa- chusetts, a position towliich lie had been re- peatedly chosen, notwithstanding his avow- al that in a certain contingency, not speci- fied, he would be willing to '' let the Union slide." It was during the occupation of the executive chair by the same chief mag- is*rate, that the banner of the Common- wealth, at a period of high political excite- ment, was substituted for the flag of the United States upon the staff of the State House, and continued to be there displayed for days, at least, and until public notice, called to a fact the significance of which could not be mistaken^ caused the restora- tion of the national ensign to its accus- tomed place. Another chief magistrate of the same Commonwealth, Ex-Governor An- 1 drew, while peace was yet unbroken, bad accepted, on th.e part of the State, the pres- ent of a Revolutionary musket from a con- spicuous Abolition clergyman, who had himself declared "a drum-head Constitu- tion" the only one worthy of regard — and with due ceremonies, in the presence of the members of the legislative assembly, in session, had welcomed the giver with a formal and enthusiastic address, at the cajii- tal of the State; and, rather as a symbol of what guns might be expected to do af- terward, it may be thought, than for the past achievements of an ordinary relic of" the old Revolutionary War, "with dewy eye and trembling lips," had actually im- printed a kiss of affection upon the body of the weapon. A very aged citizen of the same Commonwealth, Josiah Quincy, .Jr., of high social and literary position, while the amalgamation process was going for- ward between the Whigs and Republicans, had published a pamphlet, during Mr. Buchanan's administration, in whicli he urged it as the duty of the North to "take possession of the Government."* "There were a very few pulpits at the North, at this period," says a distinguished Massachusetts lawyer, " to which a pastor would venture to invite a brother clergyman from a slave State, should such a one hap- pen to be in the neighborhood, to preucli a Gospel addressed to all nations, in any one of which, at the time of its promiilga- tion, slavery was the common practice, and in regard to which practice it contains no reproof The American Tract Society had already been formally divided; the main office remaining at New York, while the New England seceding branch had its head- quarters at Boston, and became an active organ of abolition." At a mass meeting, held at South Farm- ingham, Massachusetts, in October, I860, a leading Republican Senator of the North (Mr. John P. Hale), wlio had been the can- didate of the Freesoil party for President a few years previously, said: "The South talked about dissolving the Union if Lin- coln Wiis elected. The Republicans would elect him, just to see if they would do it. Tke Gnion was more likeii/ to be dissolved if he was not. elected." — Report of Boston Cour- ier, Octuber 12. In the Chicago Convention, at which Lin- coln and Hamlin were nominated, after tlie resolutions had been read. Judge Jessup, of Pennsylvania, by whom they had been * This paragraph is from " Lunt's Origin of the War." 72 DEMOCIIATIC SPEAKER'S IIAND-EUOK, reported, said that lie " desired to amend a verbal mistake in the name of the party. It was printed in the resolutions 'the Na- tional Republican party.' He wislied to strike out tlie word National, as that was not the name by which the party was properly known." The correction was made. — Report in New York Tribune of May i8. It thus openly professed itself "sectional." A few brief extracts from the speeches, deli\ered before iJie war, by the high priests .of iiadicali.ini, will form a proper conclu- sion to ihis short reference to the disunion- i.-im of that organization anterior to the war : " Although I aTu not one of that class of men who cry for the perpetuation of the Union, though I am willing in a certain state to let it slide. I have no fear for its perpetuation." — General N. P. Banks, of Massachusetts, at Portland, Maine, in 1856. " I would have Judges who believe in a higher law and an anti-slavery Constitution, an anti-slavery Bible, and an anti-slavery God." — Hon. Anson Burlingame, at Fanueil Hall, in 1855. On the 16th of Januarv, 1855, the Rev. Mr. Beecher said, in a lecture in Kew York, on the subject of cutting the North from the South: "Two great powers that will not live to getlier are in our midst, and tugging at each other's throats. They will search each other out, though you separate them a hun dred times. And if hy an insane blindness you shall contrive to put ofl' the issue, and send this unsettled dispute down to your children, it will go down, gathering volume and strength at every step, to waste and des- olate their heritage. Let it be settled now. Clear the place. Bring in the champions. Let them put their lances in rest fur the charge. Sound the trumpet, and God save the right! " At a public meeting held in his church, to promote emigration to Kansas, the Re/. Henry Ward Beecher made the following remarks, as we find them in the report of the New York Eoeniiig Post : " He believed that the Sharp riile was truly a moral agency, and there was more moral power in one of those instruments, so tar as the slaveholders of Kansas were con- cerned, than in a hundred Bibles." "The object to be accomplished is this: That the free States shall take possession of the Government by their united votes. Minor interests and old party affiliations and prejudices must be Ibrgotten. Wu have the power in number; our strength is in union." — Simon Brown, Massachvsetts Free- soil candidate for Lieut- Governor in 1855. "There never was an hour when this blasphemous and infamous governnient should be made, and now the hour was to be prayed for when that disgrace to human- ity should be dashed to pieces forever."— Rev. Andreio T. Foss, of New Hampshire, at the American Anti-Slavery Society meeting at New York, May 13, 1857. " My most fervent prayer is that Eng- land, France, and Spain, may take this slavery-accursed nation into their special consideration ; and when the time arrives for the streets of the cities of this ' land of the free and home of the brave' to run with blood to the horses' bridles, if the writer of this be living, there will be one heart to rejoice at the retributive justice of Heaven." — Mr. W. 0. Duval " So long as this blood-stained Union ex- isted, there was but little hope for the slave." — W. Lloyd Garrison, at New York, May 13, 1857 "I will continue to experiment no longer — it is all madness. Let the slaveholding Union go, and slavery will go with the Union down into the dust. If ihe Church is against disunion, and not on the side of the slave, then I pronounce it as of the devil." — W. Lloyd Garrison, at New York, Augnsl 1, 1855. " I would not be understood as desiring a servile insurrection ; but I say to Southern gentlemen, that there are hundreds of thou- sands of lionestand patriotic men who will ' laugh at your calamity, and will mock when your fear cometh.'" — Hon. J. R. Gid- dings. (See his Book of Speeches, pages 159-60.) " Massachusetss has already made it a penal oft'ense to help tij execute a law of the Union. I want to see the officers of the State brought into collision with those of the Union. " No union with slaveholders. Up with the flag of disunion, that we may have a Iree and glorious union of our own." — TK. Lloyd Gairi.son. This Union, it is a lie, an imposture, and our first business is to seek its overthrow. Boston Liheratur, We confess that we intend to trample under foot the Coiistiiution of this countrv. Baniel Webster says: "You are a law- RADICAL OPPOSITION TO ADJUSTMENT. abiding people;" that the glory of New England is, " that it is a law-abiding com- munity." Shame on it, if this be true; if even tlie religion of New England sinks as low as its statute book. Butt saywearenot a hiio-iibiding community. Grod be thanked for it! — Wendell Phillips, of Massachusetts, at a Free Soil ■meeting in Boston, May, 1849. ^Vendell Phillips issued a pamphlet in IS.tO, reviewing Mr. Webster's speech "on the constitutional rights of the States," in vvhicli is the following: " We are disunionists, not from any love of separate confederacies, or aa ignorant of tlie lliousand evils that spring from neigh- boring and quarrelsome States; but we would get rid of this Union." He wished for the dissolution of the Union, because he wanted Massachusetts to be left free to right her own wrongs. If so, she would liave no trouble in sending her ships to Chiirleston and laying it in ashes. Edward Qiiincy, of Mass., at New York, May 13, 1857. On the Ist of February, 1850, the same petitions praying a dissolution of the Union were presented in the Senate by Mr. Hale, of New Hampshire. Mr. Webster, of Mass., suggested that there should have been a preamble to the petition in these words: " Gentlemen, menabers of Congress, where- as, at the commencement of the session, you and each of you took your solemn oaths in the presence of God and the Holy Evan- gelists, that you would support the Consti- tution of the United States, now, therefore, we pray you to take immediate steps to break up the Union and overthrow the Con- stitution of the United States as soon as you' can. And as in duty bound we will ever pray." But three Senators voted for the reception of the petition, viz : Messrs. Chase, Hale, and Seward. They (the South) tell you that they are willing to abide by the ballot-box, and will- ing to make that the last appeal. If we fail there, what then? We will drive it back, sword in hand, and, so help me God! believing that to be right, I am with them. [Loud cheers, and cries of "Good."] — James [Vatson Webb, at the Philadelphia Conven- tion that nominated Fremont in 1856. There was no Union with tlie South. Let us have a Union, said he, or let us sweep away this renmant which we call a Union. I go for a Union where all men are equal, or for no Union at all, and I go for right. Senator Wade, of Ohio, in a speech to a mass- meeting of the Repullicans, held iyi the State of Maine, in 1855, according to the Boston Atlas. Patriotic Efforts to Aveit Disimion. Leading Radicals Oppose Adjustment — Frigid Satisfaoton with which they Welcomed Disunion. On the 4th of February, 1861, representa- tives from twenty States, met in what was known as the " Peace Conference," to devise some means of averting disunion, which was then imminent. The Radical Govern- ors mostly sent partisans of their own school, to represent their States in this body. Against all the propositions adopted by the Con fere nee, the votes, in the same, of Maine, Vermont and Iowa, represented by entire Republican delegations, were cast. Massachusetts, which was represented by a full delegation of Republicans, voted against all except one, and did not vote on that. New Hampshire, with a, like delegation, voted against all but two. The States whose delegations were composed of men of both parties, voted generally for the propositions. They were substantially as follows : I. Slavery was prohibited in Territory north of the parallel of 36° 30', and per- mitted south of that line. No law was to be passed by Congress or the local legisla- tures, to prevent the taking of slaves into the latter territory ; and on either side of the line, territory with inhabitants sufficient, and with Republican form of government, was to< be admitted either with or without involuntary servitude, as its constitution might provide. II. N'o future acquisition of territory was to be made, except by discovery, and for certain national purposes, without the concurrence of a majority of the Senators from tlie free States and the slave States re- spectively. III. Congress was to have no power, by construction of the Constitution, or by any amendment of it, to interfere with slavery in any State, or in the District of Columbia,^ orin places within the exclusive jurisdiction of tlie United States; nor to prohibit the transportation of slaves from one slave State or Territory to another; but they were not to be taken through States or Territories in which the laws forbade such transit. Slaves were not to be brought into the Dis- trict of Columbia for sale, or to be kept there on the way to sale. IV. No such construction was to be placed on the article of the Constitution wliich provides for the delivery of fugitives from service or labor, as to prevent States 74 DEMOCEATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. from passing laws for the enforcement of tliat provision. V. The foreign slave-trade was to be for- ever prohibited. VI. Tlie provisions of the Constitution for the delivery of fugitives from service or labor, and in relation to, the apportionment of Representatives and direct taxes, were not to be amended or abolished without the consent of all the States. VII. Congress was to provide by law for tlie payment, by the United States, to the owner, of the full value of any slave res- cued by vijlenoe or intimidation, or whose recovery might be prevented by the same means. On the 2nd of March, 1861, they were offered to the Senate by Mr. Crittenden of Kentucky, after the adoption of the House Constitutional Amendment, and pending the Crittenden propositions, and tliey were re- jected — yeas 7, nays 28 — as follows: Yeas — Messrs. Crittenden, Douglas, Harlan, Johnson (of Tennessee), Kennedy, Morrill, and Thompson — 7. Nats — Messrs. Bayard, Bigler, Bingham, Bright, Chandler, Clark, Dixon, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Gwin, Hunter, Lane, Latham, Mason, Nicholson, Polk, Pugh, Rice, Sebastian, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Wade, Wigfall, Wilkinson, and Wilson— 28. March 1, 1861, Mr. McClernand moved to suspend the rules for the purpose of re- ceiving tlie recommendation of the Peace Congress, which was rejected — yeas 93, nays 67, as follows : Ye.\s — Messrs. Chas. F. Adams, Green Adams, Adrain, Aldrich, Wm. C. Anderson, Avery, Barr, Barrett, Bocock, Boteler, Brabson, Branch, Briggs, Bristow, Brown, Burch, Burnett,. Camp- bell, Horace F. Clark, John B. Clark, John Cochrane, Corwin, James Craig, John G. Davis, De Jarnette. Dunn, Btheridge, Florence, Fos- ter, Fouke, Garnett, Gilmer, liale. Hall, Hamil- ton, J. Morrison Harris, John T. Harris, Has- kin, Hatton, Hoard, Hohnan, William Howard, Hughes, Jenkins, Junkin, W. Kellogg, KiUin- ger, Kunkel, Larrabee, J. M. Leach, Leake, Logan, Maclay, Mallory, Chas. D. Martin, May- nard, McClernand, McKenty, McKnight, Mc- pherson, Milson, Milwsrd, Laban T. Moore, Moorhead, Edward Joy Morris, Nelson, Nib- lack, Nixon, Clin, Pendleton, Peyton, Phelps, Porter, Pryor, Quarles, John H. Reynolds, Bice, Rigo:s, James C. Robinson, Sickles, Simms, Wm. N. 11. Smith, Spaulding, Stevenson, W^iUiam Stewart, Stokes, Thomas, Vance, Webster, Whiteley, Winslow, Woodson, and Wright — 93. Nays — Messrs. Alley, Ashley, Bingham, Blair, Brayton, Buffinton, Burlingn.me, Burnham,Cary, Case, Coburn, Colfax, Conway, Burton Craige, Dawos, Delano, Duell, Edgerton, Eliot, Ely, Fenton, Ferry, Franck, Gooeh, Graham, Grow, Gurley, Helmick, Hickman, Hindman, William A. Howard, Hutchins, Irvine, Francis W. Kel- logg, Kenyon, Loomis, Lovejoy, McKean, Mor- rill. Morse, Palmer, Perry, Potter, Pottle, Chris- topher Robinson, Royce, Rufiin, Sedgwick, Sherman, Somes, Spinner, Stanton, Stevens, Tappan, Tompkins, Train, A^andever, Van Wyok, Wade, Waldron, Walton, Cadwalader C. Washburn, Elihu B. Wasbburne, Wells, Wilson, Windom, and Woodruff — 67. It will be seen that but one Radical voted for them in the Senate, and that but three Southern Representatives voted against the motion to suspend the rules to receive them in the House. The Crittenden Eesolntions. On the 2nd of March, 1861, the Senate came to a vote on the peace propositions of Mr. Crittenden of Ky., recommending sev- eral Constitutional amendments, of sub- stance as follows: 1st. A division of territory into free and slave on the line of 36° 30', prohibiting Congress or tlie Territorial Legislature from abolishing or interfering «ith slavery south of that line, and providing for the admis- sion of new States with population sufficient for one representative in Congress. 2nd. Amending the Constitution so as to prohibit interference by Congress with sla- very in the States by abolishing it in any places within its exclusive jurisdiction. 3d. Prohibiting the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, as long as it existed in Maryland and Virginia, and per- mitting officers of the Government and members of Congress to bring their slaves with tliem into the Di-trict during their official service, and taking them out from the District. 4th. Congress to have no power to inter- fere witli the inter-State slave trade. 5th, Paying the owner for his fugitive slave where the U. S. Marshall is prohibited from recovering him by local violence; the Government to sue and recover, frnm the county in which the rescue occurred, the value of the slave, and it, in turn, to sue and recover from the wrong-doers or res- cuers. 6th. No future amendment to the Consti- tution to affect these amendments, nor the third paragraph of the second section of the 4th article of the Constitution, nor to give Congress the power to interfere with or abolish slavery in tlie States. The proposition also recommended the passage by Congress of joint resolution? against the repeal of the Fugitive Sla.ve Law, and in favor of laws punishing the rescuers of fugitive slaves; the repeal, by the several States who had passed such enact- ments, 'of what was known iis the personal liberty laws; the amendment of the Fugi- tive Slave Law, .^o as to give the Commis- sioner the same fee, whether he decided for or against the claimant, and to restrict the power to Ruiiimons a posse comitafiis to cases 1 of actual resistance, and the passage of the THE CRITTENDEX RESOLUTIONS. 75 most stringent and effectual laws for the sufipreBsion of the African slave trade. The entire proposition was rejected. Ykas — Me.isrs. Bayard, Bigler, Bright, Ceit- TKVDEN, Douglas, Gwin, Hunter, Johnson (of Ti-nnessee), Kennedy, Lane, Latham, Mason, Niuholson, Polk, Pugh, Rice, Sebastian, Thom- son and Wigfall— 19. Nays — Messrs. Anthony, Bingham, Chand- I'T, Clark, Dixon, Duolittle, Durkee, Pessenden, Ftiot, Foster, Grimes, Harlan, King, Morrill, ISumner, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Wade, Wilkin- son and Wilson — 20. Every Eadical present voted against it. The same proposition had been introduced in the House of Representatives on the 27th of February, and had been rejected, as fol- lows : Yeas — Messrs. Adrain, William C. Akdee- SON, Avery, Barr, Barrett, Bocock, Boteler, Bouligny, Brabson, Branch, BaiGGS, Bristow, Brown, Burch, Burnett, Horace F. Clark, John B. Clark, John Cochrane, Cox, James Craig, Burton Craig, John G. Davis, De Jarnette, Dim- miok, Edmundson, English, Florence, Fouke, Garnett, Gilmeb, Hamilton, J. Mokrison Har- ris, John T. Harris, Hatton, Holman, William Howard, Hughes, Jenkins, Kunkel, Larrabee, Jamrs M. Leach, Leake, Logan, Maclay, Mal- LOBY, Charles D. Martin, Elbert S. Martin, Maynard, McClernand, McKenty, Millson, Montgomery, Laban T. Moore, Isaac N. Mor- ris, Nelson, Niblaok., Noell, Peyton, Phelps, Pryor, Quarlrs, Riggs, Jas. C. Kohinson, Kust, Sickles, Simms, William Smith, William N. H. S.MITH, Stevenson, James A. Stewart, Stokes, Stout, Thomas, Vallandigham, Vance, Webster, Whitely, Winslow, Woodson and Wright — 80. Nays — Messrs. Charles F. Adams, Aldrich, Alley, Ashley, Babbitt, Beale, Bingham, Blair, Blake, Brayton, Buffinton, Burlingame, Burn- ham, Butterfield, Campbell, -Carey, Carter, Case, Coburn, Clark B. Cochrane, Colfax, Conkling, Conway, Corwin, Covode, H. Winter Davis, Dawes, Delano, Duell, Dunn, Edgerton, Ed- wards, Eliot, Ely, Etheridge, Farnsworth, Fen- ton, Ferry, Foster, Fra.nk, French, Gooch, Gra ham. Grow, Hale, Hall, Helmick, Hickman, Hindman, Hoard, William A. Howard, Humph- rey, Hutchins, Irvine, Junkin, Francis W. Kel- logg, William Kellogg, Kenyon, Kilgore, Killin- gor, DeWitt C. Leach, Lee, Longuecker, Loomis, Lovejoy, Marston, McKean,McKnight, MoPher- son, Moorhead, Morriil, Morse, Nixon, Olin, Palmer, Perry, Pettit, Porter, Potter, Pottle, E. R. Reynolds, Bice, Christ. Robinson, Royce, Scranton, Sedgwick, Sherman, Somes, Spaul- ding. Spinner, Stanton, Stevens, William Stew- art, Stratton, Tappan, Thayer, Theaker, Tomp- kins, Train, Trimble, Vandever, Van Wyck, ^'errec. Wade, Waldron, Walton, Cadwalader 0. Washburn, Elibu B. Washburne, Wells, Wilson, Windom, Wood and Woodruff — 113. But one Soutliern Representative, it will be seen, voted against it Every Radical voted against it. Every Democrat for it. In the Senate of the United States, oa the 3d of January, Mr. Douglas said ; " I believe this to be a fair basis of ami- eable adjustment. If you, of the Republi- can side, are not willing to accept this, nor the proposition of the Senator from Ken- tucky, Mr, Crittenden, pray tell us what you are willing to do. I address the inquiry to the Republicans alone, for the reason that, in tlie Conuiiittee of Thirteen, a few days ago, every member from the South, in- cluding those from the cotton States (Messrs. Davis and Toombs), expressed their readi- ness to accept the proposition of my vener- able friend from Kentucky, as a final settle- ment of the controversy, if tendered and sustained by the Republican members. Hence, the sole responsil>ility of our disa- greement, and the only difficulty in the way of an amicable adjustment, is with the Re- publican party." Indeed, Mr. Toombs himself, in a speech to the Senate, January 7th, speaking, of course, for those with whom he was acting as well as for himself, after suggesting the conditions which he would prefer, and would accept " for the sake of peace — permanent peace " — proceeded : " I am willing, however, to take the prop- osition of the Senator from Kentucky, as it was understood in committee, putting the North and the South on the same ground, prohibiting slavery on one side, acknowl- edgingslavery and protecting it on theotlier; and applying that to all future acquisitions, so that the whole continent, to the north pole, shall be settled upon tlie one rule, and to the south pole, under the other." This was in exact conformity with the propositions of the Peace Conference, and, moreover, the principle of the Missouri Compromise. Mr. Crittenden, also, in a published letter to Mr. Anderson, of Cin- cinnati, dated March 27, 1S61, remarks, in reference to the resolutions which bear his name: " I believe if those measures, thus offered, had been, at a suitable time, promptly adopted by the Congress of the United States, it would have checked the progres.s of the rebellion and revolution, and saved the Union." On the day of the final disposition of the question, March 3, 18fil. Mr. Pugh, of Ohio, declared, in a speech to the Senate : _ " Before the Senators from the State of Mississippi left this chamber, I heard one of them, who now assumes, at least, to be President of the Southern Confederacy, propose to accept it (that is, the Crittenden proposition), and ti maintain the Union, if that proposition could receive the vote it ought to receive from the other side of this chamber. "Therefore, of all your propositions, of all your amendments, knowing as I do, and knowing that the historian will so write it down, at any time before the first of January a two-thirds vote for the Crittenden Resolu- 76 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. tions, in this cbamber, would have saved every State in the Union, but South Car- olina. Mr. Douglas followed Mr. Pugh on this occasion, and remarked: " The Senator has said that if the Crit- tenden proposition could have passed, early in the session, it would have saved all the States, except South Carolina. / firmly helievi ii would. ''I can confirm the Senator's declaration that Senator Davis himself, when on the Committee of Thirteen, was ready at all ami's to compromise on the Crittenden propo- sition. I will go further, and say that Mr. Toombs was also." It was stated in the public prints, early in November, ]S61, when actual war had been on foot but a few mojiths, that Mr. Lin- coln made known his "regrets that he did not urge the adoption of the Crittenden Compi-omise." The following papsage is an extract from a. letter addressed by him, from Washington, to Mr. Hays, of Chicago, dated December 29, 1860: ■' Many of the Republican leaders desire a dissolution of the Unii^n, and urge war as a means' of acconiplishinij disunion; while others are Union men in good faith. We have now reached a point where a compro- mise on tiie basis of mutual concession or disunion and war is inevitable." In another letter of Mr. Douglas, ad- dressed to Mr. Taylor, of New York, and dated on the same day, he wrote : " We are now drifting rapidly into civil war, wbicli must end in disunion. This can onljr be prevented by amendments to the Constitution, which will take the slavery question out of Congress. Whether this can be done, depends upon the Republicans. Many of their leaders desire disunion on party grounds, and liere is the difficulty God grant us safedeliveraiice, is my prayer." A Senator from Ohio (.Mr. Pugh) de- clared in his place, on the day preceding the final adjournment of tlongres^ (.March 3, 1861), that the resolutions had "been petitioned for by a larger number of elec- tors of the United States, than any propo- eition that was ever before Congress." Mr. Dougla.s, in a letter dated at AVash- ington, February 2, J 861, and addressed to a paper in Tennessee, says, with the pur- pose of dissuading ihe people of that State from taking part with secession : ' " You must remember that there are disun- ionists among the party leaders at the North as well as at the South ; men whose hos- tility to slavery is stronger than their fidelity to the Constitution, and who believe that ihe disruption of the Union would draw after it, as an inevitable consequence, civil war, servile insurrection, and finally, the utter extermination of slavery in all the Southern States. * * * The Norlbevn disunionists, like the disunionists of the South, are violently opposed to all compro- mises and Constitutional amendments, or eflforts at conciliation, whereby peace should be restored and the Union preserved. They are striving to break up the Union, under the pretense of unbounded devotion to ii. They are struggling to overthrow the Con- stitution, while professing undying attach- ment to it, and a willingness to make any sacrifice to maintain it. "They are trying to plunge the countrj into civil war, as the surest means of de- stroying the Union, upon the plea of enforc- ing the laws and protecting the public prop- erty. If they can defeat any adjustment or compromise, by which the points at issue may be satisfactorily settled, and keep up the irritation, so as to induce the border States to follow the cotton States, they will feel certain of the accomplishment of their ultimate designs. Nothing will gratify ihern, so much, or contribute so effectually to their success, as the secession of Tennessee and the Border States. Every State that with- draws from the Union increases the rela- tive power of the Northern abolitionists to defeat a satisfactory adjustment." In a debate in the Senate on the state of the Union, on the lOth December, 1860, when affairs bad so nearly ripened into open secession, Mr. Dixon, of Connecticut, declared that the true way to restore har- mony was " by cheerfully and honestly as- suring to every section its constitutional rights. 2\^o section professes to ask more. No section ought to offer less.'' He added, that three-quarters of his constituents would uphold him in this position. Whereupon, Mr. Davis' colleague, Mr. Brown, of Mis- sissippi, said: "It the .samespirit could pre- vail which actuates the Senator who has just now taken his seat, a different state of things might be produced in twenty days."— Congressional Globe, December 11, 1860. Mr. Douglas declared, February 29, I860, in reply to a speech of Mr. Seward : "I repeat that their resistance (that of the Republican or Radical party) to carrying out in good faith the settlement of 1820, their defeat of the bill for extending it to the Paci- fic Ocean, was the sole cause of the agita- tion of 18,50, and gave rise to the necessity of establishing the principle of non-inter- vention by Congress wuh slavery in the Territories. Hence, I am not willing to sit here and allow the Senator from New York, with all the weight of authority he has with the powerful party of which he is the head, to arraign me and the party to CHANDLER'S BLOOD-LETTING LETTER. 77 which I belong with the responsibility for that agitation which rests solely upon him and liis associates." Tlie (bllovving passage is an extract of a speech, delivered by a very eminent citizen of >)evv York, the late Judge Wm. Duer, at Oswego, in that State, August 6, 1860 : "The Republican party is a conspiracy, under the Conns, but in violation of the ."pirit of the Constitution of the United States, to exclude tlie citizens of 'slave- holding States from all share in the govern- raent of the country, and to compel them to adopt their institutions to the opinions of the citizens of the free States.' " How the Leading Radicals treated the Oriaia. Governor Andrew, of Massachusetts, in his message, January 5, 1861, remarked: "And the single question now presented to the nation is this; shall a reactionary spirit, imfricnAbj to liberty, be permitted to subvert democratic-republican government, organized under constitutional forms?" In other words, the Governor of Massa- chusetts was afraid to do any thing to abate the disunion spirit, for fear that a patriotic reaction might overwhelm him and his co- conspirators of the Radical party. In evi- dence, beyond what has already appeared, to support this statement, among a mass of similar testimony, the following may suf- fice. Mr. Wade, a Senator from Ohio, made the following declarations in a pub- lished speech: (These extracts are made from Carpenter's " Logic of History," a book published at Madison, Wisconsin, in 1864.) "And, after all this, to talk of a Union! Sir, I have said you have no Union. I say you have no Union to-day wortliy of the name. I am here a conservative man, knowing, as I do, that the only salvation to your Union (that is, according to the re- solve of Mr. Wade and others) is that you divest it entirely from all the taints of slavery. If we can't have that, then I go for no Union at all, but I go for a flght." " Washington, February 11, 1861. "My Dear Governor: Governor Bing- ham and myself telegraphed to you on Sat- urday, at the request of Massachusetts and New York, to send delegates to the Peace Compromise Congress. They admit that we were right and they were wrong ; that no Republican State should have sent dele- gates; but they are here, and can't get away. Ohio, Indiana, and Rhode Island are coming in, and there is some danger of Illinois; and now they beg us, for God's sake, to come to their rescue, and save the Republican party from rupture. I hope you will send stiff-hacked men or none. The whole thing was gotten up against my ji«lgment and advice, and will end in thin smoke. Still, I liope, as a matter of cour- tesy to some of our erring brethren, that you will send the delegates. "Truly your friend, "Z. CHANDLER. "His Excellency, Austin Blair. "P. S. Some of the manufacturing .states think that a fight vfoxM be awful. With- out a little blood-letting, this Union will not, in my estimation, be worth a cui-se." Mr. Seward was unwilling to do anything then. He might, however, in one, two, or an indefinite number of years. In the Sen- ate, on the 12th of January, 1861, he said: "After the angry excitements of the hour have subsided, and calmness once more shall have resumed its accustomed sway over the public mind — then, and not till then — one, two, or years hence — I should cheerfully advise a convention of the peo- ple, to be assembled in pursuance of the Constitution, to consider and decide whether any and What amendments of the organic national law ought to be made." The Boston Courier, of January 25, 1861, published a Washington dispatch, saying: " Senator Wilson has just returned from Massachusetts; says the Republicans there are stronger than ever in their faith. He states that the Democrats and Bell and Everett men told him that now was the time to settle the question of slavery. The seces- sion movement in South Carolina" (and similar causes referred to) "confirmed his constituents in their determination to dis- pose of the question now and forever. When asked how they would dispose of it, the Senator intimated that remained to he seen. Mr. Thurlow Weed, than whom no one could be more conversant with the whole subject, declared in the Albany Journal, edited by him ; "The chief architects of the rebellion, before it broke out, avowed that tliey were aided in their designs by the. ultra Aboli- tionists of the North. This was too true, for without such aid the South could never have been united against the Union." Mr. Andrew Johnson, now President of the United States, declared, in a speect, just before the rebellion broke into open violence: "There are two parties in existence who want dissolution. Slavery and a Southern Confederacy is the hobby. Sumner wants to break up the Government, and so do the Abolitionists generally. They hold that, if it survives, the Union can not endure. Secessionists argue that, if the Union con- tinues, slavery is lost Abolitionists want no compromise; but they regard "peaceable secession as a humbug. " I'he two occupy the same ground. Why, 78 DBMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. abolition is disaolution ; dissolution is seces- sion ; one is the other. Both are striving to accomplish the same object." Tte South Enoonraged to Dissolntioni Secession a Peaceful Right. Mr. Ben. "VYade announced in a speech in the Senate, as it is reported in the Con- gressional Globe, third session, Thirty-fourth Congress, page li-5, bolder disunion doctrine than was ever avowed by Messrs. Davis or Yancej' : " But Southern gentlemen stand here and in almost all their speeches, speak of the dissolution of the Union, as an element of everv argument, as though it were a pecu- liar condescension on their part that they permitted the Union to stand at all. If ihey do not feel interested in upholding the Union — if it really trendies on their rights — if it endangers their institutions to such an extent that they can not fgel secure under it — if their interests are violently assailed by means of the Union, I am not one of those who expect that they will long continue under it I am not one of those who would ask them to continue in such a Union. It would be doing violence to the platform of the party to which I belong. We have adopted the old Declaration of Inde- pendence as the basis of our political move- ments, which declares that any people when their government ceases to protect their rights — when it is so subverted from the true purposes of government as to op- pose them — have the right to recur to fun- damental principles, and, if need be, to de- stroy the government under tvhich ihey live, and to erect on its ruins another more con- ducive to their welfare. I hold that they have this right. I mil not blame any people for exercising ii, whenever they think the contingency has come, * * * Ydu can not forcibly hold men in this Union, for the attempt to do so, it seems to me, would subvert the first priiiciples of the Government under which we live." January 12, 1848, the late President Lin- coln in App., Congressional Globe, first ses- sion, Thirtieth Congress, page 94, pro- claimed in Congress that, "Any people, any ^^ here, being inclined and having the power, have the right to rise up and shake off the existing govern- ment and form a new one that suits them better. Nor is this right confined to cases in which the people of an' existing govern- ment may choose to exercise it." December 17, 1860, Horace Greeley, in the New York Tribune, says: "If the Declaration of Independence jus- tified the secession from the British Empire of 3,000,000 colonists in 1776, we do ujl see 'Ction ii journ^ why it should not justify the secession of 5,000,000 of Southerners from the Union in 1861." November 9, 18C0, the same journal says: " Whenever a considerable section of our Union is all deliberately resolved to go out, we shall resist all coercive measures de- signed to keep them in. We hope never (o live in a Republic whereof one section pinned to another by bayonets." November 26, 1860, the same jl again says: " If the cotton States unitedly and earn- estly wish to withdraw peaceably fironi the Union, we think they should and would be allowed to do so. Any attempt to compel them by force to remain would be contrary to the principles enunciated in theimmortal Declaration of Independence — contrary to the fundamental ideas on which human liberty is based." March 2, 1861, nearly six weeks before the assault upon Fort Sumter, the same journal again said : "We have repeatedly said, and we once more insist, that the great principle em- bodied by Jefferson in the Declaration of In- dependence, that governments derive their just powers from the consent of the gov- erned, is sound and just; and that, if the slave States, the cotton States, or the Gulf States only, choose to form an independent nation, they have a moral right to do so." Of course Southern members of Congress must have had the opportunity of knowing the private opinions of Northern members of the two branches, and, probably, of those members of the administration, whose views of the situation more or less coincided with those of the Secretary of the Treasury. Even General Scott, at the head of the military force of the Union, on the 3d of March, 1S61, the day after Mr. Greeley's announcement of his views, in his published letter to Mr. Seward, proposed as his final and apparently favorite alternative, in "the highly disordered condition of our (so late) happy and glorious Union, say to the se- ceded Siates—icayward sisters, depart in peace .'" Negro Suffrage. Votes on, ix Congkess, on the I8th of March, 1864. .,'J-^'^ House passed, without a division, a bill in the usual form, to provide a tempo- orary government for the Territory of Mon- tana. March 31— The Senate considered it, when Mr. Wilkinson moved to strike from the second line of the fifth section (defining the qualifications of voters), the words "white male inhabitant" and insert the words: "male citizen of the United States NEGBO SUFFRAGE. 79 and Uiose who have declared their intention 10 become such ;" which was agreed to — yeas 22, nays 17, as follows: Ykas — Messrs. Brown, Chandler, Clark, Collamer, Conness, Dixon, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, G-rimes, Hale, Harlan, Harris, Howard, li'owe, Morgan, Morrill, Pomeroy, Sumner, "Wade, Wilkinson, Wilson — 22. Nays — Messrs. Buokalew, Carlile, Cowan, Da- vi>, Ilnrding, Henderson, Johnson, Lane (of In- diana), Nesmith, Potoell, Riddle, Saulshury, Sher- ipan, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Van Winkle, Wil- ley— 17. The House disagreed to the amendments of the Senate, and a Committee of Con- ference recommended that it recede from its disairreement to the above, among other amendments of the Senate. The recom- mendation was rejected by the House on the 15th of April, when, on a motion to adhere to its amendments, and ask another Committee of Conference, Mr. Webster moved instructions : " And that said committee be instructed to agree to no report that authorizes any other than free white male citizens, and those who have declared their intention to become such, to vote." Which was agreed to — yeas 75, nays 67, as follows ; Yeas — Messrs. James C. Allen, ^Wm. J. Allen, Baily, Augmtus C. Baldwin, Francis P. Blair, BUbh, Brooke, James S. Brown, Wm. G-. Brown, Chanler, Olay, Goffroth, Cocr, Cravens, Creswell, Henry Winter Davis, Dawson, Denison, Eden, Eldridge, Finch, Ganson, Qrider, Hall, Harding, Benjamin G. Harris, Herrich, Holman, Hutehins, William Johnson,' Kalbjleisch, Kernan, Knapp, Jjnw, Lanear, Long, Mnllory, Maraj, MoBride, McDowell, McKinney, Wm. H. Miller, James R. Morris, Morrison, Nelson, Noble, Odell, Pendle- ton, Radford, Saml. J. Randall, W. H. Randall, Robinson, Rogers, James S- Rollins, Ross, Scott, Smith, Smithers, Stebbins, John B. Steele, Wm. 0. Steele, Strouse, Stuart, Sioeat, Thomas, Tracy, Voorheee, Webster, Whaley, Wheeler, Ghilton A. White, Joseph W. White, Winfield, Fernando Wood, Yeaman — 75. Nats — Messrs. Alley, Allison, Ames, Ander- son, Ashley, John D. Baldwin, Baxter, Beaman, Blaine, Boutwell, Boyd, Broomall, Ambrose W. Clark, Cobb, Colo, Dawes, Deming, Driggs, Dumont, Fransworth, Frank, Gooch, Grinnell, Higby, Hooper, Hotchkiss, Asahel W. Hubbard, John H. Hubbard, Jenckes, Julian, Kelley, Francis W. Kellogg, Orlando Kellogg, Loan Longyear, Marvin, McClurg, Mclndoe, Samuel, F. Miller, Morrill, Daniel Morris, Leonard Myers, Norton, Chai-les O'Neill, Orth, Patterson, Perham, Pike, Pomeroy, Price, Alexander H. Eice, John H. Rice, Bdward H. Rollins, Sohenek, Shannon, Sloan, SteTens, Thayer, Upson, Van Valkenburgh, Blihu B. Wash- burne, William B. Washburn, Williams, Wilder, Wilson, Windom, Woodbridge — 67. The Senate declined a further conference on these terms, when a free conference was had, which resulted in the passage of a suf- frage clause, similar to that in the act organizing Idaho, which confined suflTrage to white males at first election ; the quali- fications of voters, afterward, to be deter- mined by the Territorial Legislature. In the Senate, May 26, 18R4, the bill for tlie registration of voters in the city of Washington being under consideration, Mr. Sumner moved to amend the bill by adding this proviso : "Provided, That there shall be no exclu- sion of any person from the registry on ac- count of color." May ,27 — Mr, Harlan moved to amend the amendment by making the word " per- son " read" persons," and adding the words — "Who have borne arras in the military service of the United States, and have been honorably discharged therefrom." Which was agreed to — yeas 26, nays 12, as follows : Yeas — Messrs. Anthony, Chandler, Clark, Collamer, Conness, Dixon, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Hale, Harlan, Harris, Johnson, Lane (of Indiana), Lane (of Kansas), Morgan, Morrill, Pomeroy, Ramsey, Sherman, Ten Eyek, Trumbull, Wade, Willey, Wilson— 26. Nats — Messrs. Buckalew, Carlile, Cowan, Davis, Hendricks, McDougall, Powell, Richard- son, Saulsbury, Sumner, Van Winkle, Wilkin- son — 12. May 28 — Mi-. Sumner moved to add these words to the last proviso : " And provided further, That all persons, without -distinction of color, who shall, within the year next preceding tlie election, have paid a tax on any estate, or been as- sessed with a part of the revenue of said Dis- trict, or been exempt from taxation, having taxable estate, and who can read and write with facility, shall enjoy the privilege of an elector. But no person now entitled to vote in the said District, continuing to reside therein, shall be disfranchised hereby." Wliich was rejected — yeas 8, nays 27, as follows : Yeas— Messrs. Anthony, Clark, Lane (of Kansas), Morgan, Pomeroy, Ramsey, Sumner, Wilkinson— 8. Nats — ^Messrs. Buckaleio, Carlile, Collamer, Cowan, Davis, Dixon, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Hale, Harlan, Harris, Hendricks, Hicks, Johnson, Lane (of Indiana), McDougall, Morrill, Powell, Saulsbury, Sherman, Ten Eyck, Trum- bull, Van Winkle, Willey, Wilson— 27. The other proposition of Mr. Sumner, amended on motion of Mr. Harlan, was then rejected — yeas 18, nays 20, as follows. Yeas — Messrs. Anthony, Chandler, Clark, Dixon, Foot, Foster, Hale, Harlan, Howard, Howe, Lane (of Kansas), Morgan, Pomeroy Ramsey, Sherman, Sumner, Wilkinson, Wil- son — 18. Nats — Messrs. Buckalew, Garlile, Cowan, Davis, Grimes, Harris, Hendricks, Hicks, John- son, Lane (of Indiana), McDougall, Morrillj DEMOCKATIC Si'KxUvEK'S IIaXJj-LuOX. Nesmith, Poioell, Jiichardaon, SauUhury, Ten Byek, Trumbull, Van Winkle, Willey— 20. The bill then passed the Senate, and after- ward the House, without amendment. An act to regulate the elective franchise in the District of Columbia, was vetoed by the President. This act provided that each and every male person, excepting paupers and persons under guardianship, of the age of twenty-0)ie years and upward, who has not been convicted of any infamous crime or offense, and excepting persons who may have voluntarily given aid and comfort to the rebels in the late rebellion, and who i^hall have been bom or naturalized in the United States, and who shall have resided in the said District for the period of one year, and three months in the ward or election pre- cinct in which he shall offer to vote, next preceding any election therein, shall be en- titled to the elective franchise, and shall be deemed an elector and entitled to vote at any election in said District, without any dis- tinction on account of color or race. On the 7th of January, 1866, the Presi- dent vetoed it. Same day, the Senate passed it, notwith- standing the President's objections, by a two-thirds vote — yeas 29, nays 1 0, as follows : Yeas — Messrs. Anthony, Cattell, Chandler, Conness, Cragin, Creswell, Edmunds, Fessenden, Fogg, Fowler, Frelinghuysen, Grimes, Hender- son, Howard, Howe, Kirkwood, Lane, Morgan, Morrill, Poland, Ramsey, Boss, Sherman, Stew- art, Sumner, Trumbull, Wade, Willey, Wil- liams — 29. Nats — Messrs. Cowan, Dixon, Doolittle, Fos- ter, HendrickB, Johnson, Neam.ith, Norton, Patter- son, Van Winkle — 10. January 8 — The House passed it — yeas 113, nays 38, as follows : Yeas — Messrs. Alley, Allison, Ames, Arnell, Delos R. Ashley, James M. Ashley, Baker, Baldwin, Banks, Barker, Baxter, Beaman, Ben- jamin, Bidwell, Bingham, Blaine, Boutwell, Brandegee, Bromwell, Broomall, Buckland, Bundy, Reader, W. Clarke, Sidney Clarke, Cobb, Cook, Cullom, Culver, Darling, Dawes, Defrees, Delano, Doming, Dixon, Dodge, Donnelly, Driggs, Bckley, Eggleston, Farnsworth, Far- quhar, Ferry, Garfield, Grinnell, Abner C. Har- ding, Hart, Hawkins, Hayes, Henderson, Higby, Hill, Holmes, Hooper, John H. Hubbard, James R. Hubbell, IngersoU, Jenckes, Julian, Kasson, KoUey, Kelso, Kotoham, Koonta, George V. Lawrence, William Lawrence, Loan, Longyear, Lynch, Marston, Marvin, Maynard, McCIurg, MoRuer, Mercur, Miller, Morrill, Moulton, Myers, NewoU O'Neill, Orth, Paine, Patterson, Perham, Pike, Plants, Price, Raymond, Alex- ander H. Rice, John H. Rioe, Sawyer, Schenck, Seofleld, Spalding, Starr, Stokes, Thayer, Fran- cis Thomas, John L. Thomas, jr., Trowbridge, Upson, Van Aernam, Burt Van Horn, Hamilton Ward, Warner, Elihu B. Washburne, Welker, Wentworth, Williams, James F. Wilson, Ste- phen F. Wilson, Windom, and Speaker Colfax — lis. Nays— Messrs. Anconn, Bu-gcn, Campldl, Chanter, Cooper, Dawmn , Eldnchje, Finch, Gloss- hrenner, Anron Harding, Hiae, Hogan, Chester D. Hubbard, Humphrey, Hunter, Kerr, Kuykendall, Latham, Leftwieh, McCullough, Nihlach, Nichol- son, Noell, Phelps, Radford, S. J. Randall, W. H. Randall, Ritter, Rogers, Ross, Shanklin, Strorne, Taber, Nathaniel 0. Taylor, Nelson Taylor, Trim- ble, Andrew H. Ward, Winjield — 38. Whereupon the Speaker of the House de- clared the bill a law. In the Senate, Messrs. Brown, Harris,, Pomeroy, Sprague and Wilson, who voted for the bill originally, did not vote on this vote. Messrs. Buckalevv, Davis, Riddle and Saulsbury, who voted against the bill orig- inally, did not vote on this vote. Mr. Johnson, who did not vote on the original bill, voted against it now. In the House, Messrs. Anderson, Blow, Conkling, Eliot, Griswold, Hale, Hotchkiss, Demas Hubbard, jr., Hubbard, Laflin, JIc- Indoe, Moorhead, Morris, Pomeroy, Eol- lins, Shellabarger, Sloan, Stevens, E. T. Van Horn, W. B. Washburn and Woodbridge, who voted for the bill originally, did not vote on this vote. Messrs. Benjamin, Cullom, Darling, Farqu- har. Plants and J.L Thomas, jr., who did not vote on the bill originally, voted for it now. Messrs. Boycr, Denison, Goodyear, Har- ris, B. N. Hubbell, LeBlond, Marshall, Mc- Kee, Rousseau, Sitgreaves, Stillwell, Thorn- ton and Whaley, who voted against the bill originally, did not vote now. Messrs. Humphrey, McCullough, Trimble and Winfield, who did not vote originally, voted against the bill now. In the Senate, January 10, 1861, pending the bill to amend the Organic acts of the "I'erritories, This substitute was adopted ; "That from and after the passage of this act there shall be no denial of the elective franchise in any of the Territories of the United States, now or hereafter to be or- ganized, to any citizen thereof, on account of race, color, or previous condition of ser- vitude, and all acts or parts of acts, either of Congress or the legislative assemblies of said Territories inconsistent with the pro- visions of this act, are hereby declared null and void." The vote was— yeas 24, nays 8, as follows; Yeas — Messrs. Anthony, Conness, Cragin, Creswell, Edmunds, Fessenden, Fogg, Foster, Fowler, Grimes, Henderson, Howar'd, Howe, Kirkwood, Lane, Morgan, Morrill, Poland, Sherman, Stewart, Sumnor, Wade, Willey, Wil- liams — 24. Nats— Messrs. Buckaleic, Hendrielcs, Johnson, Norton, Patterson, Riddle, Saulslury, Van Win- kle — 8. Same day — The House concurred — veas 104, nays 38, as follows: KEGRO SUFFKAGE. 81 Yeas — Messrs. Alley, Allison, Amos, Arnell, Jamos M. Ashley, Baker, Baldwin, Banks, Barker, Baxter, Beamen, Benjamin, Bidwell, Bingham, Blaine, Bontwell,Bromwell,Broomall, Buckland, Bundy, Reader W. Clarke, Sidney Clarke, Cobb, Cook, Cullom, Culver, Davis, De- frees, Delano, Deming, Dixon, Dodge, Donnelly, Driggs, Eddey, Eggleston, Farnsworth, Far- quhar. Perry, Garfield, Grinnell, Abner C. Har- diag, Hart, Hawkins, Higby, Hill, Holmes, Hooper, Demag Hubbard, jr., John H. Hubbard, James R. Hubboll, Ingcrsoll, Jenckes, Julian, Kasson, Kelso, Ketcham, Koontz, George V. Lawrence, W. Lawrence, Loan, Longyear, Lynch, Marston, Maynard, Marvin, McClurg, McRuer, Merour, Miller, Morrill, Moulton, Myers, Orth, O'Neill, Paine, Perham, Plants, Price, Ray- mond, John H. Rice, Rollins, Sawyer, Schenck, Seofield, Spalding, Stokes, Thayer, John ■ L. Thomas, jr., Trowbridge, Upson, Van Aernam, Burt Van Horn, Hamilton Ward, Warner, Blihu B. Washburne, Henry D. Washburn, William B. Washburn, Welker, Wentworth, Williams, James F. Wilson, Stephen F. Wilson, Windom— 104. Nays — Messrs. Ancona, Bergen, Boyer, Camp- hell, Chanter, Cooper, Dawson, Denison, Eldridge, Finch, Glosebrenner, Aaron Harding, ffise, Jffogan, Chester D. Hubbard, Edwin N. Huhbell, Hum- phrey, Johnson, Latham, Le Blond, Leftwich, Nib- lack, Nicholson, Noell, Samuel J. Randall, Wil- liam H. Randall, Bitter, Rogers, Ross, Shanjclin, Sifgreaves, Taber, Nathaniel G, Taylor, Thornton, Trimble, Andrew H. "Ward, Whaley, Winiield — 38. The failure of the President to sign, or return this bill with his objections, within ten days after presentation to him, made it a law. In the Senate, January 9, 1861, the bill for the admission of Nebraska, passed — yeas 24, nays 15, with the third section in these words: " 'I'hat this act shall take effect with the fundamental and perpetual condition that within said State of Nebraska there shall be no abridgment or denial of the exercise of the elective franchise, or of any other right, to any person by reason of race or color, excepting Indians not taxed." Yeas — Messrs. Anthony, Cattell, Chandler, Conness, Cragin, Creswell, Edmunds, Fogg, Fowler, Henderson, Howard, Kirkwood, Lane, Morrill, Poland, Ramsey, Ross, Sherman, Stew- art, Sumner, Van Winkle, Wade, Willey, Wil- liams — 24. Nats — Messrs. Buchalew, Cowan, Dixon, Boo- little, Foster, Grimes, Hendrickf, Howe, Johnson, Morgan, Nesmith, Norton, Patterson, Riddle, Saulsbury — 15, In the House, January 15, 1867, the third section of the bill, as it became a Jaw, was substituted for the above. It is as follows : " That this act shall not take effect except upon the fundamental condition that within the State of Nebraska there shall be no de- nial of the elective 'franchise, or of any other right to any person by reason of race or color except Indians not taxed, and upon 6 the further fundamental condition that the Legislature of said ^tate, by a solemn public act, shall declare the assent of said Stale to the said fundamental condition, and shall transmit to the President of the United States an authentic copy of said act. Upon receipt whereof the President, by procla- mation, shall forthwith announce the fact; whereupon said fundamental condition shall be held as a part of the organic law of the State; and thereupon, and without any fur- ther proceeding on the part of Congress, the admission of said State into the Union shall be considered as complete. Said State Leg- islature shall be convened by the Territorial Governor within thirty days after the pass- age of this act, to act upon the condition submitted herein." The vote on this substitute was as fol- lows: January 15 — The third section as it stands, was substituted for that adopted above by the Senate — yeas 88, nays 70, as follow: Yeas — Messrs. Alley, Allison, Ames, Ander- son, James M. Ashley, Baldwin, Banks, Baxter, Blaine, Boutwell, Brandegee, Broomall, Cobb, Cook, Cullom, Culver, Dawes, Deming, Dixon, Dodge, Donnelly, Driggs, Eckley, Eliot, Ferry, Garfield, Grinnell, Griswold, Hart, Higby, Holmes, Hooper, Demas Hubbard, jr., John H. Hubbard, Ingersoll, Jenckes, Julian, Kelley, Kelso, Ketcham, Koontz, Kuykendall, Loan, Longyear, Lynch, Marston, Marvin, Maynard, McClurg, Melndoe, McRuer, Mercur, Moor- head, Morrill, Morris, Moulton, Newell, O'Neill, Orth, Paine, Patterson, Perham, Pike, Price, Raymond, Alexander H. Rice, John H. Rice, Rollins, Sawyer, Schenck, Schofield, Spalding, Stevens, Thayer, Trowbridge, Upson, Van Aer- nam, Burt Van Horn, Hamilton Ward, Warner, Elihu B. Washburne, William B. Washburn, Welker, Wentworth, Williams, James P. Wilson, Stephen F. Wilson, Windom— 88. Nays — Messrs. J.ncona, Delos R. Ashley, Ba- ker, Benjamin, Bergen, Bingham, Boyer, Brom- well, Buckland, Bundy, Campbell, Ghanler, Reader W. Clarke, Cooper, Davis, Dawson, De- frees, Delano, Denison, Eldridge, Farnsworth, Farquhar, Finch, Glossbrenncr, Goodyear, Hale, Aaron Harding, Abner C. Harding, Hawkins, Henderson, Hill, Hise, Hognn, Chester D. Hub- bard, Edwin N. Hulbell, J. R. Hubbell, Hum- phrey, Hunter, Johnson, Kerr, Latham, George V. Lawrence, LeBlond, Ze/ttvich, Marshall, McKee, Miller, Niblach, Nicholson, PlantP, Radford, Samuel J. Randall, William H. Ran- dall, Bitter, Rogers, Shanhlin, Shellabarger, Sitgreaves, Stillwell, Stokes, Stronse, Taber, Nathaniel G. Taylor, Nelson Taylor, Francis Thomas, John L. Thomas, jr., Thornton, An- drew H, Ward, Henry D. Washburn, Whaley — 70. Same day the bill passed — ^yeas 103, iiavs 55. On the 16th of January the Senate agreed to the above amendment of the House: YiSAS — Messrs. Anthony, Cattell, Chandler, Conness, Cragin, Fessenden, Fogg, Fowler, Fre- 82 DEMOCRATIC SrEAIvEK'S HAND-BOOK. linghuysen, Grimes, Henderson, Howard, Kirk- wood, Lane, Morgan, Morrill, Poland, Ramsey, Sherman, Sprague, Stewart, Sumner, Van Win- kle, Wade, Willey, Williams, Wilson, Yates— 28. Nays — Uessis. Buckalew, Cowan, Dixon, Boo- little, Edmunds, Poster, Harris, Hendricks, John- son, Neamith, Norton, Patterson, Middte, Sauls- hury — 14. The President vetoed the bill, and it was 1 assed over his veto and became a law, Feb. y, 1867. The bill for the admission of Colorado parsed the House January 15, with a third bectiun exactly the same as that contained ill the Nebraska bill published above, ex cept that it provides that the Governor elect of said State shall convene the Legislature instead of the Territorial Covernor, and that he shall do so in sixty days instead of thirty, as provided in the Nebraska bill. 1867, January 15 — the bill passed — yeas 90, nays 60, as follows: Yeas — Messrs. Alley, Allison, Ames, Ander- son, Delos R. Ashley, James M. Ashley, Bald- win, Banks, Baxter, Benjamin, Boutwell, Bran- degee, Bromwell, Broomall, Bundy, Reader W. Clarke, Cobb, Cook, CuUom, Culver, Dawes, De- lano, Deming, Dixon, Dodge, Donnelly, Driggs, Eokley, Eliot, Farquhar, Ferry, Garfield, Grin- nell, Griswold, Henderson, Kigby, Hill, Holmes, Hooper, Demas Hubbard, jr., John H. Hubbard, J. R. Hubbell, IngersoU, Jenckes, Julian, Kel- ley, Koontz, George V. Lawrence, Longyear, Marston, Marvin, McClurg, Mclndoe, McRuer, Mercur, Miller, Moorhead, Morris, Moulton, Newell, O'Neill, Orth, Paine, Perham, Plants, Price, Alexander H. Rice, John H. Rice, Rollins, Sawyer, Schenck, Shellabargcr, Spalding, Stokes, Thayer, Francis Thomas, John L. Thomas, jr., Trowbridge, Upson, Van Aernam, Burt Van Horn, Warner, Henry D. Washburn, William B. Washburn, Welker, Wentworlh, Williams, James F. Wilson, Stephen F. Wilson, Windom— 90. Nays — Messrs. Ancona, Baker, Bergen, Bing- ham, Blaine, Boyer, Buckland, Ciimphell, Cuopcr, Davis, Defrees, Deninon, Eldridge, Finck, Gtus^- hrenner, Goodj/ear, Hale, Aaron Harding, Abncr C. Harding, Hart, Hawkins, Hise, Hogan, Ches- ter D. Hubbard, Edwin N. Huhheli, Hutnphrei,-, Hunter, Johnson, Eelso, Kerr, Kuykendall, La- tham, LeBlond, Leftwich, Lynch, Marshall, May- nard, McKee, Morrill, NiJjlaeli, Nicholson, Pike, Radford, Samuel J. Eandall, Raymond, Bitter, Rogers, Boss, Shanklin, Sitr/rcaves, Stillwell. Stronse, Taher, Nathaniel (r. 'Taylor, Nelson Ta}j- hiv, Thornton. Andreie H. Ward, Hamilton Ward, Elihu B. Washburne, Whaley— 60. January 16 — the Senate agreed to the bill with the third section as it stands — yeas 27. nays 12, as follows: Yeas — Messrs, Anthony, Cattell, Chandler, Conness, Cragin, Fesscnden, Fowler, Freling- huysen. Grimes, Harris, Henderson, Howard, Kirkwood, Lane, Morrill, Poland, Ramsey, Sherman, Sprague, Stewart, Sumner, Van Win- kle, Wade, Willey, Williams, Wilson, Yates — 27. Nats — Messrs. Buckalew, Dixon, Doolitile, Edmunds, Foster, Hendricks, Johnson, Ne- eniith, Nortmi, Patterson, Riddle, Saulsbm-y — 12. Personal Liberty of the American Citizen. Kadioal Contempt of Constittitional Freedom. The cool indifference with which the Radical members of the United States Sen- ate and House of Representatives viewed the outrages committed upon the rights of citizens during the war, and the cruel an- tagonism with which they confronted any inquiry into or condemnation of the illegal imprisonment of citizens who had been dragged from their homes and confined in dungeons by the mere ipse dixit of Presi- dent Lincoln, Stanton, or any of the rulers of that day, can be well illustrated by lie reproduction of a few votes in Congres.?. In the Senate, December 16, 1862, Mr. Saulsbury offered tlie following resolution: " JRe.iolved., That the Secretary of War be and is hereby directed to inform the Sen- ate whether Dr. John Law and Whitelv Meredith, or either of them, citizens of the State of Deleware, have been ar- rested and imprisoned in Fort Delaware; when they were arrested and so imprisoned; the charges against them ; by whom made; by what order they were arrested and im- prisoned; and that he communicate to the Senate all papers relating to their arrest and imprisonment." "Which was laid upon the table. Yeas — Messrs. Anthony, Arnold, Browning, Chandler, Clark, Cx otl'ered the following preamble and resolution : ""Wheebas, Many citizens of the United States have been seized by persons acting or pretending to be acting, under the authority of the United States, and have been carried out of the jurisdiction of the States of their residence, and im- prisoned in the military prisons and camps of the United States, without any public charge being preferred against Iheni, and without any opportunity being allowed to learn or disprove the charges "made, or alleged to be made, against them : and whereas, snch arrests have been made in States where there was no insurrection or rebellion, or pretense' thereof, or any other obstruction against the authority of the Government: and whereas, it is the sacred PERSONAL LIBERTY, 83 riglit of evorj' citizen of the United States, tliiit lie shall not be deprived of liberty without due process of law, and when ar- rested, that he shall have a speedy and public trial by an innpartial jury of his countrymen; Therefore, " Resolved, That the House of Repre- sentatives do hereby condemn all such ar- rests as unwarranted by the Constitution and laws of the United States, and as a usurpation of power never given up by the people to their rulers, and do hereby de- mand that all such arrests shall hereafter cease, and that all persons so arrested and yet held should have a prompt and public trial, according to the provisions of the Constitution." Which was laid on the table — yeas, 80; nays, 40. The nays were: Messrs. Ancona, Baily, Eiddle, Jacob B. Blair, Calvert, Corning, Cox, Crittenden, Eng- lish, Fouke, Granger, Grider, Haight, Hall, Harding, Iloltnan, Knapp, Law, Lazear, Men- aiew, Morris, Nobl*, Norton, Nugen, , Odell, Price, Richardson, Sheffield, Shiel, John B. Steele, William G. Steele, Stiles, Beiijamin F. Thomas, Francis Thomas, Vallandigham, Ward, Chilton A. White, Wickliffe, Wright and Yea- man — 40. December 1 — Mr. Richardson offered the following resolution: " Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to inform this House what citizens of Illinois are now confined in the Forts Warren, Lafayette and Deleware, or the Old Capitol Prison, and any other forts or places of confine- jnent; what the charges are against said persons; also, the phices where they were arrested. That the President be further requested to inform this House of the names of persons that have been arrested in Illinois and taken to and confined in prisons outside of the limits of said State, and who have been released; what were the charges against each ol' them; by whom the charges were made; also, by whose or- der said arrests were made, and the author- ity of law for such arrests." Which was laid on the table — yeas, 74; nays, 40. The nays were: Messrs. Aneona, Baily, Biddle, Calvert, Ros- coe Conkling, Conway, Corning, Cox, Critten- den, Dunn, English, Fouke, Granger, Girder, Hall, Harding, Holman, Wm. Kellogg, Knapp, Law, Lazear, Leary, Menzies, Morris, Noble, Norton, Nugen, Odell, Porter, Price, Richard- son, Shiel, John B. Steele, William G. Steele, Stiles, Benjamin F. Thomas, Vallandigham, Ward, Chilton A. White and Wright— 40. December 22. — Mr. May offered the fol- lowing resolution : " Resolved, That the Secretary of State be requested to communicate to this House a copy of an order which, on or about the 28th of November, 1861, he caused to be read to State prisoners confined in Fort Warren, whereby they were forbidden to employ counsel in their behalf, and in- formed that such employment of couusel would be regarded by the Government and by the State Department as a reason for prolonging the term of their imprison- ment." Which was laid upon the table — yeas, 63; nays, 48. The nays were: Messrs. William Allen, William J. Allen, Aneona, Biddle, Burnham, Calvert, Clements, Cobb, Cox, Cravens, Crittenden, Dunn, Eng- lish, Granger, Grider, Hale, Harding, Johnson, William Kellogg, Kerrigan, Knapp, Law, La- zear, Leary, May, Morris, Noble, Norton, Nu- gen, Pendleton, Price, Robinson, James S. Rol- lins, Shiel, Smith, Bcnj. F. Thomas, Francis Thomas, Vallandigham, Vibbard, Voorhees, Wadsworth, Ward, Chilton A. White, Wickliffe, Woodruff, Worchestcr, Wright and Yeaman — 48. On the 17th of December, 1S63, Mr. Har- rington offered a preamble followed by these resolutions: " Resolved, hy the House of Representatives of the United States, Tliat no power is dele- gated by the Constitution of the United States, either to the legislative or executive power, to suspend the privilege of tlie writ of habeas corpus in any State loyal to the Constitution and Government, not invaded, and in which the civil and judicial powers are in full operation, " Resolved, That Congress has no power, under the Constitution, to delegate to the President of the United States tlie authority to suspend the privilege of the writ of ha- beas corpus, and impri.-ion at his pleasure, without process of law or trial, the citizens of the loyal States, " Resolved, That the assumption of the right by the Executive of the United States, to deprive the citizens of such loyal States of the benefits of the writ of habeas corpus, and to imprison them at his pleasure, with- out process of law, is unworthy the progress of the age, is consistent only with a despotic power unlimited by constitutional obliga- tions, and is wholly subversive of the ele- mentary principles of freedom upon which the government of the United States, and that of the several States, is based, "Resolved, That the Judiciary Commititee be instructed to prepare and report a bill to this House protecting the rights of the citi- zens in the loyal States, in strict accordance with the foregoing provisions of the Consti- tution of the United States," Which was negatived — yeas 67, nays 90,,' as follows : 84 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK Ykas — Messrs. James G. Allen, Wm. J. Allen, Anaona, Aug'ustua C. Baldwin, Blies, Brooks, Brovm, Chanler, Coffroth, Cox, Cravens, Dawson, J/enison, Eden, JCdgerton, Eldridge, English, Finck, Ganson, Grider, Hall, Harding, Harring- ton, Benjamin G. Harris, Herrick, Holman, Wil- liam Johnson, Kernan, King, Knajjp, Law, Le- Blond, Long, Mallory, Marcy, McAllister, McDow- ell, McKinney, Middleton, 'Wm. H. Miller, James R. Morris, Morrison, Nelson, Noble, Odell, John O'Neill, Pendleton, Perry, Radford, Samuel J. Randall, Robinson, Rogers, Ross, Scott, John B. Steele, ^Ym. G. Steele, Stiles, Stronse, Sweat, Yoor- hees, Wadsworth, Ward, Wheeler, Ghilton A. White, Joseph W. White, Winfield, Woodr—t1 . Nays — Alley, Allison, Ames, Arnold, Ashley, John D. Baldwin, Beaman, Blaine, Blow, Bout- well, Brandegee, Broomall, William G. Brown, Ambrose W. Clark, Freeman Clarke, Clay, Cobb, Cole, Cresswell, Henry Winter Davis, Thomas T. Davis, Dawes, Dixon, Donnelly, Driggs, Du- mont, Eekley, Eliot, Earnsworth, Fenton, Frank, Garfield, Gooch, Grinnell, Hale, Higby, Hooper, Hotchkiss, Asahel W. Hubbard, John H. Hubbard, Hulburd, Jenckes, Julian, Kasson, Kelley, Francis W. Kellogg, Orlando Kellogg, Loan, Longyear, Lovejoy, Marvin, McBride, McOlurg, Melndoe, Samuel F. Miller, Moor- head, Morrill, Dan'l Morris, Amos Myers, Leon- ard Myers, Norton, Charles O'Neill, Orth, Per- ham, Pike, Pomeroy, Price, Wm. H. Randall, Alexander H. Rice, John H. Rice, Edward H. Rollins, Schenck, Scofield, Shannon, Sloan, Smithers, Spalding, Stevens, Thayer, Tracy, Van Valkenburgh, Elihu B. Washburne, Wil- liam B. Washburn, Whaley, Williams, Wilder, Wilson, Windom, Woodbridgc — 90. Among the parties seized and imprisoned vi'as Brigadier-General Charles P. Stone, vpho was in command of the Federal forces in the defeat at Ball's Bluff. His imprison- ment v?a8 understood to have been instigated by Senator Sumner, of Massachusetts. The Senate addressed the President for informa- tion as to his arrest, who replied as follows: " EXECUTIVE Mansion, Washington, May 1, 1862. " To the Senate of the United States : " In answer to the resolution of the Sen- ate, in relation to Brigadier-General Stone, I have the honor to state that he was ar- rested and imprisoned under my general authority, and upon evidence which, whether he be guilty or innocent, required, as ap- pears to me, such proceedings to be had against him for the public safety. I deem it incompatible with the public interest, as also, perhaps, unjust to General Stone, to make a more particular statement of the evidence. "He has not been tried, because, in the state of military operations at the time of liis arrest and since, the officers to consti- tute a court-martial, and for witnesses, could not be withdrawn from duty without seri- ous injury to the service. He will be allowed a trial without any unnecessary de- lay; the charges and specifications will be furnished him in due season, and every facil- ity for his defense will be afforded him by the War Department. "ABRAHAM LINCOLN." Under the head of Military Arrests, this subject is again referred to; also in history of Reconstruction, in a sulosequent part of this book. Indemnity Act. Tlie third session of the Thirty-seveatli Congress passed an act of indemnity, which not only approved of all these illegal arrest?, but protecting the President against all suits for damages arising therefrom, and giving him the power, during the war, to suspend the writ of habeas corpus anywhere he might see fit. This bill passed the House of Representatives, March 2, 1863, by yeas and nays as follows : Yeas — Messrs. Aldrieh, Arnold, Ashley, Bab- bitt, Baker, Baxter, Beaman, Bingham, Jacob B. Blair, Samuel S. Blair, Blake, William G. Brown, Buffinton, Campbell, Casey, Chamber- lain, Clark, Colfax, Frederick A. Conkling, Ros- coe Conkling, Conway, Cutler, Davis, Dawes, Delano, Dunn, Edgerton, Eliot, Ely, Fenton, S. C. Fessenden, Tho's A. D. Fessenden, Fisher, Flanders, Franchot, Frank, Goodwin, Gurley, Hahn, Hale, Harrison, Hooper, Horton, Hutch- ins, Julian, Kelley, Francis W. Kellogg, Wm. Kellogg, Killinger, Lansing, Leary, Lehman Loomis, Low, Melndoe, McKean, McKnight, McPberson, Marston, Maynard, Mitchell, Moor- head, Anson P. Morrill, Nixon, Olin, Patton, Timothy G. Phelps, Pike, Pomeroy, Porter, John H. Rice, Riddle, Edward H. Rollins, Sargent, Sedgwick, Segar, Shanks, Shellabarger, Sher- man, Sloan, Spaulding, Stevens, Stratton, Fran- cis Thomas, Trimble, Trowbridge, Van Horn, Van Valkenburgh, Van Wyck, Verree, Walker, Wall, Wallace, Washburne, Wheeler, Albert S. White, Wilson, Windom, Worcester — 99. Nats — Messrs. William Allen, William J. Al- len, Ancona, Biddle, Calvert, Cravens, Crisfield, Delaplaine, Dunlap, English, Granger, Grider; Hall, Harding, Holman, Johnson, Knapp, Ker- rigan, Law, Mallory, May, Menzies, Morris, No- ble, Norton, Nugen, Pendleton, Perry, Price, Rob- inami, Shiel, Smith, John B. Steele, William G. Steele, Stiles, Benjamin F. Thomas, Vallandig- ham, Voorhees, Wadsworth, Ward, Chilton A. While, Wickliffe, Wood, Woodruff, Teaman — 45. Same day, the bill passed the Senate, without a record of the yeas and nays, owing to a misunderstanding respecting uis putting of the vote. The history of the passage of this act, and the attending circumstances, are as follows ; During the session a bill was passed in the House of Representatives, introduced by Mr. Stevens, entitled " An act to indem- nify the President, and other persons, foi suspending the privilege of the writ of ha beas corpus, and acts done in pursuanci thereof."^ This bill was the subject of the following protest in the House of Representatives, on 22d of December, 1862, against its passage: SHERMAN AND JOHNSTON ARMISTICE. 85 We protest against the passage of the bill : "I. Because it purports to deprive the cit- izen of all existing, peaceful, legal modes of redress for admitted wrongs, and thus eon- strains him tamely to submit to the injury inflicted, or to seek illegal and forcible rem- edies. " 2. Because it purports to indemnify the President and all acting under his authority for acts admitted to be wrongful, at the expense of the citizen upon whom the wrongful acts have been perpetrated, in vi- olation of the plainest principles of justice, and the most familiar precepts of constitu- tional law. " 3. Because it purports to confirm and make valid, by act of Congress, arrests and imprisonments which were not only not war- ranted by the Constitution of the United States, but were in palpable violation of its express prohibitions. " 4. Because it purports to authorize the President, during tliia rebellion, at any time, as to any person, and everywhere tlirough- out the limits of the United States, to sus- pend the privilege of the writ of habeas cor- pus, whereas by the Constitution the power to suspend the privilege of that writ is con- hded to the discretion of Congress alone, and is limited to the places threatened by the dangers of invasion or insurrection. " 5. Because, for these and other reasons, it is unjust and unwise, an invasion of pri- vate rights, an encouragement to lawless violence, and a precedent full of hope to all who would usurp despotic power and perpet- uate it by the arbitrary arrest and inipris onraent of those who oppose tliem. "6. And finally, because in both its sec tions it is 'a deliberate, palpable, and (langerous' violation of the Constitution, • according to the plain sense and intention of that instrument,' and is therefore utterly null and void. Geo, II Pendleton, C. A. Wicklifl'e, W. A. Richardson, (Jharles J, Biddle, .T. 0. Robinson, J. A. Cravens, P. B. Fouke, Elijah Ward, James R. Morris, Philip Johnson, A. L. Knapp, John D. Stiles, 0, L. Vallandigham, D. W. Voorhees, C. A. White, G. W, Duulap, Warren P. Noble, Hendrick B. Wright, W. Allen, H. Grider, William J. Allen, W, H, Wadsworth, S. S. Ciix, A. Harding, E. H Norton, Charles B. Calvert, George K. Shiel, James E. Kerrigan, .'^. E. Ancona, Henry May, J. Lazear, R. H. Nugen, Nehemiah Perry, George II. Yeamau, C. Vibbard B. F. Granger, John Law. The motion to enter this protest was tabled — yeas 75, nays 41. The above bill of Mr. Stevens was amended in the Senate, and finally passed that body, January 28 — yeas 33, nays 7, as follows ; Yeas — Messrs. Anthony, Arnold, BrowniDg, Chandler, Clark, Collamer, Cowan, Dixon, Doo- little, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Hale, Harlan, Harris, Henderson, Hicks, Howard, King, Lane (of Indiana), Lane (of Kansas), Morrill, Pomeroy, Sherman, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Wade, Wilkinson, Willey, Wilmot, Wilson (of Massachusetts) — 33. Nays — Messrs. Bayard, Garlile, McBoiigal, Powell, Turpie, ITaii, . Wilson (of Missouri) — 7. The House non-concurred in the amend- ments, and a Committee of Conference hav- ing met, agreed upon a report, which was agreed to in both Houses, and which re- sulted in the Act of March 3, 1863, known as the Indemnity Act, the vote upon which is given in the first part of this chapter. VOTE ON THE SUSPENSION OF HABEAS COEPCS. Pending the consideration of the original House bill in the Senate, 1863, February 19— Mr. Powell moved to strike out the third section authorizing the President to suspend, by proclamation, the writ of habeas corpus in certain contin- gencies; which was rejected — yeas 13, nays 27, as follows: Yeas — Messrs. Bnyard, Carlile, Cowan, Ken- nedy, Latham, Neemith, Powell, Rice, Bichardson, SauUbury, Turpie, Willey, Wikon (of Missouri) — 13. Kats — Messrs. Anthony, Arnold, Chandler, Clark, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, Fessenden, Foot, Grimes, Harris, Henderson, Hicks, Howard, Howe, King, Lane (of Indiana), Lane (of Kan- sas), Morrill, Pomeroy, Sherman, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Wilkinson, Wilmot, Wilson (of Massachusetts) — 27. The Sherman and Johnston Armistice, How TWO Soldiers ageeed to fix an Enduring Peace — General Sherman's VIEW OF THE War — Its Purposes, and THE Logical Effect op its Close. First, The contending armies now in the field to maintain their statu jKO-until notice is given by the commanding General of either one to its opponent, and reasonable time — say 48 hours — allowed. Second, The Confederate armies, now in existence, to be disbanded, and conducted to their several State capitals, there to de- posit their arms and public property in the State arsenals; and each officer and mar. to execute and file an agreement to ceas from acts of war, and abide action of both State and Federal authority. 'J'he number of arms and munitions of war to be reported to the Chief of Ordnance at Washington 86 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOUK. city, subject to future action of tlie Congress of tlie United States, in the mean time to be used solely to maintain peace and order ivitbin the borders of the States respectively. The recognition by the Executive of the United States of the several State govern- ments in their officers and legislatures, tak- ingoath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States, and vfhere conflicting State ijovernments have resulted from the war, the legitimacy of all shall be submitted to the Supreme Court of the United States. Fourth, The re-establishment of all Fede- ral Courts in the several States, with powers as defined by the Constitution of the United States, and of the States respectively. Sixth, The Executive authority of the Gov- ernment of the United States, not to disturb any of the people by reason of the late war, so long as they live in peace and quiet, and abstain from acts of armed hostility, and obey laws in existence at any place of their residence. In general terms, war to cease; a general amnesty, so faras the Executive power of the United States can command, or on condition of disbandment of the Confederate armies, and the distribution of arms, and resump- tion of peaceful pursuits by officers and men, as hitherto composing the said armies. Not being fully empowered by our respective principals to fulfill these terms, we indivi- dually and oiBcially pledge ourselves to promptly obtain necessary authority, and to carry out the above programme. W. T. SHERMAN, Maj -Gen. Command'g the Army of the U. S. in N. C. J. E. JOHNSTON, Gen. Command'g Confederate States Army in N. C. Signed April 18, 1865. This memorandum was rejected by the President and Cabinet, and Sherman was directed to resume hostilities at once. Gene- ral Johnston, when informed of the decision of the Government, surrendered his com- mand on the same terms as those granted to General Lee. General Sherman, in his report of the operations of his command in North Caro- lina, dated May 9, J 865, addressed to Gene- ral Rawlins, Chief of Stafl', says: " The points on which he (General John- ston) expressed especial solicitude were, lest their States were to be dismembered and denied representation in Congress, or any separate political existence whatever, and that the absolute disarming of his men would leave the South powerless and exposed to depredations by wicked bands of assassins and robbers. "President Lincoln's message of 1864; his Amnesty proclamation ; General Grant's terms to General Lee, substantially extend- ing the benefits of that proclamation to all officers above the rank of colonel; the in- vitation to the Virginia Legislature to re- assemble in Richmond by General Weitzel, with the approval of Mr. Lincoln and Gene- ral Grant, then on the spot; a firm belief that I had been fighting to re-establish the Constitution of the United States; ard last, not least, the general and universal desire lo close a war, any longer without organized resistance, were the leading facts that in- duced me to pen the 'memorandum of April 18th, signed by myself and General Johnston.' u « * )(. jjy letter to the Mayor of Atlanta has been published to the world, and I was not rebuked by the War Depart- ment for it. " Jiy letter to Mr. X. 'W., at Savannah, was siiown by me to Mr. Stanton before its publication, and all that my memory retains of his answer is that he said, like my letters generally, it was sufficiently 'emphatic, and could not be misunderstood.' " But these letters asserted my belief that, according to Jlr. Lincoln's proclamations and messages, when the people of the South had laid dovrn their arms and submitted to the lawful power of the United States, ipso facto, the war was over as to them; and, furthermore, that if any State in rebellion would conform to the Constitution of the United States, ' cease war,' elect Senators AND Representatives to Congress, if ad- mitted (of which each House of Congress alone is the judge), that State became ni- stanier as much in the Union as New York or Ohio. Nor was I rebuked for this ex- pression, though it was universally known and commented on at the time." How Beaten ImpeaoherB make War on Women, The Meanest of the Mean Radical Plots Exposed — Congress vs. Miss Vinnib Ream. By reference to the preceedinirs in another chapter, in the case of Mr. C. W. WdoUey. it will be seen, that the House, on the 2Stli of May, made the following location of the Legislative Bastile for the confinement of that gentleman : " licsolved, That the rooms A and B, op- posite the room of the Solicitor of the Court of Claims, in the capitol, he and are hereby assigned as guard-room and ofliceof the capitol police, and are for that purpose placed under charge of the Sergeant-at-arni; of the House, with power to fit the same up for the purpose specified." The Washington correspondent of the New York ^rorld (J. B. S), in his dispatch CONGRESSIONAL PERSECUTION OF A LABY. 87 of May. 29, exposes the low motive for the selection of those two rooms: " Rooms A and B, designated in Mr. Bing- ham's resolution, were never designated as such until yesterday morning, when, in ac- cordance with instructions from one or more of the managers, the letters A and B were pasted on the doors of tliose rooms. The apartment to which the letter B was affixed was the one intended for the prisoner Wool- ley. The apartment to which the letter A wag affixed is the one hitherto occupied by Miss Viniiie Ream, an artist employed by Congress to model and complete a marble statue of Abraham Lincoln for the Capitol. Tiiisroom was originally offered Miss Ream by a Congressional committee, without her solicitation, and has been used by her as a studio with the tacit and cordial consent of both Houses of Congress. It is an out-of the-way delightful little place in the base- jnent of the Capitol, hallowed by the modest presence of a lady and tlie tolcens of her art. Tlie best, the most venerable, and the most distinguislied men of the Senate and the House, and the highest dignitaries of the Government have been proud and glad to repair once in a while to this remote nook in the great building where the legislative business of the nation is carried on, and to encourage with their presence and their words the efforts of one, almost a child in years, to vindicate the confidence reposed in hergeniusand lier skill. Butthis girl, tlian whom a braver or a more aspiring enthusiast never lived, this young devotee to an art her endeavors to perfect herself in which have, I am assured by her friends, been from the first so arduous and uninterrupted as to en- danger her health and cause her to forswear in a great measure the social enjoyments appropriate to her age, is at last singled out by the dishonored and beaten scoundrels who were at the head of the impeachment, asavictim. Why? Because, as ifr.is ridic- ulously alleged, Miss Ream 'influenced' the vote of a Senator for tlie acquittal of the President. In order that this falsehood may be the more completely exposed, I pro ceed to state, in their order, some facts wliich were, and some which were not, men- tioned in this afternoon's debate. Mr. Ross, of Kansas, whose vote assisted to kill the impeachment, is the Republican Senator alluded to as having been persuaded by Miss Ream. Mr. Ross is a fientleman, whose family, consisting of a wife and several children, reside at his Kansas home. Sent here to represent that State in the Senate, Mr Ross applied for and lias since occupied rooms at the house of Ids old acquaintance and neighbor in Kani^a.-i, Mr Robert L. Ream. This circumstance, associated wilh the facts that Miss Vinnie Ream is the daughter of Mr. Ream aforesaid, and that she resides with her parents, and with the assertion that whatever patriotic sympathie.^ she had were far from being associated with the Radical cause, led some persons who assemble in the Radical caucuses at the Capitol to organize a lia.se scheme for the success of the impeachment. Mr George W. Julian, of Indiana, a Radical nieinber who was once publicly cowhided by General Meredith, and who deserves another hun- dred lashes on his bare back for the des^pi- cahle errand that he went upon, proceeded, doubtless at the instance of his confeder- ates, to Miss Ream's studio. To that apart- ment, in common with all who chuo.se to enter it during the hours set apart for the reception of visitors, he had been ai'cus- tomed occasionally to repair. Miss Ream might have presumed, for aught I know, that this Indiana demagogue was kindly disposed to her. Nevertheless her instincts were too acute not to induce her to repel with maidenly indignation the charge that he covertly insinuated that she had ex- pressed her desire to Senator Ross as to his vote on the impeachment Satisfied as he must have been that she had not done eo, the wily Julian fiirthwith expressed him- self nearly as follows : " 'But you ought to use your influence for the sake of the great Republican party. If Mr. Ross don't vote for conviction, you will be ruined.' "The sweet temper of the lady thus ad- dressed was not quite proof against this shameful appeal. The gray-haired diplo- mat retired, previously, however, receiving an intimation from Miss Ream that, al- though she was not informed of Senator Ross' intention, and had no right to know of or inquire into it, she suppo.sed that he. being a Republican, would vote for the con- viction of the President. This dastardly threat of Julian against a trembling girl is the very threat that Butler and his gang are now carrying into effect. The apart- ment in the Capitol which she has occupied is taken from her, not because the prisoner (Woolley) has to be incarcerated in it, for hij is to be put into the adjoining room, but because Woolley's imprisonment is a sort of excuse for making the studio an otfice for Woolley's keepers. " The statue of Mr. Lincoln, now being molded by Miss Ream, in clay, can not be removed, and the Radicals of theHonse are rejoiced. They are delighted for this rea- son ; this clay model, upon which Miss Ream has been engaged for months, i.s the inception of that work upon which she is not only (o biise her reputation as a sculp- tor, but upon which she most depends for pecuniary reward. If it is neglected, it DEilOCUATIC SPEAKER'S HAKD-BOOK ■will shrink, crack to pieces, and be de- stroyed. All the artist's labor will have been in vain. There will be nothing left save a shattered, shapeless mass, to be moistened, after it is too late, by a young girl's tears. " Butler, particularly, gloats over the prosppct of sucli a consummation. He cros.sed to the Democratic side of the House yesterday, and declared that, so long as he had anything to do with the Committee on Appropriations, Miss Vinnie Ream should not receive a dollar on account of her labor. He said to-day, in effect, that the country desired no statue of Mr. Lincoln from her hands This creature, tdo flatteringly called "the Beast," has a daughter; yet in neither his nature, nor in Binuham's, nor in the natures of any of the men in Congress — run mad with partisanship and' the thirst for vengeance — does there seem to be an instinct sensitive enough to shrink from the im- molation of a helpless girl upon the altar of a lost and shameful cause." The New York Gazette, says: "Butler shows himself a coward — for the first time, in our opinion. His recent reference to her brings a blush to an American face. A member of the United States Congress, upon the floor of the House, announces that a matter of great political moment to the country shall be carried to a successful re- sult "in spite of all the women in the base- ment of the Capitol " — that is, in spite of Miss Vinnie Ream, a. little sculptress, and the only vpoman "in the basement of the Capitol." Ko remark so belittling to the importance of American politics was ever made by a public man, even in the halls of Congress." A Bastile in the National Oapitoh Imprisonment of a Citizen by the Or- der OP Beast Butler. The National Intelligencer, published at Wasliinglon, contains the following: "A bastile is established, and the day is not distant, as things go, when the instru raents and means of torture of which his- tory has a horrible record — the rack, the wheel, and the thumb-screw — will be applied to innocent victims until their agonized shrieks sliall resound through the vaulted arches of the Capitol." This statement of the Intelligencer is too true. Its apprehensions for the future are too well founded. It will be recollected that Butler, acting for the impeachment managers, who were carrying on an investi- gation as to the alleged purchase of certain Radical Senators to vote for the acquittal of the President, seized upon the manu- script of all the telegraphic message.-! which had been sent off' from Washington about that time. This illegal and unjustifiable outrage is coolly defended by him and his party in the House as the mere use of " a suhpena duces tecum," which he says was the exercise of an ordinary power. Among other dispatches, he seized upon and pried into the private telegrams of Mr. C. W. Woolley, a citizen of Cincinnati, then in Washington on business. Summoning Mr. Woolley before the managers, Butler, being the only one pre- sent, subjected him to all manner of rude, abusive, and insulting indignities, such as placing him in the custody of the Sergeant- at-arms, and ordering that no one be per- mitted to speak to him. Some of the other managers being brought in, the witness was again introduced, Butler continuing the same course toward him, and at one time telling him that he lied. On the morning of the 27th of May, as described by a Wash- ington correspondent, witness desired a con- sultation with his counsel for fifteen min- utes, as to the propriety of certain questions which were asked liim. 'J'his was refused, and the managers asked him with reference to this dispatch : " To Sheridan Shook, New York: "My business is adjusted. Place ten to my credit to-day, with Gillis, Harney & Co., Ko. 24 Broad street. Answer. "(Signed) HOOPER." To this witness replied: "This is a private and confidential com- munication, passing between counsel and client It has reference to business in that relation, and to nothing else, and had no reference whatever to the trial of the Presi- dent or to the articles of impeachment prof- fered against him, nor to the conduct or result of the trial, nor to the votes of any persiin, nor any allusions thereto whatever." They inquired if that was all the witness had to reply to the question, and he an- swered that it was, ani:rencc 3. Trimble and Van Tt-ump — 28. Yeas all Radicals; nays all Democrats except Gen. Gary. So the Radicals indorsed the proposition for the imprisonment of an American citizen in a legislative bastile. Bastile at the Capitol. "Mr. Binsrham— I am instructed by the select committee charged with the investiga- tion of alleged corruption in the matter of the impeachment of the President, to report the following resolution and put it on its passage : " ' Resolved, That rooms Nos. A and B, opposite the room of the Solicitor of the Court of Claims, in the Capitol be, and are hereby, assigned as guard-mom and office of the Capitol police, and are for that pur- pose placed under the charge of the Ser- geant-at-arms ol' tlie House, with power to lit the sameup for the purpose specified.' " I desire to say that tliere are no rooms at present assigned by order of the House in which to detain persons ordered into the custody of the Sergeant-at-arms. 'i'here is such an order now in process of execution. The person Woolley is at present detained in the room of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, and the resolution was that he be detained in custody in the Capitol. The committee are satisfied that a room ought to be assigned to the use of the Sergeant-at- arms, so that this witness may be detained beyond tlie power of possiliility, by trick or circumvention on the part of any person, to defeat the administration of justice." This resolution was passed, and Jlr. Woolley was put in confinement in those rooms. According to the TVibvne, one of those rooms "forciby reminds one of a dun- geon," and the other "has arched ceilings of brick; the walls, as well as the ceilings, are much soiled, evidently by the dampness which generates in the heavy masses of masonry of which they are composed." Yet this is deemed a fit place for an Ameri- can citizen who is accused of no crime, and is charged with nothing but refusing to answer Butler's insolent questions concern- ing his private affairs. A Candidate for Vice-President. The Toknkey at the Capitol Bastile, It is said that Mr. Colfax, the candidate of the Radicals for the Vice-Presidency, is practically the turnkey at the Capitol bastile. Mr. Ordway, being a kind-hearted man, is not considered sufficiently trustworthy Viva the new jailor or turnkey. Persons wishing to see prisoners must apply to Speaker Colfax. — [^National Intelligencer. A Ten-Strike at the Ambrioak Bastile, June 1. Mr. Van Trump introduced the following: " Wliereas, As by a former order of this House certain rooms in the basement of the Capitol are now being fitted up as a prison- house or bastile for the incarceration of free- born but deluded American citizens, who yet have the uparalelled audacity to dare to claim the absolute privilege of constitutional guarantees and laws ; and, " ^Vh.ereas, Also, it is essentially important that said legislation of the House should be strong and well secured in order to prevent the escape of such contumacious and dan- gerous State prisoners; and, " Whereas, Also, it is the duty of the public law-givers also to preserve the consistency and symmetry of history, and to adopt kindreil means to sustain the public order and insure the safety of the public weal, in accordance with the precedents and prac- tices of former and coincident periods in the history the popular liberty; "Therefore, belt herehy resolved, etc., That the Comniitiee on Military Affairs be in- structed to enter into negotiations with the^ ladies of the .Mount Vernon Association for the purchase of a well-known historical key, now in the possession of the said Associa- tion of Mount Vernon, and formerly used in turning the bolts of the French bastile in Paris during the mild and humanitarian administration of French affairs in ]7y3, and that the same, if so purchased, shall be used in the said new Capitol prison, now being up as aforesaid." Mr. Stevens (Rad ) Penn., objected to its reception, and it was not received. A Palpable Violation of the Constitntion. [Frum the Boston Post.] "Here is the case: A citizen goes to Washington on |)rivate business during the impeacliment trial. He deposits a consider- able amount of money in a bank there. Some of his p:i)iers and telegraphic dis- patches are seized, unlawfully and without warrant, and he simply su.spevied of having used some of his money to influence votes in the impeachment case. This, on oath, he denies in ioto ; hut on being questioned as to how he did dispose of a part of his money, he declines to iinswer, as he says it was only used in his private business and not i'or the purpose of influencing any vote on impeach- ment, liecatise be declines to tell for wliat he used his own money, he is charged with contempt ot the House ol' Representatives, and a prison is prepared for him in the Capitol of the Union, by order of a nuijovity of the House of Representatives. Wherein the Constitntion is the power given the House of Representatives thus to seize RADICAL MOCKERY OF THE RIGllT OF KEPKESENTATIOX. 91 private citizens, and imprison them by its order for constructive contempt? Section 5, article I, provides that ' the House may punish its members for disorderly behavior,' but we find in article III, section 2, that ' the trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury;' and article V of the amendments to the Constitution provides that ' no person shall be held to answer for a capital or otherwise infamous Clime, unless on a presentment, or indict- iiifTit of a grand jury, except in cases arising ill tlie land or naval forces, or in the militia when in actual service in time of war or public danger ; nor shall any person be sub- ject for the same otfense to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall he be compelled, in any criminal case, to be a witness against himselC, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law ; nor sliall private proporty be taken for public uses, without just compensation.' Again — article VI of the amendments, says : 'In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy tlie right to a speedy and public triiil, by an impartial jury of the State or District wherein the crime shall have been committed, which District shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the wit- nesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor ; and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense.' So article IV of the amendments provides that 'the right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, and against unwarrantable searches and seizures, shall not be violated ; and no warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by oath or afhi-m- ation, and particularly describing the place to be searched and the person or things to be seized' And once again — article IX declares that 'the enumeration in the Con- stitution of certain rights sliall not be con- structed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.' In' defiance of all these provisions of the Constitution, the majority of the House of Representative have resolved tliat a citizen sliall by their simple order, be imprisoned in close confinement in the guanl-room of the Capitol Police until he ,«hall fully answer their questions; and that, meanwhile, no person shall communicate with hira in writing or verbally except by order of the House. Shame ! that such an act can be done in this country, at this age of the world! Have we no law? Has anarchy already asserted her sway, and are we ruled by a Star Chamber partisan com mittee, a Directory of frantic fanatics, men who seize persons and papers without war- rant or process, who deny tlie victim of their malice even the society of his wife, family, or counsel? Can American citizens suffer such dishonor at the hands of this majority ? Tn this confinement, Mr. Woolley re- mained until after Mr. Sheridan Shook, his client, had been examined, and he having disclosed the information Which the mana- gers had endeavored to elicit from Mr. Woolley, the latter, relieved from the neces- sity, of any further assertion of his rights, agreed to appear and answer ; whereupon he was released, first being subjected to the outrage of an additional day's confinement to await the pleasure of the managers to examine him. It turned out that the bulk of the money which iiad given the mana- gers so much concern, had been handed by him to his friend Mr. Van Valkenberg, who had deposited it in the safe at the iVletropolitan Hotel, Washington, for him. Thus ended this anomalous and outrageous proceeding. Should the Radicals get control of all the Departments of the Government, what citizen will be free from the vindictive and cruel use of such despotic torture. Then, as the National Intelligencer truly says, "the rack, the wheel and the thumb screw, will be applied to innocent victims until tlieir agonized shrieks shall resound through the vaulted arches of the Capitol." Sow Senatoia are Ostracised by tlie Senate. How Reprbsentativks are Imjiolated bt THE House — Radical Blows at the Right OP Representation, States' Rights, and Populak Sovereignty. On the 4th of December, 186.5, Mr. John P. Stockton (Dem.) was sworn in as United States .Senator fro'n the State of Xew Jersey, for the six years beginning the 4th of March, 1865. A protest was presented, signed by several Radical members of the Legislature of New Jersey, against (he legality of his election, on the ground that he only received a plurality of the votes of the members present in the joint convention of the two Houses. This was true, but the joint con- vention had prescribed as its rule that such plurality should elect The whole subject was referred to the Committee on the Judi- ciary, and that committee, through Mr. Trumbull, its chairman, reported that the joint convention had a right to prescribe that rule of election, and that Mr. Stockton was duly elected and entitled to the seat. About this time the difference between the Congress and the President, on the subject of reconstruction, beeame very wide and irre- concilable. It was necessary for the Radi- cals to have a clear majority of two thirds in the Senate-and Hou.se, to combat success- fully the veto power of the President. In 92 DEMOCEATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. the Senate this proportion was so nicely balanced as not to make it a working cer- tainty on all questions. To bring this about, was the end; as to the means, the Radical Senators were not all of them particularly particular. The way to help the matter was to get Mr. Stockton out of his seat and a Radical Senator in it^ — the Executive and Legislature of New Jersey having passed into the hands of the Radical power. Ac- cordingly, on the 22d of March, the resolu- tion of tlie Committee on the Judiciary de- claring Mr. Stockton entitled to his seat, was brought to a vote, with the following result: Yeas — Messrs. Anthony, Buckalew, Cowan, Davis, Foster, Guthrie, Harris, Henderson, Hendricks, Johnson, Lane (of Kansas), McDou- gall, Morgan, Nesmith, Norton, Poland, Riddle, Saulsbury, Stewart, Trumbull, Willcy— 21. Nates — Messrs. Brown, Chandler, Clark, Conness, Cragin, Cresswell, Fessenden, Grimes, Howe, Kirkwood, Lane (of Indiana), Nye, Pomeroy, I-lamsey, Sherman, Sprague, Sumner, Wade, Wilson, Yates— 20. Before the vote was announced, Mr. Mor- rill (Rad.), of Maine, said to the Secretary, "Call my name." The Secretary — " Mr. Morrill." Mr. Morrill — I vote nay. Tliis, it will be seen, increased the nega- tive vote to 21, which made it a tie vote, which would have negatived the resolution and expelled Mr. Stockton. Mr. Morrill had voted in violation of his pair with Mr. Wright (Dera.), who was sick at his home in !New Jersey, and who would not have gone home had it not been for this pair Ue had been telegraphed to, and had declined to relieve Mr. Morrill of the obligation of the arrangement Tliis disreputable con- duct of Mr. Morrill left Mr. Stockton but one remedy. With an exhibition of man- hood in the highest degree creditable, he freed himself from the inferior or personal aspect of the question, and as the Senator for his State — the rightful Senator as he conscientiously believed, he voted aye, which passed the resolution. On the next day, Mr. Sumner (Radical) moved to amend the journal by striking out the vote of Mr. Stockton. After a long de- bate, Mr. Sumner withdrew his motion, and Mr. Poland moved to reconsider the vote confirming Mr. Stockton's right to his seat, which was agreed to. Mr. Sumner then of- fered the following : Resolved, That the vote of Mr. Stockton be not received in determining the question of his seat in the Senate, which was agreed to, Mr, Clark, on March 27th, moved to amend the original resolution, to the effect that Mr, Stockton was not entitled to the seat, which was agreed to. The resolution as amended was then passed by the follow- ing vote : Yeas the same as the negative vote on the first original resolution, with the addition of Messrs. Howard, Riddle and Williams, and the exception of Messrs. Morrill, Foster and Stewart. Nays the same as the affirm- ative vote on the original resolution, with the exception of Mr, Stockton, prohibited from voting. Mr. Riddle (Dem.) voted aye with a view of moving a reconsideration, which was not done, because it would have proven fruitless. Mr. Stockton was thus, without justice, and against every idea of right, expelled from the Senate, and the sovereignty of New Jersey was ruthlessly insulted. A Radical Senator was chosen to Mr. Stockton's rightful place, and a working majority of two-thirds secured to the revo- lutionary conspirators in the Senate. The House was discovered to be in the same fix as the Senate. A working ma- jority of two-thirds in that body was not certain to be always attainable for the re- volutionary measures of the Congress, when the test of a Presidential veto might make such a majority necessary. Accordingly, the seats of four Democrats were found to have contestants, with shallow pretences of claims thai, in the better days of the Re- public, would have disgraced the parties that made them. These were the seats of' Messrs. James Brooks of New York, D. W. Voorhees of Indiana, Alexander H. Coffroth of Pennsylvania, and Augustus C. Baldwin of Michigan — all staunch defend- ers of the Constitution. The seats were given by a party majority, without refer- ence to the right, to Messrs. William E. Dodge, Henry D Washburn, W. H. Koontz, and Rowland E. Trowbridge — all Radicals, favoring every scheme of the t'ongressiimal conspirators against the national peace and public welfare. It were a useless consump- tion of space to enter into the details of these several contests, and of the frivolous pretexts upon which the Democratic incum- bents were ejected, and the bogus contes- tants installed in these Representative places. The general course of the Radical p:irty in Congress, in making their decisiona on such questions with an eye alone to the politics of the parties, without regard to the right, renders such a reference to it unnecessary. Suffice it to say, that by this change in the Houee, a faciie majority of two-thirds was erected, to give color of" law to the legislative pretences of the Congress, whenever they failed to meet the approval of the President. Nor was the Congress which succeeded it, and which now burlesques the national Legislature at Washington, less scrupulous about the question of right, whenever a seat RADICAL OUTRAGES UPON REPRESENTATION. 93 in either of the bodies composing it became a subject of contest. If anything, it was more ambitious of a disieputable infamy in this reppect than its predecessor. Mr. Philip Franl<. Thomas had been elected a United States Senator, from Maryland, for tlie term beginning March 4, 1867. He was a Democrat, and liad been what is de- nominated a loyal citizen during the war. He liad a son who served in the Confede- rate army, and whom he had endeavored by appeals to dissuade from such service. Finding him inexorable, with true parental solicitude he gave him a hundred dollars, to serve him in the event of his becoming a victim to any of the casualties of war, which might throw liim into the hands of the Union army, and require the use of Union money to alleviate his misfortunes. This natural action of the father was regarded as a crime in Radical morals. His failure to inform on his son, and have him impris- oned before his departure as a traitor to the United States, was claimed to be an aggravation of the other offense. In addi- tion to this, Mr. Thomas had, upon his election to tlie Senate, addressed the Legis- lature of Maryland against the policy of the Radical majority m Congress, and de- nounced it in becoming and patriotic terms. Upon the presentation of his credentials, the doors of the Senate were closed upon liim, and after a delay of nearly one year before final action was had, he was declared incompetent for these reasons to act as a Senator, and his seat was decided to be vacant. Thus, for near a year, Maryland was permitted to have but one-half of her proper representation in the Senate, and then her commission was insultingly flauntr ed back in her face, and she was virtually coerced by the Radical majority in the Senate into repudiating, an honored citizen, who was her deserving choice, and made to send another gentleman in his place. It is pertinent to state that Mr. Thomas was competent to take the iron-clad oath, which shows that, when that unconstitu- tional barrier can be overcome by a patriot and statesman, the Radical majority are not particular about getting up new means to override the prerogatives of a State wliioh is obnoxious to them in politics. In the House, the practice of this species of illegal and unconstitutional proscription was carried to the greatest excess. Crimi- nal is no adjective for the license with which it was indulged by that body. To this writing, George W. Anderson — a Radi- cal pretending to be a Representative from the Eighth Congressional District of Missouri — is shamelessly tolerated to occupy a seat belonging to Mr. Switzler, his Democratic opponent. Anderson knows and feels this to be the case; the House knows and feels it; and the Radical Committee on Elections of the House has so reported; but there he is, kept to vote for the infamous measures which the Radical genii invent to di.sturb the longed-for peace of the country. At the very opening of the Congress— On the 3d day of July, 1867, the creden- tials of the following members elect from Kentucky, were presented ; L. S. Trimble, John Young Brown, J. Proctor Knott, A. P. Grover, Thomas L. Jones, Jas. B. Beck, Geo. M. Adams and John D. Young. ' Mr. Logan, of Illinois, offered the follow- ing preamble: " Whbeeas, There is good reason to be- lieve that, in the election recently held in the State of Kentucky for Representatives to the Fortieth Congress, the legal and loyal voters in the several districts in said State have been overawed, and prevented from a true expression of their will and choice at the polls, by those who have sympathized with, or actually participated in, the late rebellion, and that such elections were car- ried by the votes of such disloyal and re- turned rebels ; and, whereas, it is alleged that several of the Representatives elect from that State are disloyal " — with a reso- lution that the credentials of all, except those of Mr. Adams, be referred to the Committee on Elections, which was adopted. Mr. Adams, who was excepted, was a Democrat, and had an unexceptionable record as a gallant officer of the Union army. This latter qualification was the pretence for the exception in his case. The real motive was to avoid, by the admission of this single member from Kentucky, the appearance of the true purpose of the Radi- cals, which was to strike a blow at the rep- resentation of Kentucky in the House of Representatives, because of the uncompro- mising position of that Commonwealth as a Democratic State. After a tedious delay, during which time Kentucky, though en- titled to eight Representatives, had but one on the floor, all these gentlemen were ad- mitted except Messrs. John Young Brown and John D. Young. Mr. Brown was per- fectly competent to take the iron-clad oath. He had been a loyal citizen during the war, but that was not sufficient to commend him to Radical favor. A rising young states- man of extraordinary powers. Radicalism had felt his blows, and in his person they had an opportunity to indulge a dual re- sentment — that of political hostility to him, and of malignant hatred for hi^ people and State. At the beginning of the war Mr. Brown favored the position of neutrality which Kentucky had assumed, and had written a letter warmly in opposition to 9i DEIIOCIIATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. the contribution of men or arms to the subjugation of the South. This was the position of the Legislature of Keutucky, which assembled in May, 1861, which, by an almost unanimous vote in the lower House, passed the following resolutions; " Resolved, by the House of Representa- tives, That this Slate and the citizens thereof s!:ould take no part in flie civil war now being waged except as mediators and friends to the belligerent parties; and that Ken- tucky sliould, during the contest, occupy the position of strict neutrality; and your committee unanimously recommend the adoption of the following resolution : " Ji'esolved, That the act of the Governor in refusing to furnish troops or military force upon tlie call of the Executive author- ity of the United States, under existing cir- cumstances, is approved." Among the names of the members voting for those resolutions are Oscar H. Burbridge, brother of the General; Curtis F. Burnan, afterward the Republican can- didate for United States Senator; Milton J. Cook, now Radical Senator in Kentucky; W. L. Neale, Republican candidate for State Treasurer in 1865;. and many others whose loyalty would, froin the Republican Btand-poitit, compare favorably with the majority of the members on the Radical side of the House.* It was the position of the Louisville Journal, the potential organ of the Union party of Kentucky, which, in May, 1861, said: "In our judgment, the people of Ken- tucky have answered this question in ad- vance; and the answer, expressed in every conceivable form of popular expression, and finally clinched by the glorious vote of Sat- urday, is, arm Kentucky, efficiently, but rightfully and fairly, with the clear declara- tion that the arming is not for offense against either the Government or the seced- ing States, but purely for defense against whatever power sets hostile foot upon the actual soil of the Commonwealth. In other words, the Legislature, according to the manifest will of the people, should declare (he neutrality of Kentucky in this unnatural and accursed war of brothers, and equip the State for the successful maintenance of lier position at all hazards." In fact, it was the position at that time of that party and its leaders, in Kentucky, tvhich afterward lent to the cause of the Federal Government so much of that influ- ence which prevented that State from car- rying out what appeared at one time proba- *From speech of the Hon. J. B. Beck, of Kentucky, in the House of Representatives, February 1,1868. ble— a complete union with the Confederacy in its struggle. Mr. Brown was shown, in the evidence taken in the trial, to have been a Union man. Indeed, at the time when hisspeechec were delivered, which were the pretext for his rejection, he was the Union candidate for Congress, and was engaged in a canvass for the Union. But he was also a Demo- crat, and an unyielding foe to the Radical enemies of the Constitution, and w:is, in his late canvass, one of the most effective orators against their machinations; and these being his offenses, the rights of liis constituents were violated to visit punish- ment upon him, and to spite them for the six thousand one hundred and six majority by which they sent him to Congress. His seat, notwithstanding this immense major- ity, was declared vacant — but three Radicals voting to receive him — and is still vacant, for the people will have no one else as their Representative, and the House insists upoL regulating their choice for them. In the case of Mr. John D. Young (Dem- ocrat), from the same State, he defeated that notorious wretch, Sam. McKee, by fourteen hundred and seventy-nine majority. He was also a loyal man during the war. But his sympathies were alleged to have been with the South. McKee claimed the seat upon such barefaced and mean bases of con- test that but one of the Radical members of the Committee on Elections could stom- ach them. All of them were willing to pro- scribe Mr. Young from taking his riglitful seat, and reported in favor of declaring it vacant One Charles Ujison, from Michigan, however, reported not only in favor of de- claring Young not entitled, but also in favor of giving the seat lo McKee. The face of the Congress lit up with a smile at the cool- ness of this proposition; but this did not deter McKee and his champion, Upson; for they knew full well, from their long associ- ation with it, the unscrupulous character of the Radical majority in Congress Before the question had yet been acted on in the House, influences were set at work to induce a majority of the Election Committee to as- similate their views with those of the illus- trious Upson, It succeeded, and withdniw- ing their original report, they coincided with that of the unscrupulous Miohigander. They reported that Young-was not entitled, and that McKee was entitled. The figures by which they overcame Young's majority of 1479, are a mathematical wonder, and deserve something more than a mere refer- ence. They admit that Young received 9042 votes, McKee 766.3 votes, and Thomas Green 862 votes. Young's official majority, 1479. They find that of the votes received KENTUCKY AND OHIO CONTESTED ELECTIONS 95 by 3Ir. Young, 625 were given by men proven to have been in the rebel army, and, by the rule laid down, not entitled to vote ; for, say the committee, " persons who had been in the rebel army had no right to vote or to act ae officers of election." They were paroled prisoners of war, and especially ex- empted from the amnesty proclaimed by the President, May 29, 1865, and, adds the committee, " there appears to have been no other act of amnesty up to the time of this election (in the Ninth Kentucky District) which could include them." Thecommit- tfe throw out these votes, thus reducing Young's majority, at one stroke, to 854, and still further dimini.sh it by eiglit votes proven to have been cast for him by deserters — leaving but 846 to overcome. This they accomplish in the manner following, to-wit: Ex-rebels, they contend, can not legally act as judges of elections, and where there were such, the elections, in such precincts, are not valid. All of these precincts gave Young majorities ranging from fifty-one to one hundred and thirty-two. Thereupon the committee throw out thevote of these polls, and arrive at the following conclusion : That 1516 votes were illegally cast. Deduct Young's official majority, 1479, and Mc- Kee's legal majority is 41. The House agreed to the report, and McKee was admitted to the seat for which he had been defeated by fourteen hundred and seventy-nine majority. Great criminals have at times been known to exhibit some blush of shame when they had descended to some low and groveling meanness which they regarded as depreciative of the refined rascality for which they had been distin- guished, and the skillful exercise of which they looked upon as an accomplished and creditable motion. It is upon some such hypothesis that we alone can credit the ap- pearance of McKee with which the news- paper correspondents 'compliment him when he appeared before the House to take the oath and qualify for the office into which he had so basely stolen. He was unable to look up, and seemed to confess by his ap- pearance a sensibility to his turpitude, and a fonsciousness that his lips were sealing an oath to support a Constitution which by that very sacred testimony he was lowly, and with the most degrading baseness, meanly violating. This, is the creature whose elevation to office is made the means of outraging the rights of an upright, hon- orable gentleman who is justly entitled to it, and of striking a blow at the sacred right of representation as unjust as it is offensive to the people of his district. That such a fellow is spoken to by men representing the country in Congress, oris permitted to speak to them, is a melancholy evidence of the moral decay of the times. That he is tolera- ted as a Representative, and mnde the sub- ject of a straining violation of the (Constitu- tion, to put him mto place, is the best evi- dence that intolerant Radicalism intends, if its power is prolonged, to leave us no vest- ige of constitutional government.* This does not complete the list of Radical outrages in this matter of contested elec- tions. General George W. Morgan, a gal- lant officer of the Federal army, well known as " Cumberland Gap Morgan," was elected to Congress from the Columbus District in Ohio, as an uncompromising Democrat and thorough opponent of Radicalism. One Delano, a Radical, wanted his place, and forged a contest for that purpose, asserting technical and lying objections to the legal qualifications of certain judges, and objec- tions to certain voters that they were " de- serters," when it was proved that they were not. It was not pretended that the major- ity of votes were not cast for IVlorgan. He was got rid of by throwing out the votes cast for him by bona fide voters sufficient to give the majority to Delano, The Thir- teenth Ohio District is known to be Demo- cratic. In 1867, Thurman, Democratic candidate for Governor, carried the district by a majority of 2,178 in an aggregate of 27,906. The Radical Congress outraged that Democratic community by putting in a Radical as its Representative who was re- jected by the people. Mr. Morgan, in clos- ing his speech upon the report of the com- mittee ejecting him from his seat, made a prediction which we believe will be fulfilled. He said: "I will be sent back by the ma- jestic voice of an outraged people — not by three hundred — but by ten times three hun- dred majority." Mr. Delano will enjoy his stolen honors until the 4th of March next. This closes the cases of outrages upon the constitutional right of representation to which we have deemed it proper to call the attention of the people of the country. They are the bold and undeniable adver- tisement by the Radicals that they regard nothing in their administration of the Gov- ernment but the one paramount idea of un- faltering allegiance to their party— an end which justifies all means. Before it the Constitution, Law, Right, Justice, and every- thing that attests political virtue, and per- sonal integrity, must give way, and the Gov- ernment be administered according to the unbounded licentiousness of whatever may be their caprire, and with the sole view of their personal and party aggrandizements— * In the chapter on the " Condition of Ten- nessee," it will be seen that the House prac- ticed the reverse action in the matter of the Tennessee members. Why? Because they were Radicals. 96 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. at all sacrifice, whether of its dearest forms or the expenditure of blood, to maintain their political ascendancy. It is of this party that Grant and Colfax are the boasted standard-bearers. The former a confessed ally of the two Houses of Congress in all of their atrocious villanies, and the latter one of the most experienced of the con- spirators themselves, who has smiled again and again at the fortune of his party, ob- tained at the expense of his country. Is there not enough public virtue left to rebuke these Catalines ? We believe the election in Novetober will prove that there is. The Tennre-of-Offioe Bill, An Act Regulating the Tenure op Cektain Civil Offices. Be it enacted hy the Senate and Bouse of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That every person holding any civil office to which he has been appointed by and with the ad- vice and consent of the Senate, and every person who shall hereafter be appointed to any such office, and shall become duly qualified to act therein, is, and shall be, en- titled to hold such office until a successor shall have been, in like manner, appointed and duly qualified, except as herein other- wise provided : Provided, That the Secre- taries of State, of the Treasury, of War, of the Navy, and of the Interior, the Post- master-General, and the Attorney-General shall hold their offices respectively for and during the term of the President by whom they may have been appointed, and for one month thereafter, subject to removal by and with the advice and consent of the Senate. Seo. 2. That when any officer appointed as aforesaid, excepting Judges of the United States Courts, shall, during the recess of the Senate, be shown, by evidence satisfac- tory to the President, to be guilty of mis- conduct in office, or crime, or for any reason shall become incapable or legally disqualified to perform its duties, in such case, and in no other, the President may suspend such officer, and designate some suitable person to perform, temporarily, the duties of such office until the next meeting of the Senate, and until the case shall be acted upon by the Senate; and such person, 80 designated, shall take the oaths and give the bonds required by law to be taken and given by the person duly appointed to fill such office ; and in such case it shall be the duty of the President, within twenty days after the first day of such next meeting of the Senate, to report to the Senate such suspension, with the evidence and reasons for his action in the case, and the name of the person so designated to perform the du- ties of such office. If tlie Senate concurs, the President may remove the officer and appoint a successor. If the Senate does not concur, the suspended officer resumes his office, and receives again the official sal- ary and emoluments. The President, in case he shall become satisfied that the sus- pension by him of a civil officer was made on insufficient grounds, shall be authorized, at any time before reporting the suspension to the Senate, to revoke the suspension and reinstate the officer in the performance of the duties of his office. Seo. 3. The President shall have power to fill all vacancies which may happen during the recess of the Senate, by reason of death or resignation, by granting commissions which shall expire at the end of their next session. And if no appointment, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, shall be made to such office so vacant or temporarily filled during the next session of the Senate, the office shall remain in abeyance, without any salary, fees or emol- uments attached thereto, until it shall be filled by appointment thereto, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate; and during such time all the powers and duties belonging to the office shall be exercised by such other officer as may by law exercise such powers and duties in case of a vacancy in such office. Seo. 4. No term of office, the duration of which is limited by law, shall be extended by this act. Seo. 0. Persons accepting or exercising office contrary to this act, are declared to be guilty of a high misdemeanor, and, upon trial and conviction thereof, shall be pun- ished by a fine not exceeding $10,000, or by imprisonment not exceeding five years, or both. Sec. 6. Every removal, appointment, or employment made, had or exercised con- trary to the provisions of this act, and the making, signing, sealjng, countersigning or issuing of any commission or letter of au- thority for or in respect to any such appoint- ment or employment, are declared to be high_ misdemeanors, and, upon trial and conviction thereof, persons guilty thereof shall be punished by a fine not exceeding $10,000, or by imprisonment not exceeding five years, or both: Provided, That the President shall have power to make out and deliver, after the adjournment of the Senate, commissions for all oflScers whose appoint- ment shall have been advised and consented to by the Senate. Sec. 7. It shall be the duty of the Seore tary of the Senate, at the close of each see sion, to deliver to the Secretary of the Treasury, and to each of his assistants, and to each of the Auditors, and to each of the Comptrollers in the Treasury,' and to the THE TENURE-OF-OFFICE LAW, 97 Treasurer, and to tlie Registrar of tlie 'J'reasury, a full and complete list, duly cer- tified, of all tlie persons who shall have been nominated to and rejected by the Sen- ate during such session, and a like list of al the offices to which nominations shall nave been made and not confirmed and tilk'd at such session. Siio. 8. The President shall notify the Secretary of the Treasury when he has made an appointment to office without the consent of the Senate ; and it shall be the duty of the Secretary of the -Treasury there- upon to communicate such notice to all the proper accounting and disbursing officers of ills department. Sec. 9. Xo money shall be paid or re- ceived from the Treasury, or paid or received from or retained out of any public moneys or funds of the United States, to or by or for the benefit of any person appointed to or authorized to act in or holding or exer- cising the duties or functions of any office contrary to the provisions of this act; nor sliall any claim, account, or other instru- ment providing for or relating to such pay- ment, receipt or retention, be presented, passed, allowed, approved, certified or paid by any officer of the t'nited States, or by any person exercising the functions or per- forming the duties of any office or place of trust under the United States, for or in respect to such office, or the exercising or performing the functions or duties thereof; and persons who shall violate any of the provisions of this section shall be deemed ^■uilfy of a high misdemeanor, and, upon trial and conviction thereof, shall be pun- ished therefor by a fine not exceeding $10,- 000, or by imprisonment not exceeding ten years, or both. The bill was passed over the President's veto on March 2, 1867. The Senate repassed it — yeas 35, nays II, ,-i.-i follows : Yeas — Messrs. Anthony, Cattell, Chandler, Conness, Cragin, Edmunds, Fessenden, Fogg, Foster, Fowler, Frolinghuysen, Grimes, Harris, Henderson, Howard, Kirkwood, Lane, Morgan, Morrill, Nye, Poland, Pomeroy, Ramsey, Ross, .■^licrman, Sprague, Stewart, Sumner, Trumbull, Van Winkle, Wade, Willey, Williams, Wilson, Ya.tes — .^5. Nays — Messrs. Buekalcw, Cowan, Davis, Dixmi, DooliUle, Hendricla, Johnson, Nesmitli, Norton, Patterson, Sauhbury—W. Same day — The House repassed it — yeas 138, nays 40, as follows:. Yeas — Messrs. Alley, Allison, Ames, Ander- son, Arnell, Delos R.Ashley,' James M.Ashley, Baker, Baldwin, Banks, Barker, Baxter, Sea- man, Benjamin, Bidwell, Bingham, Blaine, Blow, Boutwell, Brandegee, Bromwell, Broom- all, Buckland, Bundy, R. W. Clarke, S. Clarke, Cobb, Conkling, Cook, Cullom, Darling, Davis, Dawes, Defrees, Delano, Doming, Dixon, Dodge, Donnelly, Driggs, Dumont, Eckley, Eggleston, Eliot, Farnsworth, Farquhar, Perry, Garfield, Grinncll, Griswold, Hale, Abner C. Harding. Hart, Hawkins, Hayes, Henderson, Higby, Hill, Holmes, Hooper, plotohkiss, A. W. Hub- bard, Chester D. Hubbard, John H. Hubbard. James R. Hubbell, Hulburd, Ingersoll, Jent-ke.-, Julian, Kasson, Kelley, Kelso, Ketcham, Koontz, Laflin, George V. Lawrence, William Lawrence, Loan, Longyear, Lynch, Marquetk', Marston, Marvin, Maynard, McClurg, Mcln- doe, McKee, McRuer, Mereur, Miller, Moor- head, Morrill, Morris, Moulton, Myers, Newell, O'Neill, Orth, Paine, Patterson, Perham, Pike, Plants, Pomeroy, Price, William H. Randall, Raymond, Alexander IT. Rice, John H. Rice, Rollins, Sawyer, Schenck, Scofield, Shellabar- ger, Sloan, Spalding, Starr, Stokes, Thayer, Francis Thomas, Trowbridge, Upson, Van Aernam, Burt Van Horn, Robert T. Van Horn, Hamilton Ward, Warner, Henry D. Washburn. William B. Washburn, Welker, Weutworth, Whaley, "Williams, .James F. Wilson, Stephen P. Wilson, Windom, Woodbridge, and Speaker Colfax— i:j8. Nays — Messrs. Anconn, Berrien, Boijpr, Cnmji- hell, Chanler, Cooper, Dawson, EldrUiip the report. The next day the report came up, and the House reached ihe main business, and the resolution "that Andrew Johnson, President ot the United States, be impeached of high crimes and misdemean- ors," was lost — yeas 57, nays 108; absent or not voting 22. Thus closed the impeach- ment movement. We give the following analysis of the vote, from the Tribune Almanac: THOSE "WHO VOTED FOR IMPEACHMENT. MAINE — 1. John Lynch. NEW HAMPSHIRE— 2. Jacob H. Ela, 2. Aaron F. Stevens. MASSACHUSETTS — 2. George S. Boutwell, 5. Benjamin F. Butler. NEW YORK — 3. John C. Churchill, 27. Hamilton Ward. William H. Kelsey, PENNSTLTANIA — 9 John M. Broomall, John Covode, William D. Kelley; Ulysses Mercer, Leonard Jilyers, MAEYLAND- Francie Thomas. OHIO — 5, 2. Charles O'Neill, 9. Thaddeus Stpvens. 23. Thomas Williams, 18. Stephou F. Wilson. 4, William Lawrence, 3. Robert C. Schenck. James M. Ashley, Header W. Clarke, Epbraim R. Eckley, INDIANA — 6. John Coburn, 8. Godlovc S. Orth, Mi.ifun C. Hunter, 11. John V. C. Shanks, George W. Julian, 10. William Williams. M1CHIGA.N — 1. Rowland B. Trowbridge. ILLINOIS — 6. H'y. P. H. Bromwell, 4. Abner C. Harding, Shelby M. Cullam, 1. Normau B. Judd, Jno. F. Farnsworth At large. Jno, A. Logan. Wl,->.. NEIN -3. Aniasa Cobb, 1. Ualbert E. Paino. Benj. F. Hopkins, JllNNESOTA — 1. 2. Ignatius Donnelly. IOWA — 2. 4. William Loughridge, 2. Hiram Price. MISSOL'R? — 7. 9 George W. Anderson, 2. Car'n. A. Newcomb, 4. Joseph J. Gravely, 1. William A. Pile, 7. B'D-EOOK. almost every election is producfSve of a rev- olution. If the people of this republic desire such a result, we have not yet been able to discover it; nor would we favor it if its presence were manifest. While we condemn and censure the political conduct of the President, and judge him unwise in the use of his discretionary powers, and ap- peal to the people of the republic to sustain us, we still affirm that the conclusion at which we have arrived is correct. We, therefore, declare that the case before us, presented by the testimony and measured by the law, does not declare such high crimes and misdemeanors within the mean- ing of the Constitution as require ' the in- terposition of the conatitutional power of this House,' and recommend the adoption of the following resolution : " Resolved, That the Committee on the Judiciary be discharged from the further consideration of the proposed impeachment of the President of the United States, and that the subject be laid upon the table. "JAMES F. WILSON, "F. E. WOODBRIDGE." On the 21st of February, 1868, when the news reached Congress of the attempted removal of Mr. Stanton, the Secretary of War, by the President, Mr. John Covode offered, in the House of Representatives, the following resolution as a question of privilege ; " Resolved, That Andrew Johnson, Pres- ident of the United States, be impeached for high crimes and misdemeanors." This resolution was referred to the Com- mittee on Reconstruction. After a secret deliberation of seven hours' duration, the following resolution was adopted: " Whereas, The Senate has received and considered the communication of the Presi- dent, stating that he had removed Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War, and had designated the Adjutant-General of the army to act as Secretary of War ad interim ; th erefore, " Resolved, By the Senate of the United States, that, under the Constitution and laws of the United States, the President has no power to remove the Secreta.ry of War, nnd to designate any other officer to per- form the duty of that office ad interim." , On the 22d of February, Mr. Stevens, from the Committee on Reconstruction, made a report, signed by himself, Messrs. Boutwell, Bingham, Hulburd, Parnsworth, Beaman and Paine, which concluded with the following resolution : " Resolved, That Andrew Johnson, Pres- ident of the United States, be impeached of high crimes and misdemeanors." On the 24th of February the House came to a vote. During the vote excuses were made for the absence of Messrs. Robinson, Benjamin, Washburn (Ind.), Williams (Ind.), Van Horn (Mo.), Trimble (Tenn.), Pomeroy, Donnelly, Koontz, Maynard, and Shella- barger. The Speaker stated that he could not consent that his constituents should be silent on so grave an occasion, and there- fore, as a member of the House, he voted yea. The vote resulted — yeas 126, nays 47, as follows : Teas — Messrs. Allison, Ames, Anderson, Ar- nell, Ashley (Nev.), Ashley (Ohio), Bailey, Baker, Baldwin, Banks, Beaman, Beatty, Bi?n- ton, Bingham, Blaine, Blair, Boutwell, Brom- well, Broomall, Buckland, Butler, Cake, Church- ill, Clarke (Ohio), Clarke (Kan.), Cobb, Coburn, Cook, Cornell, Covode, CuUom, Dawes, Dodge, Driggs, Eckley, Eggleston, Eliot, Earnsworth, Eerris, Eerry, Fields, Gravely, Griswold, Hal- sey, Harding, Higby, Hill, Hooper, Hopkins, Hubbard (la.), Hubbard (W. Va.), Hulburd. Hunter, Ingersoll, Jenckes, Judd, Julian, Kel ley, Kelsey, Ketcha.m, Kitchen, Laflin, Law rence (Pa.), Lawrence (Ohio), Lincoln, Loan Logan, Loughridge, Lynch, Maliory, Marvin McCarthy, McClurg, Merour, Miller, Moore Moorhead, Morrill, MuUins, Myers, Newcomb, Nunn, O'Neill, Orth, Paine, Perham, Peters, Pike, Pile, Plants, Poland, Polsley, Price, Haum, Kobertson, Sawyer, Schenck, Scofield, Seyle, Shanks, Smith, Spalding, Starkweather, Stevens (N. H.), Stevens (Pa.), Stokes, Taflce, Taylor, Trowbridge, Twitchell, IJpson, Van Aernam, Van Horn (N. T.), Tan Wyck, "Ward, Washburn (Wis.), Washburne (111.), Washburn (Mass.), Welker, Williams (Pa.), Wilson (Iowa), Wilson (Ohio), Williams (Pa.), Windom, Woodbridge, and Speaker — 126. Nays — Messrs. Adaws, Archer, Axtell, Barnes, Banium, Beck, Boyer, Brooke, Burr, Gary, Chan- ler, EldvldQc, Fox, Geiz, QlossbremteTf Goliadajj, Graver, Haight, Hvlman, Jlotchkiss, Hnhhctrd (Conn.), Humphreji, Johnnon, Jones, Kerr, Knott, Marshall, McCormicli, McCiilloiigh, Morgan, Mor- rinsey, Mungen, Nibluch, yicolson, Phelps, Prnyn, Randall, Ross, Sitqreavc^, Stewart, Stone, Taher, Trimble (Ky.), Van Auken, Van Trump, Wood, Woodicard—-4 7. Messrs. Boutwell, Stevens, Bingham, Wilson, Logan, Julian and Wade, were ap- pointed to prepare articles of impeachmeat, and they reported the following: "Article 1. Recited the fact of the Presi- dent suspending Stanton, and that of the Senate refusing to concur in such suspen- sion; and charged the order of the Pres- ident removing Stanton and appointing Gen. Thomas Secretary of War ad interim, af'ter the refusal of the Senate to concur in his suspension, to be a high misdemeanor in office. "Akt. 2. That, on the 21st day of Febru- ary, m the year of our Lord 1868, at Wash- IMPEACHMENT OF PRESIDENT JOHNSON. 101 ii!,irton, in Uie District of Columbia, said Andrew Jolinson, President of the United ^faU'H, unmindful of the high duties of his oalli of office, and in violation of the Con- stitution of the United States, and contrary to the provisions of an act entitled ' An act regulating the tenure of certain civil oflices,' pa.-sed March 2, 1867, without the advice and consent of the Senate, then and there lieing in session, and without authority of law, djd appoint one L. Thomas to be Sec- retary'of War 'ad'itUerim, \iy isstiingto said Lorenzo Thomas a letter of authority, in substance as follows, that in to say : *' ExF.CLfllVE BTaneion, ) "Wasiiinotom, D. C, February 21, 1808. J "Sir: The Hon. Edwin M. Stanton hav- ing been this day removed from office as Secretary of the Department of War, you are hereby authorized and empowered to act as Secretary of War ad interim, and will immediately enter upon the discharge of tlie duties pertaining to that office. Mr. Stanton has been instructed to transfer to you all the records, books, papers and other public property now in his custody and charge. Respectfullv yours, "ANDKEW JOHNSON. " To Brevet Major-Gen. f/. Thomas, Adju- tant (ien. U. S Army, Washington, U. C. " Whereby said Andrew Johnson, Presi- dent of the United States, did then and there commit, and was guilty of a high misdemeanor in office. "Art. 3. That said Andrew Johnson, President of tlie United States, on the 21st day of February, in the year of our Lord one tliousand eight humired and sixty-eight, at Washington, in the Di-patch, signed OUTSIDE PRESSUIiE FOR IlIPEACHMENT. 105 by a number of men, including delegates to the Cliicago Convention, has been received by General Schenck: Leavenworth, Kan,, May 13. " We hope and pray there will be no divis- ion among our Senators in the conviction of Andrew Johnson, as there is none vrhat- ever among the Republicans of Kansas." The Iowa members had an informal caucus and concluded that "Mr. Grimes wad lieyond any appeals to his honor, or to his cuiiscienoe, or to his party," and they uould turn him over to the tender mercies of liis outraged and betrayed constituency. ''The Illinois delegation, we are told, had a caucus, lasting nearly two hours, attended by all the Republican members. Mr. Trum- bull was denounced by each one, and must severelii by Messrs. Judd and Cook, who nave heretofore been his devoted friends. His motives were impugned and the unanimous verdict was that he was engaged in a deep and damnable conspiracy, and tliat any argument or appeal to him would be lost." The Tribune went still further in its brutal attacks, and says, of Trumbull, Fes- senden, and Grimes : "Tlie infamous notoriety which they had obtained made every stranger ask to have them pointed out to him. Nobody who had the least regard for his reputation ventured near them. Can one touch pitch and not be defiled ? seemed to be the unanimous sen- timent. Grimes curled himself up on his scat, as mean, repulsive, and noxious as a hedge hog in the cage of a traveling menagerie ; and so tiiey sat, the target of scoff's, while five hundred lorgnettes were scanning their laces I'lr some indication in their facial lines of the' deep, dark treachery of their hearts. Fessenden busied himself with his corre- spondence. Indignant New Eriglanders asked, what has New England done that she should have such a representative? * * The journal of yesterday gave little evidence of tlie i7-eac/iC)-y of Trumbull, the falsehuoJ of Fessenden, or Iheparty trenson of Qr'nnei." The following telegraphic dispatches were sent to the conscientiouK, Senator from Kan- gas, Mr. Ross, who refused to commit per- juiy by finding the President guilty in olieili"iice to outside clamor and dictation, '['hereupon, the Jacobins at home sent him dispatches, of which the following are speci- mens : " Leavenworth, 5Iay 16, ISttS. " Hon. E. G. Ross, U. S. Senator, Washing- ton, D. C. : "Your telegram received: Your vote is dictated by Tom Ewing, not by your oath. Your motives are Indian contracts and greenbacks. Kansas repudiates you as she does all perjurers and skunks "D. R. ANTHONY, and others." TOPEKA, May 10, 1868. " To E. G, Ross : " Probably the rope with which Judas hung himself is lost, but the jiistol with which Jim Lane committed suicide is at your service. L. D. BAILEY." Wendell Phillips Denounces Mr, Chase and th« Senate! In a letter from Washington, Wendell Phillips says: "The Chief Justice of the Supreme Courtis his ally. Salmon P. Chase, mad with the Presidential fever, and desper- ate in the consciousness of baffled plans, meanly jealous of Wade, and perhaps cherishing the forlorn hope of a Democratic nomination, joins forces with the enemy, and stands as the Presidential ally. It has been known for a long time that the rela- tions between the Chief-Justice and the President were more cordial than was made necessary by the mere oflicial relations of the parties ; and last Wednesday night the rooms of the Chief-Justice, filled with the gay and fashionable winter society of Washington, were startled as by electric shock, when the doors were flung open, and the usher, in a loud voice, announced, " the President of the United States and daughter." Very few of those who were present with nie will soon forget the significant looks which [lassed from face to liice through these brilliant and crowded rooms as the unusual event of the President of the United States attending an evening reception of the Chief-Justice was fully realized. Ilis carping letter to the Senate — his refusal, at first, to obey the mandates to appear as its presiding officer — ■ and his decisions of the following day, are but the unfolding of a plot to obstruct and defeat as far possible the conviction of the President. How far he may be able to work harm, depends, of course, on the firmness of the Senate; but in any event, he is a serious obstacle, with evil intentions only limited by his courage; which latter, fortu- nately, is not great. He seems determined to maintain -the consistency of a public career which may be summed up in these words; He never had an opportunity to serve his party* that he did not betray it. " 'llie Senate itself is the nextgreat danger. There is reason to believe that a serious defection exists among the Republicans on this question. Ross, of Kansas, andSprague, of Rhode Island (Chase's son-in-law), are already counted secure as two ofthe seven Republicans it is necessary to win over to |iieveut a conviction. The more than proba- ble defection of Fessenden would carry at least four more gentlemen who hang on his skirts. The folly of Congress in not pro- viding for the su, pension ol the President during tria., Wjil s.. -n be e.ident. The 106 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. boundless opportuBiiy this gives the culprit to corrupt his judges, will not remain unim- proved.' Senator Pessemdeu on the Pressure. i^eiiator Fessenden, in a letter dated June 25, 1868, to Governor Bullock and others, of Boston, vprites: "The excitement elsewliere, hovpever, was trifling when compared witli that which prevailed at tlie Capital. Here a change of administration had long been contemplated and was now counted on as a certainty. That looked-for cliange had its usual attend- ants. The coming in of a new President could hardly have warmed into life a more nu)nerous brood of expectants, or stimulated more extensive hopes of honors and profits. The city was filled witli men ready to jump into places to be made vacant, as tliey hoped and believed, for their benefit. Gamblers thronged the saloons, staking more than they were able to pay upon conviction or acquittal. As these liopes rose or fell with the rumors of the liour, as impeachment stock went up or down upon the political exchange among the crowd of hungry ex- pectants, so tor the time rose and fell the character and reputation of tliose Senators upon whose votes the result was supposed to depend: wliile the telegraph was at hand to carry over its wires to the liomes and friends of those Senators every calumny which disappointed ambition could imagine, or cupidity and malignity could itivent, and while a portion of the press, claiming for itself a character for decency, and even for Christian virtue, stood ready to indorse and circulate the lie. "What effect such a condition of things might have had upon the conclusions of Senators, it is not easy to determine. The re- sult has shown that in the estimation of that portion of the public which I have at- tempted to delineate, it was of little conse quence what the opinion of Senators might be upon particular questions, so that conviction and removal were secured. The inmiediate cause of impeachment, and the main article upon which it was founded, was the removal of the Secretary of War. Two honorable and learned Senators, not included in "the seven," announced their opinions that the President was not guilty upon this article, and it was not considered in them an error of judgment, much less a betrayal of party, so long as they were able to vote for oon- victi.iu upon the eleventh. Other Senators in their opinions declared themselves unable to sustain the iburtli, fifth, sixth, seventli, nintli and tenth. No articles could be (bund which would secure the vole of thirty-five Senators except the second, third and eleventh. And yet the poliiioal orthodoxy of Senators was saved by a vo e for con- viction upon something. To all such the full riglit of independent judgment was fully conceded, while such as claimed and ex- ercised the same right upon all the articles were unsparingly denounced as traitors, and proclaimed infamous in advance by a Manager who had substantially declared in the House, that without the eleventh article the whole were good for nothing." Shameless Inconsistency of Senatorsi During the debate on the Tenure-of- OflSce Bill, Mr. Edmonds, of Vt, a member of the Committee of Conference which settled the final shape of the bill, said, on behalf of the committee, that they thought, "after a great deal of consultation and reflection:" "That it was right and just that the Chief Executive of the nation, in selecting these named Secretaries, who, by law and by the practice of tlie country, and officers analogous to whom by the practice of all other coimtries, are the confidential advisers of the Executive respectirjg the administra- tion of all \\\s depsLTtments, should be persons who were personally agreeable to hhn, in whom he could place entire confidence and reliance, and that, whenever it should seem to him that the state of relations between him and any of them had become .so as to render tliat relation of confidence and trust and personal esteem inharmonious, he should in such case be allowed to dispense with the services of that officer in vacation, and have some other person act in his stead." Mr. Williams, of Oregon, who prepared the original bill, s dd tliat there were good reasons why the power of the Presideat over his Secretaries should be excepted out of the limitation^. He said : " The chief reason that influenced me to make the exception was, tliat I thought something was due to the President of the United States — to that office.. This bill undertakes to reverse what has heretofore been the admitted practice of the Govern- ment; and it seemed to me that it was due to the exalted office of the President of the United States, the Chief Magistrate of the nation, tliat he should exercise this power, that he should be lelt to choose his own Cabinet, and that he should be held respon- sible, as he will be, to the country for what- ever acts that Cabinet may preform. ' Mr Fes.-enden, of .Maine, maintained the same view of the intent of the law, and en- Ibrced it on the high grounds of public expediency The head ,of a department should possess the power over the subordi- nates, and the President over the Secreta- ries. He said : "In my judgment, in order to the good and proper management of a department, INCONSISTENCY OF SENATORS. 107 it is necessary that that power should exist in the bead of it, and quite as necessary that the power should exist in the President with reference to tlie few men who are placed ahout him to share his councils, be bis friends and his agents." Mr. Sherman, of Ohio, spoke even more decidedly, even to indignation, that any Secretary should attempt to defeat the de- sire of the President to get rid of him. The following are some of the emphatic [inK.sages of his speech, which now apply to M.r Stanton : " Now, 1 say that if a Cabinet officer should attempt to hold bis office for a mo- ment beyond the time when he retains the entire confidence of the President, I would not vote to retain him, nor would I compel a Pve.^ident to have about him, in these high positions, a man in whom he did not en- tirely trust, both personally and politically " Any gentleman fit to be a Cabinet Min- ister, who receives an intimation from iiis chief that bis longer continuance in that office is unpleasant to him, would necessarily resign If he did not resign, it would show that he was unfit to be there. I can not imagine a case where a Cabinet officer would hohi on to his place in defiance and against tlie wishes of bis chief; and if siioh a case should occur, I certainly would not by any extraordinary or ordinary legislation . pro- tect him in the office in defiance of what would be regarded in every constitutional government as the proper one, namely, to retire when he separates or differs in opinion from his chief " 1 talie it that no case can arise, or is likely to arise, where a Cabinet Minister will at- tempt to hold on to his office after his chief desires his removal. I can scarcely con- ceive of such a case. I think that no gen- tleman, no man with any sense of honor, would hold a position as a Cabinet officer after his chief desired bis removal. "And if I supposed that eitlier of these gentlemen was so' wanting in manhood, in honor, as to hold his place after the politest intimation by the President of the United States that his services were no longer needed, 1 certainly, as a Senator, would con- sent to his removal at any time, and so wonld we all." Yet all these Senators, except one, were the active partisans of impeachment. Thaddeus Stevens was the chief prosecu- tor of the President to impeachment, on the score of his having asserted the power to remove a refractory and offensive member from his Cabinet. Mr. Stevens was, a few years ago, member of the Pennsylvania State Convention for the framing of a State constitution; and therein he was the stout- est advocate for the necessity that an Exec- utive should have the fullest power to ap- point and to remove his own Cabinet. He said: " But, if you take the appointments from the Governor, it may, and pmbably often will, happen, that he will be of one' party, and entertain one set of principles, and tliey be of another party, and hold entirely op- posite principles; discord and opposition must then disturb their counsels, and injure the interests of the Stale." Again : " Why vest the power of appointment in the Legislature? 'J'heir legitimate duty is to enact laws, and not to appoint those who are to execute them. Sufficient induce- ments are now held out to them to make them swerve from tlie path of duty, without multiplying the temptations by placing the patronage of this great State at their dis- posal." And still again, as if predicting the course he is now pursuing as an evil to be care- fully provided against, he said: " The Governor and the Senate would either be of tlie same political party or hos- tile parties; if of the same party, the Sen- ate would be no check upon the Governor, as there would be perfect concert before the nomination, and, therefore, this supervising power would be useless. If they were of hostile parties, constant and bitter collisions would exist between them, which would greatly disturb tlie faithful discharge of their other duties." And so they have done and are continu- ing to do now, and this same Mr. Stevens is the Moloch of discord. A Radical Organ Denounces the Conspiracy. [From tlie New Vork Evening Post.] These proceedings are clearly unlawful and revolutionary. If, on an impartial trial, the impeached President should be convicted, the country would doubtless ac- cept the result as one on the whole sati.sfac- tory. But what respect is a verdict entitled to which is got by tlireats against the judges, by the secret solicitations of the prosecu- tors, and by open demands that judges shall either vote for conviction or withhold their votes altogether. Setting aside for the moment the unlaw- ful, atrocious and revolutionary character of these proceedings, we ask, what will be the use, or the force or value of a verdict so gained? Suppose that when the high court re-assembles on Saturday, it gives a verdict against the accused— -what character or moral force will, or can, such a verdict have ? Will it not be plain to the least discerning that this end has been reached by the unlawful and unjust interference of the prosecutors; by secret solicitations and 108 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAXD-BOOK. public threats of tlie judges; by means ■which, if theywere employed by the public prosecutors in tlie trial of a pickpocket, would arouse a storm of just indignation ? A Two-Edged Qnotationi The Baltimore Sim says that Manager Logan, in the printed speech be has filed in the impeachment case, quotes from Shakspeare, saying we (the iiianagers) thought -'if it were done, when 'tis done, then 'twere well it were done quickly." This very appropriate quotation is from "Macbeth," vvlien be is about to murder " Duncan." It was an apt quotation, and the parallel sugsrested would have been still more complete if Mr. Logan had proceeded with other extracts from the same soliloquy of " Macbeth :" " "We but teach Bloody instructions, v.'liich being taught, return To plague the inventor." ** Besides, this Duncan hath been So clear in his great ofilce, that his virtues Will plead, like angels, trumpet-tongued against The deep damnation of his taking off." Now and Then. In 1S64, when the Republicans wanted Mr. Blair put out of the t'abinet, the fol lowing paper was presented to President Lincoln : " The theory of our government, the earl}' and imiform practical construction thereof, is that the President should he aided by a Cabinet council agreeing with him in political principle and general jolicy, and that all im- portant measures and appointments should be the result of their combined wisdom and deliberation. The most obvious and neces- pary condition of things, without which no administration can sticceed, we and the pub- lic believe does not e.xist, and, therefore, such selections and changes in its members should be made as will secure to the coun- try unity of purpose and action in all ma- terial and essential respects, more especially in the present crisis of public affairs. "The Cabinet should be exclusively com- posed oi' sisiiesmen who are the cordial, reso- lute, unwavering supporters of the principles and purposes above mentioned." This paper was signed by the following ilepublican Senators, among whom will be found a large number who voted for con- viction. They were agreed to punish, in Mr, Jolinson, as a crime, what they urged upon Mr. Lincoln as a duty. These are tlie names of the signers: Massachusetts — Charles Sumner, Henry Wilson. Ohio — Benj. F. Wade, John Sherman. New York — Preston King, Ira ILuris. Pennsylvania— Da^'k^ Wilmot, Edgar Cowan. Maine— h. M. Morrill, W. P. Fessenden. Connecticut— 3 wcaes Dixon, L. S. Foster. Vermont — Solomon Foot, Jacob Collamer New Hampshire — D. Clark, John P. Hale. Rhode Island — H. B. Anthonj'. Michigan — Zachariah Chandler. Illinois — 0. H. Browning, Lyman Trum- bull. Iowa — James Harlan, James W. Grimes. Kansas — S. C. Pomerov. Wisconsin— 3. R. Doolittle, T. 0. Howe. Disreputable Conduct of an Interested Party. Had President Johnson been convicted, B. F. Wade, Senator from Ohio, and Presi- dent ^ro tem^org of tlie Senate, would have succeeded to his high place. Yet, he had the brazen audacity to present himself to be sworn in as a trier, and voted for convic- tion. Mr. Hendricks, of Indiana, objected to his qualification, but withdrew it Dur- ing the debate, Mr. Bayard, of Delaware, administered him the following withering rebuke ; " He argued against the right of Senator Wade to take the oath, the object of the Constitution being to exclude the person who was to be benefited by the deposition of the President from taking part in the pro- ceedings leading to such deposition. He proceeded to argue that the character of the body in trying impeachment was that of a court, not that of a Senate. He could not conceive on what ground the question as to the character of the body was introduced, except it was that Senators, cutting them- selves loose from the restraints of their judicial character, might give full swing to their partisan passions If he stood in the same position as the Senator from Ohio, the wealth of the world would not tempt him to sit in such a case." Butler Loser on Impeachment. A Washington correspondent writes as follows : " There is a report, which a good many people credit, that Butler had a large amount of money staked on impeachment. It is said that George Wilkes, who was very busy in Washington during the im]ieflchmeiit furore, was betting Ben's nionev, with Ben's consent, of course; and that the patriot of Lowell and Dutch Gap, would' have pock- eted quite a comfortable sum if Wade had gone, in with the apple blossoms. Perhaps his disappointment on" this head was one cause of the rage he exhibited on the heels of the impeachment fiasco." EFFORT TO IMPEACH WASHINGTON. 109 Effort to Impeach 'WasUngton. Issues between Gkoeob Washington and Congress — Impeachment Pkbyentbd Br THE People. [From the New Tork Commercial Advertieer,] The trial of President Jolinson recalls tlie attempts made in 1795 to destroy the character of President Washington, with an intention, had it succeeded, to impeach him. The parties combined to accomplish these objects consisted of — • First. The opponents of the funding scheme of Alexander Hamilton. Second. The partisans of the French Directory. Third. The opponents of the excise law. This combination assailed Washington with a bitterness and vigor never since sur- passed in this country. Tlie vials of party wrath were poured out against him through a malignant press. We are told by Chief- Justice Marshall: His military and politi- cal character was attacked with equal vio- lence, and it was averred that he was to- tally destitute of merit, either as a soldier or statesman. The calumnies with vfhich he was assailed were, not confined to his public conduct; even his qualities as a man were the subjects of detraction. That he had violated the Constitution in negotiating a treaty witliout the previous consent of the Senate, and in embracing within that treaty subjects belonging exclusively to the Legis- lature, were openly maintained, for which an impeachment was publicly suggested ; and that he had drawn from the Treasury, for his private use, more than the salary annexed to his office, was asserted without a blush. This last allegation was said to be supported by extracts from the Treasui-y accounts, which had been laid before the Legislature, and was maintained with the most persevering effrontery. In addition to the insurrection in the western counties of Pennsylvania, which Washington believed to have been "fo- mented by the self-created societies who were laboring to effect some revolution in the Government," the President was em- barrassed by divisions and dissensions in his Cabinet, and a want of fidelity on the part of some members of the Cabinet, and was also confronted by a serious dispute with the House of Representatives, arising out of his refuisal to comply with a resolu- tion of the House requesting the President to lay before it the instructions, correspond- ence, and other documents relative to the treaty with Great Britain negotiated by Mr. Jay. His biographer, Washington Irving, says: " Washington, believing that these papers could not be constitutionally demanded, resolved from the first moment, and from the fullest conviction of his mind, to resist the principle which was evidently intended to be established by the call of the House; he only deliberated on the manner in wliioh this could be done with the least bad con- sequences." Washington, in his answer, after observ- ing that to admit the demand would estab- lish a dangerous precedent, concludeil by declaring that, "as it was essential to the due administration of the Government that the boundaries fixed by the Constitution between the different departments should be observed, a just regard to the Constitution and to the duty of his office forbid a com- pliance with the request." This decided an.swer subjected President Washington to numerous misrepresenta- tions and fabrications, which, says Mar- shall, " were with unwearied industry pressed upon the public in order to withdraw the confidence of the nation from it.* chief" Amid all these diflioulties. President Wash- ington pursued the even tenor of his way ; but that his magnanimous heart received a deep wound from these persecutions and misrepresentations, there is ample evidence in his letters. To Jefferson, he writes: "Until within the last year or two I had no conception that parties would or ever could go the length I have been witness to; nor did I believe until lately that it was within the bounds of probability, hardly within those of possibility, that, while I was using my utmost exertions to establish a national character of our own, and wished, by steer- ing a steady course, to preserve this country from the throes of a desolating war, I should be accused of being the enemy of one na- tion, and subjectto the influence of another; and, to prove it, that every act of my ad- ministration would be tortured, and the grossest and most insidious misrepresenta- tions of them be made, by giving one side of a subject, and that too in such exaggera- ted and indecent terms as could scarcely be applied to a Nero, a notorious defaulter, or even to a common pickpocket" Again, we are informed that when the Minister of the French Republic set the acts of the United States Government at defiance and threatened the Executive with ^n appeal to the people, and the latter, not- withstanding the indignity thus offered to their Chief Magistrate, sided with their aggressors, and exulted in open defiance of his national policy, he became weary and im- patient, and being handed one of those scand- alous libels in circulation, called " The Funeral of George Washington," wherein the President was represented as placed upon a guillotine, a horrible parody on the late decapitation of the French King, 110 DEMOCEATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. ''burst forth," writes Jefferson, "into one of those transports of passion beyond his control; inveighed against the personal abuse which had been bestowed upon him, and defied any man on earth to produce a single act of his since Ije had been in this Government wliicli had not been done in tlie purest of motives. He had never re- pented but once having slipped tlie moment of having resigned liis ofhce, and tliat was every moment since. Jn the agony of his heart he declared that he had rather be in Ilia grave than in his present situation; tliat lie liad rather be on hie farm than to lie made Emperor of the World; 'and yet,' haid he, indignantly, ' they are charging me with wanting to be a king.' From Ran- dolph, Secretary of State, he demanded an e.xplanation of his statements to the French Minister (contained in an intercepted dis- patch of the latter to his Government), wliich reflected on tlie pui-ity of conduct as well as fidelity of the Secretary to his su- perior. The explanation was promised, and Mr. Randolph resigned on the spot," The country finally took the alarm, and came to the defense of the President. The General Assembly of Maryland passed a unanimous resolution to the following efl'ect: That, " observing with deep concern a series of efforts, by indirect insinuation or open in- vective, to detach from the First Magistrate of the Union the well-earned confidence of hie fellow-citizens, they think it their duty to declare, and they do hereby declare, their unabated reliance on the integrity, judg- ment, and patriotism of the President of the United States." Meetings were held in every part of the Union to express the public feeling in the matters referred to in this communication. 'J'he result was, that the character of the illustrious Washington came out of the or- deal without a stain upon it; and the peo- ple, although they did not all espouse his views, avowed their readiness to support him in the exercise of his constitutional functions. Is the President Bonnd to Execute an TJnoonsti- tntional Law 7— An Unputlislied Letter of Jef- ferson's. [From the New York World, May 16.] By the civility and public spirit of the possessor, we are furnished with a transcript of the following letter of President Jefl'er- son, written in the first year of his admin- istration. It is superscribed " Free. "Th. Jefferson. "Edward Livingston, Esq., " Mayor of New York." Mr. Livingston was, at that time. United States District Attorney at New York, as well as Mayor of the city. The" pertinent bearing of the letter on the impeachment of President Johnson, will be manifest on perusal : " Wabhington, November 1, 1801. "Dear Sir: I eome days ago received a letter from Messrs. Denniston and Clie tham, of the most friendly kind, asking the general grounds on which t'be nolle prosequi in Duane's case ought to be presented to the public, which they propose to do. Yon are sensible I must avoid committing my- self in that channel of justification, and that, were I to do it in this case, I might be called on by other printers in other cases where itmight be inexpedient to say any- thing. Yet, to so civil an application. I can not reconcile myself to the incivility of giving no answer. I have thought, therefore, of laying your friendship under contribution, and asking you to take the trouble of seeing them and of saying to them, that the question being in the line of the law, I had desired you to give them the . explanation necessary. My text of ex- planation would be this: The President is to have the laws executed. He may order an offense, then, to be prosecuted. If he sees a prosecution put into a train which is not lawful, he may order it to be discontin- ued and put into legal train. T found a prosecution going on against Duane for an offense against the Senate, founded on the Sedition act. I affirm that act to be no LAW EEOACSE IV opposition TO THE CONSTI- TUTION-, AND I SHALL TREAT IT AS A NCLLITT WHEREVER IT COMES IN TE3E WAT OP MT FUNCTIONS. / then-efore directed that prose- cution to he discontinued and a new one to be commenced, founded on whatsoever other law might he in existence against the offense. This was done, and the Grand Jury, finding no other law ngainst it, declined doing any- thing against the bill There appears to me to be no weak part in any of these positions or inferences. There is, however, in the application to you to trouble yourself with the question. For this I owe apology, and build it on yonr goodness and friendship. Health and happiness cum cceteris votis. "TH. JEFFERSON." " Edward Livingston, Esq." A Stanton Case dniing the elder Adams' Time. On the 10th day of March, 1800, Presi- dent Adams addressed to Colonel Pickering, then Secretary of State, a note, which I will read : , ■ "May 10, 1800. DA-, , Pi<^^ering, Secretary of State, rhiladelphia—SiR : As 1 perceive a n(!tes- sity of introducing a change in the admin- istration of the Office of State, I thiok it ATT'Y-GEN, SPEED ON THE EXECUTIVE POWER OF REMOVAL. Ill proper to make this communication of it to the present Secretary of State, that he may have an opportunity of resigning if he chooses I should wish the day on whicli his resignation is to talie place to be named by himself, I wish for an answer to this letter on or before Monday morning, be- cause the nomination of a successor must be sent to the Senate as soon as they sit '■ With esteem, 1 am, sir, your most obe- ilient and iiumble servant, "JOHjST ADAMS." Colonel Pickering replied in an extraor- dinary strain, declining to resign ; wliere- upon Mr. Adams sent bira this laconic notice, which bears date May l2, 1800 : "May 12, 1800. " To Timothy Pickering, Philadelphia — Sir: Divers causes and considerations, es- sential to the administration of the Govern- ment, in my judgment requiring a change in the Department of State, you are hereby discharged from any further service aj Sec- retary of State. "JOHN ADAMS, " President of the United States." [ Works of John Adams, Vol. IX, pp. 54, 55.] Observe in this, that Mr. Adams saw fit to peremptorily discharge Colonel Picker- ing. The same day. May 12, the President sent a brief announcement of the removal to the Senate, which reads as follows : "Monday, May 12, 1800. " Gentlemen of the Senate : I nominate the Honorable Jolin Marshall, Esq., of Virginia, to be Secretary of State, in place of tlie Honorable Timothy Pickering, Esq., removed. "JOHN ADAMS." That was all the official notice the Senate had of tlie removal, before or since. Mr. Adams, in one of his Cunningham letters, calls this one of the most deliberate, virtu- ous and disinterested actions of his life. A Eadical Attoiney-General on the Power of the President to Kemove an Officer.. Congress, in 1865, passed a law vesting the power of appointing the Assistant Reve- nue Collectors by the District Collectors. Mr. McCuUoch, Secretary of the Treas- ury, submitted to the Attorney-General these three questions: 1. Whether the provisions-of the act of March 3, 1865, vesting the appointment of Assistant Assessors in the Assessors of the respective assessment districts, is constitu- tional ? 2. If it is unconstitutional, in whom is the power of appointing Assistant Assessors by law vested? 3. If the President is, by law, vested with that power, should he exercise it against the express provision of the act of Congress, before any judicial determination has been liad of the two preceding questions ? These make exactly the Stanton case. A law is passed restricting the Presidents power of appointment Is it constitutioiial ? and if not constitutional, can the president lawfully exercise the power of appointing before the courts have pronounced on the constitutionality of tlie law ? Mr. Speed gave his opinion that the law was unconstitutional, and, further, that it is' not only within the power to make the ap- pointments constitutionally, but tliat "it is clearly his duty to do so." " If he fully concnrs in the view I have taken on this question, there is no escape from the conclusion that he alone can law- fully fill the offices. It is his duty to do all that he has lawful power to do, when the occasion requires an exercise of authority. To do otherwise, on whichever occasion, would be pro tanto an abdication of his high office. ' The Attorney-General went on to state that the true arbiter in cases of conflict of appointment, is tlie Supreme Court, and that when two persons challenge the au- thority of exercising the powers of an office, " the question would tlien be peculiarly one for judicial determination." " In the absence of authoritative exposi- tion of the law by that [the Judicial] De- partment, it is equally the duty of the officer holding the Executive power of the Government to determine for the purposes of his own conduct and action, as well the operation of conflicting laws, as of the con- stitutionality of any one." Here is the official opinion of Mr. Rtan- bery's immediate predecessor, the Attorney- General of Mr. Lincoln, a Radical of the most confirmed stamp, who has just been publicly addressing the Radicals of Ken- tucky to move them into action in support of Congress. Oonolnsion of the Speech of Judge Woodward, of Pennsylviinia, on the Besolntion of liiLpeach' ment. Mr. Speaker, I shall not feel that my whole duty to the House and the country is done unless I allude to another objection to this impeachment movement, which my friend from New York [Mr. Brooks] glanced at, and for which the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Bingham] and the two gen- tlemen from Illinois [Mr. Earnsworth and Mr. Logan] poured out upon his head a flood of vituperative eloquence. At the risk of similar denunciations I take it upon me to deny your right to impeach anybody. 112 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. and tlie present Senate's right to try any impeachment Says the Constitution : " The House of Representatives sliall have the sole power of impeachment," and "the House of Rep- resentatives shall be composed of members chosen every second year by the people of the several States." This House of Repre- sentatives is not so composed; but, on the contrary, the Representatives chosen from ten of tlie "several States" have been and are excluded from these Halls. I do not say if they were absent voluntarily they could prevent your exercise of the impeach- ing power; for then they would form, tliough personally absent, a part of the composition of the House; but so long as you prevent their entering into its com- position, you are not the House of Repre- sentatives, to whom the Constitution com- mits the " sole power of impeachment." Our functions in this regard have been lilcened to those of a grand jury which con- sists of twenty-three men. And suppose, sir, a majority of a grand jury should get possession of the jury-room and bar the door against a minority of their fellows, as well entitled to be there as the majority, would the iindings of such a jury be re- spected ? By no court in Christendom. On the contrary, tlieir acts would be set aside, and very likely themselves punished for their contempt of the law. Then, as to the Senate, the Constitution says, " the Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments," and that the "Senate of the United States shall be com- posed of two Senators from each State." The ten excluded States are entitled to twenty Senators upon that floor, and until they are admitted and incorporated into the body, I deny that it is the Senate to whom the Constitution commits the power to try impeachments. What criminal' was ever before arraigned before a court from which twenty of his legal triers liad been excluded? Yet ^ou propose to arraign the man who represents in his person thirty-five millions of freemen before just such a dis- membered bench. You have no right to do it. Your might makes it not riglit. A giant's strength is good, but it is tyrannous to use it as a giant. The flippant reply to this grave sugges- tion is that we pass laws, and therefore we are a House and Senate to impeach. But the answer is, your legislative powers have not been questioned — yourimpeacliing powers are. I am not bound to take even a valid objection to the jurisdiction of a court who sits to adjudicate my civil rights, nor is my objection to its jurisdiction to try me for crimes and misdemeanors impaired by my failure to make timely objection in behalf of my civil rights. The question of jurisdiction is raised now, and now is the time to decide it. It could not be decided before it was raised, and hence I conclude all the legislation we have done does not constitute us the court to o/iginate and try impeachments which the Constitution con- templates. Mr. Speaker, so sure I am that the American people will respect this opinion, that I will say, if I were the President's counselor, which I am not, I would advise him, if you prefer articles of impeachment, to demur both to your jurisdiction and that of the Senate, and to issue a proclamation giving you and all the world notice that, while he held himself impeachable for mis- demeanors in office before the constitutional tribunal, he never would subject the oiBce he holds in trust for the people to the ir- regular, unconstitutional, fragmentary bod- ies who propose to strip him of it. Such a proclamation, with the army and navy in hand to sustain it, would meet a popular response that would make an end of im- peachment and impeachers. Chancellor Keut's Opinion. Chancellor Kent's remarks on the sub- ject are as follows : " On the first organization of the Govern- ment it was made a question whether the power of removal in case of ofiicers ap- pointed to hold at pleasure, resided nowhere but in the body which appointed, and, of course, whether the consent of the Senate was not requisite to remove. This was the construction given to the Constitution while it was pending for ratification before the State conventions, by the author of the Federalist But the construction which was given to the Constitution by Congress, after great consideration and discussion, was different. The words of the act (establish- ing the Treasury Department) are: 'And whenever the same shall be removed from oflice by the President of the United States, or in any other case of vacancy in the oflice, the assistant shall act' This amount- ed to a legislative construction of the Con- stitution, and it has ever since been ac- quiesced in and acted upon as a decisive authority in the case. It applies equally to every other ofl^cer of the Government appointed by the President, whose term of duration is pot specially declared. It is supported by the weighty reason that the subordinate officers in the executive de- partment ought to hold at the pleasure of the head of the department, because he is invested generally with the executive au- thority, and the participation in that au- tlionty by the Senate was an exception to A HISTORY OF EECONSTRUCTIOX. 113 a general principle, and ouglit to be taken strictly. The President is the great respon- silile officer for the faithful execution of the law, and the power of removal was inci- dental to that duty, and might often be re- quisite to fulfill it" The Pinale— The Ketreat of Stanton, War Dkpabtment, ) WASHlNaTON, May 2tJ, 18U8. J Sir : The resolution of the i^enate of the United States, of the 21st of February last, declaring that the President has no power to remove the Secretary of War, and desig- nate any other officer to perform the duties of that office ad ivlerim, having this day failed to be supported by two-thirds of the Senators present and voting on the articles of impeachment preferred against you by tlie House of Representatives, I have relin- quished the charge of the War Department and have left the same, and the books, ar- chives, papers, and property in my custody as Secretary of War, in care of iJrevet Major-General Townsend, the senior Adju- tant-General, subject to your direction. (Signed) B. M. STANTON, Secretary of War. To the President A History of Roconstruotion. Policy op Pkesidbnts Lincoln and Johnson, and that of Congress — Tub Abuses under the Congressional Pol- icy — The Fruits of its Workings — Sovereign States wiped out and Bot- TEN Boroughs Substituted. By reference to the chapter in this work i>n the Purposes of the War, it will be seen that the paramount object was to restore flie States to the Union, with all the rights and powers intact which they possessed at the time of their attempted secession. Congress so declared, on the 2>;d of Decem- iier, 1861. Mr. Seward so stated in his dis- patches to Foreign Governments. Mr. Lin- coln's Executive action seemed to be pos- sessed of that object as its primary idea. His first efforts, says the World's history of the matter, were in Louisiana: "New Orleans was captured in April, 1862, and shortly after, as Gen'eral Butler testified before the Committee on the Conduct of the War, it was intimated to him, from Wash- ington, that the election of two members of Congress from Louisiana would be desira- ble; and he further testified that he sent General Weitzel to make an expedition into the Lafourche district for the express pur- pose of including territory enough within the Federal lines to warrant the election of a second Congressman. Eight months (Nov. 14, 1862) after the occupation of New Orleans, bv command of General But- 8 ler. Military Governor, Brigadier-General G. F. Shepley issued an orde, in which lie said: 'Whereas the State of Louisiana is now, and has been, without any Eepresent- atives in the Thirty-seventh Congress of the United States of America; and whereas, a very large majority of the citizens of the First and Second Congressional Districts in this State, by taking the oath of allegiance, have given evidence of their loyalty and obedience to the Constitution and laws of the United States,' etc. The election for two members of Congress was held, but the members chosen were refused seats. "Still further, under the direction of the President, a reorganization of the State government was ordered; the State Consti- tution was revised by a Convention, sub- mitted to the people, and ratified; a legisla- ture was chosen ; in March, 1864, Michael Hahn was elected Governor by the people; subsequently, the Legislature chose United States Senators, one of whom was Hahn, then Governor; and in the following popu- lar election, J. Madison Wells was chosen Governor of the Stale. Although the Uni- ted States Senators and Representatives elect were refused admission, the State Gov- ernment, as reorganized under the Lincoln- Banks plan, was never interfered with by Congress till the final Keoonstruotion Acts were passed." Then the Legislature, being discovered to be composed of a Democratic majority, was ordered by General Sheridan not to reassem- ble. Governor Wells, though a Radical, was personally obnoxious to General Sheridan, and was removed. A new Governor was, however, appointed by him, and the State Government thus formed was continued to a great extent in operation. The following is the letter of the Presi- dent on the subject: EXKCUTIVE MaNSIOV, ) Washington, June 19, 18G3. / Gentlemen: Since receiving your letter, reliable information has reached me that a respectable portion of the Louisiana people desire to amend their State Constitution, and contemplate holding a convention for that object 'J'his fact alone, it seems to me, is a sufficient reason why the General Government should not give the committee the authority you seek, to act under Hie existing State Constitution. ' I may add, that while I do not perceive how such a committee could facilitate our military ope- rations in Louisiana, I really apprehend it might he so used as to embarrass them. As to an election to be held in Novem- ber, there is abundant time without any order or proclamation from me just now. The people of Louisiana shall not lack an opportunity for a fair election for both Fed 114 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAKD-BOOK. eral and State officers by want of anything within my power to give them. Your obedient servant, A. LINCOLN. President Lincoln, on July 8, 1864, issued this proclamation: "Whereas, at the late session, Congress passed a bill 'to guarantee to certain States, ■wliose governments have been usurped or overthrown, a republican form of gov- ernment,' a copy of which is hereunto an- nexed; " And whereas, the said bill was presented to the President of the United States for his approval, less than one hour before the sine die adjournment of said session, and was not signed by him; "And whereas, the said bill contains, among other things, a plan for restoring the States in rebellion to their proper prac- tical relation in the Union, which' plan ex- presses the sense of Congress upon tliat sub- ject, and which plan it is now thought fit to lay before the people for their consider- ation ; "Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, do proclaim, declare, and make known, that, while I am (as I was in December last, when by proc- lamation I propounded a plan for restor- ation) unprepared, by a formal approval of this bill, to be inflexibly committed to any single plan of restoration ; and, while I am also unprepared to declare that the free State constitutions and governments already adopted and installed in Arkansas and lou- isiana shall be set aside and held for nought, thereby repelling and discouraging the loyal citizens who have set up the same as to fur ther effort, or to declare a constitutional competency in Congress to abolish slavery in States, but am at the same time sincerely hoping and expecting that a constitutional amendment abolishing slavery throughout the nation may be adopted, nevertheless 1 am fully satisfied with the system for res- toration contained in the bill as one very proper plan for the loyal people of any State choosing to adopt it, and tiiat I am, and at all times shall be, prepared to give the Executive aid and assistance to any such people, so soon as the military resist- ance to the United States shall have been suppressed in any such State, and the peo- ple thereof shall have sufficiently returned to their obedience to the Constitution and laws of the United States, in which cases Military Governors will be appointed, with directions to proceed according to the bill." The Arkansas government was erected under express instructions from the Presi dent to Major-General Steele, commanding United States forces. Lincoln's letter: Here is Piesident ''Executive Mansion, ) " Washinoton, January 20, 1864. J '^ Major-General Steele: Sundry citizens of the State of Arkansas petition me that an election may be held in that State, at which to elect a Governor; that it be as- sumed at that election, and thenceforward, that the constitution and laws of the State, as before the rebellion, are in full force, ex- cept that the constitution is so modified as to declare that there shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except in the pun- ishment of crimes, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted ; that tl}e General Asseralily may make such provisions for the freed people as shall recognize and de- clare their permanent freedom, and provide for their education, and which may yet be construed as a temporary arrangement suit- able to their present condition as a labor- ing, landless, and homeless class; that said election shall be held on the 28th March, 1864, at all the usual places of the State, for all such voters as may attend for that purpose; that the voters attending at each place at 8 o'clock in the morning of said day may choose judges and clerks of elec- tion for that purpose ; that all persons qual- ified by said constitution and laws, and tak- ing the oath presented in the President's proclamation of December 8, 186.3, either before or at the election, and none others, may be voters; that each set of judges and clerks may make returns directly to you on or before the day of next ; that in all other respects said election may be conducted according to said modified con- stitution and laws: that, on receipt of said returns, when 5,406 votes shall have been cast, you can receive said votes and ascer- tain all who shall thereby appear to have been elected; that, on the day of— — next, all persons so appearing to have been elected, who shall appear befoi-e you at Lit- tle Rock and take the oath, to be by you severally administered, to support the Con- stitution of the United States and the modi- fied constitution of the State of Arkansas, shall be declared by you qualified and em- powered to immediately enter upon the du- ties of the offices to which they shall have been respectively elected. " You will please order an election to take ' place on the 28th of March, 1864, and re- turns to be made in fifteen davs thereafter. '■A. LINCOLN." Under President Lincoln's authority thus enunciated, a new State government was organized, with Isaac Murphy as Governor, who is reported to have received nearly 16,000 votes. Also, a Lieutenant Governor A HISTORY OF RECONSTRUCTION. 115 and other State officers, and members of both branches of the Legislature. This organization was preserved until the advent of Major General Ord, as commander of that District, when, the Democrats being discovered to have control of both branches of the Legislature, he ordered them not to reassemble, and removed all the officers elecceii by it. The Governor, who was a Radical, he permitted to continue in office, iitid he nominally administered it until the advent of the bogus rotten borough gov- ernment. " The Olustee expedition was undertaken mainly for the purpose of " opening up" a Congressional District in Florida; indeed, President I^incoln may be said to have been represented on the ground in the person of liis Private Secretary, Mr. John Hay, who accompanied it. ''President Lincoln's efforts at restoration in Tennessee date from his appointment of Andrew Johnson as Military Governor of that State. Governor Jolinson began the work of reorganization by calling a conven- tion, which iorever abolished slavery in the State, declared the ordinance of secession null and void, and repudiated the Confeder ate debt. Under the reorganization effected by Andrew Johnson, William G. Brownlow, March 4, I86.T, was claimed to have been elected Governor by a popular vote. Con- gress never interfered with this reorganiza- tion or reconstruction of the State;* and Tennessee, Louisiana, Florida and Arkan- sas, were the only States in which Mr. Lin- coln was able to accomplish anything in the way of "restoration." Upon the accession of President Jolin- son, after the death of Mr, Lincoln, he pro- ceeded, the war having been closed, to carrj' out the policy of his predecessor. He ap- pointed Provisional Governors in each of the late .separated States, except Virginia (in which the fierpont government had, from an early period in the war, been rec- ognized), Tennessee, Louisana, and Arkan- sas, in which governments existed under the plan of Mr. Lincoln. Under these Provisional Governments, elections for con- ventions of the people of tlie several States, for the choice of State and local officers, and lor the election of Representatives to Con- gress from all the States, were ordered. The main qualification for an elector for delegates to the convention was the exhibi- tion of his duly-certified signature to the Amnesty Oath contained in the President's proclamation of May 29, 1865, * On the contrary, Congress recognized and readmitted the State to representation under it. ] Delegates to the conventions were accord- ingly elected in the several States. In North Carolina the convention met in Oc- tober, 1865, declared the secession ordinance null and void, and passed ordinances pro- hibiting slavery forever in the State, repu- diating the Confederate debt, and dividing the State into seven Congressional Districlt. November 9, these ordinances were submit- ted to the people and approved; and on the same day State officers and members of Congress were elected. December 1, the Legislature ratified the anti-slavery amend- ment; and December 15, Jonathan Worth, elected in November, was qualified as Gov- ernor of the State. In Mississippi the con- vention met August 14, and passed the re- quired ordinances respecting slavery in the State and the secession ordinance. On the first Monday in October, State officers and members of Congress were elected. The Legislature met October 16, and the next day Benjamin G. Humphreys was inaugu- rated Governor. November 27, the Legis- lature declined to ratify the anti-slavery amendment. The Georgia convention sub- mitted the anti-slavery, anti-secession and Confederate debt repudiation ordinances to the people; November 15, State officers and members of Congress were elected; and December 5, the Legislature ratified the anti-slavery amendment. The Alabama convention passed_ the required ordinances. In November, State officers (R. M. Patton, Governor), and members of Congress were elected; December 2, the Legislature rati- fied the anti-slavery amendment, and De- cember 5, Provisional Governor Parson received a telegram from Secretary Seward, conveying the congratidations of the Pres- ident, that, by its vote ratilying the anti- slavery amendment, the State of Alabama "being the twenty-seventh, fills up the com- plement of two-thirds, and gives the amend- hientjinishh^g effect as a pari of the or.gardc law of' the land." South Carolina, by order of Provisional Governer Perry, called a convention, which ordered a State election October 18, when James L. Orr was elected Governor. November 13, the Legislature ratified the anti-slavery amendment, and November 22, members of Congress were elected. Florida annulled the secession or- dinance, abolished slavery, and repudiated the rebel debt. November 29, State officers and a Representative to Congress were elected; and December 28, the Legislature ratified the anti-slavery amendment. Jn Virginia the administration of Governor Francis H. Pierpoint, having been recog- nized by the President's order of May 9, 1865, the State government continued with- out interruption ; and October 12, 1865, Representatives in. Congress were elected. il6 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. From the date of Brownlow's election, March 4, 1!^65, as Governor of Tennessee, the government in that State has been un- molested by Congress. Texas annulled the .«ece.ssiori ordinance, abolished slavery, and repudiated the rebel debt. The provisional ;;overnment of Hamilton was followed by an elected State government, Ijeaded by Governor Throckmorton. In October, 1805, when Isaac Murphy was elected Governor of Arkansas, I'resident Johnson telegraphed to liini that there would be no interference with the "present organization of State government," and added, "I have learned * "■ * that all is working well, and you will proceed and resume the former rela- tions with the Federal Government, and all aid in the power of the Government will be given in restoring the State to its former relations." When the Senators and Eepresentatives, elected under tlie auspices of these orgarji- zations, appeared, the doors of Congress were coldly shut upon them. This, too, in face of the fact that delegations from Tennessee* and Virginia, had, at times during thenar, occupied se^ts and discharged all the func- tions appertaining to them. Congress then, after long incubation, tried its hand. Let us see what it brought forth. " Keconstiuction " Measures of Congress. An Act to Provide for the More Efficient Gov- ernment of the Insurrectionary States. Whereas, No legal Stat* governments or adequate protection for life or property now exist in the rebel States of Virginia, Nortli Carolina, Georgia, Mississippi, Ala- bama, Louisiana, Florida, Texas and Arkan- sas ; and whereas, it is necessary that peace and good order should be enforced in said States until loyal and republican State gov- ernments can be legally established : There- fore, Be it enacted, etc., That said rebel States shall be divided into military districts and made subject to the military authority of the United States, as hereinafter prescribed, and for that purpose Virginia shall consti- tute the first district ; North Carolina and South Carolina the second district ; Georgia, Alabama and J''lorida, the third district; Mississippi and Arkansas the fourth dis- trict; aud Louisiana and Texas the fifth district. Sec, 2. That it shall be the duty of the President to assign to the command of each of said districts an officer of the army, not below the rank of Brigadier General, and to *The delegation from Tennessee was after- ward admitted upon tlie ratification, by the Leg- islature, of the anti-s avovy amendment. detail a suflScient military force to enable such officer to perform his duties and en- force his authority within the district to which lie is assigned. Seo. 3. That it shall be the duty of each officer, assigned as aforesaid, to protect all persons in their riglits of person and prop- erty ; to suppress insurrection, disorder and violence, and to punish, or cause to be pun- ished, all disturbers of the public peace and criminal.s, and to this end he may al- low local civil tribunals to take jurisdiction of and to tryoflenders; or when, in his judgment, it may be necessary for the trial of offenders, he shall have piower to or- ganize military commissions or tribunals for that' purpobe ; and all interference under color of'State authority with the exercise of military authority, under this act, shall be null and void. Sec. 4. That all persons put under mili- tary arrest by virtue of this act shall be tried witliout unnecessary delay, and no cruel or unusual punishment shall be in- flicted ; and no sentence of any military commission or tribunal hereby authorized, affecting the life or liberty of any person, shall be executed until it is approved by the officer in command of the district, and the laws and regulations for the government of the army shall not be affected by this act, except in so far as they conflict with its provisions: Provided, That no sentence of death under the provisions of this act shall be carried into effect without the approval of the President. Seo. 5. That when the people of any one of said rebel States shall have formed a constitution of government in conformity with the Constitution of the United States in all respects, framed by a convention of delegates elected by the male citizens of said State twenty-one years old and upward, of whatever race, color, or previous condi- tion, who have been resident in said State for one year previous to the day of such election, except such as may be disfran- chised for participation in the rebellion, or for felony at common law, and when such constitution shall provide that the elective franchise shall be enjoyed by all such per- sons as have the qualifications herein stated for electors of delegates, and when such constitution shall lie ratified by a majority of the persons voting on the question of ratification who are qualified as electors for delegates, and when such constitution shall have been submitted to Congress for exam- ination and approval, and Congress shall have approved the same, and when said State, by a vote of its Legislature elected under said Constitution, shall have adopted 1 the amendment to the Constitution of the Uuited States, proposed by he Thirty-ninth PROPOSED FOUETEENTH AMENDMEKT TO CONSTITUTION. 117 Con;;r(*s, and known as Article XIV, and when said article sViall have become a part of tlie Constitution of the United States, said State shall be declared entitled to rcp- )'(-i'iitalion in Congress, and Senators and Representatives shall be admitted there- from on their taking the oaths prescribed liy law, and then and thereafter the preced- in,t; .-cctions of this act shall be inoperative ill ?aid State: Provided, That no person excluded from the privilegi^of holding office by said proposed amendment to the Consti- tution of the United States shall be eligible to election as a member of the convention to frame a constitution for any of said rebel States, nor shall any such person vote for members of snob convention. ' Sko. 6. That until the people of said rebel States shall be by law admitted to repre- sentation in the Congress of the United States, any civil governments which may exist therein shall be deemed provisional only, and in all respects subject to the par- amount authority of the United States at any time to aboUsli, modify, control, or su- percede the same; and in all elections, to any office under such provisional govern- ments, all ppr.sons shall be entitled to vote, and none others, who are entitled to vote under the provisions of the fifth section of this act; and no per.«on shall be eligible to any office under any such provisional gov- ernments who would be disqunlified from holding office under the provisions of the third article of said constitutional amend- ment. Passed March 2, 1867. The bill passed the House on February 20, 1867, by the following vote: Yeas 1'28 (all Republicans), nays 46 (all Democrat.*, (■xcept Hawkins, of Tenn.; James U. Hub- bell, iif Ohio; and Kuykendall, of Illinois). The Senate pa.ssed the bill on the same day: Yea.s3.T (all Rcpublioansexcept Johnson, of MarylanrI), nays 7 (all Democrats). The liill was vetoed March 2. Both Houses of C'ongress repassed it on the same day, the House by a vote of 1?>8 (all Republicans), nays 51 (all Democrats, except Hale, of N. y.; Hawkins, of Tenn.; Kuykendall, of 111.; Still well, oflnd., and Latham, of W. Va.); the Senate by a vote of — yeas 38 (all Re- publicans except Johnson, of Maryland), nays 10 (all Democrats). The CoNSTITtTTIONAL Ambndment. Tlie following is the proposed article of the Constitution which must be adopted by the Legislature before the State can be rep- resented in Congress: Resolved by the Senate and Bouse of Rep- resentatives of tlie United States if America, in Cuiiyress assembled, two thirds of both Houses concurring, That the following ar- ticles be proposed to the Legislatures of the several States as an amendment to the Con- stitution of the United States, which, when ratified by three fourths of said Legislatures, shall be valid as a part of the Constitution, namely : Article — , Section 1. All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and sub- ject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any laws which shall abridtrethe privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States, nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty or property with- out due process of law, nor deny to any person within its jurisJiction'the equal pro- tection of the laws. Sec. 2. Representatives shall be appor- tioned among the several States according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed. But when- ever the right to vote at any election for electors of President and Vice-President, or f(ir United States Representatives in Con- gress, executive or judicial officers of a Stnt.e, or members of the Legislature thereof, is denied tx) any of the male inhabitants of such States, tieing twenty-one years of age and citizens of the LTnitcd States, or in any way abridged, except for participation in rebellion or other crime, the basis of repre- sentation therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in such State. Seo. 3. No person shall be a Senator or Representative in Congres;*, or elector of President or Vice-President, or hold any office, civil or military, under the United States, or under any State, who, having pre- viously taken an oath as a member of Con- gress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a member of any State Legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any State, to support the Constitution of the United States, shall have engaged in insur- rection or rebellion against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof; tiut Congress may, by a vote of two-thirds of each House, remove such disability. Sec. 4. The validity of the public debt of the United States, authorized by law, in- cluding debt incurred for the payment of pensions and bounties for services in sup- pressing insurrection or rebellion, shall not be questioned; but neither the United States nor any State shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion against the United States, or claim for the loss or emancipation of any 118 DEMOCKATIC SPKAKEU'S HAND-BOOK. elave; but all such debts, obligation and claim shall be held illegal and void. Sue. 5. The Congress shall have power to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the provisions of this article. Passed June 13, 1866. Snpplemental " Keoonstrnotion '' Act of Fortieth Congress. An Act supplementary to an act entitled^" An act to provide for the more etficient govern- ment of the rebel States," passed March sec- ond, eighteen hundred and sixty-seven, and to facilitate restoration. Be it enacted, etc., That before the first day of September, eighteen hundred and sixty-seven, the commanding General in each district defined by an act entitled " An act to provide for the more efficient govern- ment of the rebel States." passed March second, eighteen hundred and sixty-seven, shall cause a registration to be made of tlie male citizens of the United States, twenty- one years of age and upward, resident in each county or parish in the State or States included in his district, which registration shall include only those persons who are qualified to vote for delegates by the act aforesaid, and who shall have taken and subscribed the following oath or affirma- tion: "I, , do solemnly swear (or af- firm), in the presence of Almighty God, that I am a citizen of the State of ; that I have resided in said State for months next precediTig this day, and now reside in the county of , or the parish of , in said State (as the case may be); that I am twenty-one years old; that I have not been disfranished for participation in any rebellion or civil war against the United States, nor for felony committed, against the laws of any State or of the United States; that I have never been a member of any State legislature, nor held any executive or judicial office jn any State and afterward engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the United States, or given aid or comfort to the eriemies tliereof; that 1 have never taken an oath as a member of Congress of the United States, or as an officer of tlie United States, or as a member of any State l-gislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any State, to support the Consti- tulion of the United States, and afterward engaged in insurrection or rebellion against tlie United States, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof; that 1 will faith- fully support the Constitution and obey the laws of the United States, and will, to tlie best of my ability, encourage others so to Jo. so help me God;" which oath or affirm- ation may be administered by any register- ing officer. Sec. 2. That after the completion of the registration hereby provided for in any State, at such time and places therein as the com- manding General shall appoint and direct, of which at least thirty days' public notice shall be given, an election shall be held of delegates to a convention for the purpose of establishing a constitution and civil gov- ernment for such State loyal to the Union, said convention in each State, except Vir- ginia, to consist of the same number of members as the most numerous branch of the State legislature of each State in the year eighteen hundred and sixty, to be ap- portioned among the several districts, coun- ties or parishes of such State by th* com- manding General, giving to each representa- tion in the ratio of voters registered as aforesaid, as nearly as may be. The con- vention in Virginia shall consist of the same number of members as represented the territory now constituting Virginia in the most numerous branch of the legisla- ture of said State in the year eighteen hun- dred and sixty, to be apportioned as afore- said. Sec. 3. That at said election the regis- tered voters of each State shall vote for or against a convention therefor under this act. Those voting in favor of such a convention shall have written or printed on the ballots by which they vote for delegates, as afore- said, the words " For a convention," and those voting against such a convention shall have written or printed on such ballots the words "Against a convention." The per- son appiiinted to superintend said election, and to make return of the votes given thereat, as herein provided, shall count and make return of the votes given for and against a convention; and the commanding General to whom the same shall have been returned shall ascertain and declare the total vote in each State for and against a convention. If a majority of the votes given on that question shall be for a, con- vention, then such convention shall beheld as hereinafter provided; but if a majority of said votes shall be against a convention, then no such convention s hall be held under this act: Provided, That such convention shall not be held unless a majority of all such registered voters shall have voted on the question of holding such convention. Sec. 4. That the commanding General of each district shall appoint as many boards of registration iis may be necessaryj consist- ing of three loyal officers or persons, to make and complete tlie registration, super- intend the election, and make return to liim of the vote.s, list of voters, and of the per- sons electeil as delegates by a plurality of the votes ciist at snid election ; and upon receiving said return.^ he shall open the same, ascertain the persons elected as dele- THE lEON-CLAD OATH. 119 gates according to the returns of the officers who conducted said election, and make pro- clamation thereof; and if a majority of the votes given on that question be for a conven- tion, tlie commanding General, within sixty days from the date of election, shall notify the delegates to assemble in convention, at a time and place to be mentioned in the no- tification, and said convention, when organ- ized, shall proceed to frame a constitution and civil government according to the pro- visions of this act and the act to which it is supplementary; and when the same shall have been So framed, said constitution shall be submitted by the convention for ratifica- tion to the persons registered under the provisions of this act, at an election to be conducted by the officers or persons ap- pointed or to be appointed by the com manding General, as hereinbefore provided, and to be held after the expiration of thirty days from the date of notice thereof to be given by said convention; and the returns thereof shall be made to the commanding General of the district. Seo. 5. That if, according to said returns, the constitution shall be ratified by a ma- jority of the votes of tlic registered electors qualified as herein specified, cast at said election (at least one half of all the regis- tered voters voting upon the question of' such ratification), the Presideiit of the con- vention shall transmit a copy of tlie same, duly certified, to the President of the United States, who shall forthwith transmit the same to Congress, if then in session, and if not in session, then immediately upon its next assembling; and if it shall, moreover, appear to Congress that the election was one at which all theregistered and qualified electors in the State had an opportunity to vote freely and without restraint, fear, or the influence of fraud, and if the Congress shall, be satisfied that such constitution meets the approval of a mnjority of all the qualified electors in the State, and if the said constitution shall be declared by Con- gress to be in conformity with the provis- ions of the act to which this is supplemen- tary, and the other provisions of- said act shall have been complied with, and the said constitution shall be approved by Con gress, the State shall be declared entitled '-0 representation, and Senators and Repre- sentatives shall be admitted therefrom as therein provided. Seo. 6. That all elections in the States mentioned in the said "Act to provide for the more efficient government of the rebel States," shall, during the operation of said act, be by ballot; and all officers making the said registration of voters and conduct ing said elections shall, before entering upon the discharge of their duties, take and subscribe the oath prescribed by the act approved July second, eighteen hun- dred and sixty-two, entitled "An act to prescribe an oath of office:" Provided, That if any person shall knowingly and falsely take and subscribe any oath in this act prescribed, such person so offending and being thereof duly convicted, shall be subject to the pains, penalties, and disabili- ties which by law are provided for the pun- ishment of the crime of willful and corrupt perjury. ***** Seo. 8. That the convention fur each State shall prescribe the fees, salary, and compensation to be paid to all delegates and other officers and agents herein author- ized or necessary to carry into effect the purposes of this act not herein otherwise provided for, and shall provide for the levy and collection of such taxes on the prop- erty in such State as may be necessary to pay the same. ***** Passed March 28, 1867. Passed both Houses of Congress on March 19. It was vetoed on March 23. On the same day the House repassed it by a vote of yeas 114 (all Republicans), nays 25 (all Democrats), and the Senate by a vote of yeas 40 (all Republicans except John- son, of Md.), and nays 7 (all Democrats). The Iron clad Oath. This is the oath referred to in section 6 of preceding act: Be it enacted, etc., That hereafter every person elected or appointed to any office of honor or profit under the Government of the United States, either in the civil, mili- tary, or naval departments of the public service, excepting the President of the United States, shall,' before entering upon the duties of such office, and before being entitled to any of the salary or other emolu- ments thereof, take and subscribe the fol- lowing oath or affirmation: "I, A. B., do solemnly swear (or aflirm) that I have never voluntarily borne arms againstthe United Slates since I have been a citizen thereof; that I have voluntarily given no aid, countenance, counsel, or encourage- ment to persons engaged in armed hostility thereto; that I have never sought, nor ac- cepted, nor atteiupted to exercise the Amo- tions of any oHice whatever, under any authority or pretended authority, in hos- tility tu the United States; that I have not vielded a voluntary support to any pre- tended government, authority, power, or constitution within the United States, hos- tile or inimical thereto; and I do further swear (or affirm) that, to the best of my knowledge and ability, I will support and 120 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. defend the Constitution of the United States against all enemies foreign and domestic; that I will bear true faitK and allegiance to the same; that I take this obligation freely, without any mental reservation or purpose of evasion, and that I will well and faithfully discliargR the duties of the office on which I am about to enter: so help nieGod;" which said oatli, so taken anil signed, shall be preserved among the files o'r*ient, or hold any office, civil or mili- tiiry, under the United States or under any State, who, having previously taken an oath as a member of Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a member of any Scate legislature, or as an executive or judi- cial otHcer of any State, to support the Con- stitution of the United States, shall have t-'iigaged in insurrection or-rebellion against the same, or given aid and comfort to ene- tiiies thereof But Congress may, by a vote ot two-thirds of each house, remove such disability," is hereby debarred from holding office in this State: Provided, That when- ever such disability i'rom holding office >hall be removed from any person by the C'ungress of the United States, the removal of such disability shall also apply to this .State, and such person shall be restored, in all respects, to the rights of citizenship as herein provided for electors. Art. XVI. Arkansas — Sec. 2. Every male person born in the United States, and every male person who has been naturalized, or has legally de- clared his intentions to become a citizen of the United States, who is twenty-one years old or upward, and who shall have resided in the State six months next preceding the election, and who at the same time is an actual resident of the county in which he offers to vote, except as hereinafter provided, shall be deemed an elector: Provided, No soldier, or sailor, or marine, in the militarj' or naval service of the United States, shall acquire a residence by reason of being sta- tioned on duty in this State. Seo. 3. The following classes shall not be permitted to register, or vote, or hold office, viz: I. Those who during rebellion took the oath of allegiance, or gave bonds for lovalty 9 and good behavior to the United States Gov- ernment, and afterward gave aid, comfort, or countenance to those engaged in armed hostility to theGovernment of the United States, either by becoming a soldier in the rebel army, or by entering the lines of said army, or adhering in any way to the cause of rebellion, or by accompanying any armed force belonging to the rebel army, or by furnishing supplies of any kind to the same. 2. Those who are disqualified as electors, or from holding office in the State or States from which they came. Z. Those persons who, during the late rebellion, violated the rules of civilized warfare. 4. Those who may be disqualified by the proposed amendment to the Constitution of the United States, known as Article XIV, and those who have been disqualified from* registering to vote for delegates to the con- vention to frame a constitution for the State of Arkansas, under the act of Congress en titl- ed "An act to provide for the more efficient government of the rebel States," passed March 2, 1867, and the acts supplementary thereto: Provided, That .all persons included in the 1st, 2d, 3d and 4th subdivisions o this section, who have openly advocated or who have voted for the reconstruction pro- posed by Congress, and accept the equality of all men before the law, shall be deemed qualified electors underthis constitution. Sec. 4. The general assembly shall have the power, by a two-thirds vote of each house, approved by the Governnr, to remove the disabilities included in the 1st, 2d, 3d and 4th subdivisions of section three of this article, when it appears that such person applying for relief from snch disabilities h;)s in good faith returned to his allegiance to the Government of the United States: Pro- vided, The general assembly shall have no power to remove the disabilities of any per- son embraced in the aforesaid subdivisions who, after the adoption of this con.-,titiuion by this convention, persists in opposing the acts of Congress and reconstruction there- under. Seo. ■'). All persons, before registering or voting, must take and subscribe the follo'v- ing oath : " I, , do solemnly swear (ni- atlirm) that I will support and maintain the Constitution and laws of the United States and the constitution and laws of the State of Arkansas ; that I am not excluded from registering or voting by any of the clattses in the 1st, 2d, 3d or 4th subdivi- sions of Article VIII of the constitution of the State of Arkansas; that I will never countenance or aid in the secession of this State from the United States; that I accept the civil and political equality of all men, 130 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKEE'S HAND-BOOK. and agree not to attempt to deprive any person or persons, on account of race, color, or previous condition, of any political or civil right, privilege, or immunity enjoyed by any other class of men ; and, furthermore, that I will not in any way injure, or coun- tenance in others any attempt to injure, any person or persons on account of past or present support of tliegovernment of the United States, tlie laws of the United States, or the principle of the political ami civil equality of all men, or for affiliation with any political party." BXTKAORDINAET PaTEONAGE BeSTOWED ON The Governors of so5ie of thk Rotten BoKotTGHS — Popular Choice of Oeficers Ignored. Mississippi — The terms of all county, township and precinct ofBcers are made to expire in thirty days after the constitution shall be ratified. All these offices are to be filled by the Governor, and are to con- tinue in office until the Legislature shall provide by law for an election of the same; but no time is limited within which the Legislature shall perform this duty. In the Judicial Department, the elective sys- tem is abolished, and the Judges of the Supreme Court are appointed by the Gover- nor for nine years and the Circuit Judges for six years. Florida — Sec. 17. The Governor shall be assisted by a cabinet of administrative officers, consisting of a secretary of state, attorney-general, comptroller, treasurer, surveyor-general, superintendent of public instruction, adjutant-general, and commis- sioner of immigration. Such officers shall be appointed by the Governor, and con- firmed by the Senate, and shall hold their offices the same time as the Gover- nor, or until their successors shall be quali- fied. (Art. V.) Sec. 18. The Governor shall, by and with the consent of the Senate, appoint all com- missioned officers of the State militia (Art V.) Sec. 19. The Governor shall appoint, by and with the consent of the Senate, in each county, an assessor of taxes and collector of revenue, whose dutie.s shall be prescribed by law, and who shall hold their ofllces for two years. ***** The Governor shall appoint in each county a county treas- urer, county surveyor, superintendent of common schools, and five county commis- sioners, each of whom shall hold his office for two years. (Art. V.) Seo. 3. The supreme court shall consist of a chief justice and two associate justices, who shall hold their offices for life, or dur- ing good behavior. They shall be appointed by the Governor and confirmed by the Sen- ate. (Art. VI.) Seo. 6. The supreme court shall appoint a clerk of the supreme court, who shall have his office at the Capitol, and shall be librarian of the supreme court library. He shall hold his office until his successor is appoii}ted and qualified. (Art. VI.) Sue. 7. There shall be seven circuit judges appointed by the Governor and con- firmed by the Senate, who shall hold their office (or eight years. (Art. Yl.) Sec. 9. There shall be a county court or- ganized in each county. The Governor shall appoint a county judge for each county, who shall be confirmed by the Sen- ate, and such judge shall hold his office for four years from the date of his commission, or until his succe.ssor is appointed and qualified. (Art. VI.) Seo. 15. The Governor shall appoint as many justices of the peace as he may deem necessary. Justices of the peace shall have criminal jurisdiction and civil jurisdiction not to exceed filty dollars, but this shall not extend to the trial of any person for misdemeanor or crime. (Art. VI.) Seo. 19. The Governor, by and with tlie advice and consent of the Senate, shall ap- point a State attorney in each judicial cir- cuit, whose duties shall be prescribed by law. * * * * * Xhe Gtovernor, by and with the advice and consent of the Sen- ate, shall appoint ill each county a sheritf and clerk of the circuit court, who shall also be clerk of the county court and board of county commissioners, recorder, and e.v officio auditor of the county. Art. VI, Bogus Constitution of State of Florida. SojiE St.\ktling and Monstrous Constitu TioNAL Provisions. South CAROLix.i — It fhall be the duty of the general a.s.-enil.ly to provide for" tlie compulsory attendance, at either public or private schools, of all children between the ages of six (6) and sixteen (16) years, not physically or mentally disabled, for a term equivalent to twenty-four (24) months, at least ; Provided. That no law to that effect shall be passed until a system of public schools has been thoroughly and completely organized, and facilities afforded to all the inhabitants of the State for the free educa- tion of their children. Sec. 4, Art. X, Bo- g'u.s- Constiliitiuii of iS.iiith Curuliiia. The general assembly shall require by law, thatt'icri/fA(7i? of sufficient mental and phys- ical^ ability, shall attend the public schoola during the period between the ages of five and eighteen years, for a term equivalent to thee years, unless educated by other means. Sa: 6, Art. IX, BoffHs Constitution of Arkansas. PROTECTION OF CARPET-BAGGSKS BY THE AEMY. 131 These are intended to give the general as- sembly the power to compel white parents to Rend their children to schools in common with negro children, if unable to educate them otherwise. Seo. 1. The personal property of any resi- dent of this State, to the value of two thous- and ilollara, to be selected by such resident, shall be exempted from sale on execution or other final process of any court, issued for the collection of any debt contracted after the adoption of this constitution. Art. XII, Bogus Constitution of Arkansas. Se.o 2. Hereafter the homestead of any resident of tliis State, who is a married man or head of a family, shall not be encum- bered in any manner while owned by him, except for taxes, laborers' and mechanics' lien.«, and securities for the purchase-money thereof Art XII, of same. Sec. 3. Evpry homestead not exceeding one hundred and sixty acres of land, and the dwelling and appurtenances thereon; to be selected by the owner thereof, and not ii] any town, city or village; or in lieu thereof, at the option of the owner, any lot in a city, town or village, with the dwelling and appurtenances thereon, owned and occupied by any resident of this State, and not exceeding the value of five thousand dollars, shall be exempted from sale on exe- cution or any other final process from any court; but no property shall be exempt from sale for taxes, for the payment of obligations contracted for the purchase of said premises, for the erection of improve- ments thereon, or for labor performed for the owner thereof: Provided, That the benefit of the homestead herein provided for, shall not be extended to persons who may be indebted for dues to the State, county, township, acliool or other trust funds. Art. XII, of same. This amounts to exemption of $7000. We should say this is steep. Northern, as well as all honest creditors, would have a sweet show with this $7000 class of rich men. 'J'he odious acts of the Legislature, pre- scribing a test oath for nearly all kinds of business, we will receive and insert in latter part of book. Wliy the United States Forces are Kept in the Southern States^ Why the Increase of Southees Garri- sons WAS Recommended — A Fact for THE Contemplation of the Tax- ridden People. On page 25 of General Grant's Annual Report as Secretary of War, there occurs the following extract, which is copied from the report of General Ord, commanding Fourth Military District, but which General ' Grant adopts as his own recommendation in the report referred to ; " The extension of suffrage to freedmen has evidently aroused a sentiment of hos- tility to the colored race and to Northern men in many parts of this dis'-trict which did not exist before, and from information derived from ex-officers of the Union army, planting in the interior, I am convinced that a larger force than is now stationed in the States of my district to preserve order and organize conventions will be required here- after to protect them, and to secure the freed- men the use of the suffrage. In a majority of the counties of my district there are but very few men who can take the test oath, and these are not disposed to defy public opinion by accepting office unless supported by a military force afterward. Tlie will of the colored people may be in favor of sup- porting loyal ojjice-holders, but their intelli- gence is jwt HOW sufficient to enable them to combine for the execution of their will All their combinations are now conducted by white men under the protection of the mil- itary. If this protection is withdrawn the white men now controlling would generally withdraw with it, and some of the Southern people, now exasperated at what they deem the freedmen's presumption, would not be very gentle toward them; so that the presence of a larger military force will be required for some time to maintain the freedmen in the possession of the right of suffrage." The whole question of negro suffrage is embraced in the sentence we have italicised. The unfitness of the negro for the posses- sion of the elective franchise is admitted. The necessity of a combination of the negi'o vote to insure Radical success is developed as the purpose for which negro snffra- ViCKSBURG, Mies., April 15, 18fj7. J Hon. Isaac Murphy, Governor of the State of Arkansas, Little Rock, Ark.: SiK— Will you, through the proper chan- nel and in the most expeditious manner, ])lease inform the members of the Pro- yiaional Legislature of the State of Arlian- sas, lately in session, that their reconvening is inoompatible with the act of Congress '■ To provide a more efficient government for the rebel States," passed March 2, 1867, and that they, therefore, will not reas- semble, as may have been appointed by them. Please acknowledge the receipt of this letter, and state the steps which may have been taken therewith. I am, sir, with great respect, Your obedient servant, E. 0. C. ORD, Brigadier-General Commanding. Special Orders !N"o. 6.] Headqtjarterb Sub-District of Arkansas, ") Little Kock, April 26, 18()7. J EXTRACT. II. In compliance with letters of instruc- tion from Brevet Major-General Ord, com- manding Fourth Military District, dated Vicksburg, Miss., April 15, 1867, Brevet Colonel Henry Page, A. Q. M. U. S. Vol., will immediately relieve the Hon. L. B. Cunningham, Treasurer of the provisional government of the State of Arkansas, of the duties, bonds, books, papers and all ef- fects appertaining to the office. * * * Uy order of GENERAL SMITH. Satrap Pope's Confidential Letter to SwATNE — The Patron Saint of Radical- ism Speaks for his Party. Headquarters Third Military District, ~l Georgia, Alabama and Florida, i- Atlanta, Ga., November 20. ) My Dear General: I write you unofficially, as I do not wish to reply to your telegrams relating to the compensation of the members of the Con- vention. The reconstruction acts prescribe the manner in which such compensation shall be made, and / do not know that 1 have authority to act at all in the matter. I am willing, however, to sanction the payment of the Convention from funds now in the State Treasury, under the following conditions; 1. That the Convention provide for the levy and collection of a special tax, in ac- cordance with the requirements of the re- construction acta to cover the payment. which amount shall be paid in to the State treasury before the end of the fiscal year. 2. That the compensation of the mem- bers of the Convention shall be fixed at a reasonable sum. 3. That the payments from the treasury be not made until the Convention has com- pleted its work. As I have said, I do not know tliat I have the authority to order this payment, hut 1 will do so on the foregoing conditions. _ In this connection I hope you will sug- gest to the members of the Convention, that if the newspaper accounts are true, tlie amount of compensation they propose seems to me (as, indeed, it does to every- body I have heard speak of it) excessive; and, if adopted, a very bad effect will be produced upon the friends of the Conven- tion. The Convention should fix the low- est possible compensation for its members, barely enough to pay actual expenses. I can not tell you what an impleasant im- pression has been created by the newspaper reports on the subject. 1 hope, on every account, that the Con- vention will finish its work and adjourn at an early day. If they knew how their pro- ceedings are watched, alike by friend and enemy, and how much of their future de- pends upon their prompt and reasonable ac- tion, it seems to me that unless discussions should be avoided and a fair and satisfac- tory result reached in the shortest possible time, every day they remain in session after the 20th of this month will be used as a reproach against them, and will tend to discourage the friends of reconstruction everywhere. I hope you will do what you can to urge these or similar views upon those who have influence. I hold it of the greatest importance that the Constitution be made as soon as pos- sible. I speak not more for the interests of Alabama than for the interests of the politi- cal party upon whose retention of power for several years to come the success of recon- struction depends. Truly your friend, JOHN POPE. Headquarters Third Military District, > Geobgi.^, Alabama AND Florida, V Atlanta, Ga., January 13, 186S. ) Charles J. Jenkins, Milledgeville, Oa.: SiR^I have received with prcrfound re- gret your communication of the 10th inst, in which you decline to accede to the re- quest made in mine of the 7tli inst. As I can not but consider your action as a failure to co-operate with me in executing the laws known as the Reconstruction laws of Con- gress, and as 1 am further advised that you declined to pay the salary of M. S. Bifby, FIXAXCIAL ASPECTS OF RECONSTRUCTION. 133 Solicitor-General on the Tallapoosa Circuit, on tlif ground that said officer having been appointed by the military commander of the Third Military District, you can not recognize the validity of his appointment, i am forced most reluctantly to view your actions as obstructions to the execution of tlie Keconstruction laws, and have no al- ternative but to remove you from your of- fice, as you will see that 1 have done by the inclosed order. I do not deem myself called upon to answer the arguments of your letter. The issue is very plain be- tween us. I must require the acknowledg- ment of the validity of the Reconstruction laws, and you plaiidy deny them as having any binding force on your actions. Both of us are acting from a conscientious sense of duty, but the issue is so plain and direct that all hope of harmonious co-operation must be abandoned. With feelings of high personal respect, and with sincere regret for the course I feel myself compelled to take, I remain, most respectfully, Your obedient servant, GEORGE G. MEADE, Major-General Coinn)anding, Headquartees Third Military District, Geougia, Alabapia and Florida A'l'LANTA, Ga., January 13, 18lj8. CT,"! ■ I John Jones, Eaq,, Miiledgeville : Sir — Your refusal to obey the instruc- tions of Brevet Major-General Pope, com- manding Third Military District, is viewed by me as an obstruction to tlie execution oC the Reconstruction laws of Congress, and I am, therefore, compelled to remove you from office, as you will see I have done by the inclosed order. Very respectfully, Your ob't servant, GEORGE G. MEADE, Major-General Commanding. KiCHMOND, September 21, 1867 To Suh-District Commanders : In the discharge of your duties as military commissioner you are authorized to exer- cise the jurisdiction given hv law to judges of the circuit courts of the State. The judicial authority of these courts can only be exercised by a military commis- sion, or by the commanding General, but you are authorized to investigate and re- port for the action of the commanding Gen- eral any case of which a circuit court may take jurisdiction. The jurisdiction of military commis- sioners of counties and cities is limited to that of justices, or police magistrates, but you are authorized to direct them, in any case within your jurisdiction, to investigate and report the facts, with the record of the evidence taken. You are also authorized to hear appeals from the judgment of a circuit court, and report the facts, with the record in the case, and your opinion thereon, to these head- quarters. The jurisdiction herein conferred is to be exercised only when, in your judgment, it is necessary to a faithful execution of tlie acts of Congress of March 2 and 23, and of July 19, 1867. By order of Major-General SCHOFIELD. Headquarters Ch.^rleeton, S. C./ October 18, 1867. ( Judge Aldrich has been suspended, and will not be permitted to hold any courts in his circuit. See special order number one hundred and eighty-three (183) of this date. By command of Brevet Major General E. R. S Canby. L. V. CAZIARC. Aidde-Camp and Act. Ass. Adj. -General. Finanoial Aspects of Ilecoiistriiotioii--Pliinder and Extravagance the Eule. Louisiana — Akt. o,"). The Governor shall receive a salary of .SS,Ut)0 per annum. Akt. 56. Tlie Lieutenant-Governor shall receive a salary of $3,0U0 per annum. Art. 75. The Chief-Justice shall receive a salary of 7,500. Each of the Associate Justices (four) a salary of $7,0UU annually. AiiT. 84. Each of said Judges (meaning seven in the Parish of Orleans, and not less tlian twelve nor more than twenty in the Stale), shall receive a salary to be fixed by law which * * * shall never be less than $5,000. Art. 86. Each Parish Judge (one for each Parish), shall receive a salary of $1,200 per annum. Art. 92, There shall be an Attorney- General for the State. * * * He shall receive a salary of $5,000 per annum. Art. 137. A Superintendt-nt of Educa- tion. * * * * lie shall receive a sal- ary of $5,000 per annum. Akt. 71. The Treasurer and tlie Auditor shall receive a salary of $5,000 per annum each. The Secretary of State shall receive a salary of $3,000 per annum. Art. 39. The Members of the General Assembly, shall leceive from the public Treasury * * * eight dollars per day during their attendance. Florida — Art. XVI, Sec 4. The'salary of the Governor of the State shall be $5,000 per annum ; that of the Oiief-Justice shall be $4,500; that of each Associate-Justice (two) shall be $4,000; that of each Judge of the Circuit Court (seven) shall be $3,500 ; that of the Lieutenant-Governor shall be 134 DEMOCRATIC SrEAKEIl'S HAXD-COOKl. S'2,5n0; that of each Cabinet officer sliall be S3, 000; the pay of the members of the Senate and House of Representatives sliall be $5011 per annum, and in addition tliereto ten cents per mile for each mile traveled from their respective places of residence to the Capitol, and the same to return; but such distances shall be estimated by the shortest general thoroughfare. All other officers of-4he State shall be paid by fees, or per diem, fixed by law. Florida, it must be recollected, is a small ^^tate, having but one representative in Con- gress, of sparse population and kw voters. The size of these salaries can then be ap- preciated. Mississippi — The expenses of the bogus Convention, had, up to the 1st of June, al- ready footed up $201,000. The Convention entailed upon the State three election commissioners in each county, at $6 per day each, or $1,098 for the whole State, without any limit as to time, except tlieir own discretion, which, in the bands of such greedy Radical cormorants, is not gov- erned by anv rules of propriety. It paid its Radical printer $28,000 for a job of printing worth only $2,000. The Legislature to be assembled under its auspices has no limit upon its sessions, and, it is estimated, will cost over $1,000 per (lay. Well does the Jackson (Miss.) Clarion, say: "But the expenses of the Legislature ifself, enormous as they would be, will be a mere trifle compared with the sums which would be appropriated to carry into opera- tion the gigantic schemes proposed in the constitution under the liead of Public "Works, Militia, Common Schools, etc, to pamper and enrich the swarm of hungry vultures who would be privileged to feed upon the substance of the people. It re- quires no stretch of the imagination to see that an annual tax of millions of dollars would be levied to meet these demands. They would necessarily absorb all the rev- enues of the people. They would bring ]iroperty of all kinds to the block to be sac- rificed under the sheriff's hammer. They would bring those who are in comparatively comfortable circumstances, to penury, and will take the last morsel of bread from the mouths of starving women and children. All classes, and both races, vvill groan under this afflicting burden." What is liere said of Mississippi, is true of all these Rotten Borough organizations. The whole system is one of device and plun- der, to give ,jobs and places to Radical vag- rants and to perpetuate itself by the power of a majority of votes at the polls made up of illiterate and non-taxpaying suffragans of the negro race. A few Details of what Eeconstrnotion has Cost the National Treasury. In North and South Carolina, up to Sept. 30, 1867, Gen. Canby reported $54802.87 already paid out ; that outstanding liabilities would exceed the balance of $194,802.87 then on hand. Total, $249,605.74. In Georgia, Florida and Alabama, Gen. Pope reports expended, $162,325 00. In Virginia, General Schofield reports as expended, up to Nov. 7, 1867, S169,409._33. Outstanding accounts not vet paid, $70,- 000. Total $239,409.33. Thecompiler of this book has not seen, among the reports of the Secretary of War, any estimate of the expenditures in the Fourth and Fifth Military Districts, but as they were extensive and less possessed of the facilities for economy than the others, we will put them down at $250,000, each making $500,000.00, or a grand total of $1 , 1 58,424.40 expended last year out of the Federal Treasury in this matter of Military Recon- struction. Supposing it to have cost 50 per cent, of that amount to have run it since, a period of nine months in some and eight months in others, a moderate estimate of tlie entire cost up to this time, to the ta.x-bnr- dened people of tlie United Slates, inde- pendent of the large amounts it has cost tlie people of the States embraced in said districts, will not fall short of $1,850,000. This does not include the pay and allow- ances proper of army ofhcers engaged in it, which are considerably augmented by com- mutation for quarters in towns, etc.; nor does it embrace any of the expenses of the army garri^oned in the Southern States, which is tremendous. Act Admitting Arkansas. Tlie following is the text of the Arkansas bill: ^ HEKEAS, The people of Arkansas, as in pursuance of the provision.^ of an act enti- tled "An act for the more efficient govern- ment of the Rebel States,'' passed .March 2, 1867, and the acts supplementary thereto, have framed and adopted a constitution of State Government, which is republican in Ibrm, and tlie Legislature of said Stale has duly ratified the amendment to the t.'onsti- tiition of the United States, proposed by the Thirty-ninth Congress, and known as Article XIV; therefore. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Hejiresentatircsoftlie Unite,! Slates <'t Amcr- icii, in Criiu/ress assemlded, That tlie State of Arkansas is entitled and admitted to repre- sentation in Congress, as one of the States of the Union, upon the following funda- VETO OF THE ARKANSAS BILL. 135 mental condition: That the flonstifutinn of Arkansas shall never be so arui-iided or clianged as to deprive nny citizen, or cla-s of citizens, in the United States, of the right to vote, who are entitled to vote by the con- ptitntion herein recognized, except as a pun i^hment for such crimes as are now felonies at common law, whereof tliey shall have been duly convicted, under laws equally ap plicalile to all the inhabitants of said State; provided, tha^ any alteration of said consti- tution, prospective in its effect, may be made in regard to time and place of residence of the voters.* Washington, June yO. The President sent the following Message to Congress to day : To the. House of Representatives : I return without my signature a bill en titled an act to admit the State of Arkansas to representation in Congress. To approve of this bill vvoald be an ad- mission on the part of tlie Executive that tlie act " for the more efficient government of th(^ rebel States," passed .March 2, 1X67, and the acts supplementary thereto, were proper and constitutional. My opinion, however, in reference to thoste measures lias umlergone no change, but, on the contrary, iias been strengthened by the results which have attended their execution. Kven were this not tlie case, I could not con- sent to a bill which is based upon the as- sumption either that by an act of rebellion of a portion of its people, the State of Ar- kansas seceded from the Union, or that Congress may, at its pleasure, expel or ex- clude any State from the Union, or inter- rupt its relations with the Government by arbitrarily depriving it of representation in the Senate and House of Representatives. If Arkansas is not a State in the Union, this bill does not admit it as a State. And if, on the otlier hand, it is a State in the Union, no legislation is necessary to declare it entitled to representation in Congress as one of the States of the Union. The Constitution already declares that each State shall have at lea.st one represen- tative; that the Senate shall be composed of »The proviso to the act of March 28, 1867, Lereinbefore contained, saj'S, " That such Con- vention shall not be held unless a majority of ^ll such registered voters shall have voted on the question of holding such Convention." Yet Arkansas is admitted when neither the " Con- vention" nor the "Constitution" received a majority of the registered vote in Arkansas. We give the figures as found in the official re- ports : hejiii Ihan a Registered Vole. Vole For. Majorily. •' CONSTITOTION" 74,784, ■il,Wi S.liso "Convention" ij(i,8al 27,831 S,f)M two .'senators from each State; that no .■^late without its consent shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate; and also makes eacli House the judge of the election returns, and qualifications of its own mem- bers, and therefore all that is now neces.-iai'y to secure Arkansas in all its con.stitutional relations to the G-overnment, is a decision liv each House upon the eligibility of tlmse who, pre.senting tfieir credentials, claim seats in the respective Houses of Congres.s. This is the plain and simple plan of the Constitu- tion, and believing that had it been pursued when Congress a,ssembled in the month of December, I H6.5, the restoration of the States would long since have been completed; I once again earnestly recommend that it be adopted by each House. In reference to this legislation, I respect- fully submit that it is not only of doubtful constitutionality, and, therelbre, an unwise and dangerous precedent, but unnecessary, and that it is not so effective in its operation as the mode prescribed by the Constitution. It involves aiiditional delay, and from its terms will be taken rather as applicable to a territory about to be admitted as one of the United States, than to a State which has occupied a place in the Union for up- ward of a quarter of a century. The bill declares that Arkan.sas is enti- tled and admitted to representation in Con- gress as one of the States of the Union, upon the following fundamental conditions: That the constitution of Arkansas shall never beso amended or changedas to deprive any citizen or class of citizens of the United States of the right to vote who are entitled to vote by the constitution herein recog- nized, except for punishment for crimes that are now felonies at common law, whereof they shall have been convicted, equally ap- plicable to all the inhabitants of said State; provided, any aheration of said Constitution prospective in its effect, may be made in re- gard to the time and place of residence of voters. I have been unable to find in the Consti- tution of the United States any warrant for the exercise of the authority thus claimed by Congress in assuming power to impo.se fundamental conditions on a State wliich has been didy admitted into the Union on an equal footing with the original States in all respects whatever. Congress asserts a right to enter a State as it may a territory, and to regulate the highest prerogative of a free people, the elective franchise. This question is reserved by the Constitution to the States themselves, and to concede to Congress the power to regulate this subject would be to reverse the fundamental prin- ciple of tlie republic, and place in the hands of the Pederal (jovernment, wliich is a 136 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. creature of the States, tlie sovereignty which justly belongs to the States or the people, the true source of all political power, by whom our federal system was created, and to whose will it is subordinate. The bill fails to provide in what manner the State of ArUansas is to signify its ac- ceptance of the fundamental condition which t'ongress endeavors to make inalien alile or irrevocable; nor does it prescribe the penalty to be imposed should the people of the Stiueamend or change the particular porlioiis of the constitution which it was one of the purposes of the bill to perpetu- ate; but, as to the consequence of such action, it leaves tliem in uncertainty and doubf. When tlie circumstances under which the constitution h.is been brought to the attention of Congress are considered, it is not unreasonaVile to suppose that efi'orts will be made to njodify it.^ provisions, espe- cially those in respect to which this measure proiiibits any alteration. It is seriously questioned whether the constitution lias been ratified by a majority of the persons who, under the act of March '2, 186.5, and thi' acts supplementary thereto, were en titled to registration and to vote upon that issue. Section 10 of the schedule provides that no persons disqualified fi-oni voting or registering under this ciinstitution shall vote for candidates for any office, niu' be permitted to vote at the polls lor tlie ratifi- cation or repudiation of the constitution, which is herein authorized and assumed to be in force before its adoption. In disregard of the law of Congress, the constitution undertakes to impose upon the electors other and further conditions. The fifth section of the eighth article provides that all persons, before registering or votings must take and subscribe to an oath which, among others, contains the followingclause ; "That I accept the civil and political equaliry af all men, and agree not to at- tempt to deprive any person or pei-.^oun on account of race, color, or previous condi- tion, of any political or evil right, privi- lige, or immunity enjoyed by any other cla^s of men." Jt is well known that a very large portion of the electors in all the States, if not all, a majority, do not believe in or accept the practical equality of Indians, Mongolians, or negroes, with the r.-ice to which they \iv long. If the voters in many of the States of the North and We-t were reqnireil lu take such an oath as a te.^t of their qualifi- cations, there is reason to believe that ii majority of them wonlil remain frotn ilie polls rather than comply with such degrad ing conditions. How I'ar, and to what e.x- tent ihistest oath prevented the registralinn o/ those who were qualified under the laws of Congress, it is impossible to know; but that its efl'ect was to prevent the registra- tion of a number at least sufficient to over- come the small and doubtful majority in favor of the constitution, there can be no reasonable doubt. Should the people of .Arkansas, therefore, desire to regulate the elective franchise so as to make it conform to the institutions of a large proportion of the States of the North and West, and should they modify ilse provisions referred to in the fundamental condition, what is the consequejice ? Is it intended tliat a denial of representation shall follow? If so, may we not expect at some future day a recurrence of the troiib'es which have so long agitated the country? Would it not be the part of wisdom to take for our guide the Federal Constitution, rather than to re- sort to measures which, looking only to the present, may, in after years, renew in an aggravated form the strife and bitterness caused by legislation which has proved to be so ill-timed and unfortunate ? ANDREW JOHNSON. Washington, D. 0., June 20, 1868. The bill passed over the veto of the Pres- ident. Sonttern Satrapies. DuMOORATIo'ir'jlOTEST A GAINST THE ADMIS- SION or THE Arkansas Ekp'besentatives. In the House of Representatives, on Mon- day, Mr. Brooks, on behalf of the Demo- cratic members, oflered the following pro- test, which wa.s ordered to be printed in the official journal of Congressional debates: "The recognized presence of three per- sons on the floor of this House from the State of Arkansas, sent here by military force, acting under a Brigadier-tieneral of the army, but nevertheless claiming to be members of this Congress, and to share with us, the representatives from freeStatea, in the imposition of taxes and customs and other laws upon our people, makes it our imperative duty in this, the first case to remonstrate most solemnly, and to pro- test as solemnly, against this perilous and destructive innovation upon the principles and practices of our hitherto e^2fi. According to this official report from the General of the .\rniy, it appears that in North Carolina there were cast for the constitution 92,5U0 votes. More than one-half of all the regis- tered voters voted for the constitution in I^orth Carolina, so thai even if the law never had been changed. North Carolina adopted the consfitut'ion by those who voted affirmatively in its favor. There were oast against the constitution in North Caro- lina 71,S20 votes, so that one hundred and sixty-four^ thousand voted on the question, and a majority of all the registered voters in North Carolinavoted for the constitution. Now, I ask the Senator from C)hio and the Senator from Nevada, if they are satislinl that a larger proportion voted in Nortli Carolina lor the constitution than did in Alabama according to the vote? Do tlicy "give it up" in reference to North Caro- lina? It wa.s but a moment ago it was stated by both these Senators that there was a larger vote cast for the constitution in Alabama than in any other State. I show you by the official vote, that a majority of all the registered voters voted for the constitution in North Carolina. Now, what becomes of that misstatement? Mr. Sherman. When the Senator is A RADICAL SENATOR ON THE ADMISSIOX OF ALABAMA. 143 througli, and does not address himself in that way, I will reply to him. I have the facls before me. Mr. 'J'rumbull. Well, if there is any other official statement, I should lie glad to see it I read from this Executive docu- iiieiit, Now I will read as to South Caro- lina. According to the official report, which I hold in my hand, tliere were in the State of South Carolina 127,4.'52 regis- tered voters. The half of 127,432 is 03,716. There were east for tlie constitution in tlie Slate of South Carolina, according to an official report from tlie General of the Army, made the 12th day of May, 1868, 70,758 votes; so that in South Carolina there were cast 7,042 votes, more than half of the regis- tered voters, in favor of the constitution, and the constitution was therefore ratified by a majority of all the registered voters of Sonth Carolina; so that if the law never had been changed, the constitution would liave been adopted by the voters of that State. I next come to the State of Georgia. In the State of Georgia, according to this same officiiil report made from the headquarters of the Third Military District, by Major Gen- eral Meade, there were 191,501 registered voters; the half of which is 95,750. There were cast for tlie constitution in Georgia, according to the same official authority, 89,007 votes, which, deducted from 95,750, half of all the registered voters, shows that less than half voted for the constitution in Georgia by 6,743, but not so great a propor- tion less as in Alabama. In Alabama the difference between the vote for the constitu- tion and Iialf of the registered voters was 13,099, while in Georgia, with a much larger registered vote, the difference was only 6,743, so that the State of Georgia adopted her constitution by a much larger vole in proportion tlian was cast for the constitution in the State of Alabama. There were cast against the constitution in Geor- gia, at the same time, seventy-one thousand votes, so that there voted on the question, in the State of Georgia, one hundred and sixty thousand. I come next to tlie State of Louisiana, It appears by this same official report that there were in the State of Louisiana, 129,654 registered voters; one-half of that number would be 64,827. There were cast for the constitution in Louisiana 66,152 votes. A majority of all the registered voters of the State voted for the constitu- tion, a majority of 1,325, so that the consti- tution of Louisiana was adopted by an actual majority of all the registered votes, leaving out the large vote which was cast against the constitution in that State, being 48,739. I come next to tlie State of Florida. In the State of Florida, according to the regis- tration, there were 28,003 votes, one half of which is 14,001; and there were cast for the constitution, according to the report from the General of the Army, 14,511 votes, which is a majority of 510 votes of all the registered voters of the State. Thus, it is seen, that in every State ex- cept Georgia an actual majority of all the registered voters voted for the constitution. In the State of Georgia it only lacked 6,743 of being a majority of all the votes voting for it, and one hundred and sixty thousand voters in Georgia voted on the question. Now, what becomes of the statement made in tlie Senate, in order to induce the Senate to adopt a constitution for the people of the State of Alabama, whicli was only carried by a minority vote, that that constitution had more votes in its favor than the consti- tution in any other of tliese reconstructed States? The gentlemen have labored under a misapprehension in their zeal and their anxiety to have these States recognized, which is no greater than mine. I am as anxious for the early recognition of these Stales as any member upon this floor; but I can not consent to violate fundamental principles; I can not consent to force upon the people of any State by a minority vote a fundamental law; I can not consent to break the faith of this nation for the pur- po,se of bringing Alabama into this bill. With all these facts before us, how is it that the State of Alabama is to be forced in here to embarrass the bill under considera- tion ? We have a bill here embracing five States, North Carolina, South Carolina, Louisiana, Georgia and Florida, each one of which has ratified its constitution in accordance with the law. What is Sauce for Goose not Sauoe for G-ander. " There is associated with Mr. Stevens, on this impeachment, one John A. Bingliam, of Ohio. Mr. Bingham is the Member of Congress from Ohio who lately introduced the bill into the House of Representatives declaring the constitution of Alabama adopted, notwithstanding its defeat at the polls, and thereupon admitting the State into the Union. " Mr. Bingham was a Member of Con- gress when the Convention of Kansas, at Lecompton, sent a constitution on whicli they asked admission into the "Union. " Mr. Bingham was a violent opponent of the admission of Kansas, under tliat con- stitution, because it did not emanate from the people of Kansas, and its seeming adop- tion was procured by Federal interference with elections. ■ He declared that: " ' The monstrous proposition is now 144 DEMOCEATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. Tiiado by the President, and by gentlemen on this floor, to establish this instrument as tlie ccmstitution of Kansas, by act of Con- gress, and against tlie will of the people of that territory; so in the first time in the hisiory of the Republic that the attempt has been made to establish, by Federal authority, a State constitution, against the •nil] of the people, and without their con- sent. State constitutions have been framed and sent to Congress for ratification with- out any formal submission thereof to the popular vote; but it was only in cases where the people, beyond all question, made the constitution by their legally appointed delegates.' '■ In descanting upon Kansas, he describes Alabama now as faithfully as any unre- constructed white man on the spot could do He said : " ' The delegates who framed this instru- ment were chosen b}' a body of men not equal in number to one-fourth the whole number of qualified voters in Kansas, and by virtue of an election law passed by usurpers. " ' The constitution thus framed is the joint production of local and Federal usurpa- tion. " 'But for Federal intervention the dele- gates to the Leconipton Convention would never liave been chosen. But for Federal intervention and the presence of Federal bayonets at Lecomptoi), those delegates would not have thus conspired against the liberties, and insulted the majority of the peopl e. " ' Sir, It is not the first time that acts of tyranny have been dignified with the title of peace measures. The invader has before now destroyed the vintage, enslaved the people, plundered and burnt their habita- tions, and called the devastation which fol- lowed in the train othis conquest, peace.' "Insert Alabama and Montgomery where- ever Kansas andLecompton occur, and this is the true picture of the Radicalism of Alabama, of which this same Mr. Bingham is the selected champion in Congress in thfe forcing of a rejected constitution by act of Congress on an unwilling people. " He then maintained boldly, in language which would. now subject any conservative man within these ten States to the peril of aiilitary arrest for inciting sedition, that such an action by Congress would justify armed resistance. He grew vehement on this subject, and thus confronted the ma- jority and the Executive, who had shown the desire to force the constitution on a de- spondent and reluctant people : " ' Sanction this constitution, conceived lU sin and brought forth in iniquitv, and you can only maintain it by the I^'ederal arm and the Federal bayonet. It can never receive the voluntary support of a free people. Sanction this constitution, and with it sanction, as it sanctions, that code of abominations which the invaders of Kansas enacted, and you would compel resistance. Resistance to such legislation would be DUTY, KOT CRIME ; PATRIOTISM, NOT TREASON !' " Senator Doolittle on tte Way it will Work, In a recent speech in Xew .Jersey, Senator Doolittle said : "What is this constitution that comes up from the State of Arkansas ? It containsa clause of disfranchisement of which 1 will presently speak. It contains something more; it contains a test-oath, which is to be put to every man as he approaches the ballot-box, requiring him to swear that he accepts political equality of all men, civil and political equality of all men, meaning the right of francliise in the negro equally with tlie white man ; in the Chinese, the Coolie, and the Indian, as well as the white man. When he goes to the ballot-box in Arkansas, before he can deposit his ballot' he must lay his hands upon the Holy Book and swear that he accepts this dogma of political equality, and swear further that he will never undertake to make any distinc- tion in political rights between the races on account of race or color. Now, fellow- cii;izens of New .Jersey, how does this bear upon you and upon your children? You have the right to emigrate to Arkansas if you please; so have your sons; and if the majority of the people of New Jersey (for I have no doubt that there is a majority of fifteen or twenty thousand, if not more, in the Stale of New Jersey who reject this doctrine — (applause) — this dogma of the political equality of the races — if you were to emigrate to the State of Arkansas you would be disfranchised. You could never vote at all unless you go to the polls and swear that you accept political equality for the negroes and Indians, and swear that you will never undertake to make any dis- tinction between negroes and Indians. I a.sk you, is it right? Is it constitutional? Is it just that any such test-oath as that which would exclude from the polls in Av- kan.sas the majority of the electors of Now Jersey, or the electors of New York; the majority of the electors of Connecticut— (applause)— the majority of the electors of Ohio— (great applause)— the majority of the electors of Michigan, and a majority, I be- lieve, often thousand of the electors "of Wis- consin? (Applause.) By tliis oath in Ar- kansas they would be excluded from the right to exercise the ballot. Why, fellow- citizens, these Radicals arc almost equal to A GLORIOUS HARVEST FOR THE CARPET-BAGGERS. 145 Najjoleon III, when he wanted to be elected Emperor, " Yoii can vote for whom you please, but yon must vote for Napoleon." "You may vote for whom you please, but, if you vote at all, you must swear that you believe in our dogma." Now, fellow-citizens, i.s this just; is it in accordance with the first principles of civil liberty that such a test-oath is to be applied to a man before he is allowed to exercise the ri.nlit of franchise ? You might just as well apply to liim a re- ligious test, and make him swear that he is not a Catholic, and never will be a Catholic, or that he is not a Protestant, and never will be a Protestant." (Applause.) A &lorioTis Harvest for the Oarpet-liaggers. Anteckdents of the Governors, Sena- TOKS AND Congressmen of the Rotten EOKOTJGHS, WITH THEIR NATIVITY — By WHOM THE South is to be Governed. The editor is indebted to the Cincinnati Commercial for the greater part of the fol- lowing information: state officers, The seven States which have been re- admitted to representation in Congress have elected Radical Governors and Legislatures, and their principal State officers are as fol- lows : GovBRNOR. Lieut. -Governor. Alabama Wm. H. Smith, A. J. Applcgate. Aiknnsas Powell Clayton, Jas. M. Jolmson. Kloriiia HarriBOQ Reed, Wm. H. Gleason. G'-oiKia K. B. Bullock, [Nono]. Louiahina H. C. Warmouth, Oscar.!. Dunn. North Carolina. ..Wm. W. Holden, Tod B. Caldwell. .Si, nth Carolina. .. Robert K. Scott, Lemuel Boozer. Governors Smith and Holden are natives of tlieir States, and were Union men during the war. Governor Bullock is a native oif New York. Governor Clayton is a native of Pennsylvania, and was an officer of Kansas troops. Governor Reed was form- erly a Wisconsin editor. Governor War- month is a native of Illinois, and was an officer of Missouri troops. Governor Scott is a native of Pennsylvania, and was an officer of Ohio troops. Of the Lieutenant-Governors, Johnson, Punn, Caldwell and Boozer are Southern born, and Lieutenant-Governor Dunn is a colored man. Applegate went from Indi- ana, and Gleason from Wisconsin. united states senators. Arkansas and Florida, of the seven States, have elected United States Senators. The Arkansas Senators are Benjamin F. Rice, formerly of Minnesota, elected for the term ending in 1871, and Alexander Mc- Donald, foruierly of Kansas, elected for the term ending in 1869. Tlie Florida Senators are Mr. A. S. Welch, originally from Michigan, where he was a 10 Professor in the University of that State, and subsequently servecl in the Union army during the war; the other is T. W. Osborn, of New York, formerly of General How- ard's staff'. Florida has elected a third Senator to succeed Mr. Welch, on tlie 4th of iMarch 1869, for the term ending 4th of March 1865. His name is Abijah Gilbert. Gilbert is a New Yorker; nothing known about him — not a citizen (as we infer). Is said to be rich, and supposed to have "come down" handsomely for the post. It was said, among other things, he had engaged to ad- vance $90,000 for $100,000 in Convention scrip to pay the mileage and per diem of the whites and negroes who elected him. Florida (says the Floridan) is in the hands of the Philistines, and we wish, for the sake of Florida, it were true; but her case, we fear, is a good deal worse than that. The South Carolina Senators are likely to be Dr. A. G. Mackey, of Charleston, and Thomas J. Robinson, of Columbia, both old residents and Unionists during the war. The North Carolina Senators are likely to be General J. 0. Abbott, of Wilmington, formerly of New Hampshire and com- mander of a volunteer regiment from that State; and Mr. Pool, a native of the State. In Georgia, the names most mentioned are those of Foster Blodgett, Henry P. Far- row, ex-Governor Joseph E. Brown, and J. L. Dunning. The Louisiana Senators are Colonel Wil- liam P. Kellogg, Collector of the Port of New Orleans, formerly of Illinois; and J. S. Harris of Michigan. representatives in congress. The Representatives elect are twenty- eight Republicans and five Democrats (the latter designated by stars), as follows : Arkansas — First Di8trict.,Logan H. Roots, of Uuvall's Bluff, a native of Illinois, and officer of volunteers. Second James HinJs, of Little Rock, formerly of Minnesotii. Third, Thomas Bolles, of Dardanelle, an old resident and Circuit Judge. Alabama — First District, Francis W. Kellogg, of Mobile, formerly Representative in Congress from Michigan, 1859 to 1865, and since 1865, Collector of Internal Rev- enue at Mobile. Second, Charles W. Buck- ley, of Hayneville, formerly of Freeport, Illinois; Valedictorian at Beloit College in 1860; graduated at Union Theological Seminary ; appointed chaplain in the army, and subsequently Assistant Superintend- ent of Freedmen in Alabama. Third, Benjamin W. Norris, of Montgomery, formerly of Maine, chairman of the Re- 146 DEMOCKATIC SPEAKER'S IJA^'D-BOOK. publican Central Committee of Alabama. Fourth, Charles W. .Pierce, of Demopolis. Fifth, Joseph W. Burke, of Huntsville. Sixth, Thomas Haughey, of Decatur. Florida— Charles il. Hamilton, formely of Wisconsin. Georgia— First District, J. W. Clift, of Savannah, formerly of Massachusetts, and a surgeon of Volunteers. Second, "*Xe!son Tifft. Third, William P. Edwards, of But- ler, Taylor county, a native of Georgia and a lawyer. Fourth, Samuel F. Gove, of Griswoldville, Twiggs county, formerly of Massachusetts (born in Wej'mouth) and an officer of volunteers. Fifth, Charles H. Prince, of Angusta, a native of Buckfield, Maine, and late Captain of volunteer.-i Sixth, *John H. Christy. Seventh, *P. M. B. Young. ' Louisiana — First District, J. Hale Sypher, of New Orleans, a native of Pennsylvania; commanded a Pennsylvania battery and afterward the Eleventh United States color- ed artillery. Second, *James Mann, of New Orleans, formerly of Bangor, Maine ; a paymaster of volunteers, now a special agent of internal revenue. Election con- tested by Colonel Simon Jones. Radical. Third, Joseph P. Newsham of West Felici- ana; member of the convention. Fourth, Michael Vidal, of St. Landry, native born, of French lineage; editor of the St. Landry Progress ; member of the convention. Fifth, W. Jasper Blackburn, of Plomer, Claiborne county; editor of the Iliad; formerly of Tennessee. North Carolina — First District, John R. French, of Chowan, a native of Gilmanton, New Hampshire; editor of the Concord Herald of Freedom, the early organ of New Hampshire Kree-soilers ; subsequently edi- tor of the Painesville (Ohio) Press ; pay- master of volunteers ; late Tax Commis- sioner of North Carolina. Second, David Heaton, of Craven, formerly editor of tlie Middletown (Ohio) Herald; member of the Ohio Senate; subsequently of the Minnesota Senate. Third, Oliver H. Dockery, of Richmond. Fourth, John T. Dewees, of Raleigh; formerly a Colonel of Indiana volunteers, late Second Lieutenant in the Eighth United States Infantry; more re- cently Register in Bankruptcy for the Raleigh District. Fifth, Israel G. Lash, of Forsyth. Sixth, *Xathaniel Boyden, of Salisbury; native of Massachusetts; re- sided in North Carolina since 1821, and rep- resented that State in Congress in 1S47-49. Seventh, Alexander H. Jones, of Bun- combe; editor of the Asheville Progress; a native of Carolina, and Unionist through- out the war; confined in Libby prison. South Carolina— First District, Benjamia P. Whittemore, of Darlington, formerly of Massachusetts, a clergyman and Freed- men's Bureau agent. Second, C. C. Bowen, of Charleston, a native of Rhode Island; has long resided in the South, and (it is claimed by compulsion) served for a time in the Confederate army. Third, Simon Corley, of Lexington, a native of South Carolina ; non-cotnbatant, in the war. Fourth, James H. Goss, of Unionvilie, a native of South Carolina; non-combatant in the war. At large, two additional Representatives elected by order of the con- vention, viz.: J. P. M. Epping, of Charles- ton, a native of Xorth Carolina, now United States Marshal ; Elias S. Dickson, of Clar- endon, a native of South Carolina. Jlississippi — Constitution defeated in this State. The Radical candidates: GovEitNOE — Beroth B. Eggleston. LiEUTEXAXT Governor — Andrew J. Jami- son. Secretary of State — Robert J. Alcorn. Tee^sdeer — Duncan McA. Williams. Auditor — William J. Morgan. Attorney General — Joshua S. Morris. StTPERINTEXin-'.NT OF PlBLIC InSTEUOTIO.N' —Charles "W. Clarke. Repeesent.atives in Congress — Jeff L. Wofford, Jehiel Rail.-back, Charles A Sullivan, George C. McKee, Legrand W. Perce. For Governor — Egsrleston is formerly of Ohio, and was President of the late Con- stitutional Convention. Of the other Radical candidates — Jam- ison is a South Carolinian, and Alcorn a Kentuckian, both resident in Jlississippi before the war; Morris is a Mississippian, Morgan is a native of New York, and com- manded a Union regiment I'aised under Fremont's authority in Missouri and Ar- kansas in 1^61. McKee was formerly of Centralia. Illinois, and an oflii'er of the Eleventh Illinois ( Ransom's ) Regiments 'i'he anomaly exi.~ts that while General Wof- ford, a Confederate officer, is the Republi- can candidate for Congress in the Corinth District, his Democratic opponent is Lien- tenant Townsend, formerly of Wisconsin. The Virginia election should have begun on Tuesday, June 2, but General Schofield, the then military commander, annonuced that the reconstruction fund for the First District was exhausted, and by his order the election was ]iostponed until Congress should have made an appropriation to pay expenses. General Wells the Radical candidate for Governor, is the present incumbent for that office, appointed hy General Schofield. He was Ibrmerly of Michigan, and as an army CARPET-BAG SENATORS AND REPRESENTATIVES. 147 officer was Military Governor of Alexandria during the war. Since the war he has re- sided at Alexandria. Tlie Eind of SeEators aud EepiesentatiTes they send to OongresBi *' Oh shame whore is thy blush I " It would be as sensible to send for a lot of accomplished burglars, and give them free access with their "jimmies and picks" to the Treasury vaults, as to send some of the men to the Senate and House, we read of: A Pretty Pair of Senators) — Antece- dents OP JIcDoNALD, U S. Senator fuom Ar- KANSA.s. — ir other arguments were wanting, the liail cliaracter of the carpet-bag Senators foisted upon tlie people of Arkansas, would condemn the whole Radical polii'y of recon- struction. The exploits of B. F. Rice, one of those Senatnrs, wlio left Kentucky under the most disgraceful circumstances, are licreafter narrated. That the other Sen- ator is a proper yoke-fellow for such a creature is evident from the f dlowing state- ments, which we find in the Washington correspondence of the New York IJerald: " lion, A. McDonald, Republican Sena- tor elect from Arkansas, is not altogether unkniiwn to the distinguished body of offi- cials among whom he claims a seat, 'i'he honorable claimant was a member of the firm of McDonald, Fuller & Sells, Indian contractors. In the Senate debate upon transferring the Indian Bureau from the In- terior to the War Department, Senator Sher- man read a portion of the statement show- ing up some of tliat firm's operations, little thinking that an embryo United States Sen- ator was in the case. The official records of the first session of the 'f hirty-ninth Con- gress contain the following — (See Globe, part 4, page 3,552). Senator Sherman said ; " ' I will read an extract from a memorial, signed by a portion of the Cherokees. I am not responsible for the facts liere stated, but as they are presented regularly to us by them in a written memorial, complain- ing of certain grievances, I read their state- ments as alleged facts. If they are true, they certainly require some investigation. " ' By the act of March 3, 1865, the Secre- tary of War was authorized to leed and clothe the pauper Indians in the Indian 'I'er-, ritory, from the date of the passage of the law until the end of that fiscal year. On July 1, 1865, when the military authorities ceased to have authority to feed refugee In- dians, there was an immense surplus of flour and corn on hand at Fort Gibson, amounting to as much as all that has since been issued to pauper Indians in that coun- try. These stores tliR commanding officer at Fort Gibson offered to turn over to the Superintendent of Indian Affairs at .?^! 50 per barrel for flour, and l?2 per bushel for corn. Instead of making this purchase, tlie Superintendent went to Leavenworth and entered into a contract with McDonald, Fuller & Sells (the son of the Superintend- ent) at $*< per bushel for the corn, and $,'j1- pcr barrel for flour. This contract was let, as we are informed, and believe, without the requisite advertisement, on the pretense that there was not time to advertise. 'J'he most of the flour furnished under this con- tract was sent by a steamboat from St. Louis, costing the contractors about $12, arnl the Indian Department ?34 per barrel, while a large amount of the flour offered by the War Department to the Interior at §8 per barrel was being shipped down the Arkaiisas from Fort Gibson to Little Rock, The corn furnished by the contractors under this contract was part bought from the In- dians at $2 per bushel, and part bought of the military authorities at Fort Gibson by one McKce, who is understood to have been the agent and partner of McDonald, Fuller tt Sells, at eighteen cents per bushel, and turned ovrr to the Superintendent at IfS per busli'd. The gross amount of these sup- plies we are unable to state, but are satis- fied that it was several hundred thousand dolla,rs, and we have information that it has all or nearly all been paid,' " I do not wish to read any more from the various allegations made by these Indi- ans, I only read this much to show that when the War Department is charged with a certain portion of the duties coimected with our intercourse with the Indians, and the Interior Department with another por- tion, there will necessarily be a conflict of jurisdiction and great complaints of fraud and peculation. This certainly is a very serious charge which is allegL'd by these In- dian.s. It is that the Government actually being in possession of a large amount of stores and property through tlie War De- fiartment, which offered to turn them over to tbe Interior De|iartmcnt — corn at S2 j. bushel and flotir at $8 50 a barrel — the In- terior Department, instead of taking them, purchased flour at $34 a barrel and corn at $8 a bushel. It seems to me that if this kind of transactions can go on under this system of mixed responsibilii;y it is time we should put a stop to it, " I have looked the record through in vain to find any satisfactory explanation or de- fense against these charges. Senator Doo- little stated that the amount thus purchased was 'for a very small supply, which the superintendent deemed ner( tnsary to take with him.' The charge of buying corn of Ui UEMOCRATIG SPEAKER'S IIAND-BOOIC the Government for eighteen cents per bushel, and selling it back again at $8 per bushel, is not even noticed. "Besides the ability to drive a sharp liar- gain with Uncle Sam and the Indians, I am not informed of Mr. McDonald's other qualifications; but the War Department re- cords would, if examined, throw a little light. The Leavenworth T'/mcs, the leading llcfiublican paper of Kansas, has the fol- . owing, with which I close for the present; " ' We are both astonished and mortified to see some ol' the Republican presses of Kan- sas, claiming to occupy a conspicuous place ill the ranks of the organization, indulging in fulsome and extravagant adulations of Mr. A. McDonald, who has recently been elected one of the Senators from the State of Arkansas. If any one of the journals referred to know Mr. McDonald at all, they know he is utterly unqualified for the high position of United States Senator. The very proposition is ridiculous, and it lowers the character of the profession, for leading newspapers to hold up a man for what he is not, and can never become. Hon. A. McDonald, United States Senator from Ar- kansas! If that is n't enough to make a horse laugh, nothing ever was. McDonald's Colleague. Benjamin F. Rice, one of the so-called Arkansas United States Senators elect, must be a lovely specimen of a Radical, judging from the following document, which has just come to light : "Irvine, December 23, 1859. " Deak Sik : I received your letter inquir- ing if I was dead or run away. I am neither. 1 settled all your business in Tennessee and got the money, and intended to be at your court and pay it, but before the time arrived I got on a spree and gambled off over $5,000; and hence can not send you any money at this time, but will make every effort to raise it as soon as possible. " Yours, etc., "BEN. F. RICE." "IIenet IIaggakd." Senator Ben. will doubtless make his mark in the Senate — when there are pickings and stealings to be disposed of A Specimen Repkesentative. " Data," the AVashington correspondent of the Baltimore Snn, tells, as follows, of a specimen "representative" from Arkansas. The creature has not been in the State long enough to know the counties in his district; " During the debate in the Senate to-day, several of the carpet-bag Representatives from Arkansas and tlie other States, occu- pied seats on the floor. One of these gen- tlemen, an enterprising and. indefatigable Yankee, was in this city less than five months ago, and boasted that he was going down to Arkansas to get a good office. He now comes back elected to the House of Representatives, and, with his colleagues, is very anxious to commence the pleasant pastime of drawing $5,000 a year, -with nothing to do. There has been quite an influx of the Southern loyalists this week, and Senators have no rest for them." How a Governoi is Ejected by Force. His Offense, the Exercise of the Free- dom OF Speech. At the recent election in Mississippi, Governor Humphreys was nominated for re-election by the Democratic party of the State. He took the stump, and with a be- coming temperance and firmness which is characteristic of him, canvassed the State in opposition to the ratification of the rotten borough Constitution. The new military ruler, McDowell, who had just ascended the throne, wishing to recommend himself, with- out delay, to the esteem of the Radical rev- olutionists, deemed this exercise of the right of discussion by the Governor a criminal impediment to reconstruction, whereupon he issued the following order: HeADQUARTZES FofRTH MiLlTAET DlSTHTCT, ) {Mississippi \sd Arkajssas,) > VicKSBURG, Miss., June 15, ISGS.j General Orders, No. 23.] 1. Major-General Adelbert Ames is ap- pointed, temporarily, Provisional Governor of the State of Mississippi, vice Benjamin G. Humphreys, hereby removed. 2. Captain Jasper Myers is appointed, temporarily, Attorney-General of the State of Mississippi, vice C. E. Hooker, hereby removed. 3. The officers appointed as above will repair without delay to Jackson, and enter immediately upon the duties of their re- spective offices. They will receive no other compensation than their pay and allow- ances as oflicers of the army. By command of Brevet Major-General McDowell. JOHN TYLER, First Lient. Forty-third Infantry, Brevet Ma- jor U. S. Army, Act. Ass't Adjutant- General. Official: NAT. WOLF, Second Lieut. Thirty-fourth Infantry, Act- ing Ass't Adjutant-General. Upon being ofiicially informed by General Ames, says the Vicksburg Times of the 2-lth, of his removal from office, he promptly re- fused to surrender the seal and archieves of the State, or to retire from liis position as PROCEEDINGS OF THE BOGUS LOUISIANA LEGISLATURE. 149 the legal and constitutional Chief Magis- trale of Mississippi. The information of hi.s refusal was at once communicated to the headquarters of General McDowell, and ordi r.s were immediately transmitted to Col- onel Hiddle, conmiandaiit of the post at Jackson, to eject the Governor from, his office by military force! Upon receipt of the order, Colonel Biddle called upon Gov- ernor Humphreys and demanded possession of tlie Executive otfice, which was af;ain re fu:-,ed. Colonel Biddle tlien arrested the Governor, while armed men took possession of the Executive office, and now hold it. Governor Huniplireys was subsequently re- leased from arrest,, Tliis simple recital needs no words from us to add to the enormity of the crime that has liec n perpetrated, or to stir the indigna- tion tliat must swell the heart of every man that was born free! The foul outrage has been consummated, and the chosen chief of the people of Mississippi has been struck down in his higli place. The capitol of the Stale has been polluted by armed soldiers, and the person of its Chief Magistrate out- raged. Comment is unnecessary. This last act of wrong aiid oppression will rouse the whole nation, for if the Governor of Missis- sippi may be driven from office to-day by bayonets, what shall prevent the same out- rage from being perpetrated in New York to-morrow. At a, later date the Governor and his fam- ily were expelled by bayonets from the Ex- ecutive mansion. Soothing Effects of Badical Restoration. Gbnerai, Grant Snubbed and Defied — The Bio Guns and the Cavalky Called Out. The Omnibus bill was to give that peace to the States wliich Grant says, " let us have," To propitiate the favor of all Radi calisni, particularly tliat of those States, he did not wait for the i-egular liirth of the new power; but he sent orders to most of them, installing the elect by military orders to act until they regularly came into official existence, and to hurry up the processes which he fondly hopes will result in the rotten boroughs voting for him for the next Presidency, majority or no majority. In [jouisiana hecau;;ht, by bisownaet, one negro tartar, and incidentally carfle in pos- session of another of the same genus homo. He ordered the installation in advance of Lieutenant-Governor Dunn, a negro, of Louisiana, We give the New York Tribunes report of what transpired. "New Orleans, Jnne 29. The Louisiana Legislature convened to- day. The Senate was called to order by Lieutenant-Governor Dunn. The tempo- rary Secretary was ordered to read Genera! Buchanan's order pronmlgating General Grant's order removing Governor Baker and Lieutenant-Governor Voorliees, and ap- pointing Warmouth and Dunn Provisional Governor and Lieutenant-Governor in their stead; also. Governor Warmouth's order convening the Legislature. The roll was called from General Buchanan's order an- nouncing the names of those who had been elected. Thirty-four members answered. The Clerk also read General Grant's order to General Buchanan, approving the action of the latter in relation to the muncipal officers, suggesting that only the oath pre- scribed by the new constitution be required of the newly-elected officers. Lieutenant- Governor Dunn announced that he was not prepared to comply with General Grant's suggestions, but he would require the test oath to be administered. The Democrats appealed. It was argued that the presid- ing officer had no authority to prescribe any oath whatever; that the Legislature was convened under the new constitution, and that no other oath than the one therein specified, could be demanded. It was moved to refer the question to the commanding General. Lieutenant-Governor Dunn ruled that, until the members had qualified, no appeal could be taken or motion offered, and he ordered the roll-call for the mem- bers, who could do so, to come forward and take the test oath as their names were called. The Democratic members entered a protest, and refused to take the oath ; sev- eral asserting their ability to do so, but denying the right to demand it. Nineteen, a bare quorum, took the test oath ; after which the constitutional oath was admin- istered, A Committee on Credentials and Elections was appointed, and several con- tests for seats were referred to them. An adjournment was then carried, until to- morrow at noon. After the adjournment, a throng of negroes surrounded the presiding officer, to offer their congratulations. Four of the Senators are full negroes, and several are of mixed blood. The House was called to order by Colonel Bachelder, of General Buchanan's staff, who called the roll. R, H, Isabell, a ne- gro, was elected temporary Chairman. He took the test oath on taking his seat, and announced, in reply to a protest, that no member, who could not take the test oath, could take his seat. Fifty-three, a quorum, took the required oath, the ma- jority of the Democrats retiring. A Com- mittee on Elections was appointed. The Legislature then adjorned until to-morrow. Mr. Millau (Rep.) entered a protest against the recognition of the authority of General Buchanan to interfere in the organization 150 DEMOCRATIC Si^EAKElTS HAND-BOOK. of the House, nnd made some remarks, concluding as follows: "And when this House is once organized, then I desire to announce to Colonel Bach- elder and to General Buchanan, command- ing, and to the United States Army at large, if necessar_v, that all interference on the part of the army must cease." The proportion of negroes in the House i-! greater than in the Senate. .SECOND day's proceedings THE COLOEBD LEGISLATORS STILL FIRM. New Okleans, June 30. At the meeting of the Senate to-day only the names of those wlio took the test oath, yesterday, vrere called. All answered. Dan. Belly (Dem.) said his name was uot called. The Chair replied that other gentlemen were present, whose names were not called, who had not interrupted business during the reading of the minutes. Mr. Jewell, of New Orleans, demanded the reading of a com- munication, which he knew was in the posses.sion of the presiding officer, relative to tlie oath to he taken by Senators. No attention was paid to the demand. After some difficulty, order was restored, and the reading of the minutes concluded. The Committee on Electinns reported that Hugh J. Canipbell (Radical) was entitled to the seat from the Second District, in place of Anthony. Sam. BoUa was declared elected by Gen. Buchanan. The Committee deny the right of Gen. Buchanan to change the Register's return. Mr. Campbell was sworn in. No Democratic member could obtain recognition from the Chair. On motion of ^U: Allen, the Democratic address to the Senate was tabled. Tlie Chair then handed a communica- tion to the Secretary, winch he directed to be read. It proved to be an order addressed to 0. J. Dunn, Lieutenant-Governor, the persiding ofhcer of the Senate, communi- cating a telegram from Gen. Grant to Gen, Buchanan. " I have no orders at present to give, but I repeat to you, as heretofore, that the members of the Louisiana Legislature are only required to take the oath pre- scribed by their constitution, and are not jequired to take the lest oath prescribed in the Reconstruction acts. Generals Meade ami' Canby are acting on this view of the case. U. S. GRANT." General Buchanan directs that the oath prescribed by the constitution, aud no other, be required. A copy of Gen. Grant's telegram was read in the House, and referred to a committee. The Committee on Elections reported adversely to the entire Democratic delega- tion from Caddo parish, whose names appear in the election order, and the EepuW lean members were accordingly admitted. Adjourned. The City Comptroller, Sheriff, and District Attorney elect, have taken possession of their offices, under Gen. Buchanan's order of Saturday, taking the constitutional oath. Mr. Isabell, negro, temporary Speaker of the House, to-day, after Gen. Buchanan's order was read, said that in his opinion the House could decide what kind of test oath was necessary for the admission of members, and that for his part he would not accept any order from Gen. Grant or Gen. Bu- chanan upon the subject. THIRD day's PROCEEDINGS ORDER PRE- SERVED BY THE MILITARY. New Orleans, July 1, This morning before the hour for the assembling of the Legislature, a section of artillery and a squadron of cavalry prepared for service occupied Lafayette Square. Two companies of the First Infixntry, com- manded by Capt. Veile, occupied the side- walk fronting Mechanics' Institute, and a large body of police were on duty in and around the buildings. No one was allowed to approach who could not give good ac- count of his business. Appearances indi- cated that trouble was expected. Col. Gentry and Gen. Neil, of Gen. Buchanan's staff, were also present. Fifteen Democratic Senators took con- stitutional oaths. Several motions were offered, when Mr. Lynch called attention to article 150 of the constitution, which states that no action of any kind can be taken by the Legislature until action upon the four- teenth amendment has been had. The Committee on Elections were dis- charged, that a new one might be appointed, in which the Democratic side might be represented. Mr. Lambola will probably take his seat to-morrow, and contests for seats will pro- ceed regularly. The House proceedings were of a similar nature, but showed more oppositon to dis- pensing with the test oath. Only the names of those who had previously taken the test oath were called on assembling. Subse- quently, when the roll was called, of thoE« elected who had not qualitied, but three qualified under the constitution, but more will probably do so to-morrow. The House permanently organized by the election of Chas. W. Lowell (white) for Spcalcer, and adopted a joint resolution ratifying the fourteenth amendment, by 57 yeas to ?> nays. ,\ resolution was offered by Pope W. Xol)le, one of tln' three Democrats who quali- fied that the roll of members. as returned bv A HISTORY OF RECONSTRUCTION. 15i Gen. Buobaiian, be called and the members qualified wlietlier their seats are contested or not, was tabled. It was resolved by the House that tho.se not disqualified by the fourteenth amend- ment, or article 96 of the constitution, or ivhose seats are not contested, be allowed to take seats. How Becoimtiuotloii waa Worked in tte States. How THE Negroes Voted in Alabajh. We copy as follows from a letter to the New York World, dated at Montgomery ; " And now to another point. It is gener- ally supposed, and perhaps you, reader! have the impression that this Alabama 'election' was conducted on the plan of the registration prescribed by ' acts ' of Con- gress. If so, disabuse your mind at ont-e. By the ordinance, hereinbefore alluded to, of the Black Crook Convention, ratified by General Pope, this regiptration was practi- cally nullified by the following provision : " ' Any registered votm- of the State who may have removed from the county in which he was registered, shall be permitted to vote in the county to which he has re- moved, upon making affidavit before a member of the Board of Registration, or a judge of election, that he was registered, naming the county in which he was regis- tered, and that he hns not voted at this election.' " Something like a third of the entire vote cast in the State was received on no better evidence than these affidavits, and lor my own part. I saw several administered. This was the process. "Enter Timbuctoo: " ' What's your name?' " ■' Pomp.' " ' Pomp what?' " ' Pomp Jones, sah.' "'Show your ticket,' and a great paw would reach out of a rapged sleeve, and thrust a dirty scrap under the judge's nose. No such name as given would' be found upon the list, and then would come the bal- ance of the formality. I quote from the printed document ; " ' I, ■ , do solemnly swear that I ai dub registered as a qualified voter in the county of , in this State; that 1 now reside in this county, and that I have not voted at this election, so help me God.' " Pomp, or Cnfl'' orCudjo, would swallow it all, meekly taking olf iiis hat as he wa.s bidden, and holding up his hand and nod ding like a toy mandarin at every other word in the oath. In would go his vote; and now take bit)! ont and asl< him "hat ' sokmnly mea,nt, or ' qiiaHficil' Of ' reside,' and Pomp's big mouth would open and his eyes would stretch, and nine in ten would tell you 'Fore God, mas'r, I dunno nuffln 'bout all dis yer, but dey tole us we inui>' come up and put de ting in de box or dey would fine us or put us in de jail.' If this be thouglit exaggeration, attend, skeptic! the next 'election' in a Southern State. Don't be afraid of the negroes. Go right among them, talk to them, look at them, watch them vote, and then put them to the question and see where all your preconceived ideas of God's image in ebony would be. Entitled these people are, of course, to the equal protection of the law, and even more than equal protection, just in proportion as they are weak, ignorant and easily deluded; but to give them political power is to intrust the destinie.p of America to a race with the brawn of gladiators and the brains of little boys." Negro Rui,b. A correspondent asks us, says the New York World, to give the vote on the bogus Southern constitutions in detail. We are only able, at this writing, to do so in the case of one State, thus; liripalcmtl Vote. For " ConstUniinn.^^ Mliitn. Negro. Wliite. Negro. Al!4l)ama (U,29i5 10i,618 6,802 02,089 6,802 Negro majorit}' 57,287 P>y which our correspondent will see that the lod constitution is a negro constitution, to tlie extent of a majority or57,2S7. With regard to six other of the Southern State.e, we are enabled to give, from official sources, the vote in detail on the question of "convention," a, matter having direct bearing on the query put us, since the vote calling these "conventions" is, in effect, the vote creating the "constitutions" framed by them : Registered Vote. " For Convention." ^^llite. Ke^rn. A\'liite. Negro. Georgia 9ii,:«3 9.5,168 32,000 70,28:; Florida..'. 11,914 li;,i«9 1,220 13,080 Nortli (■arc.liualllh,72t 72,932 31,284 01,722 .South Oaroliiiii 1';,SS2 SiKr.r.1) 2,.350 08,418 Texas .W,i,:i.s 43,497 7,7.17 30,932 Virginia 120,191 lO.^S.W 14,835 92,507 Total 441,684 420,008 89,446 340,042 89,446 Negro majority 2.51,496 From fbe.se exhibits our correspondent will see how emphatically reconstriiotioo is a rebuilding of the State governments of the South on a basis of absolute negro su- premacy. Registration Figures. General Grant's communication to the .'■^enate incloses reports from district com- 152 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK manders. General Sehofield's report gives the whole number of voters registered in Virginia as 225,933, of vi-hom 120,111 are whites, and 105,832 colored. Judging from the tax-list and other data, the number of whites vvho failed to register is lii,;-!43. There is no report of the num- ber disfranchised in Virginia under the Eeconstruction laws. General Uanby reports 103,721 white, and T2,\J'i2 colored voters in Morth Carolina, nearlv all of whom voted. It is estimated th.it 19,477 wliites, and 3,289 blocks failed to ipgisler, and of these 11,686 whites are disfranchised. In South Carolina there are 46,883 white, and 80,550 black voters registered; 10,992 whites, and 4,167 blacks failed to register. About seventy-five per cent, of the whites are disfranchised. In Georgia, 96,333 white, and 95,168 col- ored voters are reiiistered, of whom 60,333 whites, and 24,75h colored, failed to vote; 10,000 whites are disfranchised, and 8,500 refused to register. In Alabama there are 61,295 white, and 104,518 black voters, of whom 37,158 white, and 32,947 colored, failed to vote. There are no data to show the number disfran- chised. In Florida few are disfranchised, and nearly all are registered, and have voted. The number of whites is 11,914, and blacks 16,079. General Gillem says there are no data kept from which to ascertain the number of voters of different colors in Mississippi. In Arkansas, 25,697 failed to vote. General Honck reports that 45.218 whites and 84,436 blacks were registered in Lou- isiana; of this number 50,480 tailed to vote, but wiiat proportion are whites the General is unable to say, nor can be report how many are disfranchised. In Texas, 55,633 white, and 49.497 colored voters are registered, of whom 1.757 wliites and 36,9.;2 blacks voted. The number dis- franchised can not be ascertained. A Picture for Distribution — S.imples of " Keconstruotion." [From the Trentdn True American.] Wilmington is the chie city of North Carolina, and Charleston of .'~!onth Carolina. These two cities are rospectivply represented in the bogus Legislatures, elected under the Reconstruction swindle: WILMINGTON, NORTH CAROLINA SENATE. A. H. Galloway, negro; Joseph C. Ab- bott, New Hampshire; L. C. Estes, U.S. A ; G. W. [-"rice, negro. CHARLESTON, SOUTH CAROLINA SENATE. D. T. Corbin, unknown; R. II. Cabin, negro; A. J. Eansier, negro; B. Tomilson, unknown; W. U. H. Gray, negro; B. A. Bosenian, negro; George Lee, negro; B. F. Jackson, negro; Joseph H. Jenks, Freed- men's Bureau ; William McKinlay, negro; F. J. Moses, junior, S. C; W. J. Brodie, negro; J, B, Dennis, negro ; Jno. B. Wright, I negro; William Jervey, negro; Abraham Sniitli, negro; Samuel Johnson, negro; Ste- , phen Brown, negro; Edw'd Mickery, negi-o. I How IT WAS Done in Florida. An old and respectable citizen of Talla- liassee writes the New York Express, in which he says : "We select two counties only as sufficient evidence of the honesty of those who now aspire to lord it over the people of the South. Take the county of Madison and the an- nexed affidavits conclusively prove: That Daniel Terrants, a carpenter, was employed by one Eagan, an inspector ot the election, to constrnct a box with a slide — yes, a FRAUDULENT BALLOT-BOX ; that Katzenbcrg, a candidate for the State Senate from that county, and one of the iigisters, paid for milking said hur, and that it icas vsed on the days of election. The affidavits of John Fraser and Peter Wright also show !-a«ca/- ity and fraud! Katzenberg, a State Sena- tor elect, after the election had progressed line day, opened the registration books at night, in his own house, and assisted by EagaTi, added eiglily-seven nanus to the list! I )riTers fronf headquarters directed that tlie registration books should be closed on the morning of April 24, ten days prior la the election. It can be proven by honorable men as any in the ."^tate, that abdut 270 votes more were counted out of the ballot-box in Mad- ison than were actually voted. Where and when did they make their appearance? Why was the ballot-box made with some- thing of a funnel in the top, so that while the top of the tunnel was sealed, the funnel itself could be removed ? We have two affidavits in relation to Leon county. x\3 in Madison, so in Leon, the iKillnt-lioxes u'cre made to order. Robert Williams says that one O. Morgan, Presi- dent of the r.oard of Registration tor the county, engaged him to make boxes for Leon and badsden. He further states that said boxes could have been easily opcmd at the bottom. Now mark the date that these boxes were made — August, 1867. They were used at the election for tlie convention, thus showing that moI only our recent elec- tion for State ollicci-^, but ihe election lor the call of a convention was tampered with, SUBORNATIOX OF TESTIMONY BY RADICALS. 153 " Bev, James Page, an honorable citizen, whose affidavit before us shows that a slide in the ballot-box dropped out during the election when no one was toucliiiig it. Mr. Page will also teNtify that the box used at the election for State officers was the same piecen of the box used at the election for the Convention, which Robt. Williams says wa-: onlered to be made so as to be easily entered. The only difference was, it seems that the 6oftomof the box, which contained the false entrance, was put up on the side iii.stead of where it formerly staid. '' Aa in Madison, so in Leon. It can be proven by those who kept the tally-lists that nearly three hundred more votes were couMied out of the box than were honestly put in. Why, on the second day of the election was the ballot-box mnved behind the lid of a desk, so that voters could not see whether their votes were put in Ihe box or not I This election farce la.sted three days, and the inspectors took the boxes home with them at night. Who can doubt fraud? The colo!eiter's Banner. More Negro Outrages ix Alabama, The following, from the Marion (Alabnma) Comnwiiweallh of the l!2th of April, shows that there is imminent danger of social trouble in that place : " The Beucim of last Saturday infers from a nuuiberof circum.stances, which it proceeds to state, that the burning of the livery stables in that town, one the 24th ult., was the work of negro incendiaries. Just one week before the stables were burned, it was reported at our residence before sunrise by a freedman, who, to our personal knowl- eilge, had neither left thelot norreceived com- munication from any one living elsewhere (subsequent to 12 or 1 o'clock of the night before), that Greensboro had been burned that night. As soon as our breakfast was over, vi'e started to f;D to the Comvwnwealth office, and on the way there met Mr N, R. McElroy, who informed us that he had that morning met a freedman, six miles from 156 DEMOCHATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. ^farinn, who told him that Greensboro had beed bur]ied the night before. "Had til ere been any great light in the ilirect.ion of Greensboro during the night in queslion (Sunday ni^dit), the concurrent tes- timony of these two negroes, delivered so nearly at the same moment of time and at such distance from each other (six or seven miles, might have been easily accounted foi'. But the absence of any such fact renders the circumstance we iiave named very sus- picious, to say the leat^t of it. And when that suspicion is strengthened by the fact tliiit at least two different freedmen in this place had been previously overheard indulg- ing in threats which promised something very lil\e a similar outrage in Marion, on the very same night (i. e., Sunday night, the 17tli), and the addiiional fact that boasting beta were offered here on the morning of Monday, the ISth, to the extent of one thou- sand dollars, that Marion would be laid in ashes before ten days rolled around, we can not but conclude that tlie conjectures of the Jiencnn have something more substantial than mere fancy fur a fonndatiun. 'J'he de- signs of the incendiaries against Marion were defeated b}" the well timed vigilance of our citizens. " One circumstance, however, was very ob eervalile. On the night in which the sup- posed burning was to have occurred, a most extraordinary number of strange negroes, negroes whom many of our citizens had never seen before, were parading the streets, fully armed and prepared, from daylight down until a very late hour. But the' sixty or seventy brave boys who had volunteered for the defense of the town that night, soon showed them that any unlawful demon.^tra- tion on their part would be promptlv sup- pressed, and the result was, evervthim' passed off without the promised pyrotechnic display." Negro SeSance of Law in the South, [From the Clmrleetoii News.] A collision between the civil authorities and the negroes took place at Orangeburg, on Thursday, but owing to the firmness shown by the officer assailed, and by the citizens, no general outbreak occurred. During the afternoon the Sheriff sent his deputy into the interior to arrest three negru^ men, against wlumi warrants had been issued for stealing goods from a store in tJrangebnrg. The dejiuty found the ne- groes, arrested them, ami set out on hie re- turn. On his way he was met by a crowd of negroes, most of whom he knew to be from the vicinity of the place in whirh he had made liis arrests As he rode up, one of the negroes came foi'\ ard and demanded that the prisoners be released. The Sheriff asked him very quietly what was hie au- thoritv. The negro drew a pistol, cocked it, preseiited it at the Sheriff, and said, "This is my authority." Without further parley the Sheriff fired, wounding the negro mor- tally. The rest of the negroes made a riisli forward and the prisoners made their escape; but the Sheriff stood his ground like a man and did not attempt to make his escape until he had fired every barrel of his pistol, wounding one negro slightly and a second very badly. When the Sheriff reached Orangeburg, he collected bis posse and re- turned. At the place where the attack had been made he found the negro first wounded in the care of a colored man. Botii were arrested and left in charge of a citizen named Izlar, while the Sheriff went on and recaptured his escaped prisoners. .Soon after the Sheriff left Mr. Izlar's, one of the negroes in Mr. Izlar's custody asked per- mission to go to the spring for water. Mr. Izlar went with him, and as they approached the spring the negro seized a stick and struck at Mr. Izlar. The blow was parried, and the two had a desperate fight, in which the rammer of .Mr. Izlar's pi.-tol was broken off The negro, seeing he could do no bet- ter, broke away and ran off. -Mr. Izlar halted him three times and then fired, woundinghim in the neck and body. When the news of these events readied tlie town there was great excitement, and the citizens did not hesitate to charge the negro "Sena- tor" elect, B. F. Randolph, with having in- stigated the attempted rescue. Randolph had around him a large number of negroes, whom he then told to go home and be quiet. 'I'here was some fear of a rising in the night, and arrangements were made that the citizens should assemble when a gun was fired or a bell tolled. Late at night a rapid discharge of fire-arms was heard The citizens tumbled out on all sid-s, but found that it was only the enire of Herr Lengel ioto the lion's den during the per- formance of A mes' circus. Yesterday troops were sent for to Columbia and a detachment of infantry arrived at (irangebnrg and wa« marched to the Sheriffs office. All was then quiet and the danger appeared to be past. The Keign of Military Terror in the Sonth. The Toktugas Hokror axd the othkk Dkvices op Torture by Miliiabt Sate.ipoy. ^ The blood runs cold at the contempla- tion of the ridiculous and cruel indifference with which the liberties of the citizen are regarded by the military power which has, ever since the war, governed so large a por- tion of this boasted free land. The' horrors THE DRY TOETUGAS HORROR. VjI of die Tortugas make the sufferings of the English prisoners, for which England has just wiped out Abyssinia, pale into gentle punisliment compared witli those that are now daily enacted on that torrid and tree- less desert-waate known as Tortugas. Ex- cept in location, the I'astile of Meade at Atlanta, and those of Ord in Mississippi and Arkansas, are no less cruel and atro- cious in all tlieir tyrannical details. We have not duouments to refer to the suffer- ings which Urd made men to endure in Mississippi iind Arkansas. Death, in one of wliiuh cases, came to the relief of one of his victims before tbe cruel and inhuman monster would release his wasting frame from the unjust imprisoninent which his mandate had imposed. We can not now recall the name. It is known to all Arkan- sas, and to no one better than Ord himself, and his regime of military tyrants. His imprisonment of the fearless MoArdle, of the Vicksburg 7^imes, whose only offense was a personal castigation in his columns of Ord himself for his despicable, unmanly and inhuman course of government. The case is the one which has so sensibly af- fected the weak nerves of our high Supreme Court, so much as to induce its postpone- ment for fear of Congress. The case of Mr. Lusk, who, we believe, is now in prison, was tried by a military commission for the murder of a negro on a boat in the Missis- sippi river, and sentenced to be hung. De- fendant took exceptions to the jurisdiction of the commission, denying its legality, under the decision of the United States Supreme Court in the Milligan case, and claimed that he should have been tried by the civil court, which was open within the Fifth Military District. On this exception, and under the Reconstruction law, the case was presented to the President, and is now under advisement upon the points above named. General Grant indorses on the papers his approval of the sen tence of Lusk, upon the ground that it is one of the first cases of the kind arising under the Recon- struction acts. The case of Colonel David C. Cross, one of the most worthy and respectable citizens of Arkansas, who was arrested by a miserable little Captain Williams, who is allowed to exercise regal powers over a large part of Arkansas, and who, upon the complaint of a number of worthless negroes, subjected him to imprisonment and all other kinds of indignities, vintil the tedious process of an investigation by a superior officer was had, and he was ordered to he released. Williams did this during the progress of impeachment, under the vain delusion that Wade would soon be President, and back him in whatever he did — a boast to that effect being common with him. Hnndrfds of other cases, which have happened all over the South, might be adduced Indeed, it would be no exaggeration to say over a thousand. We will give a few of the more atrocious. The Dry Toetugas — the Greene County Victims. [From the Montgomfry Mail.] ****** At the Dry Tortugas the heads of tlje prisoners are shaved, and tliey labor under a torrid sun upon a sandbank in the inid,st of the ocean, with balls and chains about their limbs. The officers who command at that fortification are amenable to the laws of neither God nor man. Colonel Grenfel was tied up by his thumbs, and treated with every species of cruelty and barbarity. No one interfered. The laws were silent. The man that enters there leaves liberty, justice and hope behind. If we were to write and publish what we think about the sentence of these young men, we would violate the order of General Meade forbidding the use of language cal- culated to arouse the prejudice and passions of our people. Our free speech would be throttled. Our free press would be sup- pressed. Our business would be ruined, and our wife and children brought to want. We dare not speak the whole truth. The lips of our Alabama journals are pinned to- gether by the bayonet, and our hands fas- tened in iron cuffs. These young men who are condemned to hard labor at the Dry Tortugas, with chained limbs and shaved heads, have had nothing but a drum-head trial. They are condemned for what, in every State of the Union, is considered the least reprehensible and most excusable kind of assault and bat- tery, personal indignities toward a, pest of society, a perjured blasphemer, expelled from the pulpit for stealing money com- mitted to his charge, an inhuman thief against whom it is in evidence that he stole the coffin of a dead Federal soldier. This pest of society is caught stealing wood from the land of a neighbor. He is assaulted by the son of the gentleman who is depre- dated upon. A few thoughtless young men, determined to free the community of the villain, drive him from the country. !Xo serious harm is done the man. The only wish is to get rid of him. lie may have been a Radical. It is probable that he was a Radical, since every thief and assassin of the State has joined that party and at- tempted to cloak villany under the flags of the Loyal Leagues. The villain was run out of the county, not because he was a. Radical, but because he was a rascal. How 158 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. should Lis assailants have been punished? >»o jury in a civilized country ever inflicted, in such a case, a harsher punishment than a moderate fine. These military jurymen inflict a most barbarous punishment — the lieiialty of death. They know that tliese boys will die at the Dry Tortugas in two years. Not long ago a Federal officer, cowardly assassin, killed an old gentleman at Mount '\''ernon, who was a prisoner in his hands. He refnscil to fight him in honorable com- bat, but murdered him while a prisoner. ^^'as the officer sent to the Dry Tortugas and compelled to labor two years with shaved head, and with chains upon his limbs? On the contrary, he was so mildly punished that his ofTense seemed to be re- commended as a virtue. A few months' confinement to a fort was a sufficient pun- ishment for a deliberate murder. Is this justiL-e? Will the people of the North permit such oppression? Will they look calndy on and see military officers, in the name of law and liberty violating both, and crushing down to tlie dust that feeling of nationality which has been strug- gling to rise, with all the u eight of calumny, injustice and oppression, which has been heaped upon its back? It is true. General Meade released them after they had been there a few weeks', but does that lessen the odium of a despotism which was permitted to exercise such a power? His very order of release threat- ens a repetition of the outrage, in similar ofienses, for fear tbat his majestic leniency might be misinterpreted. The gentlemen who were so outraged ("William Petigrew, Frank IT. Munday, Hugh L. Wliite, Thomas W. Koberts, James Steed, John Cullen, and Samuel Strayhorn), are citizens of as high respectability as there is in the country — as high even as the autocrat who endeavored to disgrace them as fel- ons; The Eevolting Tyranny now Existing in Georgia, The Ashbukn C^se. Not long ago a bad man named Ashburn was killed in a house of iil-fame at Colum- bus, Georgia. Leadiiig a life of shame and violence, lie was at war not only with so- ciety, but had also his special friends with tliohC who, like himself, followed a life of crime. Falling thus in a low haunt of vice, the natural presumption that he fell by ihe hands of some of his own set, was confirmed by the expressions and acts of these par- ties. To the conservatives of Georgia, the fact that such a man was a prominent Kad- ical leader and agent was a daily argument that was to them invaluable, just as is the character and antecedents of such persons as Hunnicutt, Holden, Matchetts, Conover, Ashley, and others whom this party de- light to honor. But it suited the purpose of Radicalism to ascribe this muider or killing (for the exact facts have never trans- pired), to members of the conservative party at Columbus. The Columbus (Georgia) Siin, of the I6tli of June, contains the following article: ''Yesterday morning eight of our ciii- zens — young men — were marched to the depot under military escort and sent (o Atlanta. These, added to former arresi3 of persons already in confinement at At- lanta, make tuenty-fmr parties now in prison. The charges against them areonlv matters of conjecture — a connection with the killing of Asliburn. From the best information we can gather, the parties have been arrested upon the testimony of ne- groes, much of it forced, while from others bribery has been the instrument. Imme- diately after the murder was perpetrated, the Military (.iDvernor of Georgia issued a proclamation in which he offered a reward of two thousand dollars for the first, andone thousand dollars for each additional party connected with the assassination, with proof to convict. TIris is a big sum to place before the eyes of a bad negro as an inducement to bear false witness. It lias doubtless had its effect. With such induce- ments, no citizen of Columbus, however exemplary his walks in life, is exempt from arrest. When these arrests will end, and what number of our citizens are to be in- carcerated under the influence of such tes- timony, no one can even conjecture." The Effects of Conjuky tried on Su- PEKSTITIOUS NeGEOES. The Columbus (Georgia) Enquirer, says. '•We knew that the process of African- izing these ^'oulhern States had made con- siderable progress, and that its chief pro- moter was the miliuiry power. But we « ere really not prepared for the annonncc- ment that the good old African rite of odi-oA had been revived as a substitute for law! This, however, has been done in this city, according to the reports of negroes who have come from the -eciet military infiiiisi tion, after a searching examination, 'jliey say that the officer making the examination told them that he had consulted a fortune teller, and that the conjurer had already told him what the negro witness knew about the case in liand. Of course, with this admonition, (he negroes bad to know something, and the presumption is that the revelations of the conjurer were then made to agree with the statements of the wit- THE ASHBUIiN MURDER CA.'^E. ]59 nesses,_ as it would not do to have a conflict of testimony." A letter addressed by Mr. Edward T. Shepherd to the Sun and Times, of Colum- bus, (leorgia, alluding to the arrest of seven negniea by the military authorities, and the meslns employed to compel them to give satisfactory evidence, states: '' I'ut when a witness did not tell enough Idi-nit them, the gentlemen examining them would accuse them of lying, saying "they liiul a fortune-teller who had told them all about it and what they knew," and tlireat- ened them «ith a shaved head, a ball and chain, and being at once sent to Fort Pu- laski if they did not tell the truth — asking which they would prefer, Fort Pulaski or Tortugas? Such the evidence, and such the means of obtaining it (of freed men) with which military despotism is seeking to oontict respectable citizens of a most hein- ous crime — offering rewards of thousands of dollars to the cupidity of one class, and threats of punishment by being sent a long ways from home, shaved heads, and men- aces, to the other." It is by such impressions upon the exces- sive superstition of the negroes that evi- dence was procured, no doubt to base the arrest of these citizens, and will be used for their conviction. Well does the Enquirer say: "If conjury is to take the place of law and testimony, that is his peculiar gift — his ancestors brought it with them from Africa. Throw away the Bible, and erect a Fetisch altar in our temples of jus- tice, and we know no more suitable admin- istratiirsof law than the most ignorant negro that can be found in the rice-fields of South Carolina or the sugar plantations of Louis- iana." Ashburn supposed to have been Murdered by Rad- ioals. Respectable Citizeks to be made the Scapegoats. The Sun gives a brief review of the Ash- burn murder, which goes appropriately with the high-handed proceedings of Gen- eral Meade. It is as follows : "That tiiere are bad men in our commu- nity, as in others, we have not the least doubt. Mr. Ashburn was killed at the dead hour of night, and duubtless by dast- ardly cowards — men who did not dare to meet him in mortal combat in open day. We have good reason for believing, too, that tlie assassins were Radicals — black and white — to whom he was a stumbling block in the road to office. "In proof of the correctness of our sus- picions, we will mention a few facts. It will be recollected by many of our citizens that previous to the election (if delegates to the Constitutional Colivenlion, and in the temporary absence of Ashburn from Columbus, a hand-bill was issued, signed by fifteen or twenty Radicals — the entire white element of the party in the city — calling a meeting to appoint delegates to a nominat- ing convention at Cussuta. The leader of the movement avowed to us uncouipromis- ing hostility to Ashburn, and e-xpressed de- termination that Ashburn should no longer control the party. Ashburn returned be- fore the day for the meeting, went in and took posession of it, and appointed delegates to Ijis liking — himself among the number. Indeed, so hostile had the feeling iieeome between Ashhurn and two leading Federal office-holders in this city, that he threat- ened in our presence to have them removed. Time sped on — the norainatirjg Cdnvention assembled at Cussetta, and put out candi- dates for the Senatorial District suited to the taste of Ashburn — himself among the number from this county. Ashburn having the ear and confidence of the negroes and full control of the loyal leagues, whipped the fight and proved himself master of the situation. His ticket was elected. Whether his Radical opponents voted for him we can not say. "'J'he convention met, did its work and ad- journed. Ashburn returned to Columbus, avowed his intention to be elected iiy the Legislature to the Senate of the United States, and set to work to organize his col- ored friends, and secure tlie election of such members from this Senatorial district as would support his Senatorial pretensions. On Saturday before he was killed, througli his influence, a large number of negroes as- sembled in the court-house square, and were harangued by him, and a ticket Vvas nomi- nated for the House and Senate, composed, for the House of one of the delegates to ilie convention, and a negro, and the head of the Freedmen's Bureau, a known friend of Ashburn's, for the Senate. What part, if any, his former Radical opponents took in this meeting, or whether they were present at all, we can not say. "On the Monday night succeeding the meeting referred to, the career of Ashburn was brought to a close. After he was dead, and had come to his death, too, at the hands of assa.ssins, what was the conduct of the Columbus Radicals? If they had felt any pangs of grief or indignation at this out- rageous act, is it not reasonable to suppose they would have interested themselves so much at least, as to have called to see his corpse, and give some assistance toward the final disposition of his remains? Not one, as we were informed, did his remains even the honor of a call. Being a pauper, the J60 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. expenses of his funeral were borne by the city. His remains were attended to the depot, for sliipinent to Macon, by only two vvliite men — his son, and a Radical Jew named Coleman." Petition op the Father of one op the PkisojNers. To the Honorable Senate and House of Hepresenialives'ofthe United States: Your petitioner, Wm. S. Chipley, respect- fully states that he is a citizen of the United States, and a resident of the city of Lexing- ton, in the State of Kentucky; that he is tlie father of Wm. Dudley Chipley, a citizen of Columbus, Georgia, who has been arrest- ed and imprisoned by order of the military authorities of the United States without cause, and in disregard of the provisions of the Constitution of the United States, and carried out of the district in which any of- fense charged against him was committed, to Athinta, Georgia, some two hundred miles distant from his home, and is now confined there in a cell which is wliolly un- fit for the confinement, even as punishment, of a criminal. He is denied the privilege of seeing or consulting with either his fam- ily, his friends, or his counsel, and deprived of all information as to the nature of the charge against him, without power to sum- mon or procure the attendance of witnesses in his defense. In sliort, he is utterly at the mercy of his prosecutors, and deprived every right which the Constitution and laws secure to the citizen. He is not, and has not been, either in the naval or mihtary service of the United States. He is a com- mission merchant in Columbus, a married man, and a good citizen, as all who know him will testify. Your petitioner does not know certainly what the charges against his son are, and can only surmise, from the statements of discharged negro witnesses, who were arrested, confined, and examined, touching his connection therewith, tliat he is imprisoned for complicity in the murder of one G. W. Ashburn, who was killed in a house of ill-fame, kept by a negress, in Columbus, on the night of the 31st of March, 1868. These negroes, since their release, have voluntarily given affidavits as to the mode of examination resorted to — the tor ture, starvation, and threats against their liberty and lives, to which they were sub- jected in order to extort false testimony against my son and others, which aflidavits are filed herewith, and made part hereof as fully as is copied verbatim herein. Comment on the facts stated in said affi- davits is unnecessary — indeed, can only be fitly made under the right of discussion in vour honorable bodies. Your petitioner will not venture to make any. The enor- mous rewards — over $25,000— offered for the conviction of some person or persons as the murderers of Ashburn, have induced spies, informers, detectives and suborners of ignorant and corrupt witnesses to embark in the scheme of procuring conviction, and with the military assistance afTbrded them, probably by arrangement for division of the spoils, it will be wonderful if they do not buy or coerce some testimony on which they can procure a conviction in the mili- tary court organized to convict, etc. How THE Prisoners are Treated. The Atlanta Constitution concludes the foregoing story with the following account of the treatujent whicli the prisoners re- ceive in the military dungeon of the Gate City : " The following details of the manner in which these prisoners have been manipu- lated by the Federal authorities come to U3 from the mouth of one who has had un- usual facilities for obtaining facts. If true, they are a darker stain upon the Govern- ment than even the treatment of poor 'Sur- ratt, whose long imprisonment,' says a cer- tain United States District Judge, 'is a dis- grace to the Court' " We give below the statement, verbatimet literatim, as made in our hearing : "Last Wednesday week the prisoners were brought to McPherson Barracks, near Atlanta, and placed in separate cells six by eight feet, each cell having'bne diminutive iron-barred bole in the wall for the admis- sion of air. This apology for a window is far beyond the tiptoe reach of the solitary occupant. Within, there were neither bed- clothes, bed or bedstead until the following Saturday, when bed-clothes were kindly(!) permitted to be supplied by friends, and a bedstead to each cell by the Government On Sunday, General Meade returned frou! tiuntsville, and allowed the prisoners (o be transferred to the officers' quarters, upon their giving bonds to the amount of $20,000 not to attempt to escape or communicate with any one except by special permit of the officer in command. "This bond, signed by prominent citi- zens of Atlanta, Avas acknowledged by the proper authorities to be satisfactory. Thursday, without notice or specified charges. Bedell was returned to solitary confinement — on the following Monday Chipley and Kirksey followed suit These three, with the other prisoners (three in number), from Fort Pulaski, are not al- lowed to receive anything in the way of rations, except from the Government; nor are they permitted to communicate with their friends or each other. A Government detective, however, goes and comes when- MILITARY DESPOTISM IN THE SOUTH. 161 over lie sees fit, takes out a prisoner under guard, and tampers with witnesses. But Major Jl., counKel for the defense, is refused admitlance to or communication witli his unfortunate clients. Neither he nor they have any Itnowledge of tlie charges under whioli these citizens of Georgia and of the United States have been incarcerated. The E.adlca.1 MUltaiy Somiaation in the Seath. Anotpek Outrage. [From the Augusta (Ga.) Constitutionalist.] It seems that, about six weeks ago, a Federal soldier was killed at Warrenton, in this State. No clue, so far as we can ascer- ' tain, has yet been afforded to detect the per- petrator of this violence. But the military authorities — those fine gentlemen, sent here to preserve order and protect the innocent — assumed full knowledge of the case; and, without cognizance of law, and without the feeble show of affidavits from any party or parties whatsoever, arrested a peaceful and inoffensive citizen of Warrenton, by the name of Cody. This gentleman was hustled off to Milledgeville, with manacles on his ankles and wrists. While thus chained, and in a dungeon, he was brutally attacked by four or five sol- iliers who had been imprisoned in tlie same apartment for trivial misdemeanors. These soldiers set upon him because they deemed him to be the slayer of one of their com- rades. Ae their superiors did not give the unfortunate man a chance to exculpate him- self, neither did these base underlings allow him the charity of a doubt. One of them kicked him in the mouth, leaving a hideous i;a.sli upon his lip, and Mr. Cody was finally saved fmrn fatal consequences through the rescue of a sergeant of the guard. A military commission was then desig- nated for his trial at Milledgeville, and one day's notice given of the time to Mr. Cody's counsel. Upon repairing to Milledgeville tlie counsel hud been informed that the order for trial had been revoked, and Atlanta sub- stituted for Milledgeville. The trial took place one hundred and twenty miles from the residence of the pris- oner, and occupied twenty-one days, during which time Mr. Cody was marched from his cell to the court, chained like a felon at his ankles and wrists. Now mark the sequel. After an abrupt seizure; maltreatment, when menacled, by Federal soldiers; transportation and im- prisonment remote from bis residence; a tedious trial, and the degrading handcuffs of a condemned criminal — he was allowed to go home fully acquitted of the charge against him. There is not an innocent man in Georgia who iri not liable to a similar fate. Will the 11 people of the North abet and encourage the awful humiliation of the South 'I If so, they may well shudder for their own fate, when tyranny has exhausted itself upon us, and seeks its victims among themselves. Some of the same Kind of Thing in South Carolina. [From the Savannali News and Herald, June 3.] We have before published an account of the arrest of several citizens of Hamburg, S. C, by order of the miserable military satrap. Can by, for refusing to permit the negroes to hold a political meeting in their church. The citizens in question were arrested at the instance of a carpet-bagger named Arnum, who resides in the neighborhood of Hamburg. This individual induced several negroes to make affidavit that the citizens of Hamburg who were arrested at- tempted to mob and incite a riot against them, for simply refusing to give their con- sent to this carpet-bagger, Arnum, and the negroes, to hold one of their midnight orgies in a church. This constituted the whole offense ; and yet, at the instance of an irresponsible character, and some equally worthless and irresponsible negroes, this General Can by arrests and puts to hard labor six respect- able citizens of the State, which is now in- sulted and oppressed by his arbitrary acts and unbridled license. More Arrests bt the Military. — We are informed that a squad of cavalry re- turned to the city yesterday from Gwinnett county, bringing with them two prisoners charged witii the grave offense of attempt- ing to frighten a negro. It is thought the negro has become reconciled since he finds Uncle Sura so ready to back him. One of the prisoners was discharged before the squad arrived in town, but the other was put in the barracks. l_Ailanta (Ga)) Intel- ligencer, June 13. A Voice from Florida. — The Tallaha.s- see Sentinel, of the 1st, contains a leader devoted to showing up the villanies of the Radicals, from which we copy the following paragraph : " In our own State — in this very town — we have seen a man arrested, sent to the military guard-house, released, rearrested on his bed at midnight, dragged again, under a hea.vy guard, to the military guard- house, and from thence sent a prisoner to Fort Marion — because he wrote a personal insult to an officer who had insulted him I And every effort was made, vpe hear, to have him sent to Tortugas." 162 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. Ought such Things be Tolerated ? — The National Intelligencer, commenting on these excesses of power, says: " In a free country, governed by laws, a false accusation against a citizen may be dangerous under special circumstances, but there are very many safeguards tn inno- cence. The citizen is arrested, but he has a riglit to know at once the nature of the accusation against him, to be present at the examination of the witnesses, to have counsel, to have visits from counsel and rel- atives, to be tried by ajury, with known rule of evidence; whatever is done against liira roust be done in the light of day. " How different is this case ! Without any proof four respectable citizens are ar- rested and confined in separate apartments at Atlanta, denied all communication wiih friends save under military surveillance, and all opportunity to confer with counsel. Two white men are in Fort Pulaski, confined in cells, and denied all access to friend or counsel. To-day, we believe, these six parties are to be brought out of their dun- geons and hurried to trial for their lives be- fore a military commission — one of those institutions which Mr. Webster says " are al- ways organized to convict." "Such a statement of facts is gufficently horrible, disgraceful to us as a people, damning to every officer and agent con- cerned in it. It is hardly possible to realize that such a thing can be while we dare to hold up our heads among civilized nations, and claim that this is a land of liberty, to which we have proudly invited theoppressed of all nations. " But this is only part of this infamous record. While these men are thus im- mured in dungeons, cut off from access to friends and counsel, their enemies, with art- ful and incessant malice, have been busy in procuring false testimony. Large and ex- traordinary rewards are offered for testi- mony, and lest base men be not found ready to earn this blood-money, the uniform of the nation is degraded by the military ap- prehension of ignorant and impressible ne- groes, dragging them by force before a secret military board, and there by threats, curses, starvation and solitary confinement, endeav- oring to extort from them the false testi- mony upon which the lives of innocent men may be taken away. The testimony we publish to-day establishes these facts. It demonstrates the character of the Govern- ment under which these people of the South are now living. "Let every man ask himself, under such a system, what safety there is for the life or liberty of any man, however pureor blame- less may be his conduct. Any man is liable to be convicted by these base instrumen ali- tiee. No man is safe for one moment And now shall we fold our arms because these things happen to men far off, whom we have not seen, of whose names we have barely heard, and possibly would never have heard but for this dastardly outragp ? If we do not make this case our own, if ^-e do not mark it by our own indignant pro- test and reprobation, then are we by our silence the accomplices of these tyrants. In this matter neither we nor Congress nor the President can escape a just and solemn responsibility if either fails to do his part toward arresting this act of atrocity. While we read, this crime, this incredible shame, this deed of cruelty and cowardice may be pushed to its consummation." Whilst this book is being printed, the trial by military commission is going on, having begun on the 3Uth of June. The SouiioE of all these Outrages — The Radical Candidate for the PRESIDK^■cy Responsible. — Gen. Grant could, by a mere order, stop these tilings. Three years or more have elapsed since the war. The military commanders of these districts, and those who preceeded them, before the passage of the Keconstruction laws, were all agencies of his selection. He has never checked them by hint, suggestion, reqne.^t or order. In the Lusk case he approved the sentence of death by a military commission, wlicn the civil courts were in Mississippi, witliout a just suspicion of incompetency to do justice between the prisoner and his country. Military Arrest in Tknnessee. Notwithstanding 'I'ennessee has been re- habilitated in the Union by the admission of her Representatives into Congress, the military power of the United States is felt in her territory as much as if tliere was no preteTise of the civil authority being restored. The Governor of that .State, noted for his utter contempt for all law and every thing else except the unrestrained exercise of his own malignant and savnse will, needs bnt to telegraph to General Tiiomas for his aid and that of his forces, upon the fiction of an apprehended domestic insurrection, to receive the accession of that officer's power to awe, by its pre.sence, obedience to some revolutionary construction of the law to pre- vent a Radical defeat at a pending elec- tion. The alliance between these two milita,- ry functionaries appears complete. General Thomas, in August, 1867, upon a mere charge of assault, preferred by some officer of the Freedmen's Bureau, at La Grange, Tenn., which was then pending in the civil courts, sent an armed guard which seized young Mr. Milliken, not then tweuty-one FREEDOM THE PRESS IN THE SOUTH. 163 years of age, and charging him witli viola- ' ting liis parole, dragged him from his own State into Kentucky, where he was confined n aniilitary prison.at Newport, and released U|inn the interposition of the United States Court. Brownlow made no objection to all this. The alliance bet%veen him and Thomas appears to be offensive and de- fensive. Freedom of tlie Press in tlie South. On November 15, 1867, a file of soldiers under the command of a Lieutenant, entered the printing office of the Vicksburg Times, and arrested the editor, W. H. McArdle, and conveyed him to a military prison, on the ground that he was obstructing the exe- cution of the Reconstruction acts. A writ of habeas corpus was granted by Judge Hill, of the United States Circuit Court, and served upon General Ord. The return set forth that the prisoner was held by General Ord, under certain charges, and that he was then undergoing a trial by a military com- mission. The proceedings of tlie commis- sion were read, by which it appeared that Col. McArdle had refused to plead, iind that a plea of not guilty had been entered for him. The charges preferred were as follows ; 1. Disturbanceof the public peace. Speci- fication — Substantially in defamation of tlie character of General Ord, and denunciation of despotism and usurpation of authority. 2. Inciting to a breach of the peace. SpeoilSoation — Col McArdle, in an article published in his paper, said that if General Oi'd removed Governor Humphreys, and appointed Mr. Burwell in his stead. Gov- ernor Humphreys would refuse to .surrender the State arcliieves to Ord's appointee; that, probably. General Ord would Ibrce him from his office by the bayonet, and tlien a higher tribunal than Governor Humphrey's or satrap Ord's would decide whether Missis- sippi was a Poland, and Ord her autocrat. Charge 3. Libel Specification — Defam- ing the character of one Captain Piatt, of the Freedmen's Bureau. Charge 4. Impeding reconstruction. Spe- cification — Advising voters to remain away from the polls. Judge Hill held that the Reconstruction act of Congi-ess, in virtue of which General Ord had placed Col. McArdle under arrest, was constitutional, and that the powers vested by the law were not transcended by the district commander. It was therefore decided that the prisoner was subject to ar- rest and to trial before a military commis- i-ion, and he was remanded to the custody of tlie military authorities. He took an ap- peal to the tjnited States Supreme Court and entered into a recognizance for his ap- pearance before that tribunal. Early on the morning of August 8, a body of thirty or more Federal soldiers, un- der the command of Capt. George S. Pierce, forcibly eatered the office of the ConsUtii- tional Eagle, published at Camden, Arkan- sas, and carried off and destroyed the mate- rial of the office. Colonel C. C. Gilbert, U. S. A., commanding the post, when re- monstrated with, defended the act by siiy- ing " that the paper unnecessarily exas- perated the soldiers." The exasperating articles were decorous rebukes to the sol- diers for a common habit of getting drunk, and indecently exposing their persons in the town. In reporting the matter to General Ord, Colonel Gilbert said : " The censures of the press directed against the servants of the people, may be endured ; but General Ord, and the military force detailed to perform his duties, are not the servants of the people of Arkansas, but RATHER THifiiii MASTERS, and it is felt to be a great piece of impertinence for a newspaper in this State to comment upon the military UNDER ANY 0IKCD5ISTAN0E.S WHATEVER. " U. C. GILBERT." General Ord wrote a stinging rebuke to Gilbert. Northern Perils from Eeoonstrnction, The Sodthern Negro to have the Bal- ance OF Power. [From tlie New York Herald, June 14.] We desire to invite the attention of every right-thinking man to tlie way in which Congressional Reconstruction, if allowed to stand, will react upon the North. In the first place, 715,948 ignorant ne- groes will be brought in to legislate, not alone for the South but the North too. They will elect twenty (20) Senators und filly (50) Representatives, and wield in one solid body the entire political weight of fen States. Seventy legislative votes in Congress and seventy electoral votes out, will hold the balance of power in any question of a policy or a President, and tlie balance of power, when cast, becomes the ruling power. In a tie vote, it is the cast- ing vote that wins, and so, on anything like an equal division hereafter, these 715,948 Africans will rule America. In the next place the "Constitutions" validated by this Congressional Reconstruc- tion, disfranchised many hundreds of thou- sands of Northern voters by making suf- frage dependent on an oath tfiat affiant accepts the civil and political equality of all men. The bogus constitutions of Ala- bama, Louisiana, Arkansas and Virginia, do this in so many words, and the rest by direct implication. Here, then, is a point 164 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. to be considered. If the South becomes quiet, and Northern men, who do not be- lieve in negro equality wish to move there, they can not do so without divesting them selves of the highest privilege of American citizenship; they can neither vote nor hold office ; they are disfranchised just as the secession leaders are disfranchised, and this, though they may have fought knee deep in l.'lood for the Union. If these infamous governments are to stand, thev will disfranchise from Southern citizenship 25.5,340 voters in Ohio, 28,759 in Minnesota, 19,421 in Kansas, 110,852 in Michigan — all States where this exact question of negro equality was voted down, not to speak of the further disfranchise- ment of 1,811,754 other voters in the North, who have, in a less pronounced form, put themselves on record as against the abomi- nation that this infamous Congress is seek- ing to crystalize into organic law. Other points tliere are to be noticed here- after, but these two in especial, as coming more directly home, are particularly com- mended to the candid thinker — that Con- gressional reconstruction will make the ne- groes the balance of power in this ooantry, and that two, and perhaps nearer three millions of Northern voters are debarred from Southern citizenship unless they be- lieve and will swear they are no better than a negro. Reconstruction and "Woekingmen. In the National Labor Congress, held at Chicago, August 4, 1867, Mr. B. E. Green, of Baltimore, delivered a most instructive and important address, which closed as fol- lows: " A few words more. Have you reflected on what will be the effect of the Recon- struction Act of Congress? The ffect will be to bring back the little State of Florida, controlled by some 25,000 or 30,000 igno- rant negroes, with two Senators in Congress to neutralize the votes of the two Senators from the great State of Illinois, and with as mucli voice in laying taxes on your labor and on your property. It will bring back ten Southern States, with twenty Senators, representing only some 2,000,000 of lazy, ignorant negroes; supported by that great negro-trading monopoly, the Freedmen's Bureau, and controlled by the party of tax consumers, of National Banks, and other privileged and favored classes. Against them the great States of Illinois, Ohio, New York, Pennsylvania, with their 10,000,000 of white inhabitants, can only oppose eight Senators. They, on whom the taxes must fall, to support these privileged classes, in- cluding the negroes themaelve.s and their Bureau; you, mechanics and farmers of the great States I have mentioned, will be out- voted in the Senate in the proportion of twenty Senators to eight on every question of taxing you to support them, and in the election of those Senators, one idle, lazy, vagabond negro in the South will weigh as much as ten hard-working, industrious me- chanics in the North and East, or as many intelligent farmers in the West." This subject will be concluded in some sub- sequent part of the book, in order tliat other matter pertinent thereto, which io daily occurring, may be presented to the reader. With it, the action of Congress preventing cognizance by the Supreme Court of cases arising under the Reconstruction law and the postponement of the McArdle case by the court, will be presented. The Question of Veracity between the President and General Grant. Grant in his Celebrated Two-horse Act — Cettshino Demolition of the General Commanding the Armies. Upon the refusal of the Senate to concur in the Buspension, by the President, of E, M. Stanton, Secretary of War, the Gen- eral commanding had to show his hand. "Under which king, Benzonia? speak or die." He could no longer palter with the President and the country '-in a double sense," In this way he came to grief, as follows ; " On the Saturday before the action of the Senate, " says the National Intelligencer, " when Senator Howard's report from the Senate Committee on Military Affairs, in favor of Stanton, was under discussion. General Grant was pointedly asked by the President if he had changed his mind in reference to the course he would pursue if the Senate should refuse to make Stanton's suspension final, when he reiterated the promise previously made, that he woulil either hand in his resignation as Secretary of War ad interim early enough for the President to appoint his successor, or take any other action he might deem requisite, or allow a mandamus to be served upon him for the surrender of the office; adding a promise to the President, that he should hear from him on the subject on Monday. "Monday passed without the promised communication. On Monday evening, after it was known that the Senate had passed ' Howard's resolutions refusing to recogni?,e the suspension of Stanton as Secretary of War, General Grant was present at the re- ception at the Executive Mansion, where he greeted the President, but mentioned nothing of any change in tne determination previously declared. The President heard nothing whatever from General Grant upon GRANT AND THE PRBSIDENT-A QUESTION OF VERACITY. 105 the subject until twelve o'clock Tuesday, two liours after Mr. Stanton liad taken pos- session of tlie War Office, when the follow- ing communication was delivered to him by Major Coinstock, one of General Grant's staff officers; Headquarters Armies United States, "l "Wabhington, D. C, January 14, 1868. J His Excellency Andrew Johnson, President of the United States : Sir: I have the honor to inclose here- with copy of official notice received by me last evening of the action of the Senate of the United States in the case of the suspen- sion of Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War. According to the provisions of sec- tion two of "An act regulating the tenure of certain civil offices," my functions as Secretary of War ad interim ceased from the moment of the receipt of the within notice. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, U. S. GRANT, General. In Executive Session, SSNAt'B OF THE UnIT Jauuar ISION, 1 D St\te8 V ry 13, 18GS. ) Resolved, That having considered the ev- idence and reasons given by the President, in his report of tlie 12th of December, IS67, for the suspension from the office of Secretary ol' War of lOdwin M. Stanton, tlie Senate do not concur in such suspension. JOHN W. FORNEY, Sec'y, Headquarters Armies United Sta'i'es, ) January 14, 18U8. J Attest: GEO. K. DENT, A. A. G. Soon after the delivery of tliis communi- cation. General Grant called in person upon the President during tlie meeting of the Cabinet, and upon being reminded by the President of his reiterated promise, and es- pecially of the promise made only on Sat- urday morning last, General Grant admitted the promise in the presence of members of the Cabinet. On the 24th of January, 1868, the Gen- eral called on the President to give him, in writing, his order to disregard all orders from Stanton, unless they were known to have emanated from him, which was com- plied with as follows : ■' As requested in this communication, General Grant is instructed not to obey any order from the War Department, assumed to be issued by direction of the President, unless such order is known by the General commanding the Armies of the United States to have been authorized by the Ex ecative. "ANDREW JOHNSON," To this General Grant replied as follows : Headquarters Army or the United States, I Washington, D. 0., January 28, 1868. J Sir: On the 24th instant I requested you to give me in writing tlie instructions which you had previously given me verbally not to obey any order from Hon. E. M. Stanlon, Secretary of War, unless 1 knew that it came from yourself To this written re- quest I received a message that has \th doubt in my mind of your intentions. To prevent any possible misunderstanding, therefore, I renew the request that you will give me written instructions, and, till they are received, will suspend action on your verbal ones. * ***** Some time after I assumed the duties of Secretary of War ad interim the President asked me my views as to the course Mr. Stanton would have to pursue, in case the Senate should not concur in his suspension, to obtain possession of his office. My reply was, in substance, that Mr. Stanton would liave to appeal to the courts to reinstate him, illustrating my position by citing the ground I had taken in the case of the lial- timore police commissioners. In that case I did not doubt the technical right of Governor Swann to remove the old commissioners and to appoint their suc- cessors. As the old commissioners refu.sed to give up, however, I contended that no re- source was left but to appeal to the courts. Finding that the President was desirous of keeping Mr. Stanton out of office, whether sustained in the suspension or not, I stated that I liad not looked particularly into the " Tenure-of-Office bill," but that what I had stated was a general principle, and if I should change my mind in this particular case I would inform him of the fact. Subsequently, on reading the " Tenure-of- Office bill " closely, I found tliati could not, without violation of the law, refuse to vacate the office of Secretary of War the moment Mr. Stanton was reinstated by the Senate, even though the President should order me to retain it, which he never did. Taking this view of tlie subject, and learning on Saturday, the 11th instant, that the Senate had ta,ken up the subject of Mr. . Stanton's suspension, after some conversa- tion witli Lieutenant-General Sherman and some members of my staff, in which I stated that the law left me no discretion as to my action should Mr. Stanton be rein- stated, and that I intended to info the President, I went to the President for the sole purpose of making this decision k'lown, and did so make it known. In doing this I fulfilled the promise made in our last pre- ceding conversation on the subject. 166 EEMOCEATIC SPEAKER'S IIA^'D-PjOOK.. The President, however, instead of ac- cepting my view of the requirements of the " Tenure-of-Office bill," contended that he had suspended Mr. Stanton under the authority given by the Constitution, and tliat the same authority did not preclude him from reporting, as an act of courtesy, his reasons for the suspension to the Senate; that, having appointed me under the authority given by the Constitution, and not under any act of Congress, I could not lie governed by the act. I stated that the law was binding on me, constitutional or not, until set aside by the proper tribunal. An hour or more was consumed, each re- iterating his views on this subject, until getting late, the President said he would see me again. I did not agree to call again on Monday, nor at any other definite time, nor was I sent for by the President until the following Tuesday. From the 1 1th to the Cabinet meeting on the 14th instant, a doubt never entered my mind about the President's fully under- standing my position, namely, that if the Senate refused to concur in the suspension of Mr. Stanton my powers as Secretary of War ad interim would cease, and Mr. Stan- ton's right to resume at once the functions of his otEce would under the law be indis- putable; and I acted accordingly. With Mr. Stanton 1 had no commnnioation, direct nor indirect, on the subject of his reinstate- ment during his suspension At this meeting, after opening it as though I were a member of tlie Cabinet, when reminded of the notification already given him that I was no longer Secretary of War ad interiin, the President gave a version of the conversations alluded to already. In this statement it was as.serted that in both conversations 1 had agreed to liold on to the office of Secretary of VVar until displaced by the courts, or resign, so as to place the President where he would liave been had I never accepted the oilice. After hearing the President through, 1 stated our conversations substantially as given in this letter. I will add that my cnnversstion before the Cabinet embraced other matter not pertinent here, and is therefore left out, I in nowise admitted the correctness of the Presiiient's statement of our conversa- tions, though to soften the evident contra- diction my statement gave, 1 said (alluding to our first conversation on the subject) the President might have understood me the way he said, namely, that T had promised to resign if I did not resist the reinstate- ment. 1 made no such proinise. I have the honor to be, very itbpectfully, your obedient servant, U. S. GKANT, General. His Excellency, A. Johnson, President of the United States. Headqtjaetetis Army of the TTnited States.) Washington, January 30, 1868. J Sie: I have the honor to acknowledge the return of my note of the 24th inst. with your indorsement thereon, that I am not to obey any order from the War Department, assumed to be issued by the direction of tlie President, unless such order is known by me to have been authorized by the Execu- tive; and in reply thereto to say that I am informed by the Secretary of War that he has not received from the Executive any order or instructions limiting or impairing his authority to issue orders to the army as has heretofore been his practice under the law and the custom of the Department While this authority to the War Depart- ment is not countermanded, it will be satis- factory evidence to me that any orders issued from the War Department by direc- tion of the President are authorized by the Executive. 1 have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, U. S. GRAXT, General. His Excellency, A. Johnson, President of the United States. Executive Mansion, January 31, 18C8. General: 1 have received your commu- nication of the 2Sth inst., renewing your re- quest of the 24th, that 1 should repeat in a written form my verbal instructions of the 19th inst., namely, that you obey no order from Hon. Edwin M. Stanton as Secretary of War, unless you have information that it was issued by the President's direction. ***** [The President then refers to Gen. Grant's statement of the fiicts attending his aban- donment of the War Department, and goes on to say :] It is not necessary, however, to refer to any of them, excepting that of Saturday, the 11th instant, mentioned in your com- munication. As it was then known that tlie Senate had proceeded to consider the case of Mr. Sianton, I was anxious to learn your determination. After a protracted in- terview, during which the provisions of the Tenure-of-Office bill were freely discussed, you said that, as had been agreed upon in our first conference, you would either re- turn the office to my possession in time to enable me to appoint a, successor before final action by the Senate upon Mr. Stan- ton's suspension, or would remain as its head, awaiting a decision of the question CORRESrOKDEKCE BETWEEN G1Un;T AND THE PRESIDENT. 167 by judicial proceedings. It was then un- derstood tliat there would be a further conference on Monday, by which time, I supposed, you would be prepared to inform me of your final decision. You failed, how- ever, to fulfill the engagement, and on Tues day notified me, in writing, of the receipt by you of official notification of the action of the Senate in the case of Mr. Stanton, nnd at the same time informed me that, "according to the act regulating the tenure of certain civil offices, your functions as Secretary of War ad interim ceased from the moment of the receipt of the notice." You thus, in disrefrard of the understanding between us, vacated the office without hav- ing given me notice of your intention to do so. It is but just, however, to say, that in your communication you claim that you did inform mc of your purpose, and thus "fulfilled the promise made in our la,st preceding conversation on this subject." The fact that such a promise existed is evi- dence of an arrangement of the kind 1 have mentioned. Yon had fiuind in our first conference "that the President was desir- ous of keeping Mr. Stanton out of office, ■whether sustained in the suspension or not." You knew what reasons had in- duced the President to ask from you a prom- ise. You also knew that, in case your views of duty did not accord with his own convictions, it was his purpose to fill your place by another appointment. Even ignor- ing the existence of a positive understand- ing between us, these conclusions were plainly deducible from our various conver- sations. It is certain, however, that even under these circumstances you did not oflfer to return the place to my possession; but, according to yonr own statement, placed yourself in a position where, could I have anticipated your action, I would have been compelled to ask of you, as I was compelled to ask of your predecessor in the War De partnient, a letter of resignation, or else to resort to the more di.sagreeable expedient of suspending you by a successor. As stated in your letter, the nomination of Governor Cox, of Oiiio, for the office of Secretary of War, was suggested to nie. His appointment as Mr. Stanton's successor was urged in your name, and it was said that his selection would save further em- barrassment. I did not think that in the selection of a Cabinet officer I should be trammeled by such considerations. I was prepared (o take the responsiiiility of de- ciding the question in accordance witli my ideas of constitutional duty, and, liaving determined upon a course which I deemed right and proper, whs anxious to learn the steps, you would take should the pos,^e.«sicin of the War Department be demanded by Mr. Stanton. Had your action been in conformity to the understanding between us, I do not believe that the embarrassment would have attained its present proportions or that the probability of its repetition would have been so great. I know tliat, with a view to an early termination of a state of aflfairs so detri- mental to the public interests, you volun- tarily off'ered, both on Wednesday, the 15th instant, and on the succeeding Sunday, to call upon Mr. Stanton and urge upon him that the good of the service required his re- signation. I confess that I considered your proposal as a sort of reparation for the failure on your part to act in accordance with an understanding more than once re- peated, which I thouglit had received your full assent, and under which you could have returned to me the office which I had conferred upon you, thus saving yourself from embarrassment and leaving the re- sponsibility where it properly belonged, with the President, who is accountable for the faitliful execution of the laws. I have not yet been informed by you wliether, as twice proposed by yourself you have called upon Mr. Stanton and made an effort to induce him voluntarily to retire from the War Department You conclude your communication with a reference to our conversation at the meet- ing of the Cabinet held on Tuesday, the 14th inat. In your account of what then occurred you say that after the President hay citing the grounds I had taken in the case of the Hahimore Police ('ommissioners." Now, at that time, as you admit in your letter of the 3d, you held the office for the very object of defeating an appeal to the courts. In that letter you say that '' in ac- cepting the office one motive was to prevent the President from appointing some other person who would retain possession, and thus make judicial proceedings necessarv." You knew the President was unwilling to trust'the office with any one who could not, by holding it, compel Mr. Stanton to resort to the courts. You perfectly understood that in this in- terview. Sometime after you accepted the office, the President, not content with your silence, desired an expression of your views, and you answered him that Mr. Stanton would have to appeal to the courts. If the President had reposed confidence before he knew your views and that confidence had been violated, it might have been said he made a mistake. But a violation of confi- dence reposed after that conversation, was no mistalce of his nor of yours. The fact only that need be stated is, that after the date of this conversation you did not intend to hold the offire witl] the purpose of fircing Mr. Stanton into court, but did hold it then and had accepted it to prevent that course from being carried out; in other words, you said to the President, that is the proper cour.'ie, and you .'^aid to yourself, I have occupied this office and now hold it to defeat that course. The e.xcuse you make in a subsequent par- iigraph (if tha't letter of the 18th ult., that alterward you changed your views as to what would be the proper course, has no- thing to do with the point now under con- sideration. The point is that before you changed your views you liad secretly de- termined to do the very thing which at last you did — surrender the office to Mr. Stanton. You may have changed your views as to the law, but yon certainly did not change your views as to the course you had marked out for yourself from the beginnins. T • 1 1 1 • I wii] (miy notice one more statement in your letter of the 3d inst : " That the per- formance of the promise which it is alleged was made by you, would have involved you in the resistance of law." I know of no statute that would have been violated had you carried out your promise in good faith and tendered your resignation when you concluded not (o be made a party in any legal proceedings. You add : "lam in a measure confirmed in this conclusion by your recent orders to di.sobey orders from the Secretary of War, my superior and your subordinate, without having countermanded hisautliority to i.^sue orders I am to disobey." l-lii the 24lb ult. you addressed a note to the President, requesting in writing an order given to you verbally, five days before, to die THE PRESIDENT AND GENERAL GRANT. 171 regard orders from Mr. Stanton as Secretary of War, until you knew from the President himself that they were his orders. On the 29th, in compliance with your request, I did give instructions in writing ''not to obey any order from the War Department, as- .'^umed to be issued by the direction of the President, unless such order is known by the General commanding the armies of the United States to have been authorized by the Bxecutive." " There are some orders which a Secretary of War inay issue without the authority of tiie President. There are otliers wliioli he issues simply as the agent of the President. For such orders the President is responsible, and he should tlierefore know and under- stand what tliey are before giving such di- rection ;" says Mr. Stanton in his letter nf the 4th inst, wl)ich accompanies the pub- lislied correspondence with the President since the 12tli of August last He further says that "since he resumed the duties of the office he has continued to discharge them without any personal or written com- munication with the President." And he adds, " no orders have been issued from this department in the name of tlie Presi- dent with my knowledge, and I have re- ceived no orders from him. It thus seems that Mr. Stanton now dis- charges the duties of the War Department without any reference to the President, and without using his name. My order to you h;id only reference to orders assumed to be issued by the President. It would appear from Mr Stanton's letter that you have re- ceived no such orders from him. In your note to the PresideTit, of the 13th ult, in wliich you acknowledge the reception of the written order of the 29th, you say that you have been informed by Mr. Stanton, that he has not received any order limiting liis authority to issue orders to the army ac- cording to the practice of the department, and state "that wliile this authority to the War Department is not countermanded, it will be satisfactory evidence to me that any orders issued ft-orn the VVar Depart- ment, by direction of the President, are authorized by tlie Executive." 'i'he Presi- dent issues an order to you to obey no order from the War Department, purporting to be made by direction of the President, until you have referred it to him for his approval ; you reply, you have received the President's order, and will not obey it; but will obey an order purporting to be given by his direction if it comes from the War Department. You will obey no direct ■order of the President, but will obey his indirect order. If, as you say, " there has been a practice in the VVar Department to issue orders in the name of the President, ! without his direction," does the precise order you have requested, and have receiv- ed, change the practice as to die General of the army ? Could not the President coun- termand any such order, issued in the name of the President to do a special act, and an order directly from the President himself not to do the act, is there a doubt whicli you are to obey ? You answer the question when you say to the President in your let- ter of the 3d inst., " the Secretary of War is my superior and your surbordinate," and yet you refuse obedience to the superior out of deference to the subordinate. Without further comment on the insubordinate atti- tude which you have assumed, I am at a loss to know how you can relieve yourself from the orders of the President, who is made, by the Constitution, Commander in- chief of the army and navy, and is there- fore the official superior as well of the Gen- eral of the army, as of the Secretary of War. Respectfullv vours, ANDREW JOHNSON. Gen. U. S. Grant, Comd'g armies of the U. S., Washington, D. C. The letter of the President is accompan- ied by letters from the Secretaries of the Navy, Treasury, Interior, State, and Post- master General, supporting his position. THE PRESIDENT TO THE MEMBERS OF CABINET. Executive Mansion, Washington, ) Febiuiiiy 5, 1808 / SiR^The Chronicle of this morning con- tains a correspondence between the Presi- dent and General Grant, reported from the War DeparDment, in answer to a resolution from the House of Representatives. I beg to call your attention to that correspond- ence, and especially to that part of it which refers to the conversation between the Pres- ident and General Grant, at tlie Cabinet meeting on Tuesday, the 14th of January, and to request you to state what was said ia that conversation. Very respectfully yours, ANDREW JOHNSON. FKOM GIDEON WELLS. Washington, Feb. .5, 1868. Sir — Your note of this date was handed to me this evening. My recollection of the conversation at the Cabinet meeting on the 14th of January, corresponds with your statement of it in the letter of the Sist ult., in the published correspondence. The three points specified in that letter, giving your recollection of the conversation, are correctly stated. Very respectfully, GIDEON WELLES. 172 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. FROM HUGH M CULLOOH. Treasury Department, February 6, 1868. Sir — I have received your note of the 5th instant calling my attention to the corre- spondence between yourself and General Grant, as published in the Chronicle of yes terday, especially to that part of it vifhicii relates to what occurred in the Cabinet meeting on Tuesday, the i4th ultimo, and requesting me to state what was said in the conversation referred to. I can not under- take to state the precise language uttered, but I have no hesitation in saying your ac- count of that conversation, as given in your letter to General Grant, on the 31st ultimo, substantially, in all important particulars, accords with my recollection of it. With great respect. Your obedient servant, HUGH MoCULLOCH. To the President. FROM ALEX. W. RANDALL. PoSTOFFicE'Di:pARisn;NT, Washington, D. C, \ February li, 1868. J Sir — The following extract from your let- ter of theSlstof January, to General Grant, is according to my recollection of theconver- sation that took place between the Presi- dent and tieLjernl Grant at the 'Cabinet meeting on the 14th of January last: [The Postmaster-General here quotes the statement of the Pre>ide)it, in the letter re- ferrejj to, and concludes lliu.s] : 1 take this mode of replying to the re- quest contained in the President's letter, be- cau.se my attention had been called to the subject when the conversation between the President and General Grant was under consideration. Very respectfully. Your obedii'Ut servant, ALEXANDER W. RANDALL, Postmaster-General. To the President. FROM 0. H. BROWNING. Department of the Intekiok, Washi.vgton, D. C, 1 February 6, 1868. / * -X- * * « « At the Cabinet meeting Tuesday, January 14, 1868, General Grant appeared and took his accustomed seat at the board. When he had been reached in the order of business, the President asked him, as usual, if he had anything to present. In reply, the General, referring to a note which he had that morning addressed to the Presi- dent, inclosing a copy of the resolution of the Senate, refusing to concur in the reasons for the suspension of Stanton, proceeded to say : " He regarded his duties as Secretary of War ad interim terminated by tint <• lution, and that he could not lawfully ex r cise such duties for a moment after the adoption of the resolution; that the resolution reached him last night, and this morning he had gone to the War Department, en- tered the Secretary's room, bolted one door on the inside, locked the other on the out- side, delivered the key to the Adjutant- General, and proceeded to the headquarters of the army and addressed the note aliove mentioned to the President, informing him that he was no longer Secretary of V\ ar ad interivi." The President expressed great surprise at the course which General Grant had thought proper to pursue, and addressed himself to the General, and proceeded to say, in sub- stance, that he had anticipated such action of the Senate, and being very desirous to have the constitutionality of the Tenure-of- Office Bill tested, and his right to suspend or remove a member oC the Cabinet decided by the judicial tribunal of the country, he had some time ago, and shortly after Gen- eral Grant's appointment, as Secretary of "War ad interim, asked the General what his action would be in the event that the Senate should refuse to concur in the suspension of Mr. Stanton, and that tlie General had then agreed either to remain at the head of the War Department until a decision could be obtained from the Court, or resign the office into the hands of the President before the case was acted upon by the Senate, so as to place the President in the same situation he occupied at the time of Grant's appoiut- nienL The President further said that the con- versation was resumed on the preceding Saturday, at whiidi time he asked the Gen- eral what he intended to do if the Senate should undertake to reinstate Mr. Stanton, in reply to which the General referred to their former conversation upon the same subject, and said, "you understand my po- sition, and my conduct will be conformable to that " He understood that he (the Gen-^ eral) then expiressed a repugnance to being made a party to a judicial proceeding, saying he would expose himself to tine anil imprisonment by doing so, as his continu- ing to discharge the duties of Secretary of War ad interim after the Senate should have refused to concur in the suspension of Mr. Stanton would be a violation of the Tenure- of-Office Bill ; that in reply to this the President informed General Grant that he had not su.-pended Mr. Stanton under the Teimre-of-( )rtice Bill, but by virtue of the power conferred on him by the Constitution, and as to the fine or imprisonment, the President would pay whatever fine was im- posed and submit to whatever imprison- ■ uient might be adjudged against him. The General continued the conversation for some time, discussing the law at length. THE QUESTION OF VERACITY SETTLED AGAINST GRANT. 173 and finally separated without having readied a definite conclusion, and with the understanding that the General would see the President again on Monday. I reply, General Grant admitted the conversations liad occurred, and said that at the first conversation he had given it as his opinion to the President, tliat in the event of non-concurrence by the Senate in tlie ftcdon of the President in respect to the Secretary of War, tlie question would have to be decided by the Court; tliat Mr. Stan- ton would have to appeal to the Court to reinstate liim in office; that the ins would remain in until they could be dis- placed, and the outs put in by legal pro- ceedings, and that be then thought so, and had agreed that if he should change his mind he would notify the President in time to enable him to make another appoint- ment, but at the time of the first conversa- tion he had not looked very closely into the law; that it had recently been discussed by the newspapers and this had induced him to examine it more carefully, and that he had come to the conclusion that if the Senate should refuse to consent in the sus- pension, Mr. Stanton would thereby be re- instated, and that he (Grant) could continue thereafter' to act as Secretary of War adin- terim, without subjecting himself to fine and imprisonment; that he came over on Saturday to inform the President of this change in his views, and did so inform him; that the President replied that he had not suspended Mr. Stanton under the Tenure- of-Oflice Bill, but under the Constitution, and had appointed him (Grant) by virtue of the authority derived from the Constitu- tion, etc.; that they continued to discuss the matter some time. Finally he left with- out any conclusion having been reached, expecting to see the President on Monday. He then proceeded to explain why he had not called upon the President on Monday, saying that he liad a long interview with Gen. Sherman; that various little matters had occupied his time until late, and he did not think the Senate would act, and asked, " did not Gen, Sherman call on you on Monday? " ■ I do not know what passed between the President and General Grant on Saturday, except as I learned it from the conversation between them at the Cabinet meeting, on Tuesday, and the foregoing is substantially what then occurred. The precise words used on the occasion are not, of course, given ex- actly in the order which they were spoken, but the ideas expressed and facts stated are faithfully preserved and presented. I have the honor to be, sir, with great re- spect, your obedient servant, 0. H. BROWNING. To the President. FROM W. H. SEWAKD, DEPARTMENT OV S'l'.iTE, ( Washington, Februju-y 6, ISiiS. J Sir — The meeting to which you refer in your letter was a regular Cabinet meeting, and while the members were assembling, and before the President had entered the Council Chamber, (ieneval Grant, on coining in, said to me that he was in attendance not as a member of the Cabinet but upon in- vitation, and I replied by the inquiry whether there was a cliange in the War Department. After tlie President had taken his seat business went on in tlie usual way of hear- ing matters. When the time came for the Secretary of War, General Grant said he was not there as Secretary of War, but upon the President's invitation, that he had retired from the War Department A slight difference then appeared about the supposed invitation. General Grant said the olficer who had borne his letter to the President, announcing his retirement from the War Department, had told him the President desired to see him at the Cabinet, to which the President answered that when General Grant's communication was delivered to him the President simply replied, he sup- posed General Grant would be very soon at the Cabinet meeting. I regarded the con- versation thus began as incidental. It went on very informally, and consisted of a statement on your part of your views in re- gard to your understanding of the tenure upon which General Grant had assented to hold the War Department ad interim, and of his replies by way of answer and explan- ation. It was respectful and courteous on both sides in this conversation. As details could only have been presented by verbal report, so far as I know no such report wa.s made at the time — I can give only the gen- eral eff'ect of the conversation. Certainly you stated that, although you had reported the reasons for Jlr. Stanton's suspension to the Senate, you, nevertheless, held he would not be entitled to resume the office of Sec- retary of War, even if the Senate should disapprove of his suspension, and that you had proposed to have the question tested by judicial process, to be applied to the person who should be the incumbent of the De- partment, under your designation of Secre- tary of War ad interim, in the place of Mr. Stantoil. You contended that it was well understood between yourself and General Grant that when he entered the Department as Secretary ad interim he expressed his con- currence in a belief that the question of Mr. Stanton's restoration would be a question for the courts. That, in a subsequent con- versation with the General, you had ad- verted to the understanding thus had, and 174 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. that General Grant expressed his concur- rence in it. At some conversation which ]iad been previous!}- held, General Grant said he stil; adhered to tlie same construction of tlie law, but said if he should change his opinion he would give reasonable notice of it, so you could in any case be placed in the same position in regard to the War Depart- ine)it that you were while General Grant held it. 1 did not understand him as deny- ing nor as explicitly admitting these state- ments in the form and full extent to whicli you made them. His admission of them was rather indirect and circumstantial, though 1 did not understand it to be an evasive one. He said, that, reasoning from what occurred in the case of the police in Maryland, which he regarded as a parallel one, he was of the opinion, and so assured you, tliat it was his right and duty, under your instructions, to hold the War Office until the Senate should disnpprove of Mr. Stanton's suspension, and the question should be decided by the courts; that lie re- mained until very recently of that opinion, and on the Saturday before the Cabinet meeting a conversation was held between yourself and him, in which the suVject was generally discussed. General Grant's statement in that conver- sation, that he had stated to you the difficul- ties which might arise, involving fine and imprisonment under the civil tenure bill, and that he did not care to subject himself to these penalties. That yon replied to this remark that you regarded the civil tenure bill as unconstitutional, and did not think its penalties were to be feared, or that you would voluntarily assume them, and you insisted that General Grant should rather re- tain the office until relieved by yourself ac cording to what you claimed was tlie origi nal understanding between yourself and him, or by seasonable notice of change of purpose on his part, put you in the same situation in which you would be if he ad- hered. You claimed that General Grant finally said in that Saturday's conversation, that you understood his views and his pro- ceedings thereafter would be consistent with what had been so understood. General Grant did not controvert, nor can I say that he admitted, this last state- meut. Certainly, General Grant did not at any time in the Cabinet meeting insist tliat he had, in the Saturday conversation either directly or finally advised you of his determination to retire from the charge of the War Department, otherwise than that, under your subsequent direction, he acqui- esced in your statement that the Saturday conversation ended with an expectation that there would be a subsequent conference on the subject, which he, as well as yourself, understood could reasonably take place on Monday. You then alluded to the fact that General Grant did not call upon you, as you expect- ed, from that conversation. General Grant admitted that it was his expectation or pur- pose to call upon you Jlonday. Generid Grant assigned reasons for the omission. He said that he was in conli^rence with Gen- eral Sherman; that as there were many little matters to be attended to, he had con versed upon the matter of surrendering the War Department with General Sherman; he expected General Sherman would call on Monday. My own mind suggested a fur- ther explanation, but I do not remember whether it was mentioned or not, namely: it was not supposed by General Grant on Monday that the Senate would decide the question so promptly, as to anticipate a fur- ther explanation between yourself and him, if delayed beyond that day. General Grant made another explanation, that he was en- gaged on Sunday with General Sherman, and I think also Monday, in regard to tlie War Department, with a hope, though Le did not say in an effort, to procure an ami- cable settlement of the affair of Mr. Stan- ton, and still hoped it would be brought about. I have the honor to be, with great respect, your obedient servant, WM. H. SEWARD. GENERAL GRANT TO PRESinENT JOHNSON. Headquarters Akjiy of United States, 1 Washinotos, 1). C, Feb. 11, 1868. His Excellency, Andrew Johnson, President of the United Stales : Sir — I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communication of. the 10th in.^t., accompanied by the statements of five Cabinet ministers of their recollec- tion of what occurred in the Cabinet meering on the 14th of January. Without admit- ting anything contained in these statements where they ditfer from anything heretofore stated by me, I propose to notice only the portion of your communication wherein I am charged with insubordination. I think it will be plain to the readers of my letter of the 30th of January, that I did not propose to disobey any legal order of the President, distinctly given, but only give an interpretation of what would he regardeii as satistactory evidence of the President's sanction to orders, communicated by the Secretary of AVar. I will say here that your letter of the 10th instant contains the first intimation 1 have had that you did not accept that interpretation. Now, for my reasons for giving that inter- pretation. It was clear to me, before my letter of January 30 was written, that I, the person having more public business to THE XIAGAKA FALLS NEGOTIATION. 175 transact with the Secretary of War than any otlier of the President's subordinates, was the only one who had been instructed to disregard the autliority of Mr. Stanton, where his authority was derived as agent of tiie President. On the 27tb of January I received a letter from tlie Secretary of War (copy herewitli) directing nie to fu"rnieh an escort to the public treasure from the llio Oriiiide to New Orleans, at the request of the Secretary of the Treasury to him. I also sent two other articles showing the reoogni- tion of Mr Stanton as Secretary of War by both the Secretary of Treasury and Post- nmstiT-General, in all of which cases the Secretary of War had to call upon me to make the orders requested, or give the in- formation desired, and where his authority to do so is derived, in my view, as agent of the President, with an order so clearly am- biguous as tliat of the President's here re- ferred to, it was my duty to inform the President of my interpretation of it, and abide by that interpretation until 1 received further orders Disclaiming any intention now or hereafter, of disobeying any legal order of the President, distinctly communi- cated, I remain, very respectfully, Your obedient servant, U. S. GRANT, General. Tlie Niagara; Falls Negotiation. As part of the history of the negotiation, this letter of Mr. Greeley is given : New Toek, July 7, 1S64. My Dear Sir — -I venture to inclose you a letter and telegraphic dispatch that I re- ceived yesterday from our irrepressible friend, Colorado Jevvett, at Niagara Falls. I think they deserve attention. Of course, I do not indorse Jewett's positive averment that his friends at the P''alls have " full powers" from J. D., though I do not doubt that he thinks they have. I let that state- ment stand as simply evidencing the anxiety of the Confederates everywhere for peace. So much is beyond doubt. And, therefore, I venture to remind you that our bleeding, bankrupt, almost dying country also longs for peace — shudders at tlie prospect offresh conscriptions, of further wholesale devastations, and of new rivers of human blood ; and a wide-spread convic- tion that the Government and its prominent supporters are not anxious for peace, and do not improve proffered opportunities to achieve it, is doing great harm now, and is morally certain, unless removed, to do far greater in the approaching elections. It is not enough that we anxiously desire a true and lasting peace; we ought to de- monstrate and establish the truth beyond cavil. The fact tliat A. H. Stephens' was not permitted a year ago to visit and confer Vfith the authorities at Washington, has done harm, which the tone at the late Na- tional Convention at Baltimore is not cal- culated to counteract. I entreat you, in your own time and man- ner, to submit overtures for pacification to I the Southern insurgents, which the impar- ' tial must pronounce frank and generous. ' If only with a view to the momentous elec- , tion soon to occur in North Carolina, and . of the draft to be enforced in thefree States, I this should be done at once. I would give I the safe conduct required by the rebel en- I voys at Niagara upon their parole to avoid 'observation and to refrain from all commu- nication with their sympathizers in the loyal States; but you may see reasons for declining it. But whether through them or otherwise, do not, I entreat you, fail to make the Southern people comprehend that you, and all of us, are anxious for peace, and prepared to grant liberal terms. I ven- ture to suggest the following PLAN OF ADJUSTMENT. 1. The Union is restored and declared perpetual. ' 2. Slavery is utterly and forever abolished throughout the same. 3. A complete amnesty for all political offenses, with a restoration of all the inhabi- tants of each State to the privileges of citi- zens of the United States. 4. The Union to pay four hundred mil- lion dollars in five per cent. United States stock to the late slave States, loyal and se- cession alike, to be apportioned p'r'o rata, according to their slave population respect- ively by the census of 1860, in compensation for the losses of their loyal citizens by the abolition of slavery. Each .State to be en- titled to its quota upon the ratification by its Legislature of this adjustment. The bonds to be at the absolute disposal of the Legislature aforesaid. 5. The said slave States to be entitled henceforth to representation in the House on the basis of their total instead of their Federal population, the whole now being free. 6. A National Convention, to 'be assem- bled so soon as may be, to ratify this ad- justment, and make such changes in the Constitution as may be deemed advisable. Mr. President, I fear you do not realize how intently the people desire any peace consistent with the national integrity and honor, and how jftyously they would hail its achievement and bless its authors. With United States stocks worth but forty cents in gold per dollar, and drafting about to 176 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND BOOK. commence on the third million of Union soldiers, can this be wondered at? I do not say that a just peace is now at- tainable, though I believe it to be so. But I do say that a frank offer by you to the insurgents of terms which the impartial say ought to be accepted, will, at the worst, prove an immense and sorely needed advan- tage to the national cause. It may save us from a Northern insurrection. Yours, truly, HORACE GREELEY. Hon A. Lincoln, President, Washington, D. C. P. S. — Even though it should be deemed unadvisable to make an offer of terms to the rebels, 1 insist that, in any possible case, it is desirable that any offer they may be disposed to make should be received, and either accepted or rejected, I beg you to invite those now at Niagara to exhibit their credentials and submit their ultimatum. H. G. Executive Ma«sion, \ Washington, July 18, 1864. J To whom it may concern : Any proposition which embraces the restoration of peace, the integrity of the whole Union, and the abandonment of slavery, and which comes by and with an authority that can control the armies now at war against the United' States, will be received and considered by the Executive Government of the United States, and will be met by hberal terms on other substantial and collateral points, and the bearer or bearers thereof shall have safe conduct both ways. ABRAHAM LIXCOLN. The character of this reply of Mr. Lin- coln was regarded as a repulse of the pro- posed negotiations by Messrs. Holcombe and Clay, and with it terminated the effort of Mr. Greeley to bring about a peace. Those gentlemen, though occupying a con- fidential and diplomatic relation to the Confederate Government, were not author- ized, until they heard from Richmond, to act definitely on the subject, though they felt justified to give the assurance that sucli authority would certainly be vested in them. With a candor that was creditable, they in- formed Mr. Lincoln's agent of the fact, be- fore accepting the safe conduct which had been guaranteed them to AVashington. Whereupon Mr. Lincoln replied with his "To whom it may concern" document, which defeated the purpose contemplated. These documents are reproduced in this work to show the opinions of Mr. Greeley and Mr. Lincoln as to what was intended to be secured by peace. "The Union is restored * * * witli a restoration of all the inhabitants of each State to the privileges of citizens of the United States," said Mr. Greeley. — " the restoration of peace, the integrity of the whole Union," said Mr. Lincoln. Platform of the National Union OonventioD, held at Philadelphia, Angnst 14, 1866. This Convention, composed of delegates representing the Conservative sentiment of the country, assembled at Philadelphia, on the 14th" of August, 1866. It was one of the largest Conventions ever held in the United States On the 16th of Augu.»t, it adopted the following DEOLAEATION OF PKINCIPLES. The National Union Convention, now assembled in the city of Philadelphia, com- posed of delegates from every State and Territory in the Union, admonished by the solemn le.ssons which, for the last five years, it has pleased the Supreme Ruler of the Universe to give to the American people; profoundly grateful for the return of peace; desirous, as are a large majority of their countrymen, in all sincerity, to forget and forgive the past; revering the Constitution as it comes to us from our ancestors; re- garding the Union in its restoration aa more sacred than ever; looking witli deep anxiety into the future, as of instant and continuing trials, hereby issues and pro- claims the following declaration of princi- ples and purposes, on which they have, with perfect unanimity, agreed: 1st. "\\'e bail with gratitude to Almighty God the end of the war and the return of peace to our afflicted and beloved land. 2d, The war just closed has maintained the authority of the Constitution, with all the powers which it confers, and all the re- strictions which it imposes upon the General Government, unabridgedand unaltered, and it has preserved the Union, with the equal rights, dignity, and authority of the States perfect and unimpaired, 3d. Representation .in the Congress of the United States and in the Electoral Col- lege is a right recognized by the Constitution as abiding in every St.ate, and as a duty im- posed upon the people, fundamental in its nature, and essential to the existence of our republican institutions, and neither Con- gress nor the General Government has any authority or power to deny this right to any State or to withhold its enjoyment, under the (Constitution from the people thereof 4th. We call upon the people of the United States to elect to Congress as mem- bers thereof none but men who admit this fundemental right of representation, and who will receive to seats therein loyal rep- resentatives from every State in allegiance THE PillLADELPIIIA COXSEllVATIVE COXS'SXTION. to the United States, subject to the consti- tutional riglit of eaoli House to judge of the eleciiotis, returns, and qualifications of its own members. 5th, The Constitution of the United States, and the laws made in pursuance thereof, are the supreme law of the land, anything in the constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding. All the powers not conferred by the Constitu- tion upon the General Government, nor prohibited by it to tlie States, are reserved to the States, or to the people thereof; and among the rights thus reserved to the States is the right to prescribe qualifications for the elective franchise therein, with which right Congress can not interfere. No State or combination of States has the riglit to withdraw from tiie Union, or to exclude, through their action in Congress or other- wise, any other State or States from the Union. The Union of these States is per- petual. 6th. Such amendments to the Constitu- tion of the United States may be made by the people thereof as they may deem ex- pedient, but only in the mode pointed out by its provisions; and in proposing such amendments, whether by Congress or by a Convention, and in ratifying the same, all the States of the Union have an equal and an indefeasible right to a voice and a vote thereon, 7th. Slavery is abolished and forever prohibited, and there is neither desire nor purpose on the part of the Southern States that it should ever be re-established upon the soil, or within the jurisdiction of the United States : and the enfranchised slaves in all the States of the Union should re- ceive, in common with all their'inhabitants, equal protection in every right of person and property. Sth. While we regard as utterly invalid, and never to be assumed or madeof binding force, any obligations incurred or under- tahen in malcing war against the United States, we hold the debt of the Nation to lie sacred and inviolable ; and we proclaim our purpose in discharging this, as in per- forming all other national obligations, to maintain unimpaired and unirapeached the honor and the faith of the Republic. 9th. It is the duty of the National Gov- ernment to recognize the servives of the Federal soldiers and sailors in the contest just closed, by meeting promptly and fully "all tlieir just and rightful claims for the .services they have rendered the Nation, and by extending to those of them who have survived, and to the widows and or- phans of those who have fallen, the most generous and considerate care. 10th. In Andrew Johnson, President of 12 the United States, who, in his great office, has proved steadfast in his devotion to the Constitution, the laws, and interests of his country, unmoved by persecution and un- deserved reproach, having faith unassail- able in the people and in the principles of free government, we recognize a Chief Mag- istrate worthy of the Nation and equal to the great crisis upon which his lot is cast; and we tender to him, in the discharge of his high and responsible duties, our pro- found respect and assurance of our cordial and sincere support. The resolutions were unanimously adopted. OFFIOBBS OF THE CONTENTION. A correct idea of the personnel of this body, may be inferred from the list of its various oflScers. Mnjor-General John A. Dix, of Nevv York, now .Minister to France, acted as temporary President. President — Hon. Jajies R. Doolittlb, of Wisconsin. Vice-Presidents — Leonard Wood, L.L.D., Maine; Daniel Marcy, New Hampshire; Myron Clark, Vermont; Hon. K. B. Hall, Massachusetts; Alfred Anthony, Rhode Isl- and, Hon. 0. F.Winchester, Connecticut; Hon. Theodore S. Faxton, New York; Gen. Gershom Mott, New Jersey; Asa Packer, Pennsylvania; Ayres Stookley, Delaware; General George Vickers, Maryland; Hon. John W. Brockenborough, Virginia; Thos. Sweeney, West Virginia; Hon. Jolin A. Gilmer, North Carolina; Judge David Lewis Wardlaw, South Carolina; Richard S Ly- ons, Georgia ; Judge Thomas Randall, Flor- ida; Q. A. Sykes, i^lississippi ; Cuthberl Bullitt, Louisiana; J. M. Tebbetts, Arkan- sas; D. J. Burnett, Texas; Thomas A. R. Nelson, Tennessee; George S. Houston, Al- abama; Hon. J. W". Hitter, Kentucky; Ho)i. R. P. Ranney, Ohio ; Hon. W. S. Smith, Indi- ana; D. K. Green, Illinois; Hon. 0. B. Clark, Michigan; Hon. John Ilogan, Mis- .souri; Franklin Steele, Minnesota ; General Milton Montgomery, Wisconsin; Edward Johnston, Iowa; J. L. Pendery, Kansas; William T. Coleman, California; Frank Hereford, Nevada; Hon. George L, Curry, Oregon; Joseph H. Bradley, senior, Distrii.-t of Columbia ; J. W. Turner, Dakot;i.h ; Ch.if. F. Powell, Idaho; George L. Miller, Ne- braska; Hon. B. F. Hall. Colorado; El wood Evans, Washington Territory. Secretaries — James Mann, Maine; E. S. Cutter. New Ham|i.shire; George H. .Sim- mons, Vermont; Charles Wright, Massa- chusetts; James H, P:iri-ons, Rhode Island; James A. Flovey, Connecticut; E, 0, Per- rin, New York; Colonel Thomas S. Allison, New Jersey; Harry A. Weaver, Pennsyl- vania; J. F. Tharp, Delaware; Dr. W. W. 178 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAXD-BOOK. Watkins, Maryland; Thomas Wallace, Vir- ginia; Henry S. Walker, West Virginia; S. F, Patterson, North Carolina; Thomas y. Simmons, South Carolina; J. H. Chris- tie, Georgia; Judge B. D. Wright, Florida ; A. G. Mayer, Mississippi ; A. W. Walker, Louisiana; Elias C. Boudinot, Arkansas; J. M. Daniel, Texas; John Lellyet, Ten- nessee; C. S. Q. Doster, Alabama; M. H. 't)wslev, Kentucky; B. B. Eshelraan, Cliio; Colonel C. 0. Ma"tson, Indiana; John Mc- Ginnis, junior, Illinois; General Jolin G. Parkhurst, Michigan ; Colonel C. B, Wil- kinson, Missouri; Richard Price, Minne- sota; George C. Ginty, Wisconsin; J. M. Walker, Iowa ; W. A. Tipton, Kansas; Jack- son Temple, California; Colonel Jesse Wil- liams, Nevada; A. D. Fitch, Oregon; Jas. R. O'Beirne, District of Columbia; D. T. Bramble, Dakotah; Major L. Lowrie, Ne- braska; Charles F. Egan, Washington. COMMITTEE TO WAIT ON THE PRESIDENT. Hon. Revekdy Johnson, Chairman; Maine, W. G. Crosby, Calvin Record; New Hampshire, J. Hosley, J. H. Smith ; Ver- mont, L. Robinson, General Isaac McDan- iel; Massachusetts, E. C. Bailey, Edward Avery; Rhode Island, Amasa Sprague, Gideon Bradford ; Connecticut, James E. EngUsh.G. H. Hollister; New York, Vivus W. Smith, S. E. Church ; New Jersey, T. H. Herring, General Theodore Runyon ; Pennsylvania, J. R. Flanigan, George W. Cass; Delaware, SaxeGotha Laws, C. H. B. Day; Maryland, J. Morrison Harris, Isaac D. Jones; Virginia, Hon. James Barbour, G. W. Boiling; West Virginia, John J. Thompson, Daniel Lamb; North Carolina. D. M: Barringer, G. Howard; South Caro- lina, J. L. Manning, James Farrow; Geor- gia, S, J, Smith, J. L. Wimberly; Florida, J. P. Sanderson, J. C. McKibben ; Missis- sippi, Giles M. Hillyer, H. F. Simrall ; Louisiana, T. P. May, William H. C. King; Texas, D. J. Burnett, B. H. Epperson ; Ten- nessee, A. A. Kyle, D. B Thomas; Arkan- sas, John B, Luce, E. C. Boudinot; Ala- bama, Lewis E. Parsons, John Gill Shorter; Kentucky, J. W. Stevenson, A. Harding ; Ohio, Henry B. Paine, General A. McD. MeCook; Indiana, General Sol. Meredith, David S. Gooding; Illinois, General George C. Bates, Hon. W. R. Morrison; Michigan, General C. 0. Loomis, General G. A. Custer; Wisconsin, A. W. Curtis, Robert Flint; Iowa, Colonel Cyrus H, Mackey, B. B. Rich- ards ; Kansas, General H. S. Sleeper, Orlin Thurston; Calilbrnia, J. A. McDougall; Colonel Jacob P. Leese ; Nevada, Gideon J. Tucker, John Caniiii'.lmel ; Oregon, W. H. Farrar, E. M. Barnum ; District of Col- umbia, Thomas B. Florence, B. T. Swart; Idaho, .Hon. H. H. DePuy, S. Cummins ; Nebraska, George L. Miller, L. Lowrie; Washington, George D. Cole, C. P. Egan, Minnesota, H. ?il. Eice, D. S Norton; Mis- souri, E. A. Louis, John M. Richardson; Dakotah, D. T. Bramble, L. D. Parmer. NATIONAL UNION EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. Joseph T. Crowell, Chairman ; Maine, James Mann, A. P. Gould ; New Hampshire, Eiimund Burke, E. S. Cutter; Vermont, B. D. Smalley, Colonel H. N. Worthan; Mas- sachusetts, Josiali Dunham, R. S. Spoflbrd; Rhode Island, Alfred Anthony, James H. Parsons; Connecticut, James T. Babcock, D. C. Scranton ; New York, Robert H. Pruyn, Samuel I. Tilden; Pennsylvania, S. M. "Zulick, J. S. Black; Delaware, J. P. Comegys, E. L. Martin; Maryland, T. Swann, T. D. Pratt; Virginia, J.F.John- son, E C. Robinson ; West Virginia, Daniel Lamb, John J. Jackson ; North Carolina, T. S. Ashe, Joseph H. Wilson; South Carolina, J. L Orr, B. F. Perry; Georgia, J. II. Christie, 'I'. Hardeman, jr. ; Florida, Hon. William Marvin, Hon. Wilkinson Call; Alabama, M. H, Cruik.-hank, C. C. Huckabee; .Mississippi. William L. Sharkey, G. L. Potter; Louisiana, Randall Hunt, Alfred Hentien; ArkanSMS, Lorenzo Gibt^oii, E. H. English; Texas, B. H. Epperson, Jolin Hancock; 'I'eniiessee, Hon. David T. Patter- son, \V. D. Campbell ; Kentucky, R. H. Stan- ton, Hamilton Pope; Ohio, Lewis D. Cani^>- liell, George B. Sniythe; Indiana. Hon. David S. Gooding, T. Dowling; Illinoi.s, General J. A. McClernand, J. 0. Norton; .Michigan, Alfred Russell. Byron G. Stont; Missouri, Barton .-ible. James S. Rollins; Minnesota, H. M. Rice, D. S. Norton; Wisconsin, S. A. Pease, J. A. Noonan; Iowa, George H. Parker, William A. Chase; Kansas, James L. McDowell, W. A. Tipton; New Jersey, Joseph T. Crowell, Theo. F, Randolph ; Nevada, John Carmichael, 0. B Hall ; District of Columbia, J D.Hoover, J. B. Blake; Nebraska, H. IL Heath, J. S Morton, Washington Territory, R Willard, Elwood Evans; California, Samuel Purdy, Joseph P. Hoge; Oregon. J. W. Nesniitli, B. F. Bonham ; Dakotah, W. K. Armstrong, X. W. Miner; Idaho, William H. Wallace, Henry Cummins. RESlliENT EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE Al WASHING- TON. Charles Knap, Chairman ; Hon. Mont- gomery Blair, lion. Charles Mason, Ward H. Lamon, John F. Coyle, A, E. Perry, Samuel Fowler, Colonel James R. O'Beirne, Cornelius Wendell. COMMITTEE ON FINANCE. Charles Knap, Chairman; Maine, A. W. Johnson, John Burleigli ; New Hampshire, Daniel JIarcy, W. N. Blair ; Vermont, E. W, (.'base, C. L Davenport; Massachusetts, F. 0. Prince, George M. Bentley ; Rhode FEEEDOM OF THE PEESS. 17'J Island, Amasa Sprague, James Water- house; Connecticut, J. H. Ashmead, Free- man M. Brown; New York, Abraham Wakenian, Eichard Sohell; New Jersey, J. L. McKnight, Francis S. Lathrop; Pennsylvania, R. L. Martin, Henry JVl. Phillips; Delaware, Charles Wright, T. F. Crawford ; Maryland, E. Fowler, W. P. Maiilsby ; Virginia, Edmund W. Hubbard, George Blow, jr.; West Virginia, Charles T. iJeale, Thomas Sweeney ; North Caro- lina, A. H, Arrington, A. McLean; South 'Carolina, F: J. Moses, W. Pinkney Sching- ler; Georgia, Lewis Tumlin, William M. Lowry; Florida, George Scott, W. C. :Ma- loney; Alabama, Lewis Owen, J, S. Ken- nedy; Mississippi, E. Pegues, J. A. Bing- ford ; Louisiana, A. M. Holbrook; Arkan- sas, M. L. Bell, John E. Fellowes; Texas, M. B. Ochiltree, J. Hancock; Tennessee, W, 1?. Ferguson, J. Williams; Kentucky, M. J. Durham, W. W. Baldwin ; Ohio, T, B. Cunningham, J. H. James; Indiana, Levi Sparks, Moses Drake; Illinois, Wil- liam B. Ogden, Isaac Underliill; Michigan, O. C. Monroe, William B. McCreery ; Mis- souri, Thomas L. Price, Charles M. Elliard ; Minnesota, C. F. Buck, Charles F. Gilman ; Wisconsin, J. B. Doe, U. L. Sholes; Iowa, W. D. McHenry, S. O. Butler; Kansas, T. P. Fitzwilliam, G. A. Colton; California, John H. Baird, Henry F. Williams; Ne- vada, Frank Hereford, L. .H. Newton; Dis- trict of Colunmbia, Charles Knap, Esau Pickrell; Dakotah, J. B. S. Todd, F. C. UeWitt; Idaho, C. F. l-'owelI, T. W. Betts; Nebraska, James E Porter, P. B. Becker; Washington, Elwood Evans, Edward Lan- der; Oregon, J. C. Aiiisworth, O. Humma- son. Freedom of tlie Press , Thk Eadicals Opposed to It. On the 19th of May, 1864, by order of the Secretary of War, the offices of the New York Journal of Commerce and the New York Woi'ld — in which papers had appeared a forged proclamation of the President lor 400,000 troops — were seized by the military authoriiies and held several days. This led to these proceedings: On tlie 29th of May, 1864, in the House of Representatives, Mr. Pruyn asked con- sent, on behalf of a portion of the New York delegation, to offer tliis resolution : " Eesoloed, That the conduct of tlie Exec- utive authority of the Government in re- cently closing the offices and suppressing the publication of tlie World and Journal of Oummerce, newspapers in the city of New York, under circumstances wliich have been placed before the public, was an act unwarranted in itself) dangerous to the cause of the Union, in violation of the Con- stitution, and sub\ersive of the principles of civil liberty, and, as such, is hereby cen- sured by this House." Several members objected. At a later hour lie moved a suspension of the rules for the purpose of offering it, but this motion was rejected— yeas 54, nays 79, as follows: Teas — Messrs. Jamea C. Allen, Aucjimtm C. Bald-win, Blisii, Brooks, James S. Brown, Chan- ler, CoffroOi, Vox, Dawson, Denison, Eden, Edger- ton, Eldridye, Finck, Grider, Harding, Charles M. Harris, Herrick, Holman, Hufchine, Philip Johnson, William JohiisoUf Kalbjleisch, Kernaii, King, Knapp, Law, Lazear, Mallory, Marcy, Mc- Allister, McDowell, TTm. H, Miller, Morrison j Nelson, Nohle, John O'Neill, Pendleton, Pruijn, Radford, Samuel J. Randall, Robinson, James S. Rollins, Ross, ,'^coft, John B. Steele, William G. Steele, Stronse, Voorhees, Wadsioorth, Ward, Wheeler, Joseph W. White, Fernando Wood — 54. Nays — Messrs. Alley, Ames, Arnold, John D. Baldwin, Baxter, Beaman, Jacob B. Blair, Blow, BoutAvell, Boyd, Broomall, William G. Brown, Ambrose W. Clark, Freeman Clarke, Cubb, Cole, Crcsswell, Henry Winter Davi^, Thomas T. Davie, Dawes, Deming, Dixon, Don- nelly, Driggy, Eekley, Eliot, Farnsworth, Gar- field, Uooch, Grinnell, Higby, Hooper, Hotoh- kiss, Asahel W. Hubbard, IngersoU, Jenckes, Julian, Kolley, Francis W. Kellogg, Loan, Longyear, Marvin, McBride, McClurg, Samuel F. Miller, Moorhead, Morrill, Amos Myers, Leonard Myers, Charles O'Neill, Orth, Patter- son. Perham, Pike, Pomeroy, Price, William H. Randall, John H. Rice, Edward H. RoUiui:, Schenck, Scofield, Shannon, Sloan, Smither?, Smith, Spalding, Stevens, Thayer, Thomas, Up- son, Elihu B. Wa^hburne, William B. Washburn, Webster, Whaley, Williams, Wilder, Wilson, Windom, Woodbrid}:;e — 79. Every Democrat, it will be seen, voted to suspend tlie rules to vindicate the liberty of the press. Every Eadical voted against it. Tlie consistency of their opposition to this sacred and constilutional guaranteed franchise of the press is illustrated by Gen- eral Grant's order on this subject, and his suppression of the Eichmond Enquirer, re- ferred to in a, previous part of this work ; as also by the notes in this work to that clause of the Constitution guaranteeing the liberty of the press. We have not space to give the innumer- able instances of assault on the freedom of' the press during the war. They would oc- cupy a large part of this work. 'To afford an idea of its extent, we give a mere index of the cases of this kind of outrage in 1864: May 18, 1864 — New York Journal of Commerce and the New York World sup- pressed. Constitution and Union, Fairfield, Iowa, destroyed February 8, 1864. Crawford Democrat, Jleadville, Pennsyl- vania, mobbed February 5, 1:04. 180 DEMOCKATIC SPEAKER'S BAND-BOOK. Northumberland Democrat, Pennsylva- nia, destroyed by mob February 7, 1864. Volksblatt, Belleville, Missouri, destroyed a second time May 18, 1864. Democrat, Sunbury, Pennsj'lvania, mob- bed January 18, 1864; office destroyed and property stolen. Mahoning Sentinel, Youngstown, Ohio, destroyed by a mob, January 28, 1864; at- tempt to assassinate the editor. Eagle, Lancaster, Ohio, partially de- stroyed by a mob February 3, 1864. Crisis, Columbus, Ohio, saved, by being armed, from a mob, February 15, 1864. Statesman, Columbus, Ohio, saved by the same means, same day. Democrat, Laporte, Indiana, destroyed February 15, 1864. Democrat, Waseon, Ohio, destroyed Feb- ruary 20, 1864. Advertiser, Lebanon, Pennsylvania, de- fended successfully March 15, 1864. Empire, Davton, Ohio, completely de- stroyed March's, 1864. Picket Guard, Chester, IllinQis, totally destroyed August 20, 1864. Herald, Franklin county, Indiana, de- molished March 20, 1864. Democrat, Greenville, Ohio, demolished March 5, 1864. Union, Louisiana, Missouri, destroyed March 6, 1864. St. Mary's Gazette, Leonardtown, Mary- land, warned April 12, 1864. Picayune, New Orleans, suppressed, date unknown. Courier, New Orleans, suppressed and ed- itors banished May 23, 1864. Order never revoked. Metropolitan Record, New York, circula- tion forbidden in the "West, March 26, 1864. Transcript, Baltimore, Maryland, sup- pressed May 18, 1864, for publishing that the loss of the Army of the Potomac had been not less than 70,000. Democrat, Cambridge, Maryland, sup- pressed September 9, 1864. Freeman's Journal, burned at Nashville, September 12, 1864. Democrat, Gallatin county, Illinois, ed- itors seized and imprisoned August 19, 1864. Crisis, Columbus, Ohio, editors seized and imprisoned May 10, 1864. Register, Wheeling, West Virginia, edi- tors seized, paper suppressed July 20, 1864. Journal, Belfast, Maine, seized August 18, 1864. News, Memphis, Tennessee, suppressed July, 1864. Bulletin, Baltimore, Maryland, suppressed July, 1864. Gazette, Parkersburg, West Virginia, ed- itor seized by Gen. Hunter, July 27, 1864. Kentucky, June, 1864 — All Democratic papers excluded from the State. Memphis — All Democratic papers except the Missouri Republican excluded from this place September 16, 1864. Loyalist, iUltimore, Maryland, Septem- ber 30, 1864, discontinued by order of Gen- eral Wallace. True Presbyterian, Louisville, Kentucky, discontinued November 29, 1864, by General Burbridge. For cases of violent assault upon the freedom of the press since the war, we refer to Grant's record, and also the history of Reconstruction, both in a previous part of this book, which treats of the more conspic- uous objects of outrage in that respect. A Sontheia Fire-Eater in the Chicago Oonvention, A Confederate Governor in Council WITH THE Radicals. We see from the proceedings of the Convention which nominated Grant and Colfax, that Joe Brown was there, in full feather, the representative of the negroes and carpet-baggers of Georgia. He was not only there, but constituted a. prominent figure in that motley conclave of debased politicians and unprincipled conspirators. It is not believed by many that he is the same old Joe Brown, the Sorghum Governor of Georgia, the head and front of the Georgia militia, the life-long disunionist, the treacherous friend of any cause he espouses, the am- bitious aspirant who has long since lost all honor in the successful pursuit of office, and who proposes now to sacrifice his country to obtain a new lease on power. He is the same Joe Brown ivho seized Port Pulaski, one of the forts of the United States, for doing which the Con- vention of Georgia thanked him in the following resolution: Be it unanimously resolved, by the people of Georgia, in convention assembled, aa fi, response to the resolutions of New York, that we highly approve of the patriotic and energetic conduct of our Governor in taking possession of Fort Pulaski by the Georgia troops, etc. * * * * He is the same Joe Brown who, on the 21st day of February, 1861, seized the ship Martha J. Ward, bark Au- gusta and brig Harold, vessels belonging to private citizens of the State of New York, which were then, long before hos- COLFxVX S EECORD. 181 tilities had begun, in the waters of the Savannah, eno;ny making his properly liable lor the execution of their enforced stipulations. This chapter might be made almo-t endle.ss, if the means, of extending it were used to show up the villanous his- tory of this tyrannical and corrupt bureau Agiiculture became paralyzed under its auspices, and a large per cent, of the pres- ent distress in the South is attributable to its existence arid its practices. The gene ral commercial and financial interests of the entire country suffered from its admin- istration, because those interests are all in- volved in the agricultural prosperity of the South. The firstattempt to establish this monster by law, was the pasKaiie of a bill bv the House of Representatives on the first of March, 1864, creating it. The bill passed by a vote of sixty-nine to sixty-seven. The entire affirmative vote was Radical. The negative vote, with a few exceptions, was Democratic. Mr. Francis P. Blaik voted against it. The bill was amended by the Senate, and. a disagreement taking place between the two Houses, it was postponed. Law Ckkating the Freedmen's Bureau. A bill, finally, creating the institution, was agreed to on a report of a joint Commit- tee on Conference. It was adopted in the Senate, February 28, 186.5. In the House, March 3, 1865, Mr. Cox, of Ohio, moved to lay it on the table, which was lost, yeas •52, naj's 77, Every Democrat, except one, voting for the motion, and every Radical, except one, voting against it. The House then passed tlie bill without a division Continuation of the Ael'SE. Theact continuing the Bureau, to prevent its expiration by limitation, passed July 3, 1866, and was vetoed by the President on the 16tii of July. On the same day it passed the House over the veto of the President. Every Radical, except Mr. Kuykendall, of Illinois, and .Mr. Henry D. Washburn, voted for it. Every Democrat voted against it. It passed the Senate the same day. Every Radical, except Mr. Van Winkle, of Vir- ginia, voting for it Every Democrat voted against it. Thu President's ^'eto. In his message announcing his veto of the bill, the President says : "Independently of the danger in repre- sentative republics of conferring upon the military in times of peace ex'traordinary powers — so carefully guarded against by the patriots ami statesmen of the earlier days uJ' the Republic, so frequently the ruin of governments founded upon the same free principles, and subversive of the rights and liberties of the citizen — the question of practical 'economy earnestly commends it- self til the cimsideration of the law-making power. With an immense debt already burdening the incomes of the industrial and laboring classes, a due i-egard for their inter- ests, so inseparably connected with the wel- fare of the country, should prompt us to rigid economy and retrenchment, and influence us to abstain from all legislation that would uniie.«.sanly increase the public indebte I- ness Te.sird by this rule of sound political wisdom, I can see no reason for the estab- lishment of tlie '' military juris I,, i on" C' n- lerred upon the officials of tlie I'ureau by the Iburteenth section of the bill. FUEEDMEN'S BUREAU VETO. 1S5 " By the laws of the United States and of the different States, competent courts, Fed- eral and State, have been established, and are now in full practical operation. By means of these civil tribunals, anriple redress is afforded for all private wrongs, whether to the person or the property of the citizen, without denial or unnecessary de- lay. They are open to all, without regard (0 color or race. I feel well as.sured that it will be better to trust the rii;hts, privi- lege.s, and immunities of the citizen to tri- bunals th\is established, and presided' over by competent and impartial judges, bound by lixid rules ol law and evidence, and where the right of trial by jury is guaranteed and Bt'cured, than to the caprice or judgment of an officer of the bureau, who, it is possible, may be entirely ignorant of the principles that underlie the just administration of tlie law. 'I'here is danger, too, that conflict of jurisdiction will frequently arise between the civil courts and these military tribunals, each having concurrent jurisdiction over the person and the Ciiuse of action, the one judicature administered and controlled by civil law, the other by the military. How is the conflict to be settled, and who is to determine between the two tribunals when it arises.? In my opinion, it is wise to guard again.~t such conflict by leaving to the co'irts and juries the protection of all civil rights and the redress of all civil grievnnces. * * * * * "Besides the objections which I have thus briefly stated, I may urge upon your con- siduraiion the additional reason, that recent developments in regard to the practical op- erations of the bureau in many of the .States show that in numerous instances it is used by its agents as a means of promo- ting their individual advantage, and that the freedmen are employed for the advance- ment of the personal ends of the officers instead of their own improvement and wel- fare, thus confirming the fears originally entertained by many, that the contmuation of such a bureau for any unnecessary length of time would inevitably result in fraud, corruption, and oppression. It is proper to state tliat in cases of this character iiives- I nations have been promptly ordered, and the offender punished whenever his guilt has been satisfactorily established. '■ As another reason against the necessity of the legi.ilation contemplated by this measure, reference may be had to the 'Civil Rights bill,' now a law of the land, and which will be faithfully executed so long as it shall remain unrepealed, and may not be declared unconstitutional by courts of com- petent jurisdiction. * * * * " Hy the provisions of the act, full protec- tion is afforded through the district courts of the United States, to all per.-fons injured, and whose privileges, as thu.^ deciareii, are in any way impaired; and heavy penalties are denounced against the person who wil- fully violates the law. I need not state that that law did not receive my approval; yet its remedies are far more preferable than those proposed in the present bill, the one being civil and the other military. "By thesi-xth section of the bill herewith returned, certain proceedings by which the lands in the ' parishes of St. Helena and St. Luke, South Carolina,' were sold and bid in, and afterward disposed of by the tax commissioners, are ratified and con- firmed. By the seventh, eighth, ninth, tenth, and eleventh sections, provisions by law are made for the disposal of the landa thus acquired to a particular class of citizens. W'liile the quieting of titles is deemed very important and desirable, the discrimination made in the bill seems ob- jectionable, as does also the attempt to con- ifer upon the commissioners judicial pow- ers, by which citizens of the United Slates are to be deprived of their property in a niode contrary to that provision of the Constitution which declares that no person 'shall be deprived of life, liberty, or prop- erty, without due process of law.' As a general principle, such legislation is unsafe, unwise, partial and unconstitutiojial. It may deprive persons of their properly who are equally deserving objects of the nation's bounty, as those whom, by this legislation, Congress seeks to benefit The title to the land thus to be proportioned out to a fa- vored class of citizens must depend upon the regularity of the tax sales, under the law as it existed at the time of the sale, and no subsequent legislation can give validity to the rights thus acquired, as against the ■original claimants. The attention of Con- gress is therefore invited to a more mature coii.sideration of the measures proposed in these sections of the bill. "In conclusion, 1 again urge upon Con- gress the danger of cla.ss legislation, so well calculated to keep the public mind in a state of uncertain expectation, disouiet, and restlessness, and to encourage interested hopes and fears that the national Govern- ment will continue to furnish to classes ol'cit- izeiis in the several States means for support and maintenance, regardless of whether they pursue a life of indolence or of labor, and rcL'ardle.ss also of the constitutional limita- tion^ of the national authority in times of peace and tranquillity. "The bill is herewith returned to the House of Eepresentalives, in which it orig- inated, for its final action. '•ANDREW JOHNSON. "Washington, D. C, July 16, 1868." 188 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKEK'S HAKD-BOOK. The Expenses of this Swindle. The various reports of Gen. Howard, the chief of this immense piece of furniture, are so much mixed that it is hard to derive from them the exact cost of its administra- tion. To November 1, 1865, its expenditures were $478,363.17. For year begining January 1, 1866, the estimates, which always falls below expen- ditures, were $! 1,745,050.00. For tlie next fiscal year, besides the funds it had on hand, which amounted to $6,513, 965.00, he required an additional sum of $.S,N63,300.00 ; making a total of $10,350, 265.00. This last amount embraces what it was estimated it would cost to run it up to July 1, 1868. Its Salaries axd Abusks, what thbt Cost. [From the Nuw Yaik World.] The Freedraen's l^ureau is an outrage upon the tax-payers of the country, which should be suppressed. t)stensibly estab- lihhed to benefit the emancipated blacks, it has been used from the outset as a political macliiiie — first, to provide bread, butter and cliithes for a small army of political panjjers and nomadic carpet-baggers, and next, to use these nomads as negro-drivers in the Radical interest, as overseers, to see that the blacks deposit Radical tickets in tlie ballot-boxes. Beyond these objects tlie bureau has no purpose whatever. The cant about "schools and churches" for the blacks is only to cover the pretended ne- cessity for hundreds of "superintendents of schools" at $1,800, and $1,2UU, each, and Massachusetts school-marms and mission- aries, at from $900 to $1,200 apiece; the stipend for similar services in tlieir own State, where "the Government" does not pay the bills, ranging from $350 to $500, with a "donation party," which generally cost the beneficiary about $50. Even more egre- gious is the gammon about the Bureau as a means of furnishing employment for the blacks. The planters are suffering for labor, while the negroes are attending political meetings, or are marching in procession to the polls with muskets in their hands to vote as they are directed by their masters, the paid agents of the bureau. This glar- ing swindle upon Northern tiix-payers, apart from the enormous, expensive and useless military establishment in the Southern sa- trapie.i, is costing not less than eleven millions of the people's money every year, aiid this money is taken from the property owners and laborers of the North to pur- chase black votes for the continuance of the Rndical party in power. To show how stupendous this swindle is in the mere item of " salaries" we have collated th list of Bureau agents and clerks pay annexed : Agents and Clerks. WashiEgton - 64 District of Columbia, - 66 Maryland, 9 Virginia, - - 53 North Carolina, 44 South Carolina - 46 Georgia, 72 Florida, 17 Alabama, -' - 45 Kentucky, - 42 Tennessee, 34 Mississippi - 67 Alissouri, - - - 2 Arkansas, 53 Louisiana, 67 Texas - - 42 e following with their Salaries. $90,460 63,640 11,600 61,180 6 ,800 58,880 78,600 19,200 61,440 42,000 40,600 63,400 3,600 64,320 78,400 49,320 Total. 703 $809,340 Besides their salaries, a large number of these agents manage also to swindle their living in Government rations, and they de- rive other perquisites and pantaloons, which are all set down as "stationery." How these leeches really regard the value of labor appears curiously, in connection with thi^r own magnificent salaries, in the sums paid to "mestengers" and " laborers" who are rewarded for their services at the rate of from $150 to $300 a year. Months ago, when it was shown that this enormous drain on the Treasury was as useless as it is outrageous, the Radicals in Congress voted that it was inexpedient to discontinue it at present, that is, so long as it could be made a political machine for Radical bene- fit at the tax payers' expense. But it is not less an outrage now than it has been since the day it w;is established, and the fact that such a swindle should be continued, shows to what straits Radicalism is reduced in its efl'ort to prolong, not merely its power, but its exisience as a party. What a Radical Thinks of the Fieedmen's Bnreai, Social Equality and Amalgamation Ad- vocated BY It — Its Manifold Corrup- tions. Under date of June 27, the special Wasli- ington correspondent of the l iiicinnati Gazette, makes the following revelations of the operations of the Freedmen's Bureau in the District of Culumbia; "The buieau may liave been adminis- tered honestly in t.M' rebel States, but here, in the District of Columbia, its operations would afford t'ongress valuable in,, rmatioa to guide it in the bill it is framing, if the members would take the troub.c i inquire into the character of transactions passing under their very eyes. SOCIAL EQUALITY— AMALGAMATION. 187 The outlines of one single operation will suffice. Howard University is an in- stitution for the education of colored men, vifhich is being erected here under the aus- pices of the Freedmen's Bureau. The money u.'ied is a fund retained by military aiuhority from the bounties paiii colored i-oldiera, and is, in al] lionest senses. Gov- ern luent funds. The land cost $150,000. After purchase, part of it was laid out in i.ity lots and sold. One acre was given to ,1 |,ironiirient officer of tlie bureau. The d and convicted him, after his case was be- fore Federal Judges, with power to decide it, who, being unable to agree on the grave questions involved, had, according to known law, sent it to the Supreme Court of the United-States for decision. But even (Jie suggestion is injurious to the Executive, and we dismiss it from furtlier consider- ation. There is, therefore, nothing to hin- der this Court from an investigation of the merits of this controversy. ****** Have any of the rights guaranteed by the Constitution been violated in the ca.se of Milligan? and, if so, what are they? Every trial involves the exercise of judicial power; and from what source did the military com- mission that tried him derive their authority ? Certainly no part of the judicial power of the country was conferred on them, because the Constitution expressly vests it "in the Su- preme Court and such inferior courts as the Congress may from time to time, ordain and establish," and it is not pretended that the commission was a court ordained and es- tablished by Congress. They can not jus- tify on the mandate of the President, because he is controlled by law, and has his appro- priate sphere of duty, which is to execute, not to miake the laws; and there is "no unwritten criminal code to which resort can be had as a source of jurisdiction." But it is said that the jurisdiction is complete under the "laws and usages of war" It can serve no useful purpose to inquire what those laws and usages are, whence they originated, where found, and on whom they operate ; they can never be applied to citizens in States which have upheld the authority of the Government, and where the courts are open and their process unobstructed. This Court has judicial knowledge that in Indiana the Federal authority was always unopposed, and its courts always open to hear criminal accusations and to re- dress grievances; and no usage of war could sanction a military trial tliere for any offense whatever, of a citizen in civil life, in nowise connected with the military service. Congress could gran t no such pow er ; and, to the honor of our National Legis- lature be it said, it has never been provoked by the state of the country even to attempt its exercise. One of the plainest consti- tutional provisions was, therefore, infringed when Milligan was tried by a court not 190 BEMOCEATIC SFLAKEirs HAXD-BOOK. or(laiiied and established by Congress, and not composed of judges appointed during good behavior, ***** Every one connected with these branches of the public service (the Army and Navy) is amenable to the jurisdiction which Con- gress has created for their government, and while thus serving, surrenders his right to be tried by the civil courts. All other persons, citizens of States where the courts are open, if charged with crime, are guaran- teed the inestimable privilegeoftrial by jury. This privilege is a vital principle, underly- ing the whole administration of criminal justice; it is not held by sufferance, and can not be frittered away on any plea of ytate or politii-al necessity. When peace prevails, and the aurhority of the Govern- ment is undisputed, there is no difficulty of preserving the safeguards of liberty ; for the ordinary modes of trial are never neglected, and no one wishes it otiierwise. But if society is disturbed by civil commotion — if the pa.'ision.s of men are aroused and the restraints of law wealfened, if not disre garded — these safeguards need, and should receive, the watchfid care of tho.=e intrusted with the guardianship of the Constitution and laws. In no other way can we trans- mit. to posterity unimpaired the blessings of liberty, consecrated by the sacrifices of the Revolution. It is claimed that martialdaw covers with its broad mantle the proceedings of this military commission. The proposition is this: That in a time of war the commander of an armed (brce (if in bis opin'on, the exigencies of the country demand it, and of which he is to judge,) lias the power, wilhin the lines of his military district, to suspend all civil rights and their remedies, and sub- ject citizens as well as soldiers to the rule of his will; and in the exercise of his lawful authority can not be restrained, except by hi.s superior officer or the President of the United States. If this position is sound to the extent claimed, then when war exists, foreign or domestic, and the country is subdivided into military departments for mere convenience, the commander of one of them can, if he chooses, within his limits, on the plea of necessity, with the approval of the Executive, substitute military force for, and to the the exclusion of, the laws, and pu-nish all persons as he thinks right and proper, without fixed or certain rules. The statement of this proposition shows its importance; for, if true, republican govern-, ment is a failure, and there is an end of liberty regulated by law. Martial-law, es- tablished on such a basis, destroys every guarantee of the Constitution, and effectually renders the "military independent of and eunerior to the civil power " — the attempt to do which by the King of Great Britain was deemed by our fathers such an offense that they assigned it to the world as one of the causes which impelled them to declare their independence. Civil liberty and this kind of martial-law can not endure togetlier; the antagonism is irreconcilable, and in tlic conflict one or the other must perish. ******** It is difficult to see how the safety of tlie country required mariial-law in Indiana. If any of her citizens were plotting trea.soii, the power of arrest could secure them until the Government was prepared for their trial, when the courts were open and ready to try them. It was as easy to protect wit- nesses before a civil as a military tribunal; and, as there could be no wish to convict, except upon sufficient legal evidence, surely an ordained and established court was bet ter able to judge of this than a military tribunal, composed of gentlemen nottraineil to the profession of the l;iw. It follows, from what has been said on this subject, that there are occasions when martial rule can be properly applied. Jf in foreign invasion or civil war the courts are actually closed, a.'id it is impossible to ad- minister criminal justice according to law, then on the theater of active military opera- tions, where war really prevails, there is a necessity to furnish a substitute for the civil authority thus overthrown to preserve the safety of the army and society ; and as no power is left but the military, it is allowed to govern by martial rule until the laws can have their free course. As necessity creates the rule, so it limits it< duration; for if this government is continued after the courts are reinstated, it is a gross usurpation of power. Martial rule can never exist where the courts are open, and in the proper and unobstructed exercise of their jurisdiction. It is also confined to the locality of actual war. Because during the late rebellion it could have been enforced in Virginia, where the national authority was overturned and the courts driven out, it does not follow that it should obtain in Indiana, where that authority was never disputed, and justice was always administered. And so in the case of a foreign invasion, martial rule may become a necessity in one State, when in another it would be " mere lawless violence," The remaining two questions in this ca.^e must be answered in the affirmative. The suspension of the privilege of the writ ol habeas coiyus does not suspend the wiit it- self The writ issues as a matter of course; and on the return made to it, the court de- cides whether the party applying is denied the right of proceeding any further with it If the military trial of Jlilligan was con- trary to law, then he was entitled, on the MLSSOUEI TEST OATH CASE, 191 facts stated in liig .petition, to be discharged from custody by tlie terms of tlie act of Congress of March 3, 1863. ****** Tlie provisions of this law having been considered in a previous partof this opinion, we will now re-state the views there pre- Buntt'd. Milligan avers he was a citizen of Indiana, not in the military or naval ser- vice, and was detained in close confinement, liy order of the President, from the 5th day ui' October, 1864, until tlje 2d day of Jana ary 1855, when the circuit court for the dis- trict of Indiana, with a grand jury, con- vened in session at Indianapolis, and after- ward, on the 27th day of the same month, adjourned without finding an indictment or presentment against him. If these aver- irients were true (and their truth is con- ceded for the purposes of this case), the court was required to liberate him on taking certain oaths prescribed by the law, and en- tering into recognizance for his good be havior. 15ut it is insisted that Milligan was a prisoner of war, and, therefore, excluded from the privileges of the statute. It is not easy to see how he can be treated as a pris- oner of war, wlien he lived in Indiana lor the past twenty years, was arrested there, and had not been, during the late troubles, a resident of any of the States in rebellion. If, in Indiana, he conspired with bad men to assist the enemy, he is punishable for it in the courts of Indiana; but, when tried for the offense, he can not plead the rights of war, for he was not engaged in legal acts of hostility against the Government, and only such persons, when captured, are pris- oners of war. If he can not enjoy the im- munities attaching to the character of a prisoner of war, how can he be subject to their pains and penalties. This case, as well as the kindred cases of Bowles and Horsey, were disposed of at the last term, and the proper orders were en- tered of record. There, is, therefore, no ad- ditional entry required. On the Miasonri Oonstitntional Test Oatt of Loy- alty, January 14, 1867, Mr Justice Field delivered the opinion of the Court in the case of John A. Cum- uiings V. The State of Jlissouri. Tills case comes before us on a writ of error to the Supreme Court of Missouri, and involves a consideration of the test oath im- posed by the constitution of that State. The plaintiff in error is a priest of the Roman Catholic Church, and was indicted and con- victed, in one of the circuit courts of that State of the, crime of teaching and preach- ing, as a priest and minister of that relig- ious denomination, without having first taken the oath, and was sentenced to pay a fine of $500, and to be committed to jail until the same was paid. On appeal to tlie Supreme Court of the State, the judgment was affirmed. The oath prescribed by the constitution, divided into its separable parts, embraces more than thirty distinct affirmations or tests. Some of the acts against which it is directed constitute offenses of the highest grade, to which, upon conviction, heavy pen- alties are attached. Some of the acts have never been classed as offenses in the laws of any State, and some of the acts under many circumstances would not even be blame- worthy. It requires the affiant to deny not only that he has been in. armed hostility to the United States or the lawful authorities thereof, but, among other things, tliat he has ever, "by act or word," manifested his adherence to the cause of the eneiiiies of the. United States, foreign or domestic, or his desire for their triumph over the arms of the United States, or his sympathy with those engaged in rebellion, or that he has ever harbored or aided any person engaged in guerrilla warfare against the loyal in- habitants of the United States, or has ever entered or left the State for the purpose of avoiding enrollment or draft in the military service of the United States, or to escape the performance of duty in the militia of the United States, or has ever indicated in any terms his disaffection to the Govern- ment of the United States in its contest with rebellion. Every person who is unable to take this oath is declared incapable of holding in the State " any office of honor, trust, or profit under its authority, or of being an officer, counselor, director, or trustee, or other manager of any corporation, public or private, now existing or hereafter estab- lished by its authority, or of acting as a pro- fessor or teacher in any educational insti- tution, or in any common or other school, or of holding any real estate or other prop- erty in trust for the use of any church, re- ligious society, or congregation." And every per.son holding any of the offices, trusts, or positions mentioned, at the time the consti- tution takes effect, is required within sixty days thereafter to take the oath, and if he fail to comply with this requirement, it is declared that his oflice, trust, or position shall ipso facto become vacant. And no person after the expiration of sixty days is permitted, without taking oath, " to prac- tice as an attorney or counselor at law, nor, after that period, can any person be comie- tent as a bishop, priest, deacon, minister, elder, or other clergyman of any religious persuasion, sect, or denomination, to teach, or preach, or solemnize marriage." Fine 192 DEMucKATic sri;AiiL;:s i:axd-eook. and iniprisonmeiil are prescribed os a pun- isliment for lioldiiig or exercising any of tlie offices, positions, trusts, professions or functions specified, without having taken the oath, and false swearing or affirmation to the oath is declared to be perjury, and punishable by imprisoment in the peniten- tiary. The oath thus required is without any precedent that we can discover for its sever- ity. In the first place, it is retrospective. It etnbraoes all the past from this day, and if taken years hence, it will also cover all the intervening period! In its retrospective feature, it is peculiar to this country. In England and France there have been test oaths, but they have always been limited to an affirmation of present belief or present dispostion toward the Government, and were never exacted with reference to particular instances of past misconduct. In the sec- ond place, tlie oath is directed not merely again,st overt and visible acts of hostility to the Government, but is intended to reach words, desires, and sympathies also; and, in the third place, it allows no distinction between acts springing from malignant enmity and acts which may have been proi}ipted by charity or affection or rela- tionship. If one has ever expressed sym- pathy with any who were drawn into the rebellion, even if the recipients of that sym- pathy were connected by the closest ties of blood, he is as unable to subscribe to the oath as the most active and most cruel of rebels, and is equally debarred from the offices of honor and trust and the positions and employments specified. ^*Sf» ***** The disabilities created by the Consti- tution of Missouri must be regarded as pen- alties. They constitute punishment. We do not agree with the counsel of Missouri that "to punish one is to deprive biin of life, liberty, or property, and that to take from him anything less than these is no punishment at all." The learned counsel does not use the.se terms, ''life, liberty and property,," as comprehending every right known to the law. He does not include under "liberty" freedom from outrage on the feelings as well as restraints on the per- son. He does not include under " property " those estates which one may acquire in pro- fessions, though they are often the source of the highest emoluments and honors. The deprivation of any rights, civil or political, may be punishment, the circum- stances attending and the causes of depriva- tion determining this fact Disqualification from office may be punishment, as in cases of conviction upon impeachment. Disqual- ification from the pursuit of a lawful avo- cation, or from positions of trust, or from the privilege of appearing in the courts, or acting as executor, administrator, or guard- ian, may also, and often has been, imposed as punishment. ********* Now, the clauses in the Missouri Consti- tution which are the subject of consideration do not in terms define any crime or declare that any punishment shall be inflicted, but, they produce the same result upon the parties against whom they are directed a^ though tlie crimes were defined and the pun- ishment declared. They assume that there are persons in Missouri who are guilty of some of the acts designated. They would have no meaning in the Constitution were not such the fact. They are aimed at past acts, and not future facts. . They were i]i- tended to operate upon parties who, in some form or manner, by action or words, di- rectly or indirectly, had aided or counte- nanced the rebellion, or sympathized with parties engaged in the rebellion, or had en- deavored to escape the proper responsibili- ties and duties of a citizen in time of war. And they were intended to operate by de- priving such persons of the right to hold certain offices and trusts, and to pursue their ordinary and regular avocations. This deprivation is punishment; nor is it any less so because a way is opened for escape from it by the expurgatory oath. The framers of the Constitution of Missouri knew at the time that whole classes of individuals would be unable to take the oath prescribed. To them there is no escape provided. To them the deprivation was intended to be and is ab- solute and perpetual. To make the enjoy- ment of a right dependent upon an impos- sible condition is equivalent to an absolute denial of the right under any condition, and such denial enforced fora past act is nothing else than punishment imposed for that act; it is a misapplication of terms to call it any- thing else. ^^f** ***** The objectionable character of these clauses will be more apparent if we put them in the ordinary form of a legislative act. Thus, if instead of the general pro- visions in the Constitution, the Convention had provided as follows: "Be it enacted, that all persons who have been in armed hostility to the United States shall, upon conviction thereof, not only be punished as the laws provided at the "time the offenses were committed, hut shall also be thereafter rendered incapable of ■' mg any of the offices, trupta, and positions, and "of exer- cising any of the pursuits mentioned in the third article of the Constitution of Mis- souri," no one could have any doubt of the nature of the act. It would be an cxpost facto law, and void, for it would add a new MISSOURI TEST OATH CASE. 193 puiii^lnnent to an old offense. So, too, if the Convention had pas.sed an enactment of a similar kind with reference to those acts whicli do not constitute offenses. Tlius, had it provided a.s follows: "Be it enacted, that all persons wlio have heretofore at any time entered or left the State of Missouri with intent to avoid enrollment or draft in the military service of the United States, shall, upon conviction thereof, be forever rendered incapable of holding any otBce of honor, trust, or profit in the United States, or of teaching in any seminary of learning, or of preaching as a minister of the Gospel of any denomination, or exercising any of the professions or pursuits mentioned in the third article of the Constitution," there would be no question of t)ie character of the enactment. It would be an ex post facln law, because it would impose a pun- ishment for a:n act. not punishable at the time it was committed. The provisions of the Constitution of Mis- .'Jouri accomplish precisely what enactments like tho.oe supposed would accomplish. They impose the same penalty without the formality of a judicial trial and conviction, for the parties embraced by the supposed enactments would be incapable of taking the oath prescribed. To them its requirements would be an impossible condition. Take the case before us : The Constitution of Missouri excludes, on failure to take the oath we have described, a large class of per- sons witliiq her borders from numerous offices and pursuits. It would have been equally within the power of the State to have extended the exclusion so as to de- prive the parties who were unable to take tlie oath from any avocations whatever in the State. Suppose,, again, in the progress of events, persons now in the minority in tlie State should obtain the ascendency, and .secure the control of the Government; notliing could prevent, if the constitutional [irohibition can be evaded, the enactment of a provision requiring every person, as a condition of holding any office of honor or fru.st, or of pursuing any avocation in the State, to take an oath that he had never ad- vocated or advised or supported the im- position of the present expurgatory oath. Under this form of legislation the most flagrant invasions of private rights in pe- riods of excitement may he enacted, and individuals, and even wliole classes, may be deprived of political and civil rights. A question arose in New York, soon after the treaty of peace of 1783, upon a statute of that State, which involved a discussion of the nature and character of these expur- gatory oaths when used as a means of in- flicting punishment. The subject was re- 13 garded as so important, and the requirement of the oath such a violation of tlie Cunda- mental principles of civil liberty and the rights of the citizen, that it engaged the at- tention of eminent lawyers and distin- guished statesmen of the time, and among others, of Alexander Hamilton. We will cite some passajjee of a paper left by him on the subject, m which, with his charac- teristic fullness and ability, he examines the oath and demonstrates that it is not only a mode of inflicting punishment, but a mode in violation of all the constitutional gaurantees secured by the Revolution of the rights and liberties of the people: "If we examine it" (the measure requir- ing tlie oath), said this great lawyer, " with an unprejudiced eye, we must acknowledge not only that it was an evasion of the treaty, but a subversion of one great prin- ciple of social security, to wit: that every man shall be presumed innocent until lie is proved guilty. This was to invert the order of things, and instead of obliging the State to prove the guilt in order to inflict tlie pen- alty, it was to oblige the citizen to show his own innocence to avoid the penalty. It was to excite scruples in the honest and consci- entious, and to hold out a bribe to perjury." * * * . "It was a mode of inquiring who had committed any of those crimes to which the penalty of disqualification was annexed, with this aggravation, that it deprived the citizen of the benefit of that advantage which he would have enjoyed by leaving, as in all other cases, the burden of proof upon the prosecution. To place this mat- ter in a still clearer light, let it be supposed that instead of th,e mode of indictment and trial by jury, the Legislature was to de- clare that every citizen who did not swear that he had never adhered to the King of Great Britain should incur all the penaltie.s which our treason laws prescribe, would this not be a palpable evasion of the treaty, and a direct infringement of the Constitu- tion? The principle is the same in both cases, with only this difference in the con- sequences: that, in the instance already acted upon, the citizen forfeits part of his rights; in the one supposed, he would forfeit the whole. The degree of punishment is all that distinguishes the cases. In either, justly considered, it is substituting a new and arbitrary mode of prosecution for that ancient and highly esteemed one recogiiizeil by the laws and the Constitution of the State— I mean the trial by jury. "Let us not forget that the Constitution declares that trial by jury in all cases in which it has been formerly used should remain inviolate for ever, and that the leg- islature should at no time erect any new jurisdiction whicli should not proceed ac- 194 DEMOCEATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. cording to the course of tlie common law. Nothirfg can be more repugnant to the true genius of the common law than such an in- quisition, as has been mentioned, into the consciences of men." * * * "Ifanj' oath with respect to past conduct had been made, the condition on which individuals who have resided within the British lines should liold their estates, we should imme- diately see that this proceeding would be tyrannical and a violation of the treaty; and vet, when the some oath is employed to dive.st tliat right which ought to be deemed still more sacred, many of us are so infat- uated as to overlook the mischief Test Oath as to Lawyers. The act of Congress of January 24, 1865, prescribed a test oath to be taken by lawyers practicing in the United States Courts, the same as that commonly known as the "Iron Clad," required to be taken by all officers. The Supreme Court amended its second rule in com- pliance with said aftt. The Hon. A. H. Garland, of Arkansas, was a Senator in the Confederate Congress during the war. He had been admitted an attor- ney and counselor of that court at the December term, 1860. For his partici- pation in the rebellion he was pardoned by the President. He then presented his petition to the court, asking permis- sion to appear and continue to practice there under his admission of 1860 and the pardon of the President, without being required to make the oath pre- scribed by the act of January 24, 1865, and the rule of court made in pursu- ance of said act. The decision of the court was that his application should be granted. Mr. Justice Field delivered the opin- ion of the Court on the 14th of Janu- ary, 18C7, in which he said : The statute is directed against parties who have offended in any of the particulars embraced by these clauses, and its object is to exclude them from the profession of the law, or at least from its practice in the courts of the United States. As the oath prescribed can not be taken by these par- ties, the act as against them operates as a legislative dejoree of perpetual exclusion. An exclusion from any of the professions or any of the ordinary avocations of life for past conduct, can be regarded in no other light than as a punishment for such conduct. The exaction of the oath is the mode provided for ascertaining the parlies upon whom the act is intended to opej'ato, and, instead of lessening, increases its ob- jectionable character. All enactments of this kind partake of the nature of hills nf pains and penalties, and are subject to the constitutional inhibition against the pas- sage of bills of attainder, under which gen- eral designation they are included. In the exclusion which the statute adjudges, it im- poses a punislunent for some of the acts specified, which were not punishahle, or may not have been punishable at the time they were committed; and for other acts it adds a new punishment to that then pre- scribed, and it is thus brought within the further inhibition of the Constitution against the passage of an ex post f ado law. In the case of Cummings v. The State of Missouri, just decided, we had occasion to consider the meaning of a bill of at- tainder and an ex post facto law in the clause of the Constitution forbidding their passage by the States, and it is unnecessary to repeat here what we there said. A hke prohibition is contained in tlie Constitution again.st enactments of this kind by Con- gress, and the arguments presented in that case against certain clauses of the constitii- tian of Missouri is equally applicable to the act ofCongress under consideration in this case. The profession of an attorney and coun- selor is not like an office created by an Act of Congress, which depends for its continu- ance, its powers, and its emoluments on the will of its creator, and the possession of which may be burdened with any conditions not prohibited by the Constitution. Attor- neys and counselors are not officers of the United States. They are not elected or ap- pointed in the liianner prescribed by the Constitution for the election or appointment of such officers. They are officers of the court, admitted as such by its order upon evidence of their possessing sufficient legal learning and fair character. Since the statute of Henry IV, it has been the prac- tice in England, and it has always been the pirartice in this country, to obtain this evi- dence by an examination of the parties. In this court the fact of the admission of such officers in the highest court of the States to which they respectively belong for three years preceding tlieir application is regard- ed as sufficient evidence of the possession of the requisite legal learning, and the state ment of counsel moving their admission sufficient evidence that their private and professional character is fair. The order of admission is the judgment of the court that the parties possess the requisite qualifica- tions as attorneys and counselors, and are entitled to appear as such and conduct LAWVEirs 'I'EST OATH. 195 causes therein. From its entry the parties Vipfome officers of the court, and are respon- sible to it for professional misconduct. Thej' hold their office during good be- havior, and can only be deprived of it for in.,Nconiluci, ascertained and declared by the ji-.ijgnient of the court, after opportunity to Lie lieard has been afforded. Their admis- noii and their exclusion are not the exer- ri.-ie of a mere ministerial power. The court i.M not in this respect the register of tlie edicts of any other body. It is the exercise ol'judicial powers, and has been so held in numerous cases. It was so lield by tlie Court of Appeals of New York in the mat- ter of the application of Cooper for admis- sion. "Attorneys and coun.selors," said tliat court, "are not only officers of the court, but officers whose duties relate al- most exclusively to proeeedings of a judicial nature, and hence tlieir appoiutnient may, with propriety be intrusted to tlie courts; and tlie latter, in performing this duty, may very justly be considered as engaged in the exercise of their appropriate judicial func- tions." In ex parte Seconiii, a mandamus to tlie Supreme Court of the Territory of .Minnesota to vacate an order removing an attorney and counselor was denied by this court on the ground that the removal was a judicial act. " We are not aware of any i:ase," said the court, "where a mandamiis was issued to an inferior tribunal commanding it to re- verse or annul its decision, where the deci- sion was in its nature a judicial act. and within the scope of its jurisdiction and di.s- cretion." And in the same case the court observed tliat "it has been well settled by the rules and practice of common-law courts that it rests exclusively with the court to determine who is qualified to become one of its officers as an attorney and counselor, and for what causes he ought to be re- moved." The attorney and counselor, bi-ing by the solemn judicial act of the court clothed with his office, does not hold it as a matter of grace and favor; the right wliich it confers upon him to appear for suitors, and to argue causes, is something more than a mere indulgence, revokable at the pleasure of the court, or at the command of the legislature; it is a riglit of which he can only be deprived by the judgment of the court for moral or professional delin- quency. The legislature may undoubtedly prescribe qualifications for tlie office, with which he must conform, as it may, where it has exclusive jurisdiction, prescribe quali- fications for the pursuit of any of the ordin- ary avocations of life; but to constitute a qualification, the condition or thing pre- scribed must be attainable, in thi-ory at .least, b'' evevv one. That wln^h, from the nature of things, or the past condition or conduct of the party, can not be attained by every citizen, does not fall within the defini- tion of the term. To all tliose by wliom it is unattainable, it is a dispualification which operates as a perpetual bar to the office. The question iti tliis case is not as to tl.r power of Congress to prescribe qualificaf.on.-, but whether that power has been exerri.-Ld as a means for the infliction of punishmei i against the prohibition of the Constitutio;.. Tliat tliis result can not be effijcted indirect- ly by a State under the form of creating qualifications, we have held in the case of Cummings v. The State of Missouri, and the reasoning upon which that conclusion was reached applies equally to similar ac- tion on the part of Congress. Tliese views are further strengthened by a consideration, of the effect of the pardon produced by the petitioner, and the nature of the pardoning power of the President. 'I'lie Constitution provides that the President "shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons for offenses against the United States, except in cases of impeacliment." The power thus conferred is unlimited, with the exception stated ; it extends to every offense known to the law, and niny be exer- cised at any time after its commission, eitlier before legal proceedings are taken, or during their pendency, or after conviction and judgment. This power of the Presi- dent is not subject to legislative control. Congress can neither limit the efl'ect of his pardon, nor exclude from its exercise any class of offenders. The benign prerogative of mercy reposed in him can not be fettered by any legislative restriction. Such being the case, the inquiry arises as to the effect and operation of a pardon. On this point all the authorities concur; a pardon reaches botli the punishment prescribed for the of- fense, and the guilt of the offender; and when the pardon is full, it releases the pun- ishment and blots out of existence the guilt, so that, in the eye of the law, the offender is as innocent as if he liad never committed the offense. If granted before conviction, it prevents any of the penalties and disabili- ties consequent upon conviction, from at- taching. If granted after conviction, it re- moves tiie penalties and disabilities, ami restores him to all his civil rights. It maice.s him, as it were, a new man, and givei hiiu a new credit and capacity. There is only this limit to its operation: it does not re- store offices forfeited, or property or interests vested in others in consequence of the con- viction and judgment. The pardon pro- duced by the petitioner is a full pardon for all offenses by him committed, arising from participation, direct or implied, in the rebel- lion, and is subject to certain conditioui 196 DEMOCRATIC SrEAKER'S llAN'D-KOOK. Ti-hioh hare been complied with. The effect of this pardon is to relieve the petitioner from all penalties and disabilities attached to the offense of treason committed by his participation in tlie rebellion. So far as that offense is concerned, he is thus placed beyond the reach of punishment of any kind; but to exclude him by reason of that offense from continuing in the enjoyment <'f previously acquired right, is to enforce a )iuiiislinient for that offiense notwithstand- iii.i; the pardon. If such exclusion can be affected by the exaction of an expurgatory oath covering the offense, the pardon may be avoided, and that accomplished indirect- ly which can not be reached by direct legis- lation. It is not within the constitutional power of Congress thus to inflict punish- ment beyond the reach of executive clem- ency. From the petitioner, therefore, the oath required by the act of January 24, 1865, can not be exacted, even were that act not subject to any other objection than the one just stated. It follows, from the views ex- pressed, that the prayer of the petitioner must be granted. The case of R. H. Marr is similar in its main features to that of the petitioner, and his petition must be granted ; and the amendment to the second rule of the court, which requires the oath prescribed by the act of January 24, 1865, to be taken by at- torneys and counselors, having been unad- vistdly adopted, must be rescinded, and it is so ordered.* The Condition of Tennessee. The Fruits of Radical Reconstruction. The condition of Tennessee at this time, is but an index of what will be that of the seven Southern States which have been placed by Radical military reconstruction under rotten borougli governments, and of the three others which are destined, if the Radicals succeed, to the same terrible doom. Let ussee what her down-trodden people have to bear. An Executive, the gratification of wbose fierce and cruel resentments is the su- preme law of the land, backed by a Legisla- ture without honor or conscience, who do not heriitate to violate their own laws whenever ■■■ The new order, made by a majority, is as follows : Supreme Coubt or the United States. December Term, 1866 — Monday^ Jomiary 14, Okdek op Court. It is now hero ordered by the Court that the amendment to the second rule of this Court, which requires the oath proscribed by the act of Congress of January 24, 1866, to be taken by attorneys and counselors, be, and the same is, hereby rescinded and annulled. their master or themselves deem it neces- sary to set aside registration and elections, or do any other act to preserve the unity of their despotic power ; a people, three-fifths of the white and law-abiding portion of which are disfranchised, while all of the negroes are enfranchised to an exclusive control of the political power of the State; a system of taxation. State, county and municipal, consuming not only the bulk of the production of capital, butthreateningthe consumption of the capital itself, to the en- richment of mercenary politicians, most of whom have located recently in the State, and are content to live, not by labpr, but by forays upon the people's purse, in which they are upheld by the State Government, with whom they consort, and to the discharge of subsidies which many of the members of the Legislature exact as compensation for each measure of outrage and plunder they impose as law upon the impoverished and heart-sick people of the State ; an organ- ized conspiracy of fraud and violence at the polls which makes an election a farce, and imperils the life of all who attempt an in- dependent exercise of suffrage, to the an- tagonism of the State Government, backed, among other means, by an expensive or- ganization of State militia, such as that which Congress now proposes to arm in the rotten boroughs of the South, called out upon the fancy of the Governor and quartered upon the people of the State for the purpose of upholding violence, intimi- dating voters, and precluding a free system of elections; in fact every monstrous de- tail of outrage and wrong which a brutal fiendishness can devise, and a cowardly horde of reckless and unprincipled mercenaries can enforce, is the lot of Tennessee. The circumstances of her condition were well set forth in an address to the recent Na- tional Democratic Convention, by a com- mittee from among her ablest and most trusted citizens. Hon. T. W. Brown, Chair- man ; Messrs. William Clare, J. H. Callen- der, J. E. Bailey and W. A. Quarles. The Repkesentation of Tennessee in Con- gress. When the delegation from Tennessee ap- peared in the House of Representatives *« be sworn in as members of the Fortieth Congress, on the 21st of November, 1867, Mr. Brooks, of New York, objected in man- ner following: Mr. Brooks. I object upon the ground that the elective franchise law of Tennessee, under which these gentlemen are said to have been elected, disfranchises a large por- tion of the white population — a majority of the white population of the State of Ten- nessee ; that these members thus elected •I'S.XXESSEE n.VMlCAL COXORESSMEN. 197 under iliat State, Franchise law of the State of TenriRSBee were elected by 55,000 negro votes 4.'),()0() white voters only voting, and that there were disfranchised in the State of Tennessee in that election from forty to forty-five thousand white voters; 100,000 voters controlled that election, 55,000 of whom were negroes ; 45,000 wliites being voted down, and 40,000 white voters dis- franchised, who could not vote at all under tiie law of the State. I object to them upon the ground that an oligarchy exists and reigns in the State of Tennessee, and that it is not such a republican form of government as the Constitution prescribes and ordains; and, therefore, I object to the swearing in of the whole delegation upon the principles which I have here alleged. I will not at this time consume the atten- tion of the House by reading the lengthened law of franchise of the State of Teimessee. But what I have to say upon that suiiject is, that a more oligarcliical, monarchical, exclusive, tyrannical law liardly ever ex- isted under any form of government, and doi-8 not now exist in Great Britain or in France. That law, in my judgment, with all due respect to the Kepreseiitatives from the State of Tennessee, or to tlie State of Tennessee — for slie lias no Representatives on this floor — that law is a disgrace to a free form of government, a dishonor to civ- ilization, and a reprobation of all forms of republican self-government. Without proceeding further upon this point, I shall first object to the swearing in of Mr. Butler, fi-om the first district uf Ten- nessee; from East Tennessee, I think, he comes — from the region where Governor IJrownlow lives; and 1 object to liini upon many and various points, which I shall pro- ceed to show as good grounds for objection, and which I have but very little doubt will meet with the attention and consideration of both sides of tliis House when tlie facts are brought home fully to the consideration of Republican members, because almost all of them are on record in the vote which they gave last July for the exclusion of the Kentucky members; almost all of them are upon a record which excludes Mr. Butler irrevocably from being sworn in, upon the facts which I shall present to the considera- tion of this House. I hold in my hand the journal of the extra session of the Tiiirty third General As- sembly of the State of Tennessee, which convened at Nashville on the first Monday of January, 1861, upon the special convo- cation or order of tlie then Governor of the State, Ishara G. Harris, the declared and avowed object of which, in the message, was to separate or segregate the State of Tennessee from the States of this Union; and of that Legislature Mr. Butler, who ia now claiming a right to be sworn in here, was a member. And before I go further, 1 shall proceed to read a portion of his record in that Leg- islature, which I shall show to be the record of one among the most extreme and violent men among the seceding members in this State; not out-done by Isham G. Harris himself, and going as far and as fully as any man did in the Legislature to separate the Slate of 'I'ennessee from the Union. And I shall proceed to show the active partwliich he took in tliat Legislature before I pro- ceed to another and more active part taken by liim in the perambulatory Legislature, first convened in Nasliville by Governor Harris, and subsequently portable and trans- ferable, after the affair of Fort Donelson, to the city of Memphis, on the Mississippi river. On page 57 of the House Journal of 1861 of the extra session of the General Assembly of Tennessee, Mr. Butler offered a "House reaolulion. No. 34," as follows: " Be it resolved by the General Assembly of the State of Tennessee, That our Sena- tors in Congress be, and they are hereby, instructed to vote against the confirmation of any man to office who indorsed an in- famous libel upon the South, krjown as the Helper book; and that the Governor is hel:eby requested to forward a copy of this resolution to each of our Senators in Con- gress." 1 do not blame Mr. Butler so much for that. I read it, not so much for the consid- eration of this side of the House as for the other side of the House more particularly. The second resolution was that — ■ " The people of Tennessee receive there- port of the appointment of William H. Seward to a position in the Cabinet of the incoming Administration as further evi- dence of hostility to the institutions of the South; and if the policy he has advocated ill all his speeches upon the subject of do- mestic slavery shall be inaugurated with said Administration, the South has but little hope of a settlement of existing difficulties between her and the North." ***** The great object of that Legislature was, as I have said, to ordain or order a conven- tion in the State of Tennessee, which con- vention should, under the doctrine of seces- sion, take the State of Tennessee, as was contended, constitutionally out of the Uiiun. A resolution was offered by Mr. Jones 1 1 at " ihe action of the convention shall be submitted to the people, upon reasonable notice, for ratification or rejection, and shall be of no binding force unless it is adopted and ratified by a majority of the qualified voters of the people of Tennessee;" 198 de.mocTlATIc sr. lj:i;'s iLv>:i)i;(xav. and upon the final vote on tliat subject Mr. Butler voted with the seoeders to create a convention, to ordain it by law, to make it, as was then contended, a legitimate and constitutional convention. Upon the final vote taken on that subject, the strongest sort of a re.solution for the creation of a convention, whose action was to be submit- ted to the people, was adopted by a vote of sixty-eight ayes and no noes; and the bill for the holding of a convention was then ordered to be transferred to the Senate, Mr. Butler voting in the affirmative. Another resolution. No. 44, introduced in that Legislature by Mr. Farrelly, provided that " His Excellency the Governor be, and he is hereby, authorized and requested to make inquiry of the dilFerent banks of the State whether or not they are willing to loan the State money in the present crisis of af- fairs, and if so, how much and upon what terms." On that resolution the vote was 47 yeas to 19 nays, Mr. Butler voting in the affirmative. Mr. l^ickett submitted resolution 'No. 51, on the subject of Federal relations — a long series of resolutions, too long to read, but the purport of which can easily be imagined when I describe thera as of the worst kind of the resolutions which were at that time introduced into the "secesh" legislatures of the Southern States. The resolution to which 1 particularly call the attention of the House is that wliich was offered by Mr. Jones as an amendment, and which was carried, that — "Should a plan of adjustment satisfac- tory to the South not be acceded to by the requisite number of States, to perfect amendments to the Constitution, it is the opinion of the (jeneral Assembly that the slaveholding States should adopt for them- selves the Constitution of the United States, with such amendments as may be satisfac- tory to tlie slaveholding States; and that they should invite into a union with them all States of the North which are willing to at)ide such amended Constitution and frame of government; severing at once and for- ever all connections with States refusing such reasonable guarantees to our future safety." The vote on the adoption of that resolu- tion was— yeas 4l2, nays 23 ; Mr. Butler be- ing recorded in the affirmative. Jn the .same volume I find another long series of resolutions of the samesort, intro- duced by Mr. Gantt, from the Joint Com- mittee on Federal Eelations. The conohid- iug resolution of the series 1 will read: " Resolved, That, should a plan of adju.«t- ment satisfactory to the South not be acceded to by the requisite number of States to perfect amendments to the Consti- tution of the United States, it is the opinion of tbisGeneral Assembly that the slaveholding States should adopt for themselves the Con- stitution of the United States, with such amendments as may be satisfactory to the slaveholding States; and that they should invite into a union with them all States of the North which are willing to abide such amended Constitution and frame of govern- ment, severing at once all connection with States refusing such reasonable guarantees to our future safety; such renewed con- ditions of federal union being first submitted for ratification to conventions of all the States respectively.'' This resolution received the vote of Mr. Butler. Thereareother points in this book, all going to demonstrate as forcibly, or more foroibl}' than what T have read, that at all times and on all occasions, without any exception whatsoever, Mr. Butler voted against tbe Union members of the Legis- lature of Tennessee, and with the leading "secesh" members of that body. Secession was ordained, and that ordi nance of secession I have before me, but 1 will not consume the time of tbe House by having it read. It was adopted May 7, 1861, and ratified June 8, 1861. It was an ordi- nance of secession professing to take the State of Tennessee out of the Union, and declaring that it thereafter formed an inde- pendent State — one of the Confederate States of America. Of the " secesh " Legislature held in Ten- nessee after this ordinance took that State out of this Union, Mr. Butler, of East Ten- nessee, became a prominent and active member; and I have in my hands a variety of motions in which he took an active part, and when they are fully presented to the consideration of the other side of the House, they will bind gentlemen to the mischiev- ous precedent established in this House in the case of the member-elect from the State of Kentucky in July last, and compel them to refuse to Mr. Butler the right to take the oath and become a member of this bodj'. I have before me, Mr. Speaker, the record of Mr. Butler's votes in the "secesh" Legis- lature of the Confederate State of Tennessee. I have here where he moved an amendment and voted to amend a bill authorizing the authorities of the Confederate State of Ten- nessee to confiscate and sequestrate all Northern debts due from people in Tennes- see to people in the North, and to seques- trate all Northern property held in Tennes- see belonging to any citizen of the North. That bill of confiscation and sequestration not only proceeds to confiscate and seques- trate Northern property, but also declares citizens of the North to be aliens, and en- titled to no more rights than alieTis from TENNESSEE RADICAL COXGRESSMEN. 199 Great Britain, aliens from France, or aliens from Austria or Turkey. And when the ambulatory or ambulance " secesh" Legisla- ture of tlie Confederate State of Tennessee was threatened by the irruption of our army after the success at FortDonelson — when it was threatened at Nashville, Mr. Butler, among other.s of tliat ambulatory Legisla- ture, decamped from that city and estab- lished the headquarters of that Legislature in the city of Memphis. Among other measures adopted in the city of Memphis, for which Mr. Butler voted, was one for taking care of the invalid soldiers of the South; providing tlie ways and means for support- ing also the families which were left be- hind. This may have been charity, but it was a charity showing his heart as well as his votes, at that time, to be with the South- ern Confederacy. But, sir, tlie point to which I wish now particularly to call attention was a motion ibr removing the incorporated banks of the State of Tennessee from within the Union dominion, from tliose portions of the State which had been taken possession of after the victory of Fort Donelson, to those por- tions not in the occupation of our army. And a vote of his is on record in the "se- cesh " Ijegislature indoreijig that motion, and threatening tliose banks with a depri vation of their corporate rights if they did not change their places of biisine!*8 to within the Confederate or ''secesh" domin- ion ill the State of Tennessee. No more important vote than tliat could be given ; for, next to the sword of the South, was the purse of the Soutli — if indeed the purse was not the rao.'^t important liy that act of Mr Butler he voted to take ten million dollars from the then conquered portion of Tennessee, and to transfer that capital to the Confederate government of Tennessee. His vote is on the record. And if this were not enough, he is on the record to give the use of the Tennessee hall of the Honse of Representatives (o the electm-s for President and Vice-Pre.'see, under the authority of the Confederate Government, as a great military necessity of the Confederate States of tlie South. I might, 1 presume, stop here, but I hold in my hand some resolutions upon which Mr. Butler voted in the "secesh " Legisla- ture, which I will proceed to read, and to which I ask the particular attention of ail sides of the House. Mr. Jones offered the following resolutions in the "secesh " House of Assembly : " Resolved, That it is the sense of this General Assembly that the separation of those States now forming the Confederate 8i;ate8 of America ffom tlie United States is, and ought to be, final, perpetual, and ir- revocaijle; and that Tennessee will, under no circumstances, entertain any proposition from any quarter which may have for its object a restoration or reconstruction of the late Union on any terms or conditions whatever. " Kesolved, That the war which the United States are waging upon the Confed- erate States should lie prosecuted on our part with the utmost vigor and energy, un- til our independence and nationality are un- conditionally acknowledged by the United States. " Resolved, That Tennessee pledges her- self to her sister States of the Confederacy that, she will stand by them throughout the struggle; that she will contribute all the means which lier resources will supply, so far as the same may be necessary, to the support of the common cause, and will not consent to lay down arms until peace is es- tablished on the basis of the foregoing reso- lutions." 'I'hese resolutions were carried — ayes 41. nays 19; and among the 41 ayes is the name of Mr. Butler, now claiming to be a Representative on the floor of this House from the State of Tennessee. I will now refer to the member elect from the Fourth District of the State of Tennes- see, Mr Miillins, who I believe comes from the central part of the State. I object to him, not upon grounds so strong as 1 have objected to the admission of Mr. Butler, but I object to liim upon the ground thathe gave aid and comfort to the rebellion ; made speeches in behalf of the rebellion, lent it aid and support, and assisted to raise troops for that rebellion. In the year ISBl he made a speech in Bedford county, Tennes- see, at a place known as Moore's Springs, near Shelbyvilie, for the purpose of urging the young men there to join a rebel com- pany to be raised there. In the speech re- ferred to. Colonel .MuUins said that he 200 DBMOCEATIC SPEAKER'S HAND BOOK. wanted to see all the young men go out and fight for their homes and firesides ; that he was old and not able to do much fighting ; that he would remain at home and make meat and bread for those to live on who did fight; and whenever it became essential he would himself go into the rebel army. The speech was entirely a rebel speech. I hold in my hand authority for these declarations, and if this authority is denied hereafter, I shall proceed to submit in a THove subslantative and official form than I have named here. In the Fourth District of Tennessee, where lived some eight thousand of the twenty- tvvd thousand white voters who organized the State of Tennessee a/ter the rebellio:.. Governor Brownlow, under this wicked regis- try act, in order to elect a man of his own school, and to prevent the election by the Conservative voters of that district, threw out four counties, containing five thousand registered voters, the counties of Cotfin, Franklin, Lincoln and (liles. In those counties, where, I say, lived eight thousand of the twenty-two thousand voters who or- ganized the State of Tennessee, five thousand of those white voters were thrown out by the proclamation of the Glovernor of Ten- nessee; doing away with the whole registry of these counties. He disfranchised tliem all by an arbitrary edict of power; and if Mr. MuUins could be maintained in his seat otherwise, this declaration is sufficient here to show that republican self government does not now, and did not exist, in at least the Fourth District of Tennessee. I have also objections to urge to the ad- mission of Mr. Arnell, of the Sixth District of Tennessee. During the war he was es- tablished in the county of Lawrence, Ten- nessee, where he lives, and had a tannery, which, during no inconsiderable portion of the war, was devoted to the manufacture of shoes. Hedeclaredhe was unable to sup ply his neighbors with shoes, because, sucli were the requisitions of the rebel authori- ties upon him, that before he could supply the women and children of his neiglibor- bood with shoes, he must supply this foun- dation and understanding of the rebel army. 1 also object to the admission of Mr Trimble, from the Filth District of Tennes- see, who, I am informed — I have not the authentic information in his case that I have in the uthers — -because, when the or dinance of secession was submitted to the people of Tennessee, in 1861, if he voted at all, as many believe he did vote, he voted to take Tennessee out of the Union. Mr Trimble says that is not true; 1 was about to state, when he said so, that if he v.'iMilil rise upon this door and sny that it was not so, I would say no more — but as he has no right to say it to the House, he whispers it to me, and I say to the House for him, that he did not vote at that time. I withdraw my objection, then, to Mr. Trimble, because I have no authentic testi- mony ; none except a mere verbal report, which is not enough for me to make charges respecting him upon the floor of this House. I now yield the rest of my jme to the honorable gentleman from Wisconsin [Mr. Eldridge]. But before I yield I wish to in- troduce some resolutions, which I will put in form. The Speaker. The Chair would state that a mere objection to the swearing in of a gentleman will not arrest the administration of the oath ; hut it will require some action of the House. Mr. Brooks. I will propose two resolu- tions, one against the admission of all the members; the other, that the certificates of Messrs. Butler, Slokes and Arnell, previous to their being sworn in, be referred to the Committee of Elections. Mr. Eldridge. Mr. Speaker, I do not in- tend to make but a single remark. I was apprehensive at the last session that the precedent which gentlemen were establish- ing in the case of Kentucky, would come back at some not distant day to torment ita inventors; and as I liave objected to Mr. Stokes being sworn in as a member of this House, and have moved that his credentials be referred to the Committee of Elections, I now ask to place before the House the ground of my objecti(m. On the 27th of July, 1865, Mr. Stokes was making a speech in this House, when I asked of hiu) the privilege of introducing and having read at the Clerk's desk a letter purporting to have been written by him. That letter was read, as follows: LiUERTT, May 10, 1S61. Deak Sin — I have just learned from a friend that there are some gross misrepresen- tations going thero.indsin your section in regard to my position in this trying crisis, and for the benefit of yourself and others I write this. I have been a. zealous advocate of the (j uion up to the time of Lincoln's call for seventy five thousand troops; that being in violation of law, and for the subjugation of the South. I commend Governor Harris for his course, and for arming the State and resisting Lincoln to the point of the bayonet, and have enrolled my name as a volunteer to resist his usurpation. I have, in Con- gress and out, opposed coercion and all forced measures, believing that it was better to recognize the independence of the "Southern Confederacy" than to attempt to coerce them back TENNESSEE llADl: M ij.j.' [ESSMiJN. 201 I iiave always opposed socession, but claim tlie right of revolution, and the right to resist the oppression of the Federal Government, and to throw off their alle- giance to the same when that oppression becomes intolerable. That time has now come. I have been, and am now, for stand- ing by the border slave States, for they are to be the great sufferers during the conflict. I am opposed to being tacked on to the .Soiiihern Ccmfederacy at present (except as ■ i military league). But when peace is restored, if the two nations can not live in peace, let all the fifteen slave States elect delegates, meet in convention, frame their constitution, and submit it to the people for their ratification. Tlie South ought to be a unit during the war, by all means. I had announced myself as a candidate for re-election, but on seeing Lincoln's proclamation for troops, abandoned the canvass at once, and 1 am no candidate. I claim to have done my duty in trying to heal our difficulties and restore peace. That liaving failed, I shall now march forward in the discharge of my duty in resisting Lincoln, regardless of false charges, or what not, by those who are trying to put me down. Time will tell where we all stand, and who have been faithful. Hoping to hear from you soon, I remain yours truly, WILLIAM B. STOKES. Mr. John Duncan, McMinnville, Tennessee. When this letter was read, I inquired of Mr. Stokes, who was then addressing the House, whether it was a genuine letter written by him. His answer was, "Yes, sir, it is." Upon this letter, therefore, I have made the objection to the swearing in of Mr. Stokes, and have mo»"ed that his cre- dentials, with this letter, be referred to the Committee of Elections, and the gentleman on tlie other side will now have the oppor- tunity of following the precedent of the Ken- tucky case. . At a subsequent stage of the proceedings, Mr. Brooks said : I rise to ;i question of privilege in the case of Colonel .Miillins. As it seems to be required on the other side that in order to make n charge, some afH- d:ivit or some specific statement, signed by somebody, should be presented, I ask tlie t 'lerk to read the paper which I send to the desk. The Speaker. A resolution must first be ottered before any paper can be read. Mr. Brooks. 1 then otfer the following resolution, understanding it to be necessary; Resolved, That the certificate of Mr. Mul- lins be referred to the Committee of Elec- tions, and that he be not sworn in pending .the investigation. The Clerk read, as follows: I I am well acquiiinLed with Colonel James Mnllins, of Bedlbrd county, Tenne^rfee. I have known him from my boyhood, and I now make this statement: In the year 1861 — I forget the day and month — I heard Colonel Mullins make a speech in Bedford county, Tennessee. The speech was made at a spring known as "' Moore's" Spring, some three or lour miles from Shelbyville, Tennessee. The speech was made for the purpose of urging the young men of that locality to join a rebel company then being made up by one Jas. A. Moore, of said State and county. In the speech, Colonel Mullins said that he wanted to see all the young men go out and figlit for their homes and firesides; that he was an old man and not able to do much figliting, but that he would make meat and bread for others to live on while they fought, and that whenever it became essential, he too, would go into the rebel army. In fact, the entire speech was an ''out and out" rebel speech, and in entire accord with the speeches being tlien made throughout Ten- nessee by such men as Governor Harris and otiier rebel leaders. In one or two days after hearing this speech, I met Colonel Mullins in Slielby- ville, Tennessee, and rebuked him lor the speech referred to. He replied that half of the North and all of the South had gone with the rebellion, and that he thought it the duty of every Southern man to take sides with the South in the struggle. 1 told him if he thouglit so he could go that way, but as for myself I should " paddle my own canoe." At the conclusion of the speech referred to, I urged the young men to pay no atten- tion to what Mullins had said, and not to go into the rebel army. A great many took my advice, and remained firm Union men, many of them subsequently becoming Union soldiers. At the time Colonel Mullins made this speech 1 regarded him as a ^" rebel" and . L am sure his language would have sustained such a. belief I have been a loyal man from the begin- ning. On the 17th day of April, [)i^l, I enlisted as a Union soldier. I was subse- quently elected a lieutenant in the First Ten- nessee United States troops, known as the guard of Governor Andrew Johnson, then Military Governor of Tennessee. I am now a First-Lieutenant in the Tweifth U. S. Infantry, Kegular Army. The Colonel Mullin.s rel'erred to is now the Congressman-elect from the Fourth Congressional District of Tennessee. A. M. TROLUGER, First-Lieut. Twelfth U. S. Infantry. Wasuington, D. C , Nov. 12, 18tJ7. 202 DEilOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK All the members of the delegation were, notwithstanding the presentation of these facts, then sworn in, except Mr. Butler, who has since had his political disabilities re- moved, and an oath fixed up for him to swallow to support and defend the Consti- tution of the United States against all ene- mies, foreign and domestic, and to bear true faith and allegiance to the same; taking the obligation freely, without any mental reservation or purpose of evasion, and swearing faithfully to discharge the duties of the office. Why there should beany question of the ability of Butler to take any oath, is a good joice, since he has had an experience in tliat kind of liusiness which is perfect. Not- withstanding his record, so truthfully pre- sented by Mr. Brooks, he took tlie following candidates' oath, prescribed by the Fran- chise law of Tennessee, before his election to Congress : State of Tennessee, Davidson county, ss ; I do most solemnly swear that I have never voluntarily borne arms against the Government of the United Statts for the purpose or with the intention of aiding the late rebellion, nor liave I, with any such in- tention, at any time, given aid, comfort, coun- sel, or encouragement to said rebellion, or to any act of hostility to the Government of the United States. I further swear that I have never sought or accepted any office, either civil or mili- tary, or attempted to exercise the functions of any office, either civil or military, under the authority or pretended authority of the so called Confederate States of America, or of any insurrectionary iState, hostile or op- po.«ed to the autliority of the United States Government, with the intent and desire to aid said rebellion ; and that I have never given a voluntary supj^ort to any such gov- ernment or authority, so help me God. [Signed] K. R. BUTLElt. Subscribed and sworn to before me, this 21st day of June, A. D. 1867. JONATHAN LAAVRENCE, Justice of the Peace for Jetferson county. I, Andrew J, Fletcher, Secretary of State of the State of Teimessec, do certify that the tbregoing is a copy of the oatli of B. R. Butler, as a candidate for Congress, under the Franchise law of Tennessee, the original of which is on file in my otfice. In te-.timony whereof, I have hereunto subscribed my official signature, and by or- der of the Governor affixed ihe great seal of the State of Tennessee, at the department in the city of Nashville, this 10th day of August, A. D. 1867. [sE.tL.] A. J. FLETCHER, Secretary of Ptate. Sow the Loyal Militia, Acti Bkownlow's Militia on the Eajipage— MuEDBK OF A CiTIZBN — OtHBK PaRTIKS Shot At — Ladies Insulted — Mekting OF Citizens to Petition for Protec- tion. [From the Nashville Union, May 31, 1SC7.] The citizens of Franklin county held a meeting at Winchester, on Wednesday night, in reference to the conduct of the mi- litia in that county. F. A. Loughmiller acted ae Chairman, and W. J. Slatter as Secretary. On motion, a committee of twenty citi- zens was appointed to inquire into and re- port upon the conduct of the militia, and to make suggestions as to the best course to be pursued. The committee, after retiring, made a report, and thereupon speeches were made by Jesse Arledge, the chairman of the com- mittee, Colonel Peter Turney, A. S Colyar and Henry ^iingleton. The report was then adopted unanimously. The report is as follows : Your committee report that, upon exam- ination, they find the following facts to be true: That the militia now located in this county, under one Captain Kirkman, are comujitting depredations that call for prompt and immediate action. For weeks the conduct of this militia has been such as to deter many of our citizens from engaging in their ordinary pursuits, and in particular parts of the county, farmers particularly have been deterred from making any expen- diture, in the purchase or collection of stock to make a crop; and in portions of the county the indications now are that the crop will have to be abandoned, and will be en- tirely lost. Several of our citizens have been driven from their homes, and for weeks have been hiding out. Within the last few days, the outrages of this militia have been of a much more serious and alarming character They have been traveling over the country, pre- tending to be hunting arms, but they" have, in the most violent manner, entered peo- ple's houses, insulted the women, alarmed the children, threatening to kill many per- sons. Among the families thus outraged are Dr. Abernathy's, E H. Poe's, Hiimpton's, and many others. Only a few days ago tbev took an inoffen- sive boy, the son of li;. H". Poe, a prisoner, carried him to camp and tied him, and con- demned him to be shot, and his hfe was saved by the intercession of a friend, making the young man pronii.se, on pain of death, not to tell what had taken place. Yesterday morning, about daylight, a portion of this militia went to the house of BROWIs'LOWS MILITIA. 21)3 a peaceable, quiet citizen, Jamea Brown, and upon a pretended acknowledgment, which they claim to have extracted from liim, by falsely personating East Tennessee refugees, as to the part he (Brown) took in the war, tliey took him into the woods, utterly -disregarding the appeals and cries of his wife and father, and put him to death in a most heartless and cruel manner. Leaving him dead, they returned to camp, only sending word to his wife that she could send and get her husband if she wanted him. Other citizens were shot at, and the lives of many men have been threatened. Sev eral of our citizens have been notified within llie last few days that they would be killed. And these things are all done, as is alleged, because of the part said persons took in the war, which has now been over more than two years, and for which the parties have all been pardoned, and have the pledge of the United States Government, through its highest military officers, that they should be protected, having laid down their arms. We further report that so far as the citi- zens of this county are concerned, and espe- cially the men who were rebels during the war, the most perfect quiet and order pre- vails. Everybody, and especially the for- mer rebels, have shown a disposition to obey the laws, no matter how onerous, never before witnessed in this country. It lias been the constant remark of onr Judges, to- wit: Judge HioUerson, Judge PaHerson and Judge Steele, all of wliom have held court in this district, and all of whom were appointees of -Gov. Brownlow, that they never knew a people more disposed to be Jaw-abiding. 'J'he truth is, no one pre- tends that any man who was a rebel has committed any crime or done anything since the war for wliich he deserves punish- ment. Your committee recommend, first, for the immediate protection of men who were in the Southern army and who live in the . nelghborliood where this militia is located, that tliey protect themselves by keeping out of the way of this militia for the present, even if they have to abandon their families and give up their crops. Second. That a committee be appointed to draft a petition to the Federal Govern- ment, setting forth our grievances, and ask- ing protection for our lives and property. Third If the depredations of this militia are continued, and our people are indis- criminately driven from their homes and murdered, and, after appealing in the most earnest manner to the Federal and State authorities, we can get no protection, we recommend that the people combine and protect themselves. Jkssb Arledge, Cu.vs. PL Chekry, Wm. F. Taylor, J. L. Baugh, J. J. Williams, W. T. Karis, Natban Feizzell, John Bcrrough, Tilman Aeledge, M. Ransom, J. C. Garner, J. W. Bone, J. M. Peyor, Henry Singleton, Wiley S. Emery, Alece Smith, Wiley Sanders, A. S. Colyae, E. F. CoLYAR, A. D. Trimble. Yet these are the kind of beasts that Congress proposes to arm with rifle and cannon to inaugurate a like reign of terror, previous to the Presidential election, in the other States of the South. Brownlow's Militia Extending their Jurisdiction. The commander of "Company A," Brownljw's army, has issued the follow- ing order — which it will be seen involves a question of such rare and delicate subtlety, that the learned Gresliam could not decide. Unlike Rickiiian and Clingan, Gresham seems inclined to call for the assistance of civil officers to participate in his uncivil proceedings. The document is without a precedent in legal or military history: " Headquarters Cojipany A, First Regi- ment Tetmessee State Guard, Camp near Bristol, Tenn., May 27, 1867.— J. S. Shan- gle, Esq. — Dear Sir : You are hereby noti- fied to appear at these headquarters on to- morrow morning (28th) at 8 o'clock, to set with two otiier magistrates. "The case is: A man and his wife have parted recently, and the man takes from his wife a female infant, only seven months old. She applies to liave the infant restored to her. You will inform yourself in regard to the points of law whicli may be in- volved, and fail not to report at the hour appointed. "GEO. EDGAR GRESHAM, " Captain commanding Co." Negro Offioe-Holdees. The 16th section of the Franchise act of Tennessee, precluded negroes from holding office. LTpon this point tlie Senators and Representatives of Tennessee in Congress, addressed the following memorial to the Legislature: " To the Senate and House of Representa- tives of Tennessee : "The undersigned, citizens of the State, your constituents and personal and political friends, respectfully but earnestly pray that you will repeal the 16th section of tlie Fran- chise act, thus giving full effect to tlje prin- ciple on which is based our restored State 204 DEMOCRATIC SPKAIvEUS HAND-BOOK. goveninient, hj' obliterating from the stat- ute books tlie last vestige of legislation which imposes disabilities where there hiis been no blame, and which neitlier time nor merit can remove. It would gratify us, and we feel sure it would gratify the body of your constituents, to know that you had acted in this manner promptly and unani- mously. And, as in duty bound, we will ever pra}'. "(Signed) Jos. S. Fowler, " HoUACE M-VYNAKD, "W. B. Stokes, "J AS. MULLINS, " D. A, NuNx, " JnO. 'I'llIMELE, " Samuel M. Abnbll. " Washington, December 7." Browalow's Exercise of the Pardoning Power. Ex-Attorney Genkkal Stubblkfibld Lets Loose on Rauioalism. In its report of the County Convention at McM'nnville, the New Era, of June 2, says : "Tlie Hon. George J. Stubblefield being present was called to the stand, and ad- diehsed tlie large and attentive audience for about one hour. During his remarks Mr Stubblefield attempted to excuse himself from further eflbrt, but the cries of 'go on, go on,' induced him to prolong his remarlcs to the great satisfaction of the good men present, and to the utter discomfiture of the few Radicals wlio came within the sound of his voice His expose of their corruption and avariciousness carried conviction with his earnestness. One statement made by Mr. Stubblefield, as an evidence of tlie 'law and order' of the Radical party as con- trasted with that of the Conservatives, we must be permitted to mention in this con- nection : " He said he had labored hard for three years to convictand have punished criminals for every grade of oft'ense — for rape, murder and theft; that during the time he had suc- ceeded in having convicted and confined in the penitentiary some three hundred crimi- nals for the worst grade of offenses; and that in one month's time our most excellent Governor, W. G. Brownlow, had turned the whole batch loose to renew their depreda- tions upon the communities; andaskedif such conduct did not exhibit a desire to harrass and goad the people rather than promote good leeling and amity." GovERNOK Brownlow Desires to Extin- guish, AND Thus get Rid of the Negro Race. In the Knoxville HVi/r/, published as late as May 'J.^, 1864, Brownlow plainly, freely and without any reserve, tells the colori-d men that he wants them freed only for the reasons that he, Brownlow, believes it will he the very means of extinguishing the negro race. Brownlow says : " We have never dififered with the Soiilh upon the abstract question of slavery, and do not now differ; and we are free to say, that the condition of the slaves when lib- erated, if left in the Soiith, will be loorse tlian it has been during their servitude. But we are for emancipating every negro in the South notwithstanding all this." Here Brownluw classes the negro with the rebel, and says he wants the negro pvnished the same as rebels are punished, and for no other reason than that he is a negro. He says, "for taking this ground we have just tii'o controlling reasons." Now, reader, look at the reasons: First, he says, "it will be the severest punishment of Southern rebels that can be inflicted." Now, see what a noble object he has in view ; nothing more or less than the de.^truction of the negro race. And next, " it will be the very means of ex- tinguishing the negro lace.' Radical Officials in Tennessee. Tremendous Tax-payers. The Memphis Avalanche says: "The taxable property of Shelby county, for 1867, was returned at forty-eight millions of dol- lars. On this amount, in 1867, six hundred and fifty-eight thousand dollars was col- lected. It will be seen from information which we derive from the Tax-Collector's books, that on the forty eight millions of dollars' worth of taxable property, and the six hundred and fifty-eight tliousand dollars collected for taxes, the Radical office-holders of this county paj'the enormous sum of one hundred ajid Jorty-seven dollars and fifty cents t ' Brownlow Sustained by Grant. His Usurpations Encouraged by the Use of United States TuoofS in their Behalf. Brownlow's invocations for the aid of the Armies of the United States to back up his excesses, are as potential as that of the or- der of any general officer in it. The com- mander of the Department of the Cumber- land is as certain to heed his call, as the General commanding is sure to give coun- tenance to whatever may be necessary to up- hold the diseased power of the so-called Governor of Tennessee. On the 28th of September, 1867, the regular charter elec- tion was to have been held. The Mayor, as was usual, ordered the election, as had always been done in compliance with the terms of the charter. The Gover- BROW^'LO\V SUSrAINi;D BY GRANT. 'nor insisted iipon tlie right and duty of J his Commissioner of Registration to hold it in compliance with the Franchise laws. ' The charter having been established pre- vious to negro suffrage, did not recognize that • article, and had never before been claimed to come under any of the proscriptions of the bVanchise laws, or to be affected by any ' extension of the franchise, they provided. ' Hence the concern of theGovernor. A char- ter, every one krjows, can not be affected by the provisions of :iny subsequent statute unk'.ss it is especially, and by terms named in the same, and subjected to the efTeotof a repealing or amending clause. The Mayor was wilhng that Brownlow should hold an election in liis way, and that he, the Mayor, v.'ould hold one in compliance with the charter, tlie courts to decide the question as between the two elections thereafter. All the Mayor wanted was to be permitted to discharge his duty peaceably. Brownlow, however, was inexorable, and concentraied his loyal militia at Nashville, to prevent by bloodshed, if necessary, the discharge of his duty by the Mayor. He knew his militia were of little concern to the people except in the way of taxes to support them, and they did not fear them. So he gave Gen. Thomas a hint that the services of the United States forces might be needed. A correspondence ensued on the subject, of which the following is material. The Mayor, in a letter to General Thomas dated September 24, 1867, announced his purpose to hold the election, which he closed as tbllows : Let the courts, the only proper arbiters, decide in the end, if we are wrong, and we will bow to their decision ; but We will not be deterred from the free exercise of our rights by any power on earth, except that of the United States. W. MATT. BROWN, Mayor. On which General Thomas made the following indorsement of transmittal : HEADQUAHTEES DEPA11T>1F,NT of TKE CtlMBRRLAND, ) LoursviLLE, Ky., Sept, 24, 180T. J Respectfully referred to the Adjutant-Gen- eral of the Army for the information of the I General-in-ohief | As yet no requisition has been made fora | military force for service in the case, but I have reason to believe there will be. Under existing instructions from the hon- orable Secretary of War to assist the civil authorities in preserving the peace, and the Governor of the State being chief magistrate of the State, and he having announced by proclamation his construction of the law, and his determination to enforce it, I am of the opinion that if called upon I should be compelled to aid him in enforcing his de- crees with the forces at my comrn^nd. Such will be the action taken unle^.s ordered to the contrary, and instructions by telegraph are requested if this is not approved of GEORGE H. THOMAS, Maj.-Gen. TJ. 8. A., Commanding. General Thomas sent to General Duncan the following instructions : Headquarteus Department np the Cumbehland, ) LrMjisviLLB, Ky., Sept. 24, 18ii7. J « * * * * * Governor Brownlow is chief magistrate of the State, and has announced by proclama- tion his construction of the law. If he needs military force to assist him in en forc- ing it, you will render him all the assistance in your power. The Major-General commanding has re- ferred your Tetters and accompanying docu- ments to the War Department, with advice of the action taken by him, and requested instructions by telegraph if it was not ap- proved of If such instructions are received you will be advised immediately. In the absence of any requisition upon you for troops prior to the day of election, you will on that day hold your command in readiness for immediate action, as you may be called upon at any moment to assist in quelling riots. I am. General, very respectfully, Your obedient servant, ALFRED L HOUGH, Brevet-Col. U. 8. A., A. A. A. 0. Brevet Brigadier-Gen. Thomas Duncan. Headquarters Tennessee State Guards, ) Nashville, September 23, 1867. j" General; Inclosed please find copy of Governor Brownlow's instructions to me as commanding officer of the State forces. I forward you this copy at the request of General Duncan, in order that you may considerit in connection with the documents in the case already referred to you by him. I am. General, your obedient servant, JOSEPH A. COOPER, Brig.- Gen. Com. Tennessee State Guards. Major-Gen. Geoege H. Thomas, Command- ing Dep' t of theCumherland, Louisville, Ky. Sr^TE OF Tennessee, Executive Defaetmemt, \ Nashville, September 22, 1867. j SiK : You will bring to Nashville immedi- ately all the troops, infantry and cavalry, you can command, to enable you to protect the judges and clerks, appointed by the com- missioners of registration, and to enforce the Franchise law. If need be call on Major-General George H. Thomas for additional force to enable you to keep the peace and enforce the law. Respectfully, W. G. BROWNLOW, Governor of Tennessee. Gen. Joseph A. Coopee, Conig State Guard. 206 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKEU'rf HANDBOOK. Transmitted to the headquarters of the Army with the following indorsement: HEADQUiETEES DEPARTMENT OF THE CUMBERLAND, ) LocibViLLE, Ky., Sept. 26, 18li7. / Respectfully forwarded to the Adjutant- General of the Army for the intbrmation of the General-incliiet; GEOEGE H. THOMAS, Maj.-Oen. U. S. A. Commanding. On the morning of the 25th instant, Gen fcral Thomas rece'ived tlie following telegram fron-i tlie Geiieral-in-oliief: WASHtNOTON, D. C, Sept. 24, 1807—3:30 p. M. Major-General Gkokgb H. Thomas: The JIayor, City Attorney, and Common Council of Nashville, express great fear of collision at time of charter election on the twenty-ei:;hth. (lO to Nashville to-morrow, to remain until after election, to preserve peace. If you think more troops necessary for that pur- pose, order them there from the most con- venient points in your command. The military can not set up to be the judge as to v.'hich set of election judges have tlie right to control, but must confine their action to putting down hostile mobs. It is hoped, however, by seeing the Governor and city officials here referred to, your presence and advice may prevent disturbances. Please keeij me advised of condition of affairs. U. S. GRANT, GeTieral To which General Thomas replied in the following telegram : Louisville, Ky., September 25, 1867. General U. S. Grant. Washington, D. C. . Your cypher telegram of 3:30 p. M. yester- day received. I forwarded you yesterday a proclamation of the Governor, the chief magistrate of the State, proclaiming any other election than that held under the Franchise law illegal, and directing General Cooper to take measures to preserve the peace and to protect the judges of election in the discharge of their duties ; also a proc- lamation by the Mayor of the city of Nash- ville, taking adverse grounds to the Gov- ernor, and ordering an extra police force to be organized to preserve the peace and to protect the judges of election appointed by the City Council to hold the election for city officers under the charter for your informa- tion and instructions. In the indorsement I expressed the belief that, under instructions from the War Department, I should be compelled to take sides with the Governor, he being the chief civil officer of the State, and having proclaimed the law govering elections in the State, should he call upon me for aid As further expressed in that in- dorsement, I should have used the troops to aid the civil authorities to enforce the Fran- chise law, and preserve peace at the election, had I not received your telegram of 3:30 p.it I start for Nashville this afternoon, and will do what I can to preserve the peace. Please instruct me whether I am to sustain the Governor or the Mayor. G. H. THOMAS, 3fajor- General General Thomas reached Nashville tlial night. On the morning of the 26th, says Genenil Thomas, I called at the capitol to see the Governor; found he was absent at Kno.x- ville, but I was informed by his private Sec- retary that Governor Brownlow had deter- mined to have his proclamation carried out, and had reiterated his directions therein embodied to General Cooper, to protect the judges and clerks appointed by the com- missioners of registration, and to enforce the Franchise law. That day the following dispatches were sent: Nashville, Texn., September 2u, 18G7. Gen. U. S. Geant, Washinyton, B. C: If both parties persist in liolding their election, there will be great danger of collis- ion. In such contingency am I to interfere and allow both elections to go on, or are my duties simply to prevent mobs from aid- ing either party ? GEORGE H. THOMAS. Major- General TJ. S. Army, Commandirig. MILITARY PKEPARATIONS. Nashville, Tens,, September 26, 18S7. Col. A. L. Hough, A^tUt'oit Adjutant- General, Lonisvitlc, Kif.: Order all the compianies pf the Second In- fantry at Louisville, BoWling Green, and Franklin, also two companies from Mem- phis, the two at Paducah, at Humbolt, and the company at Union City, to proceed to Cumberland barracks. Nashville, at once; and Leib's company, Fifth Cavalry, to Asli barracks. GEORGE H. THOMAS, Major- General TJ- S. A. Commanding. GRANT IN A TVSrO-HORSB ACT. Washington, D. 0., September 26, 1867—5 p. m. Major-General George H. Thomas : I neither instruct to sustain the Governor nor Mayor, but to prevent conflict The Governor is the only authority that can legally demand the aid of United Staio- troops, and that must be by proclamatii" declaring that invasion or insurrection exi-i; beyond the control of other means at hi: hands. It is hoped your presence and good judg ment and advice will prevent conflict. U. S. GRANT, General BROWNLOW SUSrAlXEl) UY illl.\^-\ In liis answer Thomas admits, that, to coinmaad the peace, is to decide against the Governor and the Franchise law. Read his dispatch : Nashville, Tenn,, September 20, 1867 — 3 p. M. General U. S. Grant, Washington, J). C: Governor Brownlow is in Knoxville. Have seen his instructions to General Cooper not to permit the city authorities to hiilil t eir election. The Mayor is deter- mined to hold an election in defiance of the Mate authority. A collision is inevitable. If I command the peace, my action will be !t practical decision against State authority and against the Pranoliise law. I can not preserve the peace witliout interfering in case of collision. GEORGE H. THOMAS, Major- General United States Army ■Wasiiinoton, D. C, September 26, 1867—4 p. m. Major-Qeneral Geoege H. Thomas : You are to prevent conflict. If the Ex- ecutive of the State issue his proclamation declaring insurrection or invasion to exist too formidable to be put down by force at his own command, and calls upon the United States to aid him, then aid will have to be given. Your mission is to preserve peace, and not to take sides in political dif- ference until called out in accordance with law. You are to prevent mobs from aiding either party. If called upon legally to in- terfere, your duty is plain. U. S. GRANT, General. Washinoton, D. C, Sept. 26, 1867.— 9 p. H. Major-General Geoege H. Thomas : I will send you further instructions to- morrow. Nothing is clearer, however, than that the military can not be made use of to defeat the Executive of a State in enforc- ing the laws of the State. You are not to prevent tlie legal State force from the exe- cution of its orders. U. S. GRANT, General. Matoe's Office, Nashvillr, Tennessee, ) September 27, 1867. J Sir — I have had the honor this moment of receiving at your hands in my office the following telegram from Washington City, dated September 26 : (Here he quotes the foregoing dispatch from General Grant.) I do not know precisely what construc- tion to place upon the above telegram. I am certainly not conscious of ever having contetnplated a resistance of the laws of the State of Tennessee, nor have I desires to de- feat the Executive of the State in his efforts to enforce the laws thereof I have only designed, if not prevented by armed vio- lence, to hold a strictly legal election, in a perfectly peaceful manner, and in full ac- cordance with the provisions of the charter of this city. You are directed by the tele- gram received, " not. lo pi-event iIil' itg:il State force from the cxeciuiun ol' ito onlei;,. ' I shall be pleased if you uill infurm me ex- plicitly whether you deem it your duty, under the order received by you, to uphold General Cooper and his militia in the threatened attempt to prevent the peaceful holding of the election heretofore ordered by the corporate authorities of Nashville? If so, I have no choice left me but to yield to the authority of the Government of the United States, with a respectful but em- phatic protest, however, against the signal and deplorable mistake wliicli I must con- sider to have been made in this case, and with the expression of that profound regret which I can not but feel, in view of the de- plorable and ruinous consequences now plainly in store for this devoted city, whose chartered interest I have so long and earn- estly labored to protect. I have the honor to be, very respectfully. Your obedient servant, W. MATT BROWN, Mai/or JMajor-Gen. Geo, H. Thomas, Com.manding , etc. P. S. — I have the honor to ask an early response to the above communication. W. M. BROWN, Mayor. Nashville, Tenn., Sept. 27, 1867— U a. m. General U. S. Grant, Wmliington, D. G.: Your telegram of 9 p. ji. yesterday I read to the Mayor this a. m., and explained to him that under it I should sustain tlie Gov- ernor in case of collision. As a great many of the City Council are opposed to the strong and defiant attitude of the Mayor, he has, upon reconsideration, decided to acquiesce, and will not attempt to hold an election under the city charter, and has this moment so informed me. GEORGE H. THOMAS, Major- General U. S. Armi/. War Department, | Wabhinston, Sept. 27, 1SG7— 11.10 a. ji. J" Major-General Geoege H. Thomas: Until afternoon I can give you no further instructions than you have already liad. Report by telegraph, immediately on re- ceipt of this, the nature of the difficulty in Nashville, and your view of the best way to meet it. U. S. GRANT, General. As my telegram of 11 A. M., says Gen- Thomas, had given the information de- sired, no other answer was made to this. No further instructions, as intimated in that would be sent, ever reached me. After the receipt of Mayor Brown's letter I returned the following reply : HEADQDARTEE6 Dep'T OP THE CUMBERLAND, ) Nashville, September 27, 1807. J In reply to your inquiry " whether you (I) deem it your (my) duty under the order 208 DEMOCKATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK you have received, to uphold Gen. Cooper and his militia in tlie threatened attempt to prevent the peaceful liolding of the election heretofore ordered by the corporate authori- ties of Xashville,'' I have to say that the proper interpretation of Gen. Grant's tele- graphic order is, to sustain the State authori- ties in the execution of its orders. Jt is not left to me to decide the question of legality or illegality of the election or- dered by you. Very respectfully, your obed't serv't, GEO'RGE H. THOMAS, Blajor- General U. S. Army, Com'g Dep't. Hon. AV. Matt. Brown, Mayor, Nashville. UNITED STATES TROOPS TAKE THK POLLS. P0.5SESSI0N OF Headquarters Dep't of the Cumbf.kland, \ Nashvills, Tenn., Sept. 27, 1807. J Major-General Thomas directs me to say that you will send one of the cavalry com- panies now under your command to report to Brevet Major-General S. W. Crawford, Lieutenant-Colonel Second Infantry, at six o'clock, on the morning of September 28. With the remaining troops under your command, you will be expected to protect the polls at all precincts north of Church street. You will cause a guard to be placed near each precinct by seven o'clock, in the morning, with orders to preserve the peace and sustain the judges appointed in accordance with the Franchise law, and under the proclamation of his Excellency, Governor W. G. Brownlow, under date of September 18, 1867. The precincts under j'our supervision are as follows: First Ward — Jail, Front street, between the square and Church street. Second Ward — Goodwin's feed store. Market street, between Square and Locust. Third Ward— IS'o. 63 North Cherry street. Fourth Ward — Old theater. Fifth Ward — New theater. I have the honor to be, your obedient servant, R W. JOHNSON, Brevet Major-Gen. U. S. Army, A. A. A. S. Brevet Brig. -Gen. Thomas Duncan, Command- ing District, Nashville. Headquarters Dbp't of the Cumberland, 1 Nashville, Sapt. 27, 1807. J General : Major-General Thomas directs nie to say that General Duncan has been instructed to direct a company of cavalry to report to you at six o'clock in the morn- ing, September 28, and with the troops un- dtr your command, you will be expected to protect the polls at all precincts south of Church street. You will cause a guard to be placed near each precinct, by seven o'clock in the morning, with orders to pre- serve the peace and sustain the jtidges ap- pointed in accordance with the Franchise law, and under the proclamation of his Excellency, Governor W. G. Brownlow, under date of September 18, 1867. The precincts under your supervision are located as follows : Sixth Ward — Jones' stable, Market street, south of Broad. Seventh Ward — Woodfin's grocery, Mur- freesboro' Pike. Eighth Ward— Firemen's Hall, No. 5 South Cherry street. Ninth Ward — School-house, corner of Cherry and Madison streets. Tenth Ward — Police station. Broad street, just west of the Nashville and Chat tanooga Eailroad. I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, JR. W, JOHNSON, Brevet Maj.-Gen. U. S. Army, A. A. A. G. Bevet Maj.-Gen. S. W. Ceawfokd, Lieut.-Col. Second Infantry. During that evening General Cooper had taken possession of the polls with tlie militia force under liis command, for the purpose of preventing the city authorilies from attempting to open the polls under the charter, and late at night General Cooper handed General Thomas in person the fol- lowing order : Special Order No. 147.] Headquarters Tenn. State Guards, 1 Nabhvtlle, Sept. 27, 1867. J Major John T. Robe-son, commanding battalion Tennessee State Guards, is hereby ordered to take charge of the different places designated for holding the election on the 28th instant. Major Robeson will station a sufficient force at each place designated, at 8 o'clock this P. jM., to hold said places; and will only deliver them up to the judges and clerks appointed by B. F. Sheridan, Commis- sioner of Registration for Davidson county, upon tlie production of their certificates from said Commissioner. After the polls are opened. Major Robe- son will see that the said judges and clerks I are protected in the discharge of their duty, [and permit no disturbance at the polls. By order of Brigadier-General .Joseph A. Cooper. S. B. GAMBLE, [Official copy.] Lt. and Aid-de-Camp. This he had issued to the troops under his command. On the morning of the 2Sth, the United States troops were posted as di- rected, and the polls were opened at 9 A. M., by tlie Commissioner of Registration, and the election commenced, and was continued without any disturbance until the hour of 4 P. M., the time appointed bylaw for the closing of the same. Soon after the opening of the polls, Gen- PROPOSED AME^'DMENT TO THE CONSTITUTION. 209 eral Cooper witlidrew the militia, leaving tlie United States troops in charge. The following address of the Mayor to the citizens of Nashville, giving his rea- sons for withdrawing as a caniJidate, was published in the morninj' capers of the 28th : Mayoe's Office, September 27, 18G7, Governor Brownlow having, through Gen- eral Cooper, notified tlie city authorities that he would use force to prevent the hold ing of an election under the charter and by-laws of the corporation, and by the judges appointed by the the Board of Al- dermen, according to law, and General G. H. Thomas having notified me officiallj", in writing, that he would use the military of the United StAtes in sustaining the Gov- iTiior of the State in forcibly preventing a peaceable election ; and the city authorities iiaving, under solemn protest against this luost unjust, illegal, and high-handed course, determined to submit to force, but to refuse to recognize the legality of the election which may, under the circumstances, be held, I do therefore hereby withdraw my name as candidate at the election (so-called), being now unwilling to be understood, by my silence, as in any way, either as an officer or an individual, lending countenance to such gross violations of law and right. W. M. BROWN, Mai/or. Thus ended this contest. The corporate autliorities were forced to yield to the supe- rior force of the Army of the United States, and another one of the high-handed out> rages of Brownlow was carried out. Amendment to the Oonstitntion ATjolialiing Slavery. Be it resolved, etc., That the following article be proposed to the Legislatures of the several States as an amendment to the Con- stitution of the United States, which, when ratified by three-fourths of said Legislatures, shall be valid, to all intents and purposes, as a part of the said Constitution, namely; Aktiolb XUI. Section' 1. Neither slavery nor involun- tary servitude, except as a punishment for crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United .States, or any place subject to their juris- diction. Sec. 2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legis- hition. Passed the Senate April 8, 1864. Passed the House January 31, 186.5. Secretary Seward, on the 18th of Decem- ber, 186.5, issued a proclamation, as follows: " And whereas, it appears from official documents on file in this department that tlie amendment to the Constitution of the 14 United States, proposed as aforesaid, has been ratified by the Legislatures of the States of Illinois, Rhode Island, Michigan, Maryland, New York, West Virginia, Maine, Kansas, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Vir- ginia, Ohio, Missouri, Nevada, Indiana, Louisiana, Minnesota, Wisconsin, Vermont, Tennessee, Akkan.sas, Connecticut, New Hampshire, South Carolina, Alabama, North Carolina and Georgia, in all twenty- seven States ; " And whereas, the whale number of States in the United States is thirty-six ; " And whereas, the before specially named Statks, whose Legislatures have ratified the said proposed amendment, constitute three- fourths of the whole number of States in the United States; " Now, therefore, be it known that I, Wil- liam H. Seward, Secretary of State of the United States * * * do hereby certily that the amendment aforesaid has become valid to all intents and purposes as part of the Constitution of the United States."* Proposed Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution. This amendment will be found on page 47 of this book. It has been ratified by the States of Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, West Virginia, Ten- nessee, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Mis- souri, Minnesota, Kansas, Wisconsin, Ore- gon and Nevada. Ohio and New Jersey ratified at one time, but the Legislatures of those States have since, and iiefore the question is closed, with- drawn their ratification, and rejected the same. Delaware, Maryland and Kentui'ky, States which have been in unbroken asso- ciation with the Union, rejected it. Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas and Arkansas — .States which were not represented in Congress — rejected it. Rotten boroughs, created by the military power, under the auspices of the Recon- struction legislation of the Radical Con grees, and pretending to be the legitimate governments of North Carolina, South Car- olina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Arkansas and Louisiana, have very recently ratified it. Virginia, Mississippi and Texas, having not, as yet, adopted the rotten borough form * How is it that tbe seven Southern StatCF, enumerated above, were in the Union on the 18th day of December, 1865 (the date of the announcement quoted from), and out of the Union, to all intents and purposes, on the 1st of June, 1838? 210 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAKD-BOOK. of government, have not, in that condition, acted upon it. The Amending Povter. The withdrawal of the assent of Ohio and New Jersey to the ratification of this amendment, after it had once been given, will bring up an exciting question, should the ratification or rejection turn upon the vote of those two States. The New Orleans Picayune, in an article written before New Jersey had withdrawn her assent, and after Ohio had done so, pre- sented the question with great clearness: "The rescinding, by the present Jjegisla- ture of Ohio, of the assent given by the previous Legislature to constitutional amend- ment XIV, has raised new questions in Congress. " The first is, whether a State Legislature, having in due form ratified an amendment to the Constitution, can, under any circum- stances, revoke its assent. " Of course, if the requisite number of State ratifications has been obtained, and the amendment is adopted in fact and form, there can be' no right of change; for tliat would be equivalent to the conceding of a riglit by which a single State might change the Constitution itself The point mooted is, where does the right of a State to object to a change in the Constitution cease to be within its own control ? Is there any such period short of the final closing of the ques- tion, against all parties, by the full ratifica- tion of the amendment proposed? "Mr. Sumner, of Massachusetts, started up in the Senate to maintain the position that a State can not withdraw its consent, when once given, any more than it could withdraw from the Union. " This is a very extravagant assumption. Pending a proposition, and before a decision, the right of reconsidering a judgment is as reasonably the privilege of a State as it was for any member of Congress, by whom the amendment was proposed, to change his own vote in any of the preliminary stages; though he could not do so after the result was declared. It is the rational and repub- lican view of the right of judgment, against wliich no euubtleties, drawn i'rom the arin- Qi'y of party warfare, ought to be allowed 10 prevail. ■' But, if Mr. Sumner establishes this point, that States having once voted on the question, are foreclosed forever from recon- sidering it, he encounters consequences he is obliged to meet by other and more extra- ■ ordinary assumptions. "The number of States in the Union— at least the number recognized by all the other departments of the Government, and even in numerous acts of the Legislature itself— is thirty-seven. Three-fourths of thirty pcven States can not be less than twenty -eight. Ten States are more than one-fourth; con- sequently, the negative vote of ten States, or more, is the final defeat of the amend- ment — that is, Mr. Sumner's rule would so decide it, beyond reversal. " The amendment was passed in July, 1866, and on the 16th day of that month it was transmitted by the Executive Depart- ment to the Governors of the thirty-seven States. " During the next six months, and while the Legislatures of all the Southern States were in the full exercise of their functions, and before any of the military or other bills suppi'es.sing them were passed, the ten Southern Legislatures rejected the amend- ment. Besides these, Kentucky, Maryland and Delaware have also rejected it; and now Ohio is added, making fourteen, or more than one-third of the whole number of States, when more than one-fourth is sufficient to defeat "If the Sumner theory be conceded to be the true one, the votes of the thirteen are no more subject to revisal to the affirmative, than that of Ohio is to the negative. The position is really stronger, in respect to them, than by the universal rule of Mr Sumner, which '.vonld also deny the riglit of reconsideration before decision. These votes decided the qnestion, because they constitute more than the constitutional num- ber sufficient to reject. On the most rigid ground, as well as Mr. Sumner's wider rule, the amendment is defeated, and can not become a part of the Constitution, except by a two-thirds vote in both Houses of Congress, and a new submission to all the State Legislatures. " Therefore, it becomes a necessary part of Mr. Sumner's argument in favor of the vitality of the amendment, to assume that there are not thirty-seven States, but only twenty seven States entitled to be counted. Three-fourths of twenty-seven, which can not be less than twenty-one, are claimed to be sufficient to ratify. There are, without Ohio, twenty-one ratifying States, and he insists triumphantly that the amendment is ratified, and the action of the Ohio Legis- lature is impotent to effect the result, even if it were lawful, which he denies. " Here there arises, in Congress now, and probably before the Judiciary hereafter, the grand question of all — whether there tire twenty-seven States or thirty-seven States in the Union; in other words, is the Con- stitution in force in only twentj'-seven States, with the others subject to powers outside of the Constitution ? "The Ohio resolution, which has been sent before the Senate Committee of the militahy iterference ix elections. 211 Judiciary, brings tliis question up directly. On that, a judgmentcannotwell beavoided; and tlie issue on that question includes all the important issues connected with the I'c igressional methods of Southern recon- st) action, '' Mr. humner is certainly a little afraid of the plain issue which his previous course and declarations would make; for, on send- ing the question to the Judiciary Commit- tee, he accompanied it with the suggestion for a quibbling way of reading the Consti- tution, for the purpose of escaping the con- sequences of his own doctrines. He found in the Constitution that constitutional amendments are to be ratified by "the Legislatures" of three-fourths of the States, not by three-fourths of the States, and he implies that there may be States without Legislatures and without functions. The existence of Legislatures is the condition of the right of voting, and where there are no Legislatures to vote, there is no riglit of a State to be counted at all. • There may be States without Legislatures, but if they have no Legislatures, they are not to be counted at all, and the power of these suppressed votes is to be distributed among the others. "This is a complete swing round the lladical circle. The State Legislatures, while in tlie exercise of their complete functions, are violently suppressed, and their votes on amending the Constitution are then annulled, because they have no Legis- latures. It is as if a military commander should call up a prisoner of war, take away his commission and burn it, and then hang him as a marauder for not having one." How THE QbSTION OP ITS Katification Stands. On the 16th of July, 1868, the President sent a message to the Senate, including, among other papers, the following letter from the Secretary of State: To the President : The Secretary of State having received a resolution of the Senate of the yth instant, requesting him to comnmnicate to that body without delay, a list of the States of the Union whose Legislatures had ratified the Fourteenth Amendment of the Constitution .of the United States, with copies of all the res- olutions of ratification in his office, and to communicate to that body all resolutions of ratification of said amendment which he may hereafter receive, so soon as he shall receive the same respectively, has the honor to report to the President that official notice has been received at this department of the ratification of the amendment referred to by the Legislatures of the following States, to- wit: Connecticut, Tennessee, New Jersey, Oregon, Vermont, West Virginia, Kansas, Missouri, Indiana, Ohio, Illinois, Minne- sota, New York, Wisconsin, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Michigan, Nevada, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Nebraska, Maine and Iowa. Besides these acts of ratifications, notices and certificates have also been received by the Secretary of State, that the same proposed amendmeni. has been ratified by the Legislatures of the States respectively of Arkansas, Florida and North Carolina, which notices and cer- tificates last nrientioned were received from the newly constructed and established au- thorities assuming to be and acting as the Leigslaturesand Governors of the said States of Arkansas, Florida and North Carolina. These acts of ratification are for this rea- son stated in this report separately and dis- tinctly, and for the more accurate informa- tion of Congress, a copy of all the acts and resolutions of ratification of all said Legis- latures, is herewith subjoined, together with a copy, also, of certain resolutions of the Legislatures of Ohio and New Jersey, which purport to rescind the resolutions of ratification of said amendment, which had previously been adopted by the Legislatures of those two States, respectively, and to withdraw their consent to the same. Respectfully submitted, WILLIAM H. SEWARD. Militarj Inteifeieace in Electionsi Radicals Against Prohibiting It. On the 22d of June, 1864, the Senate voted on a bill to prevent any interference by the military forces of the United States at any election to be held in the United States. This bill was made necessary by the flagrant interference of the military in elections which had been held in Kentucky, .Missouri, Maryland and Deleware. It passed the Senate — Yeas 19, nays 13, as follows : YkaS — Messrs. Btickaleia, Carlile, Davis, Grimes, Hale, Harlan, Hendricks, Hicks, Johnson, Lane (of Kansas), McDongalt, Poineroy, Powell, Richardson, Middle, Saulshurrj, Trumbulb Wade, Willey— 19. Nats — Messrs. Anthony, Chandler, Clark, Collamer, Dixon, Foot, Foster, Harris, Howard, Morgan, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Wilson — 13. Democrats in Italics, Radicals in Roman. The Radical House did not act upon it, thus justifying military interference in elec- tions. How Boldly it was Done. General Thomas, in 1863, issued the fol- lowing special order: 212 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. TTak DEPARTjrENT, Abjutant-Genebal's Office, 1 Washington, March 13, 1868. J Special Order No. 19.] By direction of the President, the follow- ing officers are hereby dismissed from the service of the United States: Lieutenant A. J. Edgerly, Fourth New Hampsliire Volunteers, for circulating ooppekhbad TiCKHTS, and doing all in his power to pro- i:'nle the success of the rebel cause. By order of tlie Secretary of War. L. THOMAS, Adjutant-General. To the Govei-nor of New Hampshire. The Blasplemy and Iireligioas Tone of the Kadioal leaders. Thaddeus Stevens on the Bible. The Lancaster (Pennsylvania) Intelligen- cer, published at the home of Thaddeus Stevens, thus alludes to a phase in his char- acter, which will be exceedingly gratifying to the pio,u8 preachers of the Gospel who have been his special enemies and antago- nists. It says: " During all his life Thaddeus Stevens has openly scoffed at the Christian religion. A i^vi years since, while trying a case at a town in another part of the State, he and some other lawyers were conversing one evening, when one of the party adduced the Bible as authority for some statement he liad made. 'Oh,' said Mr. Stevens, 'the Bible is no authority. It is nothing but the obsolete history of a barbarous people!'" The Man whom it ia Proposed to make President for Nine Months. The following is a striking comment upon the fact that on Monday the Senate ad- journed in consequence of Senator How- ard's illness : "About two years ago, upon a motion to postpone action (upon a message of the President vetoing the Civil Eights bill) be- cause of the illness of Senator Dixon and the late Senator Wright, Mr. Wade made one of his characteristic speeches, which drew from Senator McDougal a reply which was characterized, by all who heard it, as one of the happiest impromptu oratorical efforts of the age. "Senator Wade then said some shock- ingly blasphemous things, and among them the following: 'I feel myself justified in taking every advantage which the Almighty has put into my hands to defend the power and authority of this body, of which I claim to be a part. I will not yield to these ap- peals of comity on a question like this, but 1 will tell the President and everybody else, that, if God Almighty has stricken one mem- ber so that he can not be here to uphold the dictation of a despot, I thank him for his interposition, and will take advantage of it if I can.' " What a contrast to the action of the Sen- ate of the 11th inst. Blasphemons Old Thad. Stevensi This old miscreant, whose decaying legs are already sinking into the grave; not in the heat of spoken words, but in a document written and printed, which he caused to be read for him by the mouth of Beast Butler, speaking of President Johnson's attempted removal of Stanton, uttered the foUowim' atrocious blasphemy: " Baser than the betrayal by Judas Ts- cariot, who betrayed only a single individual, Johnson sacrificed a whole nation, and the holiest of principles I' " It is horrible to repeat such words of blas- phemy, even to execrate them, and the con- coctor of them, and the Beast that consented to read them for the rotten veretch. The "only a single individual' that, being God, became man, and died for love of man, is "an individual" for whom Thad. Stevens has no love, and of whom he expects no salvation. ]3ut it is a mournful fact that a ChiefJustice, in his robes, and Senators, in their places, sat and listened to so horrible a blasphemy, without one of them crying out, and calling the blasphemer to stop! The gods of Kadicalism are all profane. Witness Wade with his mouth stuffed with abuses of the Almighty name; Thad. Ste- vens, who alluded to Jesus as "that single individual;" Karl Sehurz, who, a few years since, spoke of the Redeemer as "the ideal gentleman beyond the skies, called by some people God!" The divinities of Radicalism shock the religious as well as political sense of the people. Radicalism, in its last anly- sis, is infidelity — infidelity to man and God. — Augusta (Ga.) Constitutionalist. The American Inqnisition, Ben. Butler's System or EspiONAaE. [Correspondence of the New York World]. WASHiy>?T0N, May 19. The Board of Managers, now resolved into a Board of Inquisitors by authority of the House, continued to-day the investiga- tion of charges trumped up against Senator's who voted lor the acquittal of the Presi- dent. The charges and insinuations which Butler and his gang are hopelesslv trying to sustain, are, in effect, that the votes of certain Senators were purchased with money, or procured by other improper means. Of a verity, Butler, as will be seen in this nar- rative, neglects and refuses to solicit or ac- cept testimony in support of the rumors that votes were bought on the side of con- viction. The pachyderm from Massachu- setts is not quite thick-skinned enough to GENERAL FOUHEST AND KORT PILLOW. 213 listen to anything of this sort with patienoe. The inquisitors proceeded to-day witli the examination of Mr. Cliarles W. Woolley, of Cinciiiniiti, a lavyyer who has been for some titne engaged here on business intrusted to him by liis clients. Mr. Woolley, one of the bitterest enemies of the so called ''whisky ring," was, as it seems, conveniently sus- pected by the impeachers of sympathizing with that delectable body ; so when Mr. Woolley entered the miniature Star Cham- ber where Butler now presides, the latter at once began to question him, upon the sup- position that he had had the impudence to offer money to doubtful Senators. Before proceeding to relate Mr. Woolley's expe- rience, 1 wish to make your readers aware of how closely he, his friends and everybody else in Washington whom the managers clioose to make a note of, had been watched. Innumerable letters, both anonymous and signed, were in possession of the managers, hearing dates all the way up from a week after tlie beginning of the trial until the present time. The hints thus conveyed are presumed to have guided the detectives, who are in some instances known to have dog- ged certain Senators for days previous to Saturday, when the verdict was rendered upon the eleventh article. Chief-Justice Chase was tracked incessantly. Nobody entered his house without observation. The persons with whom he dined were marked. So with respect to Senators Fessenden, Trumbull, Grimes, Henderson, Van Winkle, Fowler and Ross. The espionage was so strict on Friday night that some of the detectives employed missed and mistook their men. I am in- Ibrmed to-day that one Senator, one of the most violent impeacliers in the chamber, was tracked that evening by a detective, who labored under the impression that his man was a doubtful one! This detective had a long chase, which ended at a house of ill-fame. The hostess, as it is said, agreed, for a consideration, to open the door of the apartment to which the prey of the detective had hied. The spy peeped, beheld the Senator, a bottle of wine, several glasses, and three damsels in decidedly negligent attire, and vanished, overcome witk disap- pointment and disgust. The Senator thus apprehended is said to bea " man of prayer." The Fort Pillow Litel on General Forrest, For years, indeed, ever since it happened, it has pleased tlie Radical press to charge the C(in federate General N. B. Forrest with the responsibility of what they call the Fort Pillow negro massacre in 1863. He has been exonerated from this aspersion in a late book issued in New Orleans, entitled " The Campaigns of General Forrest," writ- ten by General Thomas Jordan. In noticing this book the New York Times (Republican) has the honesty to say: " General Forrest's connection with the Fort Pillow massacre has been the black spot upon his reputation as a soldier. Upon this episode and Forrest's connection with it. General Jordan throws much new light. He shows from Federal documents and the testimony taken before the Congressional Committee, that General Forrest himself not only took no part in the massacre, but, being absent from the spot at tlie time, has- tened forward with all possible speed, and put an immediate stop to the misdeeds of that part of his command wliich had cap- tured the fort. The proofs he furnishes on this matter are numerous and abundant, and will, no doubt, lead many to new views of General Forrest's conduct at Fort Pillow." Nevertheless, the Radical press will con- tinue, we predict, to denounce General For- rest for the Fort Pillnw massacre. They believe that a lie well stuck to is as good as the truth. At any rate, ihey always act upon tliat principle. The Itadioa.1 Candidate for &overnor of New Toik. [From the New York World.] When Griswold, the Radical candidate for Governor, was elected to Congress in 1862, he had, like a good many other " loil" men, heavy contracts with the Government for building war vessels. During the sum- mer of that year the materials entering into the construction of iron-clads largely and rapidly advanced in price, and Griswold's fellow-contractors, filled with patriotic emo- tions in behalf of their own pockets, ap- peared before Congress and asked "relief" The Tribune then came to their rescue by announcing that the iron-clad builders were " menaced with ruin." Griswold with char- acteristic modesty and propriety, secured a place on the Naval Committee before which his own and his partners claims were dis- cussed and finally adjudicated. The reso- lution affording the " relief" asked for passed Congress — ayes, 85; noes, 36 — the reserved and patriotic Griswold, of course, voting in favor of the measure. Thus Gris- wold, his partners and sureties, were re- leased from their contracts, and thereby enabled to get out of the Government sev- eral hundred thousands of dollars. This is he whom the Radicals have nominated for Governor of the State of New York. Mr, Pendleton and Governor Seymour, The following manly and generous pri- vate letter addressed by Mr Pendleton to Washington McLean, of the Ohio delega- 214 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. tion, before that delegation left Ohio, was handed to John A. Green, Jr., on their ar- rival in New York : " Cincinnati, Thursday, June 25, 1S68. "My Dear Sir: You left my office this morning before 1 was aware of it. I seek you at home but you are not here. I must riay what I want by note. "" As soon as you get to New York see Governor Seymour. You know well my affection and admiration for hira. You know well what was my feeling before and after I heard from him last fall. He is to- day the foremost man in our party in the United States. His ability, cultivation, and experience put hira at the head of our statesmen. He commands my entire confi- dence — 1 would rather trust him than my- self with the delicate duties of the next four years. You know I am sincere. '' Make him feel this, and that he can rely on me and my friends. I have a nat- ural pride — an honest pride, I believe — in the good-will of my countrymen ; but you, better than any one else, know tliat it is neither egotistical nor overruling, and that I am ready — anxious to give up the noihi- nation to anybody who can get one single vote more than myself "Express all this frankly to the Governor, but delicatelj', and let him understand my views of men and measures as I have fre- quently given them to you. Good bye ! God bless you 1 " Very truly, "GEORGE H. PENDLETON. " To Wasuinston McLean, Esq." The Eump Congress as Pictured \>j a Badical Fen, The dishonesty of the Radical Congress is well depicted by the following, written to one of their leading organs; "After the vote to tax Government bonds, ill the House, last Monday, many sagacious Republicans feel that there is greater risk in remaining than in the postponement of many important bills. The grand difficulty of legislation just now is the fact that a Presidential campaign is opening. The members cast their votes almost solely with relerence to that. If a measure aft'ecting the rights of colored people were brought np in either House at this time, it is quite |irobable that it would be kil td outright, or be kicked unceremotiiously to one side till next winter. " The Republican members who come from the Middle and some of the Western States are very much afraid of the 'negro question,' in some of its aspects, j^isi iioio. 'i'hey will vote right enough next winter, when the election is passed ; but would ralher be excused at this moment. Tuis is but a sample. On all the great questions before Congress there is more or less of tliis feeling, and on the little ones too. The Twenty-per-cent-bill will pass next winter, or certainly would do so, if it had not been brought up now and defeated, because mem- bers did not care to face their constituents after voting for it. It would not have hurt the consciences of gentlemen, whose pay has been raised from three to five thousand dollars, to give the departmental clerks 20 per cent, more than they bad when paid in gold. However, it can not be done now. This, as well as other things, must wait."— Washington (D. W. B.) Corresj:ondence N. Y. Independent. Congressional Indignity to the Memory of lli, Buchanan. Letter from the Hon. Thad. Stevens. The following letter from Mr. Stevens was addre.ssed to Dr. Henry Carpenter, of Lancaster, Pennsylvania: "Washington, June 23, 1868. "Dear Sir: I learn there was a report in Lancaster thati opposed payingduehonors to Mr. Buchanan at his funeral. " On the other liand, I attempted twice to introduce resolutions laudatory of Mr. Bu- chanan's private character and personal his- tory, and asked the House to adjourn to at- tend his funeral. A single objection would prevent its being introduced that day. Mr. Van Wyck, of New York, constantly ob- jected. I earnestly appealed to him to witlidraw the objection. He persisted until I left tlie House. He then permitted a very tame resolution, barely appointing a committee, to be passed. I ."(m anxious that this mistake should be corrected, for 1 should be ashamed of such prejudice against the dead. I have no such prejudice. 1 would lie glad if ycu could have this state- ment in some way communicated to the puliiic, through Democratic organs, as I do not wish Mr. Buchanan's friends to believe so mean a thing. " THADDEUS STEVENS." The above, says the Cincinnati Enquirer, is ci'edit^hleto Mr. Stevens. Theshanidul nianmr in which the House of Representa- tives, under its Radical leaders, behaved in relation to thedeath of an ex-Presidentof the United States, was one of the many incidents which .show tiie malignant temper and char- acter of that orunnization, which carries its political animosities beyond the grave, and like hvenas, prey upon a, corpse to gratify its hates. By reference to the proceedings of the House of Representative it will be seen that Mr Stevens' statement is verified, and how MEMOEY OF JIR. BUCIIANAX. 215 disreputably that body acted at the grave, as it were, of Mr. Buchanan. Mr. Woodward. I offer the followinc; resolution, and ask the unanimous consent of tlie House for its consideration at this time: The House having received with becom- ing sensibility intelligence of the death of James Buchanan, ex-President of the United States, at his country-seat at Wheatland, on the Ist instant, does hereby resolve: \ That whatever diversities of opinion may prevail in respect of the administra- tion of Mr. Buchanan as President of the United States, the members of this House can cordially unite in honoring the purity of his private character, the ability and patriotic motives which illustrated his long career of public service, and the dignity which marked the retirement of the latter years of his life. 2. That, as a token of honor to the many virtues, public and private, of the illustri- ous sage and state.sman svhose death, in tlie ripeness of his age, has arrested the atten- tion of the nation, the Speaker of the House is requet-ted and authorized to appoint a committee of seven members to attend the funeral of Mr. Buchanan on behalf of the House, ami to communicate a copy of these resolutions to the relatives of the deceased. The Speaker. If there is no objection, the resolutions are before the House. Mr. Farnsworth. I suggest to the gen- tleman from Pennsylvania that he modify those re.«olutions a little. He certainly can not expect to get a unanimous vote of the House commending the " patriotic motives" which animated Mr. Buchanan at all times in his public career. For one, I certainly can not vote aye. Mr. MuLLiNS. Neither can I. Mr. Farnsworth. I move to lay the resolutions upon the table, unless the gentle- man will modify them. I am willing the grave shall bury the man's faults.and to speak only well of him, now that he is dead ; but when the gentleman asks me to vote that the motives or Mr. Buchanan were al- wa.\^ patriotic and pure, he asks me to vote what I believe to be a falsehood, and I can not do it ' Mr. Blaine. Will the gentleman from Pennsylvania allow me to have read a sub- stinte, which I think would obviate the ver^ disagreeable scene of contending over the body of a dead man ? I have a resolu- tion in mv hand which I think would se- cure the unanimous consent of the House. Mr. Eldrtoge. I think this scene cor- responds with the usual action of this House in such matters. Mr. MuLLiN'S. Especially on the other side of the Hoi.se. The Clerk read as follows: The House having received, with becom- ing sensibility, intelligence of the death of James Buchanan, ex-President of the United Slates, at his country-seat at Wheat- land, on the 1st instant, it is hereby Resolved, That, as a mark of honor to one who has held such eminent public station, the Speaker of the House is requested to appoint a committee of seven members to attend the funeral of Mr. Buchanan, on he- half (K the House, and to communicate a copy of this resolution to the relatives of the deceased. Mr. Woodward. I can not accept that amendment. I call the previous question upon my resolution. .Mr. Blaine. I suppose if the call for the previous question is voted down, then my resolution would be in order as a substitute. Mr. Farnsworth. I move that the res- olutions be laid upon the table. Mr. Eldridge. Upon that motion I call for the yeas and nays. The yeas and nays were ordered. Mr. Stevkns (of Pennsylvania). I ask unanimous consfiit to make a suggestion. .Mr. Van Wyok. I object, [Cries of "Oh, no!"] 1 withdraw the objection. No further objection being made, Mr. Steven.s (oC Pennsylvania), said: I ask my colleague [Mr. Woodward] to con- sent to strike out the words "the ability and patriotic motives which illustrated his long career of public service," and let the resolution be adopted without tliat in it. Mr. Farnsworth. Tliat is wliat I pro- posed. The Speaker. The Clerk will read that portion of the resolution as proposed to be modified. The Clerk read as follows: That whatever diversities of opinion may prevail in respect to the administration of Mr. Buchanan as President of the United States, the members of this House can cor- dially unite in honoring the purity of his private character, and the dignity which marked the retirement of the latter years of his life. Mr. Woodward. If the House will strike out the general allusion to the patriotic motives of Mr. Buchanan they can do so, but 1 can not consent to do it myself The question was then taken upon the motion to lay the resolutions on the table; and it was decided in the affirmative — yeas 74, nays 46, not voting 69 ; as follows : Ybas — Messrs. Allison, Arnell, James M. Asliley, Baldwin, Beaman, Beatty, Benton, Blaine, Bhiir, Bromwell, Brnomall, Buckland, Cake, R-'ader W. Clarke, Sidney Clarke, Cobb, Cnburn. Corrudl, Covnde. CuUorii, Delano, Dixon, Donnelly, Driggs, Bckley, Eggleston Farns- 216 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKBB'S HAND-BOOK. ■worth, Ferry, Fields, Garfield, Halsey , Harding, Hill, Hopkins, Hunter, Julian, Kitchen, "Wil- liam Lawrence, Logan, Loughridge, Mallory, Maynard, MeClurg, Merour, Miller, Moore, Morrill, MuUins, Myers, Newcomb, O'Neill, Paine, Perham, Polsiey, Pomeroy, Price, Raum, Sohenek, Selye, Starkweather, Aaron F.Stevens, Stokes, Taffe, Trowbridge, Upson, Van Aer- nam, Burt Van Horn, Robert T. Van Horn, Van Wyck, Ward, Cadwalador 0. Washburn, Henry D. Washburn, William B. Washburn, and Wil- liam Williams — 74. Nays — Messrs. Adams, Delos R. Ashley, Karnes, Beck, Boyor, Brooks, Burr, Butler, Eldridge, Getz, Golladay, Griswold, Haight, lligby, Holman, Hotchkiss, Chester D. Hub- b,ard, Richard D. Hubbard, IngersoU, Johnson, Jones, Kerr, Knott, Koontz, George V. Law- rence, Marshall, McCormick, Moorhead, Nib- Jack, Nicholson, Phelps, Plants, Randall, Ross,' Saw3^er, Scofield, Sitgreaves, Smith, Stewart, Taylor, Thomas, Lawrence S. Trimball, Van Auken, Van Trump, Wood^ and Woodward — 46. From this it will be seen tliat but 14 Kadicals, viz: Messrs. D. K. Ashley, Butler, Grrisvvold, Higby, Chester D. Hubbard, In gersoll, Koontz, G. V. Lawrence, Moor- head, Plants, Sawyer, Scoiield, Smith and Taylor, had decency sufficient to oppose this effort to scandalize the grave of Mr. Buchanan. So the resolutions were laid on the table. Mr. Paine. I rise to make a privileged report from the Committee on Reconstruo tion. Mr. Stevens (of Pennsylvania), I ask unanimous consent to be allnwed to offer a resolution in relation to the death of Mr. Buchanan. Mr. Van Wyok. T object. Mr. Blaine. I ask leave to offer a reso- lution on that subject Me. Stevens (of Pennsylvania). 1 trust I will be allowed to ofl'er the resolution. Mr. Van Wyck. I insist upon my objec- tion. Mr. P.UNE. I have been requested to yield to the gentleman from iMaine [Mr. Blaine] to offer a resolution. I will do so if it gives rise to no debate. Mr. Randall. I object to the gentleman from Maine [Mr. Blaine] offering the reso- lution. 1 will not object to my colleague, the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Stevens], offering the resolution, for I think he is the proper person to present it. The Speaker. The gentleman from Penn- sylvania [Mr. Randall] objects to the reso- lution proposed by the gentleman from Maine [Mr. Blaine], and tlie gentleman from New York [Mr. Van Wyck] objects to the one proposed by the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Stevens], Mr, Blaine, J desire il to be noted that if any mark of respect upon the death of ex- President Buchanan is prevented in this House, it is prevented by the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Randall]. Mr. Randall. 1 withdraw the objection, Mr. Ward, I renew it. A few hours afterward the following res- olution was passed — a constrained effort to be decent, the natural impossibility of which was palpable. This resolution was intro- duced by Mr. Blaine, of Maine, to get which tlirougli, as will be seen by com parison vf ith the original sub^titute offered by him, he had to strike out the words, " with becom- ing sensibility;" also the word "honor," and insert "respect ' instead. Was there ever such low-down sporting for terms at a funeral : " The House of Representatives having re- ceived intelligence of the death of James Buchanan, ex-P,residentof theUnited States, at h'S country seat at Wheatland, on the Ist instant, do hereby resolve, that, as a mark of respect to one who has held such emi- nent public station, the Speaker of the House is requested to appoint a committee of seven members to attend the funeral of Mr, Buchanan on behalf of the House, and to communicate a copy of this resolution to the relatives of the deceased." A Convict in the Penitentiary retained in Office by the Senate. A Convict and Radical Office holder at one and the sajie time. In a previous chapter a notice of the ar- rival at the New York Penitentiary of ex- Radical Speaker of the New York Assem- bly, Callicott, and late Collector of Internal Revenue at Brooklyn. Smne six nionlhs since the President sent to the Senate the reasons for the suspension of Callicott from the latter office, and notwithstanding that Callicott was indicted upon the charges'.al- leged against him in the President's order of suspension, and was, about two months ago, convicred upon this indictment, and sentenced thereon to imprisonment in tlie penitentiary, it was not until the 1 6th of July, 1868, that the Senate concurred in the President's reasons for Callicott's sus- pension — thus keeping Callicott in office two months, while he was in the discharge of his duties as a convict at the Ne"* York Penitentiary, Seizure of Private Papers, Radicals Indouse the Unconstitutional Outrage. In the House of Representatives, the fol- lowing resolutions came up for considera- tion ; " -Resolved, That it was not the purpose or intention of this House to authorize the committee of managers, and it hereby denies DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION. 217 the power or authority of said managers, under the Coiistitution, to require persons called before them as witnesses to produce or give evidence with reference to their perbonal and private papers; and tliat, in tlie opinion of this House, private and per- sonal telegrams are witliiii the provision of article lour of the amendments to the Con- stitution, which provides that — " ' riie right of the people to be secure in tiieii- persons, liouses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, fdiall not be violated, and no warrants shall issue but upon probable cause, supported by oatli or affirmation, and particularly de- scribing the place to be seai'ched, and the persons or things to be seized.' " — • " And that any violation of the rights in- tended to be secured by said article is an outrage upon personal liberty, which no f;ee people can tolerate or submit to." The Speakku. The question is on sus- pending the rules. Mr. Eldkidge. On that question I de- mand the yeas and nays. The yeas and nays were ordered. The question was taken; and there were ^yeaa 27, nays 95, not voting 67; as fol- lows : Yeas — Messrs. Barnes, Beck, Boyer, Burr, Gary, Eldridge, Getz, Glossbrenner, Golladay, liaigVit, Ilolman, Hotchkiss, Johnson, Jones, Kerr, Knott, Marshall, MoCorinLok, McCul- loujfh, Niblack, Phelps, Ross, Sitgreaves, Stone, Lawrence S. Trimble, Van Trump, and Wood- ward — 27. Nats — Messrs. Allison, Ames, Arnell, De- los li. Ashley, Baldwin, Beaman, Beatty, Ben- ton, Blaine, Blair, Bromwell, Buckland, Church- ill, R. W. Clarke, Cobb, Coburn, Cornell, Covode, CuUom, Dawes, Dixon, Donnelly, Driggs, Eck- ley. Bggleston, Ela, Farnsworth, Ferriss, Ferry, Fields, Garfield, Griswold, Harding, Higby, Hill, Hooper, Hopkins, Chester D. Hubbard, Hunter, Jenckes, Judd, Julian, Kelley, Keteh- am. Kitchen, Koontz, Laflin, George V. Law- rence, William Lawrence, Lincoln, Loughridge, Maynard, McCarthy, MoClurg, Miller, Moore, Moorhead, Mullins, Myers, Newcomb, Nunn, O'Neill, Orth, Paine, Perham, Pike, Poland, Polsley, Pomeroy, Price, Raum, Robertson, Sawyer, Schenck, Soofield, Selye, Smith, Stark- weather, Aaron F. Stevens, Thaddeus Stevens, Stukfs, Tiiflfe, Taylor, Thomas, John Trimble, Trowbridge, Upson, Burt Van Horn, Robert T. Van Horn, Cadwalader C. Washburn, Henry D. Washburn, William B. Washburn, Welker, John T. Wilson, and Windom— 95. The motion to suspend the rules was a test vote. Yeas, all Democrats, except General Cary, Independent. Nays, all Rad- icals Thus the Radicals announce boldly their indorsement of the right to seize pri- vate papers, in violation of Article IV of the amendments to the Constitution. National Democratic Oonveatloni Held at ITew York, July 4, 1868. For President — Horatio Seymour, of New York. For Vice-President — Francis P. Blaik, Jr., of Missouri. The Convention was called to order by Hon. August Belmont, of New York, Chairman Democratic National Conven- tion, in an eloquent and well-timed speech, which elicited the greatest ap- plause. Mr. Belmont nominated for temporary Chairman, the Hon. Henry S. Palm6r, of Wisconsin, which was agreed to. Mr. Palmer, on taking the chair, re- turned his acknowledgments for the compliment conferred upon him, and, af- ter a short speech, closed by introducing the Rev. Dr. Morgan, of New York, who offered prayers. Edwin 0. Perrin, Esq., of New York, was appointed Secretary. The rules of the last convention were adopted as the rules of this, until other- wise directed. The Secretary then read the following : The National Democratic Committee, by virtue of the authority conferred-upon them by the last National Democratic Conven- tion, at a meeting held this day at Wash- ington, D. C, voted to liold the next Con- vention for the purpose of nominating can- didates for President and Vice-President of the United States, on the 4th day of July, 1868, at twelve o'clock M, in the city of New York. The basis of representation, as fixed by the last Democratic Convention, is double the number of Seuiitors and Representatives in. Congress in each State under the last ap- pointment, Eacli State is invited to send delegates ac- cordingly. S. R, Lyman, Josiah Minot, H. B, Smith, Wm. M. Converse, Gideon Bradford, W. 6. Steel, W. A. Gailbraith, John A. Nicholson, Odin Bowie, James Guthrie, L. S. Trimble, Rufus P. Ramiey, W. K. Niblack, Wilber V. Storev, W. L. Bancroft, Lewis V. Bogy, George H. Paul, D. Finch, Isaac E. Eaton, Thomas Hoynes, William McMil- lan, William Aiken, Absalom 11. Chappell, George A. Houston, Joseph A. Rozier, A. B. Greenwood, John W. Leftwich, Thomas Sweeney, John Patrick, Jas. W. McCorckle, W. L. Sharkey, John Hancock, John H. McKinney. AUGUSI' BELMONT, Chm'n. Frbdehick 0. Prince, Sec'y. Washington, February 1^2, ISGS. 218 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK Mr. Clymer (Pennsylvania) offered tJie following: " Resolved, That there shall now be two committees appointed, eacli committee to consist of one delegate from each State, to be selected by respective delegates thereof, one committee to act as a Committee on Permanent Organization, and the other as a Committee on Credentials." The Chair put the question, viva voce, and declared the resolution adopted The roll of the delegates was then called, and the following gentlemen were selected as members of the Committee on Creden- tials: Alabama, W. H. Barnes; Arkansas, E. C. Boudinot; California, A. Jacoby ; Connecti- cut, M. Bulkley ; Delaware, C. \V. Wright; Florida, A. Huling; tjeorgia, E. H. Potter; Illinois, T. A. Hayne; Indiana, Charles 11. Reeves ; Iowa, J. D. Test ; Kansas, VV. Shannon; Kentucky, J. B. McCreary; Louisiana, D. D. Duponte; Maine, J. S. Drew; Maryland, G. F. Maddox; Massa- chusetts, George W. Gill; Michigan, B. G. Stout; Minnesota, VV. .-\. Gorman; Missis- sippi, P. M. Browii ; Missouri, S. Sawyer; Nebraska, J. Black; Nevada, J. E. IJoUe; New Hampshire, J. Proctor; New Jersey, J. R. iVIoullany; New York, J. A. Harden- burg ; North Carolina, General W. R. Cox; Ohio, W. Griswold; Oregon, 0. Joyrit; Pennsylvania, General W, H. iVliller; Rhode Island, W. Hale; South Carolina, W. D. Simpson; Tennessee, J. F. Morse; Texas, H. Broughton ; Vermont, W. Hrigham ; Vir- ginia, George Blow; West Virginia, H. S. Davis ; Wisconsin, S. A. Pease. THE COMMITTEE ON OKGANIZATION. The following gentlemen were selected a Committee on Organization : Alabama, J. H. Glanton; Arkansas, J. S Dunham; California, E. Steele; Coji- necticut, J. A. Hovey; Delaware, C. Beas- ten ; Florida, A. J. Seeier; Georgia, C. Peeples; Illinois, W.K.Morrison; Indiana, S. A. Burkirk; Iowa, W. F. Braman; Kan- sas, T P. Fenlon ; Kentucky, W. B. Ma- chen; Louisiana, G. W, McCranie; Maine, J. E. Maddigan; Maryland, A. K. Sylster; Massaclmselts, John R. Briggs; Michigan, John Moore; Minnesota, E. A. McMabon; Mississippi, B. Matthews; Missouri, W. H. D. Hunter; Nebraska, G. L. Miller; Ne- vada, G. G. Berrv : New Hampshire, J. Adams; New Jers^v. H. C. Little; New York, Gen. J. A. Green, jr. ; North Caro- lina, W. N. H. Smith ; Ohio, F. C. Leblonde; Oregon, N. B. Bell; Pennsylvania, II. Cly- mer; Rhode Island, S. Pierce; South Caro- lina, Carlos Traoey ; Tennessee, tien. W. I!. Bale; Texas, J. M. Burroughs; Vermont, J. D. Deavett; Virginia, J. liarbuur; West Virginia, H. S. Walker; Wisconsin, S Clark. Mr. Henry C. Murphy (New York)— I move that a committee of two from each State be selected by the delegates thereof to be appointed a Committee on Resolutions, and that all resolutions relating to the Plat form of the Democratic party be referred- to that committee without debate. Adopted. The Secretary then received from the chairmen of the different delegations the names of the Committee on Resolutions and Platform, as follows: THE COMMITTEE OX KBS0LUTI0N3. Alabama, C. C. Langdon ; Arkansas, A. H. Garland; California, J. H. Rose; Connecti- cut, T. E. Uoolittle; Delaware, James A. Bayard; Florida, VV. Call; Georgia, Henry S. Fitch; Illinois, VVm. J. Allen; Indiana, J. E. Macdonald; Iowa, J. H. O'Neill; Kansas, Geo W. Glick; Kentucky, Wm. Preston; Louisiana, J. B. Euatis; Maine, R. D. Rice; Maryland, Steplienson Archer; Massachusetts, Edward Avery; Michigan, Charles E. Stuart; Minnesota, J, J. Green; Mi.?&i.ssippi, E. Barksdale; Missouri, Chas. -Manson; Nebraska, Charles F. Porter; Nevada, J. A. Si;. Clair; New Hampshire, J. M. Campbell; New Jersey, Jacob E. VVortendyke; New York, Henry C. Mur- phy; North Carolina, K. Strange; Ohio, VVm. J. Gilmore; Oregon, R. D. Fitch; Pennsylvania, T. W. Hughes; Rhode Is- land, Thomas Steere; South Carolina, Wade Hampton; Tennessee, E. Cooper; Texas, George W. Smith; Vermont, Charles M. Davenport; Virginia, Thos. S. Bocock; West Virginia, John Davis; Wisconsin, James A. Mallory. SECOND day's PKOOBEDINGS. Mr. Clymer, of Pennsylvania, from the Committee on Permanent Organization, reported as follows : For President, Hon. Horatio Seymour, of New York [great cheering]; and one Vice-President and Sec- retary from each State. Tlie following are the Vice-Presidents and Secretaries of tlie Democratic Convention: Alabama, Reuben Chapman, Wm. A. Lowe, Arkansas, B Turner, John W. Wriglit; California, Hon. A. H. Rose, M. J. Gillett; Connecticut, H. A. Mill, George D. Harding; Delaware, George W. Cum- mings, Custia W. Wriglit; Florida, Thos. liandall, C. H. Smith ; iieorsia, Hon. A. E. Wright, W. A. Reid ; Illinois, D. M. Wood- son, W. T. Dowdell ; Indiana, J. A. Craven. W. R. Bowls; Iowa, W. McClinruck, P. H. Biiw.-^quet; Kansas, Andrew J. Meade, Isaac Sharp; Kentucky, Lucius Desha, Hart liibson ; Louisiana, Louis St. Martin, J. H. Kennard; Maine, Isaac Reed, J. A. Trus- cott; Maryland, Geo. R. Dennis, Outer- DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION. 213 bridge Horsey ; Massachusetts , Peter Har- vey, Chas. (i. Clark ; Micliigan, A. N. Hart, Fred'k V. Sinilh; Minnessota, Winthrop Young, Isaac Staple ; Missouri, Thos. L. Price, A, J. Eeed; Mississippi, B. C. Wal- tliall, Felix Labauve; Nebraska, Geo. N. 1- diers' and Sailors' Convention, just read by their Secretary, be received and entered upon the Minutes of our proceedings, and become a part of the proceedings of this Convention." Tlie names of the delegates from Territo- ries admitted to seats on the floor, in pur- suance of the resolution adopted, were : Thomas W. Betts, of Idaho; Thomas E Evershed, of Arizona , and James M. av- DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-COOIC anaugh and Green Clay Smith, of Mon- tana. 'Ilie Convention, after a long debate, ailopfed tlie following resolution of Mr. Big- ler, of Pennsylvania: " Resolved^ That candidates for President be now placed in nomination; and the sec- ond, tliat no balloting be had until the plat- i.^ adopted." THIRD day's proceedings. The Hon. Horatio Seymour, the President, being slightly indisposed (though present on the platform), tbe Convention was called to order by Gen. Thomas L. Price, of Missouri, who introduced Dr. Plummer, who opened the proceedings with prayer. Mr, Murphy (N.Y.), Chairman of the Com- mittee on Resolutions — I am directed by the Committee on Resolutions to report the plat- form, and I hold it in my hand, and ask to read it to the Convention. [Applause."] THE PLATFORM. The Demoeratio party in National Con- vention assembled, reposing its trust in the intelligence, patriotism, and discrimi- nating justice of the people, standing upon the Constitution as the foundation and limitation of the powers of the Grov- ernment, and the guaranty of the liber- ties of the citizen, and recognizing the questions of Slavery and Secession as having been settled for all time to come by the war, or the voluntary action of the Southern States in constitutional con- ventions assembled, and never to be re- newed or re-agitated, do with the return of peace demand ; First. Immediate restoration of all the States to their rights in the Union, un- der the Constitution, and of Civil Gov- ernment to the American people. Second. Amnesty for all past political offenses and the regulation of the elec- tive franchise in the States by their citizens. Third. Payment of the public debt of the United States as rapidly as practica- ble, all moneys drawn from the people by taxation, except so much as is requisite for the necessities of the Government economically administered, being hon- estly applied to such payment, and where the obligations of the Government do not expressly state upon their face, or the law under which they were issued does not provide that they shall be paid in coin, they ought, in right and in jus- tice, be paid in lawful money of the United States. [Thunders of applause.] Fourth. Equal taxation of every species of property according to its real value, including Government bonds and other public securities. [Renewed cheer- ing and cries of ''read it again."] Fifth. One currency for the Govern- ment and the people, the laborer and the office-holder, the pensipner and the soldier, the producer and the bondholder. [Great cheering and cries of '' read it ao-ain." The fifth resolution was again read and again cheered.] Sixth. Economy in the administration of the Government, the reduction of the standing army and navy, the abolition of the Freedmen's Bureau [great cheering] and all political instrumentalities de- signed to secure negro supremacy ; sim- plification of the system and discontinu- ance of inquisitorial modes of assessing and collecting Internal Revenue, so that the burden of taxation may be equalized and lessened, the credit of the Govern- ment, and the currency, made good, the repeal of all enactments for the enrolling the State Militia into National forces in time of peace, and a tariff for revenue upon foreign imports, and such equal taxation under the Internal Revenue laws as will afford incidental protection to domestic manufactures, and as will, without impairing the revenue, impose the least burden upon and best promote and encourage the great industrial in- terests of the country. Seventh. Reform of abuses in the Ad- ministration, the expulsion of corrupt men from office, the abrogation of use- less offices, the restoration of rightful authority to and the independence of the Executive and Judicial Departments of the Government, the subordination of the military to the civil power, to the end that the usurpations of Congress and the despotism of the sword may cease. Eighth. Equal rights and protection for naturalized and native-born citizens at home and abroad, the assertion of American nationality which shall com- mand the respect of foreign powers and furnish an example and encouragement to people struggling for national integ- rity, constitutional liberty, and indus- trial rights ; and the maintenance of the NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM. 225 rljjhts of naturalized citizens against the absolute doctrine of immutable alle- giance and the claims of foreign powers to punish them for alleged crime com- mitted beyond their jurisdiction. [Ap- pliiuse.] In demanding these measures and re- forms we arraign the Radical party for its disregard of right and the unparal- leled oppression and tyranny which have marked its 'career. After the most solemn and unanimous pledge of both Houses of Congress to prosecute the war exclusively for the maintenance of the Government and the preservation of the Union under the Constitution, it has re- peatedly violated that most sacred pledge under which alone was rallied that noble volunteer army which carried our flag to victory. liistead of restoring the Union, it has, so far as in its power, dis- solved it, and subjected ten States in time of profound peace to military des- potism and negro supremacy. It has nullified there the right of trial by jury; it has abolished the habeas corpus, that most sacred writ of liberty; it has over- thrown the freedom of speech and the press; it has substituted arbitrary seiz- ures and arrests, and military trials, and secret star-chamber inquisitions for the constitutional tribunals ; it has disre- garded in time of peace the right of the people to be free from searches and seiz- ures ; it has entered the post and tele- graph offices, and even the private rooms of individuals, and seized their private pnpers and letters without any specific charge or notice of affidavit, as required by the organic law; it has converted the American Capitol into a bastile; it has established a system of spies and espion- age to which no constitutional monarchy of Europe would now dare to resort ; it has abolished the right of appeal on im- portant constitutional questions to the supreme judicial tribunals, and threat- ens to curtail or destroy its original jurisdiction which is irrevocably vested by the Constitution ; while the learned Chief-Justice has been subjected to the most atrocious calumnies merely because he would not prostitute his high office to the support of the false and partisan charges preferred against the President. Its corruption, and extravagance have 15 exceeded anything' known in history ; and by its frauds and monopolies it has nearly doubled the burden of the debt created by. the war. It has stripped the President of his Constitutional power of appointment,, even of his own Cabinet. Under its repeated assaults the pillars of the Government are rocking on their base, and should it succeed in November next and inaugurate its President, we will meet as a subject and conquered people amid the ruins of liberty and the shattered fragments of the Constitution; and we do declare and resolve, that ever since the people of the United States threw off all subjection to the British Crown the privilege and trust of suf- frage have belonged to the several States, and have been granted, regulated, and controlled exclusively by the political power of each State respectively, and that any attempt by Congress, on any pretext whatever, to deprive any. State of this right, or interfere with its exer- cise, is a flagrant usurpation of power which can find no warrant in the Consti- tution ; and, if sanctioned by the people, will subvert our form of government, and can only end in a single centralized and consolidated government, in which the separate existence of the States will be entirely absorbed, and an unqualified despotism be established in place of a Federal Union of coequal States ; and that we regard the Reconstruction acts (so called) of Congress, as such, usur- pations and unconstitutional, revolu- tionary and void ; that our soldiers and sailors who carried the flag of our country to victory against a most gallant and determined foe, must ever be grate- fully remembered, and all the guarantees given in their favor must be faithfully carried into execution. That the public lands should be distributed as widely sa possible among, the people, and should be disposed of either under the pre- emption or homestead laws, and sold in reasonable quantities, and to none but actual occupants, at the minimum price established by thfe Government. When grants of the public lands may be allowed necessary for the encouragement of im- portant public improvements, the pro- ceeds of the sale of such lands, and not the lands themselves, should be so appled. 226 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAKD-BOOK. That the President of the United States, Andrew Johnson [applause], in exercising the power of his high office in resisting the aggressions of Congress upon the constitutional rights of the States and the people, is entitled to the gratitude of the whole American people, and in behalf of the Democratic party we tender him our thanks for his pa- triotic eiforts in that regard. [Great applause.] Upon this platform the Democratic party appeal to every pa- triot, including all the Conservative ele- ment, and all who desire to support the Constitution and restore the Union, for- getting all past diiferences of opinion, to unite with us in the present great strug- gle for the liberties of the people ; and that to all such, to whatever party they may have heretofore belonged, we ex- tend the right-hand of fellowship, and hail all such co-operating with us as friends and brethren. [Applause.] At the conclusion of the reading of the platCorm, Mr. Murphy said: As might have been expected, in the preparation of this platform, there were differences of opin- ion, which, liowever, upon consultation, have vanished. I say to this Convention that this platform has received tlie unani- mous approval of the Committee. [Great applause]. And, sir, in view of this iact, I move the previous question. Tlie Secretary — Mr. Murphy, of New York, Chairman of the Committee on Res- olutions, moves the previous question on the Platform. The question now before the Convention is: t-hall the previous question be ordered ? Cries of "Question, question.'' Tiie previous question was seconded, and the main question ordered. A Delegate — I should like to hear those resolutions read again. Cries of "No," "no," and "Question." The question was then put upon the adoption of the Platform, and it was unani- mously adopted, amid enthusiastic cheer- ing, the entire body of delegates and spec- tators rising and waving their hats and handkerchiefs. A NOMINATION CALLED FOR. Mr. Eigler (Pa.)— I offer the following resolution : " Resolved, That the Convention do now proceed to nominate a candidate for Presi- dent of the United States." Great applause, and cries of " Question, question." The question was put and carried unani- mously. THE TWO-THIRDS RULE. The President (who here resumed tlie Chair) — Before the Committee proceeds to ballot, to avoid all possible misunderstand- ing, it is proper that this Convention should understand and clearly define what the two- thirds rule is. The Chair is exceedingly anxious that no question shall be decided by it after a ballot that can by any possi- bility lead to any misunders'tauding, or any disappointment. The Chair holds itself ready in the construction of the two-tliirds rule to be governed by the directions of this Convention. We have adopted the rules which governed the Convention in 1864. The Convention of 1864 adopted the rules that governed the Convention of 1860. I see before me a number of eminent gentle- men, one from Illinois, anotlier from Michi- gan, and others from other fr'tates, who were conspicuous and prominent members of that Convention. I was not a member of that body. I have read through its pro- ceedings with a view of understanding what that rule is. 1 will direct the Clerk to read the decision of the Convention in Charlei*- ton in 1860, and the decision of tlie Conven- tion when it met again at Baltimore, under another Chairman, after the unfortunate disruption of that body. Here a long debate ensued on a motion of Mr. Richardson, of Illinois, tliat two- thirds of all the members voting be the requisite number to make a nomination. Mr. Clymer (Pa.) — I believe it was the unanimous judgment of that Committee, when it reported the rule that it required not two thirds of the votes cast, but two- thirds of the vote of the entire Electoral College. [Cries of "Good," and applause] Therefore, 1 move, sir, to substitute for the resolution of the honorable gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Richardson), the following, which I send to the Chair. Mr Richardson withdrew his motion. The Chair advises this Convention that they adopt the construction which was put upon this resolution in 1860, by the Presi- dent of the Convention at Charleston, and by the President of the Convention at Bal- timore. Tbe Chair understands that the decision at Charleston (which decision was assented to afterward at Baltimore) was that it required two-thirds of the electoral vote. In order that the Convention may understand this, 1 will ask the Secretary to read it. The only wish of the Chair is to prevent any possible misunderstanding from arising here as the rule under which we act. ^ Mr. White (Md.)— Inasmuch as the de' cision of the Chair contains exactly what my resolution contained, I will withdraw it NATIONAL DEMOd^A'TiC CON'V'BNTiok. 227 The Secretary, by direction ofthePresi- -^Jenl, then read from the report pf the de- cision of the Cliair made at the Democratic Convention of 1860, as follows: ' The resolution passed at Charleston, as understood by the President of tliis Conven- tion, as understood by the present occupant of tlie Chair, was not a change in the rule reqniring a two-thirds vote to be given to nominate, but merely a direction given to the Cliair by the Convention not to declare any one nominated until he had received two-thirdsof the votes of the Electoral Col- lege, and the present occupant of the Chair will not feel at liberty, under that direction, to diiolare any one nominated until he gets 202 vott'p, unless the Committee shall other- wise instruct him." Mr Bigler (Pa.)— Moved that the roll of States be called, and that the delegates of the several States proceed to the noniina- tion of candidates for the Presideticy. Which was carried. .VIr. Eaton, on behalfof Connecticut, nom- inated Gov. James E, English, of Corineo- ticut. When Illinois was called, Mr. Bichard- son (111,) said we will cast our Vote for Mr. Pendleton [applause]; but we leave it to the Ohio delegation to make the nomi- nation. When Indiana was called, Mr. Fitch said: The gentleman for wliom tlie dele- gation of Indiana designs td cast their vote has been already named to the Convention. When Iowa was called, the Chairman of the delegation said: Iqwa, makes no nomination, but expects to sustain the nomination made by the State of Ohio. Mr. H. J. Anderson on the part of a ma- jority of the Maine Delegation, nominated Gen, Winfield S. Hancock. Mr. Emory (Maine) — In behalf of the minority of the Maine delegation, nomi- nated, as their choice, the Hon. George H, Pendleton. Nebraska makes no nomination, but will cast her vote for George H. Pendleton. Mr. Little (of N. J )— The State of New Jersey nominates ex-Governor Joel Parker. Mr. Tilden (of N. Y.)— On behajf of the New York delegation, nominated San ford E. Cliarch, of New York. Gen. McCook (of Ohio) — By the unan- imous voice of the Democratic Convention of Ohio, nominated George H. Pendleton, of Ohio. Mr. Brisfow (of Oregon) — Oregon will cast its vote for George H. Pendleton. Judge Woodward (of Penn.) — On behalf of the Pennsylvania delegation, nominated the Hon. Asa Packer, of Pennsylvania. Mr. T. A. K, Nelson (of Tenn,)— On be- half of the Tennessee delegation, nomina- ted Andreiy Jphnson. Mr. Smjth (of Vt,)— Nominated the only Democratic Governor of New England, Jas. E. English, Mr. Baldwin (of Va.) — Indorsed, as its first and only choice, the nominee of this Convention, _ Mr. Clark (of Wis.)— On behalf of a ma- jority of, tlie delegation, nominated James K. Doolittle Mr. Palmer (of Wis.) — For the minority of the delegation, seconded the nomination of George H, Pendleton. Six ballots were then had for President, without result. Soldiers and sailors indorse the platform. HON. HOEATIO SBTMOUB DECLINES. On tlie fourth ballot, North Carolina voted for the Hon. Horatio Seyrnour. The President (Mr. Seymour) — ^I trust I may be permitted now to make a single re- mark. Very much to 'my surprise, my name has been mentioned. 1 must not be nominated by this Convention, as I could not accept its nomination if tendered, wliioh I do not expect. My own inclinatipns prompted me to decline at the outset; my honpr compels me to do so now. I am gratfeful for any expression of kindness. It must be distinctly understood, it is impos- sible, consistently with my position, to allow my name to be mentioned in this Conven- tion' against my protest The Clerk will proceed with the call. The Secretary read the following commu- nication to the Convention; Resolved, That the Declaration of Prin- ciples adopted by the Democratic National Convention be, and the same are hereby approved. Ordered, That the Secretary communi- cate to tlie Democratic Convention a copy of the above resolution forthwith. JAMES P. O'BIERNE, Sec'y Soldiers' and Sailors' Convention, To the Democratic Convention. Mr. Richardson (111.) — I move that the document just received from the Soldiers' and Sailors' Convention be put upon the record of the Convention and made a part of the proceedings. Carried. The Convention then adjourned. foubth dat s proobbdings. Thb National Executive Committee. — The following list of the National Execu- tive Committee was read: Alabama — John Forsyth, Mobile. Arkansas— John M, Harrell, Little Rook. California — John B'g'er. 21'8 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. Connecticut — W. M. Converse, Franklin. Delaware — Sairil. Townsend, Newcastle: Florida — Chas. E. Dyke, Tallahassee. Georgia — A. H. Colquitt, Albany. Illinois — Wilbur F. Strong, Cliicago. Indiana P. O.— William E. Niblack. Iowa — Daniel 0. Finch, Des Moines. Kansas-J-Isaac E. Baton, Leavenworth City. Kentucky — T. C. McCreery, Owensboro. Louisiana — Jas. McClosky, New Orleans. Maine — Sylvanus R. Lynjan, Portland. Maryland — Odey Bowie, Prince George. Wassachusetts-^Fred. O. Prince; Boston. Michigan — William A. Moore, Detroit Minnesota — Charles W. Nash, St. Paul. Mississippi — Charles B. Hooker, Jackson. Missouri— Charles A. Swarts, St. Louis. Nebraska — G. L. Miller, Omaha. Nevada — J. W. McCorkle, Virginia City. New Hampshire — H. Bingham, Littleton, New Jersey— -John IVlcGregor, Newark. New York — August Belmont. North Carolina^Tbos. Bragg, Raleigh. Ohio — John G. Thompson, Columbus. Oregon — J. C. Hawthorn, Portland. Pennsylvania — Isaac Eskister, Lancaster. Rhode Island — (i. Bradford, Charleston. South Carolina — Charles H. Simontbn, Charleston. Tennessee — Jno. W. Leftwick, Memphis. Texas — John Hancock, Austin. Vermont — H. B. Smith, Milton. Virginia — John Goode, Norfolk. West Virginia — John Hall, PortPleasant. Wisconsin — Fred. W. Horn, Cedartown. Mr. G. N. Fitch (of Ind.)— In behalf of a majority of the delegation from Indiana, put in nomination Hon. Thomas A. Hen- dricks, of Indiana. Mr. R. J. Reeves (of Ind.) — Felt under obligations to regard the preference of his State, expressed by her convention for Geo. II. Pendleton. Twelve more ballots were had, making eighteen in all, without result. The Hon. T. W. Brown, cliairman of the committee appointed by the Democratic Convention of Tennessee, then read the ad- dress to the Convention prepared by the cdmmittee. The Convention then adjourned. FIFTH DAY S PROCEEDINGS. Mr. Broadhead (of Missouri) — Put in nomination General Francis P. Blair, Jr., of Missouri. Mr. Rose (of California) — Putin nomina- tion Judge Stephen J. Field, of California. MR. PENDLETON WITHDRAWS. ' ' Mr. Vallandigtrara (Ohio) — I have- a comrtiunication in writing to make to this Convention. By permission of the Chair 1 will read it from the stand. [Applause, during which Mr. Vallandigham made hia Way to the rostrum.] The Chair— Mr. Vallandigham, of Ohio, will make a communication to the Conven- tion. Mr. Vallandigham — The following is the communication to which I refer: ME. Pendleton's letter. Cincinnati, Jaly 2, 1868. Washington McLean. Fifth Avenue Hotel, N. Y. : My Dear Sir — You know better than any one the feelings and principles which have guided my conduct sinbe the suggestion of my name for the Presidential nomination. You know that while I covet the good opinion of my countrymen, and would feel an honest pride in so distinguished a mark of their confidence, I do not desire it at tlie expense of one single electoral vote [great applause], or of the least disturbance of the harmony of our party. I consider the suc- cess t>f the Democratic party in the next election of far greater importance than the gratification of ^any personal ambition, how- ever pure and lofty it might be. [Loud cheers.] If, therefore, at any time, a name shall be suggested which, in the opinion of yourself and those friends who have shared our confidences, shall be stronger before the country, or which can more thorouglily unite our own party, I beg that you will in- stantly withdraw my name, and pledge to the Convention my hearty, and zealous, and active support for its nominee. Very truly yours, GEO. H. PENDLETON. [Great cheering.] Mr. Vallandigham — At the request of the gentleman to whom this letter is ad- dressed, I submit it to this Convention. It was his desire that it Should have been done very early in the afternoon of yester- day, but the earnest zeal and fidelity of the Ohio delegation to the distinguished son of Ohio, whom they had presented to the Convention for the "ofl^ce of President, pre- cluded their consent to any such proposi- tion. This morning his request has beer reverenced, and in conformity with it I have prod need and read the letter, and sub- rait that the spirit of magnanimity, unself- ishness, and of patriotic devotion to the interests of the country, speak in terms of far higher eulogy in behalf of this distin- guished gentleman than any words I could utter. [Great applause.] Pursuant, there- fore, to the authority of Mr. McLean, and acting under the advice of Mr. Pendleton, I vpithdraw his name, with hearty thanks to the multitude of earnest, zealous and de- voted friends who have adhered to him NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION. 229 with 80 great fidelity. [Applause, and long- continued cheers for Pendleton ] The Convention then proceeded to ballot, NOMINATION OF HORATIO SEYMOUR ON THE TWKNTY-SKCOND BALMT. When Ohio was called, General McCook (fjliio) .said : Mr. Chairman — I arise at the unanimous request and the demand of the delegation froni Ohio, and with the consent and approval of every public man in, the State, including the Hon. George H. Pen- dleton, to again place in nomination, against his inclination, but no longer against his honor, the name of Horatio Seymour, of New York. [Rousing cheers, and long-continued applause.] Let ds vote, Mr. Chairman arid gentleme(n of the Con- vention, for a man whom the Presidency has sought, but who has not sought the Presidency. [Applause.] I believe in my heart that it is the solution of the problem which has been engaging the minds of the Democrats and Conservative men of this nation for the last six months. ["Good, good."] 1 believe it will have a solution w))ioh will drive from power the vandals wlio now possess the Capitol of the nation. [Applause.] I believe it will receive the unanimous assent and approval of the great belt of States from the Atlantic — ^New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, In- diana, Michigan, Illinois, Missouri, and away West, for quantity — to the Pacific Ocean. I say that he has not sought the Presidency ; and I ask — not demand — I ask that this Convention shall deniand of him that, sinking his own inclinatfon and the well-known desires of his heart, he shall yield to what we believe to be, the almost unanimous wish and desire of the delegates to this Convention. [Great applause, and three cheers.] In my earnestness and en- thusiasm, I had almost forgotten to cast the twenty-one votes of Ohio for Horatio Seymour. [Tremendous excitement, and nine cheers for Horatio Seymour,] The President, the Hon. Hor£|tio Seymour, here advanced to the frontofth? Stage, and, as soon as the enthusiasm would permit of his being heard, addressed the Convention. SPEECH OF MR. SEYMOUR. Gbnti.kmbn of the Convention [cheers] : The motion just made by thegenljleman from Ohic) ej^cites in my mind the most mingled emotions. [Applause..] I have no terms in which to express my gratitude [cheers] for the magnanimity of his State and for the generosity of this Convention. [Cheers.] I have no terms in which to tell of my regret that my nfiiiie lias been brought before this Convention. God knows that my life and all that I value most in life I would give for the good of my country, which I believe to be identical with my own. [Applause, ami cries of " 'I'ake the nomination, then."] I do not stand here as a man proud of his opinions or obstinate in his purposes; but upon a question of honor 1 must stand upon my own cmvictions against the world. [Ap- plause, and a voice, "God bless you, Horatio Seymour."] Gentlemen, when I said here at an early day that honor forbade my ac- cepting a nomination by this Convention T meant it. When, in the course of my inter- course with those of my own delegation and my friends, 1 said to them that I could not be acandidate, I meant it Andnow permit Hie here to say that I know after all that has taken place, I could not receive the nomination without placing, not only myself, but the great Democratic party in a false position, [(ireat Applause] But, gentle- men of the Convention, more than that, we have had to-day an exhibition from the dis- tinguished citizen of Ohio that has touched my heart, as it has yours. [Cheers.] [ thank God, and I congratulate this country, that there is in the great State of Ohio, whose magnificent position gives it so great a control over the action, of our country, a young man rising fast in the estimation of his countrymen, and whose future is all glorious, who has told the world that he could tread beneath his feet every other con- sideration than that of duty ; and when he expressed to his delegation, and expressed in more direct terms, that he was wifling that I should be nominated, who stood in such a position to his own nomination, I should feel a dishonored man if I could not tread the same honorable path which he has marked out, [Great applause.] Gen- tlemen, I thank you, and may God bless you for your kindness to me; but your can- didate I can not be. [Three cheers for Horatio Seymour,] SPEECH OP MR. VALLANDIGHAM. Mr. Vallandighatn (Ohio) : Mr, Presi- dent — In , tiines of. great public exigency, and especially in times of great public ca- lamity, every personal consideration must be yielded to the public good. [Applause.] The safety, of the people is the supreme law, and the, safety of the American, Republic de- mands the nomination of Horatio Seymour of New York, [Cheers.] Ohio can not, Ohio will not accept his declination, and her 21 votes shall stand recorded in his name — [cries of " gQod. good," and cheers] — and npw I call upon the delegations from all the States represented on this floor ; upon the delegations from all theStates of this Union, from the Atlantic to the Pacific, from the great Lakes to the Gulf, disregarding those minor considerations which, justly it may be, properly I know, tend to sway them in casting their ballots to make this nomination 230 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. unanimous ; and, before God, I believe that in November the judgment of this Conven- tion will be confirmed and ratified by the people of all the United States. [Applause.] Let the vote of Ohio stand recorded then — 21 votes for Horario Seymour. [Applause.] SPBECH or ME. KIEENAN. Mr, Kiernan (New York) : Mr. President — Belonging to the delegation from tlie State of N'ew York, and coming from the district wliere the President of this Convention lives, I can not, as an individual delegate, refrain from asking the indulgence of this Conven- tion in making one or two observations ; and in order that we may relieve everybody, in Older that we may relieve our Chairman from every bit of sensitiveness on the ques- tion of honor, I desire to say, on behalf of the delegation from the State of New York, that they have had neither lot nor part in the motion, wliich in our hearts we yet re- joice to hear, from tlie State of Ohio. [Ap- plause.] We heard but recently that some such movement was thought, by wise and good men, necessary for tne safety of our country ; but our hearts were coerced, out of deference to the sensitiveness of the gentle- man who presides over this Conventiiui, and we told them we could have neither lot nor part in it, unless others would overcome that which we had never been able to do. Now, Sir, let me say another word. We have balloted two or three days. We have bal- loted, thank God, in the best of temper and of spirits. We have resolved, and we re- quired tlie judgement of two-thirds of the delegates of this Convention for our nominee 10 the end that we might be sure, for the sake of our country, that we would have a majority of the electors next November. And after striving hard, after striving long, and after consulting as well as we could in reference to the various names brought be- Ibre us, we have not been able yet to con- vince the judgment of two-thirds of the Con vention for the candidates we have sup- ported. New York has steadily voted lier judgment, with kind feelings to other candi dates. We have pronounced, as our second choice, for a distinguished citizen of Indi- ana. But it seems to niethat after this long struggle, and in this crisis of our affairs, and in view of what is so important to every man, wnnian and child in this Union, that u'e should succeed in Nuvember — it seems to me now, in reference to our distinguished Chairman, that his Ik nor is entirely safe. No one can doubt that he has steadily and in good faith declined; but now his h(ftior is safe, and his duty is to his country, his duty to his fellovV-citizens, to all that shall come after us, requires that he shall let the judg- ment of Ihe delegates of this Convention prevail; and if it should select him as the standard bearer, most certain, in their opin- ion, to win a triumf'h for the country next November. [Applause]. We leave it in the hands of others, as we are constrained to do ; but I give it as my judgment, for the past, the present and the future, that if we should select him as the man, in our judg- ment, upon whom we can all unite. New York will fall in and give a majority of a hundred thousand without a canvaas. [Great cheers]. When Wisconsin was called, Mr. H. L Palmer, of Wisconsin, said : " The delega- tion from Wisconsin have steadily sup- ported a distinguished citizen of that State lor the position of President of ihe United States, but I am now instructed by the del- egation of that State to change that vote, and in making this change I am instructed to second the State of Ohio [applause], and to cast tlieir eight votes for Horatio Sey- mour." [Loud applause]. When Massachu,^ett8 was called, Mr, Ab- bott, of Mass,, said : " 'I'he State of Mass- achusetts instructs me to cast her vote for one whom Massachusetts, whom all the East, so far as I know, has regarded for years past as the leader of the Democracy, Horatio Seymour, of New York." [Great applause]. Mr, Wright (of North Carolina) — I am instructed hy the delegation from North Carolina to change their vote nnd to cast it as they originally cast it — for Horatio Sey- mour, of New York, [Applause], Mr. Featherstone (of Mississippi) — I am instructed to change the vote of Mississippi from General Hancock to Horatio Seymour, The announcement was received with uproarious applause, and the rising of dela- gates to their feet and calling for recogni tion by the Chair The Chairman insisted upon gentlemen taking their seats, Mr. Woodward (of Pennsylvania) — The State of Pennsylvania, having voted uni- formly, thus far, for two of her distin- guished sons, had instructed him, through her delegation, to transfer her entire twenty- six votes to Horatio .Seymour. The wildest confusion here ensued. Nothing was heard but cheers from the gallerie.^ and floor, and cries of " Mr, Prea ident" from delegates standing in their seat,s. The Secretary successively recognized the Chairmen of the delegations from Missouri and Virginia, announcing that they had changed their votes to Horatio Seymour. A scene of still greater confusion and tu- multuous discord followed. All the delega- tions were standing in their places, and striving for the recognition of the Chair by gesture and by voice, A perfect babel reigned, in the niidst of which the announce- NOMINATION OF HORATIO SEYMOUR. 231 ment was made that Maryland. Illinois, Texas and Deleware had transferred their united votes to Horatio Seymour. The announcement of the vote of each State added, if possihie, to the tumult. At this point the cannon outside the building commenced firing, and the dis- charges were answered by tliose inside the hall rising to their feet with vociferous ehpers and the waving of handkerchiefs. Mr. Smith (of Vermont)— Vermont was the first State in this Convention to cast its vote for the distingnished citizen of Indi- ana (Mr. Hendricks). She now yields to the evident wish of the Convention, and she finds in the distinguished gentleman from New York all she desires as a candi- date. She therefore changes her vote from Thomas A. Hendricks to Horatio Seymour. New Jersey, We.^t Virginia, Alabama, Tennessee, Arkansas, Maine and Georgia, here changed their votes to Seymour, re- ceiving the approval of all who heard the Secretary declare the chauL'e. The Chairman of tlie Kansas Delega- tion — Kansas casts her three votes for Ho- ratio Seymour. Mr. Bigler — California temts her five votes for Horatio Seymour. [Applause]. Mr. LawBOn (of Pennsylvania) — I am re- quested to say that it is tiie unanimous voice of tills Convention that the nomina- tion of Horatio Seymour be made by ac- clamation. The Chairman — It can not be done until all the States have voted on this ballot. The Chairman of the Florida Delega- tion — Florida wishes to cast lier three votes for Horatio Seymour. [Applause]. The Chairman of the Minnesota Delega- tion — Minnesota, following the lead of Ohio, i casts her entire vote for Horatio Seymour. The Chairman of the New Hamshire Delegation — The State of New Hampshire changes her vote, and casts it entire for Horatio Seymour. The Chairman of tlie Georgia Delega- tion — The State of Georgia has indicated her choice by casting her vote for the mo.-'t accomplished soldier of the Union Army — he who, when the war was ended, yielded to the supremacy of the Constitution of his country. But, sir, we caine here to abide t \e choice of the Democratic party, and r.i>iv join our voice with that of the Democ- racy from (ine end of the country to trlie other lor Horaiio Seymour. [Applau.se]. Mr. Jones (of Louisiana) — Lnui.-ianaasks leave to change her vote, and vote for Ho ratio Seymour. And, .Mr. Chairmnn, al though we have twenty-five thousand of our white population disfranchised, and al- though we have fifty thousand voters who are unknown to our Uoiistitutiori and to our j laws, yet, Mr. Chairman, I pledge the vote I of the State of Louisiana to the nominee. [Applause]. Mr. Stuart (of Mich.)— Mr. Chairman: The delegates from the State of Michigan came to this Convention of all the States in this Union, with but one single purpose in view, and that was to ndminate a candi- date for the office of President of the United Sfateswho could certainly be elected. That position we occupy today; and, sir, when we look around in this Convention, and see here, for the first time in eight years, the assembled wisdom of the Democ- racy of the country, bounded only upon the Atlantic and upon the Pacific, because, on the north and on the south America acknowledges as yet no boundary whatever. When, therefore, sir, so much wisdom as is here to-day, with a voice so united as this, speaks for the distinguished son of New York, the greatest statesman, in my judg- ment, now living [applause], Michigan can not consent to withhold her voice in this general expression of confidence; but, sir, unites it with this expression of patriotic de- termination to rescue this country from the grasp of the most desperate rebel that ever seized upon the reins of the Government. [A voice : "Good, good."] It is a question of Constitution, it is a question of country; it is a question of whether our blessed Union aud the freedom of these millions is to live, or whether it is to be buried down in everlast- ing oblivioti ami infamy. [A voice: "Good, goon!"] Sir, under these circumstances, it is with infinite ple.asure that Michigan casts her vote for Horatio Seymour, of New York. [Great applause]. iMk. James B. (.'ampbicll (S. C.) — Mr. President: I rise to answer for that State of the Union which bears at this time most heavily the chains and weight of Radical misrule. 1 did not suppose, sir, that my voice or that of any of my colleagues would be heard in this assembly, except in the discharge of the routine business. In the words of the Convention that sent us here, we were instructed to behave with the pro- prieties which belong to the well-bred guest, and not to a.ssume any of the functions of symposiao of the feast. We came here, Mr. President, and gentlemen of the Con- vention, having no favorite candidate — going not for men, but for measures. We have been more than grateful for the declar- ation of principles, and the prospective measures that have been announced by this Convention, not only with unanimity, biit with unsurpassed enthusiasm. V\e were instructed, and the instructions were coinci- dent with the feelings of every honest heart in South Carolina, to accept the n<.nni7i:iiion of that man who seemed to have the voice 232 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKEE'S HAND-BOOK. of this Convention. Obeying these instruc- tions, South Carolina, with an invocation of God's blessing, and upon this party wherein is centered the last hopes of the Kepublic of Washington, nominates and votes for Horatio Seymour of New York. [Great applause.] A delegate from California moved that Horatio Seymour be tendered tlie unani- mous nomination of the Convention. [Voices — "No," "no;" let the vote be finished. Great confusion.] Th» Ciiairman of the Delegation — Dela- ware would change her vote, if not too late, snd cast all her votes for Horatio Seymour. [.\pplanse and laughter] Samuel J. Tilden — Mr. Chairman — • A Delegate from New York — See if any otlier State wants to change its vote first. Mr. Tilden— If there is any State which has not yet voted, or that wishes to change its vote, t will yield tlie floor for that pur- pose. Delegate — "No, no; go on." Mr. Tilden — It is fit that on this occasion New York should wail for the voice of all her sister Stales. Last evening I should not have believed — did not believe — the event which lias just happened to be possi- ble. Not because I liad not seen here tliar the underlying choice of almost all of this Convention was that we should do what we have now done. There was but one ob- stacle, and ihat wasin the repugnance, which I take upon myself the whole responsibil- ity of declaring to have been earnest, sin- cere, deep felt, on the part of Hor.itio Sey- mour to accept this nomination, i did not believe that any circumstance would make it possible, except that (Jhio, with wliom we have been unfortunately dividing our votes, herself demanding it, and to that 1 thought New York ought to yield- We were with- out any connection or any combination that bound our faith or our honor, and I was anxious that when we should leave this Convention that there should be, underlying our action, no heart-burnings, no, jealousy, no bitterness of disappointment, and I be- lieve that in this result we have lifted this Convention far abnve every such consider- ation [cries of "order," "order"]; and 1 be lieve further, after having surveyed the ground for a long time, and meditated most carefully what we ought to do, influenced, I am sure, by no personal partiality, by no other thing than the deliberate conviction of my judgment, I believe that we have made the nomination most calculated to give us success in the election which ap- proaches. And, sir, having made these ob- eervatiojis in behalf of the New York del- egation, I now ask that our vote be changed, and be recorded for Horatio Seymour [Cheers] The Secretary— The State of New York changes her vote, and casts her unanimous vote for Horatio Seymour. [Loud and long-continued applause.] Mr. White (of .Vlary land) — I now propose, Mr. President, that a committee of or.e from each State shall b^appointed to call upon — [Loud cries of "No, no," "Better wait until the vote is taken" "Too soon,* and great noise.] The Chairman — The vote has not yet been announced. Mr. White — I understood that the chair- man of the New York delegation asked if all the States had voted, and it was an- nounced that they had; that they liad all voted for Horatio Seymour, and that he was unanimously nominated. The Chairman — The vote has not been announced. Mr. White — I withdraw my motion. THREE CHKEKS FOE SEYMOUK. Mr. S. Clark (of Wis.) — I have a proposi- tion to make to this Convention for myself, and it is in order to announce it before the vote is announced. I see around me, on the floor and in the galleries, ladies and gentlemen who d&sire also to be heard, and who should have some voice in this Conven- tion, in ratifying the nomination by accla- mation. I therefore move that they ratify it by giving three cheers for Horatio Sey- mour. The .suggestion was immediately acted upon. Every one rose, and amid the wav- ing of hat«, handkerchiefs, fans, canes and parasols, three tremendous cheers were given, which fairly made the building rock. Loud cries of "order," "order." Tlie Chairman — The Convention will come to order. BX-GOTEKNOR SETMOUK NOMINATED. The Secretary — The following is the re- .-.ult of the ■J2d ballot: All the States have voted, and the vote of the full electoral col- lege having been given, the roll stands for Horatio Seymour 317 votes. Eenewed cheering, the Convention and audience again rising, and another scene of enthusiasm prevailing for five minutes. The Chairiuan — The Convention will come to order. All business will be sus- pended until order is restored. Mr. Dawson (Penn.) — Mr. President — The Chairman — General Price in the Chair — The ofiicial annoiincement has not yet been made. Gentlevnen of the Conven- tion will sit down. Order having; been restored, the Chair- man said: "The IJon. Horatio Seymour having received the unanimous vote of this DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION. 233 Convention, I, tb«r6fore, declare him the candidate, and the standard-bearer of the Democratic party in the ensuing election TlieConvention then proceeded to thenom- ination of Vice-President. Illinois nomi- nated General John A. McClernand, of Illi- nois. General McClernatid, on rising, was greeted with loud applause. He said: Mr. Presi- dent — The State of Illinois, through her delegation to this Convention, has done me the lionor to present my name for the high (ilHue of Vice-Presidentof the United States. This compliment is far aboVe any merit which I possess. I beg in return to offer my sincerest thanks, and in doing so I beg that the delegates of Illinois will withdraw my name from the consideration of the Convention. [Cries of "no," "no."] I am here, iVlr. President and gentlemen, seek- ing no office, but to contribute my humble efforts to liberate the country from the thraldom which now binds her and degrades Iier. [Applause.] 1 have given my efforts as a delegate to the Soldiers' and Sailors' Convention in a very humble way in this Convention. As a Democrat and as a citi- zen I approve the nomination for President which has been made lo-day. [Applause.] I e'.an say, in behalf of the numerous and distinguished body of soldiers and sailors assembled in this city a few days since, that tlie nomination will meet with their hearty response ; and the coming election will de- termine the fact that all the soldiers and sailors of this country are not for a sham liero — a mere fatuity — a mere compromise between abler and bptter men ; that they are not to have a plagiarism of^ other and better men's deserts; but that they are to liave Horatio Seymour of New York — aw eminent statesman, an orator and a gentle- man, a man every way qualified to admin- ister the Executive office of this country. They will prove, I say, in tlie appvoacbing election, that one-half, and more tban one- half of the p.itriotie soldiers and sailorsare for Horatio Seymour. [Applause.] And now a word to my friends, and ajrain.^t whom I was so lately arrayed in battle. I say to tliem by-gones are by-gones — [cries of "Good," "good," and cheer.s] — let tbe dead bury the dead. I stretch to tliem tlie hand of i'ellowship, and say to tliern let us cO' oy.vaXe to arrest disunion and usurpation. \Ve have a common interest in it ; we liHve a common stock in it; and unless we do it, the Government will be overthrown It is even now a despotism. I have said much more, Mr. President, than I intended to say when J arose. 1 am in earnest ih what I liave said ; and I ask, I appeal to my dele- gation to withdraw my name as a candi- date before this Convention. [Cries of "no," "no."] There are other gentlemen in this Convention whom I had rather sup- port than have my name presented. Mr. Sparks (Illinois) — It is believed, by me at least, that when a gentleman de- clines a nomination we ought to consult his wishes. At the request of General Mc- Clernand, whom Illinois would take great pleasure in supporting, I now withdraw his name. Iowa nominated Hon. Augustus C. Dodge. Kansas nominated Gen. Thos. Ewing, Jr. Kentuclty being called. General Preston (Kentucky) said : Mr. President, I am in- structed unanimously by the State of Ken- tucky, by its delegates here assembled, to place in nomination- a gentleman of great distinction in bis State and in the country'; one in the prime of manhood; distinguislied by his devotion to the Union, having served it both in a civil and in a military capacity with the utmost honor, and obtained a repu- tation in the army second to no man of his grade. Kentucky feels that this nomina- tion is due the great West, and no Southern State has presented any nominee for any place, as you will observe here, but I feel that it is appropriate — for we having enter- tained different opinions from him — ^to state that I am instructed now to nominate him, ip order to testify that we, the soldiers of the South, stretch forth our hands to the soldiers of the North [applause] in the spirit of noble amity that your resolutions have inculcated. [Applause.] It is with that view, sir, after consultation with tlie Northern delegations, and one of the most powerful, fliat the duty is devolved upon me of making this nomination. I now have the privilejre, tlierelbre, of nominating as a candidate for Vice-President of the United States, General FrancisP. Blair, of Missouri. [Applause.] Louisi.\NA— General James B. Steedman of Louisiana; Mr. President; I rise, sir, as one of tlie liumble representatives of the United States Army in the late war, hold- ing a seat in the Convention, to second on behalf of Louisiana the nomination of my comrade in arms, Major-General Frank P. Blair. [Applause.] When the Convention adjourned I went immediately to the head- qiiarlers of the Soldiers' and Sailors' Execu- tive Committee, on Union square. I met tliere some ten or twelve gentlemen who were distinguislied in the army, and con- sulted them in regard to their choice as a candidate as a Vice-President of tiie^United States, and by a unanimous vote of all who were present, I was requested to say to this Convention, without disparagement to the name of any other soldier that has been presented here, or that may be presented, that General Frank P. Blair would be 234 DEMOCRATIC SPEAEEE'S HAND-BOOK jiooeptable to the soldiers of the United .States army. [Applause] In the exhi- bition of magnanimity that has been made in this Convention by the soldiers of the Confederate army, in coming up and giv- ing a contradiction to tlie charge of the Radical party that they did not accept sin- cerely the situation in casting tlieir votes as they did in this Convention for that dietin- giiislied soldier of the United States army, Major-General Winfield Scott Hancock, tliey have given renewed assurances of their devotion to the Union, of their willingness to accept tlie issues oC the war, by present- ing to this Convention, tlirongh General Preston, whom 1 met on the bloody field of Cliickamauga, the name of Major-General Francis P. Blair. [Loud applause.] I therefore feel authorized to say that if Gen- eral Blair is nominated, his nomination will meet with a response from every brave and true man that fought on either side, who desires to see peiice and prcsperity restored to our common country. [Appluse.] Maryland — Maryland makes no nomi- nation, but heartily concurs in tlie nomina- tion made by the State of Kentucky. [Ap- plause.] Mis.^is.sippi — Mr. President, the State of Mississippi makes no nomination, but most cordially seconds the nomination of General Blair. Missouri — The Chairman of the Delega- tion : Mi.ssouri makes no nomination, but seconds the nomination of General Blair. [Applause.] Nebraska — Nebraska makes ijo nomina tion, but seconds the nomination of Gen- eral Frank P. Blair. [Applause.] Nevada — Nevada makes no nomination, but seconds that of Frank P. Blair. North Carolina — Tlie Chairman of the Delegation: Mr. President — North Carolina makes no nomination for Vice-President, but in order to show the people of the United States that we have no prejudice against a gallant soldier who fought tor his section of the country, we desire to second the nomination of General Francis P. Blair. \ [Applause.] i Ohio — No nomination. ' Oregon — Oregon makes no nomination,' but seconds the nomination of General , Francis P. Blair . Pennsylvania — Mr. Woodward — Mr. I President: The State of Pen nsylvania makes ' no nomination, but I am instructed by the delegaltion of Penn.eylvania to second the nomination of that brave soldier and judi- cious statesman, General Frank P. Blair. [Applause.] Rhode Island — No nomination. South Carolina— Mr. Campbell, Chair- man : The State of South Carolina answers her call, not by her chairman, but by her best beloved son, a soldier, who knows bet- ter than I do how to interchange the courte- sies which belong to enemies in war and friends in peace. I have the honor to intro- duce to this Convention Mr. Wade Hamp- ton. [Loud cheers.] Mr. Chairman : The only reason I can give why my State has done me the honor to ask me to speak for her on this occasion is, 1 suppose, that I met the distinguished gen- tleman whose name has been presented hy Kentucky, on more than one field. Our State wishes me to eay to the soldiers, and in reply to the remarks of the gentleman from Illinois, the distinguished soldier from Illinois, that the soldiers of the South cor- dially, heartily, and cheerfully accept the right hand of friendship which is extended to them. [Cries of "Good," and cheers.] We wish to show that we appreciate the kindness and cordiality that has been ex- tended to us by all classes. We wish par- ticularly to make an acknowledgment to the Federal soldiers who have met us so cindially and so friendly. It is due to them, J think, that they should have the second place upon the ticket. It is due to that Con- vention which SO cordially approved your platform; it is due to the South ; and I, for my State, most heartily and cordially second the nnmination ot General Blair. On the concln.=ion of iiis remarks, Mr. Hampton was cojigra tula ted personally by General .Me^Hernand, amid the applause of the Convention and the spectators. The call ol'States was then proceeded with, as follows : When Tennessee was called, the Chair- man of the delegation said — Mr. Chairman: It is the pleasure of the Tennessee delega- tion that the vote of the State of Tennessee shall be ca!^t by a distinguished Southern soldier, whom I have the honor to present to the Convention — the well known General N, B. Forrest. [Great applause.] General Forrest — I have the pleasure, sir, to cast the vote of Tennessee for Gen- eral lilair. And I here wish to take this occasion to thank the delegates and people here for the kind and unifortnly courteous treatment that the Southern delegates have received during their attendance upon this Convention. [Great cheering.] 'I'he Chairman of the Texas Delegation — Mr. President; The Texas delegation desires that a distinguished soldier from that State should respond lor it. General Smith (Texas) — Mr. President; I e.5i8 P. Blair, [Cheers.] The Secretary then proceeded with the call of States. The Secretary — The vote stands, upon Vice-I'resident, as follows: Whole vote of the Electoral College, 317; which were given unanimously for Frank P. Blair, of Mis- sonri. Three hearty cheers greeted this an- nonneement, and another scene of noise and confusion ensued. 'J'he Chairman — The unanimous vote having been cast for Francis P. Wair, of Mis.sonri, for Vice President, he is declared the candidate of the Democratic party for Vice-President. [Loud cries of " Seymour," " Seymour."] Mr. Cox (of N, Y.) — I move, sir, that our nomination for Vice-President be made unanimous by both delegations and audi- ence. [A voice in the gallery, " With a vill."] Another scene of intense enthusiasm and excitement followed, delegates and audience rising to their feet, and joining' in cheer after clieer. Mr. McDonald (of Ind.) offered a resolu- tion for a committee of one from each State, to inform the nominees of the action of this Convention, and to tender them the nomi- nations. The resolution was adopted. LABOE MOVEMENT OF THE COUNTRT IXDOKSED. Mr. Vallandigham offered the following resolution : Resolved, That this Convention sympa- thize cordially with the workingnien of the United States in their efforts to protect the rights and promote the interests of labor and of the laboring classes of tlie country. The resolution was adopted. The Chair announced the following as the names of the committee to inform the nominees of this Convention of their selec- tion : Alabama, Michael J. Bulger; Arkansas, P. O. Tliewett ; California, Joseph Roberts ; Connecticut, James A. Hovey; Delaware, Thomas B. Bradford; Florida, Wilkinson Call ; Georgia, B. H. Hill; Illinois, William C. Gormley ; Indiana, M. D. Manson ; Iowa, Hon. A. C. Dodge; Nebraska, George L. Miller; Nevada, D. E. Buell ; New Hamp- shire, Albert W. Hatch; New Jersey, H. S. Little ; New York, Francis Kernan ; Kansas, Isaac Sharpe; Kentucky, General William Preston ; Louisiana, Thos. Allen Clarke; Maine, R. U. Bice; Maryland, Wm. Pinckney White; Massachusetts, J. G. Ab- bott; Michigan, Hon. C. E. Stuart; Minne- sota, Willis A. Gorman; MiasLssippi, W. H. McArdle; Missouri, General Thomas L. Price; North Carolina, M. Ransom; Ohio, General George W. Morgan; Oregon, R. E. Bell; fennsylvania. Colonel William C. Patterson; Rhode Island, Thos. Steere; South Carolina, J. P. Campbell ; Tennessee, General W. B. Bate; Texas, F. S. Stock- dale; Vermont, P. S. Benjamin; Virginia, General J.S. Kemper; West Virginia, John A. Martin; Wisconsin, George Reed; Mon- tana, General Green Clay Smitli ; Idaho, Thomas W. Betts; New Mexico, Robert B. Mitchell ; Arizona, Thomas E. Evershed; Colorado, General William Craig. Mr. Kiernan (N. Y.) offered the follow- ing: ■ Residved, That the thanks of this Con- vention be tendered to Chiei'-Justice Salmon P. Chatse, for the justice, dignity and im- partiality with which lie presided over the ('ourt of Impeachment on the trial of Pres- ident Andrew Johnson. [Applause, and cries " We have already done that."] The motion was put and carried by ac- clamation. ' General McCook (of Ohio) — I move, sir, that this Convention, having performed its important duty, do now adjourn. [Voices — '■ Sine die."'\ General McCook — Sine die. The motion was put by the Chair and carried, and, at 3:50 the Convention ad- journed sine die, ainnl ei.iliusuistic cht-eiB for Seymour and Bliur. 236 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK Twenty-second. . . .'. • • CO 1 • • . HW • • ■ -*! • - Twenty-first TwpnHpth .,-,,—,. COCO'*' ....... * ^ • • r-i 1— 1 • "^ \^ ...'.. i :** od J. WdlLieLll .• • * • t . • > (M CO • -KQHOi • r-4N--*N • . 5 Eighteenth ; • '5^ • • • -rr t' ro o . . . ■ . CO . . *: ;":::z '^ '.'.'. i i . • rIN ■ . . . ,^N , .... rONrin * . ^ O 1^ Seventeenth • • ' Q9 . . ■ t^ O fO 1* • • • -COO • . I • . rt • • • coco * * : • ^ ; • o • . . * ' . ■ •-tM-^M • -^N .... p^n • • 1— 1 Sixteenth H yA ^ H > ^ Fifteenth .«1 • . . * * * . . - ^Pj^^fPd • """t^J * . . . ^ • • • t-GO Fourteenth. .'. • • • • ... HC) • . ■ • . tfO ■ • -^Cl tot-o • . * • • • .-. . • • iC GO CT CO • . O o • HC'lHOl • ... HN • F . o Thirteenth •m • ■ •CO,-i .-"tf" • .f-icct*-* . . I • ,-,,.• -^ CO ' • - a «'. H^ El Twelfth < .,_,... tTj UU . . . (;,( -^T . . ^ Eleventh • -4N o 1 — 1 H • • • ZDt^'^ • . . • „ • • CM i-~ • • • • CM "lC . . H i1 W ■ HP* . • i-f^JHn • .401 * • * HN * • Seventh ^2=° : j§S :2 : : _:^-S : : o O Sixth • ^ ??2=» : :^S js : : Issf : : Fifth.. -H^ p o Fourth ; CM -W . HWHW • • . -IN . ^ Ph . . 1— c 1— 1 o Third ; '^ • «" ;-* ; CO r^ ; . . 02 CQ • • ■ . . r-l . . H P4 I ■ ' p:5 3 ' ! i PM § P5 EH ■a.eis : =i g : : i S^ : O H O !> i -« 3 » 3 lams, J. Q., Massachusetts, lir, Frnrik P., Missouri.. .. ase, Salmon P., Ohio urch, Sanlord K., New Yo olittle, James R., Wiscons: glish, James E., Uonnectic ing, Thomas L., jr , Kans; Id, Steplien J., Calilbniia. ncock, W. S., Pejiiisylvani ndricka, Thoni.is A., 'India tfman, J. T., New York. . in.son, Andrew, Tennessee, inson, Reverdy, Maryland. Clellan, George B., New J rce, Franklin, New Hamps :ker, Asa, Pennsylvania... ker. Joel. New .Tprspv dleton, George H., Ohio., mour, Horatio, New Y'ork mour, T. H., Connecticut. T^^jsxoc S «ert<»o-5-5 uojy H H >i>%i ^mo OQH WP^MW W-^»?SSa:(S HI A, S^\ VOTE IN CONVENTION FOB PfiESIBBNT. 237 I! Hoffman I \ i •:': I • I I ■'^ I • i ■■ i l •:':•''■ i '■:::::::::: l-** McCIellan... : i :::: i I l t • I :■:• •:••••■•■ •■■::: :-^ ::•.:: \ ■*> Field ': i"^ ': : ': I : l : I I : : ': I I ■ • I -^ '• ■ ■ ' '■'^ : : : : : : : : : \ <» Hendricks... \"^^ • -^ t^menent^ :^ : :S»o Hancock • ■ • ■ : : English I : ■'^ : I : i 1^ I I (N |» IS I : |S :::*:- : : IS ^.2 ;:C 05 R. JobnBun. I Blair ■ Hendricks... ; Doolittle ; A. Johnson..* Packer : I ':':;::; I ::::: : Parker • ■" : : I : : I : i i : : : English :■= i'^ I ;;;■;•: i ; ■ Church. ::::;: i ::::;:; I Hancock. : ! • i : : : ! ! ; ; : '"T. I; Pendleton... ■ i"^ :" ■ ^SS""^^ :*'' IS : i; : i: w Mioio«DMmm --^ • 2 h'^ ■i5=glig.£.|si=-5-Ssi'ggs§£SS!=St.£|??^|g|S§5,|g H 238 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. Speectes of the Nominees. 'riiEut Signification of . Acceptance. Tammany Hall, New York, was crowded from pit to dome on the night of July 10, to witness the cere- mony of notification, by the Committee of the Convention, to the candidates of their selection as the standard-bearers of the National Democracy. Speaking of the crowd in attendance, the New York Trihuiie says : Gov. Seymour and General Blair can have no fault to find with the measure of tiieir reception. It might have been of a more refined quality, and perhaps, then, it would have lost none ol' its merit for the ears of the Governor and the General, The Hon. .'Samuel J. Tilden opened the meeting as follo"S : Fellow-Citizen's — I congratulate yon on this spontaneous assemblage of the Democ- racy of our State. I did not know of this meeting until a few hours ago. There does not seem to beatiy organization for carry- ing it on. and therefore I have been invited to accept the Aniy of presiding on this occa sion. As I came throngh the hall I saw a vast mass of people, many times more than are here assembled. I feel how strongly the meeting is here, and the meeting outside indicates t;he spontaneous uprising of the mass of the people to rescue our land. [Cheers'.] For my part, I have not enter- tained any gloomy apprehensions of the result of the contest on which we are about entering. I believe in God, and in the peo- ple. [Applause.] I believe that we are destined to preserve and restore the great frame-work of American constitutional Gov- ernment; that we are to refound that Gov- ernment on the liberties of the people, and that we are to restore in every part of this continent over which we exercise dominion, local self-government to every integral por- tion of the American people [Applause] You know, my fellow-citizens of New York, that I am not very sanguine in the antici- pations which I form of political results, but I venture to predict, and I call upon our adversaries to second that prediction, that if the Democracy gather, as I believe ♦hey will gather to this contest, they will bear our standard to certain and assured victory. [Applause.] On the whole, I be- lieve we have made the strongest and the best nomination which we could make after much anxious deliberation, I am willing, myself inviting all conservative citizens to join with us in the movement to rescue our country — I am willing to accept the gauge of battle that is before us. I am willing, under the standard-bearers that we have chosen, to go forward and place upon the issues of the day the destinies of the Demo- cratic: party, as also the destinies of cm- country and of mankind. Aye, fellow- citizens, I say of mankind, because if this "beautiful and proud specimen of consti- tutional government that our fathers re- garded as an experiment, and that we afterward made to be perfectly assured — if it shall fail now, there is no hope for mankind of any effective participation of the popular masses in their own goveiii- nient It will not fail, it can not fail, and .this contest in which we are now engaged will give us, I verily believe, a political revolution as great, as momentous in its resiilts as that political revolution which brought Thoma.s Jefferson in the Presiden- tial chair in 1801, and founded the Demo- cratic party that prosperously governed the country for sixty years, [Cheers,] It is our mission to restore that party, to restore its principles in the administration of the Government, to restore a liberal policy to all the systems, and to give to our people everywhere the assurance of complete peace after war is over, the pacification of every part of our broad land, of local self govern- ment, of individual rights and individual safety, of the re-establishment of the great guarantees of personal freedom and consti- tutional rights everywhere upon this conti- nent. Fellow-citizens, I now present to you Gen, Morgan, of Ohio, and also Horatio Se\ mour. Gov. Seymour was received most enthu- siastically, and it was several minutes be- fore order was sufficiently restored for the Chairman of the Committee, Major-General Geo. W, Morgan, of Ohio, to formally ten- der the nomination, which he did in these words; SPEECH OF GENERAL MORGAN. Gov. SEYsrouR : On behalf of the commit- tee appointed for that purpose, I have the honor to present to you this communica- tion, announcing your unanimous nomina- tion as candidate for the office of Pre.^ideiil of the United States by the National Demo- cratic Convention ; and on behalf, sir, of the Conservative people of the United States I have the lionor to represent, I liere plediie their united and cordial efforts in securing the relief of the country from the thraldom which now oppresses it, and in placing you as the chosen Chief Magistrate of the nation in the Executive chair. Amid great applause, Mr. Seymour stepped forward, and replied as follows; SPEECH OF GOV. SETMOUE. Mr. Chairman and Gentleman of the Com mittee:^ I timid? yon for theconrteous terms in which you have communicated to me the decision of the Democratic National SPEECHES OF THE NOMINEES. 239 Convention. Its nomination, by me, was unsought and unex'pected. I meant to take part in the great struggle which is now to talfe place for the restoration of peace, order, and good government to our land But I have been caught by the great tide thiit is^ swelling our party on to victory, and F am unable to resist the pressure. [Applause] You have also communicated to me the resoHitions adopted by that Con- vont.iim. As its Cliairman, I am familiar with its language, and as a member of that Convention, I am a party to its terms, [.ipplause.] I accord with its views, I eland upon its poisition in this contest; and I shall strive hereafter, whether in public or private life, to carry them info effect. Our opponents hoped,^ when this Conven- tion assembled, that there would be discord in its councils. They mistook the great anxiety felt by each of its members that We should do nothing that was not marked out by wisdom and by prudence; they mistook the intense anxiety to do all things aright, for a spirit of doubt, a spirit of discord. But during its lengthened session, during all the excitement of its proceedings, there was uttered no word of unkindness, but there was shown through all its proceedings that spirit of courtesy, patient forbearing, and eelf-sacriflce that is the sure omen of the great victory which awaits us. [Ap- plause.] Mr. Chairman, in a few days I will reply to your communication, in wri- ting or by letter, in the customary forms. In the mean time, sir, accept for yourself and yoyr colleagues, my best wishes for your future happiness and future welfare. Gen. Morgan then addressed the nomi- nee for the Vice-Presidency as follows: Gbx. Blair — The committee appointed by the Convention have made it my pleas- ing duty, sir, to announce to you your unanimous nomination as the Democratic candidate for the office of Vice-President of the United States. In tendering to you tliis nomination, we feel assured that it will not only be hailed by acclamation by your fel- low-citizens throughout the United States, but thousands of your gallant comrades on many a well-fought field under yoiar lead will once again rally to the Stars and Stripes in defense of free institutions. [Ap- plause.] After the applause had subsided, Gen. Blair made reply as follows: SPEECH OF GEN. FRANK P. BLAIB. I accept the platform and the resolutions passed by the late Democratic Convention, and I accept their nomination with feelings of the most profound gratitude. [Applause.] And, sir, I thank you for the very kind manner in which you have conveyed to me the decision of the Democratic Convention. I accept the nomination with the feeling that your nomination for the Presidency is one which will carry us to certain victory [Applause], because I believe the nomin.i- tion is the most appropriate that could be made by the Democratic party. The con- test which we wage is for the restoration of constitutional government. [Applause and cheers] And it is proper that we shoidd make this contest under the lead of one who has given his life to the main- tenance of Constitutional government. We make this contest for the restoration of those great principles of government which belong to our race, and, my fellow-citizens, it is most appropriate that we should select for our leader, a man, not from military life, but one who has devoted himself to the civil pursuits, one who has given himself to study and the understanding of our Consti- tution and its maintenance, with all the force of reason and judgment. [Applause.] My fellow-citizens, I have said the contest before us was one for the restoration of our Government, It is also for the restoration of our race. [Prolonged applause, and cheers.] It is to prevent the people of our race from being exiled from their homes. [Hear, bear, and applause.] Exiled froni the Government which they created for themselves and for their children, and to prevent them from being driven out into exile, or trodden under foot by an inferior and semi-barbarous race. [A pplause ] In this contest we shall have the sympathy of every man who is worthy to belong to the white race. What civilized people on earth would refuse to associate with themselves under all the rights, honors and dignities of their country, such men as Lee and John- ston ? [Cries of "No one."] What civilized country on earth would fail to do honor to those who, fighting for an erroneous cause, yet distinguisned themselves by a gallantry never surpassed. In that contest in which they were sought to be disfrancliised, and to be exiled from their homes; in that con- test they proved themselves worthy of them- selves. [Applause.] My fellow-citizens, it is not my purpose to make any address, but simply to express my gratitude for the great and distinguished honor which has been con- ferred on me. And how, from my heart, I reiterate the words that fell from my lips when I began. [Applause.] List of Delegates to the Demooeatm National Convention, 1868. Alabama. DELEGATES AT LARGE. Reuben Chapman, Lewis E Parsons, John A Winston, James H Clanton, 240 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. DISTRICT dklf;gates. 1. C C Langdon, 4. Samuel Rnffin, R G Scott, Jr. John J Jolly. 2. J T Holtzclaw, 5. Wm M Lowe, W C Gates. James L Sheffield. 3. W H Barnes, 6. R Pickett, M J Bulger. Thoa J MoCIellan. Arkansas. DELEGATES AT LARGE. Robert A Howard, A H Garland, B D Turner, E C Boudinot. DISTRICT DELEGATES. 1. Robert Smith, 3. J S Dunham, Jacob Frolioh. R C Davis. 2. John W Wright, S A Saunders. • California. DELEGATE AT LARGE. Thomas Hayes (deceased). DISTRICT DELEGATES. 1. R C Page, 3. C Steele, A Jacoby, Chas S Fairfax, Joseph Roberts. W Woodward. 2. John Bigler, Richard Heath, A H llose. Connecticut. DELEGATES AT LARGE. Wm W Eaton, Benjamin Stark, TiLton E Doolittle, James H Hoyt. DISTRICT DELEGATES. 1. Henry A Mitchell, .3. James A Hovey, Geo D Hastings. Marvin H Sanger. 2. John Kendrick, 4. Matthew Buckley, Isaac Arnold. Donald D Warner. Colorado. DELEGATES AT LARGE. Hugh Butler, Captain Craig, H B Morse, T J Campbell, » M Anker, S Blayton. Delaware. James A Bayard, Tho? B Bradford, Charles Beeeten, James Ponder, Ged W Cummins, Curtis W Wright. District of Colnmbjla. J D Hoover, T A Tolson, Dr. Charles Allen, Esau Piokerell, Colonel J Q Berret, B T Swart. Florida. F R Cotton, Thomas Randall, Wilkinson, Call, S Eairbanks, J P Sanderson, Cbarlqs Davis, C E Dyke, S h Owens, W D Barnes, A F Smith, C H Smith, A Hewling, J C McLean, J B Brown, H Wright, B C Love, James McKay, R L Campbell, W H Robinson, W W Van Ness, E M L Bngle, J J Willianis. Georgl^. di;legatbs a't large. A H Chappell, ' H S Fitch, B H Hill, J B Gordon. DISTRICT DELEGATES, 1 W T Thompsop, 5. A R Wright, P C. Pendleton. E J Pottle. 2. A E( Hood, 6. Phil R Simmons, B G Lookett. Wm P Price, 3. H Buchanan, 7. J D Waddell, J L Mustaiq. F Toiimlin. 4. W A Reid, C Poeple^. Illinois. DELEGATES AT LARGE. W J Allen, W R Morrison, George W Shutt, W T Dowdal, W F Story, W A Richardson. DISTRICT DELEGATES. 1. Thomas Hoyne, 8. Dr R B M Wilson, W C Gormley. Charles A Keyes. 2. R S Malony, 9. Henry L Bryent, A M Harrington. Lyman Lacy. 3. William P Malburn,10. Edw Y Rice, B H Truesdale. D M Woodson. 4. Charles Buford, 11. Samuel K Casey, George Edmunds. Joseph Cooper. 5. W H O'Brien, 12. Timothy Grearye, James S Eckles. W A J Sparks. 6. Charles E Boyer, 13. William H Green, J H McConnell. George W Wall. 7. John Donlon, Thomas Brewer. Indiana. DELEGATES AT LARGE. D W Voorhees, Graham N Fitch, J E McDonald, William E Niblaek. DISTRICT DELEGATES. 1. A T Whittlesey, 7. W D Manson, W S Turner. Harris Reynolds. 2. James A Cravens, 8. R P Effinger, David Hoffstetter. J M Dickson. 3. H W Harrington, 9. E Sturgis, W T Pate. Adam Wolf. 4. Lafe Devlin, 10. James R Slack, J W Carleton. S W Sprott. 5. W H Talbott, 11. T J Merrifield, D G Vawter. C H Reeve. 6. Samuel H Buskirk, G Patterson. loira. DELEGATES AT LARGE. A Dodge, D Finch, John H O'Neil, George H Parker. DISTRICT DELEGATES. 1. John Rhinehart, 4. Samuel H Fairall, Patrick Gibbon. P H Bousquet. 2. T S Bardwell, 5. J D Test, W E Brennan, J N Udell. 3. William McClintock, 6. H E J Boardman, Ray B Griffin. E B Holbrook. Kansas. George W Glick, Charles W Blair^ Andrew D. Meed, Isaac Sharp, Wilson Shannon, jr. Thomas P Fendon. KcntacUy. DELEGATES AT LARGE. R H Stanton, William Preston, L A Spalding, J G Carlyle. DISTRICT DELEGATES. 1. W B Machen, 6. Lucius Desha, J A Flournoy. F A Boyd. 2. Gano Henry, 7. B F Buckner, C B Vance. J Warren Grigsby. 3. J P Bates, 8. Edward Turner, A J Ray. James B McCreery. 4. E A Graves, 9. George Hamilton, C B Mattingly. A L Martin. 5. T L Jefferson, Lyttleton Cooke. liOnlslana, DELEGATES AT LARGE. James MoCIoskey. Duncan S Cage. DISTRICT DELEGATES. 1. Durant Daponte, 4. E M Willard, Louis St. Martin. M Ryan. DELEGATES TO THE DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION. 241 5. M S Ponham, Geo W W Craney. 2. R L Gibson, Jamos B Eustis. 3. Scott Duncan, D F Kenner. Maine* DKI,EaATE3 AT LARGE. Richard D Rice, David R Hastings, Samuel J Anderson, James C Madigan. DISTBICT DRLEGATE3, 1. Ira T Drew, 4. Henry Hudson, Sylv C Blanchard. Marcollus Emory. 2. J A Linscott, 5. P J Carleton, Moses Biggs. J C Talbot. 3. James A Creighton, Isaac Beed. Maryland.. DELKQATES AT LAE6E. Richard B Carmichael, Montgomery Blair, George R Dennis, Charles J MoGwin. DISTRICT DELEGATES. 1. Hiram McCuUough, 4. Andrew R Syester, Edw Floyd. Outerbridge Horsey. 2. Stephenson Archer, 5. John D Bowling, William Byrnes. Geo Fred Maddox. 3. W Pynkney White, George W Benson. Massachasetts. DELEGATES AT LARGE. Josiah G Abbott, Reuben Noble, Josiah Bardwell, G W Gill. DISTRICT DELKQATES. 1. Edward MerriJl, 6. D W Lawrence, N Hathaway. George Johnson. - 2. S B Thaxter, 7. W W Warren, Ed Every. Gardner Prouty. 3. James M Keith, 8. George L Chesbro, Michael Doherty. James B Eatabrook. 4. Peter Harvey, 9. Frank Pratt, Thos Whittemore. L B Jaquith, 6, Charles G Clark, 10. A W Springfield, A Moore, John R Briggs, Micblgran, DELEGATES AT LARGE, John Moore, Robert McClelland, Byron G Stout, Charles E Stewart. DISTRICT DELEGATES. 1. Wm A Moore, 4. John F Godfrey, Mich A Patterson. John C Blanchard. Fred V Smith, 6. E B Winans, Walter G Beckwith. Seymour Brownell. 3. John L Butterfield, 6. S M Axford, A M Hart. Clarence E Eddie. Minnesota. DELEGATES AT LARGE. A G Ch.atfield, W A Gorman, James J Green, Winthrop Young. DISTRICT DELEGATES. LEA McMahon, 2. Isaac Staples, George D Snow. Thomas N Sheehey. Mississippi. DELEGATES AT LARGE. W S Featherston, W T Martin, E C Walthall, B M Yerger. DISTRICT DELEGATES. 1. Orlando Davis, 4. T A Marshall, F B Irby. E Barksdale, 2. R M Brown, 5. J S Holt, S A Jonas. T R Stockdale. 3. G P M Turner, H L Jarnagin. 16 Missonri. DELEGATES AT LARGE. James Broadhead, Thomas L Price, A J Garesche, Bernard Schwartz. DISTRICT DELEGATES. 1. Erastus Wells, 6. Samuel L Sawyer, Stillson Hutchins. John B Dale. 2. Carl Deanger, 7. Wm A Ridenbaugh, David Murphy. Charles A Mansur, 3. Thomas H Bird, 8. John M Glover, J W Everson. Thomas B Reed. 4. S Fahnestock, 9. W H D Hunter, Nathan Bray. A T Reed. 5. Adam E Smith, Van Pelt. Nebraska. G L Miller, J Sterling Morton, G N Crawford, John Black, Chas F Porter, Peter Smith. Mew Hampsblrc. DISTRICT DELEGATES. 1. Anson S Marshall, 4. Horatio Cylony, Albert R Hatch, H W Parker. 2. George H Pierce, 6. John G Sinclair, Isaac Adams. B D Rand. 3. James M Campbell, John Rector. NeiF Jersey, DELEGATES AT LARGE. Jacob H Wortendyke, Richard F Stevens, Thomas McKeen, F D Lathrop. DISTRICT Delegates. 1. Samuel Still, 4. David Dodd, Isaac M Smalley. Thomas Kays, 2. Henry S Little, 5. JohwR Mullaney, C D Hendrickson. George Peters. 3. Ryneas H Vechtes, Miles Ross. Jfew York. DELEGATES AT LARGE. Horatio Seymour, Samuel J Tilden, Sanford B Church, Henry C Murphy. DISTRICT DELEGATES. 1. Erastus Brooks, 15. Moses Warren, John Armstrong. Emerson E Davie. 2. James B Craig, 16. Timothy Hoyle, William Marshall. Halsey R. Wing. 3. Alex McCue, 17. Samuel B. Gordon, James Murphy. Darius W Lawrence. 4. Joseph Dowling, 18. Cornelius A Russell, Michael Norton. Col 6 Sammons. 5. Wm M Tweed, 19. Luther J. Burdett, John Morrissey. John F Hubbard, jr. 6. Emanuel B Hart, 20. Allen C Beach, Oswall Ottendorffer. Lorenzo Caryl. 7. Chas G Cornell, 21. Francis Kiernan, Chas B Loew. George H Sandford. 8. Augustus Schell, 22. Wm F Allen. A Oakey Hall. Chas Stebbins, jr. 9. Albert Cardozo, 23. Jas P Haskins, Edw Jones. John A Green, jr. 10. Colin Talmie, 24. Elmore P Ross, Robert Cochran. Chas L Lyon. 11. Jas D Decker, 25. Joseph L Lewis, Enoch Carter. Lester B Faulkner. 12. Henry A. Tilden, 26. Hiram A. Beebe, Chas Wheaton. Jeremiah McGuire. 13. Jacob Hardenbergh, 27. IVI B Champlain, Geo Beach. Daniel C Howell. 14. Wm Cassidy, 28. Geo W Miller, Chas Goodyear. Henry J Sickles. 242 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. 29. Sherburn B Piper, 31. Chas H Lee, Henry A Richmond. Jonas Button. 30. Josepli Warren, Wm Williams. Kevada. W G Monroe, L P Drexler, George 6 Berry, John E Doyle, D E Buell, W M Seawell. North Carolina. DELEGATES AT LARGE. W N H Smith, William A Wright, W L Cox, John F Hoke. DISTRICT DELEGATES. 1. M W Ransom, 4. W J Green, D M Carter, R B Haywood, P H Winston, 5. Bend Brown, R H Smiih. J M Leach. 2. M E Manly, 6. Z B Vance, George Howard. J M Long. 8. Robert Strange, 1. Thomas L Clingman N A McLean. Oliio. DELEGATES AT LARGE. George W McCook, John G Thompson, WashingtonMcLean, W W Armstrong. DISTRICT DELEGATES. 1. Joseph C Butler, 11. John Hamilton, J C Collins. J W Collins. 2. Theodore Cook, 12. E B Olds, H C Lord. Wayne Griswold. 3. Granville Stokes, 13. Frank H. Hurd, Wm G Gilmoro. William Teach. 4. John E Cummings, 14. T J Kenny, Dr J B Matchett. Neal Power. 5. B B MoKee, 16. Jere Williams, F C LeBlond. Wylie S Oldham. 6. David Tarbill, 16. Wm Lawrence, J M Trimble. J Boyles. 7. Jacob Rheinhard, 17. James B Estep, John H. Blose. James Quinn. 8. H T Van Fleet, 18. Morrison Foster, W M Randall. H H Dodgo. 9. Thomas Beer, 19. R Bate, John A Williams. D C Coleman. 10. John Maidlom, J G Haley. Orci^on. B L Bristow, W W Page, N M Bell, Judge P Bruin, Joynt, J C Avery, PennsylTania . DELEGATES AT LARGE. Isaac E Hiester, George W Woodward, Asa Packer, William Bigler. DISTRICT DELEGATES. 1. William McMulIen, 10. Francis W Hughes, W C Cassidy. David S Hammond. 2. William Reilly, 11. B W Hamlin, Wm C Patterson. Henry S Mott. 3. H R Linderman, 12. Jasper B Star, John B Faunce. Ralph P Little. 4. Jer. McKibben, 13. Michael Meylert, John McDidden. David Lowenburg. 5. Charles M Hurley, 14. David M Crawford, H P Ross. William H Miller." 6. B M Boyer, 15. John A. Magee, John D Stiles. John Gibson. 7. John H. Brinton, 16. George W Brewer, Jackson Larkins. John R. Donahue. 8. Heister Clymer, 17. James Burns, Jer Hagenman. Owen Clark. 9. William Fatten, 18. Geo A Auohenbach, A J Steinman. William Brindlo. 19. Byron D Hamlin, 22. John A Strain, William L Scott. John B Guthrie. 20. William L Corbett, 23. B H Kerr, Gaylord Church. John T Bard. 21. John L Dawson, 24. A A Purman, James B Sansom. David S Morris. Rtaode Island. Charles S Bradley, Thomas Steere, Alfred Anthony, Edward B Brunsen, Lyman Pierce, AVilliam H Allen, Edward Newton, Amasa Sprague. South Carolina. Appointed by the April Convention, DELEGATES AT LARGE. B F Perry, J A Inglis, James Chesnut, A P Aldrich. DISTRICT DELEGATES. 1. W S MuUins, 3. J S Preston, J B Kershaw. W B Stanley. 2. C Maoy, 4. A Burt, W L Bonham. W D Simpson. Appointed by the June Convention. DELEGATES AT LARGE. Wade Hampton, C M Furman, S B Campbell, J P Carroll. DISTRICT DELF.GATES. 1. A L Manning, 3. M W Gary, R Dozier. A D Frederick. 2. C H Simonton, 4. To be appointed. John Hunckei. Tennessee* DELEGATES AT LAHGE. TAR Nelson, A P Nicholson, N B Forrest, Edmund Cooper. DISTRICT DELEGATES. 1. James White, o. W B Bate, W C Kyle. I D Walker, 2. John Williams, 6. John F House, R M Edwards. Dorsay B Thomas. 3. P H Marbry, 7. Wm Conner, W J Ramage. W T Caldwell. 4. H C McLaughlin, 8. A W Campbell, Joseph H Thompson. J W Leftwioh. Texas. DELEGATES AT LARGE. Horace Boughton, Ashbel Smith, Stephen Powers, Gustavus Schleiclier. DISTRICT DELEGATES. 1. James M j^urroughs, 3. J D Giddings, Daniel A Veitch. E J Gurley. 2. H R Runnels, 4. G W Smith, George W Wright. George Ball. Vermont. DELEGATES AT LARGE. H B Smith, Henry Keyes, Isaac McDaniels, P S Benjamin. DISTRICT DELEGATES. 1. E R Wright, 3. Waldo Brigham, Geo H Simmons. J J Deavitt. 2. Geo H Weeks, C N Davenport. Virg^inia • DELEGATES AT LARGE. TSBocock, J B Baldwin, F MoMullen, J M Kemper, Geo. Blow, jr. T S Flournoy. DISTRICT DELEGATES. 1. B B Douglass, 3. James Barbour, HSNeal. Rob't Ould. 2. John Goode, 4. Rob't Ridgeway, John R Kilby. Thos F Goode. SOLDIERS' AND SAILORS' CONVENTION. 5. R H GUss, 7. John R Tucker, Wm Martin. Ro T Conrad. 6. J C Southalt, 8. Joseph Kent, Samnol W Coffman. Wm B Aston. TTest Tijrgliila. DKLTCGATES AT LAKGE. John IlaU, Henry S Walker. John W Kennedy, DISTRICT DELEGATES. 1. D D Johnson, 3. C A Sperry, J N Camden. B H Smith. 2. H G Davis, JAP Martin. Wisconsin. DELEGATES AT LARGE. H L Palmer, Nelson Dewey, S Clark, Gabriel Bouck. DISTRICT DELEGATES. 1. Jas A Mallory, 4. F Thorp, John Mather. F W Horn. 2. E B Dean, jr., 5. Geo Reid, S T Thorn. S A Pease. 3. J.is G Knight, 6. Thos B Tyler, Chas G Rodolph. Allen Dawson. Soldiers' and Sailors' Convention. The National Convention of Soldiers and Sailors met at New York, on tlie 4th of July, 1868, the same day of the Convention of tlie National Democracy. At lialfpastll the meeting was called to order by Q-eneral MoQuade, Chairman of the National Executive Committee, who nominated Major-General John A. McCler- nand, of Illinois. General McClernand, of Illinois, was unanimously elected. General McClernaiid, upon taking the chair, expressed his thanks in graceful terms. General McQuade proposed the following list of Secretaries : General John R. Slack, of Maryland; General Hugh Cameron, of Kansas; Colonel O'Beirne, of Washington ; Colonel Lynch, of New York; Colonel G. Stoddard, of Connecticut; Captain Thomas Brighani, of Maine; Captain 0. G. Chase, of West Virginia; and private J. llaldreth, of Illinois. General Campbell, of Ohio, desired to ofTer a preamble and resolution. It had been deemed important by that committee that there should be harmonious action between this ('onvention and the National Democratic Association. There had been an effort to make this Convention appear in a false position. There had been some talk i)f its being intended for the purpose of dictation, and some foolish speeches of its being a mere side-show. To put the Convention right in this respect, he offered a preamble and resolution which express the full harmony of the Convention with the purposes and objects of the National Democratic Convention. The resolution was then temporarily withdrawn by General Campbell; and, upon motion of General McQuade, the respective delegates were requested to name members for each of the regular standing committees. A call of the States was thereupon made, and committees then retired. General Thomas Ewing, jr., of Kansas, being loudly called for, made his appear- ance on the platform, and was received with cheers. He spoke as follows: Mr. President aiid gentlemen of' the Conven- tion : I heartily thank you for the honor of being called upon to address this vast as- semblage of soldiers and .sailors — the largest ever gathered on the continent since the grand review in Washington, at the close of the war, of the victorious armies of the Potomac, of the Tennessee, and of Georgia. Of the comrades who separated then, and went each to his home and civic occupa- tion, almost every regiment has here its representative. Why have we, soldiers and sailors, who are proud of our service for the Union, assembled here in delegate conven- tion to plan the overthrow of that political party which administered the Government through the war, and the defeat for the Presidency of him who was erst the leader of the Union armies? [Applause.] With your indulgence, I will endeavor briefly to give the reasons for our meeting, and our intended action, [Cries of " Go on, "J C)n the 4th of July, three years ago, the war for the suppression of the rebellion had wholly ended. General Lee had surrendered to General Grant the Army of Northern Virginia, and its officers and men were plowing the fields of the Old Dominion, drenched with the blood and scorched with the fires of four years of devastating v/ar, Joe Johnston had surrendered to Sherman [applause] the daring and stubborn troops which our Western army had driven inch by inch from Belmont to Raleigh ; and Shelby's frontier command was scattered over the hemisphere from Montana to Brazil. [Laughter,] There was not in arms a Confederate soldier, mounetd or on foot; not a dockyard, fort or arsenal, in which there was a rebel ship, cannon or musket; not a rood of land on earth, or a foot of deck on sea, over which the Coiil'oii- erate banner waved. The last rebel privii- teers were being dragged for condemnation from the Indian Ocean and the North Pa- cific; and the haughtiest leaders of the rebel- lion were wandering outcasts over the e.artli, or seeking pardon of a President who was a noble type at once of the loyal Southerner they had hated, and the laboring white man they had despised. [Applause,] Never was thei'e a rebellion more utterly over- thrown, or a cause more hopelessly lost. 244 DEMOCBATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. The people of the Southern States, with wonderful promptness, quiet and unanim- ity, submitted to the result. You all know it was commonly predicted and believed, North and South, that when the great ar- mies of the Confederacy were conquered, dispersing, they would fill the land with guerrillas, and wage -a. Bendean warfare more destructive and irrepressible than the regular war out of which it grew. But this prediction was not in tlie smallest degree verified. Within sixty days after the last great battle of the war, the Federal mar- shals and tax-gatherers executed their pro- ce.sses unarmed and unattended throughout the Southern States, in the jungles lately swarming with guerrillas and over fields lately shaken with the roar of rebel artil- lery. The whole people of the South bowed to the authority of the nation, with hearts in which, as they were human, there were yet doubtless revenges and sorrows, humilia- tions and bereavements, and undying at- tachments to the cause they had dearly loved and bravely maintained, but whicli yielded implicitly all that the people, the President, or the war party had ever told them were the purposes of the war. And by the constitutional conventions and Leg- islatures, chosen by the electors of the Southern States the year the rebellion ended, their several constitutions and their State laws were amended, abolishing slavery and the harsh codes founded on it, abandoning the doctrine of secession, repudiating the rebel debt, recognizing the National debt, and, in short, giving every guai-antee which men could give, that in a spirit of concord they recognized and accepted, as accom- plished, each avowed object of the war. Now the Republican party was bound in loyalty, honor, and good conscience to ac- cept this submission, and at once restore the Union by admitting the Southern States to representation, so far as they presented Senators and Representatives personally qualified. [Applause.] It was bound to do it, out of obedience to the Constitution, in the sacred name of which the war was waged, and which, while allowing each House to judge of the qualifications of its own members, prohibts the exclusion from representation of any State as a State. And it was bound to do it, because tlie war was avowedly waged fir the sole purpose of ef fecting the ajiconditional restoration of the Union, immediately upon the unconditional submission of the Southern people, through amendments of their constitutions and laws, to the National authority. Said Sherman to the South, in his Atlanta letter: ''We don't want your negroes or your horses, your houses or your lands, or anything you have; we only want, and will have, a just obedience to the Constitution and laws of the United States." [Applause.] And in that declaration he expressed the sole purpose of the war as declared by the Government, and understood by the army and navy and people of the Union. The Republican party in its National Convention in 1864 — just after Horace Gree- ley had tried to effect a dishonorable peace through George N. Sanders and Beverly Tucker (hisses and laughter) — declared that the war was, and should be waged only, to force "an unconditional surrender of hostil- ity by the rebels, and a return to their just allegiance to the Constitution and laws of the United States." And from the begin- ning to the close of the war, there stood, and still stands, on our statute book, a law declaring that the war should be waged " in no spirit of oppression, but solely to restore the Union with all tlie dignity, equality, and rights of the several States unimpaired." [Applause.] That law was the pledge of the Republican party made in 186i,and re- iterated in National Convention in 1864, that the tremendous powers confided to it by the people, without regard to party, for the vindication of the National authority, should never be used for party or sectional dominion. And on the faith of that_pledge were given every dollar of money and every drop of blood spent in the war. [Applause.] But the Republican party had not the wisdom or patriotism to accept this submis- sion of the Southern people, and promptly restore the Union. It recollected that be- fore the war it was a minority party, and came into power in 1861 through a division of the Democratic party by much less than half the popular vote. Yet, with the pres- tige and moral power resulting from a suc- cessful prosecution of the war, and a prompt and cordial restoration of the Union, it could have retained power until this gen- eration of voters had passed away or had forgotten the anti-war follies of the Demo- cratic party. But it took counsel of its fears, doubted its own destiny, forgot the inextinguishable love in the hearts of the Northern people for the Constitution and the Union, and therefore refused to take what the war was alone waged to get — a prompt and cordial pacification and reunion under the Constitution. It did this in the vain hope of controlling the Southern States by making voters of the negroes, and pro- scribing all the intelligent white men whom Congress and the Freedmen's Bureau could not bribe, coax, or kick, or cuff into Repub- licanism. But while destroying the ten Southern States, and building in their stead ten rotten boroughs, to be represented in Con- gress in the interests of the Northern Rad- icals by white adventurers and plantation GENERAL EWING'S SPEECH. 245 negroes, the party is losing its strong hold on the Northern States, and, like the dog in the fable, drops the substance to snatch at the slirtdow. [Laughter and applause.] Tlie first step toward postponing reunion until the Southern ^States could be Kubju- gated by the. Radical party, was the offer, in 1866, of llie Constitutional amendment. It contained declarations of the results of the war, which the Southern States liad already inserted in their constitutions and codes, under the advice of President Johnson, and to which they freely assented, and an alter- native of negro suffrage or reduction of rep- resentation, and also importunt additions to the power of the Federal Government, to which they would have assented reluctantly for the sake of reunion. Hut, inseparably coupled with these, and making with them one proposition, which had to be accepted or rejected as a whole, was the clause of dis- franchisement, which they could not accept without dishonor. It disqualified froui holding any office, petty or exalted. State ur Federal, in efifect, every man who was of age when tlie war broke out and was fit to hold any office. So sweeping was the pro- posed proscription, that, alter it was adopted into the reconstruction acts. Generals Meade, Schofield and Canby successively reported that it was impossiiile to administer the governments of the Soulhern States while enforcing it, because, in many communities, there was really not a man fit to hold any office who was not disqualified by it The Southern people did as the. Kadical leaders wislied and knew they v/ouhl — rejected the amendment. They acted like men in doing so. [Applause.] Let us ask ourselves, gentlemen, whether, it' the North had rebelled and been con- quered, and the South had offered us reunion on condition that we should ourselves vote to disfranchise and degrade every Northern man wlio could read and write. and cypher to the rule of three, as punishment for the rebellion in which all had participated, and to commit the Government and destinies of our States to tbe hands of only the most ignorant of our people, or to the campfol- lowers of the conquering army, we. would have voted for our own disgrace and di.s- franohisement ? [Voices, '' No, no.''] No people who are fit to be free would thus, with their own hands, put on their own necks the yoke of political slavery. [Great applause.] And so far from the rejection of that clause and the proposed amendment of the Con- stitution, witli which it was inseparably connected, being a just cause of complaint iigainst the Southern people, they would have merited the scorn and contempt of all high-minded men had they accepted it. But the amendment served its purpose in the campaign of 1866. It was, to the care- less or superficial observer, an effort in good faith, by the Kadical party, to effectreunion. The Southern Legislatures, unanimously and promptly, but respectfully, declared that they could not accept it, and were therelbre violently denounced by the Radical press and orators, as still defiant and rebellious. Just then, the most mischievous men of both parties in New Orleans contrived to bring on a bloody riot ; and the Radicals rode the tempest it created, and swept tin- North. Since then, with three-fourths of both Houses of Congress on their side, and ani- mated by a thorough contempt of the Consti- tution, the Radical party has been omnipo- tent. It has protracted disunion nearly as hnig as the rebels did, and done more to destroy our form of Government than all the parties that ever controlled its destinies. On tlie 8th of July, 186.!, in a debate in the House of Representatives, Old Thad. Stevens [hisses] bluntly and boldly an- nounced the doctrine that the Southern Stales were not States of the Union, and that Congress could legislate over them as over conquered territory. If this doctrine be true, it is because the acts of secession were con- stitutional, and in legal efl'eottook the Sjtates out of the Union — that is, that under" the Constitution, the States had a right to secede, and therefore the United States had no right to make war on them for seceding. This rebel doctrine, when thus announced by Stevens, was violently assailed by Owen Lovejoy, and other fierce Radicals of the House, and repudiated in the name of the svar party. In the year following, in the National Union Convention at Baltimore, Stevens again proclaimed thisdoctrine, decl-aring that Tennessee was but a subject province, and Andrew Johnson an alien enemy. But the Convention contemptuously repudiated his theory, and gave emphasis to its declaration by nominating Mr. Johnson for Vice-Presi- dent, and indorsing Mr. Lincoln's reconstruc- tion policy. All this, however, was while the war was going on, and while soldiers were being called for to fight in the holy cause of the Constitution and the Union, and not for conquest. [Applause.] But when the rebellion ended, and the elections of 1866 gave the Radicals a new lease of power, this infamous dogma, which, if true, makes the war for secession constitutional and just, and the war for the Union a wicked and unprovoked conquest — adoctrinewhioh, three years before, had been, like the hateful Richard — ''• Sent before its time Into this breatliing world, scarce half made up. And that so lamely and unfashionable, That dogs barked at it as it halted by them," 246 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. was now adopted by the Republican party as the fundamental theory of reconstruction and the shibboleth of loyalty. Having fully adopted this rebel theory that tlie Southern States were out of the Union, and unsheltered by the broad aegis, of the Con.stitution, Congress declared in- valid the Governments chosen b3' the elec- tors of these States under the advice of Presidents Lincoln and Johnson, in conform- ity with State constitutions and laws, and established over them military dictatorships through wliich to inaugurate the rule of the negroes and their Nortliern allies. But here u new rent in their programme was discov- ered, requiring to be patched by a newly in- vented dogma. The Calh.oun-Stevens theory of the validity of secession was good as far as it stretched ; but, like a shelter tent, was neither broad nor long enough. It took the States out, and made them conquered Prov- inces, but did not increase the power of Con- gress, nor deprive the inhabitants of the con- quered territory of tliose guarante'js of life, liberty and property which the Constitution extends to citizens and aliens alike on everj' foot oF ground within the jurisdiction of the United States — the right of exemption from punishment by ex pest facto laws; the lib- erty of speech and of the press; the right to keep and bear arms; the right to be free from unreasonable searches and seizures, and from deprivation of life, liberty or prop- erty, witliout due process of law; the right of trial by jury ; and above all, the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus — that shield of liberty in possession of which the people of a monarchy are free, and without which a liepublic is a despotism. [Great applause.] These constitutional guarantees were in the way of coercive reconstruction ; and Congress was forbidden, in peace, to touch any one of them. Unless these ancient and sacred liberties could be destroyed, vigorous military desjjotisms could not be established, and withoutstich despotisms, Radical recon- struction was impossible. Wliile these guarantees remained in the Constitution, and were obeyed, the whole governing talent (if the South could not be disfranchised by a sweeping ex post facto law; Governors of States duly chosen by the electors in accord- ance with State Constitutions and laws <'onld not be removed by district command- ers as impediments to reconstruction ; iState Legislatures could not be prorogued at the point of the bayonet; State treasuries could not be robbed, and widow and orphan creditors defrauded of their dividends to pay plantation negroes eight dollars a day for making constitutions. [Applause.] New codes of laws, framed by Solons and moralists like Dan. Sickles (liisses), could not be proclaimed and enforced over the Carolinas ; a judge, conducting a murder trial, could not be pushed from the bench, and the trial carried on to conviction, sen- tence, and execution, by a colonel in uniform : American citizens, of one of the original thirteen States, charged with no crime, could not be arrested by scores, on lettresde cachet, signed by a post-adjutant, immured in loathe- some dungeons, and tortured to the point of death with the boot and sweat-box, to uake them swear to what a military commander suspected they knew touching the murder of some wretch like Ashburn (applause) ; and military commissions, those courts organ- ized to convict, at whose doors no man can lay a charge of uncertainty as to the law, or doubt or delaj', or undue clemency in its execution, which adopt the efficient rule that it is better that ninety-nine innocent men should be punished, than one guilty man escape, could not inspire respect for the Radical party and its measures by being pre- pared at a moment's warning to try any citi- zen for any act which, in the opinion of theofficer conveningthecourt, wasa"crinie against reconstruction," and to sentence him for montlis, or years, or life, to the dungeon or the Dry Tortugas, beyond the reach of Executive pardon or reprieve. It was indispensable, therefore, to get rid of these constitutional provisions, which are at once guarantees of the liberties of the people, and prohibition of power to Con- gress. To avoid an avowal of a purpose to trample on the Constitution the parly, with decent hypocrisy, claimed a new derivation of Congressional power. They said that a formidable rebellion was never contempla- ted by the framers of the Constitution, and no powers were conferred in anticipation of such an emergency. Congress, therefore, was compelled, in the matter of reconstruc- tion, to act outside of the Constitution Tlie framers of the Constitution were the sons and grandsons of the Puritans and the Cavaliers, who kept England smoking with civil wars for half a century [applause] ; and who knew, by personal experience, how des- potic was power when intlamed by the pas- sions of domestic war — whether that power were the legitimate Sovereign, tlie Pretender, or Parliament. And with recolleclton; of this recent English history, and tradition of family persecutions, fresh in their minds- anticipating that the bold spirits of their sons would be transiuitted to their children, and break out in occasional revolts against the National authority— the framers of the Constitution not only withheld from Con- gress the power of inflicting, iji peace, pun- ishments at will for political otfenses, but also inserted those guarantees of personal liberty ex indiislria, as express prohibitions, in order to prevent a Congreis driving tlie GENERAL EWIIfG'S SPEECH. 247 people to renewed war, or to flight by meas- ures of revenge such as Bent their Ibrelathers from England to our shores. [Grreat ap- plause.] As to Congress deriving power in any continueiicy outside of the Constitution, it is enough to say that Congress gets all its powers fVoni the Constitution, and outside of it liiis no powers, and is no Congress [applause]; and that all its acts not au- thorized by the Constitution are mere usur patiiins, wliether against express prohibi- tions or not. If you present this argument to Radicals, they will reply that the Consti- tution, in not giving Congress sucli author- ity, is therein defective, and Congress needs, and must exercise it. A French philosopher once propounded to Professor Faraday a new tlieory of the transmission of light, which the English philosopher heard pa- tienth', and then objected to it; that the theory was inconsistent with certain estab- lished facts of natural science. "So much ze worse for ze facts, " was the ready answer of theconfidcnt Frenchman. So.ifyou prove the reconstruction plan unconstitutional, the Radicals, in effect, answer, "So much the worse for the Constitution. [(Treat applause.] Thus, to secure a reconstruction giving the Radicals of the North absolute control of the ten States of the South, not only were the State governments abolished and military despotisms built on their ruins, but every revered guarantee of life, liberty and prop erty, which the Southern people and our- selves inherited from a free ancestry, and which our forefathers and their forefathers placed in the Constitution to be beyond the reach of the rude band of faction, was boldly destroyed. No civilized people on this earth are as wholly without legal protection from the capricious oppression of their rulers as theSouthern people under these military des- potisms. It is amazing how passively the people. North and South, have borne this gross, dangerous, insolent usurpation. But it has been quietly submitted to because of the belief^ — now, thank God! almost cer- tainty — that the Northern people will, in November, seize this Radical party and its half executed usurpations, and dash them to pieces (prolonged cheering); and because many of the military commanders have tempered the harsh rule they were sent to inflict out of that love for our ancient liber- ties which is born in every true American, and which so shone througli the administra- tion of at least one of those commanders as to cover with new and fadeles.s glory the twice illustrious name of Hancock. ( I'u- multuous cheering and waving of hats.) Gentlemen, I do not understand how any white American, proud of our race and ol' our free systems of government, can behold, without mingled disgust and indignation, the methods and results of Congressional re- construction, and the pretenses by which it is sustained. It is claimed l,o be in the in- terests of peace — while fomenting deadly strife and rancor between the two races, arraying them into conflicting parties, sub- jecting the superior to the inferior, and then leaving them to struggle for dominion I In the interest of liberty and progress — while tearing down ten free, enlightened States, four of the old thirteen that founded the Republic, and establishing in their stead ten despotisms, in which the intelligent and cul- tivated white man is made subject to the ig- norant and brutal negro — despotisms miti- gated only by the fact that the negroes are but the ostensible rulers of the Southern whites, while the Northern Radicals are the real ones— that the negro acts only the part of the automaton chess-player, while the Northern Radical party is the unseen intel- lect which directs the senseless hand that fingers the pawns. It is claimed to be in the interests of National prosperity — while wast- ing the wealth and paralyzing the industries of the South on the one hand, and doubling the burdens of the Northern tax-payers, and destroying the eager markets for their man- ufactures and breadstutT's on the other. What a spectacle for gods and men does not this reconstruction present! See the black laborers of the South, fed in idleness out of money wrung from the toil of North- ern white men [applause], filled with am- bition to rule the whites, and to grow rich by confiscations, and becoming each year more utterly and irreciaimably idle and thriftless. The splendid sugar, cotton and rice plantations, at once the evidence and the product of a century of civilization, overgrown with weeds; idle machinery rust- ing in the sugar-houses; tliefloodsof the Mis- sissippi .sweeping over neglected levees and abandoned plantations, and the boorish negro field-hands sitting in conventions I Behold Virginia, the Niobe of States, the mother of Presidents and illustrious states- men — her at whose call our great Republic was formed — her by whose free gift the Re- public acquired the territory of the six great States of the Northwest! See the civil gov- ernment founded by her Wasliingtcm [ap- plause] Madison [applause], Jefl'erson [ap- plause], Lee [applau.se], the foremost states- men of their day on the earth, destroyed, supplanted by a military despotism, and that, in turn, about 'to be supplanted by a civil government framed by infamous whites like Hunnicutt, and a rabble of hall-civilized negroes [hisses]. If this be prosperity, pro- gress and liberty, God send us misfortune, reaction and despotism forever! [Applause.] The rad'cals endeavor to smooth the 248 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. hideous visage of this reconstruction hy as- serting tliat it is indispensable to prevent the Democracy getting power and repudiating the National debt. In otlier vcords, to pre- vent repudiation, some device must be ar- ranged by which a majority of the legal electors of ten States sIihII not be permitted to rule them. If that nece.isity really exi.sts, the dire event can not be long postponed by devising, in the interest of the National creditors, a scheme of reconstruction which I'io'ates the I onstitution and the funda- mental theory of our Government; breaks pledges of infinitely more sacred obligation ihan the money debt; cripples every indus- try of the land, and while reducing one- half every man's ability to pay taxes, doubles his share of the public burden — the essen- tial condition of which scheme is to the perpetuation of the rule of a party which row represents not one-third of the white people of the nation. But thank God, that necessity does not exiht! The credit of tlie Republic, as the Union of the States, rests secure — secure in the hearts of the people. [Applause] A vast majority of all parties will preserve and deffnd it, as they did the Union. But, if the National credit could be shaken, it would be by the public credi- tors flocking into one party, and under the panoply of the National lionor, scheming to perpetuate the power of that party at the cost of the established Constitutions and libertiesof the Stateand the nation. [Great applause, and cries of "That's so."] To accomplish this scheme of reconstruc- tion, the Constitution is not only abrogated so far as the Southern States are concerned, but the form of our Governmesfit is being destroyed by the absorption by Ccmgress of the chief powers of the National Executive. Congress has assumed to take from the President the control of the army, which the Constitution gives him, and to commit that part of it employed in the Soutli to General Grant and five district commanders [hisses] independent of the orders of the President. By this bold assumption of power, it has converted many high officers in the regular army to Radicalism, and made them zeal- ous instruments of its usurpations. It has usurped the pardoning power, which th 2 Constitution give.s solely to the Pre.si d;nt, and by sweeping bills of pains and penalties, proscribed the intelligent white) men of the .South, notwithstanding the par- dons of the President. And it now shame- lessly avows that it will give Coiigressiniial pardon only to those who eat the leek of Railicalism. [Hisses] All such are %«?, tliotigh, like Governur Brown, of Georgia, they drove and dragged their people into re- bellion, and, coward like, seized our arsenals and navy-yards while yet wearing the mask of loyalty; while men like George W. Jones, of Tennessee, who stood by the Union from the first, but who opposed negro suffrage and white disfranchisement, are stigmatized 3,s " heart maligiiants," deserving only pro- scription at the hands of the Sumners, and Kellys, and Butlers, of Congress — [Great hisses. Cries, "who stole the spoons?" "Dutch Gap."] " Those pseudo privy-counselors of God, Who write down judgments with a pen hard- nibbed/' It took, too, from the President, the power of removal, thus Ibmenting insubordination in the civil service as it had done in the mili- tary — prohibiting even the removal of his own Cabinet officers, the adjutants through whom he gives orders and receives reports, And it crowned its usurpation.^ by an im- peachment founded on a statute it had passed enacting the glaring and flagitious he that it is a high crime for the President to dis- charge the duties of removal imposed on iiim by the Constitution, as interpreted by the uniform usage of Government from the administration of Washington down [ap- plause] ; or even to so far attempt to exer- cise it, as to bring the question of his Con- stitutional power of removal to decision by the Supreme Court — that high arbiter fixed by the Constitution to settle every conflict over boundaries of power between the States and the United States, or between depart- ments of the General Government And after having impeached him, and while giv- ing him a lyncii-Iaw trial, tlie party, with a ferocity unparalleled even in the violent controversies of the day, brought its almost irresistible po»er to bear through its lead- ing men, its press, and its conventions, to Ibrce Republican Senators to commit moral perjury by an insincere verdict So foul an act was never before attempted by a party in this nation. Had Andrew Johnson consulted his own interests, and become the instrument of a lawless faction, these essential executive powers would not have been disturbed, nor he arraigned as a criminal at the bar of the Senate, But, to his eternal renown [ap- plause], he stood by the Constitntiou when it was assailed by his party, as boldly and ,i>randly as he had stood by the Union when the storm of war burst over and around it: " Unshaken, unsedueed, unterrifled, His loyalty he kept, his love, his zeal ; Nor numbernor example with him wrought, To swerve from truth or change his constant mind," [Three cheers for Andrew Jolnison, Three cheers for President Johnson. Tumultuous cheering.] Gentlemen, in any Government but ours, usurpatiou so flagrant and fundamental GENERAL SWING'S SPEECH. 249 would result in revolution; in ours tliey can Lie overthrown by the people at the ballot- box. Tlie appeal to the people this fall will decide whether the Radicals shall retain or surrender the power they have thus used, and lire using, for the destruction of the Union and of our form of National Govern- ment. If we could so take our appeal as to pre- sent to tlie people the living issues between the parties, iree from tlie rubbi^^h of past issues, who could doubt the result? If the Democracy could give us a candidate who would unite as thoroughly the opponents of Radical rule as Grant unites its sup- porters, that candidate would carry nine- tenths of the electoral college. [Applause.] The strength of the Kiidicals is not in their cause, but in the divisions of their adversa- ries. The war was a success — not a failure. [Applause.] It therefore settled the dis- puted and doubtful question of secession against tiie right to seccide. It settled, too, tlie subject of slavery. These, however, were unsettled questions in 1S64, and were thought to be involved in the political con- test of that year. Now, ihe passions of war and of that political controversy are not as dead as these issues in which they played their. part From them came all the hopes of the Radicals, and all the fears of the friends of the Constitution and the Union. Rousing these slumbering passions of the war, and led on by one of its foremost Gen- erals, the Radicals hope to fight over again the political battle of 1864. Shall they do it? ["No, iio."] Ah, c;entlemen, I wish tliis Convention could decide thatquestion — but it is for the Democratic Convention to decide. Ry its choice of leader it will de- termine the battle-ground, and decide wliether tlie Democracy shall triumph on living issues or be routed on dead ones [ap- plause] ; whether the Radicals shall be ar- raigned and tried for what they are doing, or the Democracy for what they did or failed to do four years ago. Of a niillion and a half of present voters who served in the Union army or navy, this Convention re^iresents at least a half [Voices, "More than one-lialf" "Two thirds." "Three fourths."] t)f these so represented, a half or rnore (among whom I wish to lie reckoned as one) will support any of the Democrats whose names have oeen mentioned for the Presidency; but the remainder, numbering several hundred thousand voters, will be won or lost to the cause, as the nomination proves wise or otherwise. [Laughter and applause.]^ This Convention has assembled in no spirit of dictation, but animated by devotion to the Constitution and the Union, and kindness to all who would preserve them to aid in se- curing an harmonious nomination, and or- ganizing a certain victory. I can not suffer myself to doubt that the Democratic party has assembled this day in the same patriotic spirit, and will present a candidate who, whether ,he fought for the Union or not, thoroughly sustained the war [great ap- plause], and whom all the soldiers and sail- ors of the Union can support without even seeming inconsistency. The Republican party represents no prin- ciple for which we fouglit. We thought not of negro suffrage [applause, and cries of "No, no"], or of white dislranchisenient; of forcing on the Southern States unequal fellowship in the Union [''Never, never"], or of changing our beneficent form of gov- ernment ["No, never"], or of perpetuating the Republican party ["Never, never."] Out of the five hundred thousand of Union soldiers. Democrats and Republicans, vvho sleep on fields washed by the waters of the Atlantic and the Gulf, not one laid down his life for any such end. Of the fifteen hun- dred thousand of their surviving comrades, not one will say he would have risked his life for either of these objects. And these measures of the Repuhlican party are not only not the objects of the war, but are so prosecuted as to defeat those olijeots, and to inflict on the nation evils as great as those the war was waged to prevent. [Shouts, "That's so."] The Democratic party is now the only party true to the Constitution and Union. [Applause.] If we would accomplish the purposes of our service and sacrifice, if we would save the Union, the States, their liii- erties and laws, we must unite with the De- mocracy. [Long-continued applause.] We must not ask what men have been, but what they are; not who lately defended the con- stitution, but who now defend it. [Great applause] In the path which the Demo- cratic party treads, we see the footprints of Washington, Jefl'erson, Madison, Adams, and all the heroes of the Revolution; of Webster, Jackson, Clay, Wright, and all the giant.s of the generation just gone before us; and while it keeps that line of march, and bears the flag of the Constitution and Union, we can follow it witli pride and unfaltering trust. [Immense applause, cheers, and waving of hats, followed by the band play- ing "Rally round the Flag."] At the conclusion of General Ewing's ad- dress the b.ind struck up the air "Rally round the Flag boys,'' the chorus being sung by the audience. PEKMAN'ENT OFFICERS. 'I'he Committee on Permanent Organi- zation then reported the following list of 250 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. regular officers: For permanent Chairman, Major-General Wm. B. Franklin, of Con- necticut Vice-Presidents and Secretaries — jMaine, Major D. R. Hasting, Colonel H. G. Staples; New Hampshire, General M. T. Donoliue, Captain Coggswell; Massachusetts, Gentral Luther Stephenson, Major H. (i. Waymouthe; Connecticut, Colonel L. G. Kingelierry, Captain Schlutter; Rhode Is- land, General J, G. Hazard, Colonel T. Ford Brown ; New York, General J. W. Blanch- ard. Col. J. C. Bronson; District of Colum- bia, Colonel P. H, Allabacli, Colonel Jno. R. O'Bierne; California, General J. W. Den- ver (no secretary); South Carolina, Lieu- tenant S. Medary (no secretary); West Vir- ginia, Dr. R. A. Vance, Captain 0. G. Chene; Jowa, General J. M. Tuttle, Lieutenant R. H. Eddy; New Mexico, General R, 15. Mitchell, Captain G W. Cook; Illinois, Col- onel R. A. Schai-tz, Private J. N. Hildreth ; Mis.souri, General J. S. Fullerton, Colonel S. M.Jewell; Michigan, Major J. Wixan. Major Foster Pratt; Kentucky, Major W. H. White, Colonel W. C. Starr; Florida, Colonel J. C. MoKibben (no secretary); Wisconsin, General M Montgomery, Lieu- tenant G W. Bird; Tennessee, General Theo. Franevenicht, Lieutenant D. Wall;er; Alabama, Colonel A. Edwards, Colonel Rut- t.er; Arkansas, Captain C. L. Cameron, Cap tain William McMahony; Minnesota, Ma- jor J. C. Rhodes, Major George A Clark; Indiana, General John Love, Cohmel H. S. Crowie; Dakotah, General J. B. S. Todd (no eeoretarv); New Jersey, General Theodore Rnnyon, Lieutenant-Colonel J. J. Crapen; Nebraska, Colonel John Patrick, Captain A. B. Smith; Pennsylvania, General Pleas- ant, Colonel J. P. Linton; Kansas, Colonel G. H. English, Dr. J. H. M. Savage; Ohio, General A. Wiley, Cuptain J. R. ,Sant- meyer; Maryland, Major Leopold Blumen- herg, Major A. C. 'Williams; Louisiana, General J. B. Steedman, Captain R. A. Den- nis; Texas, General Horace Walden. 'J'his list of officers were elected by ac- clamation. General Franklin was escorted to the chair amid cheers. General McClernand introduced General Franklin as a favorite of the volunteers. GENERAL FKANKLIn's SPEECH. General Franklin thanked the Conven- tion, and alluding to bis want of civil expe- rience, hoped no very difficult questions of order would arise. Secret military organi- zations were justly looked on with distrust. They were dangerous, and soldiers had no right to use their positions as a political power. What, then, were they doing in forming an organization of soldiers? First, it was not a secret organization ; but there was a secret organization thoroughly organ- ized throughout the West and probably the Soutli — the Grand Army of the Republic — , organized for political purposes, and opposed to it another, and those two might at any time fly at each other's throats, and thus deluge the country with blood. To de- clare that Conservatives would not enter into such organizations was one purpose, and to show tlie country that the Chicago Soldiers' and Sailors' Convention, so-called, did not represent them. The Radical party pre- tended to be friends of soldiers, but the Radical Senate rejected the soldiers' nomi- nations. He instanced the cases of General McCIellan, Slocum and others. No less than "2,000 soldiers and sailors had been nominated to the Senate and been rejected. The Conservative soldiers felt that certain things had been settled by the war. 'fhey had been in favor of conciliation toward their former opponents. The Radicals had been animated with enmity and hate, and judging the future* by the past, the only hope for peace was in the success of the Conserv- ative party. They must be prepared to make sacrifices for peace. What they asked of tlie convention was, a man whom the soldiers and sailors could, wnthout sacrifice of principle, support. NATIONAL EXECUTIVE COJDIITTEE. The ( oniniittee on Finance announced the following as the National Executive Committee: Michigan, Colonel M. Shoe- maker; Kentucky, Colonel A. D. Penne- baker; New Hampshire, General M. Y. Doiiohue; District of Columbia, Colonel J. R. (I'Bierne; West Virginia, 0. G. Chase; New York, General James McQuade; Ten- nessee, Colonel F. R, Cahill; Minnesota, Colonel C. S. Uline; Delaware, Captain J, N. Barr; Connecticut, Major J. B. Cost; Maine, Colonel W. W. Bradbury; Pennsyl- vania, General S. N. Sonlecke; Wisconsin, Brigadier-General E. S. Bragg; Nebraska, Major J. W. Paddock; New Mexico, Gen- eral B. C. Cutler; Illinois, Brigadier-Gen- eral G. C. Rogers; Ohio, General L. D. Campbell; Massachusetts, Colonel E. C. Kinsley; Indiana, Colonel B. C. Shaw; Iowa, Captain P. W. Cross; Maryland, Major F. Dorsey Herbert; Rhode Island, General J. G. Hazard; Arkansas, Captain C. S. Cameron; Alabama, Major W. H. F. Randall ; Kansas, General Hugh Cameron; Mississippi, Captain B. A. Burns; New Jersey, General Theodore Runyon. SECOND day's proceedings. Precisely at noon the chairman, Major- General William B. Franklin, of Connec- ticut, called the Convention to order by vigorous raps upon the Speaker's stand. SOLDIERS' AND SAILOES' CONVENTION. 251 General Slocnm, of New York, from the Committee on Resolutions, tlien addressed the Convention, and stated that the com- mittee was not yet prepared to report a platform, but that, by reason of the reso- lution of the National Convention ten- 'leririg to this Convention the privilege of (he floor, the committee had prepared the following: ADDRESS TO THE NATIONAI^ DEMOCKATIO CON- VENTION. Mr, President and Gentlemen of the Co.iveniion: We are instructed by the unanimous vote of the Convention of Union Soldiers and Sailors now in session at Cooper Institute, to return to you our thanks for ex- tending to us tlie privilege of the floor of your Convention. The objects for which we are assembled are clearly set forth in the address of our presiding officer. Our Coh- vention is composed of two thousand dele- gates, elected to represent every State and Territory in the Union, who have all served in the Union army or navy, every one of whom firmly believes that in co-operating at this time witli the Conservative party of llie country hfe is still engaged in the same cause for which he risked his life during tbe war (cheering), viz : to preserve the Union find maintain the supremacy of the Consti- tution. We believe that the crimes now being perpetrated in the name of Repub- licanism and loyalty are not less alarming than were those committed by the avowed foes of the Government during the war. Tlie party now in power lias destt'Oye.d the equality of tlie States, has forced the South- ern States to submit to have their constitu- tions and laws framed by ignorant negroes just released from a condition of Servitude, whiie at the North it has denied tlie negro (although comparatively well educated) even the right of sufl'rage. It has attempted to influence the decision of the highest .judical tribunal of the land by callinc; public meetings of excited partisans to con- demn in advance all members of the court who might refuse to act in accordance with their dictation, while the leading journalists of the party since the close of the iinpeach- iiiL'iit trial have denounced and vilified in the most unmeasured terms the once chosen leaders of their own party, going so far as to threaten them with personal violence, !ind for no other reason than that they were unwilling to perjure themselves at the behest of party. It has freely removed all political disaljiilities from men at the South who before and during the war were the most violent and malignant rebels, but who have since become the sycophants of the party in power, while it continues to per- secute thos" in the same localities who have j always been true to the Union, hut are unwilling to be ruled by their emancipated slaves. At the North it has denied official positions to hundreds of the veterans of the war, most of whom are disabled by wounds received in battle, while it has foisted into place partisans of its own, having no claims upon the Government, many of whom, fortunately for the country, have during the past few months beuoiiie inmates of our penitentiaries. It has placed the Gentral of our armies beyond the control of the President of the United States, to whom the Federal Constitution makes him subordi- nate; has nominated him for the Presidency, and the events of the last few months indi- cate that by the use of the army thus under his supreme control there is a determination to cause the electoral votes of the Southern States to be cast for himself through force and fraud. We solemnly declare our con- viction that the free institutions of our coun- try have never been in greater jeopardy than at this time, and we look to the deliberations of the Democratic party now assembled in convention with the deepest anxiety, feeling that upon its action depends the future prosperity of our nation. We earnestly trust and believe that no devotion to men or adherence to past issues will be permitted to endanger the success of this great party to which the country looks witli anxious eyes for permanent peace and the perpetuity of our free institutions. We believe that there are living half a million men who served in the Union army and navy who are in sympathy and in judgment opposed to the acts of the party in power, and at least another half million of men who have heretofore acted with the Republican party, but who, viewing with alarm the recent acts of that party, are now anxious tor a change of administration. V\'itli a platform of principles reviving no dead issues, and looking to the arrest of existing evils, and with candidates whose fidelity to the Con- stitution and devotion to the country can not be questioned, we shall co-operate with you in this campaign with a degree of enthusiasm and oontidence that will bring victory to our standard and salvation to the coun try. The address was adopted unanimously, and the following were appointed a com- mittee to present it to the National Demo- cratic Convention: Generals Slocum, Gor- don Granger, J. W, Denver, J. J, Peck, W. MoCandless, John Love, James McQuade, W. H Smith, C. K. Pratt, Thomas Ewing, R. B. Mitchell, W. W. Averill,B, B, Browne, T, Kilby Smith, J, A, McClernand, D. Y, Walker, E, C, Kingslev, E. W, Bradbury, S. N, Drake, Colonel j. R. O'Bierne and Lieutenant-commanding James Parker, 252 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAN^D-BOOK. A number of resolutions were read and referred, when the Convention adjourned. THIRD DAT S PROOEEDI>fGS. General Franklin being indisposed, Gen- eral J. W. Denver, of Calilbinia, the first Vice-President, oocnpied the chair. General Slocum (New York), the Chair- man of the Comniiitee on Resolutions, came forward and said; Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Con- vention — Tlie Committee on Resolutions have found a great deal of difficulty in getting the liody together, and it has been deemed prudent that a conference should be had with the members of the Democratic Committee on Resolutions. A great deal of our time has lieen spent in tliis way, but we have not prepared a platform on which we could stand. It has been suggested by some of tlie members of tlie Convention that the address that was adopted yesterday avows the principles that govern us. It is platform enough fur us to stand upon, and I am instructed unanimously by tlie Com- mittee on Resolutions to report the follow- ing for your consideration : " Whereas, A mutual interchange of views between the members of this Conven- tion and tliedelegates to the Democratic Na- tional Convention has fully confirmed us in oni- previously entertained opinion of the purity and patriotism of tliat body, ami fully justifies tlie belief that in the selection of candidates and in the construction of :i platform, the Convention will be governed by the spirit of the address adopted by this body on the 6th instant; therefore, relying upon this belief, " Resolved, Xliat we will support its nom- inees for President and Vice-President of the United States, and that on our return home we will induce our late comrades in arms to unite with us in yielding to them an earnest support." [Protracted cheers ] A Delegate — I move the report be ac- cepted and the committee discharged. After a long debate the resolution was adopted as follows: Alabama, yes; Arkansas, yes; Connecti- cut, yes; Colorado , yes ; Georgia, yes; Il- linois, no; Indiana, yes; Iowa, yes; Kan- sas, yes; Kentucky, yes; Maine, yes; Maryland, yes ; Massachusetts, yes ; Mich- igan, yes; Minnesota, yea; Mississippi, yes ; Nebraska, yes; Nevada, yes; New Hamp- shire, yes; New Jersey, yes; New York, yes; Ohio, yes; Oregon, yes; Pennsylvania, yes; Rhode Island, yes; 'I'ennessee, ye.'f, Texas, yes; Virginia, yes ; Wisconsin, yes; District of Columbia, yes; Colorado, yes; Idaho, yes; Montana, yes, Uacotah, yes ; Arizona, yes; Washington Tenitory, yes. The platform of the Committee on Res- olutions was accordingly declared adopted. At this moment the result of the first ballot for the Presidency, made by the National Convention then sitting at Tam- many Hall, was received, and was read to the Convention Great interest was mani- fested in the result, and the announcement of the vote for Pendleton was greeted with mingled cheers and hisses, while that for Hancock was received with wild applause GENERAL EWINg's SPEECH. General Thomas Ewina, jr., said: Gen- tlemen — This is a political Convention rep- resenting three-quarters of a million or. a million of returned soldiers and sailors now engaged in the pursuits of civil life, almost all belonging to the industrial classes. Tliey are represented here chiefly by their officers; for the laboring masses of ottr comrades are not largely represented in this assembly. And in my opinion we should so act here as we know that they and our- selves would act if they were equally rep- resented in this Convention to-day. The address of this Conventinn, sent to the Democratic Convention, faithfully and co- gently represents the views of the Conserv- ative soldiers and sailors on tlie question of Reconstruction and on Congressional usur- pation". But in the address there is not one word on those other questions, which, if tliey do not touch the liberty or form of government of our people, yet bear upon them with a weight that makes them groan willi the burden. Can we afford to ignore those great questions of finance ? [No, no] Can we afford, when the Republican party has, as «e know in tact, the support oC the great mass of the monej'ed interest in this country, to turn Upon the laboring men of the country the cold shoulder that was turned upon them at Chicago? We are soldiers, apt to speak what we think ; not inclined to dodge great questions. Let lis then meet this great question which every man knows is foreshadowed in the political contest before us. Let us meet it, and by our free action determine the position of the Convention [A voice: The (,'onvention has already determined it.] If another gentle- man has the right to speak, I will retire; of I have it, I can not tolerate interrup- tion. Gentlemen, we, and those we repre- sent, bore the heat and burden of the war. Those wlio bought the Government securi- ties did it from a patriotic spirit that I ad- mire and bow tn. They ri.sked lor the cause of their country their mnney, while we were risking our lives. [Cheers.] Far belt from me or from any delegate in this Convention of Soldiers and Sailors to deny the claims of those men of high public spirit who SOLDIERS' AND SAILORS' CONVENTION. 253 came to the relief of the General Govern- ment in its hour of financial distrees. 1 am animated by no such epirit. But they got — what I admit tliey amply deserve — a iiioat munificent return for their patriotic investments The soldiers got broken limbs ; they got their estates swept away in judg- ments during their absence in the field; they got nothing but the honor of risking their lives in tlie service of the country. Let u-i, then, fairly l]alance the accounts be- tween tliese two parties. Let us give to our patriotic men all tliat the most exacting honor demands; but, gentlemen, let us avoid the extreine of undertaking to be lib- eral — to be more; than just. They have a right to ask for exact justice; they have no right to ask liberality of' those groaning, suffering laboring people. Give them what their contract claims for them; give them strict justice; but not generosity. Now, fentlemen, I am fully aware tliat there ave been discussions on the questions of law which are involved in one of the para- graphs of that resolution ; the question whether the five-twenty bonds are redeema- ble in gold or in legal-tender notes. I say there have been questions raised on that point; but I frankly assert, in the light of recent investigations and discussions that have been made, that there is no longer a question at all about it. The law is plain that they are to be redeemed in the legal- tender of the country. [Great applause.] And no man can rise here and successfully controvert the proposition. But it has been said that this is a question for the courts to decide. If it belongs to the courts to de- cide it, why haven't those courts decided it before? I will tell you why. Because they who have control of the finances of the country have exerted despotic power in determining this question. They have as- sumed that the Government was bound by some publications of the Jay Cooke brokers; they have assumed that the Government is bound by some talk of a secretary as to what Government would do, and which talk was not in any way authorized by law. The assurances were such as Jay Cooke was not authorized to make, and by which the public of this country is not bound. Now, although this is a question that does affect the interests, I admit that it does not deeply affect the liberties of ourselves or of our comrades. But let this Convention, and that which now sits in Tammany Hall, be- ware that the political contest in which we are about to be engaged is to be decided by those questions of reconstruction alone. The people of this country are deeply in- terested in the question whether the finan- cial policy announced in the resolutions, or before announced, shall prevail in the com- ing demonstration. And as our comrades are deeply affected by it, and feel tlie influ- ence of the question on every day of their labor, we ought to meet it like a Conven- tion assembled to consider great political themes — to meet these questions manluDy and boldly. I beg the Convention fairly ,o consider this question. Whatever may be the decision at which the Convention shall arrive, I shall cheerfully bow to its verdict. I beg leave to offer the following resolution ; liesolved, That the faith of the Kejiublio to its creditors, as pleilged in its laws, is in- violable, and the public bur<3ens should he lightened by vigilant economy in expendi- tures, and never by repudiation; that <,)l the bondp of the United States issued after the passage of the Legal-Tender Act, and not by law expressly payable in coin, should be paid, when redeemable, in legal-tender notes, but without undue inflation of the currency, or, at the option of the holders, converted into bonds bearing a low rate of interest; that the National Bank currency should be retired, and its place supplied by legal-tenders, so as to save to the Govern- ment interest upon the amount of that cir- culation, and that the policy of permitting banks to supply nearly half of the national currency — allowing the five-twenty bonds, bearing, as they do, interest at the rate of nearly nine per cent, per annum, to run be- yond the date when they become redeemable, and of contracting the currency until it shall rise to the value of gold, is a policy which favors the few against the many, is oppres- sive to the laboring and the debtor classes, and tends to bring upon the country the dishonor of repudiation. After a long debate the resolution was withdrawn. General McQuade announced that he had the original manuscript of the platform just adopted by the National Democratic Convention, and asked that permission be accorded to read it to the Convention. This announcement was received with immense applause, and loud calls were made for the reading of the platform. This admirable document is given at length in the report of the National Democratic Convention; but it may be remarked that its reading was interrupted by ("requent bursts of applause. The resolution which calls for the "immedi- ate restoration of all the States," was received with a burst of enthusiasm which shook the building. The demand for amnesty for all past political offenses was also warmly cheered. " We don't want any Poland here," said a delegate. "Faix, no, nor we don't want no Saxon oppression nayther," said another gem from Erin's bright green isle. The resolution relating to the pay- ment of the public debt drew forth a dem- 254 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. onstration of rather a mixed and unde- cided cliaracter; but ultimately the princi- ples enunciated appeared to commend them- selves to the majority; and finally the ar- ticle passed with an unanimous roar of ap- plause. One delegate immediately cried out: " The National debt ought to be paid in the lawful coin of the United States." The other resolutions, up to the eighth, 7'ere received without much comment, ex- cept those in relation to the rights of natu- ralized citizens, which, of course, raised a round of cheers from the citizens of Irish descent. The grand and stirring rebukes to the Radicals, which succeed these resolu- tions, awakened the highest enthusiasm of the audience; round upon round of ap- plause interrupted the reading; and at the conclusion, "tliree times three" were called for and given with indescribable force and effect. Colonel Lew Campbell (of Ohio), said ; For forty years, gentlemen, I have been making war on tliose Democratic platforms [Laughter and applause]. They never en- tirely satisfied me. But, I am free to add, it gives me unbounded satisfaction, for the first time in my life, to say that a National Democratic (.'onvention has enunciated a declaration of principles that has elicited my cordial approbation. In early life how I have worshipped tliose great men tliat adorn our history — our Webster, our Clay, and others; and I recognize in the very able paper that has been read to us the principles which those great men enunci- ated. I beg leave to offer the following res- olution : Resolved, That the declaration of prin- ciples adopted by the National Democratic Convention be, and the sauae is hereby re- ceived and approved. The resolution was carried unanimously. It was further ordered that the Secretary communicate a copy of this resolution to the National Democratic Convention forth- with. Geo. Buekner, of the ex-Confederate army, was introduced, and was cordially received. After some introductory words, which were not distinctly heard, he said : " Like yourselves, I have been a soldier Like yourselves, I have, in everything that I have done, evinced my sincerity and my truthfulness. Like yourselves, 1 am here to-day actuated by the same spirit which moves you, to bury past issues, to raise with you a standard which shall represent the Constitution of our restored country, to op- pose with you those revolutionary elements now brought prominently forward by the Radical party; by a party which, while not in profession opposed to the Government, is more inimical to the prin.ciples of the Con- stitution of the country than ever were the Southern armies. [Hear.] When I came, Mr. President and gentlemen, as a specta- tor of your deliberations, and animated by the feelings I have expressed, I did not ex- pect to be presented to you, nor anticipate the warm reception I have met with. It is an evidence to me of what I had before been ready to believe, that the soldiers Rwi sailors of this country who have foughr each other and who have evinced their sin cerity by risking their lives and properlv. can, when the issues upon which they dil- fered have been brought out to- the end, bet- ter agi-ee upon a common platform than mere politicians who pushed others forward where they did not care to go tliemselves. I have not, as a Confederate soldier, met with a soldier of the Union armies since the war closed with whom I could not in some way come into agreement on general princi- ples, and I am here to speak (or myself and with a knowledge of the views of others to pledge to you for myself and for all other Confederate soldiers harmony of action — support to those general constitutional prin- ciples which you are now endeavoring to carry into efl^ect. [Applause.] Mr. Presi- dent and gentlemen of the Convention, I am, like most of yourselves, a mere soldier, and I therefore close by simply returning my warmest acknowledgments for the kind reception I have met. [Renewed applause] General Slocum presented a resolution as follows: Resoloed, That the President of the Con- vention appoint a committee of five to wait upon General George B. McClellan and as- sure him that although we are called upon by duty to support the nominee for the Presidency of the National Democratic party now in Convention, our confidence in him is unimpaired, and that our love for him is as ardent as ever (great cheering), and that the highest honor that this Otin- vention could confer upon him would but poorly express our esteem for him. Al.'^o, that the said committee bo requested to ask hiin to come and assist us with all his ability during the coming campaign. [Enthusiastic cheering]. The General said that no soldier who had ever served under McClellan needed awoid of argument in favor of the resohuion. [Renewed cheering.] The rule of reference was then suspended, and the resolution was unanimously carried. A delegate from Illinois ofliered the fol- lowing resolution : Resolved, That the thanks of this Con- vention, and of all patriotic and right minded citizens are due to the President of the United States for the removal of E. M. Stanton from the War Department of the SENATOR DOOLITTLE'S LETTER. 255 Government, a position which the said Stanton lias disgraced and dishonored ever since his appointment to tliat office, by his many acts of cruelty— both to the Union and Confederate soldiers— and by his official acts of tyranny; and that the soldiers and sailors should, on all occasions, meet him willi the same feelings of outraged dignity and patriotism that he was received with on an ever-memorable occasion, in the City of Washington, from that great and glorious soldier — General William Tecumseh Sher- man. The rules were suspended as before, and the resolution unanimously adopted. Tbe Chair appointed the following dele- gates to form the committee to wait upon General George B. MoClellun : Private Hig- gins. Generals Franklin, Slocum, Pratt and Williams. A committee of three was appointed to wait upon the National Democratic Con- vention to inform them that tbeir platform had been unanimously adopted in this Con- vention. 'I'he Secretary read a dispatch received from General Durbin Ward, of Ohio, con- gratulating the Convention upon its action, and regretting that he could not be present with them on this occasion. The Chairman made a brief address to the Convention, thanking them (or their courtesy, and expressing a firm belief in the success of the Democratic ticket. Votes of thanks were accorded to the of- ficers of the Convention, which then ad- journed sine die. Letter of Senator Soolittle, of Wisconsin. The Duty op Conservative Men — The Position of Governor SEYMouif. Washington, July 13, 1868. 0. H. OsTEANDER, EsQ., DanviUe, Pa.: Dear Sir : I am in receipt of your letter of the 10th instant, in which, speaking for yourself and forty-eight other Conservative Republicans of your town, you express a "sense of disappointment and regret that no better names had been offered by the Democratic party to lead the conservative and patriotic masses of the people to vic-| tory, and the Radical Republican party to deserving and merited defeat. As a gentle- man and a statesman, Mr. Seymour holds our respect, but as a Peace Democrat, we are indisposed to vote for him;" and, you are pleased to say, that if my name, among others, had been placed at the head of the ticket, ''all would have gone well, and vic- tory would have been certain." You desire my opinion upon the situation and " the prospects of a third party." I thank you for the confidence thus re- posed in me, and shall not shrink from the responsibility of stating frankly my opinion. I do not think the organization of any tliird party is wise, or can work aoy practi- cal good to the great cause in which we are engaged. In the very natureof things, when great principles are at stake, there are, and there can be, but two eflf'ective political par- ties. "He that is not for nie is against me," in politics as well as in religion, is a truth upon which every wise man is com- pelled to act. What, then, is the great and paramount issue? What is that great and unpardona- ble wrong for which the Radical party is now arraijined and should he overthrown? It is substantially tliis: In violation of the Constitution — in vio- lation of pledges made and often repeated, from the first battle of Bull Run to the end of the war ; pledges to the North to get men and money; pledges especially made to the Democracy to get their support in the field and in the elections; pledges made to the South to induce them to lay down their arms and to renew their allegiance; and pledges to foreign powers to prevent inter- vention — in violation of all these solemn pledges, upon which we invoked the ble6.s- ings of Almighty God upon our cause, and by which alone we gained strength to mas- ter tlie rebellion — in violation of the natural and inalienable right of the civilized men of every State to govern themselves, and in vio- lation of the clear provisions of the Consti- tution which leaves to each State for itself the right to regulate suffrage, this party has, without trial, by ex post facto laws, disfran- chised hundreds of thousands of the most intelligent of their citizens, and has forced upon ten States and six millions of our own Anglo-Saxon race the universal and unqual- ified suffrage of seven hundred thousand ignorant, and, in the main, half-civilized ne- groes. This is the great wrong for which that party is arraigned at the bar of public judg- ment, and for which it should be over- thrown. To consummate that great wrong, they have abolished all civil government, and civil liberty, even in these ten States; They have established five absolute mili- tary despotisms, wherein all rights to life, liberty, and property are subject to the will of one man; They have kept the Union divided ; They have prevented the restoration of industry ; They have kept down the credit of the Government, during three years of peace, to a point so low that, to the shame of every American, the six per cent, bonds of the United States sell for only seventy-three in 256 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S nAND-BOOK. gold, while the bonds of Brazil, bearing only four per cent, interest, bring over ninety in gold. Tliey have encroaolied upon the just rights of the Executive; They have threatened the independence of the Supreme Court; They have unjustly, and without cause, impeached and put upon trial the President himself and, by every species of denuncia- tion, and even by threats of assassination, have endeavored to force the Senate to con- vict liini, in order to place in the Executive chair one who will use all his power to con- summate that gio^antic wrong against the Constitution, against our plighted faith, agamst civilization, and against our own race and kindred. The Convention in New York met for the purpose of organizing to overthrow the party in power for this great wrong, and to restore the Union and the Constitution, and the rights of the States and of all the States under it. Now, I do not say the nominations made at New York are the very best that could have been made for that purpose. The elements to be organized into a vic- torious army were four fold. To use a mil- itary figure, there were four army corps to be organized into one grand army: 1. The great Democratic Corps; 2. The "War Democratic Corps; 3. The Conservative Republican Corps; 4. The Civilized Southern Corps. The first, or Democratic Corps, was fully organized, with ranks well filled, but not in sufficient numbers to secure the victory. There was the War Democratic Corps, which supported Lincoln in 1864; butwhich in consequence of the great wrong above mentioned, was ready to sever itself from the Radical army under General Grant; and there was the Conservative Republican Corps, of which you are pleased to speak of me as a leader, who, for the same reasons, were ready to join the Grand Army, and do all in their power to bring success to our cause. The two last are the recruiting corps. They hold the balance of power. As a matter of policy, had the first office been given to a chief of the one or of the other, it would have made our victory more easy, 'i' not more certain. Every body knows that the result of this contest is to depend upon the important question, whether we shall be able to recruit these two corps in sufficient numbers, and carry them to the hearty support of Mr. Seymour. If we can, victory is with us. If we can not, victory is against us. In my judgment it is our duty to do so. The very life of the Constitution is involved, and with it the rights of the States and the liberties of the people. I can not hesitate for one moment; my judgment is for it; my whole heart is in it. So far from relaxing, we should redouble our efforts. Bear in mind that the war was ended three years ago, when a new era was opened in political affairs; that Mr. Sey- mour is a man of high character, of un- questioned patriotism, of great ability and experience, wholly with us upon the living and paramount issue; and that, it' elected, he will make a most able and dignified President; and certainly no Pennsylvanian will forget that, but for his promptness and energy in forwarding the forces of New York to Gettysburg, that great battle might have been lost and Pennsylvania overrun. While in General Ulair we have a civilian and a soldier whose promptness and indom- itable resolution seized Camp Jackson, and saved Missouri from secession, wlio always stood among the foremost of the War Re- publicans, in council and in the field, while the war lasted; and, when it was over, was among the first to demand that for which the war was prosecuted — the Union of the States under the Constitution, with their rights, equality and dignity unimpaired. Let us unite for a victory! Let us have peace — a peace which comes not from a vi- olated Constitution and the despotism of the sword, but a peace which comes from a restored Union and the supremacy of con- stitutional law, by which alone liberty is secured. Respectfully yours, J. R. DOOLITTLE. A Workingman's Champiou on the Democratic Platform, Letter fkom Hon. Sam. E. Cakt, of Ohio. The following letter from Gen. Gary to one of his constituents, defines his position and his relations to the Labor movement : House of Keprepevtatives, \ Washingtom, B. C, July 11, 1868. J T. J. White, Esq.: Dear Sir : I have received your flatter- ing letter of the 9th instant, and hasten to reply. Whatever the Workingmen may think, or however they may feel about the nominations in the National Conventions, or the influences which were brought to bear by bondholders, bankers, gold-gamblers and the moneyed aristocracy to secure the known results, I suppose the situation must be ac- cepted It seems to me that in the present emergency we must make our fight in the Congressional districts, leaving each man to make his own choice in the Presidential ARREST OF C. L. VALLANBIGHAM. 257 canvass. If wc can elect enough members of Congress who are true to the principles of the Workingmen, as announced in the platform at Chicago by the Labor Congress in August, 1867, to hold the balance of power, we may secure such legislation as will relieve labor from unjust exactions. There are two planks in Hie Democratic National platform which must meet the ap- proval of all our workingmen. I refer to the one in regard to finance, and the one on the public lands. My own position is easily defined. I am committed fully to the prin- ciples elaborately stated in the platform of the Labor Congress, and I propose to fight it out on that line without regard to the success of any party, or any Presidential candidate. 1 do not propose to make any entangling alliances, and will make no pledges to any political party. My name is at tlie disposal of the Workingmen of my district, and I beg to assure you that if they can iigree upon a name more acceptable than mine, it will gratify me to unite with them in electing the man of their choice to the place 1 now have the honor to occupy. In office or out of ofilce, I shall not cease to denounce the contrivances to rob labor of its just rewards, and to demand that the producers of all the wealth shall have a fair share of their earnings. Your assurances that my course in Con- gress meets with the hearty indorsement of ^the great majority of my constituents, af- fords me great satisfaction. Doubtless, I have made mistakes, but in every instance where I have been called upon to act, I have done so with sole refer- ence to what I believed to be the public good With great respect, etc., S. F. GARY. British Opinion op the Democratic Pi-at- FORM. By cable telegram from London, the New York Herald is informed that the platform of principles adopted by the National Demo- crsitic Convention in this city was received in London — whether complete or in synopsis is not reported — on Wednesday, and. that the journals of that city commented on it yesterday. The London Times asserts that the financial portion of the instrument lays down a "partial repudiation," and hence the London Times "forewarns" the Demo- crats of the loss of the Presidential election, their permanent exclusion from oflSee, and, it may be, the " complete disruption " of the party. Of course, the London Times does not like the Democratic Platform. The Times is in the interest of the Foreign nabobs, who are luxuriating abroad, on 17 the gold interest drawn from our tax- burdened people upon bonds purchased with greenbacks at a tremendous dis- count on their face. The Times would like to see the complete disruption of the Democratic party. It is composed, to a large extent, of the Irish refugees from the terrible slavery of British despotism. The Times does not like our Irish fellow- citizens. They are prone to disturb British repose, and John Bull has no fancy for them, or any party that sym- pathizes with them. The Times is like some newspapers and people in this country, in its antagonism to the Irish voters and the great party of which they constitute a large and influential frac- tion : the Radical newspapers and peo- ple, who clothe at once the Southern negro with suffrage, but deny it to the Irish citizen until he has been five years a resident. Military Arrests , Arrest, Trial, BanishjMent and Return OF C. L, Vallandigham, of Ohio. For nothing has the Eadical party, since its advent to power, shown so much disregard as the personal liberty of the citizen. During the war, no one was safe from the espionage of its unprin- cipled detectives, and a victimization to the cruel suspicions and heartless reme- dies of its villainous and criminal discip- line. Well did Mr. Seward describe the situation when, on the 14th of Decem- ber, 1861, he said to the British Min- ister, Lord Lyons, ^^My Lord, I can touch a bell on my right hand and order the arrest of a citizen in Ohio. I can touch the hell again and order the arreat of a citizen of New York. Can the Queen of England in lier dominions do ns muchi''' The victims of this boasted and shame- less power were numerous. The public forts were converted into bastiles,arid the apprehension of imprisonment and tor- ture so filled the public mind that the free American citizen spoke with bated breath, and the community fast was rev- olutionized into a populace of timid and muzzled time-servers. There were hon- orable exceptions to the yielding influ- ences of this blighted state of the pub- lic courage, but they became the victims 258 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. of tbe licentious caprices of tie ruling power. This book could be filled with instances of the personal courage, suffer- ing, and, in many cases, of the cruel tor- ture, of the manly victims of this worse than despotism : a few cases, however, will suflBee. That fearless tribune of the people, C. L. Vallandigham, of Ohio, delivered a public address on the 1st of May, 1863, at Mount Vernon, Ohio, for which Major- General Burnside, the present Radical Governor of Rhode Island- — more distin- guished as the individual whose tonsorial taste gave name to the Burnside whis- kers — seized and imprisoned him, and ordered him to be tried before a military commission. All this in Ohio, where the civil courts were supposed to be in- tact. He was sentenced to be placed in close confinement in some fortress of the United States, to be designated by the commanding officer of that department, there to be kept during the continuance of the war. General Burnside designated Fort Warren, Boston harbor. The President directed that Mr. Val- landigham be taken, under secure guard, to the headquarters of General Rose- crans, to be put by him beyond our mil- itary lines; and that, in case of bis return within our lines, he be arrested and kept in close custody for the term specified in his sentence. This order was executed, but Mr. Val- landigham very soon ran the blockade at Wilmington, N. C, and went to Canada, remaining at Windsor. On the 15th of July, 1863, Mr. Val- landigham returned to Ohio, and that day spoke at Hamilton, Ohio. He was nominated as the Democratic candidate for Governor. Early in July, 1865, after the war had closed, the Hon. Emerson Etheridge, a distinguished (Union) citizen of Tennes- see, and for many years a prominent Rep- resentative in Congress from that State, opposing to the last all schemes which might culminate in disunion; who had been chosen by the Republican majority in the House of Representatives, during the Thirty-seventh Congress, to the clerk- ship of the House, but who had separated from that party because of its excesses — this gentleman, with this record, -was ar- rested by the satrap Gen. Geo. C. Thomas, commanding Department of Kentucky and Tennessee, for no other purpose than that, at a public meeting at Dresden, Ten- nessee, he denounced Governor Brown- low and the State government of Tennes- see — the former as an usurper, and the latter as an usurpation. He was seized and dragged from his home, in Tennes- see, and carried to Paducah, within the jurisdiction of Kentucky, and there incarcerated in a loathsome prison un- der a military guard, and kept by said Thomas, in contempt of a writ of Jiahcag corpus issued by Judge Marshall, Judge of the First Judicial District of Ken- tucky. He was afterward released, at the pleasure and convenience of said Thomas, acting professedly under the authority of the President of the United States. We might refer to the cases of Dr. E. B. Olds, of Ohio; Hon. Geo. W. Jones, of Iowa; Lieut.-Gov. J^acobs, of Ken- tucky, banished into the lines of the Con- federacy, a power against which he had been actively warring, both in the field and forum ; the case of Col. Frank Woolford, of Kentucky, a most distinguished officer of the army, who was a McClellan elector, and who, during his race, was seized and imprisoned ; and numerous other instan- ces of conspicuous prominence — all with- out the merit of the slightest constitu- tional provocation.; but in a book like this it is impossible to indulge in more than a general reference to these gross violations of the personal liberty of the citizen and the prerogatives with which the Constitution was intended to guard him. The Latest Fopnlar Vote. We publish herewith two tables of statis- tics, giving the vote for President in 1864, and the latest popular vote in each iState. In 1864 the total votes of the several States Cor President were as follows, the majorities being all for Lincoln, except in Delaware, Kentucky, and New Jersey ; Stfttee. Lincoln. McClellan. Electoral Rep. Dem. Mftj. votes. California 62,134 43,841 18,293 5 Couneotiout 44,691 42,286 2,406 6 Delnwaro 8,165 8,767 612 3 Illinois 189,406 168,730 30,766 16 ludiana 160.4'i2 iyo,2;3;i 20,1S0 |3 Io\\;l S'J,UT6 4,i,.j9'j 3i).470 S Kaiisiie 10,4-11 .!,:iin 12 rr.o LI ELECTORAL VOTE SIXCE 1788. 259 Electoral Maj. votes. 11 36,615 21,122 7,414 77,997 16,917 7,685 «,072 3,232 3,599 7,301 6,749 69,686 1,431 20,075 6,631 29,098 12,714 17,674 7 7 12 8 4 11 •3 6 7 33 21 3 26 4 5 5 StatPS. Lincoln. MoCIellan. Rep. B( m. Kentucky 27,786 64,301 Maine 63,114 46,992 Maryland 40,163 32,739 MaHsachusetts... 126,743 48,745 iSlicliigan 91,621 74,604 Minnesota 2.6,060 17,376 Missouri 72,760 31,078 ^eva(la 9,826 6,694 Mi'W Hampsblre 36,4il0 32,881 New Jersey 60,723 68,024 New York 368,736 361,986 Ohit- 266,164 206,668 Oregon 9,888 8,460 Pennsylvania 296,891 276,316 Bhode Island 14,:i49 8,718 Vermont 42,419 13,321 West Virginia... 23,162 10,438 Wisconsin 83,458 66,884 Totals 2,223,035 1,811,764 1,811,764 Majority 411,281 The vote in each 8tate, as cast at the last popular election, as far as it can at present be ascertained, is given in the following table ; Hep. Dem. States. vote. vote. Maj. Alabama 70,812 1,005 6,807 K Oonsfn, '68. ArkansaB 27,913 26,697 1,316 Si Const'n, '68. Oalit'ornia 44,684 47,969 3,3!cnse ministerial. It is purelv executive and political. An attempt on the part of the judicial department of the Government to enjoin the performance of such duties by tlie President raiglit be justly characterized, in tlie lan- guage of Chief-Justice Marsl)all,as "an ab- surd and excessive extravagance," It is true tliat in the instance before us, the interposition of the court is not sought to enforce action by the Executive under constitutional legislation, but to restrain such action under legislation alleged to be unconstitutional. But we are unable to perceive that this cir- cumstance takes the case out of the general principle which forbids judicial interference with the exercise of executive discretion. It was admitted in the argument that the application now made to us is without a pre- cedent; and this is of much weiglit against it. Had it been supposed at the bar that this court would in any case interpose to arrest the execution of an unconstitutional act of Congress, it can hardly be doubted that applications with that object would liave been heretofore addressed to it. Oc- casions have not been infrequent. The constitutionality of the act for the annexation of Texas was vehemently de- nied. It made important and permanent changes in the relative importance of States and sections, and was by many supposed to be pregnant with disastrous results to large interests in particular States. But no one seems to have thought of an application for an injunction against the execution of the act by the President, And yet it is difficult to perceive upon what principle the application now before us can be allowed, and similar applications in that and other cases could have been denied. The fact that no such application was ever before made in any case indicates the general judgment of the profession that CO such application should be entertained. It will hardly be contended that Congress can interpose, in any case, to restrain the enactment of an unconstitutional law, and yet how can the right to judicial interposi- tion to prevent such an enactment, when the purpose is evident and the execution of tliat purpose certain, be distinguished in principle from the right to such interposi- tion against the execution of such a law by the President? The Congress is the legislative depart- ment of the Government; the President is the executive department. Neilher can be restrained in its action by the judicial de- partment, though the acts of both, when performed, are in proper cases subject to its cognizance. The impropriety of such interference will be clearly seen upon consideration of its probable consequences. Suppose the bill filed and the injunction prayed lor allowed. If the President refuse obedience, it is needless to observe that the court is without power to enforce its process. If, on the other hand, the President com- plies with tlie order of the court, and re- fuses to execute the act of Congress, is it not clear that a collision may occur between the executive and legislative departments of the Government? May not the House of Kepresentalives impeach the President for such refusal ? And in tliat case could this court interpose in behalf of the Presi- dent, thus endangered by compliance with its mandate, and restrain by injunction the Senate of the United States from sitting as a court of impeachment? Would the strange spectacle be offered to the public wonder of an attempt by this courlj to ar- rest proceedings in that court? These questions answer themselves. It is true that a State may file an original bill in this court; and it may be true, in some cases, such a bill may be filed against the United States, But we are fully satisfied that this court has no jurisdiction of a bill to enjoin the President in the performance of his official duties, and that no such bill ought to be received by us. It has been suggested that the bill con- tains a prayer that if the relief sought can not be had against Andrew Johnson as President, it may be granted against Andrew Johnson as a citizen of Tennessee, But it is plain that relief against the execution of an act of Congress by Andrew Johnson is relief against its execution by the President, A bill praying an injunction against the ex- ecution of an act of Congress by the incum- bent of the Presidential office can not be received, whether it describes him as Presi- dent or simply as a citizen of a State The motion for leave to file the bill is therefore denied. In the case of the State of Georgia against certain officers, the Attorney-General makes no objection to the policy of the bill, and we will, therefore, grant leave to file that bill. Mr. Sharkey — If the court please, the ob- jection to the bill which I attempted to file seems to be that it is an effort to enjoin the President. The bill is not filed, and I can 262 DEMOCEATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. reform it to suit tlie views of the court, and present it again. The Chief-Justice — Leave to file the bill is refused, When another bill is presented it will be considered. Mr. Sharkey — Do I undei-stand the court to say that the application can be made on Thursday ? The Chief Justice — On Tliursday. The bill was filed, and a subpoena was is- sued in the case, April 16, 1867. Georgia InjuEOtion in Supreme Court. Ca.se Dismissed fob Want of Jurisdic- tion — Opinion of the Court. In the Supreme Court at Washington, February 10, 1868, Associate- Justice Nel- son announced the opinion in the case of the State of Georgia against Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War, General Grant and General Pope. The last named, at the time the bill was filed, was commanding the Third Military District, composed of Georgia, Florida and Alabama, designated by the act of Congress, approved March 2, 1867, entitled " An Act to provide for the more efficientgovernmentoftherebel States" and the act supplemental thereto, passed on the 23d of the same month. The bill filed by the State of Georgia prayed for an in- junction for the purpose of restraining de- fendants from carrying into effect the several provisions of these acts, and set forth the ex- istence of Georgia as one of the States of the Union ; and further, that on the surren- der of the Confederate army in 1865, at the close of the civil war, that State was in pos- session and enjoyment of all the rights be- longing to a State in the Union under the Constitution and laws of tiie United States, and as such was entitled to representation in both Houses of Congress. Associate-Justice Nelson iiaving set forth the premises at great length, said in sub- stance, that a ijiotion had been made by coimsel for defendants to dismiss the case for want of jurisdiction ; and as one witli- out precedent, it was claimed the court had no jurisdiction in the case either of the sub- ject in the bill, or over the parties presented. The first ground was supported by the argu- ment that it was a political and not a judi- cial question ; therefore, it was not a subject of cognizance by this court. The distinc- tion between judicial and political questions resulted from the organization of the Gov- ernment as executive, legislative and ju- dicial, and from the limitation of the powers of each under the Constitution. The judi- cial power was vested in the Judicial de- partment, and the political power in the two other departments. The distinction between judicial and political power was so generally admitted, that the court deemed it necessary to do nothing more than to refer to some of the authorities on the subject. Here Judge Nelson referred to the Rhode Island and Massachusetts case, the Florida and Georgia case, and the Cherokee Nation and Georgia case. Judge Nelson here showed that political power did pot belong to the Judiciary, and that the court could have no right to pro- nounce merely on an abstract opinion of the Constitution or of State laws. It mijiht however, decide on all statutes properly falling under judicial authority. By the second section of the third article of the Constitution of the United States, it is pro- vided that the judicial power shall extend to all cases in law and equity arising under this Constitution, the laws of the United States and the treaties made, or which shall be made, under their authority; to all af- fecting ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls; to all cases of admiralty, mar- itime jurisdiction ; to controversies to which the United States shall be a party; to con- troversies between two or more S'tates; be- tween a State and citizens of another State; between citizens of dilTerent States; between citizens of the same State, claiming lands under grants of diflTerent States, and between a State or the citizens thereof and foreign States, citizens or subjects. The bill filed by the State of Georgia, prays for an in- junction to restrain defendants from exe- cuting certain parts of the acts of CongresSj being apprehensive that injury to the State would thereby result. But, according to law and precedent, in order to entitle the parties to relief, a case must be properly pre- sented for the exercise of judicial power, and the case must refer to the rights of per- sons and property, and not to political ques- tions merely, wliich do not belong to the judiciary, either in law or equity. In view of the principles wliich, under the Constitu- tion and statutes, the court had endeavored to explain, the question was whether the court could take cognizance of the question now before it. The court was called on to restrain the defendants, who represented the Executive Department, from putting Into execution certain acts of Congress which, it was claimed, would overthrow the existing State government of Georgia and establish a different one in its stead — in other words, destroy the corporate existence of the State. Such isthe substance of the bill. It called tor the judgment of the court on a political question, and nut one involving persons and property. No question of person or prop- erty, or threatened danger to them, was pre- sented in tlie bill in a "form justifying judi- cial action by the c^> rt. It was"true this bill set forth political rights, as in danger, A BLOW AT THE StJPiiBME COUET. 263 and among other things that Georgia owned certain property, the State Capitol, Execu- tive Mansiun, and other real and personal property, and that putting those acts of Con- gress into execution, tlie State would be de- prived of the possession of such property. But it was apparent this reference was only incidental and not specific matter of remedy. The relief asked would call for a bill differ- ent from the one now before the court. Having for the reasons stated arrived at a conclusion, it was unimportant to examine the question of jurisdiction in connection with tlie defendant. The court dismissed the bill for want of jurisdiction. This decision, tlie judge remarked, also disposed of the case of the iState of Missis- sippi against Secretary Stanton, Gen. Grant and Kajor-Gen. Ord, involving a similar question, Chief-Justice Chase said he did not con- cur in all the reasons, but assented to the conclusion, believing the court had no juris- diction in the case. A Blow at tlie Supreme Court. A Decision in the McVedlb Case arubsted by act op congkess — a Sneaking Piece of Legislation. On the 14th of March, 1868, the Democratic members of the House of Representatives, discovered that an amendment had been sneaked into a bill which passed both Houses two days before, which prohibited any action of the Supreme Court upon a certain class of cases, including the celebrated Mo- Ardle ease, which involved the constitu- tionality of the military reconstruction legislation of Congress. This piece of parliamentary swindling was the more to be deplored in view of the fact that the Supreme Court was understood to have reached a decision in that case in favor of McArdle, and against the con- stitutionality of the Reconstruction laws. The means by which this trick was carried out is fully exposed in the fol- lowing proceedings, which transpired in tLs House of Representatives, on the J-tth cf March, 1868: Mr. BoYKB. I desire to call the attention of the House, and especially the attention of the country, to a nieiisure of legislation which was passed throuj;h tliis House the day before yesterday, and which passed without any objection solely because it was introduced in a manner calculatHd to de- ceive and lo disarm suspicion of its real design and effect. I shall reer in this place to the proceedings as published in the Glohe, and I shall afterward make such brief comments as I may deem proper to the occasion. There was a resolution pending, intro- duced by the gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Pile), when the gentleman frOm Ohio (Mr. Schenck) rose and said : " I ask leave to take from the Speaker's table Senate Bill No. 213, to amend the Judiciary act It came from the Finance Committee of the Senate, and 1 desire the House to pass it now. "The Speaker. That would require unanimous consent, as the morning hour has not yet expired. " Mr. ScHKNOK. There can be no possible objection to it." Then some proceedings intervened upon a motion of the gentleman from Missouri (Mr. file), when Mr. Schenck again rose; " Mr. Schenck. I now ask unanimous consent to take from the Speaker's table the bill to which I referred a few moments since." i\lr. Maynakd. I suggest to the gentle- man from Pennsylvania (Mr. Boyer) that the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Schenck) is not in his seat, and if he is going to animad- vert upon that gentleman he had better wait until he is present. Mr. Hoyer. I do not think that I shall have another opportunity of saying what I desire to say. I am sorry the gentleman is not here. I should be very glad to see him in his place. A privileged motion then intervened. When the subject was again resumed: "The Speaker. The bill referred to by the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Schenck), Senate Bill No. 213, to amend an act entitled " An act to amend the Judiciary act, passed September 24, 1789," will now be read." The bill was then read. It provides that there should be extended to the Supreme Court certain appellate jurisdiction in cases of coustom-house and revenue oflficers. I read from the report: " Mr. Schenck. I desire to make a word or two of explanation, which I think will be perfectly satisfactory. As the law now stands, these appeals or writs of error can be taken in any case where one of the officers of customs is concerned. But by some inadvertence of the law-making power, that can not be done in the case of an internal revenue officer. This bill proposes to put those officers on the same footing in that respect; that is all there is in it 1 hope therfe will be no objection to its consid- eration at this time." All objection was accordingly withdrawn. At this stage the gentleman ftom Iowa 264 DEMOCEATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. (Mr. Wilson), the honorable chairman of the Judiciary Committee, rose: "Mr. Wilson (of Iowa). Will the gentle- man from Ohio (Mr. Sclienck) yield to me to otter an amendment to this bill? " Mr. SoHBNCK. I will hear the amend- ment " Mr. Wir.SGN (of Iowa). I desire to move to amend the bill by adding to it the following: " Sec. 2. Jnd be ii further enacted, That .so much of the act approved February 5, 1S67, e'ititled 'An act to amend an act to t;.st;iblish the judicial courts of the United btatfS, approved September 24, 1789,' as authorizes an appeal from the judgment of a circuit coui't to the Supreme Court of the United States, or the exercise of any such jurisdiction by said Supreme Court on appeals which have been or may heareafter be taken, be, and tlie same is hereby re- pealed. " Mr. SoHENOK I am willing to have the amendment received, and now I call the previous question on the bill and amend- ment " The previous question was seconded and the main question was ordered." Tlie amendment of Mr. Wilson was theji agreed to, without any objection being made; nor, as will be perceived, was any opportunity for inquiry aflbided jSIow, sir. it will become perfectly evident when I refer to the character of the act which is repealed by the amendment, that had it been known what the real nature of the amendment was, and to what it actually did refer, it could never have been pas.'iei.l in the manner in which it was suffered to pass at that time, without opposition. The act of February 5, 1867, provides — "'J'hat the several courts of the United States, and the several justices and judges of such courts', within their respective jurisdictions, in addition to tlie aiithorily already conferred by law, shall have power to grant writs o( habeas corpus in all cases where any person may be restrained of his or her liberty in violation of the Constitu- tion, or of any treaty or law of the Uniteil States ; and it shall be lawful for such per- son so restrained of his or her liberty to apply to either of said justices or judges fur a writ of habeas corpus, which application shall be in writiiiL' and verified by affidavit, and shall set forth the facts concerning tlie detentiiin of the party applying, in whose custody he or she is detained, and by virtue of what claim or autlioiity, if known; and the said justice or judge to wn m muIi application shall be made shall fi hwith award a writ of habeas corpus, unless itshall appear from the petition itself that the party is not deprived of his or her liberty in con- travention of the Constitution or laws of the United States." It further provides : "The said court or judge shall proceed in a summary way to determine the facta of the case by hearing testimony and the arguments of the parties interested; and if it shall appear that the petitioner is deprived of his or her liberty in contravention of the Constitution orlawsof the United States, he or she shall forthwith be discharged and set at liberty." And it provides further — and this is the important part repealed by the amendment of the gentleman from Iowa (Mr. Wilson): " From the final decision of any judge, justice, or court, inferior to the circuit court an appeal may be taken to the circuit court of the United States for the district in which said cause is heard, and from the judgment of said circuit court to the Supreme Court of the United States, on such terms and under such regulations and orders, as well for the custody and appearance of the per- son alleged to be restrained of his or her liberty as for sending up to the appellate tribunal a transcript of the petition, writ of habeas corpus, return thereto, and other proceedings, as may be prescribed by the ."Supreme Court, or, in default of such, as the judge hearing said cause may prescribe." It is well known to this House and to the country that it was under this provision of the act ol February 5, 1867, that the Mc- Ardle case has arisen and is now pending before the Supreme Court of the United States. It is now very plain that the object of the amendment introduced by the gentle- man from Iowa (Mr. Wilson) was to repeal the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court in such cases. It was, doubtless, intended to operate upon the very case which is now pending before the Supreme \ Court and which has been argued by counsel and sub- mitted; for the amendment expressly re- lates to appeals whicli have been taken, as well as those whicli may hereafter be taken in such cases This House, and especially the minority, were disarmed by the remarks with which the gentleman from Ohio (>Ir. Sclienck) prefaced the intrciduction of the bill. After we had been told by the gentleman who had charge of the bill "that there could possibly be no objection to it, that it related only to revenue officers; and alter the House "had been asked, as a matter of courtesy, to allow it to be introducol for action at that time, we had reason to think that he would not accept as an ainendiiieiit to that bill that which was not germane to its subiect- inaiter, which iclated to an entirely dilfer- eiit thing, and which the genileman must have known, if he understood the nature of VETO OF THE JUDICIARY AMENDED ACT. 265 the amendment, would never have been suffered to pass without objection if its real character had been explained. The genJle- man must have known it would not have passed without objection if, by the title of the bill, by the subject-matter of the bill, and by the remarks of the gentleman by which its introduction was prefaced, we had not been given to understand that it was a luatfer which related entirely to appeals to till- Supreme Court in the cases oC revenne officers, and that it was not intended to apply to anything else. I have already said tliat the minority were disarmed by the manner in which this measure was introduced. I admit that, occupied by other matters, and trusting to tlie good faith of the gentleman who intro- duced this matter into the House, the minority never suspected tliat in that way the majority would attempt to affect their escape from wliat they must believe to be a pending judgment of condemnation against them at the hands of the highest judicial tribunal of the land. It must be because they iear that their acts of legislation have been unconstitutional ; it must be because they are afraid tO'Submit them to the test of judicial inquiry that, in that covert way, by artful approaches and by disguises not easily seeji through at the moment, a meas- ure was smuggled through, which, if it pro- duces the effect for which it was intended, will, perhaps, preveiit the constitutionality of the Reconstruction acts from being tested in the manner in which the question is now being tested in the McArdle case, now pending before the Supreme Court of the country. It must proceed, therefore, from a consciousness on the part of the majority that their acts are illegal and outside of the Constitution, that they feel compelled to resort to the passage of such an act as the one I have describeil. But if the majority in this House were determined to pass such an act as that, to escape from the judgment of the court, it would has'e been more worthy in them to have done it openly. It would have been more manly to have introduced it in such a way that it might have been fairly discussed; and then, if by overwhelming numbers they had power enough to pass an act for the purpo.se of obstructing the administration of justice, they ctniM still have insisted upon it. What I take occasion especially to complain of is the manner in which the attempt was so succesisfully made to disarm the suspicions of the minority by an ap- pearance of fair dealing. This much is due to the minority, who, I admit, were not "wide enough awake," using the language of the gentleman from Maine (Mr. Blaine), to anticipate that there would come from such a source and in such a manner any- thing so entirely different from wliat they had been led to expect by the nature of the introduction of the hill and the remaks by which it was accompanied. A long debate was had, in which there was nothing practical elicited except an exibition of pride on the part of the Rad- icals of the sharp practice they had in- dulged. There was one ordeal through which the law had to pass, and that was the ofHce of the President. On the 25th of March he vetoed the bill as follows : To the Senate of the United Slates: 1 have considered, with such care as the pressure of other duties has permitted, a bill entitled ^^ An act to amend an act enti- tled 'An act to amend the judiciary act passed the 24th of September, 1789.' " Not being able to approve all of its provisions, I herewith return it to the Senate, in which House it originated, with a brief statement of my objections. The first section of the bill meets my ap- probation, as, for the purpose of protecting the rights of property from the erroneous decisions of inferior judicial tribunals, it provides means for obtaining uniformity by appeal to the Supreme Court of the United States in cases which have now become very numerous and of much public interest, and in which such remedy is not now allowed. The second section, however, takes away the right of appeal to that court in cases which involve the life and liberty of the citizen, and leaves them exposed to the judgment of numerous inferior tribunals. It is apparent that the two sections were conceived in a very different spirit, and I regret that my ob- jection to one imposes upon nie the necessity of withholding my sanction from the other. I can not give my assent to a measure which proposes to deprive any person "re- strained of his or her liberty in violation of the Constitution, or of any treaty or law of the Uniteil States" from the right of appeal to the highest judicial authority known to our Government. To " secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity " is one of the declared objects of the Federal Constitution. To assure these guarantees are provided in the same instrument, as well against " unreasonable searches and seiz- ures" as against the suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, unless when, in cases of " rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it" It was, doubtless, to afford the [leople the means of protecting anil enforcing ihes.- mc-tirnable privileges iliut the jurisdiction which this bill prO|jo-i's lo fake away was conferred upon the Supreme Court of the Union. The act conferring that jurisdiction was 266 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. approved on the 5t.h day of February, 1867, with a full knowledge of the motives that prompted its passage, and because it was believed to be necessary and right. No- thing has since occurred to disprove the wis- dom and justness of tlie measure; and to modify it, as now proposed, would be to lessen the protection of the citizen from the exercise of arbitrary power and to weaken the safeguards of life and liberty, which can never be made too secure against illegal encroachments. The bill not only prohibits the adjudica- tion by the Supreme Court of cases in which appeals may hereafter be taken, but interdicts its jurisdiction on appeals which have already been made to that high judicial bod)'. If, therefore, it should become a law, it will, by its retroactive operation, wrest from the citizen a remedy which he enjoyed at the time of his appeal. It will thus op- erate most harshly upon those who believe that justice has been denied them in the inferior courts. 'J'he legislation proposed in the second section, it seems to me, is not in harmony with the spirit and intention of the Consti- tution. It can not fail to affect most inju- riously the just equipoise of our system of Government; for it establishes a precedent which, if followed, may eventually sweep away every check on arbitrary and uncon- stitutional legislation. Thus far during the existence of the Government the Supreme Court of the United States has been viewed by the people as the true expounder of their Constitution, and in the most violent party conflicts its judgments and decrees have always been sought and deferred to with confidence and respect. In public es- timation it combines judicial wisdom and impartiaUty in a greater degree than any other authority known to the Constitution ; and any act which may be construed into or mistaken for an attempt to prevent or evade its decisions on a question which affects the liberty of the citizens and agi- tates the country can not fail to be attended with unpropitous consequences. It will he justly held by a large portion of the people as an admission of the unconstitutionality of the act on which its judgment may be forbidden or forestalled, and may interfere with that willing acquiescence in its pro- v'sioTis which is necessary for the liarrao niout, and efficient execution of any law. For these reasons, thus briefly and im- perftctly stated, and fur others, of which want of time forbids the enumeration, I deem it my duty to withhold my assent from this bill, and to return it for the re- consideration of Congress. ANDREW JOHNSON. Washington, D. C, March 25, 1868, On the 26th of March, the followiug proceedings took place in the Senate : The President pro tempore. The ques- tion is, "Shall the bill pass notwithstand- ing the objection, of the President of the United States?" On this question the Sec- retary will call the yeas and nays. Mr, WiLLiAJis. 1 wish to state that Mr. Grimes and Mr. Johnson are paired on this question. Mr. Grimes, if here, would vote for the bill; Mr. Johnson against it. ■ Mr. Corbett and Mr. Vickers are also paired. Mr. Corbett, if here, would vote for the bill, and Mr. "Vickers against it. The question being taken by yeas and nays, resulted — yeas 33, nays 9; as follows: Yeas — Messrs. Cameron, CatteU, Cliandler, Cole, Conklin , Cragin, Edmunds, Ferry, Freling- huysea, Harlan, Henderson, Howard, Howe, Morgan, Morrill (of Maine), Morrill (of Ver- mont), Morton, Nye, Patterson (of New Hamp- shire), Pomeroy, Ramsey, Ross, Stewart, Sum- ner, Thayer, Tipton, Trumbull, Van Winkle, Wade, Willey, Williams, Wilson, and Tates-33. Nays — Messrs. Baiiard, Buchalew, Dtivis, Dixon, BeiidrickHj McCreery, Norton, Patteriion (of Tennessee), and Sunhburif — 9 Absent — Messrs. Anthony, Conness, Cor- bett, Boolittle, Drake, Pessenden, Fowler, Grimes, Johnson, Sherman, Sprague, and Fictcfs— 12. The President pro tempore. Two- thirds of the members present having voted for the hill, it is pa,=ised notwithstanding the objections of the President; and it will be transmitted, with the objections, to the House of Representatives. In the House, on the 27th of March, the question came up. During the de- bate on it, Mr. Woodward, of Pennsyl- vania, said : I have therefore no complaint to make of the act of 1867. It never could have been necessary, however, if your Reconstruc- tion laws, and your Freedman's Bureau acts had not been passed. It grew out of a necessity of your own creation; and when so violent measures as those were forced upon the people, it was wise and salutary to accompany them bv such an act as the act of 1867. Now, it so happened that an individual of .Mississippi, of whom I know nothing, but whose name has becoine familiar to the public ear as McArdle, fell a victim to the military tyranny which has been sent into those States. As I understand, his ofl'ense consisted in criticising in a public print some measures of the commanding General. It was the exercise of the right of freedom of speech and of the press for which he was re.strained of his liberty, and thrown into jail. He applied for habeas corpus. It was denied him in the local ci nrt. He took SPEECH OF HON. GEO. W. WOODWARD. 267 liis appeal to tlie Supreme Court 6f the United States. The case came into that cciurt under lliis act of 1867 — this very law that you passed for the purpose of securing to people their liberty. Mr. McArdlecame into the Supreme Court of the United States pleading that law. After an argument by conn.sel, who denied that the case came within that law, the Supreme Court decided that they had jurisdiction in the case under the lavv ; and they decided it unanimously. I read the argument of Mr. Trumbull upon tliat question as reported in the papers. 1 liave not read the opinion of the court as dehvered by the Chief-Justice; but I un- derstand it was a unanimous decision. And what was it in legal effect? It was a decision that that court was entitled to take jurisdiction of McArdle's case, tliat jurisdic- tion had attached in the case, and that the argument should proceed. In pursuance of that decree, the argument did proceed by distinguislied counsel on the one side and on the other. Now, I call the attention of the House to the fact that by all this, Mr. McArdle acquired certain rights in that court, rights just as well defined as his right to life. He acquired the right of taking the judgment of that court on liis case. It was a right whicli vested by the circumstances to which I have advei-ted, and not one of which will be controverted. It was a vested right It was a vested right in respect to one of the highest interests of the man — his liberty. It was a vested right which the act of 1867 showed you were ready to respect when as- serted by a negro. It was a vested right which, I say, is just as worthy of respect when asserted by a white man as when as- serted by a negro. Mr. Eldridge. Do you go that far? Mr. WoODWAED. Yes, sir; I will go that far? I say that tlie vested rights of this man are just as worthy of the respect of this Congress as if he were a negro. Now, sir, what happens? This House having allowed the chairman of the Com- mittee of Ways and Means to take up, by unanimous consent, a bill relating to the revenues of the country, to which nobody had any objection, the gentleman from Iowa [Mr. Wilson], the chairman of the Judiciary Committee, offered as an amend- ment this section, which takes away tlie jurisdiction of the Supreme Court under the act of 1867, and takes away the vested, attached jurisdiction of the Supreme Court in McArdle's case. Such is not only the legal effect of it; but upon interrogation, on this floor, the gentleman from Iowa de- clared that such was his intention in offer- ing that amendment. I asked the question myself; and the gentleman made that dis- tinct declaration. Nay, more, he not only admitted that that was his intention, but, with infinite bad taste, seemed to be proud of it — seemed to be proud that he had slipped in this amendment to rob a fellow- citizen of his vested rights in the Sufireme Court of the United States. It was the first time I ever saw a lawyer, not to say a chairman of a Judiciary Committee, jilume himself both upon the thing done and the mode of doing it, when both were- so ques- tionable, I was shocked last Saturday, in the running debate we had here, atthe ."pirit ;ind manner of my friend from Iowa. When my friends around me here complain of that which I did not feel disposed to complain of — the manner in wliich this amendment was introduced — it was evident from the tone of the gentleman's remarks, as it had been evident fi'om the tone of the remarks of the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Schenck], a few daj's before, tliat they were proud of what gentlemen on this side called a trick, I did not call it a trick. I would he sorry to call it so. They talked of their superior vigilance, of their being always " wide-awake," and advised us on this side to keep awake and not confide in them to the extent that we had done — advice, this last, wliich will probably not be lost on this side of the House. I say all this seemed to be in exceedingly bad taste. For what was the gentleman doing? He was trampling upon the right.'* of a fellow-citizen. 1 tried last Saturday to make iiim see the position in which he was placing himself I cared nothing about this minor question as to the manner of doing it. I tried to fix the gen- tleman's eyes upon the real nature of the thing he was doing, tlie essential quality of the enactment. But he was so mucli occu- pied with self-admiration of the manner of doing the tiling that I succeeded badly. . I could not get iiim to contemplate the es- sence and quality of the thing itself, so much enamored was he of that which hon- orable gentlemen did not hesitate to call a trick. [Laughter.] But let that matter pass. The thing was done. The bill was passed without a word of debate or explanation. It was af>bag gov- ernments, three-fourths of the States have not given their simultaneous assent to the Fourteenth amendment. Ohio and New Jersey are here, and now in the attitude of refusing their assent at tlie moment when twenty-one other Northern States, and the six carpet-bag governments, are in the atti- tude of giving their assent. No amendment is valid till " when ratified by the legisla- tures of three-fourths of the several States," i. e., where being and standing ratified; a precise instant of time and a like coexisting condition of things being thus sharply pre- scribed as the two indispensable require- ments. Said Mr, O'Connor, in the letter to which we have alluded : "During its pro- gress to maturity this process of amend- ment is strictly analogous to a proposal for a compact made to parties who are compe- tent to accept or decline as they think fit. It is an universal rule admitting of no ex- ception that such a proposal is revocable until accepted. Judicial authorities num- berless might be cited in support of this proposition. The decisions and elementary works all concur. Indeed it is a rule dic- tated by the simplest perceptions of justice and right reason. No one has ever been found silly or hardy enough to question it. It may be pronounced a maxim that until all are bound none are bound. This doc- trine can not be less applicable to States or public corporate bodies than to individuals. * * * Every consent, while it remains unaccepted, is naturally ambulatory. No soimd, unprejudiced thinker will ever ques- tion the right of a rejecting State to revoke its rejection, or of an assenting State to withdraw its assent until the amendment shall have become part of the Constitution " by the simultaneous assent of three-fourths of the States. If anything reasonable could be hoped for from the Rump Congress we might ex- pect it to conform to the requirements of its own reconstruction legislation, but it makes as little of stultifying its own enactment as of disregnrding the supreme law ; and is now merely adding another stone to the bulwarks about its own powers which the people with tlieir ballots will blow to atoms next Novem- ber third. The Thirteenth or Fourteenth Amend- ment — Which ? [rrom the New York World.] It is said that Arkansas and North Caro- lina have ratified the proposed Fourteenth amendment. It is asserted that they have rejected it. The dates are given : ejected. Satified. Arkan3as„ Dec. 17, 18G6 April 6, 1868 North Caorliua Deo. 13, 1866 July t 186S FINANCES. 277 Here's a coil. If the rejection is a good rejection, tliere lias been no ratification. And if tlie ratification is a good ratification, tlie Constitution of tlie United States does not prohibit slavery. The same governments in Arkansas and North Carolina that rejected the Fourteenth, ratified tlie Thirteenth (or Emancipation) amendment. If the rejec- tion is illegal, then the ratification is illegal too. But it was this ratification that put the Thirteenth amendment in the Constitu- tion, and if illegal that amendment isn't there. The Public Finanoea— Government Keoeipts and Expenditures. How THE 5-20 Bonds are Kbdeemablb. In this chapter we have endeavored to embrace everything bearing upon the im- portant subject of finance that will aid the intelligent voter in making up his judg- ment. LEGAL TENDERS. The act of February 2.5, 1862, authorized the issue of $150,000,000 in Treasury-notes, of which $50,000,000 should be in lieu of so many of the "Demand notes" — to be re- ceivable for all duties, imposts, excises, debts, and demands of every kind due to the United States, and all salaries, etc., from the United States, " and shall also be lawful money, and a legal fender in payment of all debts, public and private, within the United States" to be exchangeable for twenty-year six per cent bonds, interest payable semi-annually, or five-year seven per cent, bonds with interest payable semi- annually in coin. Such United States notes to be received tlie same as coin in payment for loans. Five hundred millions of bonds authorized, payable after twenty years, at six per cent, interest, payable semi-annually. Yeas — Messrs. Aldrioh, Alley, Arnold, Ashley, Babbitt, Goldsmith ]?. Bailey, Joaepli B'tili/, Ba- ker, Beaman, Bingham, Francis P. Blair, Jacob B. Blair, Samuel S. Blair, Blake, Buffinton, Burnham, Campbell, Chamberlain, Clark, Col- fax, Cutler, Davis, Delano, Belujjlaine, Duell, Dunn, Bdgerton, Edwards, Ely, Fenton, Fes- Benden, Fisher, Franchot, Frank, Gooch, Gran- ger, Gurley, Hau/ht, Hale, Hancheft, Harrison, Hickman, Hooper, Hutohins, Julian, Kelley, Francis W. Kellogg, William Kellogg, Killin- ger, Lansing, Learj, Loomis, McKean, Mc- Knight, Mofherson, Marston, Maynard, Mitch- ell, Moorhead, Anson P. Morrill, Nugeuj Olin, Patton, Timothy G. Phelps, Pike, Price, Alex- ander H. Rice, John H. Bice, Riddle, James S. Rollins, Sargent, Shanks, Shellabarger, Sher- man, Sloan, Spaulding, Jolin B. Steele, Stevens, Trimble, Trowbridge, Upson, Van Horn, Van Valkenburgh, Van Wyok, Verree, Wall, Wal lace, Charles W. Walton, Whaley, Albert S. White, Wilson, Windom, Worcester — 93. Nays — Messrs. Ancona, Baxter, Biddle, George H. Bromne, Cobb, Frederick A. Conkling, Roscoo Conkling, Conway, Corning, Cox, Cravem, Cria- field, Dunlnp, Diven, Eliot, Englieh, Goodwin, Orider, Harding, Holmnn, Horton, Johmon, Knapp, Law, Lazear, Lovejoy, Mallory, May, Menziee, Justin S. Morrill, Morris, Nixon, Noble, Norton, Odell, Pendleton, Perry, Pomeroy, Por- ter, Richardson, Robinson, Edward H. Rollins, Sedgwick, Sheffield, Shiel, William G. Steele, Stratton, Benjamin F. Thomas, Francis Thomas, Train, Yoorhees, Vallanfligham, Wadaworth, E. P. Walton, Ward, Webster, Chilton A. White, Wickliffe, Wright— i9. In the Senate, February 12, the Committee on Finance recommended instead of making these notes receivable for all demands due to, and all demands owing by, the United States, this substitute : "And such notes herein authorized shall be receivable in payment of all public dues and demands of every description, and of all claims against the United States of every kind whatsoever, except for interest upon bonds and notes, which shall be paid in coin." Mr. Sherman moved to include with these notes, "tlie notes authorized by the act of l"7th of July, 1861," which was agreed to. The amendment to the amendment was agreed to. On the 13th of February, Mr. Collamer moved to strike out these words: " And such notes herein authorized and the notes authorized by the act of .July 17, 1861, shall be receivable in payment of all public dues and demands of every descrip- tion, and of all claims and demands against the United States of every kind whatsoever, except for interest upon bonds and notes, which shall be paid in coin, and shall also be lawful money and a legal tender in pay- ment" of all debts, public and private, within the United States, except interest as afore- said." Which was rejected — yeas 17, nays 22, as follows : Ykas — Messrs. Anthony, Bayard, Collamer, Cowan, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Kennedy, King, Latham, Nesmith, Pearce, Powell, Saulsbury, Sim- mons, Thomson, Willey — 17. Nays — Messrs. Chandler, Clark, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, Harlan, Harris, Henderson, Howard, Howe, Lane (of Indiana), McDougall, Morrill, Pomeroy, Rice, Sherman, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Wade, Wilkinson, Wilson of (Massachusetts), Wilsttn (of Missouri)— 22. The bill was then passed — ^yeas 30, nays 7, as follows: Yeas — Messrs. Anthony, Chandler, Clark, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, Fessenden, Foot, Fos- ter, Grimes, Hale, Harlan, Harris, Henderson, Howard, Howe, Lane (of Indiana). Latham, Mc- Dougall, Morrill, Pomeroy, Rice, Sherman, Sum- ner, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Wade, Wilkinson, Wilson (of Massachusetts), Witson{oi Missouri) —30. Nats — Messrs. Collamer, Cowan, Kennedy, King, Pearce, Powell, Saulsbury — 7 278 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. Feb. 20 — In the House, the question be- ing on concurring in the amendment of the Senate making the interest upon bonds and notes payable in coin. Mr. Stevens moved to include also "pay- ments to officers, soldiers, and sailors, in the Army and Navy of the United States, and for all supplies purchased for the said Government;" vpbich was rejected — yeas 67, nays 72. The amendment of the Senate, making interest payable in coin veas then concurred in — yeas 88, nays 55, as follows : Teas — Messrs. Ancona, Arnold, Ashley, Bax- ter, Beaman, Biddle, Jacob B. Blair, George H. Broioiie, William G. Brown, Burnham, Calvert, Clements, Cobb, Frederick A. Conklin, Roscoe Conklin, Conway, Covode, Cox, Cravens, Critten- den, Diven, Dmdap, Dunn, Eliot, English, Good- win, Grider, Gurley, Haiyht, Hall, Harding, Hol- man, Horton, Johnson, Kelley, Knapp, Law, Leary, Lehman, Loomis, Lovejoy, McKnight, Mallory, May, Menziea, Justin S. Morrill, Nixon, Noble, Norton, Nitgen, Odell, Patton, Pendleton, Perry, Timothy G. Phelps,' Pike, Pomeroy, Alexander H. Rice, Riddle, Robinson, Edward H. Rollins, Jfimea S. JioUhis, Sargeant, Sedg- wick, Shejield, Sherman, Shiel, Smith, John B. Steele, William G. Steele, Stratton, Benjamin F. Thomas, Francis Thomas, Train, Trimble, Vallandigham, Vibbard, Voorhees, Chas. W. Walton, E. P. Walton, Ward, Washburn, Web- ster, Whaley, Wheeler, Wickliffe, Woodruff, Wright— SS. Nats — Messrs. Aldrich, Alley, Babbit, /o.»ejDA Baily, Baker, Bingham, Francis P. Blair, Sam- uel S. Blair, Blake, BufEnton, Campbell, Cham- berlain, Clark, Davis, Dawes, Duell, Edwards, Ely, Fenton, Fessenden, Fisher, Francbot, Frank, Granger, Hale, Hanchett, Harrison, Hickman, Hooper, Julian, William Kellogg, Killinger, Lansing, McPherson, Marston, May- nard, Moorhead, Anson P. Morrill, Noell, piin, John H. Rice, Shanks, Sloan, Spalding, Stevens, Trowbridge, Van Horn, Van Valken- bnrgh, Verree. Wall, Wallace, Albert S. White, Wilson, Windom, Worcester — 55. Other amendments were non-concurred in, and a Committee of Conference agreed upon the bill as it became a law. One feature of this report was to provide tliat the Treasury-notes issued under the bill sliould not be a legal tender in payment of duties, and the duties on imports, made payable in coin, should be pledged for tlie payment of interest on the bonds. Tlie report was agreed to in the House — yeas 98, nays 22. The nays were: Messrs, Baker, Biddle, Bnffinton, Cox, Ed- wards, English, Haight, Hooper, Johnson, Justin S. Morrill, Odell, Pendleton, Perry, Pike, Rob- inson, Sheffield, W. G. Steele, Van Wyok, Voor- hees, Wiekliffe, Wood, Woodruff. The Senate concurred without a division. Taxing Bonds. On the 28th of June, 1862, the Loan Bill being under consideration, on concurring in Senate amendments, Mr. Holman moved to add this provision to one of them : Provided, That nothing in this act shall impair the right of the States to tax the bonds, notes, and other obligations issued under this act. Which was rejected — yeas 71, nays 77, as follows : Yeas— Messrs. William J. Allen, Ancona, Bliss, Brooks, James S. Brown, Chanler, Coffroth, Cox, Cravens, Dawes, J)awson, Denison, Eden, Edgerton, Eldridge, English, Finck, Ganson, Grider, Griewold, Harding, Harrington, Charles M. Harris, Herrick, Holman, Hotchkiss, Hutch- ins, Philip Johnson, William Johnson, Kalbjleisch, Kernan, Knapp, Law, Lazear, Le Blonde, Long, Mallory, Marcy, McDoioell, McKinney, Middle- ton, Samuel F. Miller, William H. Miller, Jas. R. Morris, Morrison, Noble, John O'Neill, Pen- dleton, Perry, Pomeroy, Pruyn, Radford, Samuel J. Randall, Robinson, Ross, John B. Steele, Wm. G. Steele, Stiles, Strouse, Ste^oart, Sweat, Thomas, Tracy, Van Valkenbnrgh, Wadsworth, Ward, Whaley, Wheeler, Chilton A. White, Joseph W. White, Winfield—7]. Nays. — Messrs. Alley, Allison, Ames, Ander- son, Arnold, John D. Baldwin, Baxter, Bea- man, Blaine, Blair, Blow, Boutwell, Boyd, Broomall, William G. Brown, Cobb, Cole, Cres- welt, Henry Winter Davis, Thomas T. Davis, Deming, Dixon, Donnelly, Driggs, Ijlekley, Eliot, Fenton, Garfield, Gooeh, Hale, Higby, Hooper, Asahel W. Hubbard, John H. Hub- bard, Hulburd, Ingersoll, Jenckes, Julian, Kel- ley, Francis W. Kellogg, Orlando Kellogg, Littlejohn, Loan, Longyear, Marvin, McBride, McClurg, Mclndoe, Moorehead, Daniel Morris, Amos Myers, Leonard Myers, Norton, Charles O'Neill, Perham, Pike, Alexander H. Rice, John H. Rice, Edward H. Rollins, Schenck, Seofield, Shannon, Sloan, Smith, Smithers, Spalding, Stevens, Thayer, Upson, Elihu B. Wasbburne, Wm. B. Washburue, Webster, Williams, Wilder, Wilson, Windom — 77. NATIONAL BANKS. In the Senate, February 12, 1863, the bill commonly known as the National Cur- rency Act passed — yeas 23, nays 21, as follows : Yeas — Messrs. Anthony, Arnold, Chandler, Clark, Doolittle, Fessenden, Foster, Harding, Harlan, Harris, Howard, Howe, Lane (of Kan- sas), Morrill, Nesmith, Pomeroy, Sherman, Sum- ner, Ten Eyok, Wade, WHkinson, Wilmot, Wilson (of Massachusetts) — 23. Nats — Messrs. Carlile, Callamer, Cowan, Davis, Dixon, Foot, Grimes, Henderson, Hicke, Kennedy, King, Latham, McDougall, Powell, Rice, Richardson, Saulsbury, Trumbull, Turpie, Wait, Wilson (of Mo.)— 21. The bill passed the House, February 20. Yeas — Messrs. Aldrich, Alley, Ashley, Bab- bitt, Beaman, Bingham, Jacob B. Blair, Blake, Buffinton, Calvert, Campbell, Casey, Chamber- lain, Clements, Colfax, Conway, Covode, Cutler, Davis, Delano, Dunn, Edgerton, Eliot, Ely, Fenton, S. C. Fessenden, T. A. D. Fessenden, Fisher, Frank, Goodwin, Granger, Hahn, Haight, Hickman, Hooper, Hutchins, Julian, TAXING BONDS. 279 Kelloy, F. W. Kellogg, W. Kellogg, Lansing, Leary, Lovejoy, Low, Molndoe, McKean, Mo- Pherion, Marston, Maynard, Moorhead, Anson P. Morrill, Noel/, Olin, Pattoo, T. G. Phelps, Potter, A. H. Rice, J. H. Rice, Sargent, Sedge- wick, Segar, Shanks, Shellabarger, Sherman, Sloan, Spalding, Stevens, Trimble, Trow- bridge, Van I-Iorn, Van Wyck, Verrec, Wall, Wallace, Washburne, Alberts. White, Windom, Worcester — 78. Nats— Messrs. W. Allen, Ancona, Baihj, Baxter, Bakor, Siddle, Gubb, F. A. Conkling, R. Conkling, Cox, Cravens, Crittenden, Dawes, Edwards, English, Gooch. Grider, Gurley, Hale, H-irding, Harrison, Holman, Horton, Johnson, Kerrigan, Knapp, Law, Liizear, Loomis, Mallory, May, Mennies, J, S. Morrill, Morris, Nixon, Nolle, Norton, Nugen, Odell, Pendleton, Perry, Pike, Pomeroy, Porter, Price, Eobinson, J. S. Bollina, Shejjield, Shiel, J. B. Steele, W. G. Steele, Stiles, Stratton, B. F. Thomas, F. Thomas, Valltindiyham. Wadaworth, Wheeler, Whaley, G. A. White, Wiekliffe, Wilson, Woodruff, Wright — 64. The act of 1864, while under considera- tion in the House of Representatives, was subjected to tlie following proceedings, in- volving the question of taxing bonds. On the 6th of April, Mr. Stevens offered a sub- stitute for the whole bill, which he ex- plained as differing from the amended bill in these respects only : "The substitute provides for a uniform rate of interest at seven per cent., aud with- draws these National banks from State tax- ation, and leaves them to be taxed by the National Grovernment." Which was rejected — yeas 59, nays 78, as follows: Yeas — Messrs. Alley, Allison, Ames, Ander- son, Ashley, John D. Baldwin, Baxter, Beamnn, Blow, Boutwell, Boyd, Broomall, Ambrose W. Clark, Cobb, Cole, Thomas T. Davis, Dixon, Donnelly, Driggs, Eokley, Eliot, Frank, Gar- field, Gooch, Grinnell, Hale, Hooper, John H. Hubbard, Jenckes, Julian, Kasson, Kelly, Fran- oi.s W. Kellogg, Loan, Longyear, Marvin, Mc- Bride, McClurg, Morrill, Dnniel Morris, Leon- ard Myers, Charles O'Neill, Patterson, Perham, Alexander H. Rice, Edward II. Rollins, Schenck, Scofield, Shannon, Spalding, Starr, Stevens, Thayer, Thomas, Upson, Willi;im B. Wash- burn, Wilder, Windom, Woodbridge-:-59. Nays — Messrs. James C, Allen, Wm, J, Allen, Ancona, Baihj, Aug G. Baldwin, Blaine, Bliss, Brooks, James S. Brown, William G. Brown, ChanUr, Clatj, Cox, Cravens, J)awson, Dennison, E'len, Ehh-idge, English, Finck. Ganson, Grider, GHswold. Hall, Harrington, Ileiijamin G. Harris, Berrick, Holman, Hotehkiss, A. W. Hubbard, Phillip Jtthnson, Wi/iiam Johnson, Kalbfleisch, Orlando Kellogg, K>-rnan, Law, Long, Mallori/, Mnrcij, HTcKinne;/, Middleloii. WiUinm.H. Miller, James R. Morris, Morrison, Amos Myers, Nelson. Odell, John O'Neill, Ortb, Pendleton. Pike, Pom- eroy, Price, Prui/n, Rndl'nrd, Sani.mH J. Ran- dall, William l-I. Randall, John H. Rice, Robin- son, Rogers, James S. llidllns, Scott, Stnithers, John B. Steele, W. G. Steele. Sirmise, Sweat, Tra- cy, Van Valkenburgh, Ward^Ehhn B. Wash- burne, Wheeler, Chilton A. White, Joseph IT. White, Wilson, Wnjield, Benjamin Wood, Yea- man — 78. Previous to this vote a vote was had on the following proposition : "That nothing in this act shall be con- strued to prevent the taxation by States of the capital stock of banks organized under this act, the same as the property of other moneyed corporations, for State or munici- pal purposes; but no State shall impo.se any tax upon such associations or their capital, circulation, dividends, or business, at a higher rate of taxation than shall be imposed by such State upon the same, amount of moneyed capital in the hands of individual citizens of such State." The affirmative vote on this was the same as the negative vote on that of Mr. Stevens, and the negative vote on that was the same as the affirmative vote on this with these exceptions: Mes.srs. Scofield, Starr and Windom voted for both propo- sitions. Messrs. Blaine, A. W. Hubbard, Price, Smithers and B. B. Washburne, voted against both. Messrs. Garfield. Patterson, Thomas and Woodbridge, who voted for Mr. Stevens', did not vote on this. Messrs. Wil-' son and / S. Rollins, who voted against Mr. Stevens', did not vote on this. Messrs. Whaley, Lazear and S. F. Miller, who did not vote on Mr. Stevens', voted for this. Tins bill, as amended, having been laid or; the table, a new bill was considered, April 16th, containing the following proviso: "Provided, That nothing in this act shall be construed to prevent the market value of the shares in any of the said banking asso- ciations, held by any person or body-corpo- rate created by State law, being included in the valuation of the aggregate personal property of such person or State corpora- tion in assessing any tax imposed by any State or municipal authority on the aggre- gate personal estate of all persons subject to the authority of such State or munici- pality." Mr. Fen ton moved to substitute this : "And that nothing in this act shall be construed to prevent tlie taxation by States of the capital stock of banks organized un- der this act, the same as the property of other moneyed corporations for State or municipal purposes; but no State shall im- pose any tax upon such associations or their capital, circulation, dividend.s, or business, at a hiiiher rate of taxation than shall be imposed by such State upon the Siime amount of moneyed capital in the hanils of individual citizens of such State: Provided, That no State tax shall lie imposed on any part of the capital stock of such associa- tion invested in the bonds of the United S'ates, deposited as security for its circula- tion," 280 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK "Which was agreed to — yeas 70, nays 60, as follows : Yeas — Messrs. Alley, Allison, Ames, Arnold, Ashley, Bailij, John D. Baldwin, Baxter, Bea- man, Blaine, Boatvvell, Broomall,Wni.G Brown, Ambrose W. Clark, Freeman Clarke, Clay, Cobb, Cole, Dawes, Driggs, Dumont, Eckley, Farns- worth, Fenton, Frank, Gouch, Grinnell, Higby, Hooper, Hotehkiss,. John H. Hubbard, Jenckes, Julian, Kasson, Francis W. Kellogg, Orlando KelHgg, Loan, Longyear, Marvin, McClurg, Mclndoe, Samuel P. Miller, Moorhead, Mor rill, Daniel Morris, Amos Myers, Charles O'Nc-ill, Orth, Patterson, Perham, Pike, Pome- Toy, Price, William H. Randall, Alexander H. Rice, John H. Rice, Edward H. Rollins, Shan- non, ^loan. Smith, Tracy, Upson, Van Valken- burgh, Elibu B. Washburne, William B. Wash- burn, Webster, Wilder,Wilson, Windom, Wood- bridge — 70. Nats — Messrs. James C.Allen, Wm. J. Alien, AugusUls C. Baldwin, Brooka, James S. Brown, Chaiiler, Cravens, Cresw ell, Henry Winter Davis, Daioson, Eden, Eldridge, Finch, Ganson, Bull, Harding, Harrinyton, Benjamin G. Harris, Her- rick, Holman, Asahel W. Hubbard, Hufchins, Wm. Johnson, Kalhjieisca, Kelley, Kernan, King, Knapp, Law, Lazear, Long, Mart-jj, McBride, McBowetl, McKinnei/, Wm. H. Miller, James R. Morris, Morrison, Nelson, Noble, Odell, Pendle- ton, Pruyn, Radford, Samuel J. Randall, Robin- son, James S. Rollins, Ross, Scott, Jnlin B. Steele, Stronse, Stuart, Thayer, Thomas, Wheeler, Chil- ton A. White, Joseph W. White, Williams, Win- field, Fernando Wood — 60. The bill was tlien passed. The Senate amended it, and the House non-concurred, when a Committee of Con- ference was appointed, who reported, -lune 1. The tax question was settled by adding these words to the thirty-second section : And nothing in this act sliall be construed to prevent all the .shares in any of the said associations, held by any person or body corporate, from being included in the valua- tion of personal property of such person or corporation, in the assessment of (axes imposed by or under State authority, at the place where such bank is located, and not' clsewliere; but not a greater rale than is' assessed on other moneyed capital in the hands of individual citizens of stiid States: Provided furlher. That the tax so imposed ■ under the law of any State upon the sliare,-<: of any of the associations authorized by this act sliall not exceed the rate imposed' on shares in any of the bank organizations! under the authority of the State where such association is located. The bill provides for a tax of one per cent, on tlie circulation of National banks, one-half of one |ier cent, on their deposits, and one per cent on their ca;.iil;il above the amount invested in United States bonds The report was concurred in, without a division in either bouse Receipts and Expenditnres of the United States Government. [From a Kadical Exhibit.] Mr. Schenck, of Ohio (Radical), Chair- man of the Committee of Ways and Means, in a speech, in the House of Representa- tives, made the following exhibit: lieven7ie Beceijpls and National Expenditures for the fiscal y^ar Jxtne 3, 1867. EECEIPTS. The receipts of the National Revenue for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1867, were as follows: Currency $314,109,1^6 61 Coin 176,417,810 88 Total, coin and currency $490,525,947 49 EXPEND ITUKES. The expenditures for the fiscal year end- ing June 30, 1867, were as follows: LeKialative, Judiciary, Executive and Diplomatic $ 51,110,027 27 PeuBioiiB 20,936,551 71 Indians 4,642,531 77 Navy 31,034,011 04 War — exclusive of bouutiea 83,841,555 80 Total ordinary expenditures $191, -564,677 59 Interest 143,781,591 91 Bounties 11,382,859 83 Total expenditures $346,729,129 33 The balance of receipts over expendi- tures for the fiscal ye.ir ending June 80, 1867, was $143,797,818 16 By the acts of July 13, 1866, and of March 2, 1867, Internal Revenue taxes were repealed or abated to an extent sul- ficieiit to occasion an annual loss of revenue from internal sources, taking the returns of the precediiig year as a precedent, of at least $90,(H)0,t)UO, of which amount some 160,000,0110 to $70,(100,000 were made ap- plicable for the reduction of taxes during the fiscal years ending June 30, 1866, 1867; the balance taking ellect during the suc- ceeding or present fiscal year. National Receipts and Expenditures for the current fiscal year, ettding June 30, iSoS— actual and estimated. RECEIPTS. For the three quarters, from July 1, 1867, to March 31, 1868— actual: Customs $121,208,374 37 I-ands 866,:M7 31 Internal BiveuUL- 140,080,426 44 linect Tax I,413,9li0 46 Miscellaneous 35,019,300 71 Tolal J29 194,469 29 Fourth quarter, from March 1, 1868, to June 30, 1868— estimated: Pustoms 5 -ll.l'On.OOO o" Lunils :;iill,IIOII OO Internal Reveuuu .W.Illio.OOO 00 Hired Tiix 3(10,1100 00 Klis.oUaui.nus li. Olio. Olio 00 Tota ..$106,600,1X10 u^- EECEIPTS AND EXPENDITURES, 1867. 281 Total revenue for fiscal year ending June 30, 1868 — actual and estimated: Customs 1165,208,374 37 Ijands 1,166,337 31 Internal Bavonue 190,686,428 44 Direct Tiix 1,713,9130 4ii Miscdlaneous 47,019, 3ii0 71 Total $406,794,459 29 EXPENDITDKES. For the three quarters from July 1, 1867, to lyiaruh 31, 1868— actual: Civil, Logislative, Executive, and For- eign intercourse 8 39,554,176 32 Interior, Pensions and Indians 24,73:1,337 29 War 88,858,490 82 Navy 19,113,073 53 Interest on the Public Debt 109,418, :i83 87 Total $280,678,006 83 For the fourth' quarter ending June 30, 1868 — estimated; Civil, Legislative, Executive and For- eign intercourse $ 13,000,000 00 Interior, Pensions, and Indians 4,000,000 00 War 36,000,000 00 Navy 0,500,000 00 Interest on the Public Debt 40,000,000 00 Total $ 98,600,000 00 Total expenditures for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1868, actual and estimated : Civil, Legislative, Executive, and For- eign intercourse $ 61,654,175 32 Interii.r, Pensions, and Indians 28,7:13,337 29 War 123,868,496 82 Navy 25,U13,i;73 .')3 Interest on the Public Debt 149,418,383 87 Total $379,178,080 83 KEOAPITULATION, Receipts and expenditures for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1868: Total Receipts $405,794,469 29 Total Expenditures 379,178,066 83 Estimated balance of Beceipts over Expenditures for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1868 $ 26,616,392 46 National Receipts and Expendiluren for the Jkcal year ending June 30, 1869. Under this heading it is proposed to first consider the necessary and probable expen- ditures of the Government lor the next fis- cal year; and, secondly, tlie revenue which may be legitimately expected during tlie sanit! period. The appropriation bills for the next fiscal year, which have passed or are now pend- inj;'. are as follows: Defieii-iicj bill (Senate, No. 32), passed.. $12,839,190 21 Deficiency bill (Senate, contingent. No. 412), passed 82,000 00 Deficiency bill (Reconstruction, No. 1,114 ;l, passed 87,710 60 Relief bill (District of Columbia, March 10), passed 16,000 00 Military Academy, passed 2S4,0l>t 50 Consular and diplomatic (passed) ],20i;,434 00 Postnffloe, passed 1,64.5,000 IN) Pejisions-pejidiijg 30,3.60,000 00 An..y-pending I:.....' 3.3,081,013 00 Navy— pending; 17,600,000 00 LegislHtive, executive, and judiciary — pi.nding 16,880,072 00 Sundry civil expenditures— pending 6,020,376 32 Indian— pending 2,500,000 00 River and harbor— pending 6,000,000 00 Deficiency bill— pending 1,912,960 00 Total $130,:iU't,366 63 Miscellaneous, including appropriations for New York City Postolfice, private bills, and judgments of Court of Claims, estimated 10,000,000 00 Permanent appropriations for collect- ing the revenue, etc 9,909,000 00 Total $lflO,27;l,:W6 63 Interest on the public debt 129,678,078 .60 Total $279,961,446 03 EXTRAORDINARY EXPENDITURES. Bounties, estimated $40,500,000 00 Atasl^a 7,200,000 OO Total $:i27,661,446 03 To this aggregate there should also be added overlapping appropriations heretofore made that will not be ex- tended till next year, viz. : 24,669,174 00 Malting a total probable expenditure during the next fiscal year, for which revenue must be provided, of $352,320,629 03 Revemib to meet the above Estimate for Expenditures, The following receipts may be estimated: Customs $166,000,000 00 Mr. Schenck, assuming the passage of the new tax bill as reported by the commit- tee, which afterward became a law in a somewhat modified form, estimates the re- ceipts from internal revenue for the next fiscal year as follows : Fermented liquors $6,000,000 Gas and refined petroleum (reduced) 3,500,000 Incomes and salaries 36,000,000 Gross receipts 7,500,000 Stamps 17,000,000 Legacies and successions 2,000,000 Banic dividends, circulation, and deposits.... 10,000,000 Fines and penalties 1,460,000 Miscellaneous schedule, etc 2,100,000 Special taxes, exclusive of the special taxes on tlie sales ot distillers and rectifiers, and inclusive of taxes on sales 26,000,000 Total $115,660,000 With the passage of the amended law, it seems impossible, even with the continu- ance of a defective administration, that the receipts from distilled spirits for the next fiscal year can fall slinrt of $70,000,000, or from tobacco of $25,000,OUO. Assuming the correctness of the latter estimates, we have, then, the gross sum of $210,560,000 as the receipts from internal revenue which may be reasonably anticipated for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1869. On the other hand, if we fail to secure any increase of revenue from distilled spirits and tobacco beyond what was received during the last fiscal year, the receipts of the next fiscal year can not be estimated at less than $164,000,000. From the sale of public lands, the rev- enue, Mr. Schenck estimates, will be $1,000,000. For the revenue receipts from miscel- laneous sources, i. e., premium on gold, sales of property, consular fees, etc., Mr. Schenck adopts the estimate of the Secre- 282 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. tary of the Treasury, in his last annual re- port, viz. : $30,000,000. A recapitulation of the foregoing esti- mates gives the following as the total an- ticipated revenue for ihe next fiscal year: Customs $165,000,000 Iiiteiual revenue 210,660,000 Public lands 1,000,000 Miscellaneous 30,000,000 Total $406,660,000 Supposing no increase of receipts from disiilled spirits and tobacco over the re- ceipts for tlie tiscal year ending June 30, 1867— The above estimate would be reduced to....3:i60,.')C0,000 Ebtiniate of expenditnies for next liscal J ear, before submitted 332,320,1129 Balance to account of surplus revenue $^8,239,371 This balance to account of surplus revenue prognosticated by Mr. Schenok must be taken cum grane salis. Under Radical legislation, balances on that side are unknown. Deficiencies calling for more! more! are more fashionable and more probable. The Pntlic Dett. Tlie following is the statement of the public debc of the United States on the 1st of June, 1868: DEBT BEAEI.NG COIN INTEREST. 6 per cent, bonds 6-^0,812,400 00 6 per cent, bonds of 1867 and 1868 8,68a,641 80 6 per cent, bonds, 1881 283,677,200 00 6 per cent. 5-20 bonds. .1,494,755,600 00 Navy Pension Fund ... 13,000,000 00 $2,020,827,841 80 DEBT BEARING CL'EUENCV INTEftEST. B per cent, bonds 26,902,000 00 3-year compound in- terest notes 21,604,890 00 3-year 7.30 notes 105,610,660 00 3 per cent, certificates 50,000,000 00 203,117,540 00 MATURED DEBT NOT PRESENTED FOR PAYMENT. 3-year 7.30 notes, due August 15, 1867 947,600 00 Compound int. notes, matured June 10, ^ July 1.^1, August 15, Oct. 15, and Uec. 15, 1867 8,012,360 00 Bunds, Texas indem'y 256,000 00 Treasury notes, acts July 17, 1861, and prior thereto 165,211 64 Bonds, April 15, 1842.. 6,000 00 Treas'i notes, Marcli 3, 1863 656,492 00 Temporary loan 883 39 00 Certitlcates of indebt- eUness 18,000 00 10,834,202 64 DEBT BEARING NO INTEREST. U.S. notes 356,144,212 00 Fractional currency... 32,531,689 94 Gold certificates of de- posit 20,298,180 00 408,973,981 94 Total debt $2,643,763,666 38 Am't in Treas'y, coin.. 90,228,559 31 " currency.. 43,279,120 33 Am't of debt, less cash in Treasury.. 133,507,679 64 i,olb,246,886 74 The foregoing is a correct statement of the public debt, as appears from the books and Treasurer's returns in the Department, on the 1st of June, 1868. HUGH MoCDLLOCH, Secretary of the Treasury. Review of the Above. [Prom the Missouri Eepublican, June 15, 1868.] The statement made by Secretary Mc- Culloch of the public debt of the United States, on the first day of June, 1868, shows the total debt to be $2,643,753,565. At the same time there was in the Treasury $90,- 228,559 in coin, and $43,279,120 00. Total ill the 'I'reasury of $133,.5U7,679 00. De- ducting this from the debt given above, shows an absolute debt of $2,510,245,886 0(1. For all practical purposes, however, the larger sum, $J,643,753,565 00 is thereal debt. The amount in the Treasury does not go at all in diminishing the indebted- ness. The large sum of thirty-two millions (if dollars in gold must be taken from the treasury to pay the interest on the five- twenty bonds during the present month. Then there are large requisitions from the War Department, which it was contemplated would be made in May, which were deterred till this month, that must come out of the amount in the Treasury. It appears that, instead of the enormous debt pressing upon the country being in pro- cess of diminution, it is increasing. The total debt, less cash in the Treasury at the close of April, was $2,500,528,827. At the close of .May it was $_:, 510,245, 886, showing an increase in one month of $9,717,059. Or, if we take the actual debt, irrespective of cash in the Treasury, it was $2,639,612,622 at the end of April, and $2,643,753,566 at the end of Mav, showing an actual increase of $4,140,944 m one month. Ul the crusliing debt resting upon the people, to meet which the large sum of one hundred and forty-nine millions of dollars must be paid annually by the people to meet the interest, $1,494,755,600 ia in five-twenty bonds. In addition to this large sum, there are two other classes of six per cent, bonds, and one of five per cent., which, with the navy pension fund, bring up the total debt bearing coin interest to the sum of $J,020.- S27,.S41, upon which about $120,249,670 is payable annually, in hard gold. This the people are heavily taxed to pay. The total debt bearing currrency interest is $203,117,450. The amount of debt bear- ing no interest is $408,973,981, of which THE PUBLIC DEBT. 283 $356,144,212 ia greenbacks, and $32,531,589 fractional currency. The gold certificates of deposit are a little over $20,000,000, making the total given above of $i08,973,- 981. The question presents itself • "What are our Radical rulers doing to relieve the people of the heavy burdens pressing upon them? Xothing — absolutely nothing. They areiu no manner diminishing the debt? Every- tiiiiigisin their own hands. No one out- tiide of the Radical party can be held re- sponsible for the condition of financial af- fairs, for the reins of Government are in tlieir own hands, and all power is in their hands. But instead of there being a dimi- nution of debt, it is increasing — and that too at the very beginning of the Presidential campaign, when they are appealing to the people to give tliema new lease of power. Finances and the National Banking Sys- tem. [From the Memphis Appeal.] The Government of the United States owed, on the first day of the present month, an acknowledged debt of over twenty-six hundred and forty-three millions of dollars, less one hundred and thirty-three millions in its Treasury. The amount of unacknowl edged debt, claimed of the Government in the Court of Claims and before Congress, we can not even guess at; but it is unques- tionably very large, Tlie interest on the acknowledged debt is very nearly one hundred and fifty millions per annum. On the unacknowledged debt no interest accrues, because the Government has always dishonestly refused, with now and then an exception, to pay interest on any claims against it. Tlie Pension list calls for over thirty mil- lions per annum. Thus, apart from the current expenses of carrying on the Government, and without paying any part of the principal of the pub- lic debt, the Government must pay one hun- dred and eighty millions per annum; and the necessary -cost of carrying on the Gov- ernment and the Federal taxes amount to at least three hundred millions per annum. The burthen of taxation which was at first patiently and even cheerfully borne by the people, begins to press more and more hardly upon them, because it exacts too large a percentage of their earnings and in- comes, and ia unjust and unequal in its operation : and the exemption from taxa- tion of wealth invested by individuals and corporations in Government bonds, as it makes the burden of taxation heavier on those less able to pay, increases the discon- tent. Financial embarrassments begin seriously to threaten the Government, which Con- gress seems to be utterly incapable to avert. The reduction of the debt has ceased. The last report shows an increase of debt often millions; and it is certain that there has been no reduction since the 1st of Januai'y. While additional revenue was needed to prevent an increase of the debt, taxes on manufactures, producing sixty millions per annum, were repealed, in order to secure the support of the manufacturing interest lor the Radical candidate for the Presidency. It was simply a huge bribe to purchase votes. The reserve of coin in the Treasury has begun to decline. It has exceeded one hun- dred millions net: it is now but seventy millions in excess of the outstanding gold certificates; and this will soon be reduced by the payment of eight millions of Mexi- can war debt, thirty millions of interest, and seven millions of purchase money for Alas- ka; so that there will probably not be fifty millions of coiA in the Treasury on the 4th of July next, over and above the amount deposited there by private owners and bal- anced by gold certificates of deposit; and the debt will certainly be larger four months hence than it is now. We take these fiji;ures and statements from the New York Tribune; and the source from which they come gives assurance that they are not exaggerated. It is evident that there is not the least likelihood of any dim- inution of the burden of taxation which presses so heavily on the farmer, the mer- chant and the mechanic, or of the public debt. The currency in circulation is in amount about seven hundred millions, of which some three hundred millions are National Bank paper. This is represented, founded upon and secured by about three hundred and fifty million dollars in Government bonds, depo.sited by the Banks, and on wliich the Government pays the.fe Banks interest at six per cent, per annum in gold, the amount so paid being about twenty one mil- lion dollars per annum, equivalent to nearly or quite thirty millions in currency, at pres- ent rates. The banks deposit their three hundred and fifty millions in bonds, and receive in return permission to issue three liundred and fifteen million dollars of their own notes, for the payment of which the depos- ited bonds are the only security. These notes are loaned to persons who become borrowers on interest. The banks thus make a large profit on their own promises to pay, besides the interest on the bonds. With"$l 10,000, a National Bank purchases $100,000 in bonds, and receives in exchange for these some $90,000 in notes to be is-ued by itself On the bonds it receives i\ni i;i']y 284 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKBE'S HAND-BOOK. $6,000 in gold, or its equivalent !n specie, as interest; and loans tlie notes at eiglit per cent, or more, besides; thus really receiv- ing double interest on the currency at first invested. This interest is paid by the people, the working and producing classes. AVliy should not tlie National currency be re- tired, and greenbacks substituted for them ? This would retire the bonds on wliich the paper is issued, and stop the payment ol' thirty millions of interest per annum in currency, an amount larger than the whole expenses of the Government, under the ad- ministration of John Quincy Adams. Under the present system, the National Bank bondholder receives from the Govern- ment nearly nine per cent, interest in cur- rency on his bonds, loans the paper repre- sented by it at eight per cent, more, or em- ploys outside agents to loan it on mortgage of real estate at from three to five per cent. a month, and is relieved from about three per cent, ta.x on his bonds. His aggregate profits are thus about twenty per cent, per annum. Tlie load of taxation on the people is enormous enough, without this in favor of the stockholders of the National Banks. Other Governments have their income tax ; but none imposes a burthen at all compar- able with our five per cent It is excessive and unconscionable and, like the whisky tax, does much to defeat itself. To tax a salary, or a professional income, barely suf- ficient for a man's support, at such a rate, when he expends every dollar as soon as he receives it, and may perhaps at the end of each year be in debt, is little less than cru- elty. By our law, the income of a mechanic, an editor, a lawyer or a physician, requiring in each skill and labor, which ill-health or other causes may at any moment suspend or terminate, is taxed at the same rate as the income of a capitalist, with means in- vested beyond the reach of any probable ac- cident, if he is sick and earns nothing half the year, expending in that tiiue all he has earned during the other half, his income is taxed all the same; and a thousand dollars is the exemption for all men alike, no mat- ter what may be the expenses of living. The evil day may be postponed for a time ; but the sure result of the present condition of things must be a financial convulsion, and probably repudiation. A Contrast — The Public Debt oe Eng- land AND THIS United States Compared— The Expenditures Contrasted — Kbad, Tax-Payers. [From the Now Toik World.] Perhaps in no othei way can the iniquity of Republican financiering be more plainly shown than by instituting a comparison be- tween the expenditures Of our own Govern- ment, under Republican control, and those of the kingdom of Great Britain. Such a comparison naturally suggests itself The population of the two nations is about the same. The amount of the public debt of Great Britain is much larger than that of theUnitedStates — in 1861 theamount being $4,700,000,000, and no very material reduc- tion having since occurred. The regular army of Great Britain — that portion of it, we mean, of which the expense is maintained by the Home Government — is at present 213,000 men ; while our regular army during 1867 was ostensibly composed of about 70,000 men, and for this year is said to be only about 53,000 men ; although every one knows'that these figures are grossly ex- aggerated, and that nothing like this num- ber of effective men are or have been on the rolls. Great Britain has 120 ships on squadron duty in her navy, and in her fleet and coast guard and the other branches of her naval service, are 67,120 men; while we have only 56 vessels on squadron duty, and our whole naval and marine force num- bers only 11,900 men. The highest salary paid to any public servant in the United States is that of the President, $35,000 per year, while Great Britain not only supports the expense of a Queen and a royal family so numerous that not many people can re- member the names of all its members — maintains them in excellent style, finds pocket-money for the boys and marriage portiims for the girls, and provides liberally for their husbands; keeps up several palaces for their accommodation; provides a vice- royal establishment for Ireland, and does not stint the Lord Lieutenant in his expen- ditures ; not only does all this, we say, but pays all its principal public servants, in civil, military, or naval service, much higher salaries than are given to the corresponding functionaries in theUnitedStates. Many a British subject receives a much larger pay than our President does, and their retiring pensions are liberal — the Lord-Chancellor, for example, always retiring with a pension of £5,000 per year — a sum equal to the an- nual pay of the President of the United States; and when ex-Lord-Chancellors live to be 90 years old, as Lord Brougham did, these little drafts on the Treasury come to be no small sum. Bearing all these things in mind the reader may naturally suppose that the governmental expenses of Great Britain are enormous, and that we are about to illustrate the extravagant incompe- tency of the Republican party in the United States by showing that under its manage- ment our expenditures have been almost as great. What will they say when we show PUBLIC DEBT AND EXPENDITURES ENGLAND. 285 that they have been vastly more, and that the " bloated aristocracy" of Great Britain conduct their Government, with all its use- less and costly pageantry and show, and with its formidable army and immense navy, upon a more economical scale and with an infinitely greater regard to the in- terests of the tax payers than that of the men who have managed the finances of this republic for seven unhappy years, and who now ask the people to continue them in power ? We will proceed to show that this is true by the figures of the Republican Chairman of the House Committee on Ways and Means, and by the official reports of the Chancellor of the Exchequer of Great Britafn ; and even the courteous editor of the Tribune will be unable to confute the statement by any other argument than by applying to Mr. Schenok and Mr. Ward Hunt the epithet which he hurled at Mr. Seymour. The amount paid for interest upon the public debt of Great Britain in the fiscal year 1867, was $128,807,270, the pound sterli ng being reckon ed at $4.84 in our money. The amount paid forinterest upon the public debt of the United States during the same year, the principal of the debt being some- thing more than $2,000,000,000 less than that of Great Britain, was $143,781,691— that is upon a debt almost one-half less than that of Great Britain, we paid as in- terest $14,974,321 more than she did. If it be urged in mitigation of this that the rate of interest was unavoidably high, we ask what excuse can the Republican party oflfer for its failure to accomplish anything to- ward making the rate less ? Does any one believe that had the financial department of the Government been properly managed, and had peace been restored when the war ended, that three years of tranquillity and prosperity would not have enabled the Treasury to refund the debt upon terms as easy as those under which the consolidated debt of Great Britain is arranged? But this is only one item. The civil service of Great Britain in 1867, according to there- port of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, cost $41,098,095, while in the same year the civil service of the United States, accord- ing to the statement of Mr. ychenck, cost $51,1 10,027—" republican symplicity " cost- ing more than the pomps of royalty and the pageantry of aristocracy. What excuse or explanation of this can possibly be given ? From what arsenal of sophistryand deceit can be drawn a weapon with which to repel this charge? But worse remains behind The army of Great Britain, numbering 2I3,000men,costin 1867, $74,383,946. This sura embraces every itein of military expen- ditures — pensions, half-pay, transportation, subsistence, bounties, pay, clothing, ord- nance, etc. In the same year the expenses of our army, numbering on paper not more than 70,001) men, and in reality much le?H than this, were $83,841,555, for "strictly ordinary expenditures" — being $9,457,609 more than Great Britain paid for an army of three times its size. This does not tell all the truth— for if we adopt the British plan of classification, and place the expen- ditures for pensions and bounties in the item of " Army Expen.ies," the sum is $116,160,- 965, whicli is $41,777,019 more than the whole military expenditure of Great Britain for the year named. One pauses in aston- ishment to contemplate these officially "cooked," yet astounding figures, 'i'hat the lesson which they teach may be com- prehended at a glance, we reproduce them in a tabular form. In reducing the English money to Federal money we have counted the pound sterling at its proper value, $4.84. 0wes says: "Thad. Stevens says that, under the name of stationery, some members of Con- gie,sK have been in the habit of procuring ' p;inta loons, skirts anil shaving soap enough to last them for years,' and that many have run up an Hank notes were predicat- ed on State bonds; did any holder of the notes of one of these broken banks ever get paid in full ? National banks are the same fam- ily on a large scale. The interest of the Government debt of the United' States amounts to more every forty .*'.ght hours than all the taxes levied ly tht State of I'ehnessee in a, whole year. Jlembers of Congress, and others living on fat salaries, owners of National bank stock, loaning deposits at one per cent, a month, and trading in United States bonds, and tlie bondholders drawing gold interest and paying no taxenon them, are all opposed to paying off the bonds in the l77,200 Six per cent five-twenties, February 25, 1802, outstanding , 514,771,000 Six per cent, five-twenties, June yO, 1864, outstanding 120,501,300 Six per cent, five-twenties, 1865, May and November, outstanding 197,777,250 Six per cent, five-twenties, 1865, consuls, outstanding 334,972,960 Six percent, five-twenties, 1867, outstand- ing 364,123,900 Six per cent, five-twenties, 1808, outstand- ing nMS,^^0 The 186.5 consuls, 1867's, and lS68's, can not be definitely given, as these loans are being continually increased on account of the exchange of seven-thirty notes. Very respectfullv, H. MoCULLOCH, Secretary. To Messrs. Henry Clews & Co. , New York. Brown LOW on Redeeming the Bonds in Grkbnbaoks. Brownlow's letter to the Radical State Convention of Tennessee, dated Khoxville, January 20, 1868, closes as follows : "If I were a member of your Conven- tion I would endeavor to have incorporated info the platform you adopt a plank to the following effect: "That the bonds and obligations of the general Government, which do not expressly stipulate for payment in coin in the acts authorizing their issuance, or in their face, should, be paid in greenbacks or legal- tenders, and that our delegates to the Na- tional Convention be instructed to vote for a resolution in the National Platform em- bracing this proposition. "I have the honor to be, etc., " W. G. BEOWNLOW." Mr. Maynard, in a letter dated Washing- ton, January 19, 1868, to the same body, says : "The strength of a Government, State or National, is its credit. To sustain this is the primal work of intelligent administra- tion. Public credit depends solely upon the willingness and the ability of the people to meet the public obligations. Repudiation in any and every form is a deadly blight, and any measure that tends logically to re- pudiation, however slightly, excites instant alarm, and exerts a depressing influence. No people on eartli have a greater horror at a breach of the public faith than the Union people of Tennessee; indeed, I may say the Union people all over the country. If their resources are judiciously and eco- nomically used, so as to exact from them only a portion of their profits, without en- croaching upon the capital, they can re- spond to every obligation assumed in their name. Let the taxes be so imposed that the industry shall not, by reason of their payment, be any poorer at the end of the year than at the beginning. AVith honesty and official integrity to enforce these max- ims, those who know how to live by the sweat of the face, and are willing to do it, will have but little trouble in making the ends meet. No others can hope to suc- ceed except by some of the phases of bad government, which, at bottom, is simply a contrivance to enable one man to live in idleness upon the fruits of another man's labor." Keep the Pacts Before the People. The cost of the War and Navy Depart- ments since the Republicans have been in power is as follows : War Dept. Navy Dept. isei $160,157,794 829,889,176 18112 479,42.1,277 47,548,103 1863 68G,14:i,2:i0 88,526,101 1864 81.'j,649,292 112,313,305 1866 ;. 848,292,733 103,5,54,337 1866 114,211,351 46,897 283 1867 166,177,603 49,3« 022 RADICAL FINANCIEES. 301 The National Debt And Taxes. We take tlie following from the New York Journal of Commerce : Our Forrestville correspondent is in- formed that the liighest point of the public debt was on the 31ft of August, iHfiS, when it amounted to lg:i, 757,(389,571 43. It has since been reduced to a little below twenty- five hundred millions, hit is now on the in- crease again, the receipts falling below the current expenses, including payments for in- terest. On the 1st of June, 1868, the date of the last official statement, it stood at $2,643- 753,566 38, from which, deducting $183,- 507,679 64 coin and currency in the Treas- ury, the net debt beyond available means, amounted to $2,510,245,886 74. Unless something is done looking toward greater economy, or some plan is devised to make up the large deficiency (over one hundred millions) arising from the repeal of duties on domestic manuTaotures, there will be a further considerable increase of the debt dur- ing the current fiscal year. The politicians have out oil' the taxes for effect, and will do nothing to restore them until after the fall election." Mark the language, that " (he politicians have cut ofi' the taxes for effect, and will do nothing to restore them until after the fall election." This is true. Then, if the Ead- ical party succeeds, they will be put back, and more added to make up the deficiency! lu the mean time, tliey hope to blind the people by this little stratagem of temporary relief. But it is too apparent to succeed. Radical Financiers. [From the New York World.] One good and sufficient reason for putting an end to the Kadical influences in this coun- try is the monstrous ignorance of its leaders in regard to the most important questions which can occupy the attention of a na- tional legislature. Not to speak of Sum- ner's notorious nonsense on financial topics, or of the profound geographical debate which took place some weeks ago in the House between two members of the Com- mittee on Foreign affairs on the question whether Tuscany formed a part of theKing- dom of Italy, here we have Nye in the Sen- ate estimating the " domestic ti-ade of this " country for the year 1867 at $10,000,000,- 000, " and the foreign trade at but a little less;" and Garfield in the House averring that England "does not now tax and never did tax the principal or interest of her pub- lic debt, whether in the hands of foreign- ers or of her own people. " It is firing a sixty-pounder at a shrimp, perhaps, to dwell even for a moment upon the financial drivel of Nye, but it is worth noting as an illustration of the almost in- conceivable imbecility of the class to which he belongs, that the whole amount of the import trade of tlii.s connlry, from the year 1790 to the year 18(13, wa.s not equal by many millions to the sum which the prepos- terous Senator cited a.s a single year's ex- changes. In these seventy-three years the United Stales imported $9 450,760,U03,while the average annual amount of foreign trade, imports and exports together, since the Kad- icals came into power in 1861, has been but a little over 1500,000,000, against an aver- age annual value of over $7(10,000,000 dur- ing the last four years of Union under a. Democratic administration. Garfield's blunder, if less ^hilariously ab- surd than Nye's, is not much less discred- itable. It is so far from being true that England has never taxed her public debt in foreign or domestic hands, that in 1842 Sir Robert Peel did not hesitate to impose an equal tax upon the funds, whether held by foreigners or by British subjects, and the British funds have ever since that date been taxable by law. The drift of such loose and unpatriotic talkers on these matters as Gar- field, goes to show that Americans who propose to lay a tax upon the American funds, or make foreigners pay a part of that tax, are unprecedented monsters of bad faith, no parallel for whom can be found even in the annals of Spanish or of Italian repudia- tion. This is of a piece with the general dis- position of the Radicals to glorify foreign, and especially British history, at the ex- pense of the character and reputation of our own people. The truth is that it has long been a popular doctrine in England that foreign holders of the funds ought to be spe- cifically taxed, and the strongest language which such a man as Mr. Gladstone, when Chancellor of the Exchequer, in 1853, felt himself at liberty to use in opposing this doctrine was this, that he was "persuaded the House would agree with him in think- ing that it would be very impolitic to lay an exceptional tax of this kind upon the foreigner." Not one word, mark you, of all the gab- ble in which the Radical ignoramuses of of our own House and Senate indulge about the "moral degradation" and the "despica- ble meanness" of this or that measure of fi- nancial policy. Butler (to give the Devil his due) rebuked the ignorance of Garfield on this subject, and declared, with his usual politeness, that Garfield " knew no more than a Choctaw what he was talking about" Butler has rarely stumbled so nearly into the truth ; but, as it is a necessity of his na- ture to do injustice to somebody, he did in- justice here to the Chootaws. No Choctaw would have talked as Garfield talked ; for 302 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HA:ND-B00K, tlie Indiana, as a race, have an admirable habit of holding their tongues when they have nothing to say. Are tlie 5-203 Redeemable in OoinV Radical and other Testimony that They aee Not, In the House of Representatives, Novem- ber 29, 1867, Mr. Brool Stevens' ReooUeotion of the Bondi In the House, July 17, 1868, in the debate on the "Funding Bill"— Mr. Stevens (Pa.) declared himself in favor of a funding bill which should reduce interest. If no person should choose to fund under it, no harm was done; if any person did choose to fund at a lower rate of interest, the Government would profit by it. He thought, however, that the lowest rate of interest should be four per cent.; he did not think they could get money cheaper. He thought it the duty of the Government, with the accumulating gold, to expend one- half in redeeming the five twenties in ad- vance of their falling due. No one could object to their redemption. He had under- stood the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Ross) to say that the bonds should be paid according to the New York Platform. "VVliat was that platform ? Mr. Ross. To pay the five-twenties in lawful money. Mr. Stevens. What do you call lawful money ? Mr. Ross. Greenback.s; th;it is your doc- trine and mine, you know. [Laughter]. Mr. Stevbxs. I hold to the Chicago platform, and as I vndastand it, on that point, to the New York platform — that those bonds shall be paid just according to the original contract A Member. The law, Mr. Stevens, ac- cording to the law. Mr. Pike. The spirit and letter of the contract. Mr. Stevens. What was that law? That the interest should be paid up to a certain time at 6 per cent, in coin. After the bonds fell due they would be payable in money, just as tlie gentleman from Illinois [Mr. Ross] understood it; just as he [Mr. Stevens] understood it; just as all under- stood it when the law was enacted ; ju.st as it was explained on the floor a dozen times by the Chairman of the Committee on A¥ays and Means. If he knew that any party in the country would go for -paying in coin that which was payable in money, thus enhancing the debt one-half ; if he knew there was suck a platform and such a determination on the part of his own party, he would, with Frank Hlair and all, vote for the other party. He would vote for no such swindle on the tax- payers of the country. He would vote for no such speculation in favor of the large bond- holders and millionaires. He repeated {though it was hard to say it), that even if Frank Blair stood on the platform of pat- tno according to the contract, and if the Republican candidate stood on the plat- form OF paying bloated speculators twice the amount agreed to be paid to them, and of taxing his constituents to death, HE WOULD VOTE FOR FrANK BlaIR, EVEN IF A worse man THAN SeYMOUR WAS ON THE TICKET. [Much excitement and sensation.] Mr. Koss. The Democratic doors are still open, and the gentleman can be taken in. On the 24th of July, 1868, Mr. Stevens, rising to a personal explanation, said: I desire to say a few words relating to what I observe reported in the Globe of the remarks of General Garfield and others with regard to what I said on the passage of the five-twenty bill. I find that it is all taken from the report of Secretary McCulloch, which I had never read. I am, therefore, free to presume that what those gentlemen quoted, rather than said, is a total perver- sion of the truth. Had it not been introduced from so respectable a quarter in this House, it would not be too harsh to call it an absolute falesehood. I do not know that I should have taken any notice of what various papers are reporting; some of them half secession, and more of them, I suppose, in the pay of the bondholders. I shall not now undertake to explain the whole of this 304 DEMOCEATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. matter, as lam so feeble; but I shall take occasion hereafter to expose the villany of those who charge me with having said, on the passage of five-twenty bill, that its bonds were payable in coin. The whole debate from which they quote, and all my remarks which they cited, were made upon an entirely different bill, as might be seen by observing tha't I speak only of the payment of gold after twenty years, when the bill I was speaking of, as well as all the liabilities, were payable in coin, as no one doubted the resumption of specie payment. My speech was made on the introduction of the Legal- Tender bill, on which the interest for twenty years was to be paid in currency. No question of paying interest in gold arose till some time arter,wlien the bill had been passed by the House, and sent to the Senate, returned and went to a Committee of Conference, where for the first time the gold-bearing question was introduced, and yet all these wise and thougtful gentlemen have quoted from me what took place in debate some weeks before the gold question, either prin- cipal or interest, had arisen in the House. I onl}' now want to caution the public against putting faith in the fabrications of demagogues, and they will find that every word which I have asserted with regard to myself is true and to the letter. HoitACB Geeblet Reads Thad. Stevens out OF THE Grant Party. Thad. Stevens having declared in Con- gress that he would vote the Democratic ticket if the Radical platform, or the Radi- cal party, contemplated the payment of the bonds in gold, Greeley invites him to do so, in the following courteous language, wliich we quote from the Tribune of July 21 : " That those who hated the war and doplore its issue should seek to swindle those who lent the money which insured its succeess, is deplorable, but not unnatural. That Mr. Stevens should be found in their company is deplorable and very unnatural. He, of all men, ought to be found on the side of honesty and good faith ; for he drafted and engineered the bills which dragged us into the slough whence he seems determined that we shall never be extricated. If he should succeed in his present effort, no swindler that the world has known ever perpetrated a fraud so gigantic as that he meditates. ******** Mr. Stevens is a fit ally for the Pendle- tons, Rosses, and Blairs, whom he threatens to join, unless the Republican party can be made the accomplice of the gigantic crime he meditates. That, we can assure him, will never be. If he wishes to swindle efficiently, let him join the party to which swindling is natural — that which will gratify by repudiation its partisan malignity as well as its innate ra.sc^lity. Mr. Koss courteously opens the doors of the Demo- cratic church for his reception. He says lie will enter if the Republicans will not help him defraud the National creditors. That, we will tell him, they will never do. Let him therefore, '* Stay not on the order of his going, But go at once." Speech of Senator Morton. On Monday, the 6th of July, 1868, the Sen- ate debated the Funding bill. In the course of the discussion. Senator Morton, of Indi- ana, said: Mr. President, the question as to wliether the five-twenties are payable only in coin or may be paid in legal-tender rotes, has been brought prominently into this debate. The Chairman of the Committee on Finance, who has had much to do with the-financial affairs of this country for six or seven years past, insists that the Government has a right to pay the five-twenties in existing legal-tender notes. I say "existing" as contradistinguished from notes yet to be issued. The distinguished Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. Sumner], on Saturday, in a very elaborate speech, argued at length that the Government was compelled by law to pay these bonds in coin. An argument of great ability and length was made to the same effect by the Senator from Vermont early in the session. This question is not important beyond the time that the Gov- ernment shall resume specie payments. Whenever we make the legal-tender note as good as gold then this question is settled. But it is an important question, and may be an important and troublesome question until that time occurs. I, for one, believe that the truepolicy for the Govern mentis to take steps first and foremost to bring about the resump- tion of specie payments. 1 believe that that lies at the foundation of our financial troub- bles, and there is where we should begin. I will renjark that this question is entirely distinct from the question of the right of the Government to make a new issue of legal- tender notes and pay off the five-twenties in that new issue. As I shall speak of the question, I shall speak of the right of the Government to redeem the five-twenties in existinglegal-tender notes. Mr. ^'resident, I believe that the law— and it is to the law we must look' in re- gard to this question after all — is with the Senator from Ohio on this question. When it is asserted that the Government is bound to redeem the five-twenties in coin, I say it is not only without thelavf, but it is in ex- press violation of at least four statutes. SENATOR MORTON ON THE FIVE-TWENTIES. 305 The law authoriKing the ten-forties declares that principal and interest shall he paid in coin. The several laws creating the five- twenties declare that the interest shall be paid in coin, but are silent as to the princi- pal of the debt, and do not say in what l<-ind of money the principal shall be paid. This silence is very significant. But it is said by the Senator from Mas- sachusetts and the Senator from Vermont that the Government is as much bound to pav the principal of the five-twenties in coin as if it was so expressed in the several acts authorizing and creating those bonds, and that there is no difference between the legal' obligation of the Government in regard to the iSve-twenties and in regard to the ten- forties. Let me say to the Senator from Vermont and the Senator from Massachu- setts that if they desire to ascertain the qualities and capacities of the legal-tender notes, what debts tbey will pay, and what debts they will not pay, they must look to the laws creating the legal-tender notes, and not to the statutes authorizing the five- twenty bonds. The act of February 25, 1862, by its sec- ond section authorized the first issue of five- twenty bonds, and by its first section the first issue of legal-tender notes; and in said first section declares such notes herein author- ized shall be received in payment of all taxes, internal duties, excise, debts and de- mands of every kind due the United States, oxoept duties on imports, and all claims and demands against the United States of any kind whatsoever, except for interest upon hnnds and notes, which shall be paid in roin, and shall also be lawful money and a legal-tender in payment of all debts, public lind private, within the United States, except duties on imports and interest as aforesaid. The declaration is that such notes shall he receivable in payment "of all claims and demands against the United States of every kind whatsoever, except for interest upon bonds and notes, which shall be paid in I'oin." More comprehensive language could not be employed, and you can not conceive of any debt against the United States left i.iut of this phrase save that which is spe- oially excepted. It comprehends all claims and demands of whatsoever kind. A bond is a claim ; a bond is a demand. The very exception proves that bonds were compre- hended in the phrase, for if they were not, there was no necessity for excepting the interest upon thera. But the statute does not stop here. It goes on to say, tautologi- cally, that such notes "shall also be lawful money and a legal-tender in payment of all debts,' public and private, within the United States, except duties on imports and interest as aforesaid." Every debt which the Uni- 20 ted States owes is a public debt; it has no private debts, and a five-twenty bond is a public debt in the fullest sense of those words for which the law declares such notes shall be lawful money and a legal-tender. Was ever a statute more comprehensive, un- equivocal or plainly wi-itten ? If the effect of this language can be varied or destroyed by argument, then no statute can be drawn which can withstand the lawyer's ingenuity. But there are three other statutes to the same effect with the one I have just con- sidered. The act of the Ilth of July following, provided for the issue of another $150,000,- 000 of legal-tender notes, and declared, like the former, that they should be legal-tender in payment of all claims and demands of whatsoever kind against the United States, except interest on notes and bonds, and further declared that these notes " Shall also be lawful money and a legal- tender in payment of all debts, public and private in the United States, except duties On imports and interest as aforesaid." There are but two exceptions stated in the law, but it is sought by argument to es- tablish a third, compared with which the two stated in the law are mere trifles. This statute is unconnected with any pro- vision for the issue of bonds, and was passed before any bonds were sold, authorized by the preceding act of February. Again, in January, 1863, Congress passed a joint resolution authorizing the issue of another $100,000,000 of legal-tender notes, in which it was again declared that they should be received as "legal-tender in pay- ment of all claims and demands against tlic United States of wliotsoever kind, except interest on notes and bonds," and this joint resolution was unconnected with any pro- visions for the issue of bonds. And again, in February, 1863, an act was passed authorizing the issue of another $150,000,000 of legal-tender notes, including the $100,000,000 authorized by the joint resolution just referred to, i« which it is de- clared in language somewhat different from the other acts, but in substance the same, that " these notes so issued shall be lawful money and a legal-tender in payment of all debts, public and private, witliin the United States, except for duties on imports and in- terest on the public debt." Here are four plain, unequivocal, and emphatic declarations of the law, declaring that these note-i shall be a legal-tender in paymenD of every conceivable species of in- debtedness again.st the United States. And whether the fact be agreeable or disagreea- ble it is one that can not be overcome by ar- gument or ingenuity. But it is argued that Secretary Giiase, and 306 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. perliaps one or two Assistant Secretaries or chief clerks of the Treasury, gave it out in letters and speeches that these bonds would be paid in coin, and that the bonds were sold upon such an understanding. It is to be noticed that in giving these opinions by the Secretary and the Assistant Secretaries or chief clerks, that it was predicated en- tirely upon the practice of the Government heretofore, and not upon any construction of the law authorizing theissue of the bonds or creating the legal-tender notes. In none of these opinions is there any reference made to these statutes, and what was said .seemed to have been said in ignorance or in- difference toward them, and the opinions were predicated entirely upon what had been the practice of the Government heretofore. These several acts creating the legal-tender were public laws, of which every man in the country was bound to take notice at his peril. Every man in the country purchas- ing a bond is presumed to know the charac- ter of the law creating the bond or the ex- istence of any other law affecting the bond either as to time, manner, or mode of its payment. In matters of such immense magnitude the nation can only be bound by the law. Its rights must be defined by the law; and by the law only. It can not be bound by the opinion of public officers given either in ignorance or in violation of the law. The Government of the United States, which has the power to borrow money and create a new loan, has put the terms of that loan into the law, and they can not be varied by the opinion or the action of any public officer. It would be a monstrous doctrine that the rights of the nation and of future genera- tions, in matters of such immense import- ance, could be varied or changed by the illegal or unwarranted declaration of a pub- lic officer, who has no power to say or do anything, e.xcept that which is conferred upon him by law. Nor can it be said that the good faith of the nation can be affected by its refusal to comply witli the re presenta- tions of a public officer when those repre- sentations are made in direct conflict with a public statute of which he and everybody else is bound to take notice. Even in mat- ters of private right and of the smallest im- portance men are presumed to know the law, and their rights are determined accor- dingly, and no man is bound by the act of his agent when that agent is acting outside of the authority or the presumed authority conferred upon hiiu. Every man buying a bond of the Government must know that the liability of the Government could not be fixed orclianged by a declaration of the Sec- retary of tlie Treasury, but that the liability of the Government must be determined ab- solutely and only by the law creating the bond or making regulations for its payment. The good faith of the nation in a matter of this kind can only be measured by the promise given by the law-making power, which promise must be in the form of a law. The Constitution declares that Congress shall have power to borrow money, from which it must be inferred that Congress, and Congress only, can prescribe the terms, lim- its and conditions of the loan. 'J"he attempt, therefore, to erect a standard of good faith for the nation, not only outside of the law, but in violation of its express provisions, does the nation great injustice by contribut- ing to place it in a false position before the people of other countries. That is all I have to say on thatque.stion. If you prove that the Government is bound to pay the bonds in coin, you do it in the face or four direct and plain statutes, as un- equivocal as any statutes that ever vere written. There is the statute, plain, direct, even tautological, upon this subject, declaring in not less than six or seven places that these notes shall be received in payment, and as a legal tender, in discharge of every claim and demand of whatsoever kind against the United States, except interest upon notes and upon bonds, and then going on to say, as 1 remarked before, tautologically, that those notes shall be received as lawful money and as legal-tender in payment of all debts, pub- lic or private, in the United States, except the interest on notes or bonds as afore-said. And yet in the face of language so phiin, language that can not be misunderstood, it is argued, from day to day, in this Senate that the Government is bound to pay the five-twenties in coin. Now, Mr. President, this question is im- portant or unimportant as Congress shall make it so. When we return to specie pay- ments it is unimportant , as long as we fail to return to specie payments it is important. As I took occasion to say, some weeks ago, in the Senate, the first duty of Congress and the first great thing to do, in my opinion, is to take some direct step toward the return to specie payments. I will say further, that it is in the exist- ing legal-tender notes that the Government has a right to pav those five-twentv bonds. There was a limi't of §40(1,000,000 fixed by law to the issue of those notes. I believe that to pass that limit would be a violation of public faith ; but that the Government has the right to pay the five-twenty bonds out of the existing legal-tender notes, is as clear, in my opinion, as any right that ia defined by any statute of the United States. Mr. WiL,S0N. I should like to ask tlie SENATOR MORTON ON THfe FIVE-TWEX ilES. 307 Senator what practical importance there is in mnintaining that doctrine if we have got no greenbacks to pay the bonds with? 1 tali item is the interest on the debt The West gets but a sioall sum back; most of it i? paid to the Northern Atlantic States. The indirect taxes, tariffs, etc., are still more hurtful to the West, as they are practically premiums given to Eastern manufacturers. BONDHOLDER.S AND THE NATIdNAt. ClIKRENCy. The division of the favors of Government in distributing banking currenoj' is start- ling in its injustice. They are made niori- glaring by the way the burdens of war were put on different States. But the most offen' sive distinction is that of having two kinds o'' currency — good iiumey for the bjiidliolder and had money for the laborer, tlio pensiotier and the business man. Every p:iper dollar now put out is a Government falsehood, foril SPEECH OF HORATIO SEYMOUR. 323 jlainis to he worth more tlian its real value, and it goes about the country defrauding tlie laborer, the pensioner, the mechanic and the farmer. An indignant chief of one of tlie tribes from whom we boujiht land at an early day by a pledge of moneyed annuity, said this Government was a cheat. It got land from the Indians by promising them so many dollars each year; that now it paid tlieni in money which was a lie — whicli said on its face it was a dollar when it was but little more than a half dollar. The red man told the simple truth. Of all the devices to clicat honest labor, to paralyze industry, to degrade public morals and to turn business pursuits into reckless gambling, none have been so hurtful as a sliifting standard of value, a debased and lying currency. I have nol thus set forth the condition of our country for the purpose of indulging in in- vective against the party in power, but for another object. Many Republicans, who a Imit the wrong-doing of their leaders, say that we have no plans for the relief of our country; that pointing out wrongs is of no use unless we can point out remedies. Thi.« we propose to do, and we probe the ulcers to tlie quick because we mean to meet the case and cure the malady. Among other things which have caused anxiety in the disordered state of our Union, is the fact that our Government bonds are mainly held in one section of our country. The labor of the West puts its earnings, in a large degree, into lands, which are tax-burdened. Th2 labor of the Bast puts its earnings into sav- ings banks, life insurance, or in other forms of moneyed investment. Thus they are deeply interested in Government bonds The amount in savings banks in this State alone is $140,000,000. This shows that there must be at least $500,000,000 of money thus deposited in all th<' States. The average of the deposits in 1867 in the State of New York was $270. The number of depositors in the State of New York is about five hundred thousand (487,479), and in the city they number more than one-third of the p"opulation. This will make the number of depositors in the Union more than 1,800,000. In the State of Connecticut in 1865 one-quarter of its population had deposits in savings banks. It is now usual for men of small property to insure their lives. The number of policies given out by all the life insurance companies is about 450,000 and the amount of insurance about $1,250,000,000 The money invest- ed is held as a sacred trust, as it is a fund iaid aside for their families when the in- surers die. All of the funds of savings banks and life-insurance companies are not put in Government bonds, but they hold an amount which would cripple or ruin them if the bonds are not paid, or if they are paid in debased paper. If we add the trusts for widows and orphans, we find that fully t" o million five hundred thousand persons are interested in Government bonds, who are not capitalists, and who are compulsory, owners at present prices, under the opera- tions of our laws. There is a fear that this state of things will make a clashing of interests between the labor of the East and the labor ofthe West. It is clear that our opponents hope that it will hinder us froii going into the contest with compact ranks and with one battle cry. However alarming this aspect may be, I am sure there is a policy to be marked out which will harmon- ize all jarring intere.st8. It can be shown that the dangers spring from an unwise conduct of public affairs. They have come up like logs of night from foul fens; they rise from unwholesome, darkened counsels, and will fade away before the light and life of a clear and honest policy. Is it true that (he laborer, the pensioner, the tax-payers and the bondholders have conflicting interests which will hinder them from acting together in upholding constitutional right? Why are the taxpayers laboring under a debt which bears an interest of six per cent., while other governments can borrow money at three per cent., and at this low interent their bonds SI 11 for better prices than ours ? Why are the laborer, the fanner, the mechanic, and the pensioner paid in had money, so that they get one-quarter less than they are entitled to on every paper dollar paid to them? Why is the boml- holdpr wronged by the tainted cre in the past. It will do the same for us in the I'uture. To that policy we are pledged. There is not one man of our party in this broad land who doubts upon this point. It has never been charged that a single Democrat in these United States ever favored the military and negro policy, upon which the credit of the country has been wrecked. Our remedy is to u,-e the public money to pay the public debt. It is a simple, brief, but a certain remedy for our National mal- ady. Our ailment is debt aggravated by despotism. TAXATION IXCREASRD BY THE NATIONAL DEBT. In another way the Republicans do a con- stant wrong to the bondholders. In answer to complaints of heavy taxation, they say it can not be helped with our heavy debt, and thus throw tlie whole odium on the debt. Why do they not tell the truth and sav one-third of our taxation is made by our debt? Then they will he asked, what makes the two-thirds? 'I'his question they ilo not want to have a.^ked. and they do not want to answer. When they do answer, the eyes of all classes will be opened. They will be forced to say that last year they spent, by reports of Cummiltee on Ways and Means, $::!79, 178,066. and this in the third year of peace. Well, say onr well-meaning Repub- lican friends, we suppose the interest of the debt tiHik mostofit. Oh no; that took $ 1 49,- 4I8..'!S3, not quite as much as was spent by the War and Navy Departments, which was $149,472,165; and besides this we spent 328 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. $80,292,513 for other things. Why, that is $20,000,000 more than the Democrats spent for army and navy, and all the expenses of Government put together. But wliy do you spend $25,613,fi73 on the navy, vi^hen it formerly cost $10,000,000 annually? Has American shipping jrrown so much that we have to keep up vast navies to prot^ect it? Oh, no. Our tariffs have swept Ameri- can ships from the ocean; we have lost the cari'ying trade; the British have got that. Then why don't you give the build- ers of merchant ships tlie money spent on the navy by way of drawback on duties? Would that start work at our ship-yards? Oh, yes, half the cost would do it. Then why is it not done? '\\'e ilid not think of it, really; we have been so bu.sy with the impeachment and negro questions that we forgot our sailors and mechaTiic.'^ But we see that the War Department spent this year $128,8.5^1,466, when tlje \ ear before it spent only about §95,00(1,001).' The longer we have peace the more the army costs How is this? We]] it costs a great deal to keep soldiers and Freedmen's i'ureau agents, and to feed and clothe negroes at the South, But why do yon do it? Let the negroes support themselves as we do. You make the laborers of the Korth work to feed atul clothe these idle Africans. True: but by so doing we get their vo.tes, and lliey will send our traveling agents to (Congress; we shall get twenty Senators in tliis way. wliile a uiajority of the people of the United States, living in nine States, have only eighteen. The people may vote as they ple;ise, but they can not get the Senate nor repeal any of the laws we got thiougli for our advantage; we have managed it so that one-quarter of the people have more power in the Senate than the three quarters. We now own the negroes of the South. Did we not buy them with your blood and money ? We now see where the monev goes; we now see why the credit of our country is so tainted; we now see whv the the value of our paper money issinking It was only at twenty-one per cent di.^emiut in 1866; it is now at a di.«coutit of about twenty-nine per cent; we now see wliy our laborers and pensioners are cheated by false dollars. If the mechanic cares to know why he works so niauy hours let him stiniv the reports of the Secretary of the Treas- ury. It is clear why bu.^iness is hindered and business men perplexed, AVe now know why the public creditor is harasseil by our dishonored credit, and the ta.x-payer is hunted down by the ta,N -gatherer. 'I he negro military policy of flie Republican party is at the bottom of all these trouble,^. We now get at the real is-ues between pat- ties. The Republicans, by their uoniiua- tions and resolutions, are pledged to keep up the negro and military policy, with all its cost and taxations. These will be greater hereafter. The government of the South is to go into the hands of the ne- groes. We have said they are unfit to be voters at the North. The Republicans say they shall he governors at the South We are clearly opposed to this policy. We have seen how much it cost the tax-payer, the bondholder, and the laborer in the past three years. It will be as hurtful in the fu- ture. We have also seen how our policy of using the money to pay our debts would have helped the tax-payer, the bondholder and the laborer in the past. It will do as much in the future. The whole question is bron.£ht down to this clear point — shall we use our mOTiey to pay our debts, relieve the tax-payer, make our money good in the hand of the laborer or pensioner, and help the bondholder; nr siiall we use it to keep up military despotism, feed idle negroes, break down the judiciary, sliackle the Ex- ecutive and destroy all constitutional rights ? THE PRKSIDENCY. 1 have said nothing in behalf of or against the views of any one who is spoken of a.-^ a eaiididate for the Presidency on the Denio- cra(ic side. I have said only what each one agrees to and is in favor of No man has been named who is not in favor of reducing expenses, and thus making our paperas good as gold. No man has been named who is not in favor of cutting down military expenses. No man has been narned who is not in fa- vor ol using the money drawn from the tax- jiayers to pay tr e public debt No man has been named who is not in favor of a gen- eral amnesty to the people of the South. No man has been named who is not an up- holder of constitutional rights. No naii has been named by the Democratic party whose election would not he'pthe tax-payer, the pensioner, the laborer, and the bond- holder. I In the other hand, the candidates of the Republican party are pleilgeif to their past policy, which has sunk the value of our currency more tlian eight per cent, in the past two yeais The discount upmi our paper money was tweitty per cent, in April. 1866; it, is now about twenty-nine per cent. It will continue to go down im- iler the same )ioiicy. As it sinks it will in- crease taxes, it will curse all labor an I btisiness, it will endanger still mure the public credit; for the greater the prenjium on eold, the harder it becomes to pay specie til thi' bondholder, ami his claims become more odious, PKROIi.ATION, What claim have the Re|jublicnns upon our soldiers? They talce away from liini one-quarter of his pension by paying him FUNDING BILL. 329 in false money, which is worth less than seventy-five cents on the dollar. A wise and honest administration would have made it worth its fuce in gold. What right have tliey to call upon the mechanic and laborer ? Tliey have lengthened out the hours of their toil to feed swarms of office-holders at the >\ortli, and to support armies and hordes of negroes at the South. How can they look the tnx-payers in the face when they have wi'unir from them so many millions upon the pretext th at the debt corn pelled th em to do so, while they were using the money thus collect- ed to support standing armies and to tramfile upon the rights and liberties of the Ameri can people? Can they with decency appeal to the bondholder after tainting the national credit and sinking it to the level of the Turks', and endangering their securities by throwing upon them the whole odium of taxation ? Then let the East and the West, tlie North and the South, the soldier, the toiler in ships or in fields, the tax-paver and the bondholder, by one united effort, drive from power the common enemies of liberty, honesty, honor, rights and constitutional laws. At the conclusion of Governor Seymour's speech, loud calls were made for S. S. Cox and Captain Rynders, both of whom re- sponded briefly in characteristic denuncia- tion of the negro. Funding Bill, The following is the Funding Bill, as agreed to by Congress the last night of the session. The President has not signed it as yet: An Act providing for the payment of the Na- tional Debt, and for the reduction of the rate of interest thereon. iie it enacted, etc.. That the Secretary of the Treasury is hereby authorized to issue coupon or rej^istered bonds of the United States, in such form as he may prescribe, and of denominations of one hundred dol- lars, or any multiple of that sum, redeem- able in coin, at the pleasure of the United Statfs, after thirty or f irty years respective- ly, ami bearing the Ibllouing rates of year ly interest, payable semi-annually in coin; t'iiiit is to say; The issue of bonds falling due ill thirty years shall bear interest at 4| per centum ; and bonds falling due in forty vea -s shall bear interest at 4 per centnin ; which said bonds, and the interest thereon, should be exempt from the payment of all taxes or duties to the United States, other than such income tax as may be assessed on other incomes, us well as from taxation in aiiv form, by or under State, municipal, or local authority ; and thesaid bonds should be exclusively used (or the redemption of, or in exchange for, an equal amount of any of the present outstanding bonds of the United States known as the five-twenty bonds, and may be issued to an amount, ia the aggregate, sufficient to cover the princi- pal of all such five-twenty bonds and no more. Seo. 2. And be it further enacted, That there is hereby appropriated out of the du- ties derived from imported goods, the sum of$ 13.5,000,000 annually, which sum, during each fiscal year, should be applied to the payment of the interest, and to the reduc- tion of the principal of the public delit, in such a manner as may be determined by the Secretary of the Treasury, or us Con- gress may hereafter direct; and such reduc- tion shall be in lieu of the sinking fund contemplated by the fifth section of the act entitled, " An act to authorize the issue of United States notes, and lor tlie resumption or funding thereof and for funding the float- ing debt of the United States," approved February 2.5, 11^62, Seo. 3. And be it further enacted. That from and after the pasi^age of this act no percentage, deduction, commission, or com- pensation, of any amount or kind ^hall be allowed to any person for the sale, negotia- tion, redemption, or e;jchange of any bonds or securities of the United States, or of any coin or Iniillon disposed of at the Treasury Department, or elsewhere on the account of the United States. And all acts and parts of acts authorizing or permitting, by construction or otherwise, the Secretary of the Treasury to appoint anv aijcnt other than some proper officer of his department to make such i-ale, negotiation, redemption, or exchange of bonds and securities, are hereliv repealed More about Reconstruction. Recent Evidences oe its Operation-. The lateGoverniir Orr, of South Carolina, in his message to the first Legislature of the Rotten Borough, reports the debt of the State, October 1, 1867, at over eight millions, the annual interest on which, at 6 percent., exceeds the entire appropriation for the State government before the war. Add to this the expenses of the bogus Convention and a four months' se.ssion of the present Legislature, and an idea of what it costs to run these Radical bogus States can be formed. TheConvention cost.South Carolina $110,000, and ex-Governor Orr estimates that the new Legislature will be in session four months, at an expense of $250,000. The Generals commanding the several Military Districts have submitted the fol- lowing estimate of the ii mounts required for the execution of the Reconstruction acts in these States vp to Jiutt 30, 1869: 330 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. In the First Military District (State of Virginia) to June 30, 1869, $100,000. In the Second Military District (States of North Carolina and South Carolina) to June 30, 1869, $'24,000. In the Tliird Military District (States of Georgia, Alabama, and Florida) to June 30, 1IS69, $150,000. In the Fourth Military District (States of Mississippi and Arkansas) to June 30, 1869 !J 108.400. In the Fifth Military District (States of Louisiana and Texasj to June 30, 1869, $80,000, This verifies our estimate in a previous part of this book. THE TWO LOUISIANA BOGUS SENATORS. William Pitt Kellogg, of Illinois, who has been elected United States Senator by the hybrids of Louisiana, was appointed CJhief- Justice of Nebraska by President Lincoln, and Colonel of an Illinois cavalry regiment by Governor Yates; and, for a long time, regularly drew the pay of both offices, wjih- out discharging the duties of either. / John S. Harris, Kfllngg s colleague, was formerly a resident of Milwaukee, Wiscon- sin, and at one time actively identified with the Know-Xothing party, and aspeculator by trade. His career as President of the Marine Bank, at Milwaukee, was very short. He was elected to that position at the close of the year 1858, as tlie successor of Mr. Hoover, and in the following year the bank failed. It did not take him quite a year to ruin a prosperous bank. A SOUTH CAROLINA BOGUS OONGEESSMAN. On the 20th of July, 1808, says the M'orld s AVashington correspondent, two ni,ore car- pet-baggers were sworn in theHouse, otic of tliem being a C. C Bowen, of South Caro- lina. Thi' latter's life was happily sketched by his Radical colleague, Mr Mullins, of Tennessee, to the following effect. He said, that Mr. Bowen was born in Ohio, and went to South Carolina ten or filteen years ago. When the rebellion broke out he volun- tarily went into the Confederate service and accepted the commission of a t^nptain, and was subsequently promoted to be a Major, probably for his gallantry in sliooting down Union men. Wliile a .Major, he (Mullins) was reliably informed that llowen had killed his rebel Colonel. For this act Bowen was incarcerated and put in irons, but was re- leased when the Federal tmops advanced, lie tlien had one of two things to do, either to bi' bung or else to join the Federal forces. He did the latter, and he (Mr. Mullins) was inlbrmed by General Sickles himself that in the Federal army Bowen acted so badly that he had to be incarcerated by Federal authority. When the war was over lie be- came a Radical, and adopted the faith of franchise for the black men, and, Mr. Mul- lins might have added, became a " trooly loil " man according to Radical dictum, Howen, of course, was sworn in. He pro- fessed to be a Radical, and that was enough. A Negro Incendiary in the Georgia Bogus Senate. A Boston negro lawyer, named Brad- ley, has been a prominent Radical leader ill Georgia since the war. He was a member of the Convention which framed the present Botten-Borough Constitu- tion, and was such a villain in his ante- cedents as a, convict, and his then incen- diary course, that even the stomach of tliat body revolted at his excesses, and he was expelled from his seat. His constituency, to rebuke the Convention and vindicate Bradley, elected him to the State Senate as the representative of that jzreat commercial center and re- fined community of the South, the city of Savannah. He made a speech in the Senate a few days since. We quote from the New York Herald's report : "During a debate caused by the intro- duction of a resolution relative to the eligi- bility of negroes to hold office, he was unusually tilaspbenious and violent. This insolent mulatto declared that if the doc- trine of ineligibility of negroes for otBce- liolding eanie from the 'spiritual mind of liod' liiniself bis race would not submit to it. Hi- further warned his hearers that if the negroes were not given full and equal privileges with the whites there would be another rebellion within the next ten years, and that it would be a greater and more successful one than the last. Here, then, we have another outcropping of the animus of those negroes who possess sufficient in- fluence over the masses of their race to be elected to office. It is certainly a pretty eomuientary upnn the age we live in, when the representatives of a hall-barbarous peo- ple tfan thus threaten their superiors." A Southern R.vdic.\l Journal. A paper called the Missionary Bccord, published in Chaileston, S. C, has an edi- torial article under the caption of " The Whirlwind Cometh — Beware," inciting the negroes to acts of violence. A number of ncendiary fires have lately occurred. Gen- eral Can by has not yet suppressed the lieet. SWEETS OF EECONSTRUCTION. 331 The Razor-using Suffragans. In the Freedmen's village opposite Wash- ington, a few days ago, quite a riotous denionetration was made by the negroes against the white superintendents of the village, because they had ordered the re- moval of the numerous hogs which the negroes had collected about them. Razors were freely used. One or two white per- sons were gashed, and a military force was sent over to maintain order, but the hogs were removed. South EKN Radical Legislatures. In the so-called Legislature of the Grant and Colfax party of South Carolina, are eighty negroes who can neither read nor wri te. A Speech by a Negro Legislator. Columbia, S. C, July 6, — The Legislature organized to-day. In the House, Mr. Wheppen, a Northern negro, nominated a colored man for Speaker, and said the time had come for a change to be made in the party. Heretofore the Re- publicans had denied the black man every thing, and showed hostility toward them. Hereafter he would assert his own riglits, and protect them, too, and the conse- quences must be with his enemies. He was severe upon ignorant white men who Imd been elevated to office by colored voters. He said that thing must stop or go to pieces. Considerable excitement was created by the speech. Hunting up the Records. The Jackson Clariun publishes copies of two hills of indictment found by the grand jury of Chickasaw county afrainst one A. H. Jamison, who whs a Radical nominee in the late State election. The indictments are for stealing cotton, three bales from one and one bale from another gentleman of the county, in October, 186.5. Bloody Negro Riots in 1S68. Galveston, Texas, July 17. — On the evening of the 15th inst., a serious riot commenced at Millican, on the Central Railroad. It appears that a mob of about twenty-five negroes, led by a white school- teacher, and a negro preacher, named Brooks, attempted to hang a man named William Halliday, but the white citizens interfered to prevent the execution, and, headed by the sheriff and tlie agent of the Freedmen's Bureau, attempted to suppress the mob. The result was the death of ten or twelve negroes. On the 16th inst., the numbers increased on both sides, and skir raishing occurred during the day, the esti- mated number of casualties being twenty- five. A small body of troops arrived late last night and dispersed the rioters after killing three negroes. The latter, number- ing between three and five hundred per-ons, had fortified themselves three miles from Millican, and refused to lay down their arms until the troops dispersed them. Tiie entire loss was between fifty and sixty per- sons. The difficulty is said to have arisen from a, suspicion that a negro member of the loyal league had been hung; but he has since been found. New Orleans, July 19. — Later accounts from Millican, Texas, report that the dis- turbance there is not yet ended. The ne- groes sent defiant replies to orders from the civil officers and the agents of the Freed- men's Bureau to disperse; there is but a small squad of soldiers on the ground. Savannah, Ga., July 22. — A difficiiliy occurred last night, in a drinking saloon, between William Robert Ilopkin.s, Tax- receiver, and Isaac Russell, a Deputy- Sheriff, resulting in the shooting of Hop- kins, killing him instantly. Russell chiims that he fired in self-defense. The affair caused great excitement among the ne- groes, who at a signal of a drum assembled several hundred strong, armed with guns and clubs, threatening to lynch Russell, and demolish his house. On learning that Rus- sell had been taken to jail they proi-eeded to attack it, but were dispersed by the police. The excitement- lias somewhat abated this morning. The prompt ohey- ance of the signal shows that the negroes are fully organized in this city. Meade Reigns in Georgia. The first bogus Legislature of Georgia assembled in the early part of July. It was found to be closely balanced in its purty division, with the indication of a Democratic majority. This alarmed all Radicalism. To overcome it, was thought to be a work of easy achievement in the hands of the military commanders of that district. Notwithstanding the members elected possessed all the qualifications prescribed by the bogus constitution, from which alone the Legislature derived its existence, and could take the oath required by that so-called Constitution, Meade, to defeat this Democratic major- ity, addressed an order to the Legisla- ture, dated July 8, 1868, requiring it to purge itself of all members who did nut possess the qualifications prescribed by section three of the proposed Fourteentli 332 DEMOCRATIC, SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. Amendment to tlie Federal Constitu- tion. The Legislature declared all of its members qualified under that section, ■whereupon, on the 21st of July, Meade graciously recognizes the Legislature, and permits it to go on, by a communi- cation to the Governor, in which he gays : I now ad-vise and instruct you that each House, havingcomplied witli tlie requisitions ofmy communication of the Stli inst., by ex- amining into and deciding on theeligihil- ity of their members under the fourteenth article. 1 have no furtlier opposition to make to tlieir proceeding to the business for which they were called together, and consider them legally organized from the 18th inst. In this connection, Brick Pomeroy asked the following pertinent question : Will tlie magnificent Meade please to inform an inquiring person how it is that a Legislature that is not to be recognized as legal until it has expelled certain members, lias the power to do that e.xpelling. And if it's legal enough to expel members, isn't it legal enough to go right on with the busi- ness ? The Official Result in Mississippl Washington, .luly 21. — Gen. GiUem has submitted to Gen. Grant the report of his action as regards the condition of Mis-sis sippi under the Eeconstruction'acts. He states the result of the late election — for the constitution, 56,1^31 ; against it, 63,830 ; being a majority against the constitution ol' 7,6"i9. Gen Gillem says : "As is generally the case in elections, fraud is charged by bnth parties. All re- ports and complaints bearing on the subject are herewith transmitted for the considera- tion of the proper authorities, merely re- marking that I am satisfied the election was as lair and free from intimidation or the influence of fraud as it would be possible to receive under existing circumstances, and that no undu^ influence was exercised iit the polls. If intimidation was used at all it was beyond the military power to reach it. As the defeat of the constitution renders it possible that the State may lor a time re- main under military control, 1 consider it my duty to call attention to the almost im- possibility of finding persons to fill vacan- cies in civil oflices who possess the necessary attainments, and who can qualily under ex- isting laws. I would therefore recommend that section nine, of the actof July 19, 1867, be so modified as to render eligible to office, persons on the list of registered and quali- lied voters to fill vacancies which exist, or may occur in civil offices, State or munici- pal." Expulsion of Gov Humphreys and His Family from the Executive Mansion op Mississippl Gen. Ames, the military satrap who forcibly superseded Governor Hum- phreys, of Mississippi, did not at first propose to possess himself of the resi- dence of the Governor occupied by the family of the deposed Executive. He afterward conceived a desire to live under the same roof with the Govcrilor and his family — an intrusion upon his domestic circle the Governor was not disposed to saction, whereupon he ad- dressed the satrap the following manly response to his demand : Executive Depaktmi^kt, St^te op Missis-^iippi, Jackson, Miss , July 7, ISliS. } General A. Ames — Sir : Your letter of the 6th inst, informing me that 1 would oblige you by vacating the "mansion" at as early a day as convenient, was duly re- ceived through the Post-office uf this city. The Governor's mansion was built by the tax-payers of iMississippi, only for the use and occupancy of their constitutional Gov- ernors and their families. They elected me to that office in 186.5, and I, with my fam- ily, have been in peaceable, quiet and legal possession ever since. At the recent elec- tion the qualified voters of the State, both white and colored, have, by the largest popular vote ever cast in this State, unmis- takatily expressed their desire for my con- tinuance in the use and occupany of the ' mansion as their con.stltutional Governor. In view of tiiis expressed desire of the just and lawful owners tliat this property remain in the continuous po-session of their own chosen custodian, and from the further fact that the mere occupancy of tlie mansion by my family can not operate as iin impedi- ment to the just administration of the Re- construction laws of Congress, I must re- spectfully declineto oblige yourself or others by vacating the mansion until a legallv qualified Governor is elected under the con- stitution of the State, Very respeclfnllv, B. G. HUMPHREYS. Ames protested pitifully in reply that he only wanted half the house. To use a popular phrase, the Governor "could not see it;" whereupon Ames brought bayonets to the rescue, and, ex- pelling him and his family, took posses- sion. MOEE OF THE ASHBURN CONSPIRACY. 333 MoEE OP THE AsHBURN CoNSPIRACT — NbGKO Spies and Vagabond Detectives. [Special Dispatch to the Oincinnati Enquirer.] Washington, D. C, July 13, 1868. No attention was paid to the death of Ashburn. jit tlie time it occurred he was a wretched outcast., forced to seek a home in a negro brotliel. When the report of his dehtli reached Wasliington, the party machinery was set in motion to manufacture political capital, and to prove Southern bar- barity wliicli would justily Radical tyranny. General Meade, being applied to, dispatched Major Smythe, of his staff, to Columbus, to examine and report tlie facts, offering $40,000 reward for the apprehension of the murderers. Major Smythe caused the arrest of a large number of citizens, but failed to obtain a clue. The Washington Directory, not satis- fied, dispatched Reed, a detective, to Atlan- ta, who had been working up impeachment Curious facts are slated touching the pay of the detective wliile making up Butler's impeacliment case. Reed reported every day to Hosmer, a claim agent here, who had in service at one time forty negro spies through this city. Hosmer drew checks on which Reed and his co-workers received pay. Butler's report fails to explain HoB- mer's connection with the investigation, and how it happened. Hosmer was paymaster for his detectives and spies, but the explana- tion will come from quarters least expected. Reed reported to Meade, who referred him to Major Smythe, who explained the exam- ination had, and the results reached. In the mean time General Howard telegraphs to Kansas for Major Whitley, a detective who had figured prominently in the service of the War Department with Baker. These two worthies procured testimony in the trial of Mrs. Surralt Whitley has arrived, and he hurried into the new field of labor with the incentive of 140,000. How well he has succeeded in the manu- facturing of witnesses, is shown by the pub- lished testimony. Its infamy will soon ap- pear from anotherquarter that the witnesses were all subpena^d, and a plan concocted in Washington for a political effect, will be proven by Reed, who, becoming disgusted witli the foul proceedings, has returned here to expose the whole scheme. A private citizen of high standing was dispatched to Atlanta to ascertain if it were possible this could be true. The report has been submitted to the President, and, if necessary, Executive interference will be had to protect innocence, as access to the Chief Magistrate is not so difficult as on former occasions, when Mrs. Suvratt was under sentence. How A Helpless aud Honest Negieo was Treated. This fellow, Whitley, was tolerated by General Meade to use the following infamous means to make a perjured wit- ness out of an honest negro named John Stapler : This poor negro, on the 13th of July, 1868, made oath as to the devices used to make him a witness about the killing of Ashburn, of which he knew nothing. In his affidavit before Notary Pulilic Jolm King, he describes how he was taken from Columbus to Fort Pulaski, near Saiannah, and subjected to all kindw of torture. But we will let him tell his own story. Captain Cook ordered the barber sent for to shave deponent's head in one hour! De- ponent was then put back in cell. In about an hour he was brought out, blindfolded, carried down into a room, seated in a chair and the bandage taken from his eyes. Then he was asked by Whitley " if he ever was discoursed 'by a minister before he was put through," and he said he had an order from General Meade "to put him through," and then asked Captain Cook to allow him a little while before he put deponent through, to which Captain Cook replied he would not do it. Whitley insisted, and at last Captain Cook consented to give Whitley fifteen minutes by his watch to "put deponent through." When the bandage was taken from de- ponent's eyes, he saw a soldier standing neaf a brass cannon with a string from the cannon to his hand, and wherever deponent turned, the cannon was ranged upon him, Deponent's head was then lathered with two scrubbing brushes. There were two or three razors lying on the table. Deponent was made to stand up and be measured against the wall. During this time he was asked by Whitley if he knew, or had ever heard the people say anything about the Ashburn murder. He said he did not know anything and had not heard anything about it; Whit- ley replied, "you need not tell me a lie; the rebels have been posting you, but it is no use;" Whitley then gave deponent till the next day 'to consult and study and see if it would not bring some good. Deponent waa then put back in his cell and there re- mained in solitary confinement, never seeing Whitley again for four or five days, when he came there, took him out of his cell, carried him to another part of the fort, and showed "the sweatbox," and told him if he didn't up and tell all he knowed about it he would put deponent in that sweat-box and keep him there thirty days. Deponent told him he did n't know nothing, and couldn't tell anything without it was a lie; 334 DEMOCBATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. but he must tell him all he knew! He then put deponent in the sweat-box, which is a closet in the walls of the fort, a little wider than deponent's bodj^; the door closes within tliree or four inches of the breast; the only air admitted is through a few auger holes in the door. He was left in this condition under the belief tliat he was to remain there thirty days, unless he told about the A.-.hburu murder. He remained in this po- sition about thirty-three hours, wlien Mr. Reed and Captain Cook came and took liim out. Whitley came up and said lie allowed they had taken deponent out too soon, and he would have deponent back unless he told what he knew. When deponent was taken out his limbs were swollen and pain- ful, and to this day he sutTers from the con- finement. He was then turned loose and allowed to walk about the fort, where he remained until the 9th of June; he was then put under guard and carried to Atlanta. During all this time he was strictly forbid to talk to any one. About the 10th of June he was put in McPherson barracks, where he was very well treated, except that he was under orders not to talk to any one without permission. On Saturday, the Hthof July, in the afternoon, Whitley came to deponent, and other colored persons who had been de- tained in prison, and told us to go to Major Kmythe's office. When we got there Major Smythe gave him an order for $146, which lie supposed was for witness fees and trans- portation. Deponent further says that he was never used as a witness, and never knew anything to witness about. Deponent fur- ther says that Stevens and Barber both knew that he had been put in the sweat-box, and how he had been treated, his JOHN X STAPLER, mark. Sworn to and subscribed before me, July 13, 1868. JOHN KING, Notary Public. After a vain, futile effort to erect testi- mony in this way, to convict the prisoners falsely charged with the murder of Ashburn, General Meade issues the following; Headquarters Third Military District, 1 July 21. ]■ To Gmei-al Sibley, Presidetit of CommisBion : ''General: In view of the action of the Legislature to-day, and the probable ad- mission of Georgia, and the cessation of military authority, the Commanding Gen- eral directs that the Commission, of which you are the President, suspend proceedings in the trial of the prisoners charged with the murder of Ashburn." Tlie prisoners will be retained in custody until further orders. The court adjourned until Friday. All the witnesses for the prosecution have left for the North. A Specimen of the Laws tte Bogus Legislatures Enact, The Keeper of a Stallion mdst take THE Arkansas Test Oath, An act preseribiDg electors' oath for certain cases. Se it enacted, etc. — Section 1. No person in the State of Arkansas, without havini; previously taken the oath prescribed Inr electors in the Constitution of the State, shall engage in any of the lines of business hereinafter enumerated, viz.: practice law or medicine, preach the Gospel, teach school, act as steamboat capta,in, pilot, en- gineer, or mate, edit or publish a paper, run a ferry-boat, keep a toll-bridge, keep a sa- loon or restaurant, or billiard saloon, act Rs auctioneer, mail conductor, do no mercan- tile business, shall not carry arms, shall not keep a stallion. Sec. 2. Any person violating Section 1 hereof shall be deemed guilty of felony, and shall be punished by imprisonment in the penitentiary not less than two nor more than ten years. Sec. 3. This act is to be in force from and after its passage. In'the House of Representatives, May 28, 1866, Mr. Bond gave notice that he would at some future day introduce a bill to adopt the gray uniform of the so called Confeder- ate States to be the unifurm of the convicts in the penitentiary, and that persons con- victed of manslaughter be entitled to wear the insignia of rank of a colonel, and so on down to the lowest grade of crime. ^ The constitutional test oath, and exemp- tion of persons liable to militia duty by reason of furnishing .i uniform, will cut the class of white persons in the .State who will be qualified to sit as jurors down to not more than three thousand in the entire State. This, of course, is a hastv estimate, but it is believed to be true. Arm the Loyal Radical Melisli. A Threatened Revolution — Let rs HAVE Peace. Subjoined is the text of the Peace bill now before Congress: A bill to provide for the Issue of Arms for the use of the Militia. Be it enacted bi/ the Senate and House of Representalioes vf the United Stales of America in Conyress assembled, That the Secretary of War be, and he hereby is, au- thorized and req,uired to deliver to the Gov- ernor of each State and Territory repre- sented in the Congress of the L^nited States ARMING THE RADICAL MILITIA, 3:;5 at tlie seat of government of such State or lerritory, for the use of the militia thereof, as many serviceable Springfield rifled mus- kets of caliber fifty-eight, with accoutre- ments and equipments, and serviceable field pieces, with carriages, caissons, equipments, and implements, as the Governor of such State or Territory shall require for the use of tlie loyal militia therein, not exceeding two thousand ;-ifled muskets, witii accoutr" I'lients and equipments, and two field pieces, wiih carriages, caissons, equipments, and implements, for each Congressional district and Territory so represented, upon the cer- tificate of the Governor of such State or Territory, showing to the satisfaction of tlie General of the Army that the regiments and companies for which such ordnance and ordnance stores are required are duly organized of loyal citizens of State or Ter- ritory, under the laws thereof, and such ord- nance and ordnance stores shall thereafter remain the property of the United States, subject to the control of Congress. Its intention is to give the bogus Govern- ors of the rotten boroughs Federal arms to place in the hands of a brutal and coward- ly militia, like that of Brownlow in Ten- nessee, to intimidate voters, and carry the Presidential election in those States by bay- onets and bloodshed. The substance of this measure was em- braced in the bill to reduce "the military peace establishment" Upon the merits of the bill, on the 20th of July, 1868, Mr. Hendricks, of Indiana, said that he consid- ered this a most dangerous bill, because it proposed fo arm one political party against the other. It placed the control of the arms to be distributed with the Governors of the States designated; and this, too, im- mediately before the Presidential election. In regard to the ratio of distribution, he a.^ked what Maine wanted with seven thou- sand muskets, Massachusetts with twelve thousand, and Indiana with thirteen tliou- sand ? And, in order to illustrate his argu- ment, he referred to the fact that the Gov- ernor of Indiana, being a candidate for re- election, these arms placed at his disposal could be used according to his design and pleasure. And so with the other States. He commented upon the action of the Sen- ate, last night, in rejecting Mr. Vioker's amendment, providing that the distribution of arms, etc., shall not take place prior to the 1st of January, unless the President shall deem it necessary for the prevention of disturbance in the Southern States. This fact, he remarked, was significant of the design of the bill. Arms were to be distributed to all the States, with the excep tion of Virginia, Mississippi, and Texas; and these States were omitted because there was to be no election there. Therefore he argued that the only purpose of this dlslr'c bution of arms before the election was iu jiiukt a military force out of one partij to overawe the other, and thus control the election. All he asked was a fair election, and th:it the people may vote without hindrance, gov- erned by their own judgment General Grant had said, in the last sentence of his letter accepting the nomination for the Pre.j- idency^ " We want peace. Let n.s have peace."' All parties should desire this, ami quiet in the country. After this exprew.'^ion of the desire for peace on the part of the candidate of the Republican party, we find here a fre-hrand—a measure calculated t« excite passion and produce strife, and per- haps bloodshed. With a measure .s(j tljreat- ening and dangerous in its character, the people' would be slow to believe that the. party desired peace. He hoped the Presi- dent would exercise the power he pus.se.s.si d to prevent this bill from becoming a law. The President owed this not only to his constitutional duty, but to the peace and quiet of the country. He should defeat a measure .w full of peril to the country, and which invited a conflict between ike whites and blacks. In the House, on the 23d of July, the concurrent resolution of the Senate for nd- journment from the 27th of July to the third Monday in September was discussed at length, the debate involving .the topics of the Presidential election, impeachment, funding bill, tax bill, and bill to distribute arms to the South. Mr. Stokes said that unless the people have arms in the Southern States, the Union white.-3 and blacks will be overrun. "And I say it is the duty of Congre.ss to stay here until this measure is put tiirougli. My people are expecting every moment that Forrest and his rebel Democratic crew will commence making war upon them. Tiioy are entitled to ten thousand stand ot arms in my district, and the requisition was made for that number by the Governor, but only two thousand stand were furnished, and we to-day demand the other eight thousand stand of arms. This is a matter of life and death to us. I am satisfied of the fact that we will need these arms at the South at a very early day. The war-cry has gone forth. The rebels say they will rule the country, or exterminate the colored Union men ; and, for one, I am disposed to meet them." Mr. Washbukne (of II inois) had . one word to .>,iy in reply to the gentleman from Tennessee. "I have no doubt," he said, " of the grievous and perilous state of things which exists in the South, and which the gentleman from Tennessee refers to; 336 DEMOCEATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK but the question (and it is one of the gravest importance ever thrust upon us) is wliether that state of things is to be reme died by sending arms into those States. Sir, I believe that in most of the states, not ten days after those arms are sent there to the negroes, they will be in the hands of rebels." Mr. Stokes, in reply to that last remark, said in his district they had already drawn two thousand stand of arms, and none of them had gone into the hands of rebels. Mr. Washeurne. I do not allude to that State, but to other States; and 1 tell the ger)tlemen to beware before they pass this measure, lest it be an initiation of civil war and insurrection in those States. [Great excitement] 1 now yield to the venerable gentleman from Nortli Carolina (Mr. Boy- den), wlio wishes to say a few wofds, and I ask the attention of the House to what he sliall say. Mr. BoYDEN. Mr. Speaker, I am alarmed at tlie condition of the country. It is pro- posed to send arms to North Carolina, that the people may use them against each other. Cireat God ! we can not afford to fight each other. Keep away your arms. Do nothing to irritate our people, but do every thing in your power to assuage and heal the excite- ment there. We want no arms. I warn the House if arms are sent there we will be ruined. We can not live there. Jf we need any thing in the way of arms, in God's name send an army of the United States there, but do not arm neighbor against neighbor. There never was a more mis- chievous measure than this proposition to arm one class oi our people against an- other. Mr. Dewees (of North Carolina) ad- dressed the House against adjournment. Some provision, he said, should be made for the new governments of the Southern States, and for the protection of the loyal people, otherwise the rebellioni would be re-estab- lished. The letter of Mr. Blair would be carried out if Congress adjourned now. Before six months the last traces of repub- lican government in the South would have ceased to exist, and the Ku-Klux Klan, the rebels, the slaveholding. Copperhead, Demo- cratic party would be ruling them, as thev ruled in 1865. Mr. Woodward inquired of Mr. Dewees whether the reconstructed governments in the South could be maintained in any other way tlian by tlie bayonet. Mr. Dewees. We can, if you will give us arms to keep down the rebels, triumph [laughter on the Democratic side], and by no other means. Mr. Woodward. Then I understand the gentleman that the governments which Congress has been at such great pains t» reoon.struct can only exist by the bayonet? Mr. Dewees. The gentleman's party, in 3861, stole the arms that belonged to the Government of the United States to shoot your loyal neighbors' son?, and the guns are still in the hands of the slaveholding Democratic party. Mr. Jones (of Kentucky) asked whether the militia armed in North Carolina were not under the control of the Govertjor and Legislature of that State, as now consti- tuted. Mr. Dewees. No, sir; we have no militia. Mr. Jones. It is your own fault. Mr. Dewees. Qnder the rule of the Dem- ocratic party, from 13.] To Governor Seymour: The President directs me to return his thanks, with those of the Department, for your prompt responses. A strong move- ment of your city regiments to Philadelphia would be a very encouraging movement, and do great good in giving strengtb in the State. The call had to be for six months THE INVASION OP PENNSYLVANIA. 343 unless sooner discharged, in order to comply with the law. It is not likely that more than thirty days' service — perhaps not so long— would be required. Can you forward your city regiments speedily ? Please reply early. EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War. Albany, June 16, 1863, Eon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War, Washinqton. V. C; a J < n , Four returned volunteer regiments can be put in the field at once, for three months' service. Can arms and accoutrements be supplied in New York ? Old arms not fit for the field. J. T, SPEAGUE, Adj u tan t-General. [By Telegraph from W.ishington, June 16, 1863.] To Adjutant- General Sprayue : Upon your requisition, any troops you may send to Pennsylvania will be armed and equipped in .New York with new arms. Orders have been given to the Bureau of Ordnance. EUWIN M. STANTON. SEYMOUR PUSHING ON TROOPS. ALBA.r mour in connection with the l]i.■^tory of ihiit period. Stanton on Skymouei. The following letter explains itself: WAil I)t;PAKT,MK.NT, ) Wa.^hingthn, Juue 27, ]8i;:i. j Dear Sir : I ciinnot forbear e.xpres.sing to you the deep obligation I feel (or the prompt and candid support ynu havegi\en to the Government in the present einei-g- ency. The energy, activity, a)id patriotism you have exhiblleil. 1 may be permitted per- sonally and officially to acknowledge, with out arrogating any personal claims on mv pari in such service, or (oany service what ever. I shall be happv to be alwavs esteemed your friend. ElJWlNM STANTON Ills Excellency Horntio Seymour. Lincoln on Seymour. Does the Tribinip, say.s the New York- World, believe with Senators PomerMV li ai the ca]it about ■' Honest IJhl Abe," whicii was at first ridiculous, has "now becnmc criminal?" II' not. let it have the lioi esu it.self tii pnlili.-di what Lincoln .-jiid in l^li;; of the candidate whom I lie T)('m ■crac'v pni- poKc in ISl'iK to pui in Lincoln s phue Jnsf. before the liattle of Gett\sliur". in July, I8n3, the officer of (lovcrnor Si-v- moiir's statf, vfho had been charged bv hiin with Buperintending tbe movements of the New York troops whom Governor Seymour threw forward with such unexampled rapid- ity and energy to resist the invasion of Pennsylvania by Lee, called to say farewell to President Lincoln. Taking the officer (the Tribune knows perfectly well who that offi- cer was) by both hands. President Lincoln said to him : '' I wish you to understand that you can not possibly use words too warm to convey to Governor Seymour my thankful- ness for his prompt and efficient help given to theGoverntnent in thiscrisia." 'J'his lan- guage the President thrice repeated, accom- panying it with a fervent pressure of the hands, and uttering it each time with in- creased earnestness and feelinsr. President Lincoln is now in his grave, fhe men who lavvned upon him in his life- time ibr place and power, but who have never been at the pains to raise even the poorest monument to his memory, now join with the 'J'ritnine in propagating lies about the Executive of the Empire State who thus stood by him and by the countrv, when Greeley was hiding under Windnst's table, and the Loyal Leaguers of Pennsylvania were hurrying their plate and their cash on special trains at Camden, to escape from the rebel cavalry at Carlisle! The Thieune's Kei.uctant Vindication of Governor .Sey'mour. In response to the preeedina- article of the New York World, the Trilmiie is compelled to sweep away all its own slanderous twaddle about Governor Sey- uiour and the battle of Gettysburg, and to conless the mendacious recklessness of the charges it had itself so freely ful- minated. Greeley dues not cimie up to this act of justice in a generous and (diivalric spirit ; but he nevertheless con- le.-.-es^ the lads, which are all that is material. We quote his language in the Trihii„e of Julj- :jU, 18G8: ~ In June, 186:i, General Lee, evading bv a flank m.ircli, tbe Army of the Potomac, which confronted and s'tood readv to tight nimonthe b'a|ipahannock, inxaJed Ma^ry- . and and l'enn^\ Ivania. The movement — as Lee'soHirfil lepoi'l virtually CMnle.s.-es — was ndt deien.-Hile ,,n m.litaiy, nor on other tliau pobtical ^liumds. The rebels hoped Ir. win a yieiory (m Northern soil, and thereby lo .-timnlaie their Xorthern triends to declare openly in then- favor, and th\is, \n parahz- hil;- llie I'niun (iovernment, end tiie ecml'est in triumpn. The I'resident, justly alarmed and ap|i ehen.si\e. called nr-enllv on the Oovermirs of [he Nrntliern Stales for mili- lia. Goceriior iSeiiriKivr promptly :,.-,jioiid THE NEW YOiRK RIOTS. 34.J ed, by sending all the uniformed and discip- lined militia of our city, with at least one regiment organized for the occasion. The President and his War Secretary thanked him for so doing. And, if the forces tlius sent, were so managed that they did not get within gunshot of an enemy, and nowise contiibnted to the glorious result of the G-etlysburg struggle, the fault was not Gov- ernor Seymour's nor their own. Governor Curtin's (of Pbnn.) Testimony. [From the Philadelphia Age, July 10.] The Press is prompt in the work of de- famation, bullacks the " long memory" with wliioli, according to the proverb, it ought to be provided. Here is a specimen of its ef- forts yesterday : " Patriots willremeraber thatwhen Judge Woodward was running for tlie Governor- ship of our Slate, it was openly asserted by the Democracy that, should he be elected, no Union troops should pass to the front through New York or Pennsylvania; that iSeymour and Woodward would throttle the Government and end the war," Not the Democracy but the knaves who libeled them spoke thus ; and in doing so, gave the best help they could to the rebel- lion, in flattering it with false hopes of Northern sympathy. It was by deeds, not words, that the Democracy repelled that lie. When the Press uttered it, in 1863, the streets of our city were glistening with the bayonets of regiments sent to the front to defend Pennsylvania, sent from New Jer- sey and New York, by Horatio Seymour, and by Joel Parker, the Democratic Gover- nors of those States. Governor ("urtin was in a condition of hopeless inefficiency. It was his party in this city who were slow to hear his call for troops. George W. Wood- ward seconded it manfully, when many a blatant Radical was dumb with terror. The candidate of the Democracy, with all his sons in the field. Judge Woodward, Lssued this stirring appeal, in a letter addressed to the Chairman of the Democratic State Cen- tral Committee, and published throughout the State: "There onglit to be such an instant uprising of young men in rt-sponseto this call (Governor Ciirtin's, of July 21^), as shall be sufficient to insure the public safe- ty, and to teach the world that no hostile foot can with impunity tread the soil of Peniij^vlvania (June 29, I863).'\ Few can liave forgotten the condition of things ni this citv, from which the opportune victory of Ge'ttvsburg relieved it it can not be belter portrayed than by citing the public speech, made at that crisis by Governor Curtm, from the Cniitinental Hotel, on the first day of July, IS63. " if General Meade's army is defeated. which God forbid, I need not say to intelli- gent Pennsylvanians what is next to occur. Military men have concurred in the opin- ion, and properly, that the defense of Penn- sylvania from invasion — certainly of the city — will be found upon the banks of the Susquehanna; and certainly it is pleasant for me to announce that the call made upon the people of Pennsylvania has been re.sponded to all through the State in a manner much beyond all oflicial anticipation, and now from her mountains and valley.^;, Iroin the homes and public works, our loyal and de- voted Pennsylvanians are on their way to .the place of rendezvous, and will soon be in arms to protect you on the banks of her "great river. I ask tor seven thousand eight hundred men^rom this city. How soon can I get them ? Do not measure them by ilays, let it be hours. * * * * Weaskedfor help from New York — it has come. We asked for help from New Jersey — it has come. New England will respond ; but fiivt let us show that we are true to our lionor and pro- tect ourselves." — Ledger, July 2, 1863. Here is a part of the record of Horatio Seymour, in the facts of history, frnm the lips of the Hepublican (xovernor: " We asked for help from New York and it has came." We thank the Pre.'is for uttering a calumny which we can nail tu the counter with the strong, sure blows of truth. The exuberant expressions of gratitude which Mr. Lincoln sent to Governor Seymour for his energy and patriotism, we reserve for another time. We have given the Radicals to day some of the facts of history — let them try to rail them oflfthe record. New York Kiota— Eesponsihility Therefor Governor Seymour's Action Applauded DY THE Radicals. In 1863 a draft was ordered in the State oi' New York, by the Federal Gov- ernujent, to fall principally on the nine Democratic Congressional Districts of New York, and not based upon any just apportionment of the numbers through- i out the State. It was a partisan arrange- i ment to conscript Democrats, and to ex- ' empt Radicals. Governor Seymour, jiii a dignified but cordial spirit, called the attention of Mr. Lincoln to the in- justice of the arrangement. Mr. Lincoln would do nothing to remedy the outrage. Governor Seymour addressed him a let- ter wliieh so fully develops the injustice of the scheme of draft that we publish it here as an intelligent account of the whole matter. Though it is of date 346 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOKL subsequent to the riots, it forms an ap propriate introduction to an account of them, giving as it does a true history of their provoking cause : Albany, August S, 1863. To the President of the United States : I received your communication of the 7th instant to-day. While I recognize the con- cessions you make, I regret your refusal to comply with my request to have tlie draft in this State suspended until it can be as- certained if the enrollments are made in accordance with the law of Congress or with the principles of justice. I know that our army needs recruits ; and for this and other reasons I regret a decision which stands in the way of a prompt and cheerful movement to fill upthe thinned ranks of our regiments. New York has never pau.sed in its etforts to send volunteers to the assist- ance of our gallant soldiers in tlje field. It has not only met every call hereto lore made, while every other Atlantic and the New England States, except Rhode Island, were delinquent, but it continued liberal bounties to volunteers when all efforts were sus- pended in many other quarters. Active ex- ertions are now made to organize the new and fill up the old regiments. These exer- tions would be more successful if the draft were suspended, and much better men than reluctant conscripts would join our armies. On the 7tli intitant I advised you by letter that I would furnish the strongest proof of the injustice, if not fraud, in the enrollment in certain districts. I now send you a full report made to me by Judge Aiivocate AVaterbury. I am confident, when you have read it, that you will agree with me that the honor of the nation and of your admin- istration demands that the abuse it points out should be corrected and punislied. You say that we are contending with an enemy who, as you understand, "drives every able bodied man he can reach into the ranks, very much as a butcher drives bullocks into a slaughter pen." You will agree with me that even this, if impartially done to all classes, is more tolerable than any scheme which shall fraudulently force a portion of the community into military service by a dishonest perversion of the law. You will see by the report of Mr Water- bury tha here is no theory which can ex- plain or ju.^tily the enrollment in this State. I wish to call your attention to the tables on pages 5, 6, 7, and 8, whicli show that in nine Congressional districts, in Manhattan, Long and Staten Islands, the number of con- scripts called for is thirty-three thousand seven hundred and twenty nine, while in nineteen other districts tlie number of con- scripts called for is only thirty-nine thous- and six hundred and twenty-six. The draft is to be made from the first-class, those be- tween the ages of twenty and thirty-five. It appears by the census of 1860 that in the first nine Congressional districts there were 164,797 males between twenty and thirty- five; they are called upon for 33,729 con- scripts. In the other nineteen districts, with a population of males between twenty and thirty-five, of 2T0,7S6, only .;9,626 are demanded. Again, to show the partisan character of the enrollment, j'ou will find on the twenty first page of the military re- port that in the first nine Congressional districts the total vote of 1860 was 1-5], 243 ; the number of conscripts now demanded is 33,729. In the nineteen other districts the total vote was 4.17,257 ; yet these districts are called upon to furnish only 39,626 drafted men. Each of the nine districts gave majorities in favor of ©ne political party, and each of the nineteen districts gave majorities in favor of the other parly. You can not and will not fail to right these gross wrongs. Yours, truly, HORATIO SEYAIOUR. The riots were excited by this parti- san draft, which Governor Seymour so thoroughly sifts in his preceding letter to Mr. Lincoln, written at the close of the correspondence which the excite- ment and difficulty hiid made necessary. ■'Wlien," says the New Yorli World, of the 21st of July, referring to Grover- nor Seymour's course in connection with the battle of Gettysburg, " New York had generously stripped herself of all her means of preserving local order, pru- dence and gratitude alike dictated that the Federal authorities should do no- thing during the absence of our militia calculated to kindle the inflammable pas- sions of a vast city. It was well known to the Administration that the conscrip- tion was odious, and no attempt should have been made to enforce it until after the return of our local troops. A few weeks' delay would have made no real difference to the Government; and the fact that our militia regiments were then serving at the seat of war might in equity have been accepted as a tempo- rary substitute for drafted men. But no I It was in that critical conjuncture, it was when the city was thus stripped and defenseless, that the Secretary of War thought fit to fling in firebrands, by enforcing, just in that dangerous NEW YORK KIOTS. 34T crisis, the odious conscription by which poor men were to be dragged away from their weeping families, while the rich were to be excused, and let off on the payment of $300. It was reckless tyranny, it was fiendish madness, to select such a moment for enforcing the draft. Justice, prudence, fairness, grat- itude, common sense, all forbade this r.ish experiment on the inflammable leiiiper of the multitude, when their passions were so combustible and the means of repression had been generously given away at the urgent call of the Government. The riots were thus the direct consequence of thankless in- solence and blundering tyranny at Washington." It was on the 13th of July that the riot broke out in New York. On the 14th of July Governor Seymour reached the city from Albany, issued a procla- mation that the city and county were in a state of insurrection, the form of law necessary to such an exercise of power having been complied with. On the same day he issued an address to the people of the city, in which he informed them that riotous proceedings must and should be put down. The official docu- ments speak for themselves : To the people of the City of New York : A riotous demonstration in your city, originating in opposition to the conscription of soldiers for the military service of the United States, has swelled into vast propor- tions, directing its fury againjt the property and lives of peaceful citizens. I know that many of lliose who have participated these proceedings would not have allowed tlieniselves to be carried to such extremes of violence and wrong, except under an ap preliension of injustice ; but such persons are reminded that the only opposition, to the conscription luhich can be allowed is an appeal to the courts. The right of every citizen to make such an appeal will be maintained, and the ile- ciwions of courts must be respected and obeyed by rulers and people alike. No otlier course is consistent with the main- tenance of the laws, the peace and order of the rity, and the .safety of its inhabitants. Riotous proceedings must, and shall be put down. The laws of the State nf New York must be eiforced, its peace and order tnaintaiyted, and the lives and property of all its citizens protected at any and every hazard. The rights of every citizen will be properly guarded and defended by the Chief Magis- trate of the State. Ido therefore callupon all persons engaged in these riotous proceedings to retire to their homes and employments, declaring to them that unless they do at once, I shall use all the power necessary to restore the peace and order of the city. I also call upon all well- disposed persons not enrolled for the pre- servation of order to pursue their ordiriary avocations. Let all citizens stand firmly by the con- stituted authorities, sustaining law and order in the city, and ready to answer any such demand as circumstances may render necessary for me to make upon their ser- vices ; atid they may rely upon a rigid en- forcement of the laws of this Slate against all who violate them. HORATIO SEYMOUR. New York, July 14, 1863. Governor. The other document, issued on the day of his arrival, was the following proclamation, declaring the city and county in a state of insurrection : Whereas, It is manifest that cnmbina- tions lor forcible resistance to the laws of the State of New York, and to the execu- tion of civil and criminal process, exist in the City and County of New Y'ork, wlieri'by the peace and safety of the city, and the lives and property of its inhabitants are en- dangered ; and Whereas, The power of the said city and county has been exerted, and is not suf- ficient to enable the officers of the said city and county to maintain the laws of the State and execute the legal process of its ofticers; and Whereas, Applioiition hi>s been made to me by the Slierifif of the City and County ol New York, to declare the .said city and county to be in a state of insurrection ; Now, therefore, I, Horatio Seymour, (iovernor of the State of New York, and Coniniander-in-chiel' of the forces of the same, do in its name, and by its authority, issue this proclamation, in accordance with tlie statute in such cas€s made and pro- vided, and do hereby declare the City and Vovnty of New York to he in a state of in- surrection, and give notice to all persons that the means provided by the laws of this State for the viaintenance of law and order will be employed to whatever degree may be nec- essary, and that all per.ions who shall, after the pnhlication of this proclamation, assist, or aid and assist in resisting any force ordered out by the Governnr, to quell or .sup- press such insurrection, will render them- selves liable to the penalties presailied by law. HOKA.TK) SliYMOUR. New York, July 14, 1868. 348 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. At about 12 o'clock on the 14th, says the World, a large crowd was listening about the Tribune office to a man who was haranguing them, inciting an attack on the Tribune building. At that mo- ment, G-overnor Seymour appearing on the steps of the City Hall, they ran over, joined those in the Park, and to the loud cries of "Seymour, Seymour," the Governor responded. He said, "My friends;" what should Le have said? There were no rioters before him ; there was a mass of excited laboring men, be- lieving that the draft was illegal, or if not illegal, inequitable and unjust. What was the exact way to talk to such men ? First, to tell them that he had sent his Adjutant to Washington to see that their rights should be protected. Second, to tell them to act as good citizens and secure safety to property and person. Now, why did the mob temporarily get the upper-hand? Mayor Opdyke, whom Republicans can believe, pro- claiujod, July 15, that the riot " would not have interrupted the peace for a day but for the temporary absence of all our organized local militia." Now let us see bow the riot aifected military opera- tions. On the night of the 13th, Lee crossed the Potomac and Meade did not pursue. Now let us turn to a venera- ble memory. Archbishop Hughes, on the 17th, addressed an assemblage. He began — "They call you rioters." He proceeded to tell them that he was their father. What kind of language was that? Was it wise or Ibolish ? The Arth- bishop had lived long enough to know that, in addressing an excited body of men maddened with a real or fancied grievance, you soothe if you wish quiet, you denounce if you wish fight. Thanks of the New York Legislature TO Seymour. The Legislature, April 16, 1864, passed unaiiimouslv the following resolutions; Resolved, Tliat the thanks of this House be, and are hereby, tendered to his Excel- lency, Governor Seymour, for calling the attention of the GcTieral Government at Washington to the errors in the a|.iportion- ment of the quota of this State, under the enrollment act of March 3, 1S63, and for his prompt and efficient efforts in procur- ing a correction of the same. Resolved, That the Clerk of this Uourie transmit to the Governor a copy of this re- port and resolutions. Governor Seymour did all he could to suppress this riot. We have Radical testimony to this effect which can not be disputed. We allude to George Op- dyke, then the Republican Mayor of New York, and now a leading supporter of Hiram Grant. Mr. Opdyke said of Governor Seymour, in his official letter of July 13, 1863: 11 * * * j^s Governor of the State and Commander in-chief o\"\ts military forces, he superseded me in authority over the State militia, commanded by General Sanford ; but General Wool, commanding the United States military forces, continued to regard himself as under my immediate directions, subject, of course, to the approval of his own military jmigtnent and to the com- mands of his superiors at Washington. It affords me pleasure to add, however, that among all those in mithority no diversity of sentiment manifested itself. All co-opbra- TKD IN EARNEST EFFORTS to restore the wonted peace and quiet of the city by the earliest possible snppi es-sion bagger8 and their allies? He will be powerless to stop the supplies by which idle negroes are organized into po- litical clubs — by which an army is main- tained to protect these vagabonds in their outrages upon the ballot. These, and things like these, eat up the revenues and resources of the Government and destroy its credit, make the difference between gold andgreen- backs. We must restore the Constitution before we can restore the finances, and to do this we must have a President who will execute the will of the people by trampling into dust the usurpations of Congress, known as the Reconstrujction acts. I wish to stand before the Convention upon this issue, but it is one which embraces every- thing else that is of value in its large and comprehensive results. It is the one thing that includes all tliat is worth a contest, and without itthere is nothing that gives dignity, honor, or value to the struggle. Your friend, FRANK P, BLAIR. This letter fell like a bomb into the camp of the Radicals. They felt that there was in it a Jacksonian ring which betokened the true metal of the author. The revolutionists in Congress were first seized with the panic which its manly tone excited, and it seemed as if their vision had been opened for the first time to the form of an antagonist who was earnest in his purpose, and their com- pact front wavered and fluttered like that of an army panicked by the impetuous onset of a foe determined in his purpose. Whatever may be said of this letter of General Blair, it struck the popular heart North and South, and though it may be 356 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. injurious to the questionable nerve of Radicalism which has indulged so much of bully and bluster, and may be too strong for the weak-kneed and whispering ad- vocates of an unmanly expediency, the great Democratic masses admire its spirit and recognize in it the printed exposi- tion of their own feelings, and embrace it as the oracle of their own manly con- victions. The Washington correspondent of the New York World telegraphs what oc- curred in the House at the time : Soon afterward, General Blair's letter having been read, Mr. Boutwell asked Mr. Brooks, who had been speaking, wliat he tliought of it; whereupon, Mr Brooks, who made a Yankee bargain with Mr. Bout- well that the latter should not interrupt him until he got through telling what he thought of it, went on to explain that Gen- eral Blair probably meant this, to-wit: it was perfectly well known in Congress that the Supreme Court had been about to de- cide, wlien its decision was interrupted by the action of Congress, to the effect that the Reconstruction acts passed by Congress were null and void; that it was generally expected that the Supreme Court, when it again assembled, would render such a deci- sion, and that it would become the duty of the President, in such an event, to declare according to that verdict; and, as General Blair's letter suggested, that all acts done and accomplishsd under such a syeteni of reconstruction were without warrant from the Constitution or the laws, therefore they would have to be done away with. A great silence succeeded in the House, and Mr. Brooks' exposition of the Blair letter was acknowledged to be a perfectly consistent one, which met the Radical misinterpreta- tion of it squarely at the beginning of the campaign. We regret that our space precludes a more detailed account of the eventful career of the second man on the Na- tional Democratic ticket. His life and services will be the theme of many bi- ographies, more extensive than the space this book is able to afford, and will fur- nish the lovers of personal history the interesting and instructive treat which the subject is ample to gratify, and the reader will be repaid to peruse. OENERAL BLAIk's LETTER OF ACOEPTANOE, Qcnoral Gko. W. Moegam, Chairman of the Com- mittee of the National Bemocratio Convention: General: I take the earliest opportunity of replying to your letter notifying me of my nomination for Vice-President of the United States by the National Democratic Convention recently^ held in the city of New York. I accept without hesitation the nomina- tion tendered in a manner so gratifying, and give you and the committee my tha'nks for the very kind and complimentary language in which you have conveyed to me the de- cision of the Convention. I have carefully read the resolutions adopted by the Convention, and most cordi- ally concur in every principle and sentiment they announce. My opinion upon all the questions which discriminate the great contending parties have been freely expressed on all suitable occasions, and I do not deem it necessary at this time to reiterate them. The issues upon which the contest turns are clear, and can not be obscured or dis- torted by the sophistries of our adversaries. They all resolve themselves into the old and ever-recurring struggle of a few men to ab- sorb the political power of the nation. This effort under every conceivable name and disguise has always characterized -the opponents of the Democratic party, but at no time has the attempt assumed a phase so open and daring as in this contest. The adversaries of free and constitutional government, in defiance of the express language of the Constitution, have erected a military despotism in ten of the States of the Union, have taken from the President the power vested in him by the supreme law, and have deprived the Supreme Court of its jurisdiction. The right of trial by jury, and the great writ of right, Ihe' habeas coiyus — shields of safety for every citizen, which have descended to us from the earli- est traditions of our ancestors, and which our Revolutionary fathers sought to secure to their posterity forever in the fundamental charter of our liberties — have been ruth- lessly trampled under foot by the fragment of a Congress; whole States and commu- nities of people of our race have been at- taiHted, convicted, condemned, and deprived of their rights as citizens, without present- ment or trial or witnesses, but by Congres- sional enactment of ex post facto laws, and in defiance of the constitutional prohibi- tion, denying even to a full and loyal Con- gress the authority to pass any bill of at- tainder or ex post facto law. The same usurping authority has substituted as elec- tors in place of the men of our own race, thus illegally attainted and disfranchised, a host of ignorant negroes who are supported in idleness with the public money, and are combined together to strip the white race of their birthright through the management of the Freedmen's Bureau and emissaries of GENERAL HANCOCK'S LETTER. 357 conspirators in otlier States. And to com- plete the oppression, the military power of the nation has been placed at their disposal in order to make this barbarism supreme. The military leader, under whose prestige this usurping Congress has taken refuge^ since the condemnation of their schemes by the free people of the North, in the elec- tions of the last year — and whom they have selected as their candidate, to shield them- selves from the result of their own wicked- ness and crime, has announced his accept- ance of the nomination, and his willingneiss to maintain their usurpations, over eight millions of white people at the South, fixed to the earth with his bayonets. He ex- claims, "Let us have peace?" "Peace reigns in Warsaw," was the, announcement which heraled the doom of the liberties of a nation. "The empire is peace," ex- claimed Bonaparte when freedom and its - defenders expired under the sharp edge of his sword. The peace to which Grant in- vites us is the peace of despotism and death. Those who seek to restore the Con- stitution by executing the will of the people condemning the Reconstruction acts, already pronounced in the elections of last year (and which will, I am convinced, be still more emphatically expressed by the election of the Democratic candidate as President of the United States), are denounced as revolu- tioiists by the partisans of this vindictive Conj'ress, Negro suffrage (which tlie pop- ular ifote of New York, New Jersey, Penn- sylvania, Ohio, Michigan, Connecticut, and other States has condemned as' expressly against the letter of the Constitution) must stand, because their Senators and Repre sentatives have willed it. If the people shall again condemn these atrocious measures by the election of the Democratic candiiiate for President, they must not be disturbed I Althougl. decided to be unconstitutional by the Supreme Court, and although the Pres- ident is sworn to maintairi and support the Constitution, the will of a fraction of a Congress, reinforced with its partisan emis- earies sent to the South, and supported there by the soldiery, must stand against the will" of the people and the decisions of the Supreme Court, and the solemn oath of the President to maintain and support the Constitution! It is revoluti6nary to exe- cute the will of the people! It is revolu- tionary to execute the judgment of the Supreme Court! Ii is revolutionary in the President to keep inviolate hi-s oath to sus tain the Constitution ! This false construc- tion of the vital principle of our Govern- ment is the last resort of those who would have their arbitrary reconstruction^ sway, and supersede our time-honored institu- tions. The nation will say that the Consti- tution must be restored and the will of the people again prevail. The appeal to the peaceful ballot to attain this end is not war — is not revolution. They make war and rev- olution who attempt to arrest this quiet mode of putting aside military despotism and the usurpations of a fragment of a Congress as- serting absolute power over that benign system of regulated liberty left to us by our fathers. This must be allowed to take its course. This is the only road to pkact;. It will come with thk election of the DeMOCUATIO OANDIDATK, and not with THli election of that mailed wakrior whose bay- onets AHE NOW AT the THROATS OF EIGHT MILLIONS OF PEOPLE IN THE SoUTH, TO COMPEL THUM TO SUPPORT HIM AS A CANDIDATE FOR THE PrESIDE.VOY, AND TO SUBMIT TO THE DOM- INATION OF AN ALIEN RACE OF SEMI-BABBAEOU.S MEN. No PERVERSION OF TRUTH OR AUDAC- ITY OF MISREPEKSENTATION CAN EXCEED THAT WHICH HAILS THIS CANDIDATE IN ARMS AS AN ANGEL OF PEACK. I am, very respectfully, your most obedi- ent servant, ' FRANK P. BLAIR. GENERAL HANCOCK S LETTER. Nkwport, Rhode Island, July 17, 1808. S. T. Glovke, Esq., St. Louis — My Dear Sir : I am, greatly obliged for your favor of the 13th instant. Those who suppose that I do not acquiesce in the work of the National Democratic Convention, or that I do not sincerely desire the election of its ■nomineeB, know very little of my character. Believing as I rually do, that the preser- vation of the Constitutional Government eminently depends on the success of tlie Democratic party in the coming election, were I to hesitate in its candid support I feel I should not only falsify my own record, but commita crime agiiinst my country. 1 never aspired to the Presidency on ac- count of myself I never sought its dimbt- ful honors, and certain labors and respon- sibilities, merely for the position. My own wish was to promote, if I oonid, the good of the country, and to rebuke the spirit of revolution," which had invaded every sacred precinct of liberty. When, therefore, you pronounced the statements in question false, you did exactly rio-ht, "Principles and not men" is the motto for the rugged crisis in which we are now struggling. Had I been made the Presidential nomi- nee, I should have considered it a tribute, not to me, but to the principles which 1 had proclaimed and practiced. But shall I cease to revere those principles because by mutual political friends another has been appointed to put them into execution ? Never I never ! never I 358 DEMOCKATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. These, sir, are my sentiments, whatever interested parties may say to the contrary; and I desire that all may know and under- stand them. 1 shall ever hold in grateful remem- brance the faithTul friends, who, hailing from every section of the Union, preferred nie, by their votes, and other expressions of eonfidfiice, both in and out of the Conven- tion, and shall do them all the justice to believe that they were governed by patriotic motives ; that they did not propose simply to aggrandize my personal fortunes, but to save their country through me, and that they will not now suffer anything like per sonal preferences or jealousies to stand be- tween them and their manifest duty. I have the honor to be, dear sir, Very respectfully, yours, WINFIELD S. HANCOCK. The First Bloody Fruits op Universal Suffrage — Murder and Rapine in Wash- ing. [From the New York Herald.] The Negro Disturbances at Washing- ton. — The riotous and murderous conduct of the blacks at Washington, after the charter election had resulted in a Radical victory, may well alarm the country. It Tnatters but little whether the first blow, which was the proximate, accidenral cause of the riot, was struck by a white or by a black hand. All accounts seem to agree, however, that an inoffensive white man, a soldier, was the first victim of negro vio- lence. Cut across the ribs with a razor, he died in a short time. Another white man was killed by a negro, who cut him across the wrist with a razor, severing an artery. Tlie house of a conservative judge of elec- tion was entered and gutted by a negro mob, which was prevented only by the strategy of a policeman from demolishing the office of the National Intelligencer. Restaurants were stoned, forcibly entered a [id robbed. The windows of other build- ings were broken, and the wife of a police officer was struck on tlie shoulder by one the missiles. Throughout the city a large number of negroes were arrested, most of whom were found to be armed with muskets, clubs and pistols, but, as if indicating the savage ferocity of the infurated blacks, their favorite weapon was found to be the razor. What strikes us, however, as a still more horrible detail, is the incendiary speech ad- dressed to the negro mob by Mr. Forney. 0.11' I orespondent, in his letter which we i.iliiirhea yesterday, states that the ex- S iMitary of the Senate told this mob that there were two regiments of Lee's troops in the city, with hostile intent against the col- ored people. No language can be too strong in repro- bation of such a directi appeal to the worst passions of an ignorant and excitable race Its tendency to provoke dangerous, if not fatal, collisions between whites and blacks is inevitable. Yet this is the tendency of the entire policy of the Jacobin leaders of the dominant Radical party. What Charles Lamb would have classed among the im- perfect sympathies between the two races, these blind leaders of the blind are trying their utmost to convert into cruel antipa- thies An infinity of painful consequences must ensue, culminating, if not providen- tially checked, in a repetition on a grander scale of the horrors of the St. Domingo massacre. We firmly believe that both the former slaveholders of the South arid their emanci- pated slaves would gradually have adapted themselves to their new relation to each other, reaping mutual advantages from it, if fanatical intermeddlers had not wickedly sown the seeds of a dreadful conflict of races. The first fruits of this conflict are visible in the recent deplorable scenes at Washington. A full harvest of destruction will be the final and terrible result. [From tbe WaBbinRton Evening Express.] * * That numbers of them have been misled by the teachings of the demagogues who are seeking their own preferment, is perfectly apparent to any one who wit- nessed the conduct of the procession on Tuesday night. Then, and afterward, threats were abundant against this ofiBce, against the residence of the publisher of this paper, against the Intelligencer office, and against the residences of certain citizens; and eveiy one at all familiar with mobs knows full well that it needed but a bold, reckless leader or two to excite that crowd to the utmost violence and outrage. Notices to leave town have been served on certain in- dividuals, of which one we have seen says; "It is deemed advisable by the committee that you should leave town within two weeks, or suffer the vengeance of an out- raged people." Since writing the above the following has been handed us : "Washington, June 2, 1868. " F. G. Calvert — Sir : You are hereby notified to leave the city in twenty-four hours. We are on the track of one more. "A DETERMINED RADICAL" Mr. Calvert was a conservative judge on election day in the First Ward. "W.vsiliNOTON, D. C, June 3, 1868. "Mr. Hoil — You have been violent in your denunciations of us as a race since the FORNEY'S INSURRECTIONARY SPEECH. 35i just laws of Congress enfrancliised us, and It IS deemed advisable by the committee that you should be made to leave the city within two weeks, or suffer the vengeance of an outraged people. Unless you publicly de- nounce the odious doctrines of modern De- mocracy within that time, beware. " Yours, in the cause of progress and lib- erty. LOUIS JOHNSON, " Of the Committee!' Pomey's Speech Inciting the Blacks. [From tlie WaBliington Chronicle (Forney's Paper), June 4.] Fellow-citizens — This is a different re- ception from that which honored me iu tlie noon of last night [Laughter.] Then the Cla-oiiicle office was an object of the polite attention of the other side of the house [laughter], and as I sat in my editorial room I was regaled with exulting rebel shouts and delighted witli the strains of "Dixie." [Cheers and laughter.] 'i'he shouts came from men who had rallied under the stars and bars, and fought to the melody of that air of treason, and they came here for the purpose of rejoicing over what they con- ceived to be another victory of the rebellion. [Cheers and cries of "That's so."] But, gentlemen, there are some things that do not lie; and, in saying this, I do not desire to be understood as including the virtuous gentleman at the one end of the avenue and his seven imit.ator8 at the other end. [Laughter,] Tlie things that do not lie are the figures casting up the ballots of our in- dependent yeomanry. [Cries of "good" and tremendous cheering.] You are here to rejoice over a well-won and reluctantly conceded victory. [Cheers.] What were the adverse influences against which you had to contend ? In the first place you had, in my opinion at least, two regiments of the army of Robert E. Lee quartered in your midst, who voted in your ballot-boxes. ["Yes, tliat is true.''] In the next place you had a trained band of officials, driven to the polls to save their bread and butter. [Laughter.] 'J'heu you had the wliisky ring, located herein all its power, and re- inforc'-d by large contributions from other quarte/a. This victory to-night, my fellow- citiz^ns, means more than the election of your worthy and high-minded candidate for Mayor, Sayles J. Bowen. [Three cheers fir Bowen.] it means that you who have been deprived of your rights by the slave ty- rants — and now I am speaking for the freedmen before me — have at last attained the privilege of exercising; the,->e rights, and have exerci.-ied them with prudence, intel- li'-ence and moderation. Cleeical Pouticiaxs. During the trial of the President the following telegram flatjhed throujjh the country with the preamble and resolution of the General Conference of the Metho- dist Episcopal Church, in session at Chi- cago : Whereas, There is now pending in the Senate of tlie United States the moat impor- tant question which has ever engaged its attention; and whereas, the evidence and pleadings in this case have been fully spread before the people, so that all may form an enlightened opinion; and whereas, we are deeply impressed that upon its rightful de- cision will largely depend the safety and prosperity of our nation, as well as the re- ligous privileges of our ministers and mem- bers in many parts of the South; and whereas, painful rumors are in circulation, that, partly by unworthy jealousies, and partly by corrupt influences, pecuniary and otlierwise, most actively employed efforts are being made to influence Senators im- properly, and to prevent them from perform- ing their higli duty; therefore. Resolved, That we hereby appoint an hour of prayer, from nine to ten o'clock, a. m., to-morrow, to invoke humbly and earnestly tlie mercy of God upon our nation, und be- seech him to save our Senators from error, and to so influence ihein that their decision shall be in truth and righteousness, and shall increase the security and prosperity of our beloved Union. In the same body the Rev. Dr. Wal- dro, a prominent member of the Confer- ence, after much skirmishing by others, boldly took the ground " that all gov- ernment is based upon the religious ideas of those wlio carry it on, and that the Northern Methodists have acquired, by conquest, the right to control the religion of the South." The Rev. Waldro further contended that the Southern Methodists had no more right to meet and worship iu their way than Lee and Johnson would have, at this time, "to call together again and drill their armies." He predicted that these heretical Southern Methodists "would soon be prohibited" from wor- sliiping God except in the manner dic- tated by Northern Methodists. He then went on to Say, "The religion of the North is bound to rule this Continent, and it proposes to make a proper applica- tion of our Rible to the Southern States and people. A subjugated people have 360 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. no more right to apply their own peculiar moral ideas, than to use their physical implements of war." How IT WOKKS. In November, 1865, Maj.-Gen. H. W- Sloouin, the brave commander of the Twelfth Army corps, ran against Greti. Barlow, another brave oflBcer, for Secre- tary of State for the then Republican State of New York, and was beaten 27,- 857 votes. General Slooum was subse- quently named, by Pre.sident Johnson, for the post of Naval Officer of the Port of New York, and rejected by the Radi- cal Senate for his Conservatism. The verdict of the Conservatives of the State last November was a change of 75,000 votes in favor of Slocum, In 1866, Gen. Curtis, of St. Lawrence county, New York, the fighting hero of fort Fisher, where he lost an eye, was nominated, by the President, Collector of the Port of Ogdensburg. The Senate rejected him for Conservatism, although the Radicals claim to be par excellence the friends of the soldier. In 1866, the Republicans carried St. Lawrence county by 7,500 majority. Last November the Radicals obtained only about6, 000 majority, being a change of 1,500 in favor of Gen. Curtis. Query: At this rate of progress, how many more brave soldiers can the Senate afford to reject ? Stellabarger's Bill. Mr. Shellabarger, a member of Con- gress from Ohio, attempted a tireat blow at States Rights generally, and hi> own State particularly, at the last siv^- pion of Congress. He endeavored to shove a bill through regulating suffrage iu Ohio, and compelling the ooncb.ssioii of it by his State to certain cla.s>es of persons having negro blood in them. The preamble denounces what i> called the "Visible admixture act " of the Legislature of Ohio, of 1868, and as- serts the right of Congress lo determine the qualification of electors lor Con- gressmen in Ohio. In other words, the right of Congress to override the 40.000 majority in Ohio against negro suffrage last year. The first section proposes to set aside the " Visible admixture act " aforesaid. The second section instructs the judges of elections to receive, in elections for Congressmen, the votes of certain per- sons possessed of African blood, in viola- tion of the act aforesaid, and, in the event that the judges refuse to receive their votes, the persons so refused are au- thorized to hold a visible admixture election separate and apart from the poll at which they are refused the vote, which poll is to be counted in deter- mining the election of members of Congress. Section three prescribes a heavy pen- alty, as follows : And be it further enacted, That any judge or other otiicer of election, who shall en- force or attempt to enforce any of the pro- visions of the act hei-eby declared void, so as to prevent any such elector from voting at the same poll with the other electors of said State for Representative alone, or so as to himler, delay, or control his ca.-tiLig such ballot for Representative alone, at either tlie regular or said separate poll, shall be deemed guilty of a high crime, and upon conviction tliereof, in any court of the United .'^taies having jurisdiction, shall be fined in any .sum not exceeding ten thousand dollars, or imi^irisonnieiit not exceeding one year, or both, at the discretion of the court. Carpet-bags and Commerce. [Fn.m the New York World.] We iiiviie all the merchants and traders of tlie L'nioii to ponder the following elo- quent tiuures : 111 tlie yi^-AV eiuling June -0", 1S07, tlie total sales of merLli;iiidise by whok-suk- and retail di-alers, auc" tiuiieeis, ;i,nd bidUers, or, in other woids, the busi- ne&a dune by tlie people of the United States, aniomit.d tn Jll,.STU,.U7,207 Of tills sum, the three Stub's of Ni'W Yurli, J:'eiiii,^\ Iviiuia and Ohio, con- tiibntd 6,85J, 948,560 Or ju>t .lb. lilt uni-half of the whol-. Wliile thi- tliree States of Florida, Niirtli Carolina, and Suuth Caro- lina, ciinuibnted lli),7l:i,0S0 Or just alioiit oiu*-tenth of the whole. But, under tlie Congressional reconstruc- tion represi-iued bv General Gram, more I hail xereii liiindrcd ihousttnd ignorant iicyrih'x ill North and South Curulina, and Florida, not one of whom icould be ulloncd a vole in New York, Ohio, or Peimsylvania, secured the presence in the Senate of six Senatorx, cunnlcrbalancing the Senatorial cote oj i\'e.io Ynrl^, Penusyicania, and Ohio. And these six negro-chosen Keiiatois are committed to a policy whose nioiiilipieoe in the House, one Devvees, openly de- mands arms for the purpose of controlling THE FENIANS FOIt THE TICKET. 361 the polls in November next, and thus begin- ning a war which will impose new and un- imajrinabie burdens on the commerce and the industry of tliis people. k High-minded King. Radicalism has much to learn. It has even to stoop down at the fool of a German throne, and learti true magnanimity. On his way to Worms, where the present King (if PruKsia intended to inaugurate the Luther monuMient, he tor the first time since the late aggrand,izenient of his dominions vis-; ited tlie city of Hanover, the capital of a formerly independent kingdom. He was officially addressed by the Mayor of the city, and here is in substance his response : " W'e meet for the first time since great events resulted in changes which brought you and me into close connection. Like myself, you must be moved by very contra- dictory sentiments. Do not believe that I disapprove of sentiments which personally you must entertain in favor of former rela- tions. On the contrary, your attachment to myself would be worthless, if the sudden change of our reciprocal condition had been accepted by you with indifference 1" Another notable act of imperial clemency is reported from Vienna. The Emperor Francis Joseph, in an autograph letter addressed to Gen. Kuhn, the Minister of War, lias directed that the retired officers of the imperial army, who in consequence of the events of 1848-9 lost their right to peuKion, shall now be placed on the pension list under the same regulations as all other officers. This measure applies oliiefly to the Hungarian officers who took part in the revolution of 1848, and may be thus regarded as effacing the last trace of the old division between Hungary and Austria: The Fenians for Ouk Ticket. The following dispatch was sent to the ratification meeting at Tammany Hall the night after the nomination of our ticket: " Philadelphia sends greeting to New York. uShe promises the city by at least 7,000 majority, and perhaps 10,000, and the Slate by from 15,000 to 20,000. Penn- sylvanians appreciate the fact, that, while they were prepiiring for an attack, the troops of New York, thrown forward by Governor Seymour, were here and on the battle- ground, and not only saved the State, but the Republic. We also believe that in the nomination rf Francis P. Blair the eighth article of the Democratic platform — 'Pro- tection to Amv^ricans abroad or fi^ht' — will be sustained. JOHN H.VSSON, " Representative of tlie Fenians of Philiidulpliia." In this grave matter the Fenians of Phil- adelphia no doubt represent the Fenians of the whole country. The Fenians every- where warm to our ticket. And so do all other true friends of civil liberty. Well they may. Proposal to Exclude Kentucky and Mary- land. It was even hinted, at a meeting of the Jacobins, that, under the Fourteenth Amend- ment, and the act regulating the electoral votes of the Southern States, they will exclude Kentucky and Maryland from the Electoral College. The bill excludes from the Electoral College all States not repre- sented in Congress, while the Fourteenth Amendment denies representatives on a. colored basis unless' the coloi'ed population is allowed to vote. The present appnrtion- ment of Kentucky and Maryland is based partly on the colored popiilation. The Radicals claim that these State.s are not entitled to be represented after the reappor- tionment; hence they can not be counted in the Electoral College. — Washington Corres- pondence of the Cinclimaii Enquirer. Radical Proposal to Skll Out the Deaf and Dumb. On the 15th of July a bill appropriating money for the District of Columbia Deaf and Dumb Institution being before the House, Mr. Elihu B. Washburne, of Illi- nois, popularly accredited with the owner- ship of H. U. Grant, moved to amend by farming out that charity, even as in the good old days — perhaps now — the paupers of New England are let to the lowest bid- der. Being remonstrated with, the said Washburne, owner as aforesaid, did then jusiify his measure by saying, "it will save $40,000," and forthwith clapping the previ- ous question thereto, did thereon take a vote — yeas, lJ-!5; nays, 7J ; the deaf mutes, whom an inscrutable Providence has com- mitted to the care of madmen, thus esi-ap- ing sale by eight votes. A narrow escape fi'om being puton the block. — N. Y. World. Wexdell Phillips on the Chukoh and State, Religion .and Politics. [Spcecli of Wf.n>lell Phillips at ii Convention of Free- Tbinkers, lifld iit Boston, May 31.] ********* In all reverence be it said, that if Jesus was preaching what he did preach when on earth, in our streets to-day, lie would be in il in le-s than a week, arid there is not a urcli which would be able to lecognize il m. [Sensation.] We will have the bal- fit for the negro by agitation, .'^oon. (A voice) — How do you propose to doit? DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HA>'D-BOOK. Mr. Phillips — I propose to do it just as Christianity occupied the throne of the Cajsars. [Loud cheers.] I propose to do it by telling man just what God tells me. I will do it by doing what the temperance societies, which are as hide-bound as the chnrches, dare not — examine a Republican candidate for the Presidency — the most popular man in America, who can notstand up before a glass of liquor without falling down. [Great silence, succeeded by ap- plause.] I will do it by opposing the Re- publican party when it bids nie " be silent about negro suflfrage North, it will hurt our party. Be silent about General Grant's drinking, it will hurt his chances." I reply, God bids me speak what you bid me for- bear. I will sppak, and let the dead bury their dead, whether they bnry him in the White House or not. Another Outrage \>j Congress. On the 22d of July the House of Repre- sentatives rushed through that body, under the operation of the previous question, the l^enate bill to incorporate and establish a great National Life Insurance Company, with a home office in the District of Colum- bia, and the right to establish branches in the States and Territories. This francliiseis granted to Defrees, Government Printer, and Associates. Jay Cooke is the chief capi- talist, and it is understood that E. A Rol- lins is to be the President of the concern, when he ceases to be the head of the Inter- nal Revenue Bureau. This kind of legislation is unprecedented in the history of Congress, and should be frowned down by the people, so that it may not become, by silent acquiescence, an ad- mitted power of Congress to establish na- tional corporations. If Congress can in- corporate insurance companies to operate in the States without the consent, and in defiance of the wishes of the States, it can establish other corporations with like powers of superiority to State authority. This is a bold step in the direction of central consoli- dation, and toward the overthrow of the legitimate rights of the States; and we hope the President will mark his disappro- bation of this assumption of power on the part of Congress by vetoing this iniquitous bill. A gentleman perfectly responsible (Mr. Fernando Wood) said, while the bill was being put through the House, that he would give one million of dollars for the franchise it conferred upon the corporators. They are authorized to buy and sell real estate as well as insure lives. Indeed, it is difficult to ay whiit they may not do under tlie nutinniiy vested in them by this bill. Such is ijublioan legislation ! Sohaylai Colfaz as an Advocate of Mob Law and MnrdeT. On page 188 of this book, the decis- ion of the Supreme Court of the United States, in the case of Lamden P. Milli- gan, will be found. In it the facts of his conviction by a Military CommissioD, and the sentence that he be hung, are fully set forth. The Supreme Court in- terposed its high authority and saved hi.s life. Colfax brutally desired President Lincoln to order hitn to be hung before the high court could act. Here are the facts from the Indianapolis Sentinel, May 21, 1868: After the Circuit Court of the United States for the District of Indiana, on a peti- tion of Milligan for a writ of habeas cor- pus, had heard the argument, and a divided opinion had been yiven in order that the case could be carried up_ to the Supreiue Court, Governor Morton and a number of prominent citizens made application to the President to suspend the sentence until the Supreme Court could pass upon the appeal, and in response he finally ordered a commu- tation of the sentence to imprisonment for life. In this connection, we will add, and we give the authority of Governor Morton for the statement, that President Lincoln did not intend to allow the sentence of the Court to be carried out, but it was his pur- pose to release Milligan after the war was over. And so anxious, was Governor Mor- ton to obtain a postponement or commuta- tion of the sentence tliat he sent a special messenger to eftect the object. While this effort was being made, and the parties to il had a full knowledge of the facts that we have related, the following cruel, infamous, malignaTit and blood-thirsty protest was for- warded to the President : Washington, February 3, 1855. His Excellency, the President of the United States : Sir — The undersigned, members of Con- gress from the State of Indiana, in behalf of the loyal people of the State, respectfully but earnestly protest against any commuta- tion of the sentence of the Military Com- mission against -the Indiana conspirators recently tried by it, and against any inter- ference in any manner or form with that Sentence. [Signed] H. S. LANE, SCHUYLER COLFAX, Speaker H. K. U. S., GODLOVE 8. ORTH, GEORGE W. JULIAN. We are informed that Henry S. Lane reconsidered the murderous intent of the AMNESTY PEOCLAMATION. 363 protest, for sucli it was, and Withdrew his recoinniendation. Having led a compara- tively blameless and honorable life, and reached an age when, in the due course of human events, he might reasonably expect I hat his own dissolution was near, he per- haps remembered in that sober second thought the terrible reality of meeting his Creator with the blood of innocent njen on his hands, and shrunk from the responsi- liility. His younger and more unscrupu- lous companions in this assassination scheme were not moved by even those con- siderations, but were ready to have the crime of murder upon their souls, for such it would have been under the decision of the Court, to gratify their partisan malig- naricv and hate. A Fioolamation of Amnestyi Bij the President of the United States. ****** Now, therefore, be it known that T, An- drew Johnson, President of the United States, do, by virtue of the Constitution, and in the name of the people of the United States, hereby proclaim and declare, uncon- ditionally, and witliout reservation, to all and to every person who directly or indi- rectly participated in the late insurrection or rebellion, excepting such person or per- sons as may be under presentment or in- ilictment in any Court of the United States having competent jurisdiction upon a charge of treason or other felony, a full pardon and amnesty for the offense of treason against the United States or of adhearing to their enemies during the late civil war, with res- toration of all rights of property except as to slaves, and except also as to any property of which any person may have been legally divested under the laws of the United States. In testimony whereof I have signed these presents with my hand and have caused the seal of the United States to be hereunto affixed. Done at the City of Washington, the fotirth day of July, in the year of our Lord, 1868, and of the Independence of the United States of America the ninety-third. ANDREW JOHNSON. By the President. William H. Seward, Secretary of State. The Radicals and the Woekingmen. The significance of the following cor- respondence is found in the fact that Defrees is Schuyler Colfax's next friend. He was the law preceptor of Schuyler, and to his tactics the Indiana sophomore is indebted for his nomination for tha Vice-Presidency. A few days ago Mr. Whaley issued the following circular to the leaders of the Workiogmen's move- ment throughout the country : Washington, June 22, 1SG8. SiK — You are respectfully invited and re- (^uested to meet me in council at trench's Uotel, New York city, at ten o'clock, A.M., on the 2d day of July next, to take counsel as to what course shall be pursued by the Workingmen, and what action taken, if any, in this crisis in our National att'airs, upon the settlement of which depends so much of paramount importance to the workingmen, and of deep and lasting influ- ence upon the present prosperity and future welfare of tlie industrial cla.=se8. Other prominent workingmen and advo- cates of reform have had like invitations extended them, and it is hoped that you may find it convenient to give us the benefit of your presence and judgment. Please let me hear from you immediately. Respectfully, .1. U C. WHAl.EY, President National Labor Union. Mr. Defrees, happening to hearof this, and to receive a copy, wrote as follows to Mr. Whaley : Oi'FiCK OF Congressional Piuntee, ) Washing'I'on, June 25, 1868. ) Mr. J. C. C. Whaley : Dear Sir — I am informed that you, as President of the National Labor Union, have called a meeting to take place in New York on the 2d of July next, to endeavor to in- duce the Democratic ^invention to incor- porate the eight-hour movement into their platlbrni/o?' Ike purpose of aiding thai party ti> obtain control of the Government they so recently attempted to destroy. Of course, ] do not object to your advo- cacy of the eight-hour movement, but I do object that you should, while holding posi- tion in this establishment, make any move- ment whatever, or take any part calculated to aid that party in its effort to again con- trol the affairs of this country. Have I been rightly informed ? Yours, &c., [Signed.] JOHN D. DEFREES. Mr. Whaley thereupon replied to Mr. Defrees, resigning his position without waiting for the formal discharge in store for him : Washington, June 25, 1868. John J?, Defrees, Esq., Congressional Printer: Dear Sir — In reply to your letter, dated today, I would respectfully state that you have been incorrectly informed in the state- ment that I, ''as President of the National 304 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKEB'S. HAND-BOOK. Lai or Union have called a meeting in New York on the 2d of July next, to endeavor to induce the Democratic Convention to in- corporate the eight-hour movement into tlieir platform, for the purpose of aiding that party to obtain control of the Oovern- inent they so recently attempted to destroy.'' ****** That call has been sent irrespective of party, for the purpose stHled, and noLfor ike purpose of aiding the Democratic paity. I owe no allegiance to any party, and am governed by no otiier wish than to faithfully serve tliose who have chosen me as tlieir President, who believe in "measures, not men ; principles, not party." I do not wish to violate, in any manner, the regulations of your e.stablishment, nor, at the san>e time, do I intend to surrender the right of independence of action. Tliere- fore, I I'eel constrained to most respectfully resign my position as proofreader in the Executive. Department of the Government Printing-office. Before closing, allow me to return my sincere thanks for the uniform kindness and courtesy with which you have always treated me. and to say that I will ever bear in kind recollection my official relatiori.s with you, running tlirough six eventful years of elf last fall." He alluded to the city of Xew York as containing 50,000 Ro- wan Catholic voters, whom he denounced as the cause of the Radical defeat; and he said the State must be redeemed, even if to do so. New York had to be burned to the ground ! "At the close of his remarks," according to the Evening Journal, " tlie audience rose to their feet and gave him a hearty round of cheers, followed by another for the ticket;" but the Journal suppresses all men- tion of the infamous sentiment, and all refei^ence to the deprecatory remarks of Mr. Townsend, of Troy, who followed, and who evidently regarded this incendiary declara- tion as one in every way utterly unfit to be made! We have waited to hear if the sentiment should be disclaimed by the author, or re- pudiated by his party I He seems to have no explanation to make, and they no dis- claimer;' so we may regard these words as the key-note of the campaign. A war of sects is to follow a war of sec- tions; aiid the spirit of hate which has swept over the country, blasting its fields and blighting human lives, is to be invoked to a ne- Lexington, Ky., July 16, 1864. J Jtebel sympathizers living within live miles of any scene of outrage committed by armed men not recognized as public ene- mies by the rules and usages of war, will be' arrested and sent beyond the limits of the United States. In accordance with instruc- tions from the Major-General commanding the Military District of the Mississippi, so much of tlie property of rebel sympathizers as may be necessary to indemnify the Gov- ernment or loyal citizens for losses incurred by the acts of such lawless men, will be seized and appropriated for this purpose. Whenever an unarmed Union citizen is murdered, four guerrillas will be selected from the prisoners in the hands of the mili- tary authorities, and publicly shot to death in the most convenient place near the scene of outrage. By command of Brev. Major-General' S. G. Burbridge. J. B. DICKSON, Captain and A. A. General. [From the Maysville Eagle.] We have been requested to publish the following, which shows liow affairs were conducted at General Burbridge's head quarters: Maysville, Ky., April 11, 18G8. My name is B. D, Nixon. When the war broke out I was living near Owensville, ill Hath county. I entered into the Confed- erate service in 1862, and served for some time on the bodyguard of Gen. H. Marshall. I afterward joined Tho.9. Johnson's bat- talion, I was regularly enlisted, never be longed to any band of guerrillas or parti- sans, and, in what I did in furtherance of the Confederate cause, acted under the orders of ray superiors. Late in the spring or early in the summer of 1864, I entered the State of Kentucky with John Morgan's command when he made his last raid into this State. I was at the battle of Cynthi- ana, and was there cut off and separated from my command. 'I'he vigilance of the Federal soldiers prevented me from imme- diately rejoining my command or leaving the State, and 1 spent several weeks in Scott and Owen counties while watching an op- portunity of leaving the State. During this time I participated in no acts of lios- tility against the Government, nor did I molest any private citizen, nor did I have any connection with any predatory band. In .luly an opportunity was afforded me for leaving the State, and in going out I stop- ped to see my family whom I had not seen for eleven months. I had been only two da3's at home when I was captured by Lieutenant Denton, and was taken to Mt. Sterling and made to work on the fortifica- tions for two weeks. I was then sent to Lexington and placed in military prison No. 3. Afterward I was t.iken to prison No. 2. I had been in Lexington severiil days when a soldier of a Michigan n-giineiit entered the prison, measured my hight, weighed me, and took down a general de- scription of my appearance. On the same evening an old gentleman from Franklin county was placed in prison, who infornipd me that he liad been before the Provost- marshal, and heard the names of myself and fifteen others as read under sentence of deatli. On the same evening I was ironed. The next morning I was taken before the Provost-marshal, Major Vance. He ciir.^ed me and abused me as a thief and a robber, said I ought to be hung, and that he would have me shot in tliirty six hours. It was evidently the intention that 1 should be exe cuted. I defended my character, and see- ing Major Downey in tiieroom, 1 discovered myself to him a.s a Freemason, and he immediately clapped me by the hand and in- terceded in my behalf Through his inter- vention my lile was saved, I was then trans- ferred to prison No 4 and handcuffed for five weeks At this prison I met the fifteen men who were condemned, Tliese nu'U were kept ironed and taken from the prison in irons. They never returned lothe prison. Tlie guard told me they had been shot, t have never heard of any of them since, and my belief is tiiat they were all execiUed, None of these men were gnerrilla.s, but all belonged to the regular Confederate army. Some of them had been taken through some form ol trial, and may have been sen- tenced as guerrillas, but none of them were. I remember the names of some of theni. Two Li liken pel ters. Berry, and Lieutenant Hamilton, all of whom 1 knew. I was re- NEW OELBANS! RIOTS. 375 sent till kased on the 15th day of October, and i ""™' o^lhe Ohio, where 1 remained un liad obtained permission from General Bur- bndge to return to Kentucky. B. D. NlXO>f. The above was dictated by B. D. Nixon, III iiiy presence; it was then read to Uun and he understood it perfectly. He then signed it in my presence as his own state- ment and as the truth. W. P. BALDWIN. We might add to this damnable record that of a General named Paine, in Ten- nessee and Kentucky, and that of the atrocious butcher, McNeil, in Missouri, but the story of their bloody outrages is too horrible for republication. The lilew Orleans Biots, Stanton Responsible fok Bloodshed. Iq a document addressed to the Senate, December 12, 1867, giving reasons for removing Mr. Stan- his ton, the President said The sanguinary riot which occurred in the ('ity of New Orleans, on tlie 3Utli of August, 1866, partly aroused pulilic indig- nation, and public inquiry, not only as to those who were engaged in it, but as to those who, more or lees remotely, might be held to responsibility for it occurrence. I need not remind the Senate of the effort made to fix lliat responsibility on the Pres ident. The charge was openly mode, and again, and again reiterated all through the land, that the President was warned in time, but refused to interfere. By telegrams from the Lieutenant-Gov- ernor, and Attorney'-General of Louisiana, dated the 27th and 28th of August, I was advised tiiat a body of delegates claiming to be a C'onslilutional Convention, were about to assemble in New Orleans; that the mat- ter was before the Grand Jury; but that it would be impossible to execute civil process without a riot; and this question was asked: 'Is tlie military to interiere to pre- vent process of court?" This question was asked at a time when tlie civil courts were in full exercise of their authority, and the answer sent by telegraph on the same 2Sth of August, was this: "The millitary will he expected to sustain and not interfere with the proceeding.s of the Court." On the same 2Sth of August, the follow- ing telegram was sent to Mr. Stanton, by Major-General Biiird, then, owing to tin- absence of General Sheridan, in command of the military at New Orleans. " Hon. E. U. Stanton, Secretary of War ■ " A Convention has been oalled with the sanction of Governor Wells, to meet here on Monday. The Lieutenant-Governor and City authorities think it unlawful, and pro- pose to break it up by arresting the dele- gates. I have given no orders on the subject, but have warned tlie parties, that I would not countenance or permit such action without instructions to that etfect from the President. Please instruct me at once by telegraph." The 28th of August was on Saturday. The next morning, the 29tli, thisdispatcli was received by Mr. Stanton, at his resi- dence, in this city. He took no action upon it, and neither sent instructions to General Baird himself, nor presented it to me for such instruction. On the nextday (Monday) the riot occurred. Thedispatch of General Baird, of the 2Sth, asked for immediate instructions; and his letter of the 3Uth, after detailing the terrible riot which had just happened, ends with the expression of regret that the instructiona which he asked for were not sent. ****** No one regrets more than myself that General Baird's request was not brought to my notice. It is clear from his dispatch and letter, that if the Secretary of War had given him pioper instructions, the riot whicli arose on the assembling of the Con- vention, would have been averted. ****** The following is the testimony given bv Mr. Stanton before tlie Impeachment Inves- tigating Committee, as to this dispatch : "Q. Referring to the di.«palcli of the l-"-^th of July, .by (Jeneral liaird, I ask you whether that dispatch, on its receipt, was communicated? "A. I received that dispatch on Sunday forenoon; I examined it carefully and con- sidered the questions presented. I did .not see that I could give any instructions dif- ferent from the line of action which General Baird proposed, and made no answer to the dispatch. '•Q. I see it stated this was received at 10:20 P. M. Was that the hour at which it was received by you ? ''A. That is the date of its reception in the telegraph otlice Saturday night; I re- ceived it on Sunday forenoon, at my resi- dence. A copy of the dispatrh was fUr- nii^hed to the President several days after- ward. * * * ] suppose it may have been ten or fifteen days al'terward. " Q. The Piesident himself, being in cor- respondence with those parties on the same subject, would it ni't liave been proper to 376 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAKD-BOOK. have advised him of the reception of that dispatch ? "A.I know nothing about his correspond- ence, and know nothing about any corre- spondence, except this one dispatch. Affectation of Generosity. The Commissioners of the Antietam Cemetery have decided that the remains of the Confederate soldiers be buried in a part of the ground separately from that of the Union army. The question was one which elicited much discussion among the Board, and, while it was pending, Governor Fenton wrote a lettei- to the special Commissioner from the State of New York, in which he said : Conquerors as we were in that great strug- gle, our stern disapproval of the cause in which tliey I'ouglit need not forbid our ad- miration of the bravery with which tliey died. Tliey were Americans, misguided in- deed, and misled, but still our countrymen, and we can not remember them now either with enmity or uukiiidriess. 'Hih hostility of the generous and heroic ends with death, and, brief as our history is, it has furnished an early and strikini; example. The l-!riti.'*h and Americans wiio fell at Plattsburgli sleep side by side; and a common nionu meiit on the plains of Abraham attests the heroism of Wolfe and iVIontcalm. To-day, nothing, perhaps, could sooner awaken a national spirit in the heart of the South than the thought that represent- atives of the Northern States were gather- ing the remains of its fallen sons for inter- ment in our national cemetery; and in fu- ture days, when our country is one, not alone in its boundaries, but in spirit and afl'eotion, and the recent struggle is remem- bered as a war less of sections than of s\s lenis, the cemetery at Antietam, with its colossal statue of a Union soldier keipinu- guard over the ashes of all uho fell in the opposing ranks of MeClellan and Lee, will have a common interest fur the descendants of tho.-^e who died on either side in that sad and memorable civil war. Why does not Governor Fenton in his political course illustrate the ennobling spirit of that letter? Why is he the bitter, unrelenting, cruel, and proserip- tive Radical y Are such lofty and gen erous thoughts, so well expressed, "real and heartfelt, or are they the mere imi- tation of what he would have us believe he feels; but which he really expels from repose in . i- breast? A genuine Jladical and nr iionest author of the above extract' can not consist. We are reluctantly compelled to regard him as counterfeit. Significant and Suggestive Facts for Nortiern Cap- italists and OieditoTS. The editor of the Metropolitan Record, Mr. Mullaly, writes from Charlotte, North Carolina, under date of January 26, in regard to the pestilential influence of Messrs. Kelley, Wilson, and other Radical emissaries, who went down to give the negroes advice last fall : All at that time were doing well. The land had been tilled, the seed planted, the various products were duly ripening for the harvest, when, worse than the army worm, worse than the blight, worse than inclement and unfavorable .seasons, came the Kadieal missionaries with their blasting, with>'i lug influence. Now, mark the results. Wlien the crops reached their maturity, when the harvest was ripe and ready to be gathered, the freedmen refused to work, 'they had been told that they were to have a sliare in the distribution of the lands, that tlieir Radical friends in the North would put them on a level with their Ibrmer masters, and that, as their labor had mainly built up tlie wealth, they were now entitled to a por- tion of that, wealth. The negro, in his sim- plicity, believed all this. By such vile trick- ery, by such knavery and dece|iiion, these eniis.saries succeeded in utterly breaking down the obligations of the contract i-\steni throughout an immense portion of the South. We lia\e been told, by authority in which we place the most implicit coiili- dence, that in consequence u: the speeclies of these Kadical incendiarie:-, no less than one million bales of cotton were lost to the country. l/el the capitalists of the North weigh well the vital importance of this huge, overwlielming fact. One million hales of cotton which were ready to be gathered, lust to the capital and industrial \sealtli of the country — lust to commerce, lost to manu- laciuies, and lost to trade. There i.-- hardly a dealer in the North who lias not a special interest in this matter — hardly one. 'fliere IS hardly a shopkeeper who is at present suffering Irom a want of trade wiiu ha.s not been affected to the same degree Liy this lo.s.s. I!y these infamous appeals to tlie neuroes, Kelley and Wiisun succeeded iii dcsUuying u proportion ol tiie cotton ciup, wuiili at the lime o»er t^txii/ mi/lions nj' dmuirx ! Bear tlial in mind, all ye .M.irilierii credi- tors who have been trying in \niii to make Collections throujiliout tiie Soiul], i lie reason you oould not obtain payment of HIAVIS "WE ii C05R}RESe? 37T your bills was because the people have no money, and the reason the people have no money is because Radical incendiaries and disseminators of agrarianism succeeded in demoralizing the freedmen and disorgan- izing the whole labor system of the South. Sale of the Sea Island Lands — Only Ne- G itoES Permitted to be Purchasers. The House of Representatives, under the opeiMtion of tlie previous question, has passed, by a vote of 75 to 34, a bill for the sale of Uie Sea Island lands and lots off the Soutli Carolina coast. The bill provides for tlie sale of a portion of the lands and lots at a dollar and a half per acre, and tlie rest at a dollar per acre — all the sales to be made to negroes. The bill involves three great outrages ; firsts the conti.scation of the property of the former owners of the land ; secimilly, the sales of the lands at such ridiculously small rates; thirdly, the restric- tion of the sales to negroes. The Sea Island lands, says the Louisville Journal, it is well known, are incomparably the most valuable lands in the United States. They produce cotton in exceeding abundance, and the Sea Island cotton i.s famed throughout the world. The cotton has been regularly sold at a dollar per pound. And yet the land is ceded to the negrnes at a dollar per acre. Every pound of cotton that the negroes raise is to pay for a whole acre of land. Could legislation by any possibility be more infamous? We don't see how. Hut, after all, we don't believe that the Sea Island negroes, with all the advantages of productive lands and cotton at a dollar a pound, will maintain themselves. If a negro can live upon ten dollars a year, and can't steal the money or its equivalent, he may so far overcome his nature as to raise ten pounds of cotton — not an ounce more. Re- lief will have to be extended to the Sea Island savages through the Freedmen's Bureau. RbCONST RUCTION IN THE MASSACHUSETTS LEG- ISLATURE. [Special Correspondence of the WorlJ,] Boston, .June 3, 18G8. T.ie House, to-day, by special assignment, had under consideration a series of resolu tion.s upon National Affairs, among which was one drawn in the strongest manner pos- sible indorsing the so called ''Reconstrnction policy " of the present Congress. Tliose resolves were acted upon separately, the vote npon most of them lieing very close; so close that no one considers the indorse- ment as of any weight, or as in the least backing up the Grant-Colfax platform. The second resolve was the one relating to re- construction, and when the vote was taken there seemed to be much anxietv depicted in the faces of the Grant and Coll'ax ad- herents. While the roll was being called many members had their pencils at work record- ing the result The vote ran very even, neither party, as the turfmen express il, be- ing able to hold the ''inside track " for any length of time. At last the voting was con- cluded, when the Speaker annonnced that filly-three members had voted in the atfirtn- ative and fifty-tliree in the negative, and the resolve was passed. Mr. Jewell, the Speaker (brother of the Connecticut .Jew- ell, who was recently defeated for Governor in that State), casting his vote in the affirm- ative, in order to save the resolve. As the vole was declared, Mr. Jackman, of Newburyport, reminded theSpeaker that the count, as announced by the Clerk, did not agree with the record kept by several members, Mr Jackman's count making 54 nays to 53 yeas. But just at this lime the Speaker was hard of hearing, or something of that sort, and due attention was not paid to the suggestion of Mr. Jackman. .So llie resolve was declared " indorsed," wlien there are reasons for believing that it was squarely defeated. No Congressi The New York Express presents a strong argument to prove that " the body of usurpers at present occupying the Capitol of the United States is not a Congress at all." There is, as the Ex- ■press inti [nates, nothing absolutely new in the argument, but it presents it tersely and forcibly. Aiter considering the question in con- nection with the preamble to the Fed- eral Constitution, the Express continues as follows : One might stop at the preamble, and rest the case, as against the usurpers, there; but, in order to convict them beyond appeal, it is only necessary to glance at the body of the Constitution itselt^ — Article 1, sec. -, says: Tlie House of Representatives shall be composed of members chosen every second year, by the people of the several State.s. If this is a constitutional Cciip_rri.ss, then, why an', there no representatives from no lewer than ten of the .-'iiiiesV Why are there between sixty -iiid ,'■. ."in acant chairs in tli - ^o-c^^'l^u ili u.-eul lie;iie8ent atives? Asain — 378 DEMOCRATIC SPEAKER'S HAND-BOOK. Sec. 3. The Senate shall be composed of two Senators from each State, etc. If this is a, constitutional Senate, why are there some twenty names missing — ten cliairs vacant — ten States without a Sena- tor? Again — Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which miiv be included within its Union. The cotton, the income, the internal re- venue tuxes, are all there, in these Southern States — but (if this is a constitutional Con- gress), where are the Representatives? Again — Sections 1 and 2. Tlie President shall be Commander-in-chief of the Army and Navy of the United States. If this is a constitutional Congress, how comes it that one branch of it has just '' be it enacted" that Ge :eral Grant, and not the President, shall be Commander-in-chief in and over ten Stales of this Union ? Again — Article 3, sec. 1. The judicial power of the United States sliall be vested in one Supreme Corfrt, etc. If this is a constitutional Congress, wliy h;is it just "be it enacted" that the ma- jority tiowerof that tribunal shall be taken away from it, in order to deprive it of an anticipated decision against a certain act of their own (the Military Reconstruction bill) — in regard to tlie unconstitutionality of whicli there is no doubt? Again — Article 4, sec. 3. The United States shall guarantee to every State in the Union a re- publican form of government If this is a constitutional Congress, where is that guarantee? How is it tliat at this moment ten States of this Union have no governments whatsoever, save the grossest forms of military despotism ? Seaator Doolittle upon the Seliance of a Citizen upon his State. In a letter to a recent meeting in New York, Senator Doolittle, after opening with the statement that there were two measures now pendina;, which, if passed, would tend to revolutionize the Govern- ment, proceeds to analyze them briefly, and then said : In the defense of the great mass of my rights and liberties as a citizen of Wiscon- sin, I must rely upon the government of tlie State. First of all, tlie State defends my life; Congress lias notliing to do with that 'I'iie t^tate defends my person from assault; (Congress has nothing to do witli that The State defends my reputation ; Congress has nothing to do with that The State defends my wife and children; Congress has nothing to do with that. The State de- fends my home from trespass, from arson, from burglary, and all my property from theft and from robbery; Congress has no- thing to do witli tliat In all my dtare.^t rights, relations, interests, family, cliaracier, person, liberty and life, I am di'iei.dfd by the laws of Wisconsin, not by the laws ol' Congress at all. Nothing is more clear, therefore, than the necessity of guarding with a jealou- care against all encroacliments by the Fed- eral Government upon the just rights of the State governments; (or it is onh' under tlieir authority that my most precious in- terests are secured. The Supreme Court is organized by the Constitution for the pur- pose of holding, not a false balance, but a just and even balance between these rights which the State government secures, and certain other riglits, just as sacred, if not so near and dear, secured to me by the Federal Government against encroaciiment by the State, against insurrections in the State, again.^t invasions from abroad, and in controversies which may arise between me and the citizens of another State, all of wiiich it is the duty of Congress to defend or secure. * -jf * * There is another measure proposed in the House. It may pass tliat tiod}'. It lias been reported by a majority of the Judi- ciary Committee. It is proposed b}' law to compel »the Supreme Court to dismiss the appeal of McArdle, and to nmke all simi- lar appeals to the Sii|ireme Court impossi- ble 1 can hardly believe such a law can pass the Senate. It is an open confession that Radical Keoonstrnction is unconstitu- tional, and that they dare not come to a decision in the Supreme <.'ourt. Pass that bill, in addition to the rest, and the last vestige of civil law m- civil jurisdiction is swept away, from the Potomac to the Ric Grande. From where I stood Ibis morning, upon the st'ps of the Capitol, with the flag of the Union over me, I can look across a river and look upon a land of ab.solute, unqualified despotism. If I visit Mount Vernon, and sit down by the tomb of Wasliington, I sit under tlie shadow of miliimy .dictatorship, more unlimited than can be (bund in any civilized country upon the g obe. Constitutional liberty is already bound, scourged, and crowned with lliorns here — here, in lier own sacreil temple. Shall the (leneral of the Army, urged on ;. iadical chief priest-., erucifv Iter on ti acred i . pitol llill? n her own home? under her own baiine ' amid the scotfs and jeers of all the d ■ [ ots of the world ? Let the people an-ULW SENATOR HARLAN v. GRANT. 379 A Terribly Slgnifioaat Fact— 2,500 Coffins In One Tear. [From the Hartford Times.] Bishop Atkinson, of North Carolina, in an address delivered in Christ Church, in Flartford, referring to the rapid extinction of the negroes in tlie Soiitli, and in illus- tration of the state of things even in North Carolina, he spoke of a negro town opposite or near Newbern, consisting of 10,000 in- liabitanta. In that town, said the Bishop, one coffin-dealer alone filled orders for 2,500 coffins in a single year! What We may Expect, The New York Herald, which now espouses the cause of Grant, showed souic time ago what the country had to expect in the event of his election. The Herald said : Military despotism, supported by im- mense taxation and ruling at the will of an oligarchy of arrogant politicians in Con- gress, is what the Hepublicans have labored for in the past Within this simple and comprehensive programme lie all their principles, all their political ideas; and for this programme they will labor more ener- getically and with mure resolute persist- ency in the future. Tliey will extend the sphere of its operations also. Grant ac- cepts their programme fully, unreservedly, slavishly, and deliberately promises before- hand, that he will not oppose any obstruc- tion to it. that no "policy" of his shall stand in the way of the prearranged policy of tlie men who pull the wires of his politi- cal existence. If such a party succeeds in electing such a President, the country can judge what must be the result. What is the conduct of the im|jeachnient managers in their present investigation but a foretaste of what would follow with such men in power? Here we have all the personal rights of the citizen invaded at once. With- out any process of law whatever, a man is deprived of his liberty and thrust into a cell at the mere bidding of a political bully. 'I"be secresy of the telegraph and postoffice is violated as no man would dare to violate it in despotic France. Men who do such things merely because they have the power, will know no limit but that of their power in enforcing their will. Mr. Iiinooln on Oarpet-baggsrs. When it was proposed to reconstruct Louisiana during the war, and fill the offices of that State and its representa- tion in Con<;ress with foreign adventu- rers "Old Abe" wrote the following letter, which is applicable to these times. Under date of November 21, 1863, Mr. Lincoln wrote as follows : '■ Dbak Sir — Dr. Kenedy, bearer of tin-, has some apprehension that Federal officers, not citizens of Louisiana, may be set up a-i candidates for Congress in that State, hi niy view there could be no poasihle objecc in such an election. We do not paiticu larly need members of Congress fiouj thore States to enable us to get along with legi.^- laLion here. What we do want is conclu- sive evidence that respectable citizens of Louisiana are willing to be members of Congress, and to swear support to the Con- stitution; and that other respectable citi- zens there are willing to vote for them. To send a parcel of Northern men here as representatives, elected, as would be under- stood (and perhaps really so), at the point of the bayonet, would be disgraceful and outrageous; and were I a men]ber of Con- gress there, I would vote against admitting any such man to a seat." Senator Harlan on &rant. Speech ov Sunator Haelan Affiematory OF Guakt's Military Inco-mpetency. In the Senate of the United State.s, on the 9th of May, 1862, the following speech, taken from the Cbngressional Giiibe, was delivered. (Second Session Thirty-seventh Congress, Part 3, pages 2,036-37.) Mr. Harlan said : Mr. President — So far as the remarks of the Senator from Ohio may have been in- tended to defend the troops of that State from any unjust aspersions, I have not a word to say. They were well-timed, and it was probably a proper subject for the con- sideration of the Senate, as their courage had been called in question, as it seeniSj by a Senator from another Stato. Hut at part of his speech which may have been in- tended 10 bolster up the reputation ol' Gen- eral Grant, I think, may have an injurious effect in the future, and hence I rise to re- pudiate every word he has said that may have tliat tendency. From all I can learn on the subject, I ito not think Genera.l, Grant is fit to command a great arm)/ in the field. Iowa had eleven reyimenis in the field at the battle of Pittsburg handing. lie can mver make one of those men believe that General Grant is fit to command. I have seen many of them, have conversed with the officers and privates, and they Lelieve that our army was surprised. 1 will read one or two short extracts from a letter written by a gentleman of my State, who is now the pre- siding Judge of one of the district courts, and who spent several days on the battle- field immediately after the conclusion of the battle. He says ; 380 DEMOCMA/Tl© SPEAEBS'lS HAWD^BOOK. "During the whole time I was with the army I availed myself of every means to gain correct information as to the battle and all tlie details connected with it No one can get the truth by a reading of the news- paper correspondence so well as by conver- eation with the officers and soldiers who were in the fight. There is no use trying to disguise or cover up the fact that our army was badly surprised on Sunday morn- ing. Up to the time that General Grant as- sumed command at Fittshvrg Landing, Gen- eral Sherman was in command, and kept his pickets of infantry and cavalry out in frj Gen- eral Canby, 133. Ames, Oakes, of Mass. A disinterested Legis- lator, 62. Amnesty. President Johnson's Proclamation of, 363. Andrews, ex-Clovernor, of Mass. Indisposition to avert Disunion, 77. Argns, Albany. On violation by Radicals of Declaration of Independence, 18. Arkansas. Mr. Lincoln's movement to reor- ganize State, 14. Startling provisions in Constitution of, 130. Readmitted to Rep- resentation, 134. Veto of act readmitting, 135. Vote of, on holding Convention, 135. Protest against admitting Representatives from, 136. Act to make stallion-keepers and other business and professional men take the Test-oath, 334. Bill to prescribe Confederate uniform for penitentiary con- victs, 334. Army, IT. S. Possession of polls at Nashville by, 208. Arnell, Samuel M., of Tenn. Opposition in House to admission of, 200. Ashburn, G. W. Military arrest and trial of citizens of Columbus, Georgia, for alleged murder of, 157, 333. ishley, Jas. M., of Ohio. Impeachment reso- lutions of, 98. Atkinson, Bishop, of N. C. On mortality among negroes, 379. Baldwin, A. C, of Michigan. Refused a right- ful seat in Congress, 92. Ballard, Judge, of Ky. Imprisonment of a Catholic priest by, 366. Banks, N. P., jr., of Mass. Disunion senti- ments of, 72. Bastile, at National Capitol. Character of, 90. Bayard, James A., of Delaware. On the ca- pacity of Mr. Wade as a trier of the Presi- dent, 108. Beck, James B., of Ky., and James Brooks, of New York. Protest of, 122. Beeoher, Henry Ward. Letter of, to Soldiers' and Sailors' Convention at Cleveland, 50. Disunion sentiment of, 72. Beef. Taxes paid by a, 296. Bingham, Jno. A., of Ohio. On the reduction of the Supreme Court, 48. On admission of Kansas, 143. Blair, Gen. C. W., of Kansas. Casts vote of Kansas for F. P. Blair., jr., 235. C389) Blair, General Francis P., of Mo. Nominated as Democratic Candidate for Vice President, 235. Speech of acceptance of, 239. Letter of acceptance of, 396. Biography of, 352. His war on the Test-oath, 354. His letter to J. 0. Broadhead, 355. Blasphemy of Radical leaders. Specimens of, 212. Bonds, V. S. Vote on taxing, 278, 279, 280, 286. Herald on the proposition, 287. Char- acter of, 299. Gold-bearing, outstand- ing, 300. Boston Post. On imprisonment of C. W. Wool- ley, 90. Bowen, 0. C, of South Carolina. Antecedents of, 330. Boyden, Nathaniel, of North Carolina. On bill to arm the militia, 336. Boyer, Benjamin M., of Penn. On the action of Congress in the McArdle case, 263. Bradley. A negro Senator in Georgia Legisla- ture, speech of, 330. ' Brooks, James, of New York. Turned out of his seat in Congress, 92. Protest of J. B. Beck, of Kentucky, 122. On redeeming 5-20s in greenbacks, 302. Breckinridge, Rev. R. J., of Kentucky. Incen- diary denunciation of Catholics by, 364. Brown, ex-Governor Joe, of Georgia. A del- egate to Radical Convention, 180. War record of, 180. Brown, John Young, of Kentucky. Refused a seat in Congress, 93. Brown, Simeon, of Mass. Disunion sentiments of, 72. Brown, T. W., of Tenn. Reads address of people to Democratic National Conven- tion, 228. Brown, W. Matt., Mayor of Nashville. Cor- respondence with Major-General 6. H. Thomas, 205. Browning, 0. H. On the question of veracity between the President and Gen. Grant, 172. Brownlow, W. G., Gov. of Tennessee. Exercise of pardoning power by, 204,. His plan of disposing of the negroes, 204. Usurpations of, sustained by the United States army, 204, Speech at Philadelphia Convention, 370. On redeeming 5-20s in greenbacks, 300. Buchanan, ex-President. Disrespect to mem- ory of, by Radical House of Representa- tives, 214, Burbridge. Reign of terror of, in Kentucky, 374. .100 INDEX. Buckner, Gen. S. B., of Ky. Speech of, at Sol- diers* and Sailors' Convention, 254. Barlingame, Anson, of Mass, Disunion sen- timent of, 72, Burnside, A. B., Governor of Rhode Island. Dispatch on impeachment, 104. Busteed, Judge Richard, of Alabama. Fierce rhetoric of, 371. Butler, B. F., of Massachusetts. Tilt of, with C. Wendell, 59. Short count of Mr. Wool ley's money, 59. His system of espionage, 212. His corruptions in New Orleans, 60. His remarks on impeachment, 102.- His bets on impeachment, 108. HiS'-expo&ure of the Na^ignal Bank system, 308. His speech at Philadelphia, 370. ^ Butler, R. R., of Tennessee. Dehate in House on admission of, 197. Record of, in Ten nessee Legislature, 197. Candidates' oath taken by, 202. Cabinet, Letters of five members of, verifying the President's position in the Grant contro- versy, 171'. Callicott, ex-Speaker of the New York Assem- bly, sent to the penitentiary, 66. Retained in ofi&ce by the Senate while a convict, 216. Campbell, Jas. B., speech of, on casting vote of South Carolina for Mr. Seymour, 231. Campbell, Lewis D., of Ohio. Indorsement of Democratic Platform by, 254. Carpet-baggers, harvest for, 145. Intelligence of, 153. Mr. Lincoln's opinion of, 379. Carpet-bags and Commerce, 360. Cary, General S. F., of Ohio, approves the Dem- ocratic platform, 256. Catholics, War of the Radicals on, 364. Radi- cal opinions, 365. Chandler, Zachary, of Michigan, cowhided by General Grant, 34. Blood-letting letter of, 77. Chicago Times on the new Electoral College Bill, 338. Chipley, Wm. S., father of one of the Columbus prisoners, petition of, 160. Church, Sanford E., of New York. Presen- tation of name in National Convention, 227. Civil Rights Bill, 269. Clerical Politicians. Resolutions of, at Chicago, on impeachment, 359. Cody, Mr., of Georgia. Imprisonment and treat- ment of, by military, 161. Coffroth, A. H., of Pennsylvania, turned out of his seat by the Radicals, 92. Colfax, Schuyler. Letter of acceptance of, 22. Know-Nothingism of, 44. His record, 181. His resolutions on Mr. Alexander Long, 182. Turnkey at Capitol, 90. His hurry to have Mr. Milligan hung, 362. His views of Catholicism, 368. ^ Columbus, Georgia. Arrest and treatment of citizens of, by military, 160. Conjury. Practice of, under military in the South, 158. Congress. Responsibility of, for expenditures, 63. Reconstruction Acts of, 116. Usurp- ing act of, placing Grant and the army be- yond the direct orders of the President, 371. Act snatching from the Supremo Court jurisdiction in the McArdlo case, 263. Non- entity of, 377. Corruption of, 57. Curtin, A. G., Governor, of Pennsylvania. His acknowledgment of aid from Governor Sey- mour, 345. Congress, Democratic members of. Prote.st Against the Indemnity Act, 85. Protest againsi admission of Arkansas members, 136. Conservative Convention, at Philadelphia, in 1866. Platform, officers and committees of, 176. Constitution of the United States, 5. Violation of, by Radicals, 5, 6, 7, 8 and 9. Abnega- tion of, by Chicago Convention, 20. Abne- gation of, by Grant and Coifax, 20-22. Fourteenth Amendment to, 117, 209. Thirteenth Amendment to, 209. Mr. Sew- ard as to ratification of Fourteenth Amend- ment, 274. Power to amend tre.T-ted by the New Orleans Picayune, 210. Bogus ratifi- cation of the Fourteenth Amendment, 274. Chas. O'Conner on, 276. Constitutions of rotten boroughs admitted to representation in lieu of Southern States, 126. The builders of, 124. ' Social equality of, 127. Qualification of voters and ofBce- holders under, 127. Public school provi- sions of, 127. Monstrosities of, 139. Cost of, 134. Constitutional Eagle, Camden, Arkansas, office of, destroyed by military, 163. Corruption of the Radical party, 57. Cox, S. S., of Ohio, Resolutions of, against military imprisonment of citizens, 82. Covode, John, of Pennsylvania, on the purchase of high officials, 57. Crittenden, John J., resolutions by, declaring the object of the war, 68. Peace resolu- tions of, in Senate, March 2, 1861, 74. Cromwell, negro delegate in Louisiana Conven- tion. Speech of, 125. Cross, Col. David C, of Arkansas. Military- imprisonment of, 157. Cummings, Rev. John A., of Missouri. Deci- sion of Supreme Court in Test-oath case of, 191. Cunningham, L. B., State Treasurer of Arkan- sas. Removal of, by Gen. Ord, 132. Davis, Judge David, of Supreme Court. Deci- sion in the Milligan case, 188. Deaf and dumb of the District of Columbia. Proposal to sell out the, by E. B. AVash- burne, 361. Declaration of Independence, 16. Radical vio- lations of, 18-19. Indorsement of, by, 18. Defrees, J. D., Superintendent of Public Print- ing, on National Labor Convention, 363. Delano, C, of Ohio, takes Gen. Geo. W. Mor- gan's seat in Congress, 95. Delegates to Democratic National Convention. List of, 240. Democratic members of Congress. Protests of, against Indemnity act, 85. Against ad- mission of Arkansas members, 136. Democratic Party. Proceedings of National Convention of, in 1S68, 217. Democratic Platforms. Of 1864, 51. Of 1868, 224. Dowees. Carpet-bagger, of North Carolina, on bill to arm the militia, 336. Dodge, Augustus C, of Iowa. Presentation of, for Vice-President, 233. Donnelly and Washburne. Congressional cour- tesies of, 60. t)oolittle, Jas. R., Senator from Wisconsin. Piesintation of name of, fur the Pro>idenoy, 227. Letkr in fiivur of Blair and Seymour, 255. Extract from a letter of, tj New York INDEX. 391 meeting, 378. Speech of, on Keconstrue- tion, 144. Douglas Stephen A., of Illinois, on the Re- publiean opposition to adjustment, 75-76. Dunn, O. J., (negro), Lieut.-Govornor, of Lou- isiana, 149. Dunbar, Edward E. Expose of condition of the U. S. Treasury by, 289. Duvall, W. 0. Disunion sentiment oi', 72. Eldridge, Chas. A., of Wisconsin, reports against impeachment, 98. On resolution of sympa- thy for Ireland, 273. Electoral Colleges. Act with reference to count- ing vote of, 337. No of, in each State, 259. English, James E., of Connecticut, presented for President in Democratic National Con- vention, 227. Etheridge, Emerson. Arrest of, 268. Evidence. Of pretended election frauds, 153. How obtained by Radicals in Georgia, 163. Ewing, Sen. Thomas, jr. Speech of, in Soldiers' and Sailors' Convention, 243. Financial proposition of, 253. Speech of, in National Democratic Convention, 223. Named for Vioe-Prosident, 233. Executive, Judicial and Legislative depart- ments. Views of Washington on the neces- sary independence of each, 57. Views of Madison, 67. Of John Adams, 57. Of Judge Woodward, of Pennsylvania, 57. Exemption. Amount of, covered in bogus con- stitution of Arkansas, 131. Expenditures of England and United States contrasted, 284. Fenians, of Philadelphia, for the Democratic ticket, 361. Penton, Reuben E., of New York. Antietam letter of, 376. Fessenden, W. P., Senator from Maine, on the impeachment pressure, 106. On the Tenure- of-OfBee bill, 106. Fields, Judge S. T., of the Supreme Court. Decision of, in Father Cummings' case, 191. In A. H. Garland's case, 194. In R. H. Marrs' case, 196. Named for President in Democratic National Convention, 228. Finances. National, 277. Financial view of Reconstruction, 133. Florida. Olustee expedition to, 115. Vote on admitting her to representation, 139. Elec- tion frauds in, 152. Forney, John W. Address of, to Washington negroes, 359. Forrest, Gen. N. B., casts vote of Tennessee for Gen. F. P. Blair, jr., 234. Fort Pillow libel on, 213. Foss, Rev. A. T., of New Hampshire. Dis- union sentiment of, 72. Frankfort, Ky. Mob at, 365. Franklin, Gen. W. B., of Connecticut. Speech as President of Soldiers' and Sailors' Con- vention, 260. Letter of, to Democratic Na- tional Convention, 222. Proedn: m's Bureau. Outrages of, 183. Law cr' ating the, 184. President's veto of, 184. Expenses of, 186. Salaries of ofilcers of, 186. Amalgamation doctrines of, 186. Further continuance of, 188. Funding bill, 329. Garland, A. H., of Arkansas. Decision of Su- preme Court in ca?e of, 194 Garrison, W. Lloyd. Disunion sentiment of, 72. Gazette, Cincinnati. lis opinion of Congress, 367. Generals, Federal. Radical proscription of, 360. Georgia and Mississippi. Injunction cases, 260.. 262. ' Germans, of New York. On Democratic nomina- tions, 368. Giddings, J. R., of Ohio. Noted sentiment of, 72. Gilbert, Colonel C. C, U. S. A. His views of the Freedom of the Press, 163. Gold- bearing Bonds. Amount of, outstandin<' 300. Gorham, G. C, Secretary of the Senate. Ante- cedents of, 63. Grant, U.S. Letter of acceptance of, 21. Rec- ord of, 23. Order reliUive to slaves, 23. How he voted for Douglas, 23. On Iowa, soldiers voting, 23. His views on slavery, 23. Terms of General Lee's surrender, 23. Indorses General Lee's petition for pardon, 23. Protests agkinst his indictment and trial, 24. Recommends that Senator Hun- ter be letalone,24. Recommends clemency to General Pickett, 24. His views on negro suffrage, 24. Against arbitrary arrests, 24. Report on the condition of the Southern States in 1866, 25. His order looking to the suppression of newspapers, 25. His speech at Cincinnati, in >a66, 25. Ilis father's letter on his candidacy, 26. Against sending troops' to Baltimore, in 1866, 26. Against martial law, 26. His te.-timony before the impeachment committee, 26. He plays mum with his father on negro suf- frage, 28. He indorses Congress, 28. His order expelling Hebrew citizens from his lines, 28. Resolution of Mr. Pendleton, of Ohio, thereon, 29. Resolution and speech of Senator Powell, of Kentucky, on same, 29. General Grant and the bondholder.^, 31. Wendell Phillips on Grunt, 32-37. Grant's proper name, 33. He was not for an anti- slavery war of abolition, 33. He cowhides Senator Chandler, 34. The law conferring the rank of General, 34. The Israelites of St. Louis, on Grant, 34. Radical denuncia- tion of Jews, 35. Senator Harlan on Grant as a General, 36. His tail, Colfax, 35. His suppression of newspapers, 36. His in- dorsement of the swingin'-round the-circle speeches of President Johnson, 36. Ho could not be induced to be President, 38. His murderous tactics, 38. His cruelty to prisoners, 39. His instructions to bis mili- tary commanders to carry out the views of the Radicals, 40. His indorsement of Lis commanders of the several Districts of the South, 40. His career as Sam. Grant, 41. His opinion of himself as a statesman, 42. The cotton speculation of Grant, the father, aided by the son, 42. Grant's punishment of private soldiers, 43. What he thinks of the soldiers, 44. Question of veracity be- tween Grant and President Johnson. 161. Certificate of Cabinet officers as to under- standing between Grant and the President, 171. Correspondence between Grant and the President, 165. Telegrams to General Thomas, with reference to Nashville elec- tion, 206-207. Appropriation of Mr. Wat- son's pony by, 381. Groans for, by United States sol.iitrs, at Montgomery, 373. Re- commends increase of force in Southern States, 131. Telegraph to General Bu- chanan, on adiuinisteriug oath to Louisiana Legislature, 150. Responsible for military arrests and outrages in the South, 162. 392 I^'DEX. Great Britain and United States. Contrast of debt and expenses of, 284. Greeley, Horace, Plan of adjustment proposed to Mr. Lincoln by, 175. Reads Mr. Thad- deus Stevens out, 304. Greenbacks, legal-tender, 277. Payment of bonds in, 288. Views of Mr. Brooks on payment of 6-20s in, 302. Of Tbaddeus Stevens on, 303. Of Senator Morton, of Indiana, on, 304. Of Brownlow on, 300. Of Horace Maynard on, 300. Qrier, Associate -Justice of the Supreme Court. Protest of, in McArdle case, 269. Qriswold, John A. Radical candidate for Gov- ernor of New York, Legislative proprieties of, 213. Habeas Corpus. Vote on suspension of, 85. Resolution with reference to, 82, 83. Hale, J. P. Disunion sentiment of, 71. Hamilton, A. J., of Texas. Speecli of, at Phila- delphia, 370. Hampton, General Wade, casts the vote of South Carolina for General F. P. Blair, jr., 234. Hancock, General W. S. Presentation of name of, for the Presidency, 227. Celebrated or- der of, 272. Letter of, to Mr. Glover, 357. Harlan, James, of Iowa. Mysterious wealth of, 60. Speech of, on Grant, 379. Harrington, Henry W., of Indiana. Habeas Corpus resolutions of, 83. Helper, Hinton Rowan. Extracts from Book of, 70. Henderson, J. B. Dispatch of E. W. Fox to, 103. Letter of Missouri Congressmen to, 103. Reply thereto, 103. Hendricks, Thumas A., of Indiana. Presenta- tion of name for the Presidency, 228. On bill to arm the militia, 335. Herald, New York, on effect of Radical success, 379. On negro riots in Washington, 358. Humphrey, Governor, of Mississippi, ejection of, by military force, 148. Himself and family ejected from Governor's mansion, 332. Impeachment. History of case of President Johnson, 97. Vote on, in House, 98-100. Indemnity Act, 84. Protest of Democratic members against, 85. Independent, New York, on dishonesty of Radi- cal Congress, 214. Intelligencer, National, on the Military reign of terror in the South, 162. Ireland. Sympathy for, action of House on, 272. Iron-clad Oath, 117. Isabel, R. H., (negro,) temporary Chairman of Louisiana House of Representatives, 149. Jacobs, Lieutenant-Governor, of Kentucky, ar- rest and banishment of, 258. Jefferson, Thomas, refusal, as President, to oxe- cuto an unconstitutional law, 110. Jenkins, C. T., Governor of Georgia. Removal of, by military, 132. Johnson, Andrew, President. On disunionism of Sumner, 77. History of impeachment of, 97. Appointment of General Thomas Secretary of War nd interinij 101. Last Amnesty procliimation of, 363. His corre- spondence with General Grant, 165. Ques tion of veracity between him and General Grant, 164. Veto of Froiidmcn's Bureau bill, 184. Veto of Arkansas bill, 135. Veto of Omnibus bill, 141. Veto of act Hill nilii g Judiciary actof 1789, 265. Veto of bJleitoral College bill, 337. Johnson and Sherman armistice, 85. Jones, George W., of Iowa. Arrest of, 258. Jones, John, Treasurer of Georgia. Removal of by military, 133. Judiciary, Military. Order substituting, for civil, in Virginia, 133. Kemper, General J. M., of Virginia, casts the vote of Virginia for General F. P. Blair, 235. Kent, Chancellor, on the power of removal, 112. Kiernan, Francis, of New York. Response to the nomination of Mr. Seymour by Ohio, 230. Kentucky. Treatment of her Representatives to Fortieth Congress, 94. Neutrality of, 94, Kentucky and Maryland. Proposal to exclude votes of, 361. Know-Nothing Radicalism, 367. Legal-tender, Acts making greenbacks a, 277. Legislative usurpations. Views of the framera of the Constitution on the dangers of, 45, Legislators, Negro. Specimens of, 152. Lincoln, Abrahiim. Letter to Horace Greeley, 52. Letter to Fernando Wood, promising to protect Southern Senators and Represent- atives, 70. On the right of secession, 78. On the imprisonment of General Stone, 84. On carpet-baggers, 379. On forming a State government in Louisiana, 113. Proc- lamation of, on Reconstruction, 114, To General Steele on proposed State govern- ment in Arkansas, 114. Proclamation of, in 1862, 26U. His messages of thanks to Governor Seymour, 343-344. Logan, John A., of Illinois. Resolution on the Kentucky Representatives, 93. Long, Alexander, of Ohio. Colfax's resolution to expel, 182. Louisiana. Mr. Lincoln's movement to organ- ize a State, 113. Bogus Legislature of, 149. Negro Lieutenant-Governor of, 149. Grant snubbed by negro officers of, 149. Military called out, 150. Antecedents of bogus Sen- ators from, 330. Louisville Journal. Position of, in 1861, 94. Lusk, Mr., of Mississippi, sentenced to death by a military court, 157. Marr, R. H., of Lousiana. Decision of Su- preme Court in case of, 196. Marshall, S. S., of Illinois, on official stealing, 57. On corruption, 66. On finances and expenditures, 315. Reporti against im- peachment, 98. Massachusetts. Legislature of, on Reconstruc- tion, 377. Maynard, Horace, against redeeming bonds in greenbacks, 300. McArdle, W. H., of Mississippi. Military im- prisonment of, 157-163. Arrest of action incase of, by Radical Congress, 263. Post- ponement of, by Supreme Court, 269. Pro- test of Judge Grier, 269. McClellan, George B. Resolutions of respect to, by Soldiers' and Sailors' Convention, 254. McClernand, John A., of Illinois. Speech de- clining the nomination for Vice-President, 233. McCook, George W., of Ohio. Speech nominat- ing Horatio Seymour, 229. McCulloch, Hugh, Secretary of the Treasury. On the retention of corrupt officials, 64. On the question of veracity between the Pres- ident and General Grant, 172. McDonald, Alex., Senator from Arkansas. An- tecedents of, 147. McKee, Samuel, of Kentucky, given John D. Young's seat in Congress, 95. IXDEX. 393 ^^o*,^*?' <^°n='"al, of New York. Remarks in boldiors' and Sailors' Convention, 253. Meade, General G. G. Removal of Governor Jenkins by, 132. Of Treasurer Jones, of Georgia, 133. Administration of, 153, 331. Hia use of detectives to convict the Colum- bus prisoners, 333. Methodists. Conference of at Chicago. Reso- lutions of, 359. Military interference in elections. Vote in Congress on, 211. Order of Stanton on, 211. Military Judiciary in Virginia. General Soo- field's orders to create, 133. Military terror. Reign of, in the South, 156. Militia, Loyal, in Tennessee. Rampage of, 202. Jurisdiction of, 203. Militia, Loyal, in South. Bill to arm the same, 334. Debate in Congress on, 335. Milligan, L. F. Decision of the Supreme Court in the case of, 188. Colfax's effort to hang, 362. ^ Milliken, Wm., of Tennessee. Arrest of, and imprisonment, by General Thomas, 162. Morgan, George W., of Ohio, turned out of his seat in Congress, 95. Speech notifying Mr. Seymour of his nomination, 238. Speech on the public debt, 317. Morton, 0. P., Senator from Indiana, on negro suffrage, 54. On redeeming Five-twenties in greenbacks, 304. MuUaly, John. Suggestions of his Southern trip to capitalists, 376. Mttllins, James, of Tennessee. Debate in the House on the admission of, 199. Letter of Lieut. A. M. Trolager on, 201. Mumford, Mr., of Now Orleans, The wrong man hung by Butler, 60. Nashville. Military interference at the charter election of, 204. " National " struck from prefix to name of Re- publican party, at Chicago, in 1860, 71. National Banks. Creation of, 278. Status of, 289. Vote in the House of Representatives to withdraw currency of, 310. How they work, 308. National Democratic Convention in 1868. Pro- ceedings of, 217. Platform adopted by, 224. Ballots in, 236-237. List of delegates to, 240. National Democratic Executive Committee for 1868, 227. National Intelligencer on bastile at Capitol, 88. National Life Insurance Company. Charter of, by Congress, 362. Negroes, Vote in Senate on giving privileges in cars to, 62. Mortality of, 379. Riot of, in Washington, 358. Forney's Address to, 359. Notification of, to white citizens to leave town, 358. Outlawry of, in the South, 154, 331. Negro officials, 149-151. Letter of the Tennes- see Congressional delegation infavor of, 203. Negro rule in the South, 151. Negro suffrage. Views of Stephen A. Douglas on, 53. Of Abraham Lincoln on, 53. Of Daniel Webster on, 63. Of Henry Clay oli, 53. Of Thomas Jefferson on, 53. Of Sen- ator Morton, of Indiana, on, 54. Of R. P. Spalding, of Ohio, on, 54. Of James Hughes, of Indiana, on, 54. Constitution of Pennsylvania on, 64. Votes in Congress on, 79, 80, 81 and 82. Popular votes of States on, 269. Exercise of, in the Southern States, 151. Xcgro tesUmcry. Votes in Congress on, 273. Now Orleans riot. Stanton responsible for, 375. Now York riots. Governor Seymour's course with reference to, 346. Niagara Falls. Account of proposed negotia- tion at, 175. Oath. Test, or Iron-clad, 119. O'Bierne, Col., of District of Columbia, reads address of Soldiers' and Sailors' Conven- tion, 222. O'Connor, Charles, on the power of States to withdraw ratification of 14th amendment, 276. Office. Indecent hunt for, by ex-U. S. Sena- tors, 373. Officials. Radical, in Tennessee. Taxes paid by, 204. Olds, Edson B. Arrest of, 258. Omnibus bill, 138. Vote on, 141. Veto of, 141. Opdyke, George, Mayor, of New York. His testimony to Gov. Seymour's course dur- ing the riots, 348. Ord, Gen. E. 0. C., favors increase of force in Southern States, 131. Removes Legisla- ture of Arkansas, 132. Removes State treasure of Arkansas, 132. Packer, Asa, of Pennsylvania, presented for the Presidency, 227. Palmer, H. L., of Wisconsin, temporary Presi- dent of National Democratic Convention, 217. Peace Conference. Propositions of, 73. Pendleton, Ge»rgeH., of Ohio, presented for the Presidency, 227. His letter of with- drawal to Washington McLean, Es'j., 228. His private letter to same, favoring Sey- mour, 214. His speech at Grafton, Va., 310. Personal liberty. Vote on, in Congress, 82. Phillips, Wendell. Disunion sentiments of, 72-73. Letter of, on the church and poli- tics, 361. On the rotten boroughs, 340. On Mr. Chase, 106. On the President, 369. Pickering, T.T. Removal of, by Jno. Adams, 110. Pomeroy, S. C, Senator from Kansas. Antece- dents of, 58. Pope, Gon. John. Confidential letter of, to Gen. Swayne, 132. Post, N. Y. Evening, on sale of Senator Pome- roy's vote, 59. On Radical ostracism of Supreme Court, 368. Prayer. Radical, at Philadelphia Convention, 369. Presidential elections. Popular vote in, since 1788, 269. Press. Radical assaults on the liberty of the, 179. Freedom of, in the South, 163. Preston, Gen. William, of Kentucky, presents the name of Gen. F. P. Blair, jr., for Vice- President, 233. Prussia. Magnanimity of the King of, 361. Public debt, 282. That of England and United States contrasted, 284. Public lands. The way they have been dis- posed of, 364. Pugh, George B., of Ohio, on the Crittenden resolutions, 76. On the proposed 14th amendment to the Constitution, 276. Picayune; New Orleans, on the power to amend the Constitution, 210. Radicals. Disunionism of leaders of, before the war, 70. Platform of, in 1868, 20. Antag- onism to Catholicism, 365. Mob of, in United States Senate, 48. Enow-Nothing- ism of, in Connecticut, 367. 394 INDEX. Radical Congress. Conscription of, 57. New York Independent on dishonesty of, 214. New York Evening Post on the, 368. Cin- cinnati Gazette on the, 368. Radical financiers. Ignorance of, 301. Radical rule. Cost of, since the war, 298- Railroads. Land grants to, 364. Randall, A. W., on the question of veracity be- tween the President and Gen. Grant, 172. Ream, Miss Vinnie. Radical persecution of, 86, Receipts and expenditures of the United States for 1867, 280. Reconstruction. Military acts of Congress au- thorizing, 116- Confession by New York Tribune of purpose, 372. History of, 113. Effect of, 164- Northern perils from, 163. Prejudice to workingmen of, 164. Regis- tration returns of, 151. Expense of, 134, 329. Representation. Blows struck at, by Radical power in Congress, 91. Revolution. Attempts at, by Radicals in Con- gress, 121. Rice, B- F., Senator from Arkansas. Letter of, 148. Richardson, "VV, A., of Illinois, against military imprisonment, 83, Riot of negroes in Washington after municipal election, 358. Ross, E. G.J Senator from Kansas. Telegrams to, pertding impeachment, 105. Salaries. Sizes of, in bogus States, 133. Saulsbury, W,, Senator from Delaware, on Radi- cal violation of Constitution and Declara- tion of Independence, 19. Schenck, R. C, of Ohio- Dispatch of, on im- peachment, 104, On ofBeial corruption, 63. Statement of Government receipts and ex- penditures by, 280. Scott, Gov., of South Carolina. His mode of having peace, 336. Sea Island lands. Outrageous disposition of, 377. Sedalia Times. A Radical paper, in Missouri, on the Catholics, 365. Seizure of private papers, in violation of Consti- tution, indorsed by Radicals, 216- Senate of the United States responsible for cor- rupt officials, 63, 64. Election of Mr. Stockton, 91. Its action on Senator Thomas, 93. Its use of the contingent fund, 296. Its retention of the convict Callicott, 216. Senators of the United States. Proposed sale of five, 58. Sergeant-at-arms of the House of Representa- tives. Enormous fees of, 286. Seward, W. H. His letter declining Erench mediation, 69. On the ratification of the Fourteenth amendment, 211. On the ques- tion of veracity between General Grant and the President, 173. His proclamation cer- tifying hypothetical ratification of Four- teenth amendment, 274. Seymour, Horatio. President Of Democratic Na- tional Convention of 1868, 219. Speech of, on taking the chair, 219. Declines the Presi- dency, 227. Again declines, 229. Is nom- inated, 232. Speech of acceptance, 2;-i8. Letter of acceptance of nomination, 385. Speech at Cooper Institutje on the Finances, 320. Biography of, 340. War record of, 342, 360. His course during the New York riots, 345. Thanks of the New York Leg- islature to, 348. Albany Evening Journal on, .S49. Letler to President Lincoln on the draft, 346. Shellabarger, Samuel, of Ohio. Bill in Congress, to regulate suffrage in Ohio, 360. Shepherd, Colonel 0. L., U. S, A. Order con- demning Democratic soldiers, 373. Sherman, John. Cincinnati Gazette on funding talent of, 294. Greenback letter of, 295. On Tenure-of-office bill, 107. Sherman and Johnston armistice, 85. Report of General Sherman on, 86. Slocum, General, of New York. Resolutions re- ported by, in Soldiers' and Sailors' Conven- tion, 252. Smith, General Ashbel, of Texas, casts her vote for F. P. Blair, jr., 234. Soldiers' and Sailors' Convention of 1868, 243. Adoption of the Democratic platform by, 254. Officers of, 250. National committee appointed by, 250. Address of, to Demo- cratic National Convention, 251. South Carolina. Debt of and cost of reconstruc- tion in, 329. Southern States. Provisional governments in by President Johnson, 115. Rotten bor oughs in some of, 134, 141. Speed, James, Attorney-General, against tht execution by the President of an unconsti- tutional law, 111. Stanton, E. M. Suspension of, 110. Abdica- tion of, 113. Removal of, indorsed by Sol- diers' and Sailors', 254. Covering up of tracks by, 371. Letter of, praising President Johnson, 373. Letters of thanks to Gov- ernor Seymour by, 343, 344. States, reservations of. Instructions to dele- gates in Continental Congress, 55. States Rights. Debate on, in the Convention which framed the Constitution, 55. Views of Mr. Calhoun on, 56. Steedman, James B., of Louisiana. On the nomination of General Blair, 233. Stevens, Thaddeus. His opinion of Senatorial perjury, 58. Blasphemy of, 212. His let- ter on Mr. Buchanan's death, 214. His views on redeeming the 5-203 in coin, 303. Horace Greely on, 304. Sneers of, at mercy, 370. Stockton, John P., Senator of New Jersey. Ejection of, from his seat, 91. Stokes, W. B., of Tennessee. Objection in House to admission of, 200. Letter of, to Duncan, 200. Remarks on bill to arm the militia, 335. Stone, Brigadier-General C. P. President Lin- coln on imprisonment of, 84. Stuart, Charles E., of Michigan. Speech of, on Governor Seymour's nomination, 231. Stubblefield, George J., of Tennessee. On Brownlow's exercise of the pardoning power, 204. Suffrage, Negro. Votes on in Congress, 78. Negro Suffrage, 78. Sumner, Charles. On election of negroes to Congress, 372 Supreme Court of the United States. Decis- ion of, in the Milligan case, 188. In Fa- ther Cumming's Test-oath case, 191. In A. H. Garland's ease, 194. In R. H. Marr's case, 196. In MiS(>issippi and Georgia cases, 260-262. In W. H- McArdle's case 269. Judge Qrier's. protest, 269. Act of Congress forbidding action of, on Recon- struction cases, 263. INDEX. 395 Taxing bonds. Votes on, 278. Tennessee. Reconstruction of, 115. Condition of, 196. Debate in House on admitting Rep- resentatives of, 196. Letter of Congres- sional delegation of, in favor of negroes holding office, 203. Tenure-of-Office bill, 96. Testimony. Coercion of negroes to manufacture, by military in Georgia, 159. Ttiomas, General George H. His arrest and im- prisonment of Wm, Milliken, 162. Tele- grams between, and General Grant, with ref- erence to Nashville election, 205, 206, 207. His correspondence with W. Matt. Brown, 205. Thomas, Phillip Frank, of Maryland. Refused his seat in Senate, 93. Thurman, A. G., of Ohio. Startling financial facts by, 288. Tilden, S. J., of New York. Speech casting vote for Governor Seymour, 232. Speech at meeting notifying candidates, 238. Times, London. On Democratic platforto, 257. Tortugas. Military confinement of citizens of Alabama at, 157. Treasury. Condition of the United States, ex- posed by W. E. Dunbar, 289. Tremainc, Lyman. Extracts from speeches of, 369. Tribune, New York. On right of the South to secede, 78. Vindication of Governor Sey- mour by, 344. Trimble, John, of Tennessee. Objection in House to admission of, 200. Trollops, Anthony. On reconstruction, 339. .Troluger, A. M., United States Army. On loy- alty of James MuUins, 201. Trumbull, Lyman. On the corrupt pressure to secure conviction of the President, 59, On the admission of Alabama, 142. Two-thirds rule adopted by Democratic Na- tional Convention, 226. Vallandigham, C. L., of Ohio. Remarks with- drawing Mr. Pendleton, 228. Remarks pressing Mr. Seymour, 229. His resolution relative to workingmen, 235. His trial and banishment, 257. Van Trump, P., of Ohio, His resolution on Capitol bastile, 90, Van Wyck, C, H., of New York. Course with reference to memory of Mr. Buchanan, 215. Veracity. Question of, between the President and General Grant, 164. Virginia Convention of 1 868. Character of, 124. Voorhees, D. W., of Indiana. Ejected from his ■rightful seat in Congress, 92. Vote. Latest popular, 259. For President in 1864, 258. For President since 1788, 259. Electoral, 259, "Wade, B. F., of Ohio, Disunion sentiments of, 73, 77. Blasphemy of, 212. Rebuke of Senator Bayard to, 108, Waldo, Rev. Dr. Remarks in Methodist Con- ference at Chicago, 359. War. Object of, the restoration of the Union, 68. War and Navy Departments. Cost of, 300. Washburne, E. B., of Illinois. On bill to arm the militia, 335. Washington. Negro riot in, after the municipal election, 358. Washington, George. Efforts to impeach, 109. Webb, James Watson. Disunion sentiment of, in 1856, 73. Webster, E. H., of Michigan. Proposition against negro suffrage, 79. Weed, Thurlow. On the proposed sale of Sen- ator Pomeroy's vote, 59. On the Abolition disunionists, 77. Welles, Gideon. On the question of veracity between the President and Gen. Grant, 171. Whaley, J. C. C, President of the National La- bor Union. Correspondence with J. D. Defrees, 363. Whisky Ring. Grief of, at Richmond, 64. Grief of, at New York, 66. New York Times on, 65. Williams, G. H., Senator from Oregon. On Ten- ure-of-office bill, 106. Wilson, James F., of Iowa. Report of, against impeachment, 99. Wilson, Henry. On the President, 369, Wood, Fernando, of New York. Resolution of sympathy with Ireland, 272. Woodbridge, F. E., of Vermont. Report of, against impeachment, 99. Woodward, George W., of Pennsylvania. On resolutions of impeachment, 111. On the death of Mr. Buchanan, 215. On the ac- tion of Congress in interfering with the Supreme Court, 266. WooUey, C. W. Imprisonment of, by the House of Representatives, 88. Woolford, Colonel Frank. Arrest of, 258. Working-men of the United States. Resolu- tion of sympathy with, of the Democratic National Convention, 235. Proscription of, by Radical Superintendent of Public Print- ing, 363. World (New York). On the conditions pre- scribed by Omnibus Bill, 142. (Valuable articles from this able Democratic organ are abundant in this book.) Yates, Richard, of Illinois. On the President, 369. Young, John D„ of Kentucky. Refused his rightful seat in Congress, 94. Young, Rev. Lambert. Imprisonment of, by Judge Ballard, 366.