OVA S3\ A- Av* '"^ o LIBRARY '5 3 1924 098 140 688 Imti Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://archive.org/details/cu31924098140688 In compliance with current copyright law, Cornell University Library produced this replacement volume on paper that meets the ANSI Standard Z3 9. 48- 199 2 to replace the irreparably deteriorated original. 2004 CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY ^- CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY H ISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 1609 -1884. BY J. THOMAS SCHARF and THOMPSON WESTCOTT IN THREE V O L, U lVl E S. Vol. I. PHILADELPHIA.: L. ti. EVERTS & CO. 1884. E.M. >H — 936271 Copyright, 1884, by L. H. Everts & Co. PRESS OF J. B. LIPPINCOTT & CO., PHILADELPHIA. t PREFACE. In presenting this History of Philadelphia to the public no apology is necessary. As a record of events, as an exhibition of men, as a chronicle and exposition of institutions and resources, the work in this particular field, it is believed, will be found a complete and satisfac- tory record, in its every department, of the growth, development, and expansion of a munici- pality. This is asserted with a thorough knowledge of what has been done elsewhere since the revival of public interest in and enthusiasm for local details, and with a consciousness also of the suspicion of arrogance and self-assumption naturally incidental to such pretensions. To accomplish so much, and with such a degree of self-satisfaction, has been no holiday task. Of the labor, expense, and responsibility involved, very little need be said. The proof is presented in these volumes. In their preparation more than twenty times the compass of material, expressly procured and arranged, in addition to the great collection of books read and examined for collateral information, was digested, condensed, and, in the pertinent newspaper phrase, " boiled down" to the present limits. In no sense of the word is this work founded upon, built up out of, or repeated from, any previous one on the same subject, or any of its branches. It is a new book, treating its theme in a new, comprehensive, and original manner, after exhaustive research, thorough examination, and critical comparison of the best authorities, and the most authentic documents and authoritative records. This digesting and assimilating process has not, perhaps, been carried as far as exigent critics might demand, but in this busy and bustling world there is not time enough to polish the front of a city hall as nicely as one would a mantel ornament of Parian marble. The proprieties of style have, however, not been neglected, for carelessness in that respect would have been equally unworthy of a theme so dignified, and of the liberality and beauty of form of the publishers' work. A history so comprehensive in its objects and scope, and embracing such an infinitude of details, must necessarily have its limitations and defects, because of the impossibility of dis- cussing fully a great variety of subjects without occasional errors. It would have been easy to escape from them by making the work less copious, by avoiding dangerous or controverted themes, and so gliding swiftly over the surface, generalizing and summing up instead of dis- playing all the facts. The desire to leave nothing untold which could in any way throw light upon the history of men, events, and institutions in Philadelphia has made it impossible at times to escape repetition. Facts, which fall within the proper cognizance of the narrative of general events, will sometimes reappear in another shape in the records of institutions or in special chapters. But the fault will claim the reader's indulgence, because intelligent persons prefer a twice-told tale to one neglected or half told. iv PKEFACE. Several of the themes or chapters of the homogeneous whole have been treated by those who have some particular association or long acquaintance with the subject. In the diversity of writers there will of course be variety of opinions, but they make good the poet's description, "Distinct as the billows, yet one as the sea," and may not be the worse for each offering a reflection, according to its turn to the light, without marring the unity of the general expanse. Without Mr. Westcott's indispensable aid and invaluable stores of material on the History of Philadelphia, which he has been diligently collecting for the past thirty years, and which have been used in every department of this work, it would have been impossible to present the history of this great city in the satisfactory shape it now assumes. Indeed, as has been frequently stated in the following pages, Mr. "Westcott has devoted a lifetime to the faithful, industrious, and intelligent pursuit of this history ; few records have escaped him, and he has supplemented their evidence with recollections of a trustworthy character, and with testimony from a thousand sources, such as none but the most indefatigable antiquarian would seek or could procure. Mr. Westcott has also contributed to the work many valuable and unique drawings, portraits, maps,. plans, etc., which are now printed for the first time; and during its progress he has also been constantly consulted by all engaged in the preparation of the special chapters, and besides furnishing important suggestions, facts, and items, he has read and corrected all the proofs, from the first page to the last. Besides the very efficient aid thus rendered during the various stages of the work, he has specially prepared for it the chapters on " Progress from 1825 to the Consolidation of the City, in 1854;" "Music, Musicians, and Musical Societies;" " Charitable, Benevolent, and Religious Institutions and Associations ;" " Military Organiza- tions, Armories, Arsenals, Barracks, Magazines, Powder-Houses, and Forts ;" " Municipal, State, and Government Buildings ;" " Court-Houses, Prisons, Reformatory and Correctional Institutions, and Almshouses;" "Public Squares, Parks and Monuments;" "Roads, Ferries, Bridges, Public Landings and Wharves ;" " Telegraph," and many other minor subjects. The authors would be unjust to themselves, and to the city whose history they have written, if they did not acknowledge, in this place, with feelings of profound gratitude, the cordial aid extended to them and to their undertaking by the press and people of Philadelphia. They have given the fullest encouragement throughout, and have helped materially in elaborating and perfecting the work. Important and valuable assistance and information have been received from the following persons, to whom also particular recognition is clue : To Frederick D. Stone, librarian of the Pennsylvania Historical Society, for valuable memo- randa and suggestions made to the authors during the progress of their work ; to Frank Willing Leach, for biographical sketches and details in regard to the press and libraries of Philadelphia ; to Rev. W. B. Erben, for the preparation of the hist6ry of the Episcopal Church in Philadelphia and its institutions and church work ; to Martin I. J. Griffin, for the history of the Catholic Church, and its institutions, societies, schools, and church work; to Bishop Matthew Simpson, of the Methodist Episcopal Church, Rev. William Cathcart, D.D., of the Baptist Church, Rev. Charles G. Ames, of the Unitarian Church, Rev. W. J. Mann, D.D., of the Lutheran Church, Rev. W. M. Rice, of the Presbyterian Church, John Edmunds, of the Congregational PKEFACE. Church, and Rev. Chauncey Giles and T. S. Arthur, of the Swedenborgian Church, for essential assistance in the preparation of the history of their respective denominations; to Albert H. Hoeckley, for his chapter on " Clubs and Club Life ;" to Charles R. Hildeburn, the librarian of the Athenseum, for many kindnesses of various sorts ; to Isaac H. Shields, attorney-at-law, for his complete chapter on the intricate and important subject of "The Municipal Government of Philadelphia ;" to Lloyd P. Smith, librarian of the Philadelphia and Ridgway Library, for many kindnesses and courtesies in smoothing the way, and contributing to the work the details for the history of the libraries under his charge, including free access to and use of valuable documents; to William Perrine, who contributed to the work the chapters on " Progress from the Consolidation Act, in 1854, to the Civil War," "After the Civil War," and "Educa- tion ;" to Rev. Jesse Y. Burke for sketch of the Pennsylvania University ; to Hon. James T. Mitchell, who kindly revised the chapter on the " Bench and Bar ;" to John Hill Martin, author of " The Bench and Bar of Philadelphia," who furnished valuable Civil Lists, and, with a kind- ness and courtesy not to be forgotten, allowed the authors to extract all that they wanted from his able work ; to Wm. B. Atkinson, M.D., who revised the chapter on the " Medical Profession," and S. D. Gross, M.D., LL.D., who read the proofs of the same ; to Charles A. Kingsbury, M.D., D.D.S., for materials on Dental Surgery and Institutions; to Lewis D. Harlow, M.D., for sketches of Pennsylvania and Philadelphia Medical Colleges ; to Miss May Forney, for the chapter furnished by her upon "The Distinguished Women of Philadelphia;" to Professor R. M. Johnston, who prepared the chapter on " Literature and Literary Men ;" to Robert R. Dearden, A. J. Bowen, J. H. C. Whiting, and John A. Fowler, for much valuable material on the history of insurance in Philadelphia ; to Clifford P. MacCalla, Charles E. Mayer, Edward S. Roman, John W. Stokes, George Hawkes, Walter Graham, William Hollis, John M. Vanderslice, and John Magargee, for valuable assistance in the preparation of the chapter on " Secret Societies and Orders." Among others to whom acknowledgments are especially due may be mentioned the late Edward Spencer, Charles H. Shinn, Nathaniel Tyler, Professor P. F. de Gournay, John Sar- tain, Samuel W. Pennypacker, Dr. W. H. Burke, Professor Oswald Seidensticker, James J. Levick, M.D., Rev. W. M. Baum, D.D., Frederick Emory, and Professor W. H. B. Thomas, who have furnished much valuable information and assistance. The publishers have most liberally met every desire, in respect of letter-press and engrav- ings of portraits, maps, and other illustrations ; they have spared no expense or effort to make the mechanical execution of the volumes equal to its subject, and they have helped in every difficulty while the work was in progress. Philadelphia, March 1, 1884. CONTENTS OF VOLUME I. CHAPTER I. Topography op Philadelphia . . . . . . . 1 CHAPTER II. The Geological Structure, Vegetation, and Animals op the Site of Philadelphia . . 17 CHAPTER III. The Indians . . ... 30 CHAPTER IV. Discovery and Occupation of the Hudson and Delaware Piters by the Dutch • . 52 CHAPTER V. The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware ... .... 61 CHAPTER VI. The Planting of Philadelphia ... 72 CHAPTER VII. "William Penn ... .... ... . . .77 CHAPTER VIII. "William Penn as a Law-Giver and Statesman . . 87 CHAPTER IX. Pounding the Great City — Penn in Philadelphia— His Administration 94 CHAPTER X. Rapid Growth of the Province and City — " Asylum for the Oppressed of all Nations" — Movements of William Penn, 1684-1699 . . 113 CHAPTER XL Manners and Customs of the Primitive Settlers 129 CHAPTER XII. Penn's Administration, 1699-1701— Pennsbury Manor— The Proprietary Returns to England. 157 CHAPTER XIII. The Quaker City, 1701-1750 . 174 fii viii CONTENTS OF VOLUME I. CHAPTER XIV. PAGE Benjamin Franklin and Philadelphia .... 218 CHAPTER XV. Local History and Growth, 1750 to 1775 . . . 243 CHAPTER XVI. Philadelphia during the .Revolution. Part I. — Prom the Stamp A'ct to the Declaration of Independence 267 CHAPTER XVII. Philadelphia during the Revolution. Part II. — From July 4, 1776, to the End op the British Occupation 322 CHAPTER XVIII. Philadelphia during the Revolution. Part III. — Prom the American Reoccupation to the Declaration of Peace, Jan. 22, 1784 . . . . .... 386 CHAPTER XIX. Growth of Philadelphia from the Declaration of Peace, Jan. 22, 1784, to the Passage of the Embargo Laws of 1794 . . 433 CHAPTER XX. Philadelphia from 1794 to the Close of the Century . 476 CHAPTER XXI. First Years of the Nineteenth Century to the Trial of the Embargo Act in 1807 . 50" CHAPTER XXII. From the Embargo to the Close of the War of 1812-15 . . . 530 CHAPTER XXIII. From the Treaty of Ghent to the Close of the Quarter-Century . . . 580 CHAPTER XXIV. Progress from 1825 to the Consolidation, in 1854, of the various Corporations, Boroughs, Districts, and other Municipal Bodies, which now in their united form constitute the City of Philadelphia ... . 617 CHAPTER XXV. From the Year of Consolidation, 1854, to the Beginning of the Civil War . . 716 CHAPTER XXVI. The Civil War ' . . .... . . 735 CHAPTER XXVII. Philadelphia after the Civil War .... . . 833 ILLUSTRATIONS OF VOLUME I. PAGE Almshouse, Friends' Old 191 Andre, Major J 381 Arms op Penn 80 Arnold, Gen. Benedict 389 Association Battery . . . . . .215 Autographs of Governors, Deputy Governors, Presi- dents of Councils, Assistants in the Govern- ment, and Speakers of Assembly, from 1682 to 1700 128 Autographs of Penn and Attesting Witnesses to the Charter of 1682 Ill Bank Meeting-House 121 Barry, John 304 Bartram's House 234 Biddle, Capt. James ....... 557 Bouquet, Henry 252 British Barracks . . 253 British Stamp .... ... 271 Cadwalader, John 295 Caricature of Coebett . . ... 498 Carpenters' Hall . . 290 Chestnut Street in 1803 511 Chew, Benjamin ... . 345 Chew Mansion ... .... 356 Clarke's Hall and Dock Creek . . . .181 Continental Currency ....... 336 Cooper's Prospect frontispiece Cooper Shop Volunteer Refreshment Saloon . . 831 Court-House, Town Hall, and Market in 1710 . . 187 Delaware Indian Family 49 Delaware Indian Fort 43 De Vries, David Pietersen 60 Diagram of Indian House . . . . 41 Dickinson, John 276 Duche, Rev. Jacob 291 Duche's, Rev. Jacob, House . .... 292 Evans, Oliver 521 Evans' Steam Carriage 522 Fac-Simile of "Weekly Mercury" .... 227 Ferguson, Mrs. Elizabeth 391 Fort Casimir or Trinity Fort 70 'Fort Wilson," Residence of Jajies Wilson . . 401 page Franklin at the Age of Twenty .... 220 Franklin, Benjamin 458 Franklin's Birthplace ...... 219 Franklin's Certificate as Member of Assembly, and Receipt for Salary 240 Franklin's Grave 459 Franklin's Press 229 Gallatin, Albert 580 Germantown Academy ....... 255 Girard, Stephen 630 Girard's Dwelling and Counting- House in 1831 . 631 Goddard, William 285 Gordon, Patrick 178 Great Seal of Pennsylvania in 1712, Obverse and Reverse 122 Head-Dress for the Meschianza .... 380 Henry, Alexander 803 Holme's Map of Philadelphia and Surrounding Ter- ritory 108 Holme's Portraiture of Philadelphia ... 96 Horticultural Hall . 847 House where Jefferson wrote the Declaration of Independence 320 Hudson, Henry 53 Independence Bell . . ... 245 Independence Hall in 1778 322 Independence Hall in 1876 (Interior) . . 318 Indian Autographs ... ... 39 Kane, Dr. Elisha K 725 Keith, Governor Sir William . ... 177 Lafayette Arch . . 609 Letitia House 109 Lindstrom's Map of Delaware Bay and River . 74 Lindstrom's Map of New Sweden on the Delaware. 73 Logan, James 161 London Coffee-House ...... 282 Machinery Hall 845 MAcrnERSON Blue, A 494 Main Centennial Exhibition Building . . 841 Map of Delaware Bay and River .... 71 Market-House (Second and Pine Streets) . . 213 McLane, Col. Allen 375 ix ILLUSTKATIONS OF VOLUME I. Meade, Gen. George G Meeting-Place of the Piest Assembly at Upland . Memorial Hall Meschianza Procession Meschianza Ticket Miles, Gen. Samdel Mifflin, Thomas Monument to mark the Site of the T: Morris, Robert "Morris House" (Samuel B. Morris' ington's Residence in Germantown in 1793) Mount Pleasant Mud Island in 1777 Markham Nixon, John Oath and Signatures of Governor in 1681 Oath of Allegiance Oswald, Col. Eleazer Paine, Thomas Paoli Monument Patterson, Gen. Robert Penn, John Penn, William Penn's Burial-Place Penn's Brew-House Penn's Clock . Penn's Treaty-Tree in Pennsylvania Hall Pennsylvania Journal Philadelphia Arcade Philadelphia Bank Pillory . Plan of British Fortifications around in 1777 . . . Plan of Fort Mifflin . Plan of the Battle of Germantown Plan of the Town and Fort of Christiana Plat of Approaches to Germantown . 1800 reaty-Thee House, Wash- 's Council page 812 102 844 379 378 308 280 106 277 278 390 361 321 94 338 425 309 349 755 258 77 82 153 163 104 651 2S1 618 536 201 Philadelphia 360 363 354 64 353 1800 Plat of Operations on the Delaware Poor Richard Almanac, 1733, Title-Page op President's Chair, and the Desk upon which Declaration of Independence was Signed Provincial Currency .... Reed, Joseph ...... Residence of Lord Howe RlTTENHOUSE, DAVID .... rlttenhouse observatory at norriton Sanitary Fair Building Schuylkill Club Emblem Scull & Heap's Map of Philadelphia in 1750 Seal of Philadelphia in 1683 Seal of Philadelphia in 1701 Second Street north from Market about Shee, John Shippen, Edward (First Mayor) . Slate-Roof House Slave Advertisements .... State-House in 1744 .... Stewart, Capt. Charles Stone Prison St. Augustine's Catholic Church . St. Clair, Gen. Arthur Stuart, George H. Stuyvesant, Governor Peter susquehannah indian Thomson, Charles Thomson's, Charles, Residence Title-Page of Frame's Poem Unite or Die Walnut Street Prison .... Washington's Headquarters at Valley Forge Washington Guards Welsh, Hon. John .... Wharton Mansion .... Whitefield, George Willing, Thomas .... PAGE 306 237 . 317 . 197 . 279 . 351 . 263 . 261 . 815 . 233 . 14 . Ill . 173 . 511 . 307 . 158 . 147 200, 256 . 207 748 202 667 437 830 68 33 274 275 223 303 267 369 563 842 377 238 276 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. CHAPTER I. TOPOGRAPHY OF PHILADELPHIA. " Pulchra duos inter sita Stat Philadelphia rivos ; Inter quos duo aunt niillia longa via. Delawar hie major, Sculkil minor ille vocatur; India et Suevi6 notus uterque diu. JEdibus oruatur multis urbs limite longo, Quse parva emicuit tempore magna brevi. Hie plateas mensor spatiis delineat acquis, Kt dotnui recto est ordine juncta domus." — Thomas Makin, In laiides Pen-nstjlvaniif jwnrn, 1729. HlSTOKY, as men have come to learn, is not simply the annals of kings and queens, of factions and par- ties, nor must it rest with recording the hattles and movements of armies and the proceedings of parlia- ments and assemblies. To satisfy intelligent inquiry, to instruct as well as amuse, it should present a pic- ture of the country and the people, and show how external circumstances and internal relations have reciprocally acted one upon the other to mould char- acter and determine events. The court, the forum, the public assemblage are not to be neglected, but the full history of a country or a period cannot be written until we have accompanied the people to their firesides, and seen how they lived, ate, dressed, thought, spoke, and looked. The historian should be an artist, full of sincerity, full of imagination, and even a degree of sentiment for his work, but that work must be founded in the first instance upon close, accurate, ex- haustive study of the age, the men, the manners and customs, and all the private concerns, as well as the public performances of the community which is dealt with. In the pursuit of such inquiries nothing which is relevant can be trivial, for history resembles a post-mortem examination, which must be so con- ducted as to enable us not only to reconstruct an Note. — The author wishes to state in advance that not only the present chapter, but much of all that succeeds it, has been prepared in associa- tion with Thompson Westcott, and with the indispensable aid of his manuscripts, his collections of material, his researches, and his exten- sive publications on the subject of the history of Philadelphia. He has devoted a lifetime to the faithful, industrious, and intelligent pursuit of this history; few records have escaped him, and he has supplemented their evidence with recollections of a trustworthy character and testi- mony from a thousand sources, such as none but the most indefatigable antiquarian would seek or could procure access to. Such aid, such cheer- ful co-operation, such fruitful products of untiringindustry in special in- vestigation cannot fail to make the present work luminous in respect of that intimate local information and those obscure but essential par- ticulars into which so few histories descend. 1 actual living frame from inanimate remains, giving accurately all the details of race, age, sex, complexion, frame, general conformation, and individual peculi- arity, but to show also with firm and irrefutable demonstration what was the lesion under which the vital powers were extinguished, what organs were affected, and how their disorder came to be climaxed in dissolution. An era or an epoch is as the life of a man, and must be studied with the aid of the scalpel and the microscope. In no other way can an accurate and vivid reproduction of the past be effected. Es- pecially should the historian avoid interpreting a past age by the feelings, sentiments, and experiences of the present. He must, as nearly as possible, assimilate himself to the times and the men he is describing, analyze their shortcomings and prejudices in the same atmosphere and light that engendered them, and enter into the period as if he belonged to it. Thus, as Taine has acutely said, " through reflection, study, and habit we succeed by degrees in producing senti- ments in our minds of which we were at first uncon- scious ; we find that another man in another age necessarily felt differently from ourselves ; we enter into his views and then into his tastes, and as we place ourselves at his point of view we comprehend him, and in comprehending him find ourselves a little less superficial." The historian who holds this opinion of his duty and his task must always look with peculiar pleasure upon all that concerns the birth, growth, and develop- ment of cities, for it is in these congregated and crowded communities that man is seen working at most freedom from the restrictions and limitations of nature and evolving the greatest results from that complex and co-operative force which we call society. Civilization itself is the product of civic and social life, and depends for its continuance upon the main- tenance of society in a healthy civic condition. The city is the fountain of progress ; it is the type, how- ever, and exemplar of the State, though often its fore- runner. The city of Philadelphia must always be an object of particular and inexhaustible interest to the student of American history and American institutions. Pecu- liar in its origin and initial institutions, — a city which was made and did not spring spontaneously from the concurrence of circumstances and surroundings,— it yet took its place at a very early day as the focus of 1 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. American tendencies and aspirations, and became the centre and the birthplace of the United States as an independent Commonwealth. In the military and in the political history of this nation Philadelphia occu- pies the foremost place. It was founded as an asylum of peace and the home of pacific industry, but it be- came not only the sport and the prey of contending armies, but the arsenal of the war-making power of the continent during seven years of eager and fluctu- ating contest. The greatest of deliberations were carried forward to national conclusions within its ven- erated walls, and from it as a centre were derived those impulses to sublime action which attain even grander proportions as they recede in the vista of time. Here, too, American industry was first fostered in a pecu- liarly national and American way, until a continental policy grew out of local practice and the successes which attended local experiment. Philadelphia has besides a history of its own, which catches in a pecu- liar manner the light of the genius loci. In many re- spects of constitution, institutions, municipal rule and law, construction, manners and customs, it is dissimi- lar from other cities and possesses a physiognomy all its own. It is the aim of the present work to give the history of Philadelphia with accuracy and intelli- gence, omitting nothing that will contribute in any degree to illustrate its origin and growth, its national importance, and its peculiar local features, — to paint a portrait of the city as it was and as it is, in which every lineament shall be truthfully portrayed and represented with life and vigor enough to make its fidelity acknowledged by all. If these objects can be attained by zeal, sincerity, and faithful, patient, and exhaustive research, the author has no fear of the reception which awaits his formidable undertaking. "Philadelphia," says the worthy Dr. James Mease, in his "Picture" of the city, published in 1811, "lies on a plain nearly level, and on the western bank of the river Delaware, in 39 degrees 57 minutes of north latitude, and 75 degrees 8 minutes of longitude west of London. It is about one hundred and twenty miles distant from the ocean by the course of the river, and sixty in a direct line ; its elevation above low-water mark ranges from two to forty-six feet, the highest part being between Seventh and Eighth Streets from Schuylkill." This topographical description is not, however, so accurate as that of Mr. Makin, the learned schoolmaster, quoted at the head of this chapter, and which his successor, Proud, the historian, has rendered into stanzas after the style of Alexander Pope, — " Fair Philadelphia next is rising seen, Betwixt two rivei'B plac'd, two miles between," — and so on. This is not precisely what Mr. Makin says, but it will serve. The peculiarity of the site proceeds from the fact that the city, placed upon the western side of one great river, lies almost immediately upon the delta of another stream not so large, yet of con- siderable length and volume, and draining a wide sec- tion of country. The Delaware empties at a distance below into a wide bay, but the Schuylkill has a true delta, comprising several mouths. When the Swedes first came upon the spot these outlets were still more numerous than now, and it has been conjectured, not without probability, that in some prehistoric period some one of the main debouches of the stream was from Fairmount, or some point between that and the Falls of the Schuylkill, eastward across to the Dela- ware at or about Kensington, by the beds of the strea ms, creeks, and coves now or formerly known by the names of Frankford, Cohocksink, Pegg's Run, Gunner's Run, etc. 1 If this were the case really, Philadelphia would properly be described, so far as the original city is concerned, as occupying the upper part of an island in the delta of the Schuylkill, where its several mouths empty into the Delaware. The range of hills and mountains in Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania is invariably from northeast to southwest. The streams of these sec- tions, on the other hand, flow in a general course from northwest to southeast. They are thus forced to cut through the ranges transversely in their course to the sea. What the Potomac does at Har- per's Ferry and Point of Rocks and the Susquehanna between Harrisburg and Port Deposit, the Delaware repeats at the " Water-Gap" and the Schuylkill at Fairmount. The Potomac, in bursting through the South Mountain of Maryland and Virginia, needed the waters of the Shenandoah to aid it. In the same way the Schuylkill is reinforced by the Wissahiccon before it cuts through the Fairmount barriers. The Delaware and the Susquehanna neither of them have risen as far west as the loftier and broader breast- works of the Alleghanies, their upper streams pass- ing to the eastward of these ranges and descending almost on north and south parallel courses from the neighborhood of the noble table-lands of central New York, where the flattening out of the mountains has enabled an easy artificial stream for commerce to be constructed from the great lakes to the Hudson River. The Schuylkill rises in the eastern foot-hills of these mountains, and, fed by many small streams and forest rills, makes a tortuous way through an uneven coun- try to the Delaware, with which it mingles by mouths so obscure and insignificant that the Dutch called it " hidden river," and the early Swede cartography con- founded it with the minor coves and creeks which in- dent the western bank of the Delaware in so many places from the Horekill to the Neshaminy. Leaving l On Hill's map of the rity,1706, the approach of Falls' Eun to the head of Wingohocking, which flows into Frankford Creek, and the ponds nnd hollows stretching across on the line of Pegg's Run, are marked iu such relief as to give a topographical plausibility to this Idea. A canal was at that time cut across part of the peninsulain such away as toshowadesign to unite the two rivers at that point. An original cut-off of the Schuyl- kill at the Falls -would account for this insignificance of the river's mouth where it actually and finally empties into the Delaware. The assump- tion that there was such a cut-off, however, must be left where it belongs, in the domain of pure conjecture. TOPOGKAPHY. out the strictly alluvial country, we may assume that it is the general topographical characteristic of Phila- delphia County to consist of gentle ranges of hills running from northeast to southwest, separated by valleys or low plains, and cut transversely by numer- ous streams flowing from northwest to east and south- east, except where the water-shed deflects them into the Schuylkill, in which case their course is from a little east of north to a point or two west of south. This of course is the general description only. There are many exceptions, the character of which will be shown farther on. Each of these streams, cutting through the ranges of high ground, had its own con- terminous valley, and these valleys interrupted and broke up the blufl's bordering on the Delaware, which otherwise would have been continuous. These bluffs, it must be remarked, on the Delaware side had the true characteristics of river dykes or levees, the result, in part at least, of glacial action. They rested upon gravel, and were higher than the land back of them, so that the original ground upon which Philadelphia stands did not drain to the river directly, but back- wards to the smaller streams, which broke through the dyke at intervals. In the tide-washed flat lands near the debouch of the Schuylkill the minor streams originally flowed indifferently between the Delaware and the Schuylkill, with openings into both rivers, like canals. When there was a freshet in the Dela- ware that river must have overflowed by Hollandaer's Kyi and half a dozen more such estuaries into the Schuylkill. The true latitude and longitude of Philadelphia we give from a compilation made by Prof. B. A. Gould for one of the numbers of "The American Ephemeris and Nautical Almanac." The data are determined for the observatories in each case (Inde- pendence Hall being here taken) : Philadelphia, N. Latitude, 39° 57' 7.5"- (MS. communication from Prof. Kendall) ; Longitude E. from Washington (U. S. Coast Survey) : m. b. By 5 sets Eastern clock-signals . . 7 33.66 By " Western " . 33.60 Mean . 7 33.63 The mean, by comparison with the next East station (Jersey City), is 7 33.64 Hence the longitude in arc is 358° 6' 35.4" from Washington, and from Greenwich, 75° 9' 23.4". 1 1 Oil July 5, 1773, tlie "Right Honorable the Earl of Dartmouth, who was at that time Colonial Secretary (he had succeeded Lord Hillsbor- ough one year before) in the cabinet of George III., wrote to the Deputy Governor of Pennsylvania (John Penn, the son of Richard Penn, who was the fifth child of William Penn by his second wife, Hannah Callow- hill) propounding certain "Heads of Enquiry relative to the present State and Condition" of Pennsylvania. The answers to these inquiries were transmitted to Lord Dartmouth under date of Jan. 30, 1775. In tbe communication the following occurs: " Tlie City of Philadelphia, sit- uated near the Conflux of Delaware and one of its chief Branches, the Schuylkill, is the most considerable Town in the Province, or indeed in The city is 96 miles from the Atlantic Ocean, 125 miles in a direct line northeast of Washington, and 85 miles southwest of New York. Its greatest length , north-northeast, is 22 miles; breadth, from 5 to 10 miles ; area, 82,603 acres, or 129.4 square miles. The surface between the rivers Delaware and Schuylkill varies in elevation from 30 to 300 feet, the alluvial flats, however, having originally no actual relief above the line of high tide, while in the district west of the Schuylkill the face of the country is undu- lating to a degree which is almost rugged in contour and romantic in aspect. The valley of the Wissa- hiccon and the reservations made for Fairmount Park have long been celebrated for their effective scenery and the fine composition of forest and stream, rocky hillsides; deep vales, and wild ravines. Penn's original city was laid off in the narrowest part of the peninsula between the Delaware and the Schuylkill Rivers, — the belt of the ir- regular-shaped urn or vase, so to speak, ^f::;:;:<^ which is thus formed, — and five or six miles above the mouth of the latter river. If we might take the peninsula w/im to be a guitar, and could place the strings across the instrument instead of lengthwise, they would rep- resent the contour of the old city's streets, bounded on the west by the Schuylkill, on the east by the Delaware, determined on the north by Vine Street, and on the south by South Street, or Cedar Street, as it was formerly called. The distance between the Delaware and the Schuylkill on Market Street was 10,922 feet 5 inches (2^^ miles). The distance from north side of Vine Street to south side of Cedar (or South) Street was 5370 feet 8 inches, being 90 feet 8 inches over one mile. Excluding the width of streets the space was divided thus : From Cedar to North America. The State-House in this City lies in North Latitude, 39° 50' 53"; its Longitude from the Royal Observatory at Greenwich, computed West, 75° 8' 45" ; or, in lime, 5 hours and 35 secondB. This Latitude and Longitudo were both fixed by accurate astronomical Ob- servation at the Transit of Venus, 1769." In the Journal of Mason and Dixon, November, 1763, we learn that these surveyors established an observatory in the southern part of Philadelphia, in order to find the Btarting-point of the parallel which they were to run oif. Their point of departure was "the most Southern part tif Philadelphia," which they ascertained to be tlie north wall of a house on Cedar Street, occupied by Thomas Plumstead and Joseph Huddle, and their observatory must have been immediately adjacent to IhiB. The latitude of this point they de- termined to be 39° 06' 29". 1 north. In 1845, when the northeast corner- stone of Maryland could not be found (it had been undermined by a freshet, and was then taken and built into the chimney of a neighbor- ing farm-house), the Legislatures of Maryland, Pennsylvania, and Dela- ware appointed ajoint commission, who employed Col. Graham, of the United States Topographical Engineers, to review Mason and Dixon's work so far as was requisite in order to restore the displaced corner. Col. Graham, in the course of his measurements, determined the latitude of the Cedar Street observatory to be 39° 56' 37.4" north. This is 8.3" more than the latitude given by Mason and Dixon. If we add the dis- tance from Cedar Street to Chestnut Street, 2650 feet, we have for Inde- pendence Hall latitude as determined by Mason and Dixon, 39° 56' 55"; as determined by Col. Graham, 39° 57' 03". The slight variation in these calculations is surprising. That reported by Governor Penn may have been based upon data differing from those of the surveys of 1761 and of Mason and Dixon. The bouse selected by Mason and Dixon was on the south side of Cedar, east of Front, No. 30, standing in 1883. HISTORY OP PHILADELPHIA. Lombard Street, 322 feet ; to Pine, 282 feet ; to Spruce, 473 feet; to Walnut, 820 feet; to Chestnut, 510 feet; to Market, 484 feet ; to Arch, 664 feet ; to Race, 616.5 feet; to Vine, 632.3 feet, making, with the width of the streets added, an area of nearly two square miles, or twelve hundred and eighty acres. The width of the squares from the Delaware to the Schuylkill varied from three hundred and ninety-six to five hundred feet. 1 In 1854 the limits of the city were widely extended, so as to embrace the whole of Philadelphia County, including the area and dimensions given above. This was effected by the "consolidation" of all the suburbs and outlying districts and town- ships with the city proper. Consolidated Philadel- phia is bounded on the east by the Delaware River, on the northeast by Bucks County, on the north-north- west and west by Montgomery County, on the west and the south again by Delaware County and the Delaware River. The northeast boundary line follows Poques- sing Creek from its mouth along towards its source, the ancient boundary of Byberry; just northwest of the old road to Newtown the line corners and runs southwest in a straight line to the Tacony at what was called Grubtown ; from this point it goes straight northwest on the boundary of Bristol township to a corner more than a mile northeast of Mount Airy; thence a mile southwest to the line of German township ; thence northwest four miles to a corner ; thence southwest straight to the Schuylkill at the point of the old soapstone quarries, crossing the Wis- sahiccon about half a mile northwest of Chestnut Hill. The line now follows the bed of the Schuyl- kill southeast to a point just below the mouth of the Wissahiccon, from this corner crossing southwest in a straight line to Cobb's Creek at a point a mile and a fourth west from Haddington ; thence by Cobb's Creek to the junction of Bow Creek north of Tinnecum, and by the east bank of Bow Creek to the Delaware. The distance from the extreme northeast corner of By- berry to the extreme southwest corner of Kingsessing is between twenty-three and twenty-five miles. From League Island northwest to the Chestnut Hill corner is very nearly fifteen miles ; from the soapstone quarry on the Schuylkill across to the mouth of the Poquessing it is fifteen miles ; and from Gloucester Point to the ford at the old Blue Bell tavern is seven miles. The general statement of the " face of the country" in the old maps, made on the basis of town- ships, is: City, " level ;" built part of Northern Liber- ties and Southwark, "level;" Blockley, "gentle de- clivities;" Bristol, " hilly ;" Byberry, " pretty level ;" Dublin, "gentle declivities;" Germantown, "hilly;" Kingsessing, " mostly level ;" Moyamensing, " level ;" Moorland, "pretty level;" Northern Liberties (out part), " mostly level ;" Oxford and Frankford, " gen- tle declivities;" Passayunk, " level ;" Penn, "mostly level ;" Roxborough, " hilly." Of the townships, 1 Hazard's third volume of WatHon's A minis. Blockley and Kingsessing were west of Schuylkill, bordering on Montgomery and Delaware Counties; Kingsessing, Passayunk, Moyamensing, Southwark, City, Northern Liberties, Oxford, and Dublin were touched by or bordered on the Delaware ; Byberry bordered on Bucks and Montgomery ; Moreland, Dublin, Oxford, Bristol, Germantown, and Roxbor- ough bordered on Montgomery ; and Roxborough, Penn, City, and Passayunk had the Schuylkill on their west. The most picturesque and agreeable approach to Philadelphia is from the northwest, crossing the Schuylkill above the Falls, and descending by way of the Ridge or the Germantown road. The least im- posing approach, so far as the land surface is con- cerned, is by the west bank of the Delaware, following the line of the old King's road and the Philadelphia, Wilmington and Baltimore Railroad. This road, however, is made beautiful by the aspect of the noble river lying upon the right in broad and generous reaches, and seeming to rise above the level of the foot-passenger as he looks across its populous and busy bosom ; by the multitudinous evidences of a gigantic industry, employing force and machinery with an intelligent usurpation that inspires new con- ceptions of man's power over nature ; and by the gentle beauty of the margin of firm land in Delaware County parallel to the river at about an average dis- tance of a mile inland. This, called " the water- shade," marks the bank of the prehistoric river be- fore its present margin of fiats was upheaved, and its moderate elevation and rounded slopes afford many fine building sites, while contributing largely to the advantage of the adjacent manufacturing establish- ments. This line of approach, moreover, was that by which the early settlers came to Philadelphia, the route of the Swedes and of William Penn. We can- not do better than follow in their footsteps in attempt- ing to trace up the topography of Philadelphia. The circle of twelve miles radius from New Castle as a centre which defines the boundary of the State of Delaware on the northeast, touches the banks of the Delaware River a few rods northeast of the mouth of Naaman's Creek or Kill, a stream whose several forks rise not far inland of the water-shed line. The land through which the body of the creek flows is fiat and diluvian in its origin, as is all the land from the river's margin to the " water-shade," from this point until Crum and Ridley Creeks are reached, when we begin to encounter marsh, swamp, and pure alluvium or mud deposits. The Swedes held most of the land in this section at the time of Penn's arrival. Oelle (or Woolley or Willy) Rawson owned the mill-site on the creek where the King's road crossed it. Naaman, it is supposed, was an Indian chief who gave his name to this kill, a fact which Lindstrom's map seems to show. He was one of the sachems treating with Governor Printz on his first arrival, and Cam- panius quotes a friendly speech he made on that occa- TOPOGRAPHY. sion. The arc of the boundary circle dips into the river in what was the land of Nathaniel Langley. Adjoining him on the northeast were plantations sold by Penn to William Hewes, Robert Bezar, William Clayton, William Flower, Sandeland, and other old settlers. These lands lie in Chichester township. The main public road from Concord to Chichester (or rather to Marcus Hook landing), which was laid out as early as 1686, reached the Delaware between the lands of Clayton and Sandeland, and here was doubt- less a landing and a shipping place from a very early period. Marcus Hook, with the adjacent creek, variously called Marrieties Kill, Chichester Creek, Memanchitonna [La Riviire des Marikes is Lind- strom's translation of the name), was deeded by Queen Christina to Lieut. Hans Amundsen Besh, the deed including all the land to Upland. It afterwards fell into various hands. The Marrieties Kill, like Naa- man's, was the main channel of several forks rising in the front part of the water-shade. All the rivers in this section which have been or will be described are, without exception, tidal and salt-water streams from their mouths to the rising ground of the water-shed, where they lose their character of. coves or estuaries and become brooks, rills, or inland rivers, with volume ample for milling purposes but too much fall for navi- gation. The Swedes gave the name of " Finland" to this entire township, the Indian name of the district being Chamassung. Several creeks or kills of minor importance, but all of which extend inland across the railroad and the ancient King's road, succeed one another to the north- east of Marcus Hook — Middle Run, Stony Creek, Harwick's Kill, Lamako Kill, etc. — until we come to Chester Creek. The character of the face of the country hereabouts as it was originally may be gathered from the fact that before Upland (now Chester) acquired its importance as the seat of the colonial court, the old King's road diverged to the left to avoid the low lands, and crossed the creek at Chester Mills, at the foot of the water-shed. After- wards it was continued along the water-front, passed through the town, and then made a sharp angle to the left in quest of firmer ground. On the southwest side of Upland Kill, from the mill and ford to the Delaware, the land was originally owned by Holbert Henriksen, John Bristow, and Robert Wade, the latter a Quaker early settler, who entertained Penn at his house, Essex House, the site at least of which had been formerly occupied, and the house probably built, by the daughter of the Swedish Governor Printz, Armgart Pappagoya. Chester Creek, Up- land Kill, or Mecoponacka was called by Lindstrom Tequirasi (otherwise Techoherassi), from the Indian name of a property bordering on it and fronting on the Delaware, which had been patented by Oele Stille, and was later the home of Rev. L. Carolus. This Stille property, however, some of it marsh or flooded land, extended northeastward probably from Ridley Creek to Crum Kill, and Lindstrom seems to have wrongly named it Stille's or Priest's Kill, being the alternate names of Ridley Creek, and the stream was most likely called also after Stille's property. The streams which give volume to Chester Creek rise some of them in Chester County, flowing through several townships of Delaware County, and furnish- ing a good deal of water-power to factories and mills. Many of Penn's thrifty followers — Caleb Pusey, the Sharplesses, Crosby, Brassy, Sandeland, etc. — took up land on it or adjacent to it. Ridley Creek and Crum Kill, the next streams northeast of Chester, were also important for mill purposes. The neck of land at the debouch of these creeks upon the Dela- ware was marshy, and this was mostly occupied by Swedes. Mattson, Van Culen, Johnson, Hendrik- son, Cornelis, Mortenson, Nielson are names of set- tlers along this water-front from Ridley Creek to Tinnecum, while back of them, on the water-shade, we find the Quakers took up large tracts, — Simcock, Harvey, Maddock, Steadman, Ashcom, Hallowell, Whitacre, etc. The Swedes called the settlements northeast of Finland "Upland," then came "Car- coen's Hook" lands, then " Tennakong." Amesland comprised a portion of Darby and Ridley townships. Crum Kill was, as Lindstrom interprets, La RiviSre Courbee, or Crooked Kill, otherwise Paperack or Peskohockon in Indian dialect. These names on the Delaware present almost insuperable difficulties from their variety and confusion, the fact that the Indians seem to have had no standard titles for their streams, and the want of any rule in guiding the at- tempts of Europeans to give a phonetic interpretation to the Indians' indistinct, guttural pronunciation. Amesland Creek (Amesland, or Amas-land, is said to mean the " midwives' land") was formed by the junction of Darby and Cobb's Creeks. It flowed southeast into the Delaware, separating Tinnecum from the mainland and Amesland. But at this point we find a network equally of names and rivers, all equally running into swamp and confu- sion. The delta of the Schuylkill begins here, and here also Philadelphia begins, for, though Bow Creek is the formal county line at the Delaware, the actual boundary is Darby Creek, after it has united with Minquas Kill, Cobb's Creek, and the true Amesland Kill, the Muckinpattus or Mokornipates Kill, a smaller stream than the Darby, flowing into it be- tween its junction with Cobb's Creek and its mouth. The topography of this lower part of Philadelphia is peculiar and must not be slighted. There have been great changes in the face of the country, in its levels and contour, and in the direction and beds of its water-courses since the days of the Swedes and the early Quakers. Some streams have disappeared, some have changed their direction, nearly all have been reduced in volume and depth by the natural silt, the annual washing down of hills, by the demands of industry for water-power, the construction of mill- HISTORY OP PHILADELPHIA. dams and mill-races and bridges, the emptying of manufacturing refuse from factories, saw-pits, and tan-yards, and by the grading and sewerage necessary in the building of a great city. In this process old landmarks and ancient contours are not respected, the picturesque yields to utility, and the face of nature is transformed to meet the exigencies of uniform grades, levels, and drainage. The Board of Health, the Police Department, the City Commissioners, and the Department of Highways have no bowels of com- passion for the antiquarian and the poet. They are the slaves of order, of hygiene, of transportation, of progress. Darby and Cobb's Creeks both rise in the slate beds of the upper corner of Delaware and the adjacent townships of Montgomery County and flow eastward towards the Delaware, each augmented in volume as they descend through the mica, slate, and gneiss regions parallel to each other. After they reach the margin of the " water-shade,'' which is here as far inland as Heyvilleon the Darby andtheBurd Asylum on Cobb's Creek, the two streams approach each other in the diluvial lowlands, uniting just below the towns of Darby and Paschallville. The common stream, now called the Darby, flows east with serpen- tine course until it touches the edge of the alluvium and marsh section, when it turns more towards the left, and with two or three sweeping curves reaches the Delaware. Just after the turn is made the Darby receives the waters of the Amesland or Muckinpattus Kill, and the neck of land between was well known to the Swedes under the name of Carcoen's Hook, a name it still retains. 1 This section at the bend, alow, marshy flat, is cut by several canal-like streams or guts, forming the two islands, Hay and Smith's. The neck was early occupied by the Swedes, and the names of the Boons (Bondes), Mortonsons, Keens, Streckets, Cornells, Jonsens, Mounsens, Jorans, Petersons, Hans- sens, Joccums, Urians, and Cocks may be found on all the old land-plats of that region. Darby Creek was called by the Indians Nyecks, Mohorhoottink, or Mukruton ; Cobb's Creek, named after William Cobb, a contemporary of Penn, was also called Kar- kus or Carcoen's Creek by the Swedes, a corruption of the Indian name of Karakung, or Kakarakonk, and by the English, Mill Creek. This name came from the old Swedes' mill, built by Governor Printz, at the ford where the old Blue Bell tavern and Pas- challville now stand, the crossing of the Darby road. Cobb took the mill after Penn came in, and gave his name to the stream. The mill was used by a wide circuit of people, from the Swedes at Upland and Tinnecum to the Welsh at Haverford and Merion and the first Quakers in Bucks County. From its bend towards the left to its mouth Darby Creek flowed west and south of Tinnecum Island, dividing it from iCarcoen'H Hook, Kiilkonhutten, place of wild turkeys. Culcoen's Hook was tliunec.k former] liy the junction of Crum Kill and Little Crinn Kill. the main land. This tract is all alluvium, except one spot of firm ground, where the underlying gneiss rock comes boldly to the surface. Tinnecum, Tennakong, Tutenaiung was the site selected by the Swedish Governor, Johann Printz, for his fort of Nya Gothe- borg, and for his residence of Printz Hall. The channel used by vessels at that time probably flowed on the west side of the Delaware, in which case Printz's fort commanded it. Off Tinnecum in the Delaware was a long, narrow sand and mud and marsh spit, designated by the name of Little Tinnecum Island, and somewhat above it, in the river channel, was Hog Island, as it is now called, but which the Indians knew as Quistquonck, or Kwistkonk, and the Swedes dignified with the title of Keyser Island, or Iledes Empereurs, as Lindstrom explains on his map. Tinnecum Island is cut in half by a kill of many forks, uniting it with the Darby, and traversing the island in several directions. This stream is known as Plum or Plom Hook, and its branches are vari- ously called Long Hook, Grom Creek, and Middle Creek. On the Delaware side of Tinnecum were situated Printz's Hall and the first Swedish Church and churchyard on the'Delaware, consecrated in 1646. This spot is now occupied by the Philadelphia Quar- antine station and the Lazaretto Hospital, the site of the ancient fort and grounds belonging to it being adjacent to what is now Tinnecum Hotel. On the right or east side of Darby Creek, midway between the junction with the Karakung and the sharp bend of the creek to the left, Minquas Kill en- ters it. This once broad tidal estuary, which united the Schuylkill and the Delaware with the Darby by a four-pronged fork, is differently called Mincus and Mingoes Creek, and derives its name from the Indian nation, the Iroquois, whom the Delawares called Minquas or Mingoes. The Susquehannocks, who were of this race, frequented these swamps, probably to facilitate their military operations against the war- like Nanticokes of the Delaware peninsula. The Swedes called this kill with its southernmost fork Church Creek, because they used it in going by boat from Kingsessing, Karakung, and the islands near the Schuylkill to the church at Tinnecum. At the elbow of Darby Creek, where it turns to encircle Tinnecum, it is joined by Bow Creek, another tidal estuary, which connects it with the Delaware op- posite Hog Island. Bow Creek or Kill, the south- ern boundary of Philadelphia, was called by Lind- strom Boke Kyi, Beech Creek, and also Kyrke Kill, or Church Creek, as it was another route to Tini- cum. Bow Creek, with Church Creek, Bonde's Creek, and another small kill, one of the mouths of the Schuylkill, combined with the Minquas Kill, the Delaware, and the Schuylkill to form three small islands, more or less entirely marsh land and liable to floods and tide overflow. These were Minquas ' or Andrew Bonde's Island, Aharommuny Island, and Schuylkill Island, the first occupied by Andrew TOPOGRAPHY. Boone or Bonde, and the other two by Peter Cock, both of them Swedes and among the earliest settlers. All this region is now fast, firm land, and the streams we have been describing, once so considerable, have dwindled into insignificance or disappeared. The Swedes called the district east of Darby Creek and Minquas Kill, Tennacong ; that west of Minquas Kill, between Cobb's Creek and the Schuylkill, was King- sesse or Kingsessing, a Swedish hamlet, where the Duke of York's court used sometimes to hold its sessions instead of at Upland, and west of that, and divided from Kingsessing by the Darby road, was the district called Arunnamink. Above Quistkonk or Hog Island, and immediately at the mouth of the Schuylkill, on the west, was Mud Island, a bank of tide-washed alluvium, where Mud Fort was built and offered such a gallant resistance to the English during the Revolutionary war. This island is now fast and solid and united to the mainland. We have now reached the point of junction of the Schuylkill and the Delaware Rivers. The Schuyl- kill was called by the Indians indifferently Mana- yunk, Manajungh (Swedish spelling), Manaiunk, and Lenni Bikbi (having some allusion to the linden-tree or its bark). Lindstrom terms it the Menejackse Kill (another Indian name), but also designates it as the Skiar-kill, elk (or) Linde River. Shiar-hill in Swed- ish would be " Brawling Creek," a derivation no better than that from the Dutch of hidden or " Skulk- ing Creek," from its insignificance and obscurity of its mouth. On Lindstrom's map, indeed, the river is marked as if it were no bigger than Crum Kill or Plum Hook. It is really, however, a stream of extensive drainage, having its source in the coal-fields west of the Blue Mountains, descending by Pottsville, Read- ing, and Norristown, by beautiful valleys, to the Dela- ware. Its chief tributaries — Maiden Creek, Mana- tawny, Monocasy, Tulpehocking, Little Schuylkill, Norwegian, Mill Creek, Perkiomen, and Wissahiccon — flow through a goodly expanse of territory. From its junction with the Delaware to the Falls above Fairmount no important affluents are received by the Schuylkill upon either side. Opposite the mouth of Minquas Kill there is still a small stream draining through the swamp, called Sepakin Kill, and above it the Piney or Pinneyes(an Indian name, interpreted to mean "sleepy"), a small creek, emptied into the east side, at the site of the Swedish fort and trad- ing-post, Korsholm, now occupied by the Point Breeze Gas-Works. Drainage has obliterated this stream ; the old Passayunk road used to border it. Nearly opposite, marking the boundary line between King- sessing and Arunnamunk, the Inkoren Kill (named after Andries Inkhooren, a Swedish landholder) flowed from the west side of Schuylkill. The next stream on that side which was important enough to bear a name (excepting the runlets called Botanic Creek and Peach Creek, on the property of Peter Joccum and Moens Jonson, which afterwards John Bartram owned) was Mill Creek, abrook large enough to support two mills. It rose in Upper Merion town- ship. Near its mouth was the property of Hans Moens, containing such an eligible mill-seat that the Upland court gave the owner the option of erecting a mill upon it or surrendering the land to his neighbors who would build. Gray's Ferry bridge is three blocks below the mouth of Mill Creek. This ferry was for the convenience of travelers to Darby by the Darby road. In the neck between Mill Creek and the Schuyl- kill is situated Woodlands Cemetery, which was laid out upon the fine grounds of William Hamilton's country-seat, called " The Woodlands." Mill Creek, in the course of its descent from Merion, passes through the grounds of the Pennsylvania Hospital for the Insane and a corner of the Cathedral Cemetery. This stream, now obliterated, was once romantic and attractive. A branch of it, called George's Run, nearly touches the southwestern extremity of Fairmount Park, and bisects Hestonville. In the part of Phila- delphia (Twenty-seventh Ward) we have been speak- ing of only one brook of importance — Thomas' Run — flows into Cobb's Creek. Beyond the Almshouse grounds, on the north, is Beaver Creek, then no more streams on the west side of the Schuylkill until Fair- mount Park is reached. On the east side used to be Minnow Run, flowing from Bush Hill through Logan Square, and reaching the Schuylkill by a winding route, in the course of which two or three spring- heads lent their waters to it. Another small brook emptied into the east side of the Schuylkill below Fairmount; a third, Darkwoods Run, below Lemon Hill; a fourth, Falls Run, reached it at the Falls. About half a mile beyond the Falls the Schuyl- kill receives the waters of the romantic Wissahiccon. The Quakers gave this stream, which has delighted both poets and artists, aud is the most charming acces- sory to the beauties of Fairmount Park, the unromantic name of Whitpaine's Creek, from the original settler on its bank, John Whitpaine, who built a " great house" in Philadelphia, too big for his humility, and in the large front room of which the Provincial Assembly used to meet. The Indian meaning of Wissahiccon, however, is said to be '" catfish," and certainly " Catfish Creek" is not susceptible of adap- tation to poetical forms of speech. The Wissahiccon rose in Montgomery County, in the same water-shed which supplies the sources of Stony Run, the Skip- pack, Pennepacka Creek, and the southwestern branch of the Neshaminy. Its chief branches were Paper- Mill Creek, on which the father of the astronomer Rittenhouse built the first paper-mill in Pennsyl- vania, a mill that supplied the presses both of Wil- liam Bradford, of Philadelphia, and Christopher Sau r, of Gerniantown, and Cresheim Creek, named for the Rhenish town from which the earlier settlers of Ger- mantown came. The northwest corner of Philadel- phia approaches, but does not touch, the banks of the Perkiomen. 8 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA.. The Delaware River, the eastern boundary of Phil- adelphia, which the Indians called by several names not having any especial relevancy, 1 rises on the border of Greene and Delaware Counties, N. Y., on the western slope of the Catskill Mountains, in two branches, the Popacton and the Oquago, which unite at Hancock, on the line between Pennsylvania and New York: It flows southeast, continuing to form the boundary between those States, until it reaches Port Jervis, where it turns southwest, flowing at the west- ern base of the Kittatinny Mountains until it bursts through these at the Water Gap. At Easton it re- ceives the volume of the Lehigh River, and from the Water Gap to Bordentown speeds southeastward as if intent upon reaching the Atlantic at Barnegat or Egg Harbor. At Bordentown it encounters the bluffs, however, and turns southwestward again, until at New Castle it resumes its seaward direction, soon widening into Delaware Bay. Between Port Jervis and the mouth of Naaman's Creek it is the boundary separating New Jersey from Pennsylvania; below that it divides New Jersey from Delaware. It has many tributaries within the limits of Philadelphia, besides inclosing several islands in the arms of its channel. The first of these islands above the mouth of the Schuylkill is that low-lying mud-bank (as it used to be) called League Island, a tract of over nine hundred acres, which during the civil war the city of Philadelphia purchased and presented to the United States government for a navy-yard, in order to expe- dite the removal of the existing navy-yard from its place on the river-front in South wark. League Island is separated from the mainland by a narrow sort of canal called the Back Channel. Into this Back Channel empties Hollandaer's Creek, named for Peter Hol- landaer, second Swedish Governor on the Delaware. This stream also flows into the Delaware at the be- ginning of Oregon Avenue. It is a tidal estuary traversing what was once a swamp, and is consider- ably diverted from its original course, since there seems to be no doubt that it once crossed the neck, also uniting the Schuylkill as well as the Back Channel with the Delaware. The Swedish records make men- tion of Rosamond's or Roseman's Kill, which cannot now be traced with certainty, beyond the fact that it was one of the branches of Hollandaer's Creek. Hay Creek was another of these intersecting streams; a third bore several names, among which were Dam, Hell, Holt, Float, or Little Hollandaer; Jones' Creek was a fourth, and Malebore fifth of these marshland conduits for the tide. Malebore's Creek was called by the name of an Indian chief; it was also called Shakanoning, or Shakaning. The Indian name for Rosamond's Creek was Kikitchimus, meaning the woodchuck. Hollandaer's Creek and its branches made two islands of the extremity of the peninsula, the one on the Delaware side being originally called 1 See Chapter III. fov tlie n:iinefc Jtnd dates nf disci ivet'iefi, etc. by the Swedes by a name which Lindstrom interprets as He de Rasins, Grape Island, now Greenwich Island, and the one on the Schuylkill side Manasonk or Manayunk Island. Careful study of the old sur- veys and narratives will enable all these points of interest in the southwestern necks to be made out with sufficient accuracy, and their relations to one another determined. Moyamensic (Moyamensing) marsh, which also had a kill of its own, we read, comprised sixty-four acres, lying between Hollandaer's and Hay Creek. This latter creek was 93 perches south of Hol- landaer's and Rosamond's Creeks, 158 perches south of Hay. Bonde's Island is called 1| Swedish miles — 8.31 English miles — from the old Swedish Church at Wicaco ; Matson's Ford, 17J English miles from that central point of Swedish associations ; Kingsessing, 5 miles ; Carcoen's Hook, 9.9 miles. Dock Creek, the next stream towards the northeast after passing Hollandaer's, was in many respects the most interesting of all the Delaware tributaries within the limits of Philadelphia. A street now covers its bed, -a. wharf marks the place where it emptied into the Delaware, but its course may still be distinctly traced. In fact, the Philadelphia of the primitive Quakers was built quite as much with reference to this stream as to Penn's plans and the plats of Sur- veyor Holme. The Indians called it Coocanocon, but the name of Dock Creek was shorter and more descrip- tive from the time of the English settlement, for the obvious reason that the stream was used as a dock or quay for all the smaller craft. Boat-yards and tan- yards were established along its banks, it was encum- bered with depots for lumber, and the first landing- place and the first tavern of Philadelphia were planted at its mouth. In those early days it was thought to be a good thing for the well-to-do mer- chant of the Quaker City to build his mansion on the slope in sight of the creek, his garden and lawn extending down to its green banks. One of its branches rose west of Fifth Street and north of Market Street, another began west of Fifth Street between Walnut and Prune Streets, the two uniting about where the Girard Bank now stands. At Third Street the creek widened into a cove, receiving here another branch, which flowed into it from the rear of Society Hill. Penn and the early inhabitants were anxious to have this creek become a perma- nent dock, but it lost its usefulness from being filled up and made shallow with rubbish and tan-bark, it became foul and unwholesome from accumulated filth, and the doctors raised an outcry against it as the fruitful source of malaria, typhus and yellow fever, and the summer diseases of children, so that in 1784 an act was passed requiring it to be arched over. At the northeastern mouth of this creek was the sandy beach known as Blue Anchor Tavern land- ing, for several years the chief public wharf the city had. Opposite the wharves on the Delaware front between Fitzwater and Arch Streets, and in mid- TOPOGRAPHY. channel of the river, was one long, narrow island, since separated into two by a canal. Smith's Island and Windmill Island, as the upper and lower ones were subsequently named, are really but one island of gradual growth and importance. On the maps of Thomas Holme, the first surveyor, the island is put down as bars or shoals in the river's bed, ex- tending from opposite Spruce Street to a point below Cedar Street. The accumulation of sand, silt, and refuse brought down by the ice and by spring floods united these bars and flats and lifted them above the surface and the overflow of tides. They became fast land, and the new island was leased unto an enter- prising man. John Harding built a wharf and a wind- mill on it, and it took its name from the latter structure. The island was not exactly a permanent establish- ment for some time, as it washed away at one end as fast as it grew at another ; however, bathing resorts were stationed upon it, willow-trees were planted and flourished on it, and Thomas Smith, an old occupant, became so identified with it that it finally took his name. A canal was cut through the island in 1838 to promote the rapid transit of ferry-boats, and rail- road companies now own the southern section, that to the north of the canal being called at present Ridg- way Park, and used as a public resort. The present Treaty Island, which belongs to New Jersey and lies in the bed of the Delaware opposite Kensington, was patented as early as 1684 by Thomas Fairman (an early Quaker, in whose house Penn spent the first winter in Philadelphia), under the name of Shacka- maxon Island, of which name Treaty Island is a re- flection, Shackamaxon or Kensington being the place where Penn's reputed treaty with the Delawares was negotiated. After Fairman's death it was called Petty's Island, from John Petty, the then owner. Willow Street, as laid out at present, represents part of the bed of the stream called Pegg's Run, named from Daniel Pegg, who owned extensive tracts of meadow, marsh, and upland in the Northern Lib- erties on the Delaware border. The Indian title of this stream was Cohoquinoque ; one of its branches rose about the neighborhood of Fairmount Avenue and Fifteenth Street, the other west of Eleventh be- tween this avenue and Green Street ; at Vine Street east of Tenth Street they united to flow northeast to the Delaware. Much of the ground bounding on this stream was marshy and alluvian, liable, to be flooded both by tides and freshets, and requiring dykes and ditches to fit it for cultivation even as meadow. At the next bend of the Delaware above the mouth of Pegg's Run the river received the waters of Cohock- sink Creek, a stream composed of Mill Creek (so called from its being the site of the mill built by Penn, where the Globe Mills were later) and the Coozaliquenaque, rising above Jefferson Street near Broad, where the Gratz property lay. Cohocksink (Cuwenasink) is supposed to mean "pine grove." About the north- ern limits of Kensington another kill flowed into the Delaware from the west, by the English called Gun- ner's Run, after Gunner Rambo, a Swede settler who held adjacent lands ; the Indian name was Tumanara- maning; its sources were, found on the west of Fair Hill, near Harrowgate, where was a mineral spring, and near Nicetown and the old Cedar Grove property. At " Point-no- Point" is the mouth of Frankford Creek, the product of the Wingohocking, Tacony, Little Tacony, and Freaheatah Creeks. The Swedes called the whole stream Tacony (Taokanink), and gave the same name to all the districts north and east of Wicaco, or, as some say, and the tax -lists of the Dutch and Duke of York's Governors show, from Carcoen's Hook to the Falls of the Delaware. The source of the name is doubtful ; some take it from Tekene, a Lenape word supposed to mean " inhab- ited." On Lindstrom's map the Swedish and French equivalents are Aleskyns Kylen, " La Riviere des An- guilles ecorchees," Skinned Eels River. The Wingo- hocking (Winge-hacking) is thought to mean " a good place for planting." This stream is also called " Lo- gan's Run," because it flows by Stenton, the country- seat of James Logan, Penn's secretary ; it rises near Mount Airy, and the Tacony in Montgomery County. Indian dialects afford the philologists the same chances to disagree which they seek in more polished tongues. A small stream rising in Dublin township and entering the Delaware near the United States Arsenal staggers under the triplicate alias of Sissin- iockisink, Wissinoming, and Little Wahank, derived, says one, from Wischanmunk, " where we were scared ;" says another, from Wissachgamen, " vine- yard." ' Above Frankford Creek what is called Dublin Creek empties into the Delaware, jV*tt>**<#m: ff :i &*** ir T**cnafy, r0 C/CKA,. w dan &u. 4L^7 \ HoCari) "+L 'OQUi *^5a v > 'omj Vrnn, 7fo*Jfc RJL *y v*<^ ?/ Ifa&nAl -% r-%i> c *^ M ife iri ^ fafaUiiib -4fc» fcnM f a£At*y JtadHj* A f \ iK ^ few -M^, ^ '*?U?u jH» i /r j ^S • fcU r/* &c&* n jo ¥ i * an - > ■*-. ,4*7«»M* -$£«« o'HRQ^rn uurs f ' * •*» vj .J*# & *■» * > J' .j i ^Jl ^ '/7/ x^ » I I < Ui &c U Tt O '. j'" 90* tf-fi**. oa w^-i • A • ri 7. ** •*A S U-cj*\4X**y "^ I 'a u WEST « • -4 I Tftfc ^ • # ' • \3 •7 vss -^rvfc, ^ J\ -****$. f ft li Cox 14 'i'k- tf ^ njrtf*?' sfi 0*ck*Ut i JERSEY JCg»V!U*1 V >y.s Tbwt/ : *H! tf* * / A 'C 'atfcV \ M -\ * « w cfJric/l ^Ji^rnCHf byKotU* ut IbbU oF Distanced ftlrlicular pUlCf.fi withiii sMap-Beginuuj aLthtXmilkmk ■ : .: :, i ■ !i I I i • «-. .* To TbolWridgt ■ ■ DalU Tfrrirncrs - OldmuiM Iltiph i tin •• JjoqoM ...... . .Parr - J e Lane toll os \ XMoland Frankfort House Mtftin-g Doc Moore o o •••j 7 . 6 Norris | 2 6 Fair UilLMeeting \ 8 . 2 JVs'9 S un?- - • i 4 • o Logan j &*6 Cerniaiitoim,MeeUn•/ »r ?^ j * . 6 Hobcson* ; 6*o3t r * • isercrwa • - , 7 . 6\ Coullis.s Ferry j / . 7 Jferion Meetiiuf : 7 . 5 ■ Sculls Ferry ! 2.7 I WV/car ..." I T.0 I ^m^«h MMM g - ^" • ^ Marshals Mill i .5 • Lnwer Ferry j the cryptogram of the rocks. But the meteorology and geognosy, the flora and fauna and mineralogy of the earth, had been universally studied before that, and the philosophers of early Philadel- phia gave as much attention to their own section as most others were contemporaneously receiving. Isaac Lea, of Wilmington, in 1S17 con- tiibutcd to the Journal of the Academy of Natural Sciences a brief study of" the minerals of Philadelphia. Gerhardt Troost, an alumnus of Ley- dcn and Paris, who camo to this country in 1810 in the interest of man- ufacturers of chemicals, and who did much to advance the knowledge of the country's mineral wealth in several sections, in Maryland and Ten- nessee as well as Pennsylvania, published in 1S20 a regular " Geological Survey" of Philadelphia, giving pretty accurately the rock forms and stratifications of the environs of the city. Since then the subject has been handled more or less fully by P. A. Brown, G. W. Carpenter, II. D. Rodgers, F. A. Genth, II. C. Lewis, C. E. Hall, and others. The earlier treatises, however, while they contain many facts, are worthless as sys- tematic presentations of scientific knowledge. Accurate examination and acute observation go for nothing in support of antiquated and ob- solete formulas. Modern geology takes no account of the ancient con- test between the Neptunians and Plutouians. Science is greater than its greatest masters, and it resigns even a Newton and a Cuvier to oblivion in respect of matters where their hypotheses have been superseded by the progress of modern discovery. In mineralogy, Berzelius, Werner, De Lisle, Hally, and Mohs are giving place to a modern school which is growing up under the light of the new chemistry ; in botany, Linnasus and De Candolle arebecoiningasobsoleteasDioscoridesand Cassalpinus; in geology and the associated sciences, Catastrophists are no longer heeded, and even Agassiz, Cuvier, and Carpenter are falling in the rear behind the followers of Lamarck and Darwin, and incisive and destruc- tive heralds of development and evolution like Herbert Spencer, Hux- ley, Tyndall, Buchner, Haeckel, Vircbow, Cope, and Gegenbaur. The old geologists, it lias been well remarked, are like the knights who fought about the color of the shield. In fact we cannot, in this science, advance from limited, pjfrticular data to broad generalization; we must bring the sum of extensive general knowledge to the understanding of special facts revealed by particular localities. GEOLOGY AND ZOOLOGY. 19 progress made in determining .the geological features of the Pennsylvanian country to be understood. Prof. Lesley, in speaking of the geological maps and profiles of cross sections accompanying the report on Philadelphia County, remarks that "it must not be supposed that the geology of the district is fully understood. Geologists will have much to discover in years to come. A deep obscurity still shrouds parts of its underground structure and constitution, especially west of the Schuylkill." There are many difficulties, says the professor, in making proper ex- aminations. " The surface of the country is under Iiigh cultivation. The water-courses are shallow. Extensive areas are marked by recent gravel and rlay deposits. Rock exposures, though numerous, are small and isolated. Plications, faults, and even overturns are the rule, rather than the exception ; and metamorphism is universal. Mineral beds are rare. Fossils are absolutely wanting. Character- istic lithological features are evident enough on a large scale ; but when looked for on a small scale they fail the geologist at every stage of his progress, along any belt of outcrop, and fade into each other, or repeat themselves and alternate so rapidly and monotonously, in the visible groups of strata exposed, that special classification in vertical order becomes almost impossible." The future systematic geology of the district, the professor adds, must largely de- pend on artesian well borings. In constructing the map there is a practical difficulty growing out of the' number and confusion of azoic rocks, all of a metamorphic character. " We have a country of mica schists, garnet schists, granitic, syenitic, horn- blendic, and micaceous gneisses, with included ser- pentine, steatite, talc schists, chrome iron beds, and disseminated gold, all of them rocks which it is still impossible to assign with the least confidence to any age." Geology is so much a matter of classified, tabulated names and their definitions that it cannot be intelli- gently discussed apart from this system of grouping and interpretation. Prof. Hitchcock, in preparing a tentative geological map of the United States, adopts the following scheme, the oldest formations being first given : (a) EOZOIC. (b) PALjEOZOIC. (1) Silurian ; (2) Devonian ; (:j) Coal Measures. (and lower carboniferous). (and permo carboniferous). (c) MESOZOTC. (rf) CENOZOIC. (1) Triassio (2) Cretaceous. Tertiary; Alluvium ; Volcanic. and Jurassic. "The eozoic (dawn of life) embraces all formations older than the parodoxide beds, including the meta- morphic Appalachian schists," says Prof. Hitchcock. Philadelphia, in Prof. Hitchcock's map, rests entirely upon the eozoic formation. A better and more gen- eral scheme is that of Prof. James D. Dana, and which our geologists usually follow, with some mod- ifications. It may be rudely represented thus : 5 1 < s Z b < o P a o AGE OF MAN. Epochs and Sub-Epochs. C Post-Tertiary (xvii.) Pleistocene. Tertiary.. (xv ■ < (x-v I (xi (xvi.) Pleiocene. xv.) Miocene. iv.) Eocene. Cretaceous.. Wealden Epoch. Oolitic Epoch. Li as sic Epoch. Triassic. (xiii.) Upper and Lower Chalk {Upper CretaceoiiB). (xii.) Middle CreraceoiiH (Upper Green Sand). (xi.) Lower Cretaceona (Lower Green Sand). (x.) Wealden. (ix.) Upper Oolite (Portland Clay), (viii.) Middle Oolite (Oxford Clay;. (vii.) Lower Oolite (Stones- field), fvi.) Upper Lias, (v.) Marl Stone. (iv.) Lower LiaB. (iii.) Keuper. hi.) Muschelkalk. (i.) Buntersandstein. f Permian Carboniferous . Sub- Carboniferous.. Catskill Chemung .. Hamilton . Upper Helderberg.. (xv.) Permo Carboniferous. f (xiv. cj Upper Coal Measures. -< (xiv.b) LnwerCoal Measures. I (xiv. a) Millstone Grit. f (xiii.h) Upper Sub-Carbou- I iferous. j (xiii. a) Lower Sub-Carbon- ic iferous. ..(xii.) Catskill. (xi. b) Chemung, (xi. a) Portage. (x. c) Gpnesce. (x. b) Hamilton. (x. aj Marcelhis. (ix. c) Upppr Helderberg. \ix. b) Schoharie. _ (ix. a) Cauda-Galli. Upper Silurian. Lower Silurian. Oriskany (viii.) Oriskany. Lower Hel- derberg. Salina Niagara... ■ Hudson.... Trenton . ■j (vii.) Lower Helderberg. ..(vi.) Saliferous. (v. b) Medina. (v. a) Oneida. f (iv. b'\ Hudson. [ (iv. a) Utica. C (iii. b) Trenton, Black River, Birds' Eye. t (iii. a) Chazy. f (ii. b) Calciferous. 1 (ii. a) Potsdam. . (i.) Azoic. The ascent from primitive rocks to those more re- cent is from the bottom of the column, beginning with azoic rocks, or those in which there are no fossils, corresponding to Prof. Hitchcock's eozoic. Geologists recognize two great divisions of rocks: (1) the massive or (igneous) primitive rocks, which form the earth's crust. These have been formed by the action of heat, underlie all others, or have been forced up through them from beneath. Such are granite, basalt, porphyry, etc. (2) The sedimentary 20 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. or stratified rocks, which have been deposited by water as limestone, clays, etc. A third form of rock is the metamorphic, resting on the igneous rocks, un- derlying the stratified rocks, containing no fossils, or scarcely any, stratified, yet having been violently changed (metamorphosed) by heat or water, or both. Of such are gneiss, mica slate, talcous slate, etc. The rocks which underlie Philadelphia are almost all of them metamorphic. Geologists divide rocks as to their antiquity into several ages, as the azoic (eozoic), paleozoic (or the age of primary forms of life, etc., such as mollusks), mesozoic, or secondary age, and cenozoic, or tertiary age. Philadelphia County shows none but rocks of the azoic and the paleozoic ages. The paleozoic age is divided into Upper and Lower Silurian, Devonian, and Carboniferous periods or epochs, and Philadelphia can show but few paleozoic strata of a more recent epoch than the Lower Silurian formation. This formation comprises eight stages or groups, and Philadelphia County again confines itself principally to the lowest of these groups, the Potsdam sandstone. The primitive rocks are in many places, however, overlaid by the drift brought down by floods and glaciers and by the mud deposited from rivers. This is not a stratification, but a superficial and (ge- ologically speaking) a recent deposit. It is classed as belonging to the modern epoch, the age of man. The glacial drift period is assumed to be like a wedge be- tween the tertiary or post-tertiary period and the age of man. Its characteristic mark is the deposit of gravel and bowlders. The county of Philadelphia shows many of these erratic bowlders or "gray- heads.'' In many places the primitive rock is over- laid with deep beds of gravel, and in other places the recent alluvium rests in deep beds both upon the primitive rock and upon the gravel ; sometimes it rests upon both at once, overlying the gravel which overlies the bed of azoic rock. The general system for the rocks embraced in Mont- gomery, Bucks, and Philadelphia Counties is recent alluvium, Trenton Gravel, Red Gravel, Philadelphia Brick Clay, Yellow Gravel, Bryn JIawr Gravel, Iron- Bearing Clay, Wealden Clay, Trap, New Red Sand- stone (mesozoic), Serpentine, Chestnut Hill Garnetif- erous Schists, Manayunk Mica Schists and Gneiss, Philadelphia Mica Schists and Gneiss, Quartzose Slate and Mica Schists of South Valley Hill, Slate and Limestone alternations, Magnesian Limestone and Marble (No. 2), Edgehill Rock (Quartzite and Conglomerate), Potsdam Sandstone (No. 1), Syenitic and Granitic Rocks. Of these the first six are of recent formation ; Wealden clay belongs to the Ceno- zoic epoch ; the slate, sandstone, and conglomerate of the new red sandstone formation are of Mesozoic ; the syenites and granites are of the Laurentian sys- tem of primitive or metamorphosed rock, and the slates, mica schist, marble, limestone, and slate and limestone alternations belong to the calciferous, Trenton and Hudson River groups, Cambro-Silurian epoch, Paleozoic period, metamorphosed rocks. With respect to distribution, we find the Potsdam sandstone * along the northern edge of Philadelphia County in two places. The syenite group is found north of Chestnut Hill. " Otherwise," says Mr. Charles E. Hall, "the mica schists and gneisses occupy the entire county, unless limestone be proven to exist north of Somerton and flanking the Potsdam sand- stone on the south. Its existence is exceedingly doubtful." 2 Thegneissic and micaceous series of rocks in Philadelphia County seem to belong to one geo- logical formation. Sharply-defined subdivisions have not been thus far detected. The belts of rocks fade into and blend with one another in a sort of imper- ceptible gradation and transition. The "pitch" of the rock is generally northwestward except along the northern edge, where there is a reverse " dip." This is so invariable as to be a great aid to the geologist in tracing the true relations of these rocks to one another. The entire northern portion of Philadel- phia County is covered by gravel. Along the Dela- ware River mud or alluvial deposits are frequent. They cover the greater part of the south end of the city. The gravel-beds flank these mud deposits along the course of the river. This belt of gravel was de- posited by the river before it had receded to its present channel ; it marks the ancient bed of the Delaware. The gravel is exposed wherever streets have been graded down. The Trenton or river-shore gravel gradually merges into what are known as the Phila- delphia brick clays, mixed with or bounded by the red and yellow gravels. These red gravels are so characteristically high in their colors that William Penn would not employ them when he laid out the walks of his garden and lawn at Pennsbury Manor,. and directed his steward to get the gravel from the pit near by and not from Philadelphia, as that was. " too red." In other words, he preferred the Trenton to the Philadelphia red clay gravel. The gravel-beds in the southern part of Philadelphia are at least one hundred feet deep. The gravels are composed of and have been derived from the paleozoic rocks along the course of the upper Delaware, — debris brought down by ice action and floods. The garnetiferous group of Philadelphia County is exposed across the, northern end, between Chestnut 1 So called from a sandstone found and determined iu New York by the State geological survey. All the groups in geology east of the Alle- ghanies are arranged on the liasis of this survey. The Potsdam stone is a fine agglomerate of sand, with occasional specks of mica in it. In Philadelphia its strata are sijncHmd generally ; i e., they dip towards e.'trli other so as to foim basins. - Report of Progress, C°, p. On. By syenite is meant simply a form of granite (from Sycne, in E,^ypt) in which the tough hornblendo pre- dominates instead of mica. Granite is composed of feldspar(tho chief ingredient), quart/, or flint, and mica. Gneiss is a bastard granitic ag- glomerate, with a slaty structure. Quartz is a form of flint, and w hen ground produces sand; feldspar, when ground, yields clay; thus the allu- vium of the Philadelphia flats overlying the gravel and the primitive rucks is, iu fact, composed of the same substance us these solid masses of crystallized and apparently adamantine solidity. So it is also with the soils. GEOLOGY AND ZOOLOGY. 21 Hill and the Schuylkill River. " Its northern limit is a diagonal line across the northern corner of the county." Its southern limit is less clear, but indica- tions are found half-way between Lafayette Station and Manayunk. The rocks in this belt are garnet- iferous mica schists (schists are rocks having a slaty structure, but otherwise not dissimilar to gneissic rocks), thin-bedded sandy gneisses, and hornblendic slate. They are peculiar in having deposits of ser- pentine and steatite. 1 Serpentine occurs on the north- western edge of Chestnut Hill, extending across the Wissahiccon to a point half-way to the Ridge road. It is also found not far above Manatawna, and again half-way between that point and Lafayette. These strips of serpentine are on a line with and belong to the same geological " horizon" as the steatite quarry on the Schuylkill below Lafayette Station. The belt of Manayunk mica schists and gneisses is -visible along the Schuylkill from the Falls to a point half-way between Manayunk and Lafayette Station, its north boundary being south of Chestnut Hill, and its south line in the vicinity of Germantown. There is a gradual transition of this belt on the north to the Chestnut Hill schists, and on the south to a micaceous feldspathic gneiss. There are extensive exposures of hornblendic slates between the Falls and Manayunk, on the line of the Schuylkill, and there is a small bed of steatite below the mouth of Cresheim Creek. The belt of Philadelphia mica schist and gneiss ex- tends from the Poquessing to Cobb's Creek, and from the Delaware to the Falls of Schuylkill. In the eastern part of the county it extends north beyond the county line. Exposures of it may be found on the Schuylkill from Gray's Ferry up, and on the Po- quessing, Pennepack, and Tacony Creeks. All through this belt, as in the other belts which have been de- scribed, the gneisses and schists are continually merg- ing into one another with an avoidance of sharp transitions. There are beds of hornblendic rock in several places, the largest along the Schuylkill above Columbia bridge, and on the river-bank at the south end of the river road, below the Strawberry Mansion. Above this point there is an alternation of feldspathic micaceous gneiss and slaty micaceous schists. This same alternation is observed below Columbia bridge to Gray's Ferry, with occasional lenticular beds of quartz in the mass. Feldspar predominates near Gray's Ferry, and forms deposits of kaoline, some of which are very pure and white. South of Gray's Ferry the micaceous gneiss is exposed along the river. At the western end of Market Street, on the east bank of Cobb's Creek, is a quarry of quartzose hornblendic gneiss, resembling that at Columbia bridge, and there is a quarry of compact gray gneiss at Frankford. 1 Serpentine is a compact rock of a greenish drab color; it is an un- ratified hydrated silicate of magnesia in composition, while steatite is aoapstone, a magneBian silicate also, and allied to talc, mica, and asbes- tos. All these minerals are apt to occur in close proximity to one an- other, and serpentine is often, if not usually, accompanied with chromic The arrangement of the Delaware River gravels and clays illustrates the geological history of Phila- delphia. The Delaware flows in a southeast direction from Easton to a point a short distance below Tren- ton, where it turns and flows southwest to and beyond Philadelphia. This bend is a right angle, and is caused by the river striking the hilly outcrop of the New Jersey cretaceous formation. At an earlier period the river passed by or through much more of this marl or chalky formation than now. Its bed was apparently north and northwest of its present bed, and it must have worked its way along the line where the marl-beds joined the solid rock. The bed of the old river is probably marked by the limits of the Trenton gravel. This extends along the river from Yardleyville, on the Delaware, in Bucks County, above Trenton, to Darby Creek, below Philadelphia. Between Morrisville, opposite Trenton, and the mouth of the Poquessing Creek there are two sets of terraces and escarpments, marking an earlier course of the river, and showing that at one time it cut off across country without going around the long angle at Penns- bury. The belt of red clay and gravel which extends above the Trenton gravel is composed of the dfibris of all the geological formations existing along the course of the Delaware, together with those of the sands and conglomerates of the edge of the New Jersey Cretaceous and perhaps Tertiary formations also, undermined by the river and carried down by its floods in the process of time. Among these debris are large angular blocks of sandstone and quartzite. The clay is in many cases bedded with the gravel, or deposited in large masses, as, for example, one west of the Pennsylvania Hospital for the Insane and several patches on this range east of the Schuylkill. Mr. Hall is not satisfied whether this deposit be the wash of the cretaceous beds or a deposit similar to the glacial clays of the Hudson River, but he seems to incline to the latter opinion. The age of the de- posit, he observes, is " unquestionably not remote from the glacial period. The material which forms much of the gravel with which the clay is associated owes its transport to glacial agencies. Whether the ice did or did not extend to this latitude may still be questioned; but I think there is little question as to the period when the angular blocks were brought south and deposited here with the gravel." Frag- ments of unmistakably fossiliferous rock — Oriskany sandstone and Helderberg slate — have been found in various places. As to the Bryn Mawr gravel, which only exists at an elevation of four hundred feet above tide, Mr. Hall does not know its origin, though he suggests it may be the remains of a Tertiary or Upper Cretaceous formation swept away by flood and gla- ciers, and that it is connected with the Cenozoic de- posits of New Jersey, the ancient Delaware having carried away all the deposits of this sort covering the intervening space, — that is to say, having once flowed with a current three hundred feet deep above 22 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. the present city of Philadelphia. But, in fact, Mr. Hall looks upon the Delaware River from Trenton to Chester as representing, in part at least, "the ancient coast line of the Atlantic Ocean." Professor Lesley, after summing up the results of the survey thus far, comparing the results attained by Professor Rogers in 1836-58 with those reached by Mr. Hall, and stating the difficulties attending the inves- tigation, concludes that it is impossible just now to locate the Philadelphia series of rocks exactly as to time and place in the general geological series ; " all speculation is therefore fruitless," he says, " and we are left in almost total ignorance of the real state of things." We only know that these deposits are enor- mously thick. " If it were not for these faults" (breaks in the strata), says Professor Lesley, " we could assert that from the kaoline outcrops at Gi-ay's Ferry up to the soapstone quarries above Manayunk the total pile of micaceous and hornblendic schists and gneisses measured about twenty-five thousand feet, representing in ancient times a mountain range as high as the Alps, now eroded nearly to a level no- where more than four hundred feet above sea-level." Allowing for every fault, he thinks the ancient thick- ness might have been equivalent to a level of ten thousand feet above tide. Nothing can more em- phatically illustrate the intensity of the geological disturbance at this point than the fact that the site of Philadelphia may at one time have occupied the side of a mountain range from ten thousand to twenty-five thousand feet high, and at another may have been two hundred or three hundred feet below the surface of an ocean. In regard to the glacial movement, the Penn- sylvania geologists are waiting for the report of Mr. Henry Carvill Lewis, who is now (racing the moraine deposits across Pennsylvania. But some interesting facts are already known on this subject so far as Phil- adelphia is concerned. The great Delaware glacier has been partly traced by the moraine which it left, ft crosses the Delaware River near Belvidere, below the Water Gap, in a straight line north of west to Beach Haven, on the North Branch of the Susque- hanna, and thente to Lycoming Creek near Rals- ston. It passed diagonally over mountains and val- leys without ever swerving from its course, crossing the top of the Kittatinny Mountain as if it despised to creep through the Water Gap at the mountain's foot. On the very top of the mountain, as a sign that it had been there, it left a block of Helderberg lime- stone more than six feet long. It had brought this from a valley below and five miles distant. The Oris- kany stone has been brought sixty miles down the valley of the Schuylkill and deposited in West Phila- delphia. Others have come down the Delaware through the Water Gap, yet Professor Lesley thinks it " more than doubtful" whether solid ice ever reached Philadelphia. "Floating fragments of the back country glaciers undoubtedly reached the Phila- delphia neighborhood." The professor also doubts if the ocean level ever rose sufficiently to explain the Bryn Mawr gravel, four hundred feet above tide. " It is, however, quite certain," he concludes, "that the Delaware River once flowed in a channel several hundred feet above its present bed, and has cut down since then to its present level. Its deposits of various ages are visible in terraces and patches at various ele- vations. This is in conformity with what we know of most of the rivers of the world," and the cases of the French rivers, the Seine and the Somme, are adduced in illustration. In the graveled ter- races of the latter river at Abbeville remains of pre- historic man have been found. "Similar gravels," says Professor Lesley in conclusion, "line the sides of the Delaware River valley, and human imple- ments of a remote antiquity have been found in them at Trenton." Attention has been called to the fact of such deposits in the alluvium and gravel by Kalm, the Swedish botanist, by Dr. Mease, in his " Picture of Philadelphia," and by John F. "Watson, the antiquarian. Kalm's account in 1749 is curious. It may be found in the second volume of his travels, where he says that he once called together the oldest inhabitants of the village of Raccoon (Gloucester Co., N. J.) to converse with them on the natural history of the country. There came to the meeting Mans Keen (Kyn), Aoke Helm, Peter Rambo, William Cobb, Sven Lock, and Eric Ragnilson. They told Kalm that whenever a well was dug in Raccoon, they always found at the depth of twenty or thirty feet great numbers of clam and oyster shells, some- times reeds and rushes, once a hank of flax. " Char- coal, firebrands, great branches, blocks, and Indian trowels had often been found very deep in the ground." Peter Rambo found marine animals, pet- rified or burnt wood, a huge spoon, and some bricks. Mans Keen, at the depth of forty feet, found chestnut wood, roots, and stalks, etc., and reported that at Elfsborg, when the Swedes first built their fort there, they found, twenty feet below the surface, broken earthen vessels and good whole bricks. 1 In connection with the soil and rocks which under- laid the site of Philadelphia a great variety of min- erals were found. The binary compounds, sulphides and arsenides, were represented by a bastard graphite or plumbago which has been found at Robinson's Hill ; bismuthite exists in tourmaline in a granite vein in the masses of gneiss on the west side of Schuylkill, over against Fairmount Water- Works, and these rocks, as well as the Frankford gneiss, contain molybdenite. The Frankford gneiss also shows copper pyrites in pinchback brown crystals, as well as fluorite or fluor- spar in purplish crystalline masses. Menalcite exists- in a quarry near Columbia bridge and in the gneiss opposite Fairmount ; magnetite or lodestone at Chest- nut Hill ; crystals of limpid quartz in the soil at sev- eral places, in the Darby country particularly and 1 Miekle, *' Reminiscences of Old Gloucester.' GEOLOGY AND ZOOLOGY. 23 in the peaty hollows and spring-heads at the foot of rocky hills ; smoky quartz from the Schuylkill across to Upper Darby ; flint chalcedony is found in connec- tion with serpentine rock, and in rolled fragments in the Schuylkill and Delaware gravel-beds. White hornstone exists along the Wissahiccon ; pseudo-mor- phous quartz in a quarry between the German town and old York roads; hyolite in the gneiss at Frank- ford and at the Wissahiccon paper-mills. Actinolite, in association with hornblende or serpentine, exists in talcose rocks at Columbia bridge and on the Wissa- hiccon ; asbestos and amianthus exist near the serpen- tine and steatite formations, as at Falls of Schuylkill ; it is found with crystalline quartz in a quarry of horn- blendic gneiss on the upper Schuylkill ; white beryl, in large, well-defined crystals, is found on the old York road, some distance out, and it is traced beyond Schuylkill to Delaware County ; a yellowish-green va- riety exists in the same place and from the Fairmount gneiss across to Darby Creek. Garnet is found in sev- eral places, red, brownish-red to black, near German- town, on Wissahiccon, at Flat Rock tunnel, Schuylkill Falls, Fairmount, Haverford, and in the bed of Darby Creek ; zircon on the old York road ; dark bottle-green crystals of epidote in the gneiss at Frankford, on Wis- sahiccon, and Falls of Schuylkill; zoisite in crystals and gray masses in the Schuylkill hornblende gneiss ; muscovite mica in West Philadelphia above Gray's Ferry, and elsewhere distributed largely ; green mica at Chestnut Hill ; moonstone in Schuylkill gneiss ; crystals of orthoclase feldspar much disseminated ; black tourmaline in the gneissic rocks in numerous outcroppings ; fibrolite in coarse fibres and columnar masses on the Wissahiccon ; cyanite in beautiful speci- mens at Darby Ferry and on Wissahiccon ; titanite in yellow and brown crystals in Schuylkill and Frank- ford gneiss ; staurolite in the soapstone beds ; lamo- nite at Columbia bridge; apophyte in the Frankford gneiss; talc in serpentine at Wissahiccon and Rox- borough ; apatite, at McKinstry's quarry, and alumin- ium sulphate in gneiss rock on Wissahiccon and at Hestonville. Calcites, marble, granular and compact limestone, are found at Columbia bridge and Flat Rock tunnel; building marble at Marble Hall and near Conshohocken ; malachite in bright emerald- green masses at Frankford quarry ; glockerite in brownish, stalactitous, resinous masses at Columbia bridge and Hestonville ; ochrcous clay, deeply tinged, in bed of Delaware at Tinicum. The minerals around Philadelphia include most of the compounds in which silica predominates, such as quartz, chalcedony, jasper, hornstone, spar, many in which alumina is the controlling component, as cor- undum, fibrolite, cyanite, staurolite, spinella, some of the magnesian earths, etc. The alkaline earths are well represented by mica, feldspar, chlorite, tour- maline, etc. ; the useful acidiferous minerals are found, and some of the metalliferous ones, as goethite, chromate of iron, cupreous bismuth, and some of the combustible minerals. The marsh of Tinicum Isl- and, and probably that of the lowlands northeast of it, overlies an ancient cedar or cypress swamp, and it is supposed that Fort Gotheborg (Gottenburg) was built by Governor Printz of the logs of these cypresses not then altogether submerged. The analyses of minerals and rocks in Philadelphia County, made under the auspices of the State Geo- logical Survey, while they present many points of interest to the expert and the scientist, are too techni- cal for the lay reader. These analyses show the exact character and chemical composition of the under- lying rocks of Philadelphia, and how and wherein the granite, gneisses, and schists of this locality varv from those found elsewhere, as well as how they differ from other specimens found in adjacent localities. We subjoin a table, made up from Dr. Genth's report, showing the results of analyses of some leading min- erals in the rocks of Philadelphia County : Ingrf.mknts. Silicic acid Alumina Potash Lime Ferric oxide Magnesia Lithia Soda Titanic acid Phosphoric acid Chromic oxide Mangauoue oxide.. Ferrous oxide Cupric oxide 74.24 13.71 4 84 1.08 2H1 1.(19 trace. 1,38 0.36 0.26 i I .2— I p •z'jitj\ S en 73.59 11.37 4.65 1.62 2 82 0.77 trace. 2.07 1.S0 0.07 trace. — ^ = 41. R0 10.30 o.oc 3.89 •§ \ X 26. 71 0.27 52 trace. 30.G0 0.67 29.50 6.24 trace 7.29 1 0.90 06.04 z- ^ 19 02 11.68 0.18 0.21 0.09 ,; 9 25 2.13 3.17 9.39 trace. 0.29 2.20 0.07 10.44 0.10 40.50 12.47 0.53 9.50 9.15 9.50 C "3 ^r 5 _r c fc£) " J E £ > :* a m" o> r - 43.S1 27 52 8.SIJ 0.19 7.30 ' 1.77 ; trace. 1.01 ; 0.56 I 5.00 ! 3.78 | 0.13 59.31 16.S5 1.89 5 51 2.43 2.68 ! 2 2.57 90 0.28 7.79 i . trace. 6.37 79.001 50.70 9.48 | 19.80 1.54' 0.95 0.72 194 1.77 7.34 0.70 1 5.86 (race, .trace. 1.83 1 3.55 0.71 0.19 0.07 1.49 0.68 0.30 trace. trace. 1.79 «,« 07.51 00.32 14.40 12.00 0.211 1.76 4.20 5.25 6.54 1 2.22 4.47 4.13 3.22 j 3.06 2.01 2.11 33 I 32 0.07 ; trace. 6.49 I 1.44 50.02 15.70 O.90 9.42 2.13 7.01 40.25 12.32 1.02, 11.02! 3.05 10.37 I 3.79 1.34 0.20 0.14 7.49 I 41 1 1.50| 24 HISTORY OE PHILADELPHIA. While there are no conspicuous treatises on the specific subject and limited to the one locality, our information in regard to the natural history of Phila- delphia, its flora and fauna, is full and satisfactory. All the early descriptive writers have had much to say on this subject, as if it fascinated them. The works of the Bartrams, the Darlingtons, Kalm, Wilson, and others have added a touch of genius for pleasant writing to the attractiveness of the theme itself. The scientific treatises of Darlington are be- come classics, and every lover of flowers and birds has heard something charming about John and Wil- liam Bartram and Alexander Wilson. With Darling- ion and other writers on Chester, with the exhaustive way in which various naturalists have from time to time illustrated the botany and animal life of Bucks, Montgomery, and Chester Counties and the sections of New Jersey opposite to Philadelphia, it is easy to tell the whole story of the city's flora and fauna. The beauty and the strangeness, the wild luxuriance and shaded mysteries of the primeval forest, however, must be left to the imagination. The pen cannot describe them. In subsequent chapters will be found many quotations from the early writers, showing how vividly they were impressed with the landscape. That was wild without being savage. It was stately and imposing, yet had something of a parklike look, while the occasional birch-bark canoe along shore and the thin curling blue smoke from an Indian's lodge here and there did not disaccord. The under- growth was not greatly tangled, save in damp and springy places, and the immense proportion of full- grown trees in the primitive forest always lends to it a certain dignity and patriarchal aspect. In the swamps there were great white cedars, almost as ven- erable as the cypresses of the South, but one missed their bearding of gray Spanish moss. The stately elm spread and branched with full-grown vigor, and the oak was so much at home that Bartram enumer- ates twenty-one varieties as being found within the boundaries of Philadelphia County. Penn, in one of bis early letters, enumerates black walnut, cedar, cypress, chestnut, hickory, sassafras, beech, and the oaks as among the most useful native trees. Of fruits growing wild he mentions the white and black mul- berry, plums, strawberries, cranberries, huckleberries, etc. Apples and peaches were plentiful wherever the Indians had clearings, and Penn found them as good as any English peaches, " except the true Newington." His mind is not made up as to whether the fruit is native to the soil or not. Gabriel Thomas, in his little history of Pennsylvania and West New Jersey, after mentioning such wonders as the salamander stone (asbestos), "having Cotton in Veins within it, which will not consume in the Fire, though held there a long time," speaks of several sorts of wild fruits, — "as excellent Grapes, Bed, Black, White, Muscadel, and Fox, which upon frequent Experience have produe'd Choice Wine, being daily Cultivated by skilful Viuermt. . . . Walnuts, Chesmita, Filberts, Mockery Nnt«, Hartleberries, Mulberries, Rasberries, Strawberries, Cramberries, Plumbs of several surts, and many other Wild Fruits in great plenty, which are common and free for any to gather." " The common Planting Fruit-Trees are Apples, which from a Kernel (without Inoculation) will shoot up to be a large Tree, and produce very delicious, large and pleas- ant Fruit, of which much excellent Cyder is made, in taste resembling tliatin England press'd from Pippins and Pearmains,sold commonly for between Ten and Fifteen Shillings per Barrel, Pears, Peaches, &c, of which they distil a Liquor very much like the taste of Rumm, or Brandy, which they yearly make in great quantities. There are Quinces, Cher- ries Gooseberries, Currants, Squashes, Pumpkins, Water-Mellens, Musk- mellens, and other Fruit in great Numbers, which seldom fail of yield- ing great plenty. There are also many curious and excellent Physical Wild HerbB, Roots, and Drugs of great Yertue, and very sanative, as the Sassafras and Sarsaparilla, so much us'd in Diet Drinks for the Cure of the Venereal Disease, which makes the Indians, by a right application of them, as able Doctors and Surgeons as any in Europe, performing celebrated cures therewith, and by the use of some particular Plants only, find Remedy in all Swellings, Burnings, Cuts, &c. There grows also in great Plenty the Black Snake-Root(fam'd for its sometimes pre- serving, but of Ten curing the Plague, being infused only in Wine, Brandy, or Rumm), R,ittle-Snake Root, roke-Root,caird in England Jallop, with several other beneficial Herbs, Plants, and Roots, which Physicians have approved of, far exceeding in Nature and Vertue those of other Countries." Campanius, in his lively but careless narrative, speaks of the great quantity of rushes, with thick, strong roots, that grow in the marshes, and the hog's turnip, like the Jerusalem artichoke, that the Indians eat when their bread and meat give out. He speaks of " the fish-tree, which resembles box-wood, and smells like raw fish." It cannot be split, but melts away if fire be built around it. The Indians had peas, beans, and squashes before the white settlers came in, with gourds and melons. In the dialects of the Unamis, or Delawares of the lowlands, there were- many names for tree, shrub, and plant which they must have become familiar with in the vicinity of where Philadelphia now stands. Schau-we-min-shi means the red-beech ; ga-wunsch, the green brier; hob- be-nac, the potato ; Coaquonnoc, the site of Philadel- phia, is a corruption of Cu-we-quen-a-ku, "the grove of tall pines;" cu-wen-ha-sink (Cohocksink), meaning " where the pines grow," from cu-we, pine-tree, co-wa- nesque [ga-wun-shes-que), "overgrown with briers;" Hob-ben-i-sinJc, " where there are wild potatoes ;" Per- kiomen (Pak-ih-mo-mink), "place of cranberries," from pak-him, cranberry ; si-pu-o-man-di-can, " wild plums;" topi, the alder; tom-bic, crab-apple; woap-i- min-schi ("the white tree"), the chestnut-tree; woap- hallach, "wild hemp;" wech-que-tauk, the willow; wi- sach-gim, grapes ; win-ak, sassafras ; schind, spruce ; mitz-hack, gourd, squash, etc. ; ge-scund-hac, pump- kins ; musquem, corn ; mis-si-me-na, apple. A complete catalogue of plants in Philadelphia County would be out of place in a work of this character, but some mention may be made of prominent families, species, and varieties. The ferns were largely repre- sented in a place containing so many shady and moist spots, rocks, and hollows and spring-heads in the depths of groves. Among these were several of the horsetail ferns [Equisetacece), as the E. arvense, E. syl- vaticum, E. hyemale, or scouring rush ; the various poli- podia, including maiden-hair, the purple brake, the Dirksoniapunctilobula, or bladder-fern , ophioglossum, GEOLOGY AND ZOOLOGY. 25 and all the tribe of lycopods found in the latitude of Philadelphia ; the spagnida, phascidce, hypnidce, etc. There were full representations of the hcpaticw, or liver- wort family, etc. Of the general class of phaenoga- mous plants, the typical clematis (virgin's bower), tall anemone, the wind-flower, meadow-rue, crow-foot, buttercup, marsh marigold, wild columbine, lark- spur, and black snake-root represent the order Ra- nunculaeece ; the magnolias have the Magnolia glauca (sweetbay, growing in the southeast of the county) and the Liriodendron tulipifera, or tulip-tree, so often called poplar. Of the Anonacece, the papaw (Asimina triloba) is mentioned by the early writers, and is said to grow now on Darby Creek ; the moonseed (Meni- spermum) is common along streams ; the Berberis canadensis, the Podophyllum peltatum (May-apple), and Nelumbium luteum (water-chinquapin, introduced from Connecticut), represent two small families. Of the Nymphacea:, or water-lily family, Philadelphia used to be famous for its spatterdocks (yellow pond- lily, Nwphar advena), and its sweet water-lily [Nym- phaea odorata). The Sarracenia purpurea (pitcher- plant, very rare) is found in wet places about Tinicum ; the poppy family has the celandine and the blood- root to represent it. Among the Fumaracece are the common climbing fumitory, the Dicenira cucallaris (Dutchman's breeches), and the Cory dalis glauca. The Cruciferm have Nasturtium, officinale (common water- cress), N. sylvestre (yellow cress, peculiar to Philadel- phia low grounds), N. palustre (marsh cress), Carda- mine rhomboidea (spring cress), C. hirsuta, Arabis dentata, Barbarea proscox (scurvy grass), Sisymbrium canescens (tansy mustard), Sinapis alba et nigra (but all natives of Europe), Draba verna (whitlow grass), Le- pidum virginicum (wild pepper-grass), Capsella (shep- herd's purse), Herperis matronalis (rocket), and Lu- naria rediviva (honesty). The Isatis tinctoria, or woad, was introduced by Penn. Of the violet family, Philadelphia has Solea concolor (green violet), and Viola rotundifolia (round-leaved), V. lanceolata, V. blanda (sweet white), V. cucullata (common blue), V. palmata, V.villosa, V. sagittata, V.pedata (bird's-foot, grows on mica slate soils), V. Mahlenberghii (dog violet), V.pubescens, V. tricolor (pansy), and V. odo- rata. The sundew family (Droseraceoz) has D. fili- formis. The St. John's-wort family [Hypericaceoe) has Hypericum perforatum (common St. John's-wort), Ascyrum Crux Andrece (St. Andrew's cross), H. ellip- ticum, H. corymbosum, H. adpressum, H mutilum (the Parviflorum of Muhlenberg), H. Virginicum {Elodea Virginica of Nuttall). The pink family [Caryo- phyllacece) is represented by Dianthas armeria (Dept- ford pink), Saponaria officinalis (common soap-wort, "Bouncing Bet"), Silene slellata (starry campion), S. Pennsylvanica (common wild pink), S. antirrhina (sleepy catchfly), Agrostemma Oithago (corn-cockle), Stellaria media (chickweed), S. pubera, S. longifolia, Cerastiumvulgalum, C.viscosum, C.oblongifolium (north of Chestnut Hill), C.nutans. The purslane family (/w- talacacea) has Portulaca oleracea (common pursley), and Claytonia Virginica (spring beauty). The mal- lows [Malvacece) are represented by Malva rotundi- folia (common mallow), Abutilon, Avicenna, Hibiscus moschentos (Bow Creek swamp rose-mallow), H. tri- onum. The Linden or Basswood family (Tiliacece) has Tilia Americana (basswood ; not common, though the Swedes and Indians both gave it as the local name of water-courses). The Linum Virginianum (wild flax) is the only one of that family. The wood-sor- rels ( Oxalidaceos) have chiefly the Oxalis stricta, the yellow species. The Geraniacece (Cranesbill family) have the O. maculatum (the common plant) ; G. Caro- linianum. The Balsaminaceae (Balsam family) have the Impatiens pallida (Touch-me-not), /. fulva, and Tropceolum majus (from Europe). The sumachs have Rhus typhina (staghorn sumach), R. glabra, R. vene- nata, and R. toxicodendron (poison oak and poison sumach). The Vine family show Vitis labrusca (fox- grape), V. cestivalis (chicken grape), V. cordifolia (winter grape), V. vulpina (muscadine), and Ampelopsis quinquefolia (Virginia creeper, American ivy). The Buckthorn family (Rhamnaceoz) show Rhamnus cathar- ticus and Ceanothus Americanus (Jersey tea). The Celastraceaz yield Celastrus scandens (climbing bitter- sweet), Euonymus atropurpureus (burning bush), and E. Americanus (strawberry-tree). The Sapindacew yield Staphylea trifolia (the bladder-nut) ; Acer sac- charinum (sugar-maple); A. rubrum (swamp maple; this is the "fish-tree" of Campanius) ; Negundo acer- oides (box-elder). The Milkwort family furnishes Polygala sanguinea, P. cruciata, P. verticillata, P. arn- bigua, P. Senega (Seneca snake-root, referred to by Gabriel Thomas), P. polygama (P. rubella of Muhlen- berg). Of the Leguminosoz, there are Lupinus perennis (wild lupine, Chestnut Hill), Grotalaria sagittalis (rattle-box), Trifolium arvense (stone-clover), with T. pratense, T. repens, T. agrarium, and T.procumbens (all the useful clovers); Melilotus officinalis and alba; Medicago sativa (lucerne), Amorpha fruticosa ; Robinia pseudacacia (common locust), R. viscosa, Tephrosia Virginiana (goats' rue), Desmodium nudiflorum, D. acuminatum, D. rotundifolium, D. canescens, D. cuspi- datum, D. paniculatum, D. rigidum, D. Marylandicum, etc. ; Lespideza violacea (three sorts), L. procumbens t L. repens, etc. ; Vicia sativa (vetch) ; Lathyrus venosus and Palustris, L. latifolius, L. odoratus, deer arie- linum, Phaseolus perennis (wild bean), P. helvolus, P. vulgaris ; Apios tuberosa (ground-nut) ; Galactia gla- bella (milk-pea) ; Amphicarpea monoica ; Baptisia tinc- toria (wild indigo), B. Australis, Cercis Canadensis (Judas-tree), Cassia Marylandica (wild senna), C. chamozcrista (partridge pea), C. nictitans (wild sensi- tive-plant), and Gleditschia triacanthus (honey-locust). Of the Rose family there are Prunus Americana (wild plum), P. chicasa (chicasaw plum), P. spinosa (sloe), P. Pennsylvanica (wild cherry), P. avium, P. serotina, P. vulgaris, P. Virginiana; Spircea opulifolia (wine- bark), S. salicifofia (meadow-sweet), S. tommtosa ; Gil- 26 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. tenia trifoliata (Indian physic); Agrimonia eupatoria and parvifolia ; Potentitta Canadensis (common five- finger), P. palustris ; Fragaria Virginiana and vesca (wild strawberries) ; Rubus strigosus, P. occidentalis (red and black raspberry), R. villosus (blackberry), R. Canadensis (dewberry), R. hispidus, and R. cunei- folius ; Rosa Carolina, R. lucida (wild-rose), R. rubi- ginosa (sweet-brier) ; Crataegus cordata, C. oxyacanlhece (hawthorn), C. coccinece, C. tomentosa (blackthorn), C. parvifolia; Pyrin coronaria (crab-apple), P. arbuti- folia, P. malus, P. communis (the Seckel pear is a native of Philadelphia), P. Americana (mountain ash), Amelanchier Canadensis (service-berry), and ("Jydonia vulgaris (quince). The Lytheraceos have Ammonia humilis, Lythrum lineare, Nesa?a verticillata, and Cuphea viscosissima. The Evening Primrose family (Onagracece) furnish Epilobium palustre, E. coloratum, Oenothera biennis (common primrose), (E. fruticosa (sun-drop), CE. pumilla, Gaura biennis, Lud- ivigia palustris (water parsley), and Circcca lutetiana (nightshade); Myriophyllum scabratum, M. ambiguum (pond plants), and Opuntia vulgaris. The Currant family is represented by Ribes hirtellum (wild goose- berry), R. Floridum (black currant), and R. rubrum. The Gourd family has Sicyos angulatus, Cucumis sa- tivns, C. melo, C. citrullus, Cucurbita pepo, C. melopepo, C. uurantia, and Lagcnaria vulgaris (all cultivated by Indians). Of the order of Saxifrages there are Saxi- fraga Virginiensis, S. Pennsylvania, 8. erosa (Penni- pack Creek), Heuchera Americana (alum-root), Mitella diphylla (bishop's cap), Chrysosplenium Americanum (golden saxifrage), Pea Virgiuica, and Philadelphus coronarius. The Witch-hazel family gives Hamamelis Virginica, Liguidambar styraciflua (sweet gum or liquidamber tree, used by the Swedes to make hubs for their cart-wheels, as Campanius notes). The Umbellifcra or Parsley family is represented in Phila- delphia by two species of pennyworts (Hydrocotyle Americana and umbellata), two species of black snake- root, the Eryngium yucccefolium (rattlesnake root), Daucus carola (carrot), Heracleum lanatum (cow- parsnip), Pastinaca sativa (common parsnip), Ar- chemora rigida (cowbane), Archangelica hirsuta and atrnpurpurea, Thaspium bardinode, Tliaspium atropur- pureum, Cicuta maculaia (musquash-root, water hem- lock), Sium lineare, Cryptotosnia Canadensis (hone- wort), Osmorrhiza longistylis (sweet-cicely), Conium maculatum (hemlock), Erigcnia bulbosa, Apium petro- sclinum (parsley), A. graveolens (celery ), A. fceniculum (fennel), Anathum graveolens (dill). The Ginseng order have Aralia spinosa (Hercules' club), A. race- mosa (spikenard), A. medicaulis (wild sarsaparilla), and A. trifolia (dwarf ginseng). The Dogwood fam- ily have Cornns Florida (common dogwood), C. sericea (silky cormel or kinikinnik), C. paniculata, C. alternifolia, and Nyssa inultiflora (black gum). The Honeysuckle family is represented by Lonicera sem- pervirens (trumpet honeysuckle), L. grata (woodbine), Diervilla Canadensis, Trinsteum perfoliihtum (horse gentian), Sambucus Canadensis (elder), Viburnum nudum, V. prunifolium (black haw), V. lentago (sheep- berry), V. dentatum (arrow-wood), V. acerifolium, V. opulus (snow-ball), and V. lantanoides (hobble-bush). ; The Madder family has Galium aparine (goose-grass), j 67. asprellum, 67. obtusum, 67. triflorum, 67. pilosum, i 67. circazans and lanceolatum (wild liquorice) ; Diodia | teres (button-weed), Mitchella repens (partridge berry), and Oldenlandea ccerulea (bluets). Of the Composite order there are iron-weed ( Vernonia noveboracensis), Elephantopus Carolinianus, Liatris squarrosa, L. spi- cata, and L. dubia ; Eupatoreum purpureum (trumpet- weed), E. teucrifolium, E. rotundifolium, E. perfoli- atum (boneset), E. ageratoides (white snake-root), E. aromaticum ; Mikania scandens ; Conoclinium cceles- tinum (moist-flower), Tussilago farfara, Sericoc.arpus solidageus, S. coryzoides ; Aster and starworts, a dozen leading varieties ; Erigeron canadense (butter-weed), E. Philadelphicum (fleabane), E. annuum (sweet scabious), E. strigosum ; Diplopappus Unarifolius, D. umbellattts, and D. amygdalinus ; Bottonia asteroides (Bartram), Solidago squarrosa (golden-rod), S. bicolor, and fourteen other varieties; Chrysopsis mariana (golden aster), Inula helenium (elecampane), Polymnia Canadensis; Iva frutescens ; Ambrosia irijida (rag- weed), A. artemesia/olia (hogweed), Xanthium stru- marium (cockle-bur), A", spinosum, Eclipta procumbens, Ileliopsis la'vis (ox-eye), RudbecJcia (cone-flower), four varieties; Helianthiis (sunflower), five varieties, including H. tuberoxus (Jerusalem artichoke), and H. annuus (garden sunflower) ; Coreopsis trichinosperma, Bidens frondosa (beggar-lice), B. connata, B. cernua, B. chrysanthemoides, B. bipinnata (Spanish needles) ; Helenium autumuale (sneeze-weed), Morula cotula (Mayweed), Achillea millefolium (yarrow, or mill- foil), Leucanthemum vulgare (ox-eye daisy), Ma- tricaria parthenium (feverfew), Tanacetum vulgare (tansy), Artemisia, raudata (wormwood). A. vulgaris (mugwort), Gnaphalium polycephalium (everlasting), G. purpureum (purple cudweed) ; Filago Germanica, Erechtites hieracifolia, Cacalia a.triplicifolia (plantain), Senecio aureus (squaw-weed), Centaurea cyanus (blue- bottle), Girsium (thistle), seven varieties, including common thistle ( C. lanceolatum), and Canada thistle (C. arvc.nse) ; Lappa major (burdock), Cichorium intybus (chiccory), Hieracium scabrum (hawkweed), //. Gronovii, H. venosum (rattlesnake-weed), and H. paniculatum ; Nabalus albus, iV. altissimus, Taraxacum densleonis (dandelion), Lactuca elongata (wild let- tuce), Mulgedium acuminatum, Sonchus oleraceus (sow thistle) and S. asper. The Lobelia family have the cardinal flower, the great lobelia (L. syphilitica), the L. infiata (Indian tobacco), the blue lobelia (L. spicata), and L. Nuttallii. The Campanulas have the marsh bell-flower, the tall bell-flower, and Venus' looking-glass. Of the heaths there are Gaylussaccia frondosa and 67. resinosa (the blue and the black huckleberry), Vaucinium macrocarpon (cranberry). V. .ttanii.ueiiiii (squaw huckleberry), V. Pennsylvanicum, GEOLOGY AND ZOOLOGY. 27 and V. vacillans ; the Epigwa (trailing arbutus), Gaultheria procumbens (wintergreen teaberry), Leu- cothoe racemosa, Clethra alnifolia (white alder), Ktilmia latifolia (mountain laurel), K. angusti/olia (sheep laurel), Azalea viscosa (swamp honeysuckle), A. nudi- flora (Pinxter flower), Pyrola rotundifolia, P. ellip- iica, Chimaphila umbellata (pipsissewa), C. maculata, Monotropa uniflora (Indian pipe), and M. hypo- pitys (pine-sap). The Aquifoliacem or Holly fam- ily give specimens (but infrequent) of Ilex opaca (American holly), and I. verticillata (black alder). The Ebony family is represented by Diospyros Vir- tjiniana (persimmon); the plantains by Plantago major, P. lanceolata-, and P. virginica ; the primulas (primroses) by Dodecatheon Meadia (American cow- slip), Lysimachia stricta (loose-strife), L. quadrifolia and L. eiliata, and the pimpernel (Anagallis arvensis). There is one bladderwort, JJtricularia vulgaris; and one hignonia, the catalpa. The Orobanchaceoc have Epiphegus Virginiana (beech-drop), Conopholis Ameri- cana (cancer-root), and Aphyllon urciflorum. The Scropliulariacew have the common mullein, the moth mullein, the toad-flax (Linaria Canadensis and L. vul- garis, "butter-and-eggs"), Scrophularia nodosa, Che- lone glabra (turtle-head), Mimulus alatus and M. rin- gens (the monkey-flower ), Semianthusmicranthemoidcs, Veronica (speedwells, seven varieties), Buchnara Americana, Oerardia (five sorts), Castilleia coccinea. (scarlet painted cup), Pedicularis Canadensis (wood betony), P. lanceolata. The verbenas have V. hastolu (blue vervain) and the white variety. The Labiatte, or Mint family, are represented by the wood-sage or American germander, spearmint (Mentha viridis), peppermint and wild mint (M. Canadensis) ; Lycopus Virginicus (bugle-weed), Cunila mariana (dittany), Pycnanthemum incanum (basil), and five other sorts, Origanum vulgare (horse-mint or wild marjoram), Thymus serpyllum, T. vulgaris (thyme), Melissa officin- alis (balm), Sedeoma pulegioides (pennyroyal), Col- linsonia Canadensis (rich-weed, horse-balm), Salvia lyrata and S. officinalis (sage ; the fine flowering sages are from South America); Monardia fistulosa (wild bergamot), Lophanthus (hyssop), two sorts; Nrpeta cataria (catnip) and N. glechoma (ground ivy) ; Scu- tellaria (skull-cap), six sorts ; Marrubium vulgare (hore- hound), Leonurus cardiaca (motherwort). The Borage family have Echium vulgare, Onosmodium Virginianum, Lithospermu/m arvense (common gromwell), Myosotispa- luslris (forget-me-not), Cynoglossum officinale (hound's tongue), C. Virginicum, C. Morisoni (beggar's lice) ; of the Water-leaf family (Hydrophyllacea:) there are two sorts besides the Ellisia nyclelea and the Phaceliapar- vifolia; of the Polemoniacece, Polemoniareptans (Jacob's ladder) and Phlox maculata (wild sweet-william), P. pilosa and P. subulata, with Pyxidanthera barbulata. Of the Convolvulus family, Ipomea purpurea (morning- glory), I. pandurata, Convolvulus arpensis (bindweed), Cuscuta Gronovii (dodder). The Nightshade family have Solatium dulcamara (bitter-sweet), S. nigrum (nightshade), S. Carolinense (horse-nettle) ; Physalis pubescens and viscosa (ground cherry), Datura stra- monium (jimson-weed) ; the Solatium tuberosum (potato), S. melongena (egg-plant), Lycopersicum esculentum (to- mato), Atropa belladonna (deadly nightshade), Nico- tiana tabacum and Capsicum annuum (red pepper, Cay- enne) are all allied to this family and all naturalized in Philadelphia County. The Gentian family gives the centaury, fringed gentian, Oentiana saponaria (soap- wort gentian), G. Andrewsii (closed gentian), Bartonia tenella, and Obolaria Virginica; the family of Apocy- nacem gives the spreading dogbane and the Indian hemp (Apocynum Cannabinum). The Milkweed order yields Asclepias cornuti (common milkweed) and ten other varieties; the Olive family yields privet, fringe- tree ( Chionanthus Virginica), white-ash, red-ash, and black or elder-leaved ash. There are two sorts of Aristolochiacece, the asarabacca (wild ginger) and Aris- tolochia serpentaria (Virginia snake-root). The poke- weed family have Phytolacca decandea (common poke) ; the Goosefoot family, Chenopodium album (lamb's quarters), C. ambrosioides (Mexican tea worm-seed); the amaranth, Amuranthus albus, A. hybridus (pig- weed), A. spinosus — prince's feather ("love lies bleed- ing"), is of this family — and Acnida Cannabina. The Buckwheat family has Polygonum orientate, P. Penn- sylvanicum, P. persicaria (lady's thumb), and ten other sorts ; Fagopyrum esculentum (buckwheat), Rumex ( water-dock), four varieties, R.acetocella (sheep-sorrel), Rheum rhaponicum (pie-plant) ; of the Lauracece there are sassafras and benzoin (spice-wood); of the Meze- reums, the Dirca palustris ; of the Santalaceoz, the Co- niandra umbellata ; of the mistletoes, Phoradendron flavescens. There are besides the Saururus cernuus, the Ceratophyllum demersum, Callitriche verna, Podostemon ceratophyllum, Euphorbia corollata (spurge), E. macu- lata, and E. hypericifolia, and the Acalypha gracilens. Of the Urticacece or Nettle family there are Ulmus fulva (slippery elm), U.Americana (native elm), Celtis occidcntalit (hackberry), Morus rubra (red mulberry), M. alba, M. papyri/era, Madura aurantiaca (osage orange, naturalized), Urtica dioica (stinging nettle), Laportea Canadensis, Pilea pumila (rich weed), Parie- taria Pennsylvanica (pellitory), Cannabis sativa (hemp), Stimulus lupidus (hop). Of the Plane-tree family, Plata- nus occiden talis (the sycamore or buttonwood-tree) ; of the walnuts, Juglans cinerea and J. nigra (buttern ut and black-walnut), Carya alba (shellbark), C.sulcata (hick- ory-nut), C. tomentosa and C. microcarpa (hickories), C. glabra (pig-nut hickory), C. amara (swamp hickory). Of the Oak family ( Cupiliferce) there are found in Phila- delphia the Querent obtusiloba (post-oak), Q. alba (white- oak), swamp chestnut-oak, swamp white-oak, yellow chestnut-oak, chinquapin-oak, willow-oak, laurel- oak, black-jack, scrub-oak (Q. i/icifolia), Spanish oak, pin-oak, quercitron-oak ( Q. tinctoria), scarlet-oak, red- oak, the chestnut, chinquapin, beech, hazel-nut, and horn-beam or ironwood. Of the Myricacecc are the wax-myrtle (bayberry) •and the sweet fern ; of the 28 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. Birches, Betula nigra (red-birch), and Alnus serrulata (smooth alder) ; of the Willow family (Salicacece), there are the Salix tristis (dwarf gray-willow), the low bush, weeping, basket, or osier, silky-leaved, petiolate, black, white, and brittle willows ; the quiv- ering aspen, large-toothed aspen, Athenian, Lom- bardy, and silver poplar (naturalized since 1785), and the Populus candidans (Balm of Gilead). Of the Coniferoz, there are Pinus inops (Jersey pine), P. rigida {pitch-pine), P. strobus (white-pine), Abies Canadensis (hemlock-spruce), Thuja occidentalis (American arbor- vitse), C'upressus thyoides (white-cedar), and the Juni- perus communis and Virginiana (savin). Of the Arum family there are Arisema triphyllum (Indian turnip), and Dracontium, the skunk-cabbage, the golden-club, and the Calamus or sweet-flag ; of the Cat- tails, Typha latifolia, Sparganium simplex, and S. ramosum ; of the Duck-weeds, Lemna minor and L. polyrrhiza ; of the Pond-weeds (Naiadacew), Naias flexilis, Ruppia mari- tima, Potamogetonnatans, P. perfoliatum, P. lucens, etc. ; of the Alismacece, Alismaplantago, Sagittaria variabilis; of the Frog-bits, Anacharsis Canadensis and Vallisneria spiralis (eel-grass) ; of the Orchid family, Orchis spec- tabilis, Oymnadenia tridentata and flava, five sorts of Plantathera, Ooodyerapubeseens, Spiranthes gracilis and cernua ; three sorts of Pogonia, Calopogon pulchellus, Mycrostyllis ophioglossoides, Liparis liliifolia, Coral/or- rhiza, three varieties; Aplectrum hyemale (Adam-and- Eve), Cypripedium pubescens, and acaule (lady's slip- per). Of the Amaryllises, there is Hyposcys erecta (star-grass); of the Blood worts, Aleiris farinosa ; of the Irises, the blue flag and fleur-de-luce, the Bermuda grass, the crocus, blackberry lily, and tiger-flower; of the Yams, Dioscorea villosa; of the Smilaxes, S. rotundifolia (greenbrier), 8. glauca, and S. herbacea (carrion-flower) ; Trillium cernuum (wake-robin), and Madeola Virginiea (Indian cucumber). Of the Lily family there are Asparagus officinalis, Polygonaluln giganteum (Solomon's seal), Smilacina racemosa, S. Canadensis, Convallaria majalis (lily of the valley), day-lily, Star-of-Bethlehem, wild leek, field garlic, meadow garlic, Lilium Philadelphicuni, L. Canadense, L. superbum (Turk's cap), Erythronium Americanum ; of the Colchicum family, there are the bellwort, the bunch-flower, the white hellebore, the Amianthium miiscoetoxicum, the Chamcelirium luteum, and Tofieldia pubens. Of the Rush family, Juncus effusus (common rush), and six others; of the Pontideriaceos, Pontideria condata, the mud-plantain, and the water star-grass; of the Spiderworts, Commelyna Virginiea and Trades- cantia Virginiea; of the Xyridaceos, Xyris Caroliniana; of the Pipeworts, Eriocaulon gnaphalodes. The Sedges are represented by five varieties of Cyperus, seven of Scirpus, five of Fimbristylis, thirty-three of Garex, be- sides Dulchium spathaceum, Eleocharis obtusa, E. tenuis, and E. acicularw, and Eriophorum Virginicum; Cype- rus rotundus is nut-grass ; the carices do not vary much in appearance, though the catalogue of their varieties in Gray's Manual occupies nearly thirty pages. Of the family of Oraminece, or grasses, Philadelphia was the habitat of a great many genera and species ; there were two Leersice, three Agrostes, five Muhlenbergioz, five Pocs, three sorts of Elymus, fifteen of Panieum, and three of Andropogon ; among these were rice- grass, fly-catch, water-oats, meadow fox-tail, timothy, drop-seed grass, bent-grass, thin-grass, orchard-grass, herd-grass, poverty-grass, blue-grass, green-grass, cheat, wild-oats, bur-grass, red-top, nimble will, hair- grass, joint-grass, rattlesnake-grass, spear-grass, wire- grass, meadow fescue, darnel, couch-grass, wild-rye, sweet-scented vernal grass, millet, bottle-grass, sesame, and broom-corn. Of the animals, birds, and fishes, the reptiles and insects of Philadelphia, the old writers make much mention, but it is still rather of a confused sort. Penn dwells upon the elk and deer, the bears, beavers, rac- coons, rabbits, and squirrels, the turkeys, pheasants, pigeons, and partridges, and the water-fowl. The abundance of flsh struck him, and he frequently com- mented upon them. Gabriel Thomas names "swans, duck, teal, geese, divers, brands, snipe, curlew, eagles, Turkies (of Forty or Fifty Pound Weight), Pheasants, Partridges, Pigeons, Heathbirds, Blackbirds, and the strange and remarkable fowl called (in these parts) the Mocking-Bird, that Imitates all sorts of Birds in their various Notes. And for Fish, there are prodigious quantities of most sorts, viz. : Shadd, Cat-Heads, Sheep- Heads, Herrings, Smelts, Roach, Eels, Perch. As also the large sort of Fish, as Whales (of which a great deal of Oyl is made), Salmon, Trout, Sturgeon, Rock, Oys- ters (some six Inches long), Crabs, Cockles (some as big as Stewing Oysters, of which are made a Choice soupe or Broth), Canok, and Mussels, with many other sorts of fish, which would be too tedious to insert. There are several sorts of wild Beasts of great Profit, and good Food, viz. : Panthers, Wolves, Fitchow, Deer, Beaver, Otter, Hares, Musk-Rats, Minks, Wild Cats, Foxes, Raccoons, Rabbits, and that strange creature, the Possum, she having a false Belly to swallow her Young ones, by which means she preserveth them from dan- ger when anything comes to disturb them. There are also Bears, some Wolves, are pretty well destroyed by the Indians for the sake of the Reward given them by the Christian for that service. Here is also that Remarkable Creature, the Flying Squirrel, having a kind of Skinny Wings, almost like those of the Batt, though it hath the like Hair and Colour of the Com- mon Squirrel, but is much less in Bodily Substance. I have (myself) seen it fly from one Tree to another in the Woods, but how long it can maintain its Flight is not yet exactly known. There are in the Woods abundance of Red Deer (vulgarly called Stags), for I have bought of an Indian a whole Buck (both Skin and Carcass) for two Gills of Gunpowder. There are vast Numbers of other Wild Creatures, as Elk, Buffaloes, etc., all which, as well Beasts, Fowl, and Fish, are free and common to any Person who can shoot or take them, without any lett, hinderance, or GEOLOGY AND ZOOLOGY. 29 opposition whatsoever. There are among other vari- ous sorts of Frogs, the Bull-Frog, which makes a roaring noise, hardly to be distinguished from that well known of the Beast from whom it takes its Name. There is another sort of Frog that crawls up to the tops of Trees, there seeming to imitate the Notes of several Birds, with many other strange and various Creatures, which would take up too much room here to mention." Campanius mentions tor- toises, sturgeons, and whales. The rattlesnake, he says, has a head like a dog, " and can bite a man's leg off as clear as if it had been hewn down with an axe." The "sea-spiders" (king crab) are "as large as tortoises, and like them have houses over them of a. kind of yellow horn. They have many feet, and their tails are half an ell long, and made like a three- edged saw, with which the hardest trees may be sawed down." The "tarm-fish" has no head, and is like a smooth rope, one-quarter of a yard in length and four fingers thick, and somewhat bowed in the middle. At each of the four corners there runs out a small bowel three yards long and as thick as coarse twine. " With two of these bowels they suck in their food, and with the other two eject it from them" (a sort of medusa, probably). There is also a devil-fish, called by the Indians " manitto," which plunges deep in the water and spouts like a whale. That whales once frequented the Delaware does not admit of question. De Vries established the colony at Swaanendael as a point d'appui for the whale fish- ery ; Vanderdonck says these mammals were fre- quently stranded on the shores and captured by Indians and settlers ; Lambrechtsen mentions cod, tunny, and whale as among the fish of the North and South Rivers ; Du Simitiere's manuscripts contain an account of a whale that came up to Philadelphia. It will be noticed that Thomas mentions buffaloes as among the animals of Eastern Pennsylvania ; the same thing is done by the author of the so-called " Plantagenet's Albion" pamphlet, and by Vander- donck, the latter saying that " the buffaloes keep to- wards the southwest, where few people go." It has been said very positively that the American bison never came east of the Allegheny Mountains, and the general silence of early naturalists on the subject seems to make the statement probable. But the cause assigned, that the bison, a prairie animal, avoids mountains, is no longer admissible, for we now know that he hides in the deepest valleys of the B,ocky Mountains, and climbs cliffs as daringly as he storms the snow-drifts. Besides, the bison could easily have passed round the mountains by way of the northern lakes, descending the Hudson, Delaware, and Susquehanna. The animal's frequent- ing-place was doubtless the treeless plains ; but he may have easily come to visit, though not to stay, in the East. Evidently the Delaware Indians knew of the beast ; they had a name for him (xiasUle), and they called one of the branches of the Allegheny Biver Sissilie Hanna, " the stream where the buffaloes re- sort." The city of Buffalo, on Lake Erie, would seem to have its name from the resort of these ani- mals, and there are four townships and one town called Buffalo in Pennsylvania. One Buffalo Creek, in this State, empties into the Juniata ; another into the Susquehanna, both east of the Alleghenies; the name is also found in North Carolina, Georgia, and Mary- land, at points east of the mountains. This is posi- tive evidence, so far as the names of places go, in favor of eastern migrations of the bison ; the non- mention of the animal by early writers is negative evidence against such migrations. It is not necessary to present a full account of the zoology of Philadelphia County. Dr. Michener, B. H. Warren, Prof. Cope, Alexander Wilson, Spencer F. Baird, John Cassin, Dr. Joseph Thomas, Mr. Brewer, Mr. Barnard, etc., have collected all the information on the subject that is desirable, and a hundred times- more than can be used here. Of the insectivora there are several bats, five shrews, and two moles, which are named ; of the carnivora there are the pan- ther, {Felis concolor), Lynx rufus (American wildcat), L. Canadensis/ the American wolf, red fox, gray fox, weasels (three sorts), the mink, the ferret, the otter, the skunk, the raccoon, and the black bear. Of the marsupials, only the opossum ; of the rodents, the squirrel family, including the cat, gray, red, black, and flying squirrels, the ground-squirrel or chip- munk, and the ground-hog or American marmot ; of the muridw. or rat family, there were the beaver, the musk-rat, the jumping mouse, the black and brown rats, the wood-rat, the house-mouse, field-mouse, meadow-mouse, and upland meadow mouse ; of the porcupine family there was the American hedgehog ; of the rabbits, two, the white and the gray. Of ru- minants, the elk, the red deer, the buffalo (besides domesticated animals), the horse, and (among fossils near by in Chester County and in New Jersey) the Elepha* primogenius and the mastodon. Among the birds Dr. Michener and Mr. Barnard have recognized two hundred species as belonging to the vicinity of Philadelphia, of which nearly a fourth might still be found. The vultures are represented by the turkey- buzzard; the falcons or hawks by the duck-hawk, the pigeon-hawk, the sparrow-hawk, the goshawk, and seven other species, the kite, the marsh-hawk, the golden and the white-headed eagle, and the fish-hawk. The owls have the barn-owl, the great horned owl, the screech, the long-eared, the short-eared, the barred, " saw-whet," and snowy owls ; the cuckoos have two varieties ; the woodpeckers eight varieties ; the humming-birds have only one sort; there are five varieties of swallows ; the whip-poor-will and shrike, or night-hawk, are common, and there are the king- fisher and the king-bird. There are eight sorts of fly-catchers, including the pewee ; six varieties of the thrush, including the robin and the wood and her- mit thrush ; two kinds of wren, the blue-bird, the 30 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. titlark and the black and white creeper, the yellow- throat, the redstart, and the three water thrushes (sciurus). Of the warblers twenty -four varieties have been specified ; of the vireos and fly-catchers twelve varieties ; the butcher-bird and the mocking- bird were much more frequent in former times, but the cat-bird holds its own, though the brown thrush (Mimus rufus) is getting scarce. The marsh wren is common, but not so the other thryothori. The gray creeper, the nut-hatcher, the titmouses and chicka- dees, the larks, tanagers, red-birds, grosbeaks are common ; of the finches and cross-bills several va- rieties are named ; there are thirteen named sorts of sparrows, four grosbeaks, two orioles, two black- birds, two sorts of crows; the jay, turtle-dove, wild pigeon, pheasant, partridge ; twelve cranes, herons, bitterns, and ibises ; three sorts of the plover ; the kildeer, phalarope, woodcock ; fifteen species of snipe, sand-pipers, etc., and seven or eight sorts of rail, curlew, and marsh-hen. The coot, swan, wild- goose, brant, and loon used to be very abundant on the Delaware — now scarce; the mallard, black duck, sprig-tail, teal, shoveler, summer duck, scaup, canvas-back, red-head, buffel-head, spine-tail, shell- drake, merganser are still shot, and in winter the Delaware is still frequented by five or six varieties of gulls and three sorts of grebes. The reptiles of Philadelphia were never very for- midable, but still, numerous. Sixteen varieties of salamander are catalogued, and eleven toads and frogs, including all the Bufonidce, Iiylidw, and Ran- idce. Of the ophidians, two were venomous, — the banded rattlesnake ( Crotalus horridus) and the cop- perhead. The other snakes were the worm snake, ring snake, chain snake, house snake, grass snake, black snake, garter snake, ribbon snake, yellow-bel- lied snake, water snake, and spotted and black viper. There was but one lizard, but nine tortoises, including the snappers. The fish include ten varieties of perch (with the pike), four darters, a miller's thumb, a stickleback, a gar, trout, salmon, a dozen chubs, dace, shiners, etc., in the small streams; seven or eight mullets or suckers, six sorts of cat-fish, one variety of eel, two of stur- geon, three lampreys, etc. Of the mollusca there is no end of slugs and snails, pupadce, etc., eighty-six varieties being catalogued, thirty or forty sorts of mussels and pectino-branchiates, and this is in addi- tion to the salt-water shell-fish. CHAPTER III. THE INDIANS. When Henry Hudson, in 1609, after having exam- ined and sounded the entrance to Delaware Bay, en- tered and explored New York Bay and the North or Hudson River, he encountered the natives of the country, who called themselves Mohegans or Mohe- canne. These savages had never seen white men ; but after the first surprise and wonder, they met the strangers with the utmost confidence, and made a graceful display of their inexhaustible, generous hos- pitality, bestowing presents and spreading before the new-comers the choicest treasures of their little store. This visit of Hudson's seems to have made an indel- ible impression upon the Indians. The incident was handed down in vivid traditions from generation to generation, and Heckewelder heard an account of it from the Pennsylvania Indians, among whom he was doing his gentle duties as a missionary. The ship was mistaken for a supernatural visitant, and its cap- tain and crew were esteemed as being far superior to earthly men. The simple natives fancied themselves blessed with the presence of some great Manitou, and they did their utmost to honor the occasion and pro- pitiate the powerful strangers, whose house had white wings and at whose command were the resources of the elements, the lightning and the thunder. The Indians put on their gala-day costumes and bravest paint, brought out their fetishes and amulets, and prepared a sacrifice, a feast, and a dance. Hudson, deus ex machind, not to be outdone, met the natives in ceremonious state, furnished them with draughts of nectar, — in this case it was true Holland schnapps, poured forth from a junk-bottle, "fire-water," as the deluded savages most appropriately denominated it, — and made them drunk after the ancient English fashion. It is a point in the unconscious satire of history that the Indians of the temperate zone of North America were not sufficiently " civilized" to have discovered the means of intoxicating themselves by the manufacture of fermented or distilled liquors. The Mexicans had their pulque, the South American Indians their cushaw beer and wine, the Mobilians their "black drink," the Peruvians their coca and probably their "pisco" also, but the Algonkins and their kindred had no other drink but water, and their sole stimulant was tobacco, in the fumes of which they quieted their brains after the fullness of the banquet, or when the excitement of the chase or the war-path was over. This tobacco, and their bronze and clay pipes, handsomely ornamented, the Indians put at the service of their visitors, and it may be remarked, in proof of the universal reciprocity of service in ex- changes, that if the whites taught the Indians the use of rum and introduced the smallpox among them, the Indians in return have taught the whole world, civilized and uncivilized, how to smoke tobacco. The Indians who received Hudson were of the same nation as those who dwelt upon both sides of the Del- aware Bay and River. They called themselves Lenni Lenape, or Renni Renappi, a name said to signify the " original people" or its equivalent. 1 The river upon 1 There is some doubt as to whether Lenni Lenape is to be taken as meaning autochthones in an abstract sense, or whether it means, in a personal way, the boast that " we are the people," the men par excel- lence. THE INDIANS. 31 whose banks some of them dwelt they called after their own name, Lenape Wihittuck, Lenape River, and when the English decided that the name of the river should be Delaware they translated the Indian generic title into Delaware also, and so the tribe are called Delawares to this day. Between Hudson's , voyage and the beginning of the eighteenth century there is frequent contemporary mention of the Lenape Indians and their kinsmen, the Nanticokes, and their neighbors, the Mengwes, Minquas, or Mingoes, who were known in Maryland as the Susquehannas. and whose remnant afterwards became known in Pennsyl- vania as the Conestogas. Capt. Cornelis Hendrickson, who explored part of the Delaware in 1615-16 in a small yacht built by Capt. Block in New York Harbor '■ to replace his vessel which had been burned, 1 reported having met and traded with the Minquas, from whose bonds he redeemed three prisoners belonging to the Dutch trading company at Fort Nassau, up the Hud- son. It is probable that Hendrickson encountered these natives at Christina or Upland Creek. His intercourse with them was the beginning of the Dela- ware River fur trade. In 1623, Capt. Cornelis Jacobson Mey built Fort Nassau on the east side of the Delaware River, just below where Philadelphia now stands. Mey was agent for the Dutch West India Company, and the fort was intended as a trading-post. It was alternately occupied or deserted as trade demands required. In 1633, De Vries found the Indians in possession of it. De Vries himself, acting for some members of the Dutch Company, had bought from thelndians bodies of land on both sides of Delaware Bay near the ocean, and in 1630 a colony was planted under his direction at the Horekills or Lewes Creek, in Lower Delaware, and called Swaanendael, or Swanvale, a house being built and surrounded with palisades, to which the name of " Fort Oplandt" was given. In spite of the land purchase the garrison of this fort got into trouble with the Indians, and the entire party, some thirty men, were massacred. This land at Swaanendael was bought by Hossett and Heysen, the commissary and captain of the expedition organized by De Vries, on May 5, 1631, from Sannoowouns, Wie- wit, Pemhacke, Mekowetick, Teehepewwya, Matha- raen, Sacoock, Anchoopoen, Janqucns, and Pokahake, who were either Lenape or Nanticoke Indians. De Vries, humane as he was intelligent, saw at once on his return to the Delaware that the massacre at Fort Op- landt was provoked by some act of the garrison or its commander. He did not care to investigate too closely a deed which was irreparable, and which he was assured in his own consciousness must have originated in some brutality or debauchery of his own people, so he simply called the Indians together and made a treaty of peace with them, sealing it with presents. 2 1 See next chapter. 2 De Vries liuil witnessed with extreme disgust the cruelty and bad Faith of the whites in their dealings with the Indians. He attributed the mas- At the time of De Vries' plantation, and his expe- dition afterwards in 1633 up the Delaware, the Min- quas appear to have been at war with the Lenapes on the other side of the river, and this may in part ex- plain the hostile attitude in which the navigator found the Indians at several points. This fact will also explain the readiness of the sachems of New Jersey in that year to sell to Arent Corssen the land on the westside of the river on which Fort Beversrede was afterwards erected. In 1638 the Swedes came to the Delaware, and having established themselves at Christina and subsequently at other points, began an active and intimate trade with the Indians for furs. They too bought the land which they occupied, and appear to have lived with the savages on very familiar terms, for we find that they supplied inter- preters for many years, supplanted the Dutch in the fur trade, and annually visited the Minquas in their strongholds in Cecil County and on the Susquehanna. When the Iroquois came to attack the Susquehan- nocks in their castle in 1662, they were baffled by a regular fort, constructed in European style by Swe- dish engineers, with bastions and mounted cannon. 3 The Swedish Governors appear to have understood how to conciliate the Indians effectively, and were much preferred to the Dutch. The natives aided Pappegoya to put on shore the last party of Swedish immigrants who arrived in the Delaware after the subjugation of the colony by Stuyvesant. The in- structions by Queen Christina's government to both Printz and Risingh were very minute in their in- junction of friendliness and good conduct to the Indians. De Laet, the contemporary Dutch historian, who was also one of the directors of the Dutch West In- dia Company, and one of the patrons for whom De Vries purchased Indian titles on the Delaware, names some of the Indian bands in that section in his volume, Novus Orbis. Campanius states that the Swedes in his time had no intercourse except with "the black and white Mengwes," and he holds that the Lenapes were cannibals, in proof of which he adduces a story which is fully as authentic as his ac- count of the rattlesnake. This author also speaks of sacre of Hossett and his men to " mere jangling with the Indians" (in his interesting journals), and he himself had experience of Indian loy- alty and kindness when kindly treated. Tho suggestion of debauchery grows out of the name given by the Dutch to Lewes Creek, which, says Smith, the historian of New Jersey, on the authority of a manuscript in the British Museum giving a Swedish account of the early settle- ments on the Delaware, " had its rise from the liberality of the Indians for lavishly prostituting, especially at that place, their maidens and daughters to our Hollanders." Hossett's party had no women with them, and it will be remembered that one of tho earliest complaints of the Delawares to Tenii's government was founded upon the charge that a settler's servants had made the males drunkand then debauched then- wives. The complaisance which, according to Cadwallader Colden, the Indians extended to tho whites on their first arrival might easily become a grave indignity when the whites were discovered to be no longer su- perior beings, but men like themselves. To meet with Amphitryons visitors must not cease to he Jupiters. ;1 Parkman," Jesuits in North America, 1 ' p. 442. 32 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. the broad faces, flat noses, large lips, and square teeth of the savages, adding that they often had their heads artificially flattened in infancy. The warriors some- times wore necklaces made of thumbs of their ene- mies cut off after battle ; the Indians (again Cam- panius is responsible) ate just when they happened to be hungry ; they wore head-dresses of feathers and snake-skins, and fed upon bear's meat, venison, birds, fish, and maize, either in the shape of hominy or ]}one. When they traveled they mixed their cakes with tobacco juice to quench thirst. They painted their bodies with river mud or ochreous clays, and made no use of salt except as an antidote to epi- lepsy. In short, Campanius is utterly untrustworthy as an observer, although he is sensational enough as a raconteur. De Laet says the earth was their table as well as their bed, — •" humo strati, aut super storeas junceas, somnum pariter aigue cibum capiunt,'' — while Campanius (giving Pastorius as his authority, how- ever) absurdly makes them out as being such churls as to mount and sit cross-legged upon tables in Chris- tian houses to which they were asked; they never, in fact, sitting cross-legged under any circumstances. We learn from De Vries that the Indians used the reed-pipe as a musical instrument, and Penn men- tions the tambourine. De Laet seems to suppose that they had no religion. " Nullus ipsis religioiris sensus, nulla Dei veneratio," he says, a singular misconcep- tion. George Alsop, in his little tract called " A Character of the Province of Maryland" (London, 1(566), devotes a chapter to " A Relation of the Cus- toms, Manners, Absurdities, and Religion of the Sus- quehanock Indians in and near Maryland." These were the Mengwes of Campanius, and the Susquesa- hannoughs of Capt. Smith. Alsop says they are re- garded as "the most Noble and Heroick Nation of Indians that dwell upon the confines of America; also are so allowed and lookt upon by the rest of the Indians, by a submission and tributary acknowledg- ment, being a people cast into the mould of a most large and warlike deportment, the men being for the most part seven foot high in altitude and in magni- tude and bulk suitable to so high a pitch ; their voyce large and hollow, as ascending out of a Cave, their gate and behavior straight, steady, and majestick, treading on the Earth with as much pride, contempt, and disdain to so sordid a Centre as can be imagined from a creature derived from the same mould and Earth." They go naked summer and winter, says Alsop, " only where shame leads them by a natural instinct to be reservedly modest, there they become cover'd. The formality of Jezabel's artificial Glory is much courted and followed by these Indians, only in matter of colours (I conceive) they differ." They paint their faces in alternate streaks of different colors, and Alsop thinks, with other early writers, that their skins are naturally white but changed to red and cinnamon-brown by the use of pigments. Their hair is 'black, long, and harsh," and they do not permit it to grow anywhere except upon the head. The Susquehannas tattooed their arms and breasts with their different totems, "the picture of the Devil, Bears, Tigers, and Panthers," says Alsop. They are great warriors, always at war, and keep their neigh- bors in subjection. Their government is complex and hard to make out; " all that ever I could observe in them as to this matter is, that he that is most cruelly Valorous is accounted the most Noble,'' which is a very good approximation of the fact that the war- chief derives his rank or influence from his deeds. Our author adds that " when they determine to go upon some Design that will and doth require a con- sideration, some six of them get into a Corner and sit in Juncto, and if thought fit their business is made popular and immediately put in action ; if not, they make a full stop to it, and are silently reserv'd." On the war-path they paint and adorn their persons, first well greased ; their arms, the hatchet and fusil, or bow and arrows. Their war parties are small; they march out from their fort singing and whooping ; if they take prisoners they treat them well, but dress them and anoint them so that they may be ready for the stake and torture when their captors return home. Alsop gives a full account of the process of torture, and declares that prisoners are hacked to pieces and eaten by the warriors. The religion of the Susque- hannas Alsop regarded as an absurd and degrading superstition, they being devil-worshipers ; but he ad- mits that, "with a kind of wilde imaginary conjecture, they suppose from their groundless conceits that the World had a Maker." They sacrifice a child to the devil every four years, and their medicine men have great influence among them. Their dead are buried sit- ting, face due west, and all their weapons, etc., around them. The houses of the Susquehannas " are low and long, built with the bark of trees arch-wise, standing thick and confusedly together." The hunters go on long winter hunts ; the women are the menials and drudges, and yet they are commended for their beauty of form, and their husbands are said to be very con- stant to them. " Their marriages," says Alsop, in con- clusion, " are short and authentique; for after 'tis re- solv'd upon by both parties, the Woman sends her intended Husband a kettle of boil'd "Venison, or Bear, and he returns in lieu thereof Beaver or Otter Skins, and so their Nuptial Rites are concluded with- out other Ceremony." What has been quoted above serves rather to prove how difficult it is to extract from contemporary writers a clear account of the Indians than to fur- nish an illustration of their actual situation and character. Nor do we get the satisfactory narratives we should expect from observers like Penn and Ga- briel Thomas and Thomas Budd, though they must have seen the Indians often, face to face, in their homes and in the wigwams likewise. It is greatly to be regretted that a keen observer and judge of men like James Logan did not write the history- of the THE INDIANS. 33 Delaware Indians, whom he knew so long and so in- timately. As it is, the best account of these Indians which is to be found anywhere is a fragmentary sketch, only a few pages, by Charles Thomson, the secretary to the Continental Congress. This brief paper, which breaks off in the middle of a sentence, is yet sufficient to explain to us why both whites and Indians dig- nified Thorn- son as the very incarnation f una- ulterated truth, and adds to the re- g r e t which all must feel that smaaL nent patriot and civilian should have shrunk from writing the history of those great events in which lie bore so large and yet so nebulous a part. We will presently speak further of this paper of Thomson's, which has been published among the memoirs of the Pennsylvania Historical Society. Budd, who arrived in Burlington, N. J., as early as T668, and had many opportunities to see and study the Indians, said of them, " The Indians told us in a conference at Burlington, shortly after we came into the country, they were advised to make war on us and cut us off while we were but few, for that we sold them the smallpox with the match-coats they had bought of us, which caused our people to be in fears and jealousies concerning them; therefore, we sent for the Indian kings to speak with them. . . . One 3 of them, in behalf of the rest, made the following speech in answer : "' Our young men may speak such words as we do not like nor approve of, and we cannot help that, and Bome of your young men may speak such words as you do not like, and you cannot help that. We are your brothers, and intend to live like brothers with you ; we have no miDd to have war, for when we have war we lire only skin and bones, the meat that we eat doth not do us good; we always are iu fear, we have not the benefit of the sun to shine on us, we hide us in holes and corners; we are minded to live in peace. If we intend at any time to make war we will let you know of it, and the reasons why we make war with you; and if yon make us satisfaction for the injury done us, for which the war was intended, then we will not make war on you ; and if you intend at any time to make war on us, we would have you let us know of it and the reason, and then if we do not make satisfaction for the injury done unto you, then you may make war on us, otherwise you ought nut to do it ; you are our brothers, and we are willing to live like brothers with you ; we are willing to have a broad path for you and us to walk in, and if an Indian is asleep in this path the Englishman shall pass by and do him no harm ; and if an Englishman is asleep in this path, the Indian shall pass him by and say, ' He is an Englishman, he is asleep; let him alone, he loves to sleep.' " . . . Budd adds that " The Indians have been very serviceable to us by selling ub venison, Indian corn, peas and beans, fish and fowl, buck-skins, beaver, otter, and other skins and furs; the men hunt, fish, and fowl, and the women plant the corn and carry burthens. There are many of them of a good understanding considering their education, and in their publick meet- ings of business they have excellent order, one speaking after another, and while one is speaking alt the rest keep silent, and do not so much as whisper to one another; we had several meetings with them, . . , The kings sat on a form, and we on another over against them ; they had prepared four belts of wampum (so their current money is called, being black and white beads made of a fish-shell) to give us as sealB of the covenant they made with us; one of the kings, by the consent and appointment of the rest, stood up and spoke." William Penn, in his letter to the Free Society of Traders, written in 1683, has discoursed copiously about the Delaware Indians. It was not until his second visit, in 1699, that he became much acquainted with other tribes. In a letter of prior date to the one just spoken of, written to Henry Savell, from Phila- delphia, 30th of Fifth month, 1683, the proprietary says, " The natives are proper and shapely, very swift, their language lofty They speak little, but fervently and with elegancy. I have never seen more naturall sagacity, considering them without y° help— I was going to say y» spoyle— of tradition. The worst is that they are y° wors for y« Christians who have propagated their views and yielded them tradition for y« wors & not for y= better things, they believe a Diety and Immor- tality without y help of metaphysicks & some of them admirably sober, though y« Dutch & Sweed and English have by Brandy and Rum almo-t Debaucht y-» all and when Drank ye most wretched of spectacles, often burning & sometimes murdering one another, at which times y» Chris- tians are not without danger as well as fear. Tho' for gain they will run the hazard both of y' and y Law, they make their worshipp to consist of two parts, sacrifices w<> they offer of their first fruits with marvellous fervency and labour of holy sweating as if in a bath, the other is their Canticoes, as they call them, w°>> is performed by round Dances, sonic- times words, then songs, then shouts, two being in ye midle y't begin and direct y chorus ; this they performe with equal ferve.icy but great appearances of joy.i In this I admire them, nobody shall want w< an- » Penn appears particularly anxious to show here and in his letter to the Society of Free Traders that the songs (or Canticoes.as he calls them) and dances of the Indians, which he enjoyed heartily, were purely reli- gious in their character,— actB of exalted spiritual fervor. In fact ha 34 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. other has, yett they have propriety (property)but freely communicable, they want or care for little, no Bills of Exchange nor Bills of Lading, no Chancery suits nor Exchequer Acct. have they to perplex themselves with, they are soon satisfied, and their pleasure feeds them, — I mean bunting and fishing." 1 This letter is made much more full in the one to the Free Society of Traders, written in August of the same year. The natives, Penn says, are generally tall, straight in their person, — " well built, and of singular proportion [i.e., of symmetry]; they tread strong and clever, and mostly walk with alofty chin. 2 Of complexion black, but by design, as the gipsies in England. They grease them- selves with bear's fat clarified, and using no defence against sun and weather, their skins must needs be swarthy. Their eye is livid and black, not unlike a straight- looked Jew. The thick lips and fiat nose, so frequent with the East Indians and blacks, are not common to them; fori have seen as comely European-like faces among them, of both sexes, as on your side the eea ; and truly an Italian complexion hath not more of the white ; and the tioses of several of them have as much of the Roman. Their language is lofty, yet narrow ; but, like the Hebrew, in signification full. Like short-hand in writing, one word serveth in the place of three, and the rest are supplied by the understanding of the hearer; imperfect in their tenses, wanting in their moods, participles, adverbs, conjunctions, and interjections. I have made it my business to understand it, that I might not want an interpreter on any occasion; and I must Bay that I know not a language spoken in Europe that hath words of more sweetness or greatness, in accent and emphasis, than theirs ; for instance, Octockekon, Rancocas, Oricton, Shak, Marian, Fo- quesian, all which are names of places, and have grandeur in them. Of words of sweetness, anna is mother ; issimus, a brother ; neteap, friend ; usqueoret, very good ; pane, bread ; metsa, eat ; maltu, no ; haita, to have ; payo, to come; Sepassen, Passijon, the names of places ; Tamane,Secane, Menanse, Secatareus, are the names of persons. If one ask them for anything they have not, they will answer, matta ne hatla, which, to translate, is ' not I have,' instead of * I have not.' " Of their customs and manners there is mucli to be said. I will begin with children. So soon as they are born they wash them in water, and while very young and in cold weather to choose, they plunge them in the rivers to harden and embolden them. Having wrapt them in a clout, they lay them on a strait thin board a little more than the length and breadth of the child, and swaddle it fast upon the board to make it straight; wherefore all Indians have flat heads; and thus they carry them at their backs. The children will go [walk] very young, at nine months commonly. They wear only a small clout around their waist was on record as opposing ordinary song and dance, saying of dancing, in the words of one of the ancients, " As many paces as a man maketh in dancing, so many prices doth he make to go to hell." (" No Cross, no Crown," 16G9, p. 86.) The Indians may have sung and danced at their religious services (if they had any), but unfortunately they sung and danced likewise after all their feasts, and especially when they had had one of their orgies, aud the rum and cider were masters of the savages' ordinary decorum and stoical 6elf-containment. i Penn. Archives, vol. i. pp. G8-9. 2 Penn had noticed a singularity in the Indians' gait, yet did not detect what it was ; yet it is f>o obvious that a few years back, in Kentucky, where the people still walk like the Indians, even a school -boy would recognize a person from the East by differences in his way of walking from the way of those to the manner born. The Indian Bteps with a perfectly straight foot and without turning his toes out, so that if the sun were upon his back the shadow of his shanks would entirely cover his feet. This tread is the antithesis of that of the Bailor, who walks with his toes very much turned out, and the European and the Eastern man walk like him. In both cases convenience and propriety are suited: the sailor, by his mode of locomotion, is enabled to tread more firmly and safely upon an uncertain deck that is always uneasy ; the Indian, by bis mode, is able to walk more safely the narrow forest path, and to step also with greater stealth and softness in pursuit of bis enemy and his game where leaves to rustle and twigs to break are numerous. But the difference is that the sailor "rolls" in his gait and his shoulders swing from side to side, while the Indian's walk makes him carry himself sin- gularly straight, his shoulders never diverging from a perpendicular. This little circumstance added materially to the outward appearance of gravity in the savage's general demeanor. till they are big. If boys, they go a-fishing till ripe for the woods, which is about fifteen. There they hunt; and having given some proofs of their manhood by a good return of skins, they marry ; else it is a shame to think of a wife. The girls stay with their mothers, and help to hoe the ground, plant corn, and carry burthens ; and they do well to use them to that, while young, which they must do when they are old; for the wives are the true servants of the husbands; otherwise the men are very affectionate to them. When the young women are fit for mar- riage they wear something upon their heads for an advertisement, but so as their faces are hardly to be seen but when they please. The age they marry at, if women, is- about thirteen and fourteen; if men, seven- teen and eighteen. They are rarely older. Their houses are mats or barks of trees, set on poles in the fashion of an English barn, but out of the power of the winds, for they are hardly higher than a man. They lie on reeds or grass. In travel they lodge in the woods about a great fire, with the mantle of duffils they wear by day m rapt about them and a few boughs stuck round them. Their diet is maize or Indian corn divers ways prepared, sometimes roasted in the ashes, sometimes beaten and boiled with water, which they call homine. They also make cakes not unpleasant to eat. They have likewise several sorts of beans and peas that are good nourishment, and the woods and rivers are their larder. If an European comes to see them, or calls for lodging at their house or wigwam, thoy give him the best place and first cut. If they come to visit ns they salute us with an Itah ! which is as much as to say, 'Good be to you!' and set them down, which is mostly on the ground, close to their heels, their legs upright ;it may he they speak not a word, but observe all passages [all that passes]. If you give them anything to eat or drink, well, for they will not ask ; and, be it little or much, if it be with kinduess, they are well pleased ; else they go away sullen, but say nothing. They are great concealers of their own resentments, brought to it, I believe, by the revenge that hath been practiced among them. In either of these they are not exceeded by the Italians. A tragical instance fell out since I came into the country. A king's daughter, thinking herself slighted by her husband in suffering an- other woman to lie down between them, rose up, went out, plucked a root out of the ground, and ate it, upon which she immediately died; and for which, last week, he made an offering to her kindred for atone- ment and liberty of marriage, as two others did to the kindred of their wives, who died a natural death ; for till widowers have done so they must not marry again. Some of the young women are said to take undne liberty before marriage for a portion; but when married, chaste. When with child they know their husbands no more till delivered ; and during their month they touch no meat, they eat but with a stick, lest they should defile it; nor do their husbandB frequent them till that time be expired. "But in liberality they excel; nothing is too good for their friend; give them a fine gun, coat, or other thing, it may pass through twenty hands before it sticks; light of heart, strong affections, but soon spent. The most merry creatures that live, feast and dance perpetually ; they never have much, nor want much ; wealth circulateth like the blood; all parts partake; and though none shall want what another hath, yet exact observers of property. Some kings have sold, others presented me with several parcels of land ; the pay or presents I made them wore not hoarded by the particular owners ; but the neighboring kings aud their clans being present when the goods were brought out, the parties chiefly concerned consulted what and to whom they should give them. To every king then, by the hands of a person for that work appointed, is a proportion sent, bo sorted and folded, and with that gravity that is admirable. Then that king subdivideth it in like manner among his dependants, they hardly leaving themselves an equal share with one of their subjects ; and be it on such occasions as festivals, or at their com- mon meals, the kings distribute, and to themselves last. They care fol- licle, because they want but little; aud the reason is, a little contents them. In this they are sufficiently revenged on us; if they are ignorant of our pleasures, they are also free from our pains. . . . Since the Euro- peans came into these parts they are grown great lovers of strong liquor^, rum especially, and for it they exchange the richest of their skins and furs If they are heated with liquors they are restless till they have enough to Bleep, — that is their cry, Some more and I will go to sleep ; but when drunk one of the most wretched spectacles in the world! "In sickness, impatient to be cured ; and for it give anything, espec- ially for their children, to whom they are extremely natural. They drink at these times a tisan, or decoction of some roots in spring-water; aud if they eat any flesh it must be of the female of any creature. If they die they bury them with their apparel, be they man or woman, and the nearest of kin fiiug in something precious with them as a token of their love. Their mourning is blacking of their faces, which they con- THE INDIANS. 35 tinue for a year. They are choice of the graves of their dead, for, leBt they should be lost by time and fall to common use, they pick off the grass that grows upon them, and heap up the fallen earth with great care and exactness. These poor people are under a dark night in things re- lating to religion ; to be sure the tradition of it ; yet they believe a God and immortality without the help of metaphysics, for they say, ' There is a Great King that made them, who dwells in a glorious country to the southward of them, and that the souls of the good shall go thither where they shall live again.' Their worship consists of two parts, sacrifice and cantico. Their sacrifice is their first fruits; the first and fattest buck they kill goeth to the fire, where he is all burnt, with a mournful ditty ■of him that performeth the ceremony, but with such marvellous fer- vency and labor of body that he will even sweat to a foam. The other part is their cantico, performed by round dances, sometimes words, some- times songs, then shouts, two being in the middle that begin, and by singing and drumming on a board direct the chorus. Their postures in i ho dance are very antick and differing, but all keep measure. This is dune with equal earnestness and labor, but great appearance of joy. In ihe fall, when the corn cometh in, they begin to feast one another. There have been two great festivals already, to which all come that will. I was at one myself; their entertainment was a great seat by a spring under some shady trees, and twenty bucks, with hot cakes of new corn, both wheat and beans, which they make up in a square form in the leaves of the stem and bake them in the ashes, and after that they fall to dance. But they that go must carry a small present in their money ; it may be sixpence, which is made of the bone of a fish ; the black is with them as gold, the white silver ; they call it all wampum. " Their government is by Kings, which they call Sachama, and these by succession, but always on the mother's side. For instance, the chil- dren of him who is now king will not succeed, but his brother by the mother, or the children of his sister, whose sons (and after them the chil- dren of her daughters) will reign, for woman inherits. The reason they render for this way of descent is, that their issue may not bo spurious. Every King hath his Council, and that consists of all the old and wise men of his nation, which, perhaps, is two hundred people. Nothing of moment is undertaken, be it war, peace, selling of land, or traffick, with- out advising with them, and, which is more, with the young men too. It is admirable to consider how powerful the Kings are, and yet how they move by the breath of their people. I have had occasion to be in council with them upon treaties of land, and to adjust the terms of trade. Their order is thus: The king sits in the middle of an half moon, and hath his council, the old and wise, on each hand ; behind them, or at a little distance, sit tho younger fry in the same figure. Having consulted and resolved their business, the King ordered one of them to speak to me; he stood up, came to me, and, in the name of his King, saluted me; then took me by the hand and told me, ' He was ordered by his King to speak to me, and that now it was not he, but the King that spoke; be- cause what he should say was the King's mind. 1 He first prayed me ' to excuse them, that they had not complied with me the last time, he feared there might be some fault in the Interpreter, being neither Indian nor English; besides, it was the Indian custom to deliberate and take up much time in council before they resolve, and that if the young people and owners of the laud had been as ready as he, I had not met with so much delay.' Having thus introduced his matter, he fell to the bounds of the land they had agreed to dispose of and the price, which now is little and dear, that which would have bought twenty miles not buying now two. During the time that this man spoke not a man of them was observed to whisper or smile, the old grave, the young reverent in their deportment. They speak littl e but fervently, and with elegance. I have never seen more natural sagacity, considering them without the help (I was going to say the spoil) of tradition, and he will deserve the name of wise that outwits them in any treaty about a thing they understand. "When the purchase was agreed great promises passed between us, ' of kindness and good neighborhood, and that the Indians and English must live in love as long as the sun gave light,' which done, another made a speech to the Indians in the name of all the Sachemakers or Kings, first to tell them what was done, next to charge and command them ' to love the Christians, and particularly live in peace with me and the people under my government ; that many governors had been in the river, but that no Governor had come himself to live and stay here before, and hav- ing now such an one, that had treated them well, they should never do him or his any wrong, 1 at every sentence of which they shouted and said Amen in their way. The justice they have is pecuniary. In case of any wrong or evil fact, be it murder itself, they atone by feasts and presents of their wampum, which is proportioned to the quality of the offence, or the person injured, or of the sex they are of. For in case they kill a woman they pay double, and the reason they render is, ' that 6he breedeth children, which men cannot do.' It is rare they fall out if sober, and if drunk they forgive it, saying, ' It was the drink, and not the man, that abused them.' " We have agreed that in all differences between us six of each side shall end the matter. Do not abuse them, but let them have justice and you win them. The worst is that they are the worse for the Christians, who have propagated their vices and yielded their traditions for ill and not for good things. But as low an ebb as these people are at, and as in- glorious as their own condition looks, the Christians have not outlived their sight, with all their pretensions to an higher manifestation. What good, then, might not a good people graft where there is so distinct a knowledge left between good and evil? I beseech God to incline the hearts of all that come into these parts, to outlive the knowledge of the natives, by a fixed obedience to their greater knowledge of the will of God, for it were miserable indeed for us to fall under the just censure of the poor Indians' conscience, while we make profession of things so far transcending. 1 For their original, I am ready to believe them of the Jewish race; I mean, of the stock of the ten tribes, and that fur the following reasons: First, they were to go to a 'land not planted nor known'; which, to be sure, Asia and Africa were, if not Europe, and He that intended that ex- traordinary judgment upon them might make the passage not uneasy to them, as it is not impossible in itself, from the easternmost parts of Asia to the westernmost of America. In the next place, I find them of the like countenance, and theirchildren of so lively resemblance that a man would think himself in Duke's Place, or Berry Street, in London, when he Beeth them. But this is not all : they agree in rites; they reckon by moons ; they offer their first fruits ; they have a kind of feast of taber- nacles; they are said to lay their altar upon twelve stones ; their mourn- ing a year ; customs of women, with many other things that do not now occur." So much wrote Penn concerning the aborigines of his province. Gabriel Thomas says (not repeating those matters in which Penn and he write identically) that ' When they bury their Dead, they put into the Ground with them some House-Utensils and some Money (as Tokens of their Love and Af- fection) with other Things, expecting they shall have Occasion for them again in the other World. And if a Person of Note dies very far from the Place of hiB own Residence they will carry hisBones home some con- siderable time after to be buried there. They are also very curious, nay, even nice, in preserving and repairing the Graves of their Dead. They do not love to be asked twice their Judgment about one Thing. They are a People who generally delight much in Mirth, and are very studi- ous in observing the Vertues of Hoots and Herbs, by which they cure themselves of many Distempers in their Bodies, both internal or exter- nal. They will not suffer their Beards to grow, for they will pluck the Hair off with their own fingers as soon as they can get hold of it, hold- ing it a great Deformity to have a Beard. . . Their chief Imploymeut is in Hunting, Fishing, and Fowling, and making Canoes, or Indian Boats and Bowls, in all which Arts they are very dexterous and ingeni- ous. Their Women's Business chiefly consists in planting of Indian Corn and pounding it to Meal in Mortars, with Pestile (as we beat our Spice), and make Bread, and draw their "Victuals, which they perform very neatly and cleanlily. They also make Indian Mats, Ropes, Hats, and Baskets (some of curious Workmanship) of fheirHemp, which there grows wild and natural in the Woods in Great Plenty, In short the Women are very ingenious in their several Imployments as well as the Men. Their young Maids are naturally very modest and shamefae'd. And their young Women when newly married are very nice and shy, and will not suffer the men to talk of any immodest or lascivious Mat- ters. Their Houses are, for the most part, cover'd with Chestnut Bark, but very close and warm, insomuch that no Rain can go through. Their Age in Computation may be compared with the Christians. Their wear- ing Habit is commonly Deer-Skins or Duffles. They don't allow of men- tioning the Name of any Friend after his Death, for at his Decease, they make their Face black all over with black Lead, and when their Affairs go well with them they paint theirFaces with red Lead, it being a Token of their Joy, as the other is of their Grief. They are great Observers of the Weather by the Moon. They take great Delight in Cloths of vari- ous Colours. And are bo punctual that if any go from their first Offer or Bargain with them, it will be very difficult for that Party to get any Dealings with them any more, or to have any further Converse with them, and moreover, it is worthy of Remark, that when a company of them are got together they never interrupt or contradict one another, 36 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 'till two of them have made an end of their Discourse, for if uever so many be in Company only two must discourse at a time, and the rest must keep Silence. The English and they live together very peace- ably, by reason that the English satisfies them for their Land. . . . The Dutch and Sweads inform me that they are greatly decreased in num- ber to what they were when they came first into this country, and the Indians themselves say that two of them die to every one Christian that comes in here." * To show what the early settlers of America thought about the Indians is a very different thing from show- ing what they really were. Observers were not trained in those days to report things as they are. They went to their work with settled prejudices, preconceived opinions, predilections, and that obstinate half-knowl- edge which is in so many cases worse than no knowl- edge at all. They would not look at the Indians ex- cept as they conformed to or differed from European standards and European social systems, and the narrow theories of the day, upon all matters connected especi- ally with ethnology, absolutely prevented them from forming just opinions, even in respect to what they clearly saw. Hence a thousand wild and ridiculous speculations and dreams, mixed up with very little plain fact. Our early writers gave us, so to speak, all the alchemy and astrology of Indian history, while neglecting its plain chemical analysis, and the simple but comprehensive mathematical laws, by which its vital system could be intelligently explained. We are told much of Indian kings and emperors, of coun- cil fires, peace-pipes, and wampum belts, but almost nothing of the Indian social system and domestic economy, and practically less than nothing in regard to Indian languages, since nearly all there is said upon that necessary factor in ethnological study is false and illusory. The hardest task which students of Ameri- can antiquities to-day have to encounter is that of rescuing hard solid facts from the mass of opinion and speculation in which they are hidden and buried. The day for these theories is not yet quite passed away, as Prof. W. D. Whitney has observed in his lectures on i( Language and the Study of Language :" " When men sit down with minds crammed with scat- tering items of historical information, abounding prejudices, and teeming fancies to the solution of questions respecting whose conditions they know nothing, there is no folly which they are not prepared to commit." But still men are content to speculate far less absurdly to-day than they did a century and more ago on this subject. We have just seen how gravely and calmly Peun put forward his hy- pothesis that the Delawares are descendants of the ten tribes of Israel ; but scholars who have much more pretentiously devoted themselves to American antiquities have not rested with the ten tribes. The Indians have been derived successively from nearly every civilized country of the Old World ; Wales, 1 Gabriel Thomas. "Historical Description of the Province and Country of West New Jeisey in America. London, 1G98." In hiB His- tory of Pennsylvania, Thomas simply repeats what Penn had to nay about the Indians. Ireland, Scandinavia, Spain, Egypt, Phoenicia, India, and China have been called upon in turn to make themselves responsible for the institutions and the monuments of our American aborigines, and China and Mongolia are still favorites in this matter with the most serious and best instructed historians. 2 " Bancroft, in his first edition, permits himself enough dalliance with the hypothesis of a Calmuck or Mongolian immigration as tu attempt to show that it was not impossible, perhaps not improbable. Grotius, De Laet, etc., speculated with less information perhaps than our his- torian, and with more prejudices, but not more widely from the purpose. Seme writers have assumed that the Phoenicians and Carthaginians, be- cause they made adventurous voyages and passed outside the Straits of Hercules, must have come to America. Plato's myth of the Atlautides has been made to do service in buoying up a sunken continent out of the oozy depths of the ocean and the mermaiden grottoes of fantastic legend. Mexico and Peru, as has been infallibly shown time and again, must have got their monuments from Egypt or from India, — Curnac r Luxor, Elepbanta are reproduced at Palenque and Uxmal, at Cholula and Cuzco. Aristotle is quoted to show that the ancients must have had a knowledge of and intercourse with America. Slight similarities of costume, face, and habits have been seized upon as eagerly as Penn seized upon the fact that the Indians counted time by moons (as if Penn bimself did not do the same thing!) to establish relationship for our barbarians with the children of Israel, with the fugitive Cauaauites r etc. The sons of Prince Madoc of course have not been neglected. White Indians in North Carolina spoke the purest sort of a Cymric dia- lect, and some of tlieShawaueseare reported to have been seen currying around Welsh Billies in the same belt along with their tomahawks and scalping-knives. Mcnassah Ben Israel concludes, upon the same sort of data as those which convinced Penn, that the lost tribes emerged be- tween California and the Mississippi, but Spizelius and those who fol- lowed him in the last century were content to ascribe the origin of our Indians to a country less distant than the Levant. China, Tartary, Si- beria, and Kamtschatka, with the Aleutian archipelago, afforded a natural route for immigration, though no attempt is made to explain how the hordes of savages were able to make their way through the frozen wastes of Alaska and British America. The fact that Leif, son of the Northman, Eric the Red, did discover America in the year 1000 A.n. has made work fur the pseudo-ethnologists as well as the poets in the scratchings on the Digbton rocksin Massachusetts, and the old mill lit Newport, R. I., and has even led to the factitious discovery of suit- posed inscriptions upon the face of the masses of Seneca sandstone at the falls of the Potomac. The Norsemen themselves encouraged the belief tbat on the Atlautic coast, between Virginia and Florida, a white nation existed, who clothed themselves in long, snowy robes, carried banners on lofty poles, and chanted songs and bymus. These were sup- posed to be the Irish immigrants, who replied in pure Gaelic when Raleigh's seamen accosted them, and spared Owen Chapelain's life in 16G9 because he spoke to them i n Weleh. Alexander v*n Humboldt had condescended to listen to some of these fables, and to repeat them in his. Cosmos. The Chinese or Japanese settlement of our continent, by vessels coming over the Pacific Ocean, has found many advocates. Span- ish legendB are adduced to confirm this view. M. do Guignes, in a memoir read before the French Academy of Inscriptions, contends that the Chinese penetrated to America a.j>. 45S, and adduces the description and chartof Fon Sangin proof. In ourown daythat ripe Philadelphia scholar, Charles G. Lelaud, has republished the Btory of the so-called island of Fou-Sang aud its inhabitants Do Guignes holds that the Chinese were familiar with the Straits of Magellan, and that the Coreans had a settlement on Terra del Fuego. Another Chinese immigration is assigned to a.d. 1270, the time of the Tartar invasion of the " Central Flowery Kingdom.' 1 But there are other speculations still on this sub- ject Thomas Morton, in his" New Canaan 1 ' (a.d. 1637), argues for the Latin origin of the Indians, because he heard thi'm use Latin words, and make allusions to the god Pan. "Williamson thinks that the race unquestionably springs from a Hindoo or a Cingalese source. Thorow- good, Adair, aud Boudinot agree with Penn and Rabbi ben Menasaah. Roger Williams also said, "Some taste of affinity with the Hebrew I have found." Cotton Mather thought that "probably the Devil, Beduciug the first inhabitants of America into it, therein aimed at the having of them and their posterity out of the sound of the silver trumpets of the gospol, then to be heard throughout the Roman empire. If the Devil THE INDIANS. 37 The study of our antiquities is certainly engirt with tremendous difficulties, and these are especially promi- nent when we approach the linguistic side of our eth- nology. All the conditions of the problem of our native languages are perplexing. "The number, va- riety, and changeableness of the different tongues is wonderful." Each family almost constitutes a tribe; each tribe has its dialect ; each dialect changes from year to year, so that the speech of this generation is barely intelligible to the next. Warfare was the normal state of the Indian, and the perpetual strife of petty tribes is thought to have been gradually ex- tinguishing American civilization for many years; the culture of Mexico was yielding to the influence of barbarism, just as the mound-builders of our Missis- sippi Valley were extinguished before a later and more savage race. Climate and mode of life have also contributed to accelerate the differentiation of our American dialects, which are mobile and change- able intrinsically to a remarkable degree. We have studied these dialects only indifferently well and iiad any expectation that by the peopling of America he should utterly deprive any Europeans of the two benefits, literature and religion, which dawned upon the miserable world (one just before, the other just after the first famed navigation hither), 'tie to be hoped he will be disap- pointed of that expectation." As for the source of the Indians Mather fancied them Scythians, because they answered Julius Caesar's descrip- tion of " dijjicilms invenire quam interjicere" But the fact of idle and comical opinions on this Bubject does not destroy the interest in these speculations, nor the utility of continuing our investigations, on a rational basis, into American archaeology. Humboldt has said, partly in apology and partly in a spirit of protest, that " I do not participate in the rejecting spirit which has but too often thrown popular traditions into obscurity, but I am, on the contrary, firmly persuaded that by greater diligence and perseverance many of the historical problems which relate to the maritime expeditions of the Middle Ages, to the striking identity in religious traditions, manner of dividing time, and works of art in America and Eastern Asia, to the migrations of the Mexican nations, to the ancient centres of dawning civilization in Aztlan, Quivira, and Upper Louisiana, as well as in the elevated plateaux of Cundinamarca and Peru, will one day be cleared up by discoveries of facts with which wehave hitherto been entirely unacquainted." (Cosmos, to], ii., 610, note.) Professor Whitney is less sanguine. " The linguistic ■condition of America," he says, " and the state of our knowledge re- specting it being such as we have Been, it is evident how futile must be at present any attempt to prove by the evidence of language the peopling of the continent from Asia, or from any other part of the world outside. . . . What we have to do at present is simply to learn all that we can of the Indian languages themselves, to settle their internal relations, elicit their laws of growth, reconstruct their older forme, and ascend toward their original condition ae far as the material within our reach and the state in which it is presented will allow ; if our studies shall at length put us in a position to deal with the question of their Asiatic derivation, we will rejoice at it. I do not myself expect that valuable light will ever be shed upon the subject by linguistic evidence ; others may be more sanguine, but all must at any rate agree that ns things are the subject is in no position to be taken up and discussed with profit." Nevertheless, Professor Whitney insists that greater diligence should be devoted to the study of our antiquities. " Our national duty and honor," he contends, "are peculiarly concerned in this matter of the study of aboriginal American languages as the most fertile and important branch of American archaeology. Europeans accuse us, with too much reason, of indifference and inefficiency with regard to preserving memorials of the races whom we have dispossessed and are dispossessing, and to pro- moting a thorough comprehension of their history. Indian scholars and associations which devote themselves to gathering together and making public linguistic anil other archaeological materials for construction of the proper ethnology of the continent are far mrer than they should he among ue." during a brief period ; they have no literature, their traditions are scanty and ill-preserved ; the tribes themselves in many instances have wasted away from war, pestilence, famine, and the blighting shadow of the white man. These things make the search for the elements and radical character of our American dialects a difficult and arduous undertaking, and it is no wonder, the circumstances being such, that the ancient history of the continent is buried in the deepest obscurity. But we know that the continent had a history. " Indicia of a numerous and civilized population, over whose memories and labors unnumbered ages have rolled, are yet discoverable on the shores of our ocean lakes, on the banks of our mighty rivers, and in the depths of our impenetrable forests. But these teach us no more of the ancient inhabitants than is known of the most aged of mortals, — that they were, and are not. We are doomed, perhaps, to be forever ignorant of the origin and progress of that race which preceded the inhabitants found upon our coasts at the first visits of Columbus and his successors, who are supposed not only to have adorned our country with the works of science and art, but to have conquered and enlightened a large portion of those climes which ignorance and pride have denominated the Old World." 1 Gordon here refers to the theory of Thomas Jefferson, which many others have coquetted with, that America, being the oldest hemisphere, might also have been the home of the elder races of men. The theory, what- ever its merits may be in other respects, ought to be useful in the way of "retort courteous" to those who insist that our continent has been peopled from else- where. There is no necessity within the domains of strict science for believing that our Indians are not autochthones, — spruug from the soil itself. Voltaire has suggested that we should be no more astonished that the discoverers found men in America than that they found flies. But if the hypothesis of migration be insisted upon, America is as good a place to migrate from as to migrate to. Franklin, upon this point, seems to have coincided with Jefferson. Hector St. John Crevecceur, 2 in his account of Franklin, represents "Poor Richard," in the course of some comments upon the works of the mound-builders, as saying, "This planet is very old. Like the works of Homer and Hesiod, who can say through how many editions it has passed in the immensity of ages?" And the philosopher throws out the suggestion, without advo- cating it, that the mound-builders may have been swept away by some cataclysm of nature in prehis- toric time. " The rent continent, the straits, the gulfs, the islands, the shallows of the ocean, are but vast fragments, on which, as on the planks of some wrecked vessel, the men of former generations who have es- 1 Gordon's History of Pennsylvania, Chap. I. - " Voyage dans la Haute Penusylvanie," Chap. II. 38 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. caped these commotions have produced new popula- tions. Time, so precious to us, the creatures of a moment, is nothing to nature." And the obverse of the shield can be presented to those who insist upon the Old World as the mother of our people with no little effect. Geologically, the continental mass of North America is far older than that of the other hemisphere. In the western part of this country, in California, Arizona, New Mexico, there are evidences, such as we find in the Syrian deserts, the plains of Mesopotamia, the Campagna of Rome, and the sandy wastes of Chinese Turkestan, of a country worn out and wasted by man's occupancy. The deep canons and sun-baked valleys of Arizona once teemed with populations like Palmyra and Babylon and Nineveh. The Basque tongue in Europe is thought to be the oldest now spoken, if not the very language of the primitive race. It is older than the ancient Aryan speech, than the oldest Turanian tongue, and it has more affinities with the American dialects than any other which is known. These affinities are not devel- oped or understood enough to warrant the building of any conclusions upon them. But as far as they have been studied they do nothing to negative the hypothesis that the Indian race is the surviving rem- nant of an older civilization which once peopled this continent with men and adorned it with monuments. Some of these monuments in the Mississippi Valley are so old that they belong to older geological forma- tions. The epochs of glacier and drift have cast their debris upon the foot of these mounds, which must have been standing when down from the north, over mountain, lake, and river, with resistless might, the vitreous mass of the great glacier stream moved slowly southward. Why may not Algonkin and Iroquois have been survivors, like these mounds, from the elder civilization which built them? When we descend to historic times, when we come to understand the Indian as he has been since the white man first visited these shores, we find one single race of men occupying practically the entire continent, excepting the Esquimaux of. the far North, with whom we have no concern. This race, so far as the section of country we speak of is in debate, pos- sessed a belt extending certainly from the Mississippi River to the Atlantic Ocean, and from some point, not exactly defined, north of the St. Lawrence River to North Carolina Sounds on the east, and the Ken- tucky cane-brakes on the west. It is probable that, as science progresses, it will be discovered that the one common race need not be divided into more than four or five nations, and that the subdivision of these nations into tribes and bands which now exists serves no ethnological purpose. Within the limits of the United States east of the Mississippi River, south of Hudson's Bay, and north of Georgia, only two nations need to be considered in historic times. One of these is the Delaware, Lenape, or, to speak more generally, the Algonkin nation ; the other is the Iroquois nation. Each of these nations was rep- resented upon the soil of Pennsylvania, and on the site or in the vicinity of Philadelphia. The re- searches of John Gilmary Shea, Francis Parkman, and others who have given a special and intelligent attention to the subject, have established the fact that the tribe called Minquas or Minquosy by the Dutch (in the Latin of De Laet, Machoeretini) , Meng- wes by the Swedes (the English corruption of which was Mingoes), Susquehannocks or Susquehannoughs (Sasquesahannogh is the rendering by Capt. John Smith) by the Marylanders,*and Andastes or Gan- dastogues (corrupted in Pennsylvania into Conesto- gas) was a branch of the Iroquois nation, settled above tide on the Susquehanna and Potomac Rivers. This ambitious race of savages, inspired with a con- quering instinct which put them on a par with the ancient Romans, not only consolidated its strength at home by a political and military confederacy, but extended its power and influence abroad by the estab- lishment of military colonies, just as republican Rome was in the habit of doing. One of these colonies con- stituted the tribe of the Tuscaroras, occupying part of North Carolina and Georgia, upon the flanks of the Cherokee nation. Another was the Nottaways, south of the James River, in Virginia. A third col- ony was the tribe of the Nanticokes, afterwards (in Pennsylvania) known as the Conoys, who held the Delaware and Eastern Shore of Maryland peninsula from the Brandywine southward. They were joined on the north by the Minquas or Susquehannas, whose " fort" was on the Susquehanna River at or near the mouth of Conestoga Creek. The Huron Iroquois of Canada were of this same nation, which thus occu- pied a belt of territory from north to south extend- ing from Lake Simcoe to the southern limits of North Carolina, all in the country of the Algonkins, yet as distinctly separate from them by difference of language, character, and habit as a vein of trap rock in a body of gneiss or granite. The Andastes (to call them by their own tribal name, Andasta meaning a cabin-pole, and the tribe wishing to imply by it that they were house-builders rather than dwellers in lodges), like the Lenapes, claimed a Western origin, and they were the most warlike race upon the continent, proud and haughty as the Romans whom they so closely resem- bled, and, like them, enabled to conquer by their com- pact military and civil organization. Other tribes were split into small bands, between which there was only a feeble and defective concert and unity of action. The Iroquois, on the other hand, were a na- tion, and wherever we find them we discover that they lived and acted together in co-operative union. In Pennsylvania, for example, in all the land pur- chases made by Dutch, Swedes, and English, we find the Minquas acting as one tribe, dealing as one peo- ple and one name, whereas with the Lenapes each petty chief seemed to do what was best in his own sight. Tamine or Tamanend was probably the great AUTOGRAPHS OF DELAWARE INDIANS. 39 chief of the Lenapes in the time of Penn, and his su- preme authority was manifest in the councils, but when it came to selling land he was no more than on a level with the twenty or thirty sachems who signed their marks to the deeds of conveyance for the various tracts. The Minquas ruled all the tribes adjacent to them and received tribute from them. Before the confederacy of the Five Nations entered KowyorkknJcox. July 15, 1682. £ Allowkam. July 15, 1682. Tamanen. June 23, 16S3. Tamanen. June 23, 1683. JS Tamanen {Receipt for Money). June 23, 1683. ) Neneshikken. hth Mo. 14, 1683- Malebone. bth Mo. 14, 1683. * Secane. hth Mo. 14, 1683. JV Icquoquehan. hth Mo. 14, 1683. C C Ewepenaike. June 23, 1683. Okettarickon. June 23, 1683. Wingebone. June 25, 1683. X vanpet e 23, 1 Swanpees. June 23, 1683. Wt.Bnapof.tU June 23, 1683. Kehelappan. June 23, 1683. Pendanoughah Neahannock. 6th Mo. 14, 1683. Reherappan. Sept. 20, 1683. *\ Malebone. hth Mo. 30, 1683. Maugkhoughai'n. 4th Mo. 3, 1684. Shakakoppek. bth Mo. 30, 1685. King Tnmanent. June 15, 1692. Mettam icon. June 7, 1684. King Tangours. June 15, 1692. upon their ambitious course (the confederacy seems to have been formed during the second decade of the seventeenth century), the Iroquois probably were rec- ognized as superiors by all the tribes of the Algonkins. Their Wyandot branch in Canada overawed the Al- gonkins there, though the latter were much more numerous. The Mohawks and Senecas kept in check the Mohegans of New York, New Jersey, and New England ; the Susquehanna Minquas and the Nanti- cokes dominated among the Lenape of Pennsylvania and Maryland ; the Erie Iroquois were where they could look after the Moncey tribes of the Lenape, the most warlike branch of that comparatively gentle race ; the Nottaways kept in check the branch of the Powhatan Lenapes, and the Tuscaroras were in guard upon the Cherokees and the Florida Indians. When the five nations of the Iroquois of the lakes — the Mo- hawks, Oneidas, Senecas, Cayugas, and Onondagas — formed their confederacy and entered upon their career of conquest their conduct was obnoxious to their kindred both north and south of them, and they speedily found themselves at war both with the Wyandots in Canada, the Eries in the West, and the Andastes-Conestogas on the Susquehanna. In such a state of affairs the semi-hostile relations long ex- isting between them and the Lenapes would of course be very embarrassing, and it was probably atthis time that they made a neutral nation of the tribe of the Algonkins who occupied the territory on both sides of the Niagara River between them and the Hurons,' subjecting the Lenapes of the Delaware and Hudson to the same sort of taboo. Heckewelder, whose crit- ical discernment was blinded by his unvarying par- tiality for the Lenape and his admiration for their mildness and amiability of character, has told a 1 The neuter nation were culled by the Senecas Kahkwae, and by the French A tliwandarom, Attiwendaronki, AlirhayenreneU, Hlmgenratlias, or Attimddarom. The Niagara Eiver, flowing through their territory, was called Ongwiaahra, or river of the neutrals. This tribe in 1640, Re- cording to Lallemant, numbered forty villages, twelve thousand souls. (" Jesuit Relations," quoted by Parkmau.) 40 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. story, often repeated, of how the Delawares were made " women," or reduced to a state of neutrality, by the astute contrivance and diplomatic dissem- bling of the Iroquois, who are said to have induced them to assume metaphorically the garments of women and surrender their warlike apparatus upon the pretext that there was an exalted and honorable merit in the feminine function of peace-maker. This might suit the notions of a simple-hearted Moravian missionary like Hecke welder; but, stripped of its sen- timental environment, the naked fact seems to be that the Iroquois, finding they had these wars with their own kindred on their hands, disarmed the Lenapes and the Attiwandarons who surrounded them, and who had become by conquest more or less their trib- utaries, and guaranteed to them both peace and pro- tection if they would abstain from hostilities on cither side. It is likely that the Hurons and the Susquehannas also ratified these guarantees on their own behalf. The compact put a species of taboo upon the neutralized tribes. Their persons, their property, and their territory were to be respected by the bellig- erents, and while war-parties could march through their country, it was not to be made the scene of conflict, nor were their villages, plantations, or trade to be disturbed. The neuter nations could frequent the countries of both the hostiles with the impunity of am- bassadors or heralds. At the same time they were classed as " women,'' were treated as such, and Heck- ewelder did not need to be told that the name of woman was an epithet of reproach which no nation of warriors would submit to save under the pressure of dire necessity. Nor did the enforced neutrality of the Lenape protect them from the contempt and the tyranny of the Iroquois. After these had conquered their enemies they did not respect the terms of the convention with the Lenapes. During Governor Fletcher's rule in Pennsylvania the latter appealed to him to save them from the necessity of going to war with the French, as they had been ordered to do by the Five Nations; and at the time of the consum- mation of the " walking treaty" in 1744, when the Delawares were dissatisfied with the results of the contract, they were brutally told by the Iroquois that they had no rights and no say in the matter whatever ; they were women, and could not sell land without consent of their masters; they had lost their senses, and deserved to be taken by the hair of the head and jerked around as some lords of creation are i n the hab it of serving their wives in order to brighten their wits. They were, in fine, ordered to remove into the inte- rior of Pennsylvania, where they could be " watched," and they obeyed. Here after a while they were joined by their kindred, the Shawanese, from the valleys and mountains of Virginia, and by some frag- ments of Maryland and other tribes. They made war upon the whites, and after the Revolution, in Ohio and Western Pennsylvania, in league with the tribes of the Eastern prairies, they finally forced the survi- vors of the Five Nations to remove the taboo and the stigma of womanhood from them. The Maryland and Pennsylvania Mingoes were a tribe of stalwart warriors, whose fighting qualities were of a superior sort, and their strategy equal to that of their kinsmen on the lakes. Prior to a.d. 1600 they are said to have been at war with the Mohawks, whom they wellnigh exterminated in the course of a ten years' struggle. Capt. Smith found this war still rife when he met the Susquehannas in 1608. The name he gave to the Mohawks was Massawomakes. In 1633 De Vries found them at war with the Lenape bands on the east side of the Delaware, the Arme- wamen and the Sankikans. They were on good terms with the Dutch and the Swedes, with whom they had an extensive trade in peltries, by which they were supplied with fire-arms and ammunition ; and they were alternately at peace and war with Maryland and the Maryland Indians. They so harassed the Chesa- peake and Potomac tribes during the first ten years of the Maryland settlement that Governor Calvert in 1642 proclaimed them as public enemies. In 1647 they had thirteen hundred warriors trained to the use of fire-arms by Swedish soldiers. Then they offered their aid to the Canadian Wyandots, who were being crushed by the Five Nations, having first sent an embassy to Onondaga to propose a general peace be- tween the Iroquois cantons, which overtures were rejected by the Five Nations. In 1652 the Susque- hanna Andastes, in the presence of a Swedish deputy, ceded to Maryland all the territory of the Eastern Shore and that of the Western Shore from the Patux- ent to the Susquehanna, and four years later they were again at war with the Iroquois of the lakes, while the smallpox was destroying their population by whole- sale. They maintained a bold front, however, drove the Cayugas across Lake Ontario, and injured mate- rially the fur trade of the Senecas. The Iroquois, supported by the French, sent a force of eight hun- dred warriors against the Susquehanna fort in 1663, but it was too strong and well defended to be attacked, and a stratagem attempted by the Iroquois cost them twenty-five warriors, who were burned at the stake. The war continued until 1675, when it ended with the complete overthrow of the Susquehannas. Some of their warriors retreated into Maryland, and the mur- der of a portion of these led to Bacon's war in Vir- ginia, and a border war in Maryland which still fur- ther reduced the number of the surviving Mingoes. Finally they made peace both with the Five Nations and Lord Baltimore, and were permitted to remain at their ancient fort. From this time they began to dwindle away. They were at peace, however, with Pennsylvania from the time of Penn's treaty with their chief, Canoodagtoh, in 1701, until the last wretched remnant of the tribe, then only known as Conestogas, living on their reservation farm at Cones- toga, in Manor township, Lancaster County, were cruelly set upon by the Paxton rangers and brutally THE INDIANS. 41 murdered in Lancaster jail, whither the authorities had sent them for protection. Thus perished a race of formidable Indian warriors, hunters, and states- men, whose war-chief, Hoe.hitagete (Barefoot), is a Hector in Indian legend, and whose last survivor, " Logan,'' or Tah-gah-ju-te, is known to general fame as a master of that noble, sententious eloquence in which his race excels. Capt. Smith saw the Susque- hanna warriors in their prime, and describes them as '' such great and well proportioned men as are seldom seen, for the) 7 seemed like giants to the English ; yea, and to the neighbors, yet seemed of an honest and simple disposition, with much adoe restrained from adoring vs as Gods, ... for their language it may well beseame their proportions, sounding from them as a voyce in a vault. . . . Five of their chief wero- wances came aboord vs and crossed the Bay in their Barge. The picture of the greatest of them is signi- fied in the Mappe [accompanying Smith's narrative], the calfe of whose leg was three-quarters of a yard about, and all the rest of his limbes so answerable to that proportion that he seemed the goodliest man we ever beheld." The Iroquois of the Susquehanna, or Andastes, as their name and residence imply (Connadago, the name of their fort, signifying the same as andalagon, — from andata, village, — meaning he is in the house or village of ridge-poles), differed in their mode of dwelling from the Algonkins. The identity of the word for house and town shows that they, too, like the Wyandots and the Five Nations, lived in "long houses," on the community principle. In fact, with all the Indians, relationship and rank passed through the female ; the band represented the members of a family, and, among the Iroquois, as among the ancient Mexicans and the modern Zunis and Pueblo Indians, the family dwelt in one house and under one roof. This house was added to as the family increased in numbers and want, just as the bees add cells to their combs. No man or woman could marry in their own family, or with any one bearing the same totem or gens mark ; that is to say, descended from the same mother. The man or woman of the Bear, the Beaver, the Wolf, the Serpent, or the Tortoise totem or family could marry in any of the others, but no Tortoise could wed with Tortoise, nor Serpent with Serpent, etc. The children born to the woman of the Tortoise symbol became Tortoises, whether their father was Beaver or Wolf, or of any other family, and these families lived together in the long houses, the construction of which was as in the diagram below : ) ' ' ' i I I I (7) A (6) A (5) A (4) A (3) A (2) A (1) B II |-| i _ l I - ! M l~i n II II I l_ J 1 LL LJ A, i>a.«niige-way ; B, entrance; (1) to (7), fire-pits. This house would accommodate seven fires, twenty- eight families, representing probably three or four generations and their increase by birth and accretion of wives and husbands. A Seneca long house, as it was in 1677, and as above represented, is described by Hon. Lewis H. Morgan in a paper called " A Study of the Houses of the American Aborigines," pub- lished in the first Annual Eeport of the Archaeologi- cal Institute of America, 1880. The facts are gath- ered from the description of Greenhalgh. " The interior of the house was divided into compartments at intervals of six or eight feet, leaving each chamber entirely open, like a stall, upon the passage-way or hall, which ran through the centre of the house from end to end. Between each four apartments, two on a side, was a fire-pit in the centre of the hall, used in common by their occupants. Thus a house with six fires would contain twenty-four apartments, and would accommodate as many families, unless some of the apartments were reserved for storage-rooms. Raised bunks were constructed around the three sides of each stall for beds, and the floor was slightly raised above the level of the ground. From the roof-poles were suspended strings of maize in the ear, braided to- gether by the husk ; also strings of dried squash and dried beans. Each house, as a rule, was occupied by related families, the mothers being sisters, own and collateral, who, with their children, belonged to the same gens or clan, while their husbands, the fathers of these children, belonged to other gentes, consequently the gens, or clan, of the mother predominated in numbers in the household, descent being in the female line. Whatever was taken in the hunt or raised by cultivation by any member of the household was for the common benefit. Provision was held as common stock within the household. The Iroquois had but one cooked meal each day, a dinner. Each house- hold, in the matter of the management of their food, was under the care of n matron. When the daily meal had been cooked at the several fires the matron was summoned. It was her duty to divide the food from the kettle to the several families within the house, according to their needs. What remained was put aside to await the further direction of the matron." This was the sort of communism in which the Iro- quois and their kin, the Minquas or Conestogas, lived, until the long houses finally disappeared under the influence of the whites. To this methodical and economical household communism the Iroquois un- doubtedly owe their tribal unity, their faculty of con- federating for defense and offense, and their military strength and political influence. John Bartram, in his account of his journey to Onondaga, in company with the Indian interpreter, Conrad Weiser, in 1743, gives a description of one of these long houses, in which he was entertained. It was the official house of the tribe, besides being a community home. " They showed us," he says, " where to lay our lug- gage and repose ourselves during our stay with them, 42 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. which was in the two end apartments of this large house. The Indians that came with us were placed over against us. This cabin is about eighty feet long and seventeen broad, the common passage six feet wide, and the apartments on each side five feet, raised a foot above the passage by a long sapling, hewed square, and fitted with joists that go from it to the back of the house. On these joists they lay large pieces of bark, and on extraordinary occasions spread mats made of rushes, which favor we had. On these floors they sit or lie down, every one as he will. The apartments are divided from each other by boards or bark, six or seven feet long from the lower floor to the upper, on which they put their lumber. . . . All the sides and roof of the cabin are made of bark, bound first to poles set in the ground, and bent round on the top, or set aflat for the roof as we set our rafters. Over each fireplace they leave a hole to let out the smoke, which in rainy weather they cover with a piece of bark, and this they can easily reach with a pole to perch it on one side or quite cover the hole." The Algonkins, the Lenni Lenapes in Pennsyl- vania, were also variously called Wapanacki (Euro- pean corruptions: Openaki, Openar/i, Abenaquh, and Apmakis). The Delaware regions appear to have been their principal seat, though affiliated and de- rivative nations of their stock were found from Hud- son's Bay to Florida, and from Lake Superior to East Tennessee. Forty tribes acknowledged the Lenapes as grandfather or parent stock. Their traditions, which are not always authentic, relate that the tribe once upon a time dwelt in the far distant wilds of the West, whence they moved eastward towards sunrise by slow stages, often passing a year in a single camp > but eventually reaching the bank of the Named Sipu, the River of Fish (Mississippi), where they found the Mengwes or Iroquois, migrating like themselves, but who had descended from the northwest. The Lenape scouts reported the country east of the river to be held by a people called the Allegewi (whence the name. Alleghany River and Mountains), who were numerous, tall, stout, some of them giants, all dwell- ing in intrenched or fortified towns. The Lenape were denied leave to settle among the Allegewi, but obtained permission to pass through their country. When they were half over the river, however, the Allegewi attacked and drove them back with great loss. The Lenape now formed an alliance with the Mengwe ; the two nations united forces, crossed the river, attacked the Allegewi, and after a long and desperate war defeated them and expelled them from their country, they fleeing southward. The conquered country was apportioned between the conquerors, the Mengwes choosing the northern part, along the lakes, the Lenapes choosing the more southern section, binding on both sides of the Ohio. Moving eastward still, they came finally to the Delaware River and the ocean, and thence spread beyond the Hudson on the north and beyond the Potomac on the south. This legend, however, is full of inconsistencies and incom- patibilities, and hardly answers to what was known of the condition and location of the great Algonkin race at the time of the first settlement of the whites among them. As to their origin as members of the human family, they have divers legends. They claim to have come out of a cave in the earth, like the woodchuck and the chipmuck ; to have sprung from a snail that was transformed into a human being and taught to hunt by a kind Manitou, after which it was received into the lodge of the beaver and married the beaver's favorite daughter. In another myth a woman is dis- covered hovering in mid-air above the watery waste of chaos. She has fallen or been expelled from heaven, and there is no earth to offer her a resting- place. The tortoise, however, rose from the depths and put his broad, shield-like back at her service, and she descended upon it and made it her abode, for its dome-like oval resembled the first emergence of dry land from the waters of the deluge. The tortoise slept upon the deep, and round the margin of his shell the barnacles gathered, the scum of the sea col- lected, and the floating fragments of the shredded sea-weed accumulated until the dry land grew apace, and by and by there was all that broad expanse of island which now constitutes North America. The woman, weary of watching, worn out with sighs for herlonesomeness, dropped off into a tranquil slumber, and in that sleep she dreamed of a spirit who came to her from her lost home above the skies, and of that dream the fruits were sons and daughters, from whom have descended the human race. 1 Another legend personifies the Great Spirit under the form of a gigan- tic bird that descended upon the face of the waters, and brooded there until the earth arose. Then the Spirit, exercising its creative power, made the plants and animals, and lastly man, who was formed out of the integuments of the dog, and endowed with a magic arrow that was to be preserved with great care, for it was at once a blessing and a safeguard. But | the man carelessly lost the arrow, whereupon the Spirit soared away upon its bird-like wings and was : no longer seen, and man had henceforth to hunt and struggle for his livelihood. Manabozho, relates the general Algonkin tradition, created the different tribes of red men out of the carcasses of different animals, the beaver, the eagle, the wolf, the serpent, the tortoise, etc. Manabozho, Messou, Michaboo, or Nanabush is a demi-god who works the metamor- phoses of nature. He is the king of all the beasts ; his father was the west wind, his mother the moon's great-grandfather, and sometimes he appears in the form of a wolf or a bird, but his usual shape is that of the Gigantic Hare. Often Manabozho masquerades in the figure of a man of great endowments and ma- 1 CampaniilB' History of New Sweden. Dltponceau's translation, Book III. chap. i. THE INDIANS. 43 jestic stature, when he is a magician after the order of Prospero ; but when he takes the form of some impish elf, then he is more tricksy than Ariel, and more full of hobgoblin devices than Puck. " His powers of transformation are without limit; his curiosity and malice are insatiable;'' he has inspired a thousand legends; he is the central figure in the fairy realm of the Indian, which, indeed, is not very full nor genially peopled. Manabozho is the restorer of the world, submerged by a deluge which the ser- pent-manitous have caused. Manabozho climbs a tree, saves himself, and sends a loon to dive for mud from which he can make a new world. The loon fails to reach the bottom ; the muskrat, which next at- temps the feat, returns lifeless to the surface, but with a little sand in the bottom of its paws, from which the Great Hare is able to recreate the world. In other legends the otter and beaver dive in vain, but the muskrat succeeds, losing his life in the attempt. 1 The Atlantic Algonkins, the Lenapes, were sub- divided into three tribes, of which the Unamis or the Tortoise were one, the Unalachto or Turkey the sec- ond, and the third the Wolf, the Mind. These were equally the tribal names and the totems of these tribes, of whom the greatest and most intelligent were the Unamis, living on the lower Delaware and adjacent streams near the tide, a fishing people, and to some extent planters as well as hunters, having numerous villages under minor chiefs, who were sub- ordinate to the great council of the nation. The DELAWARE INDIAN FORT. [From Campanius 1 " New Sweden."] Minsi, often called Monceys by the English, the most warlike of the tribes of Delaware Indians, dwelt in the interior, between the other tribes and the Iroquois. Their towns extended from their council-seat at the Minisink to the Hudson on the east, the Susque- hanna on the southwest, the Catskills on the north, and the Muskenecum hills in New Jersey. Subordi- 1 Manabozho is also called Micliabou, Cliiabo, Tarenyawagon ; he is the Hiawatha of the Ojibways, the Onondagas, and Mr. Longfellow, — "Skilled in all the craft of hunters, Learned in all the lore of old men, In all youthful sports and pastimes, In all manly arts and labors." nate bands had their names from their places of residence, as the Shackamaxons and the Nesham- ineks, or from some other accidental circumstance. The Lenapes suffered much from the warlike pro- pensities and the strategic devices of the Iroquois, who did not hesitate to murder members of other tribes with the weapons of the Delawares in order to involve them in hostilities. In this way they pro- voked the Cherokees to fall upon the Lenapes, who suffered much in tne long and bloody war which en- sued. For nearly two generations after the first treaty between Deputy Governor Markham and the Lenapes in 1681, in which they surrendered lands to William Penn, these Indians maintained pacific re- lations with the whites of Pennsylvania. Still they had begun to suffer and to feel impatient in conse- quence of the increase and the pressure of the land- hungry English in the province. After their with- drawal to Wyoming and Shamokin by order of the Five Nations they were reinforced by the restless bands of their kindred, the Shawanese, who had settled as far south as the basin of the Cumberland River in Ken- tucky and Tennessee, whence they had been driven by the Creeks and Cherokees, a part north of the Ohio River, a part to the valley of Virginia about Win- chester, their principal band having crossed into the hilly section of South Carolina. They numbered about two thousand souls on the Susquehanna after the government of Pennsylvania allowed them to settle there. There were numerous treaties between the proprietary government and the Delawares, the Shawanese and their kindred, and the Mengwes from the time of Penn's negotiations in 1701 to 1754, the time of the first overt act of hostility on the part of the Lenape. The causes of this alienation after a peace of seventy years were the abuses in the Indian trade, which rested on avarice, rum, and fraud, de- spoiling and besotting the poor savages, whose wives were often debauched by the traders ; on the execu- tion of a Delaware chief, Wekahelah, in New Jersey for what was regarded as an accidental homicide, 2 and on their being unjustly despoiled of their lands. The " walking treaty" was sorely resented by the Delawares. This is an unsavory part of the history of Pennsylvania. In 1685 Penn had secured a deed from Packenak, Essepertank, and some other chiefs of the Delawares for land from Neshaminy Creek westward " as far in the woods as a man could go in a day and a half." This land was not wanted at that time, and the treaty was left unexecuted. Penn's last will left to his grandson, William Penn, a tract of 2 Smith, however, in his History of New Jersey, declares that the deed was a deliberate assassination, and the execution only took place after a legal trial and regular conviction and sentence. Weekqueliela^ as he styles the chief, was an Indian living near Shrewsbury, and of great account both among Christians and his own people, being a wealthy man with an extensive farm, cattle, horses, and negroes ; ho raised large wheat crops, had a handsome house, feather beds, curtainB. to his bed, etc., often entertiiined distinguished persons, and was thought to he fully civilized. 44 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. ten thousand acres. The grandson sold the devise to William Allen, a land speculator. Allen had the land located on the Minisink, in the country of the Minsis, where the whites had hought no territory. A land lottery was got up at the same time, and Indian lands about Easton were squatted upon. When the Minsis resented this, the Iroquois were called upon, and the Delawares forced to remove. In 1737, John and Thomas Penn conferred with the Indians at Pennsbury, and demanded a confirmation of the deed of 1685 ; the day and a half s walk was in- trusted to hired and trained runners, who ran out a line of eighty odd miles into the heart of the best reserved lands of the Indians on the Kittatinny range. The Indians denounced this as a fraud. Tedyuscund, the Delaware chief, at the conference at Easton in 1756, boldly declared against the swindle. Stamping his foot upon the ground, he told Governor Denny that — " This very ground that is under me was my land and inheritance, and it is taken from me by fraud. When I say this ground, I mean all the hind between Tohiccon Creekand Wyoming on the Susquehanna." And Tedyuscund explained his accusation with definite and unmistakable precision: " W T hen one man had formerly liberty to purchase lands, and he took the deed from the Indians for it and then dies, and after his death his children forge a deed like the true one, with the same Indian names to it, and thereby take lands from the Indians which they never sold, litis is fraud I Also, when one king has land beyond the river, and another king has land on this 6ide, both bounded by rivers, mountains, and springs, which cannot he moved; and the proprietaries, greedy to purchase-lauds, buy of one king what belongs to another, this likeioise is fraud /" The fact was indisputable ; the French fanned the flame of discontent and furnished arms, and the Dela- wares went to war, harassing the frontier settlements and doing many deeds of blood. The Quakers patched up a peace with them ; they fought for the American side in the Revolution, but their doom was sealed. They moved West, joined the Shawanese, the Miamis, the Maumees, the Wyandots, and Iroquois ; went farther West, to Missouri, to Kansas, to the Indian Territory. To-day the tribe has ceased to exist as a tribe ; a few scattered hunters and scouts are the sole survivors of this representative and leading tribe of the great Algonkin race, who once occupied a terri- tory extending over fifteen degrees of latitude and twenty-five degrees of longitude in the most fertile parts of the United States, where now there is a popu- lation of thirty million souls and an annual value of products exceeding $4,000,000,000. The Lenapes had not the compact tribal unity of the Iroquois, nor did they seem to dwell like them in communal houses, yet Mr. Morgan is convinced that the community system was more or less established among all the American Indians ; he traces it among the Mandans and the Sioux, the Arickarees and the Cherokees, and declares that Lewis and Clark found it among the Columbia River Indians, in Oregon, in 1808. Campanius, in speaking of the Delawares, says that they have no towns or fixed places of habitation ; " they mostly wander about from one place to another, and generally go to those places where they think they are most likely to find the means of support. . . . When they travel, they carry their meats with them wherever they go and fix them on poles, under which they dwell. When they want fire, they strike it out of a piece of dry wood, of which they find plenty ; and i n that manner they are never at a loss for fire to warm themselves or to cook their meat." ■ Iu constructing their lodges, says Campanius, the Lenapes " proceed in this manner: they fix a pole in the ground and spread their mats around it, which are made of the leaves of the Indian corn matted together ; then they cover it above with a kind of roof made of bark, leaving a hole at the top for the smoke to pass through ; they fix hooks in the pole on which they hang their kettles ; underneath they put a large stone to guard themselves from the fire, and around it they spread their mats and skins on which they sleep. For beds, tables, and chairs they use nothing else; the earth serves them for all these purposes. They have several doors to their houses, generally one on the north and one on the south side. When it blows hard, they stop up one of them with bark, and hang a mat or skin before the other. Some- times they fasten their doors to guard themselves against the sudden attacks of their enemies, and they surround their houses with round or square palisades, made of logs or planks, which they fasten 1 Campanius speaks far too lightly here of the complicated, arduouB methods of obtaining fire which prevail among savages, as if they in- herited the possession and uses of flint and steel. When and how bar- barous nations learned to produce fire is a mystery. Their first knowl- edge of fire and its effectB and uses could of course he easily learned from the volcano and the thunderbolt; but how came they to know that friction would generate a degree of heat such as would result in flame? It could not have been by experiment; was itadiBcovery which came by accident, or was it a consequence of observation, such as that of the fric- tion of one falling tree upon the trunk of another? The process is such a difficult one in getting fire by friction, and its civilizing influences are so extensive, that the question seems to be worth an archaeological investigation. In the Osage logenditis the Master of Life himself who instructs the snail-man in the use of fire and the cooking of meat. The Ojibwavs hold fire to be a sacred mystery. The flint from which it is struck is their emblem of purity, and the lighting of the peace-pipe is one of the most sacerdotal acts. The sacrifice of fire is a sacrifice to fire likewise, and the ancient and original worship of all the Indians was probably directed to the sun, the source of fire. The Indians had great difficulty in getting fire before they learned the use of flint and steel. Some tribes kept fires burning always, and had watchers to see that they never wen tout. The methods of generating it by friction are vari- ous. Gen. George Crook has described a fire-stick used by the Indians of the Siena Nevada and Cascade ranges. "The fire-stick," he says, "consists of two pieces. The horizontal stick is generally from one foot to a foot and a half long, a couple or three inches wide, and ab.>ut one inch thick, of some soft, dry wood, frequently the sap of the juniper. The upright stick is usually some two feet long and from a quarter to half an inch in diameter, with the lower end round or elliptical, and of the hardest material they can find. In the sage-bush country it is made of 'grease-wood.' When they make fire they lay the first piece in a hori- zontal position with the flat side down, and place the round end of the upright near the edge of the other stick; then taking the upright be- tween the hands they give it a swift rotary motion, and as constant use wears a hole in the lower stick, they cut a nick in its outer edge down to a level with the bottom of the hole. The motion of the upright works the ignited powder out of this nick, and it is there caught and applied to a piece of spunk or some other highly combustible substance, and from this the fire is started." (Smithsonian Report, 1871.) THE INDIANS. 45 in the ground." The mode of fortifying an Indian village was to dig a ditch around it, throwing up the dirt on the inside. The trees of which the posts or "puncheons" of the palisades were made were felled by means of fire, the burnt parts hacked with hatchets until the tree was cut through in proper lengths. The logs were then planted upright in the embankment, in one or several concentric rows, those of each row bent towards the others till they intersected. Where the palisades crossed, a gallery of timber was thrown for the use of the defenders. These works were not regular except in cases where the Indians were taught by foreign soldiers, as the Hurons by the French, the Iroquois by the Dutch, and the Susquehannocks by the Swedes. The palisades were planted first in rude post-holes, and the dirt from the ditch thrown up around them. 1 The chief articles of furniture were the kettle, the dishes of bark and cedar wood, the curi- ous-woven baskets and the calabashes. In Campa- nius' time the Indian manufacture of pottery had almost ceased, European utensils serving their ends so much better. Pastorius, speaking of the Indian diet, said, " I have once seen four Indians eating to- gether with great delight ; their repast consisted of a pompion (pumpkin) boiled in water, without any meat or fat or any kind of seasoning ; their tables and seats were the naked earth ; their spoons were muscle-shells, out of which they dipped the warm water ; and their plates were large leaves of trees that stood near them.'' Yet the Indian commissariat was not entirely bare. Besides their meats and fish, fresh and dried, their melons and squashes, beans and peas and berries, of which they dried many for winter use, there were several roots and plants of which they ate largely. In spring and summer many succulent herbs served them for greens and salads ; they con- sumed regularly the tuckalwe {Sclerotium giganteum), the tauquauh of the Mohegans, the petahgunnug of the Delawares, called "Indian loaf" by the whites. It is a curious root, fancied by some to be a sort of truffle, the shape of a flattened globe, and varying in size from an acorn to the bigness of a man's head. Kalm considers the tuckahoe to be identical with the Arum Virginianum, the wake-robin. It was roasted in the ashes, and the root of the Arum triphyllvm, the Indian turnip, prepared in the same way, was deprived of its noxious qualities and pungent, bitter taste, and yielded a wholesome farina. The Apios titberosa (Glycine apios of Linnreus), the ground-nut or wild bean, was also a regular article of diet, to- gether with the arrow-head (Saglttaria sagittafolia) and the root of the golden-club ( Orontium aquat- imtm). In winter the huts of the Lenape were not very comfortable, no matter how picturesque they might be, but probably they afforded as nice lodgings as those of the English gipsies. The interior of the 1 Parkman, chapter. 'Jesuits in America." Introduction. An invaluable cabin was stained and dingy with smoke that could find no regular outlet, and it was so pungent and acrid as to cause much inflammation of the eyes and blindness in old age. The fleas and other vermin were bad, and the children were noisy and unruly beyond parallel, raising a pandemonium in each lodge, which the shrill shrieking of the Hecate-like squaws added to without controlling it. Parkman draws a, vivid picture of a lodge on a winter night, lighted up by the uncertain flickers of resinous flame, that sent fitful flashes through the dingy canopy of smoke, a bronzed group encircling the fire, cooking, eating, gambling, or amusing themselves with idle chaff; grizzly old warriors, scarred with the marks of repeated battles ; shriveled squaws, hideous with toil and hardship endured for half a century; young war- riors with a record to make, vain, boastful, obstrep- erous; giddy girls, gay with paint, ochre, wampum, and braid; "restless children, pell-mell with restless dogs." What a long step from this scene to the quiet decorum, the serene beauty, and the accumulation of comforts and conveniences of the civilization which has succeeded it ! The tools of the Lenape were rude and poor, strictly those of the stone age, for they had no knowledge of any metal save a little copper for ornament, yet they handled them with great skill and neatness. '■They make their bows with the limb of a tree," says Campanius, "of about a man's length, and their bow-strings out of the sinews of ani- mals; they make their arrows out of a reed a yard and a half long, and at one end they fix in a piece of hard wood of about a quarter's length, at the end of which they make a hole to fix in the head of the arrow, which is made of black flint-stone, or of hard bone or horn, or the teeth of large fishes or animals, which they fasten in with fish glue in such a manner that the water cannot penetrate ; at the other end of the arrow they put feathers. They can also tan and prepare the skins of ani- mals, which they paint afterwards in their own way. They make much use of painted feathers, with which they adorn their skins and bed- covers, binding them with a kind of network, which is very handsome, and fastens the feathers very well. "With these they make light and warm clothing and covering for themselves; with the leaves of Indian corn and reeds they make purses, mats and baskets, and everything else that they want. . . . They make very handsome and strong mats of fine roots, which they paint with all kinds of figures ; they hang their walls with these mats, and make excellent bed-clothes out of them. The women spin thread and yarn out of nettles, hemp, and some plants unknown to us. Governor Printz had a complete set of clothes, with coat, breeches, and belt, made by these harbarians with their wampum, which was curiously wrought with the figures of all kinds of animals. . . . They make tobacco-pipes out of reeds about a man's length; the bowl is made of horn, and to contaiu a great quantity of tobacco. They generally present these pipes to their good friends when they come u> visit them at their houses and wish them to stay some time longer; then the friends cannot go away without having first smoked out of the pipe. They make them, otherwise, of red, yellow, and blue clay, of which there is a great quantity in the country; also of white, gray, green, brown, black, and blue stones, which are so soft that they can be cut with a knife. . . . Their boats are made of thebark of cedar and birch trees, hound together and lashed very strongly. They carry them along wherever they go, aud when they come to some creek that they want to get over they launch them and go whither they please. They also used to make boats out of cedar trees, which they burnt inside and scraped off the coals with sharp stones, hones, or muscle shells." Charles Thomson, in the fragmentary " Essay upon Indian Affairs," found among his manuscripts, speaks of the very unusually good opportunities 46 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. afforded him in 1757 (while at Easton as commis- sioner for Pennsylvania to negotiate a peace with the Indians) to study their institutions, manners, and customs. By a concurrence of circumstances, he says, he gained the confidence of the Indians, was admitted to their councils, and "obliged to enter deep into their politics and investigate their claims." 1 Of the In- dians he says, after speaking of their diet, to which, in addition to the articles of food already enumerated, he contributes the very prolific and nutritious sweet potato (which might be kept during winter in kilns dug under the lodge fireplaces) : "They were perfect strangers to the use of iron. The instruments with which they dug up the ground were of wood, or a stone fastened to a handle of wood. Their hatchets for cutting were of stone, sharp- ened to an edge by rubbing and fastened to a wooden handle. Their arrows were pointed with flint or bones. "What clothing they wore was of the skins of animals took in hunting, and their ornaments were prin- cipally of feathers. They all painted or daubed their face with red. The men suffered only a tuft of hair to grow on the crown of theirhead; the rest, whether on their head or faces, they prevented from growing by constantly plucking it out by the roots, so that they always appeared as if they were bald and beardless. 2 " Many were in the practice of marking their faces, arms, and breast by pricking theskiu with thorns and rubbing thepartswith a fine pow- der made of coal (charcoal), which, penetrating the punctures, left an indelible stain or mark, which remained as long as they lived. The punctures were made in figures according to their several fancies. The only part of the body which they covered was from the waist half-way down the thighs, and their feel they guarded with a kind of shoe made of hides of buffaloes or deerskin, laced tight over the instep and up to the ankles with thongs. It was aud still continues to be a common practice among the men to slit their ears, putting something into the hole to prevent its closing, and then by hanging weights to the lower part to stretch it out, so that it hangs down the cheek like a large ring. They had no knowledge of the use of silver or guld, though some of these metals were found among the Southern IndianB. Instead of money they uBed a kind of beads made of conch-shell, manufactured in a curious manner. These beads were made,Bome uf the white, some of the black or colored parts of the shell. They were formed into cyl- inders about one-quarter of an inch long and a quarter of an inch in diameter. They were round and highly polished and perforated length- wise with a small hole, by which they Btruug them together and wove them iuto belts, some of which, by a proper arrangement of the beads of different colors, were figured like carpeting with different figures, according to the various uses for which they were designed. These were made use of in their treaties aud intercourse with each other, and served to assist their memory aud preserve the remembrance of transactions. When different tribeB or nationB made peace or alliance with each other they exchanged belts of one sort; when they excited each other to war they used auother sort. Hence they were distinguished by the name of peace belts or war belts. Every message sent from one tribe to another wab accompanied with a string of these beads or a belt, and the string 01 belt was smaller or greater according to the weight and importance of the subject. These beads were their riches. They were worn as bracelets on the arms and like chains round the neck by way of orna- ments." 3 1 He was in fact adopted by them. He took minutes of the conference proceedings in short-hand, and these were so accurate as to be preferred by the commissioners to the official record, and so just to the Indians as to win their profound gratitude. They adopted him into the Lenape nation, and gave him the name of Wugh-wu-hiw-mo-end, " the man who tells the truth." 2 Naturally " impubea and imberbea" said Dr. Duuglas ; but Proud de- nied that this was the case with all the Pennsylvania Indians. The habit of going naked and anointing their persons with unguents made the resort to depilatories very natural. 3 There is enough concurrent testimony to it to warrant the conclu- sion that the original purpose of wamjjum was exclusively mnemonic. The Indians were few in number, says Mr. Thom- son, as compared with the extent of territory. How few has not been generally realized by writers on this subject. Gordon, who is always moderate, thinks that at the most populous period there must have been less than forty-seven thousand Indians within the limits of Pennsylvania. Yet there have been repeated esti- mates of fifteen million Indians in the country at the time of the arrival of the English, and we have seen it confidently claimed that there could not have been less than three thousand Indians — six hundred war- riors — within the present limits of Philadelphia two hundred and fifty years ago. The computation is very extravagant, and there are means of showing it to be so. The Virginia mode of calculating used to be to allow one Indian for every square mile. This would give three millions to the United States, forty- six thousand to Pennsylvania, one hundred and thirty to Philadelphia. But the estimate is too liberal. A hunting tribe of Indians cannot subsist upon a square mile of territory per capita. According to Lyell, the geologist, "it has been computed that eight hundred acres furnish only as much subsistence to a commu- nity of hunters as half an acre under cultivation.'' The United States, with five acres per capita under Tt was a sort of memoria technica, like the knotted cords of the ancient Peruvians, and doubtless, if the Indians had had intelligence enough to word it out, a system of written language could have been constructed of wampum bead figures as expressive as that of a signal code and more serviceable than the Runic arrow-head writingofthe Northmen. There is a much greater chance for variety of expression in strings of beads of two colors than there is in Prof. Morse's telegraphic alphabet of dots and lineB. Wampum was given not only as a present and a courteous reminder, but as a threat and a warning. Thus, when, at Lancaster in 1747 the chiefs of the Five Nations forbade the Lenapes to Bell any more land, and or- dered them to remove to the interior, they emphasized the command by handing them a belt. If the belts presented before the uses of wam- pum had degenerated and become comparatively meaningless could have been closely and intelligently examined, it is likely that some sort of language could have been made out of the varying forms of the belts aud strings and the different arrangements of the beads. The use of wampum for ornament was secondary to its use menioriler. As money its use came about in this way : It was a memorandum of exchange, of business transactions. Passyund, of the Munsis, agreed to let his daugh- ter marry the Bon of Secanee, of the Unamis, and to give with her a dowry of so many beaver-skins, in return for which Secanee's son was to hunt so many days for Passyund. How bind the bargain and prove it? By making a mutual note of it in the exchange of wampum. That particular belt or striug represented and vouched for that particu- lar transaction. Menanee, on the Alleghany, agrees to sell toTamanee, on the Delaware, a dozen buffalo robes for forty fathoms of duffle, with buttons, thread, and red cloth to ornament. A belt is exchanged to prove the transaction. But that cannot be completed till the goods are exchanged. The next step is easy : to put a certain fixed value on each bead, so that when Tamance pays a belt to Menanee for his robes, Men- anee can at once hand the beltover to the trader Mho has the goods and get from him the duffle and trimmings. Viewed in this light wampum takes rank as an instrument of as various and important uses as any ever employed by niau. It is as if the rosary of the pious Catholic were suddenly invested with the powers of a historical monument, a diplo- matic memorandum and business "stub 11 book, a short-hand inscription system, which is equally understood by tribes of every variety of lan- guage and dialect, a currency of uniform value and universal circulation in the exchange of a continent, a bank of deposit, a jewelry and per- sonal ornament, all in one. There is no parallel instance in all the economic history of mankind of an article bo utterly useless and value- less in itself acquiring such a wide and multifarious range of derivative uses and values. THE INDIANS. 47 cultivation, are ODly able to spare seven and one-half per cent, of food products for export. Thus there are four and six-tenths acres needed to keep each member of this highly cultivated population. On the basis of Lyell's computation, therefore, each member of a pop- ulation of hunters would require eleven and one-half square miles to keep him. There is a scientific reason for this enormous allowance, which Liebig explains in his "Animal Chemistry." "A nation of hunters on a limited space," he says, "is utterly incapable of increasing its numbers beyond a certain point, which is soon attained. The carbon necessary for respira- tion must be obtained from the animals, of which only a limited number can live on the space supposed. These animals collect from plants the constituents of their organs and their blood, and yield them in turn to the savages who live by the chase alone. They again receive this food, unaccompanied by those compounds destitute of nitrogen" which, during the life of the animals, served to support the respiratory process. In such men, confined to an animal diet, it is the carbon of the flesh and of the blood which must take the place of starch and sugar. But fifteen pounds of flesh contain no more carbon than four pounds of starch, and while the savage, with one animal and an equal weight of starch, could maintain life and health for a certain number of days, he would be compelled, if confined to flesh, in order to procure the carbon necessary for respiration during the same time, to consume five such animals." Such Indian statistics as we possess bear out these conclusions. The hunt- ing range of the Iroquois Five Nations was never less than sixty thousand square miles. They had corn and other sources of carbonaceous food. They were pros- perous, comparatively rich, and took tribute and sup- plies from the tribes surrounding them. Yet, by care- ful comparisons made in 1877 under the auspices of the Bureau of Education, it is ascertained that they never exceeded a population of twenty thousand souls, — four thousand warriors, — three square miles per capita. This is a guide to the number of the tribes surrounding them. The Iroquois in 1665 had two thousand three hundred and fifty warriors, — eleven thousand seven hundred and fifty souls. The Susquehannas, who put old men and boys in the field, never had more than two thousand warriors, — eight thousand souls. The Canada Hurons never exceeded thirty thousand in all. The most populous branch of the Algonkins, the Mohegans of New York and New England, Parkman computes could not have had more than eight thousand fighting men, — forty thousand in all. The Lenapes of Pennsylvania and New Jersey could scarcely have reached half so many. We do not find any mention among them of populous towns like those of the Pequods, the Wampanoags, the Iroquois, the Hurons, the Powhatans. They had nothing but small and obscure villages, and of these not many. They had but six hundred fighting men from the Delaware to the Ohio in 1759. Proud, who knew much about them, is not able to enumerate many bands. 1 Secretary Thomson remarks that it is difficult to distinguish the Indians into distinct and different nations : "Almost every nation being divided into tribes, and these tribes sub- divided into families, who from relationship or friendship united to- gether and formed towns or clans; these several tribes, families, und towns have commonly each a particular name and chief, or head man, receive messages, and hold conferences with strangers and foreigners, and hence they are frequently considered by strangers and foreigners as distinct and separate nations. Notwithstanding this, it is found upon closer examination and further inquiry that Ihe nation is com- posed of several of these tribes, united together under a kind of federal government, with laws and customs by which they are ruled. Their governments, it is true, are very lax, except as to peace and war, each individual having in his own hand the power of revenging injuries, and when murder is committed the next relation having power to take revenge, by putting to death the murderer, unless he can convince the chiefs and head men that he had just cause, and by their means can pacify the family by apresent, and thereby put an end to the feud. The matters which merely regard a town or family are settled by the chiefs and head men of the town ; those which regard the tribe, by a meeting of the chiefs from the several towns ; and those that regard the nation, such as the making wnr or concluding peace with the neighboring na- tions, are determined on in a national council, composed of the chiefB and head warriors from every tribe. Every tribe has a chief or head man, and there is one who presides over the nation. In every town they have a council house, where the chief assembles the old men and ad visi'S what is best. In every tribe there is a place, which is commonly the town in which the chief resides, where the head mon of the towns meet to consult on the business that concerns them ; and in every mat- ter there is a grand council, or what they call a council-fire, where the beads of the tribes and chief warriors convene to determine on peace or war. In these several councils the greatest order and decorum is ob- served. In a council of a town all the men of the town may attend, the chief opens the business, and cither gives his opinion of what is best or takes the advice of such of the old men as are heads of families, or most remarkable for prudence and knowledge. None of the young men are allowed or presume to speak, but the whole assembly at the end of every sentence or speech, if they approve it, express their approbation by a kind of hum or noise in unison with the speaker. The same order is observed in the. meetings or councils of the tribes and in the national councils." Gordon, in his "History of Pennsylvania," observes of the language of the Lenape that it is said to be " rich, sonorous, plastic, and comprehensive in the highest degree," adding that a cultivated language usually denotes great civilization. On the contrary, a cultivated, elaborate language, abounding in regu- lar forms and great numbers of distinctions, qualifi- cations, conjugations, and declensions, is not a sign of civilization, but the opposite, to a certain extent. The Sanscrit is more perfect and comprehensive and regular than the Greek, the Greek than the German, the Latin than the French, the Anglo-Saxon [pace Mr. Edward A. Freeman) than the English. The Indian languages were comprehensive in the sense, of being complicated with many forms. They were not plastic, however. That is the property of the lan- guages of civilization, which are intended to be la- bor-saving machines. They are plastic, oblique, elliptic, direct, waste no muscular force on the regu- l He mentions the Assunpinks, Kancocas, Neshamineks, Shackamax- ons, Mantas (at Gloucester, N. J.), the Tuteloes (who were remnants of the Virginia Nottoways), Minisiuks, Pomptons, Namtaconks, Capiti- nasses, and Gauheos. 48 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. larity of forms. The Algonkin tongue, like all the Indian languages, belonged to what philologists re- gard as one of the lowest orders of speech. It is of the incorporative or polysynthetic type. In the words of Prof. Whitney, " it tends to the excessive and ab- normal agglomeration of distinct, significant elements in its words, whereby, on the one hand, cumbrous compounds are formed as the names of objects, 1 and a character of tedious and time-wasting polysyllabism is given to the language, — see, for example, the three to ten syllabled numeral and pronominal words in our Western Indian tongues, or the Mexican name for 'goat,' kwa-hwauh-tentsone, literally, 'head-tree (horn), lip-hair (beard),' or 'the horned and bearded one,' — and, on the other hand, and what is of more import- ance, an unwieldy aggregation, verbal or gwosi-verbal, is substituted for the phrase or sentence, with its dis- tinct and balanced members. . . Not only do the subjective and objective pronouns enter into the sub- stance of the verb, but also a great variety of modi- fiers of the verbal action, adverbs, in the form of particles and fragments of words ; thus almost every- thing which helps to make expression forms a part of verbal conjugation, and the verbal paradigm becomes wellnigh interminable. An extreme instance of ex- cessive synthesis is afforded in the Cherokee word- phrase, wi-ni-taw-ti-ge-gi-na-li-skaw-lung-ta-naw-ne-li- ti-se-sti, 'they will by that time have nearly finished granting [favors] from a distance to thee and me.' " Such a language could never become the vehicle of science or the agent of business. As Bancroft has expressed it, the Indian's language was "held in bonds by external nature." It could not and did not rise above the narrow area of his imperfect experiences. It was poor just where the Indian mind and morals were impoverished. " It had no name for continence or justice, for gratitude or holiness," and equally not for covetousness. Loskiel has said that it required the labor of years to make the Lenape intellect capable of expressing abstract truth. Eliot could only trans- late the gospels by resorting to a series of happy analogies. The Indian tongue was materialistic, but, because it proceeded from one obvious visible object to another, it abounded in trope and metaphor, be- came highly picturesque, and was furnished with rich supplies from the most efficient armories of eloquence. Plain dealing became " a straight and broad path;" 1 " They ]i:ive but few radical words, but they compound their words without end; by this their language becomes sufficiently copious, and leaves room for a good deal of art to please a delicate ear. Sometimes one word among them includes an entire definition of a thing ; for ex- ample, they call wine oncharadeaelioengstseraglierie^s to say 'a liquor made from the juice of the grape.' The words expressing things lately come to their knowledge are all compounds; they have no labials in their language, nor can they pronounce perfectly any word wherein there is a labial, and when one endeavors to teach them to pronounce these words, they tell one they think it ridiculous that they must shut their lips to speak. Their language abounds in gutturals and strong aspira- tions; these make it very sonorous and bold, and their speeches abound with metaphors, after the manner of the Eastern nations." (Proud, "History of Pennsylvania," ii. 300. J if the word was peace, it was conveyed by the con- crete idea of " burying the hatchet ;" to conciliate was to " polish the chain of friendship ;" to be allies was to "eat with one mouth ;" to condole with a person was to "wipe the tears from his eye;" to repair an injury was to " wipe the blood off the council-seat ;" when James Logan was ill and retired he was said to be " hid in the bushes ;" to be slow to resent injuries was to "sit with the head between the legs." An Indian cannot conceive of father in the abstract; he j must say " my father," or "your father." His pan- j theon was a procession of idealized images of single ! objects, animate or inanimate; every tree, every ani- j mal, every stone had its particular " manitou," but Gitche Manitou, the Father of Life, was only a faint and colorless adumbration of the Great Spirit, if indeed it existed at all previous to intercourse with the whites. Eliot could not find an Indian word to express the act of kneeling, he had to resort to para- phrase to express the idea; in fact, words must all the time be coined to embody the primal European conceptions of faith, submission, reverence, religion, goodness. Yet the Indian vocabulary is rich in words which signify the dark and tumultuous passions, hate, revenge, etc., and the acts that result. In the forms of homicide the Indian language is as copious as an old English indictment for murder, and there is no lack of words to express what is bad, vicious, filthy, obscene, and shameful. The Indian's end in life was to act out the propen- sities of his untamed nature. He had no word to express continence, and chastity was but a half-formed idea in his brain. He bought his wife, and purity of blood was assured by the rule of descent on the female side. Marriage was a physical convenience and a transaction by purchase ; religion was as dim perhaps, with rites of sacrifice and worship left to the indi- vidual will. But vengeance was a duty, and revenge the strongest and most enduring passion of the In- dian's soul. To gratify it time, distance, hardship, danger, all went for nothing ; the stealthy blow, the reeking scalp torn from the prostrate victim, the yell of triumph when the deed was done — this was com- pensation for all. Nor did death suffice ; the enemy, public or private, must be tortured, and nothing but his agony and his groans could satiate the wolfish thirst of the savage for blood. His warfare was con- ducted by stealth and strategy and surprise; he imi- tated the panther, not the lion, in his assaults, and he lay by his victim and mangled him like the tiger. Sometimes he ate his victim, if he was renowned, that all of the valor and virtue of the slain might not be lost, but some of it pass into the slayer's own person. If conquered or wounded to death his stoi- cism was indomitable; his enemy might see his back in flight, but never behold him flinch under torture. ; when his finger-nails were plucked out one by one, and the raw skull from which his scalp was torn seared with live coals, and red-hot gun-barrels thrust into THE INDIANS. 49 the abdominal cavity after he had been disemboweled, he would still sing his death-song and gather breath to hurl a last yell of defiance at his enemy as he ex- pired. To attain this sort of endurance was the aim of all the Indian culture ; it was part of his religion, for a distinguished reception in the happy hunting- grounds beyond the grave was the promised reward of. the resolute warrior and the successful hunter. The Indian brave was by this system encouraged to set his own personality above everything else. His individuality was most conspicuous and pronounced. He was haughty, proud, boastful, vain. He bragged loudly of his own deeds. He painted and adorned his person with the utmost pains and in the most gaudy and glaring colors. His body was tattooed ; his scalp-lock was a study for his ideas in decorative art; he daubed his face in white, red, and green colors till he vied with Har- lequin; and his robes, his leggins, his moccasins were beaded and embroid- ered in a thousand complicated patterns and devices. The squaw did this fancy work for her lord and master, but she had no time to do it for herself. The Indian woman's life, as Parkman has said, had no bright side. It was a youth of license, an age of drudgery. There was not much passion, but a great deal of dissolute- ness. The Lenape women were no more chaste than the men were con- tinent. Amours in youth were no ban to marriage afterwards. Child-bearing was scarcely painful to the woman, and, as she alone had charge of her offspring, children were no burthen nor obstacle to the man. Delicacy and modesty could have no existence in the iDromis- cuous lodge-life of these savage tribes, and the virtue which the male did not protect was naturally no treasure to the female. " Once a mother,'' says Park- man, describing the Hurons, the woman " from a wanton became a drudge. In March and April she gathered the year's supply of firewood. Then came sowing, tilling, and harvesting, curing fish, dressing skin, making cordage and clothing, pre- paring food. On the march it was she who bore the bur- den, for, in the words of Champlain, 'their women were their mules.' The natural effect followed. In every town were shriveled hags, hideous and despised, who in vindictiveness, ferocity, and cruelty far exceeded the men. To the men fell the task of building the houses and making weapons, pipes, and canoes. For the rest, their home-life was a life of leisure and amusement. The summer and autumn were their seasons of serious employment, — of war, hunting, fishing, and trade. . . . 4 These pursuits, with their hunting, in which they were aided by a wolfish breed of dngs unable to bark, consumed the autumn and early winter." With win- ter the men were idle, the women more at leisure. The festive season ensued, — gambling, smoking, danc- ing, feasting to gluttony consumed the vacant hours. The Indian was a desperate gambler. He staked his all upon a throw ; he stripped himself naked in mid- winter to raise the means for another stake. It was a common feature in the meagre comedy of this dull existence for the young brave who had gone forth gay and resplendent in all his bravery and trappings to visit his kinsmen in the next village to return after :i DELAWARE INDIAN FAMILY. [From Campanius' "New Sweden."] day or two like a plucked crow, all his finery gone, and no leggins nor moccasins even left to protect his denuded limbs from frost and snow. Indian feasts and dances had more or less of a mys- tical and religious character, but the substantial part of them, gluttony and wild license, were never neg- lected. At the so-called religious feasts indeed glut- tony was part of the ritual. Each was expected to eat all before him, under penalty of vengeance by the special manitou who was to be honored, and prizes were offered to the victor who soonest devoured his 50 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. portion. The dances were wild, furious, delirious, and intoxicating. At religious dances men and some- times women flung off all their clothing ; they shouted wild songs, they gesticulated fiercely and contorted themselves like dervishes till their glistening hodies foamed with sweat. The war-dance and war-songs were intended to supply the spark to the tinder of enthusiasm and ferocity, and there was a terrible vividness in the mimic pantomime of battle and mur- der and sudden death, of the tomahawk thrown with unerring aim, the knife driven hilt-deep in the vic- tim's breast, the scalp waved aloft as if just wrested from the head of the slain. The drum, the rattle, ' and the Indian flute were heard at these dances, but the song was the true accompaniment. It was the chorus that directed the dance, and the dancers acted its words while their motions followed its rhythm. Some of these songs have the true lyric quality. They burst from the monotony of the chant which is usual to the Indian with a sort of inspiration that the savage's excitable nature always responds to. The dance was an important ingredient in the scanty materia medica of the Indian conjurer and medicine-man. He esteemed it above the squaw's simple and the warrior's sweat-box or Russian bath. That, indeed, was a good thing to cure rheumatism and restore suppleness and elasticity to the Indian's frame, and the squaw's roots and herbs were wonderful coadjuvants when the savage lived so simple and active a life in the open air; but the medicine-man could not live by these. His profit lay in maintaining the general opinion of the efficacy of his rattle and drum, his pinches, howls, and dancing. Disease came, in the Indian's creed, from the malevolence of spirits, and, as the necromancer had power over these, he must be able to expel disease likewise. The im- agination is so powerful a factor, the mind has such unlimited influence over the body in its morbid states, that we are quite willing to believe the Indian medicine-man, shallow charlatan though he was, a far more successful doctor than he usually gets credit for being. In fact, the sorcerers were too numerous not to have been lucky sometimes. In the Indian belief the whole material world swarmed with unseen influences and powers that controlled human destinies with good and evil spirits, with manitous and exist- ences that from dawn till night and from night again to dawn were working with dim indefinite agencies but untiring restlessness to prevent the obvious prom- ises of each person's path in life in some unguessable way. Nature was full of sorceries, and each might be a conspiracy of some sort against human life, health, or happiness. Universal superstition made nameless panics universal, and as only sorcerers could deal with sorcery, each Indian community harbored a pack of conjurers, diviners, medicine-men, who were by turns the village magicians and the village doctors. They were learned in the legends of the past, and they pretended to the lore of the future in order to control the faith of the present. Their arts were numerous, but the tools of their trade were few and rude, and they were too slavishly adherents of tradition ever to deviate from the established tricks of that trade. In the words of Parkman, " The sorcerer, by charms, magic songs, magic feats, and the beating of his drum, had power over the spirits and those occult influences inherent in animals and inanimate things. He could call to him the souls of his enemies. They appeared before him in the shape of stones. He chopped and bruised them with his hatchet; blood and flesh issued forth ; and the intended victim, however distant, lan- guished and died. Like the sorcerer of the Middle Ages, he made images of those he wished to destroy, and muttering incantations, punctured them with an awl, whereupon the persons represented sickened and pined away." This poor conjurer was the only doctor the Indian had. His magic was more to him than herbs and surgery, and it was his code that if his magic, his drum and rattle, his feasts, howls, and contortions could only expel the demon, nature would expel the disease and the patient was sure to recover. The Al- gonquin conjurer was also a haruspex and diviner. He watched the flight of birds, interpreted the running of water and the flicker of flame. He locked himself in a cabinet and communed with unseen spirits, for all the world like the most modern and most shame- less of our charlatans. He built a low conical lodge of poles and hides, immured himself therein for hours, beat his drum, sounded his rattle, sang his songs, and at last emerged charged with the commu- nications the spirits had vouchsafed to him after his arduous and awe-inspiring wrestle with them. Still, this conjurer was not the priest of even the Indian's debased religion. Every man was priest in his own right, made his own sacrifices, and propitiated the powers to which he yielded deference as suited his own pleasure. The Indian was too poor and too hun- gry to make many and costly oblations. He sprinkled a little tobacco upon the breeze; he immolated a white dog, or he burned a scrap of meat to Manitou ; but when he made a genuine sacrificial feast he and his guests were careful to consume the offering to the last fragment in Manitou's name and behalf. The com- pleteness of the gormandise was the compliment which Manitou was thought to appreciate most, and thus piety became its own reward. Feasts of this sort would of course be followed by dreams in proportion to the sumptuousness of the vicarious offering, and these dreams the conjurer made his profit by inter- preting. If the Indian was not extravagant in his offerings to Manitou, he was yet scrupulously and invariably po- lite in all his dealings with him. He slew the bear and the deer with a sententious courtesy, and was pro- fuse in apologies and civilities to the spirit of every victim of his skill in the chase, and even upon the war-path. This was a sincere proceeding for one so THE INDIANS. 51 deeply imbued with the notion that the entire mate- rial world was sentient and intelligent, and that every object and being in nature had a share in ruling hu- man destinies. All things had souls, and the souls of all things could hear man's soul while incapable of responding to it. They were not powerless because dumb ; they were none the less to be propitiated because their reconnoissance was inaudible. The uni- verse quivered throughout with mystery, and the mys- terious was synonymous, in the Indian's creed, with the divine. Hence in every undertaking the Amer- ican savage made a factitious offering of first fruits. He even propitiated the fishing-nets he had just made with his own hands, and secured a good haul by wed- ding the nets to the virgins of his tribe. Each Indian had besides his own particular manitou, and the man- hood vigil of the young warrior before he went upon his first hunt or his first war-path was a propitiatory acknowledgment made to this spiritual inward guide, friend, and monitor. The object that appeared to him in his fasting dreams during this vigil became his totem, his fetish, the "medicine'' which he must henceforth wear about his person. Sooth to say, however, the Indian did not save all his urbanity for the spirits and the manitou. The elaborate courtesy which he bestowed upon the bear he had just killed was ihe distinguishing trait of all his daily intercourse with his neighbor and his guest. Politeness, deference, respect for the persons and feel- ings of others constituted the social law of the Indian, and stood him instead of municipal and police ordi- nance. The consequence was that these wild and in- tractable barbarians were able to live together har- moniously even in large communities. Gregarious as the buffalo, the Indian was, as Parkman has said, " in certain external aspects, the most pliant and complais- ant of mankind." He had on all occasions that docile acquiescence in the whims and oddities of strangers which is the quintessence of politeness. The Indian of whom Franklin wrote illustrates this spirit cleverly. The missionary had told him how Adam fell, to which he listened with grave assent, telling, in his turn, the Indian fable of the origin of maize and tobacco. The missionary repudiated the story with contempt, where- upon the Indian said, "My brother, it seems your friends have not done you justice in your education. They have not well instructed you in the rules of common civility. You see that we, who understand and practice those rules, believe all your stories. "Why do you refuse to believe ours?" An Indian who re- sented being stared at and gaped at by the town mob complained to his interpreter. " We have," said he, " as much curiosity as your people, and when you come into our towns we wish for opportunities of looking at you ; but for this purpose we hide ourselves behind bushes where you are to pass, and never intrude our- selves into your company.'' The Jesuit priests, when first among the Indians in Canada, fancied they were making converts at once of the entire population, but afterwards found out that they had mistaken for con- viction what was simple courtesy, unwillingness to deny and contradict. Instinctive self-control helped the Indian to maintain this courteous exterior upon all occasions. The self-respect of the Indian, one of his strongest qualities, made him considerate and re- spectful to the feelings of others. His code of honor was rigid to punctiliousness, and he exacted the same deference to himself which he so willingly yielded to others. He liked popularity, and made sacrifices to secure it. He was hospitable to a fault, and really charitable and generous to distress and suffering. The village hags united to supply the fresh-wedded bride's wood-pile; the whole people turned out to rebuild a lodge if any one had lost his by flood or fire. No man, no matter what his condition, could enter the Indian's wigwam and seat himself but what food would at once be placed before him, if food there was. They were sociable, fond of visiting, and jocose in their sociability. The story-teller always had a high seat at their feasts. Said the Jesuit Father Brebeuf, whom the Iroquois murdered with such atrocious tortures, " They have a gentleness and an affability as it were incredible in savages; they are not easily offended; . . they keep up their excellent kind re- lations one with another by frequent interchange of visits, by their mutual helpfulness to the sick and ail- ing, and by their feasts and family alliances. They are less in their own wigwams than in those of their friends. If they have some tidbit or other at once they make a feast of it for their friends, and never think of eating it without company." The political organization of each Indian nation, so far as it has been observed, is identical in the es- sential with that of every other Indian nation. The race or nation was a confederacy of tribes of contigu- ous territory and common descent ; each tribe was divided into clans, and each clan into families. The nation was governed by chiefs, whose office was he- reditary in the female line of descent ; the power of the chiefs was great, but it was through respect and deference to their opinions rather than submission to their authority, for their influence was almost entirely advisory and persuasive. " There were two principal chiefs, one for war and one for peace ; there were chiefs assigned to special national functions ; there were numerous other chiefs, equal in rank, but very unequal in influence, since the measure of their influ- ence depended on the measure of their personal abil- ity ; each nation of the confederacy had a separate organization, but at certain periods grand councils of the united nations were held, at which were present not chiefs only, but also a great concourse of the people ; and at these and other councils the chiefs and principal men voted on proposed measures by means of small sticks or reeds, the opinion of the majority ruling." 1 Parkman, " Jesuits in America.' 52 HISTORY OP PHILADELPHIA. The power of chiefs and councils, great in degree, was limited in extent. There were few things for it to be exercised upon in that savage state where indi- viduals were so free. Now and then a witch or a traitor or obnoxious person was ordered to be mur- dered by the council in secret session. But there was no property for the law-making proclivity to exercise itself upon, and there could not be much stealing without property. In fact, the Indians never robbed or stole except away from home. Crimes against the person were individual matters, and redressed by in- dividual methods. This was even the case with mur- der. If murderer and victim belonged to the same clan, it was looked upon as a family quarrel, to be settled by the immediate kin. As a rule, public opinion compelled the acceptance of the atonement in lieu of bloodshed. If the murderer and victim were of different clans, the whole tribe went to work to prevent a feud from arising and leading to more bloodshed. Every effort was made to get the victim's clan to accept the atonement offering. Thirty pres- ents was the price of a man's life, forty for a woman. If the victim belonged to a foreign tribe, the danger of war led to council meetings, formal embassies, and extensive making of actual and symbolical presents. A strange race the Indians were, and their institu- tions, now so rapidly disappearing, are worthy of close and careful study. If this generation shall not profit by the vestiges of Indian antiquities still remaining to secure a, knowledge of their institutions and the languages of the people who observed them, nothing will be left for the inquiring spirits of the next age. No matter whether the race remains or not, the aborig- inal American Indian, such as he appeared to Penn and to Capt. Smith, to Campanius and De Laet and the Jesuit Fathers, will no longer be found in this con- tinent. It should be our pleasure, as it is our duty, to try to restore the fading picture of Indian life in the spirit of Philip Freneau's graceful poem on " The Old Indian Burying-Ground :" " Tlie Indian, when from life released, Again is seated with his friends, And shares again the joyous feast. " His imag'd birds, and painted bowl, And ven'son for a journey dress'd, Bespeak the nature of the soul, Activity, that wants no rest. . . . " By midnight moons, o'er moistening dews, In vestments for the chase array'd, The hunter still the deer pursues, The hunter and the deer — a 6hade." CHAPTER IV. DISCOVERY AND OCCUPATION OF THE HUDSON AM) DELAWARE RIVERS BY THE DUTCH. There is no ground for reasonable doubt that John and Sebastian Cabot, natives of Venice, probably sailors almost from birth, but doing business in Bris- tol, England, at the time of their commission under King Henry VII., were the first navigators, at least of historic times, to discover the actual coast-line of the North American continent, along which they sailed from Newfoundland to the parallel of Gibraltar, that is to say to about the latitude of Cape Hatteras. John Cabot, the senior of these sailors and traders, excited by the news of the great discovery made by Christopher Columbus, and with the certainty thus warranted of reaching land by sailing westward, ob- tained a commission under the great seal of England from King Henry VII., dated March 5, 1496, author- izing the navigator and his three sons, or either of them, their heirs or their deputies, to sail into the Eastern, Western, or Northern seas, with a fleet of fiveships, at their own expense, in search of unknown lands, islands, or provinces ; to plant the banner of England on these when found, and possess and oc- cupy them as vassals of the English crown. The pro- vision that the explorers should voyage at their own expense was characteristic of the thrifty monarch, but the commission of a king at that day was the only safeguard the navigator had to protect him from suspicions of piracy, and the exclusive right of fre- quenting and trading to the new countries when found was a privilege for which nations were soon to con- tend. Cabot, with his son Sebastian, came in sight of the mainland, in the region of Labrador, on June 24, 1497, fourteen months before Columbus, on his third voyage, had reached the continent, and two years before Amerigo Vespucci sailed from the Cana- ries. 1 It is not so certain that Verazzano, also an Italian, discovered the bay of New York in a voyage made by him in 1506 from the Carolinas northward, under the commission- of King Francis I. of France. 2 It is certain that the first practical discovery of the Delaware Bay and River and of the New York Bay and Hudson River was made in 1609, by Henry Hudson, an English navigator in the service of the Dutch East India Company, whose title to immor- tality seems to be assured by the fact that one of the largest bays and one of the noblest rivers in the world 1 Bancroft, vol. i. Hakluyt, Divers Voyages. Brodhead, Hist. New York. The account of Cabot's voyage is given by Peter Martyr. 2 The account of Verazzauo's voyage is contained in a letter from the navigator to King Francis, dated July S, 1524, describing what he saw and did and the strange peoplo he encountered. This letter is given to the world first by the historian Ramusio, a Venetian, who also, by in- cluding this in his collection, made himself responsible for the voyages of Cadamosto, the travels of Amerigo Vespucci, and of Marco Polo, all of which first saw the world in this most interesting collection. The three volumes of Ramusio also contain the apocryphal voyages of the brothers Zcni beyond the north of Scotland in 1400, the works of the credulous Ovicdo, and the earliest histories of the conquests made by Cortes and Pifcarro. They are capital reading, but, as the accurate Hal- lam observes, their subject matter "could as yet only be obtained orally from Spanish and Portuguese sailors or adventurers, and was such as their falsehood and blundering would impart. 11 Ramusio is also convicted of having garbled Marco Polo's narrative by interpolations of his own Judge Henry C. Murphy, of the Long Island Historical Society, a very competent geographical critic, is disposed to believe that the entire letter of Verazzano to King Francis I. is spurious. SETTLEMENTS ON THE DELAWARE. 53 equally bear his name and are admitted to have been ■discovered by him. The discovery of Delaware Bay and River was made, according to the journal kept by Robert Jewett (or Juet), the first officer of Hud- son's ship, on Aug. 28, 1609 (new style), and on this discovery the Dutch founded their claim to the countries binding upon and adjacent to the North (Hudson) and the South (Delaware) Rivers. 1 The accounts of Hudson's third voyage and his discovery of the North and South Rivers are too ac- curate, circumstantial, and satisfactory to allow of any question in regard to them. Hudson's journal as well as that of Robert Juet are preserved in Purchas' Pil- 1 We know surprisingly little of Henry Hudson. He ie said to have been the personal friend of Capt. John Smith, the founder of Virginia, and it is probable that he was of the family of that Henry Hudson who, in 1554, was one of the original incorporators of the English Muscovy Company. This man's son, Christopher, supposed to have been the father of the great navigator, was aB early as 1560 and up to 1601 the factor and agent on the spot of the London Company trading to Russia, and it seems likely that the younger Hudson, from his familiarity with Arctic navigation, and his daring pertinacity in attempting to invade the ice-bound northern wastes, may have served his apprenticeship as a navigator in tradins, nn behalf the Muscovy Company, from Bristol to Russia, as was then often done through the North Channel, and round the Hebrides, Orkneys, 'Shet- lands, and North Cape to the White Sea and Arch- angel. At any rate when Hudson makes his first picturesque appearance before us, in the summer of 1607, in the Church of St. Ethelburge, Bish- opsgate Street, London, where he and his crew are present to partake of the Holy Sacrament to- gether, it is preparatory to a voyage in the ser- vice of the newly-or- ganized "London Com- pany," in Jewett's own words, " for to discover a passage by the North Pole to Japan and China." The navigator was at that time a middle-aged man, experienced and trusted. Hudson reached Spitzbergen,and there the ice forced him back. He repeated next year the attempt to reach Asia by crossing directly over the Pole, and again he failed after having reached Nova Zembla. The London Company now became disheart- ened, and Hudson at once transferred his services to the Dutch, who were then also eagerly seeking a northern route to Asia, and preparing under the ardent urgings of Usselincx (of whom more will be said presently) to establish a West India Company. The Amsterdam direc- tors of the Dutch East India Company put him in command of a yacht or vlie-boat, the "Half-Moon"' (the "yagt 'Halve-Maan'"), of forty "lasts" or eighty tons burden, and bade him continue to search for a route to the Eastern seas such as the Spaniards and Portuguese could not obstruct. It was on hU third voyage when, beaten back by the ice from the Greenland seas, he sailed as far south as the capes of the Chesapeake, and discovered Delaware Bay and Hudson River. In his fourth voyage he returned again to the service of England, discovered and entered Hudson's Bay, wintered there, and in the spring, having angered his crew by harshness and by persisting in going westward, was cast adrift by them in a small boat and left, with his son, to perish in the ice on the desolate border of the bay which bears his name. He was never heard of afterward. For further particulars of this stern, bold, and in- telligent navigator, who was a man full of spirit, energy, and well-defined purpose, the reader may consult Pnrchas, Hakluyt, and the monographs ■of Hon. H.C. Murphy, Dr. Asher, Gen. John M. Bead, Jr., and Rev. B.F. de Costa. HENUY HUDSON. grims, and Juet has given not only the courses and distances sailed on the coast, but the various depths of water obtained by soundings off the bars and with- in the capes of the two bays. Juet's log-book of Aug. 28, 1609, has indeed been tested by actual soundings and sailing distances, and is found to be so accurate to this day that his route can be minutely followed. The English early gave the name of Delaware Bay and River to the South River of the Dutch, upon the pretext that it was discovered by Lord de la Warr in his voyage to Virginia in 1610. Mr. Brodhead and other writers, however, have plainly shown that Lord La Warr never saw Delaware Bay, and that the name Cape La Warr was given to Cape May by the roister- ing Capt. Samuel Argalls, of Lord Somers' squadron, who, being separated from his commander in a fog off the Bermudas, in that voyage the narration of which is supposed to have given Shakspeare his theme for the Tempest, was carried by a cyclone as far north as Cape Cod, and descending the coast again to Virginia, sighted the cape in question and gave his lordship's name to it. 2 The above few sentences embody all that is certainly inown in regard to the discovery of Delaware Bay and River. If we let loose the pen to conjecture and to debatable views and statements, there is ground for very wide discussion, for which, however, there is no room in a volume like this. 3 2 See several notes in the text and appendices of Brodhead's History of the State of New York, vol. i. 3 For i nstance, Van Materen, one of the early historians of the Nether- lands, assumes that the detention of Hudson in England on his return from his third voyage was because the English wanted time to prepare ships to look up and take possession of the newly discovered rivers. But Van Materen himself says at the same time of Hudson that, " as he was about to sail with his ship and crew [from Dartmouth] to go and report the results of his voyage, he was arrested in England and commanded not to depart, but that he must enter the service of his country, which command was also extended to the other English who were in the vessel." On 15th December, 1644, the (Dutch) Chamber of Accounts of the West India Company presented a "Report and Advice" to the effect that " New Netherland, Btretching from the South River, situated in thirty-eight and a half degrees, to Cape Malabarre, in the latitude of forty-one and a half degrees, was first visited by the inhabitants of this country in the year 1598, and especially by those of the Greenland Company, but without making fixed habitations and only as a refuge in winter." Nearly all the historians of New York accept this apocryphal statement, which Mr. Brodhead guardedly says " needs confirmation ." In fact, the picturesque Indian legends so distinctly confided to Heckewelder prove that Hud- son and his crew were the first white men ever remembered to have been seen by the Indians on the Hudson. A stranger story jb that of Sir Edmund Ployden, or Plowdeu, Earl Palatinate of New Albion, who, by English Charter of 1G32, was granted by indefinite description a tract of land between Cape Cod and Cape May, extending westward to some untraceable boundary. This tract, which included New Jersey, Dela- ware, part of Maryland, and perhaps of Pennsylvania, was divided, according to "Beauchamp Plantagenet" in his pamphlet, into Lord- ships and other great divisions. Yet before the Dutch came to estab- lished settlements, Plowden and his colouists had disappeared. Each government founded its claim to the territory between thirty-eight and forty-one degrees north latitude. In April, 1632, Governor Peter j Minuet, recalled in disgrace from the New Netherlands, was driven J by a storm into Plymouth, England. He and his staff were detained upon a charge of illegally trading with the Indians of Virginia. A | diplomatic correspondence immediately ensued between the two gov- | ernments, in which King Charles I. declined to release Minuet until he ! had looked into the matter further, as he was " not quite sure what his rights were." Then was the time, if ever, for the claim of 1598 to be pul 54 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. Those who wish to pursue these subjects minutely will find ample details in the historical collections of Pennsylvania, New York, Delaware, New Jersey, and Maryland. They will not, however, after all discover much to disturb the general conclusion that the Dutch claim to the New Netherlands rests upon discovery and possession taken by Henry Hudson in 1609 ; the English claim to general discovery by the Cabots in 1497-98. The Dutch did not immediately profit to any great extent by the magnificent discoveries made for them and in their name by Henry Hudson. The report upon the Hudson River must indeed have attracted great attention when received at home, but the navi- gator merely said of the Zuydt (South or Delaware) River, 1 that he found the land to "trend away towards the northwest, with a great bay and rivers, but the bay was shoal," and dangerous by reason of sand- bars. This sort of character would not tend to divert navigators or sea traders in that direction. There were as yet, for reasons which will presently appear, no attempts at colonization either on the North or the South River. But the Dutch, born traders, were fully acquainted with the value of the fur trade through their traffic with Russia, frequently sending as many as sixty to eighty ships a year to Archangel, the czar having made the fur trade practically free. Hudson had revealed to these shrewd traders what a wealth of cheap furs was to be obtained from the Indians on the river bearing his name, and his old vessel, the "Half-Moon,'' was no sooner released and restored to her owners, in 1610, than she was sent back to the North River with a trading cargo, and returned with a profitable cargo of furs. In 1611, Hendrick Christiaensen, of Cleves, near Niemguen, Holland, West India trader, and Adrian Block, of Amsterdam, chartered a ship, in company with the Schipper Rysar, and made a successful voyage to the Manhattans and the "great river of the mountains," returning with furs, and bringing also two sons of chiefs with them, whom they kindly christened " Val- entine and Orson." These young savages, and the cheap and abundant furs of their native land, at- tracted public attention in Holland to the newly discovered territories. A memorial on the subject was presented to the Provincial States of Holland forward on the one side, and those of Argall and Plowden and Lord de la Warr on the other. But the Dutch simply rested on Hudson's discovery in 1G09, the return of some of their people in 1610, a specific trading charter in 1614, and permanent occupancy by the Dutch West India Company in 1623. Tho claims of King Charles, on the other hand, though formulated by the skillful hand of Sir Edward Coke himself, rested entirely upon the discovery of America by Onbot and the New England and Virginia patents of King James I. 1 Also variously called by the IndiaD names of Poutaxat, Makiri- skitton, Makarish-Kiskeu, and Lenape Wihittuck, while Heylin, in his Cosmography, bravely gives it the further name of Arasapha. When it became better known, the Dutch sometimes called it the Nassau, Prince Hendrick's or Prince Charles' River; and the Swedes, New Swedeland stream. The earliest settlers sometimes styled it New Port May and Godyn's Bay. and West Friesland by several merchants and in- habitants of the United Provinces, and "it was judged of sufficient consequence to be formally communicated to the cities of Amsterdam, Rotterdam, Hoorn, and Enckhuysen." 2 In 1612, Christiaensen and Block, with the encouragement and material aid of leading and enterprising merchants, fitted out two vessels, the " Fortune" and the " Tiger," and sailed again to the Manhattans, to trade along the Hudson as before. Other merchants joined in these profitable ventures, and in 1613 the " Little Fox," under command of John De Witt, and the "Nightingale," under Thys Volkertsen, were sent out from Amsterdam, while the owners of the ship " Fortune," of Hoorn, sent out their vessel under charge of Oapt. Cornells Jacob- sen May, or Mey. Block's vessel, the " Tiger," was burnt at Manhattan Island just as he was about to return to Holland, but the undaunted mariner built a hut on shore on Manhattan Island, and spent the- winter of 1613-14 in constructing a yacht of sixteen tons, which he appropriately named the Onrust, or "Restless." In the spring of 1614, when Block's little yacht was ready for service, the companion vessels of the previous year, as above enumerated, were coming out for their second voyage. But they came under new auspices, for the States General had considered and acted upon the memorials and peti- tions spoken of above, passing an ordinance 3 de- claring that as it was " honorable, useful, and profit- able" that the people of the Netherlands should be encouraged to adventure themselves in discovering unknown countries, and for the purpose of making the inducement " free and common to every one of the inhabitants," it was granted and conceded that "whoever shall from this time forward discover any new passages, havens, lands, or plaees, shall have the exclusive right of navigating to the same for four voyages." Reports of discoveries were to be made to the States General within fourteen days after the return of vessels to port, and where the discoveries were simultaneously made by different parties, the rights acquired under them were to be enjoyed in common. When the spring voyaging began, Christiaensen pushed up the Hudson and erected a trading-post and block-house on Castle Island, just below where Albany now stands. Block, with the " Onrust," ex- plored Long Island Sound, and many rivers and in- lets to the eastward, naming Rhode (Roode) Island and giving his own name to Block Island. Mey, on the contrary, sailed immediately southward, charted the coast from Sandy Hook to the Delaware, and en- tering thatbay gave his surname, May, to the northern cape, his Christian name, Cornelis, to the southern cape opposite, and to the southern cape facing the ocean he gave the name of Hinlopen, the name of a ' Brodhead, i. p. 46. N. T. Hist. Coll., 2d series, ii. 35S. 3 27th March, 1614. SETTLEMENTS ON THE DELAWARE. 55 town in Friesland. There is no evidence that May attempted to change the name of the Delaware Bay and River from that given it by the Dutch, the South River, or that he landed at any point. 1 All the vessels of the trading squadron returned early in the fall to Holland, except the " Onrust," which remained at Manhattan under the command of Cornelis Hendricksen. Block, who no more visited our coasts, returned in his old companion's ship, the "Fortune," Capt. Hendrick Christiaen- sen, to Holland. There the navigators and their as- sociated merchants and owners formed a company, drew a chart and report of their several discoveries, and proceeded to the Hague to claim a concession under the ordinance of March 27, 1614. They spread their "figurative map" upon the council table in the presence of the twelve mighty lords of the States General, presided over by John van Olden Barneveldt, the "Advocate" of Holland, told their tale of adven- ture, discovery, loss, and gain, and claimed the mon- opoly which was theirs by right under the ordinance. It was conceded at once, and a special charter to them of exclusive privilege to trade for four voyages in the region they had explored was drawn up and signed in their presence. The penalty for infringing upon this charter was a fine of fifty thousand Netherland ducats for the benefit of the grantees. The territory covered by the charter was all the land between New France, as the French possessions in Canada were called, and Virginia, and the grantees were given three years in which to make the four voyages. This char- ter, besides conferring a valuable franchise tempora- rily upon the grantees, in effect asserted that the Dutch territory of the New Netherlands embraced all the territory and coast line of North America from the fortieth to the forty-fifth parallel. Nor did any of King James' charters negative this pretension, for they expressly excepted any lands settled or occupied by the subjects of any European sovereign or State. While the new company were spreading their "figurative map" before the Council at the Hague, the little yacht " Onrust," on the other side of the ocean, now under the command of the enterprising Capt. Hendricksen, was making the first actual ex- ploration of the Delaware Bay and River. Hendrick- .-.en landed at several places, took soundings, drew charts, and discovered the contour of the bay and the 1 Some romantic circumstances have gathered about the fact of the Delaware Bay and River and ttie State of Delaware deriving their name from Lord de la Warr. It has been said that he died off the capes of Delaware on his homo voyage, that he was poisoned, etc. The better- received opinion, however, is that he was alive in 1618, and then died either at his seat in England or when about to re-embark for Virginia. He was only Lord de la Warr by courtesy, being actually Sir Thomas West, third son of Lord de la Warr. He married in Virginia, his wife being a daughter of Sir Thomas Shirley, from whom the old Virginia es- tate of that name derives its title. West Point, in New York, gets its name from him. The family of the Sackville- Wests, owners of the stately manor-house of Knole, which in Quei J n Elizabeth's day belonged to the Sackvilles, are the stock from whom sprung the present British Minister at Washington, Hon. Lionel Sackville- West. capabilities of the river. While landing at Christi- ana Creek a strange thing happened. Hendricksen's party encountered a band of Minqua Indians and redeemed from captivity three white men, who in the spring of the year 1616 had left Fort Nassau, on Castle Island, at the head of navigation on the North River, and strayed into the wilderness and forest in which the Mohawks and Lenni Lenape had their wondrous hunting-grounds. These men had wan- dered up the Mohawk Valley, crossed the dividing ridge into the Delaware Valley, and then descended that stream, thus being the first white men who ever trod the soil of Pennsylvania. 2 On Aug. 19, 1616, Hendricksen, having returned to Holland, laid his claim for extensive trading privileges before the States General, asserting that "he hath discovered for his aforesaid masters and directors certain lands, a bay, and three rivers, situate between thirty-eight and forty degrees, and did there trade with the in- habitants, said trade consisting of sables, furs, robes, and other skins. He hath found the said country full of trees, to wit : oak, hickory, and pines, which trees were in some places covered with vines. He hath seen in said country bucks and doe, turkeys and partridges. He hath found the climate of said coun- try very temperate, judging it to be as temperate as this country (Holland)." Hendricksen's claim, how- ever, was not granted, and in January, 1618, the general ordinance granting exclusive trading privi- leges expired by limitation. An entirely new policy was in contemplation by the Netherlands govern- ment." 3 This new policy looked to stepping at once from simple trading in the New Netherlands to colonization by means of a West Indies Company. Its develop- ment and its fluctuations during many years, in obedience to the ups and downs of political agitation in the Netherlands, are described graphically in the brilliant pages of Mrs. Martha J. Lamb's just pub- lished History of New York, but at too great length to be followed here. Holland, as Brodhead has de- scribed it, was the greatest trading country at this time. Amsterdam was the Venice of the North, and the Dutch pushed their commerce into every zone. But the Netherlanders were more than this. They were ardent and even fanatical politicians. They 2 Armor's Lives of the Governors of Pennsylvania, pages 17 and 20. The fact of this meeting is not disputed. Most authorities say, however, that the three men were not whites but Indians, employes of the trad- ing-post on Castle Island. 3 Another historic doubt clouds this voyage of Hendricksen. It migh t be supposed that this" third river" must be the Schuylkill, and that l.e was thus the first white man to gaze upon the site of Philadelphia. But a writer so accomplished as Dr. George Smith, historian of Delaware County, says that it cannot be fairly inferred that the voyage of the "Restless" was extended so far inland even as the mouth of the Dela- ware Biver.iiud that the original "Carte figurative" attached to the memorial of his employers proves this. He suggests that if any new and original information was contributed to the States General by Hon. dricksen, it was derived not from his own exploration, but from the statements of the three rescued traders from Fort Nassau. 56 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. had just conquered their freedom from the Spaniards, whom they hated bitterly, and proclaimed the repub- lic which had enabled them to maintain the bitter struggle, and which consequently they devotedly loved. Up to 1606 they had been completely united both in foreign and domestic policy, and in that year they had been about to found a West Indies Company, not merely for trade, but to carry on the war with Spain more actively and relentlessly. When Vir- ginia was occupied by the London Company in 1608, they had proposed to the British government to join them in a common foreign and trading policy, mean- ing, of course, to war more energetically still upon Spanish commerce. But the British coolly declined, saying that they feared " that in case of joining, if it be upon equal terms, the art and industry of their people will wear out ours." This suggestion of over- reaching was not forgotten by the Dutch. In 1620, when Robinson, Brewster, and their large congrega- tion of Puritans, exiles in Leyden and other parts of the Netherlands for twelve years, had determined to emigrate to America, and had been disappointed in theirnegotiations with both the Virginia colony and the Plymouth Company, they applied to the Netherlands through the Amsterdam merchants for leave to settle on the North River, Robinson offering to go and take . four hundred families with him, provided they were ussured of protection. " They desired to go to New Netherlands,'' said Robinson, "to plant there the true Christian and pure religion, to convert the sav- ages of those countries to the true knowledge and understanding of the Christian faith, and through the grace of the Lord and to the glory of the Neth- erlands government, to colonize and establish a new empire there under the order and command" of the Prince of Orange and the High Mighty Lords States General. 1 The Amsterdam Company submitted the proposition to the Hague with their approval, hav- ing made at the same time " large offers" of free trans- portation, stock, etc., to the Puritans. The Prince of Orange, the stadtholder, referred the memorial to the States General, and that body, after careful deliberation, resolved peremptorily to reject the offer of the Puritans. But for this action there might have been no Plymouth Rock, and the whole course of American history might have been changed. The truce of the Netherlands with Spain, which was negotiated in 1609, to last twelve years, was in lieu of a permanent treaty of peace. Philip II. con- sented to" the independence of the Netherlands, but would not consent to give them free trade in the East Indies. The Netherlands would not treat finally without a recognition of their commercial freedom, and so a truce was the compromise agreed upon. The treaty was the work of Grotius and Barneveldt, sup- ported by James I. of England and Henry IV. of France. Its negotiation had the effect to destroy the 1 Brodlifnil, i. 1-M. project for a West India Company, and on this and other grounds was opposed bitterly by the " stal- wart" party of the day in the Netherlands, headed by William Usselincx, a merchant of Antwerp, who had spent many years in Spain, the Azores, and other Catholic countries, for which he seemed to have a deep personal hatred, and by Plancius, Linschoten, and other leading scholars and merchants, who com- posed a distinctive " war party," and were eager to resort to every means to injure and humble their haughty and arrogant enemy. This party was strengthened by the fierce temper of religious contro- versy. The Calvinists and Puritans were in bitter antagonism to the Arminians, who controlled the State. It was an old controversy, old as the days of Augustine and Pelagius, and it was fought over again in Holland. Finally, in 1619, the Reformers carried everything before them in the Synod of Dort, the Arminians were put down, and Barneveldt, in his seventy-second year, was beheaded as a traitor. The charter of the Amsterdam merchants for trade with the Netherlands had expired, the ordinance under which the concessions were granted had also ceased, Usselincx and his party and their policy were triumphant, and there were many reasons why the long-suspended project for a West India Company should be carried through without further delay. The Virginians began to look with concern at the presence of the Dutch upon the Zuydt or South River, and indeed had already sent one abortive expedition against them. The twelve-year truce with Spain expired in the spring of 1621, and the United Provinces knew that the old struggle must soon be renewed. The English government was preparing to remonstrate more or less vigorously against the expansion of the Nether- lands colonies both on the South River and on the New England side. The time was ripe for the con- summation of the great scheme of Usselincx, which indeed looked to a vast privateering war against Spain, in connection with the permanent plantation of the New Netherlands. On the 3d of June, 1621, accordingly, the States General, under their great seal, granted a formal patent incorporating the West India Company for the encouragement of that for- eign trade and navigation upon which it was assumed the welfare and happiness of the United Provinces mainly depended. This charter gave to the West India Company for the period of twenty-four years the exclusive monopoly of trade and navigation to the coasts of Africa, between the Cape of Good Hope and the Tropic of Cancer, and to the coasts of America and the West Indies, between the Straits of Magellan and Newfoundland. The company was invested with enormous powers. In the language of Brodhead, it might make in the name of the States General " contracts and alliances with the princes and natives of the countries comprehended within the limits of its charter, build forts, appoint and discharge gov- SETTLEMENTS ON THE DELAWARE. 57 ernors, soldiers, and public officers, administer justice, and promote trade. It was bound to advance the peopling of these fruitful and unsettled parts, and do all that the service of those countries and the profit and increase of trade shall require." The States General had a sort of general supervision, with the privilege of confirming the appointment of superior officers, but no other powers over it. The govern- ment of the company was vested in five boards of managers, — one at Amsterdam, managing four-ninths of the whole ; one at Middleburg, in Zealand, man- aging two-ninths ; one at Dordrecht, on the Maese, managing one-ninth ; one in North Holland, one- ninth ; and one in Friesland and Groningen, one- ninth. The general executive power for all purposes, the power to declare war only being reserved for the approval of the States, was confided to a board of nineteen delegates, of whom eight were to come from the Amsterdam chamber, and the rest from the other chambers in proportion to their shares, except that the States General had one delegate. The States were pledged to defend the company against all comers, to advance to it a million guilders in money, and give it for its assistance sixteen ships of war of three hundred tons each, and four yachts of eighty tons, fully equipped. This fleet was to be main- tained, manned, and supported by the company, which besides was to provide an equal number of vessels on its own part, the whole to be under the command of an admiral selected by the States Gen- eral. Any inhabitant of the Netherlands or of other countries might become a, stockholder during 1621, but after that year the subscription books were to be closed, and no new members admitted. Colonization was one object of this great monopoly, but what its chiefs looked to principally for profit was a vast system of legalized piracy against the commerce of Spain and Portugal in Africa and America. The company was not finally organized under the charter until June, 1623, when the subscription books were closed. In the interval between the lapse of the old United Company and the completion of the charter of the new monopoly, several ships were sent on trading ventures of a more or less private character to the North and South Eivers in the New Netherlands, among them vessels which had visited those regions before. King James I. having granted the charter of the Plymouth Company, complaints began to be heard about Dutch intrusions. Sir Samuel Argall, who is represented in the curious Plantagenet pam- phlet as having forced a Dutch governor in Manhat- tan to yield allegiance to the British king in 1613, is found in 1621 as complaining, in a memorial signed by him, Sir Ferdinando Georges, the Earl of Arun- del, and Capt. John Mason, against the " Dutch in- truders," who are represented as having only settled on the Hudson in 1620. This was claimed by the Plymouth Company as proof of the British king's title to the whole country, jure primal occupationis. This led to a protest, in December, 1621, by the Brit- ish government, through Sir Dudley Carleton, ambas- sador at the Hague. The States professed ignorance, and promised to make inquiry, and with that answer, after some fretfulness, the British minister was forced to content himself. In fact, the States General, en- grossed in preparations for the war with Spain, sim- ply delayed matters until the West India Company was organized, when all such questions were referred to it for-settlement. It thus became an issue between British Plymouth Company and Dutch West India Company, and the latter was the stronger of the two, both in men and argument. The ships of that company, even before the final ratification of the amended charter, were trading in all the Atlantic waters between Buzzard's Bay (within twenty miles of Plymouth) and the Delaware River, and a plan of colonization was already matured. A number of Walloons (Belgian Protestants of supposed Waelsche or Celtic origin), refugees in Holland from Spanish persecution, had applied to the British min- ister Carleton for leave to emigrate to Virginia. The terms offered them do not seem to have been satisfac- tory. The Holland Provincials heard of the negotia- tions, and suggested to the Amsterdam chamber of the West India Company that these would be good immigrants with whom to begin the permanent set- tlement of the New Netherlands. The suggestion was seized upon, and provision made to carry the Walloons over in the company's ship then about to sail, the " New Netherlands,'' Capt. Cornelis Jacob- sen Mey, he who had first sailed into South River, and who was going out now as first resident director or governor of the colonies. Some thirty families, chiefly Walloons, were accordingly taken on board, and in the beginning of March, 1623, the "New Neth- erlands" sailed from the Texel, Capt. Mey in com- mand, the next highest officer being Adriaen Joris, of Thienpoint. The course of the ship (and of nearly all vessels making the American voyage at that day) was southward from the British Channel to the Cana- ries, thence across the Atlantic with the trade-winds to Guiana and the Caribbees, then northwest between the Bermudas and Bahamas until the coast of Virginia came in sight. Mey's vessel reached the North River safely and in time to drive off a French vessel which sought to set up the arms of France on Manhattan Island. The Frenchman was foiled in the same way on the Zuydt River. Mey distributed his colonists as far as he could. The greater part of the Walloons were sent up to Albany, several families went to the Dutch factory on the Connecticut ; four couples, who had married during the voyage out, several sailors, and some other men were sent to the South River, now also called Prince Hendrick's River. Mey appears either to have accompanied them here or visited them soon after their arrival. He selected a site for their settlement, planting the Walloons on Verhulsten 58 HISTORY OP PHILADELPHIA. Island, near the present city of Trenton, N. J., and hastened the construction of a log fort or stockade for his sailors and soldiers at the mouth of the Tim- mer Kill, on the New Jersey bank of the Delaware, not far from where Gloucester now stands. This fort was called "Nassau." Its exact site is not deter- mined, nor can we decide the original Indian name of the spot, having such a variety to choose from. 1 This South River colony was soon given up. The men and women of the Walloons grew homesick and returned to New York, certainly within a year or so, the garrison also abandoning the fort to the Indians, who occasionally lodged there during several years, probably while waiting for trading vessels. Such a vessel was sent round to the South River at least once a year from Manhattan Island. Thus, it is supposed in 1625, the first settlement on the Delaware came to naught. 2 Fort Nassau, to conclude its history, seems to have been alternately occupied and aban- doned by the Dutch until 1650 or 1651, when it was destroyed by the Dutch themselves, as being too high up the river and too much out of the way. The post was then transferred to the new Fort Casimir. In 1633, De Vries found none but Indians there, but it seems to have been restored some time during the same year by Governor Van Twiller, who was ac- cused of incurring extravagant expense in connec- tion with its construction. Arent Corssen was then commissary ; he had a clerk, and the governor or- dered him to select the site for another structure of the same sort on the river. In 1635 an English party attempted but failed to capture this fort. They were thought to be Lord Baltimore's people, but were more likely New Englanders or Virginians.- The Swedes repeatedly denied that there was any fort of the Dutch on the Delaware in 1638; but the Dutch ac- counts of expenditure for the maintenance of Fort Nassau charged against that year in the West India Company's books disprove this. There was certainly enough of a garrison in the fort to report at once and protest against the Swedish settlement at Christiana in April, 1638. In 1642 the garrison comprised twenty men, and the fort was continually occupied from this time forth until the Dutch destroyed it. 1 Hermaomessing, Tachaacho, Arniewamix, Arwames, Tekoke, Ar- meuvereus, etc. The year in which the fort was built is also disputed, but the circumstances mentioned iu the text make it probable that its construction was undertaken very shortly after Capt. Mey's arrival out. 2 It is not possible to state satisfactorily in what year the settlement was given up nor why. The deposition of Peter Lawrenson before Gov- ernor Dongan, of New York, in March, 1GS5, says that he came into this colony in 1028, and in 1630 (actually 1631), by order of the West India Company, he, with some others, was sent in a sloop to the Delaware, where the company had a trading-house, witli ten or twelve servants belonging to it, which the deponent himself did see settled there. . . . " And the deponent further saith that upon an islaud near the falls of that river and near the west side thereof, the said company some three or four years before had a trading house, where there were three orfour fami- lies of Walloons. The place of their settlement he saw; and that they had been seated there he was informed by some of the said Walloons themselves when they were returned from thence. '' It is in thisindefl- nite way that the beginnings of all history are written. In 1624, Peter Minuet (the name is also spelled Minuit, Minnewit, or Minnewe) came out and suc- ceeded Mey as director of the New Netherlands colo- nies. He held this position until 1632, when he was recalled, and Van Twiller became governor in his stead. Minuet, as will be seen farther on, was a sagacious and enterprising man, but he had to pur- sue a conservative policy as director of the New Netherlands, for the welfare of the colony was neg- lected sadly by the West India Company. But few immigrants and colonists came out, the garrisons were not strengthened, nor was much effort made to ex- tend either the boundaries or the trade of the colony. Some negro slaves indeed were landed on Manhattan Island at least as early as 1628, but their labor was not esteemed. The chief business done was in trading with the Indians for peltries and furs. In fact the West India Company was so puffed up with the arro- gance that proceeds from great successes and sudden wealth, that the directors despised the small and plod- ding colonial ways and the slow and meagre profits derived from such sources. It had won brilliant vic- tories at sea. It had taken in two years one hundred and four Spanish prizes. It had paid dividends of fifty per cent. It had captured the Panama plate fleet. It frequently sent to sea single squadrons of seventy armed vessels. It had captured Bahia in 1624, and Pernambuco in 1630, and it aspired to the conquest of Brazil. These brilliant performances cast the puny interests of the New Netherlands traders into the shade, and the company did not care to be bothered with the discharge of duties which were nevertheless particularly assigned to it in the charter. So obvious was this departure from the original pur- poses of the company that so early even as 1624 we find that William Usselincx, the founder of the company, had abandoned it in disgust, and was seeking to per- suade King Gustavus Adolphus of Sweden to estab- lish a Swedish West India Company, such as would be operated more in accordance with his original plan. There were still some very shrewd heads among the members of the Amsterdam chamber, men who while quite willing to take all the gold and silver and pre- cious stones they could get, yet were fully acquainted with the more abiding virtues of land. Of these were John De Laet, the historian, Killiaan Van Rensselaer, the diamond-cutter, Michael Pauw, Peter Evertsen Hulft, Jonas Witsen, Hendrick Hamel, Samuel Go- dyn, and Samuel Blommaert, all rich, all well in- formed, all interested in the support and develop- ment of the colonies on the North and South Rivers, especially if these could be effected in a way further to enrich themselves. The secretary of Minuet and the colony, Isaac De Rasieres, a keen observer aud skillful diplomatist, was devoted to the interests of Go- dyn, Van Rensselaer, and Blommaert, and he proba- bly kept them apprised of all that was going on in the New Netherlands. While Minuet, with reduced SETTLEMENTS ON THE DELAWARE. 59 forces, was compelled through fear of Indians to con- centrate his people at Manhattan, abandoning all ex- posed places, the Amsterdam directors, after consulting with De Rasieres, whom Minuet had sent home, pro- cured a meeting of the Executive "College" of nine- teen, and secured from it a Charter of Freedoms and Exemptions, which the States General confirmed on June 7, 1629. This was a complete feudal constitution, adopted years before Lord Baltimore's charter. It created a landed aristocracy, and handed the State over pretty much to their control. The plan for the colonization of the territory was its subdivision into separate and independent settlements or estates, each to be under the control of a patroon, or feudal lord, who was to settle it at his own expense in ex- change for many peculiar privileges. The charter provided that any member of the West India Com- pany (to none others were these privileges open) who should within four years plant a colony of fifty adults in any part of New Netherland (except the island of Manhattan, which the company, having bought it from the Indians, reserved to itself) should be acknowledged as a ''patroon'' or feudal chief of the territory he might thus colonize. The land se- lected for each colony might extend sixteen miles in length if confined to one side of a navigable river, or eight miles on each side if both banks were occupied; but they might run as far into the country as the sit- uation of the occupiers should permit. More immi- grants entitled the patroon to proportionately more land. The colonists under the patroons were ex- empted from all taxes for ten years ; they acquired their estates in fee simple with power of disposing by will ; they were magistrates within their own bounds, and each patroon had the exclusive privilege of fish- ing, fowling, and grinding corn within his own do- main; they could also trade anywhere along the American coast, and to Holland by paying five per cent, duty to the company at its reservation of Man- hattan. The company reserved the fur trade to itself, and none of the colonists were to engage in any man- ufactures. Before the details of the Charter of Exemptions and Privileges were completed some of the Amsterdam directors, probably upon the advice of De Rasieres, united with one another, or, as we should now say in newspaper parlance, formed a " pool" for an enormous "land-grab." The first to act were Blommaert, De Rasieres' friend, and Godyn. They sent two persons in 1629 to the Zuydt River to examine and buy land, and these agents purchased from the Indians, on the south side of Delaware Bay, a tract thirty-two miles long and two miles deep from Cape Hinlopen to the mouth of a river, the patent being registered and con- firmed June 1, 1630. Sebastian Jansen Krol, Van Rensselaer's agent, bought from the Indians for him on the west side of the Hudson, near Albany, a tract sixteen miles front and extending back two days' journey into the wilderness. This patroon made other purchases a few days later, and became propri- etor of nearly all of what are the present counties of Albany and Rensselaer. Michael Pauw secured in the same way the patroonship of Pavonia and Staten Island, Paulus Hook and Jersey City. The land- grabbers now began to quarrel among themselves, and to avoid scandal and exposure Van Rensselaer di- vided his tract into five shares, two of which he retained with the title of patroon ; one fell to John De Laet, one to Samuel Godyn, and one to Samuel Blommaert. In the same way Godyn and Blommaert shared with their partners the tract on South River. In the mean time Godyn and Blommaert had to improve their tract. Opportunely for them there arrived at this time at Amsterdam, fresh from a three years' cruise to the East Indies, one David Pietersen de Vries, of Hoorn, a skipper who in 1624 had attempted unsuccessfully to invade the West India Company's monopoly. De Vries, a rough but kindly man, keen, observant, and well versed in affairs as well as seamanship, was well known to Godyn. As soon as his arrival was known the latter approached him and asked if he would like to go to New Nether- land as commander and " under-patroon." But De Vries would not go in any capacity except upon an equality with the rest. He was accordingly taken into the partnership with Godyn and Blommaert, Van Rensselaer and De Laet, to whom were soon added four other directors of the West India Com- pany, Van Ceulen, Hamel, Van Haringhoeck, and Van Sittorigh. De Vries became a patroon Oct. 16, 1630, and at once set to work to promote the designs of his asso- ciates. The ship " Walrus," or " Whale," of eighteen guns, and a yacht were immediately equipped. They carried out emigrants, cattle, food, and whaling im- plements, De Vries having heard that whales abounded in the Bay of South River (Godyn's Bay, or New Port May Bay, as it now also began to be called), and ex- pecting to establish profitable fisheries there. The expedition sailed from the Texel in December under the command of Pieter Heyes, or Heyser. De Vries did not go out at this time, and the voyage was not profitable. De Vries accuses Heyes of incapacity and cowardice, saying he would not sail through the West Indies in an eighteen-gun ship. Still, Heyes did a large business for his employers. He reached South River in the spring of 1631, and established his colony on the Horekill, " a fine navigable stream, filled with islands, abounding in good oysters," and surrounded by fertile soil. The place was near the present site of Lewes, Del. Here a palisaded brick house was erected, and the colony of more than thirty souls was called Swaannendael, the Valley of Swans. The Dutch title was inscribed upon a pillar, on a plate of tin, surmounted by the arms of Holland. The fort, named "Oplandt," was given in the com- mand of Gilliss Hossett, Van Rensselaer's agent in buying lands around Albany. Heyes, after he had 60 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. settled matters at Swaannendael, crossed to the Jer- sey shore and bought from ten chiefs there, on behalf of Godyn, Blommaert, and their associates, a tract of land extending from Cape May twelve miles north- ward along the bay and twelve miles inland. This purchase was registered at Manhattan June 3, 1631. The whale fishery having come to naught, in Sep- tember Heyes sailed for home to report to his em- ployers. De Vries now determined to go out to the South River himself, and preparations were made for him to take charge of another ship and yacht. Just as he was about to sail from the Texel, May 24, 1632, Gov- ernor Minuet arrived from New Amsterdam with intelligence of the massacre of the colony at Swaan- nendael. This was cold news for De Vries and his associates. The patroon sailed, however, and after a long and checkered voyage arrived off Swaannendael early in December. The site of the little settlement told a fearful tale ; the house itself nearly ruined, the stockade burnt, and the adjacent land strewed with the skulls and bones of the colonists, the remains of cattle, etc. The valley was silent and desolate. De Vries returned on board his yacht and fired a gun to attract attention of the savages. After some mutual mis- trust, communica- tion was opened with them, and De Vries was told a cock-and-bull story of a chief having ignorantly removed the coat of arms from the pillar and been murdered by the Indians for doing it, whereupon his tribe, in revenge, massacred the colo- nists. De Vries knew too much about the Dutch cruelty and harshness to the Indians to believe any such story. He had before him all the evidences of the white man's cruelty and the savage's wild revenge. The fatal deed was irreparable, and De Vries, keep- ing his own counsel, did what he could to restore con- fidence and peace by making presents to the Indians of" duffles, bullets, hatchets, and Nuremberg toys," so as to get them to hunt beaver for him, instead of lying in ambush to murder more colonists. The result was a treaty of peace, the first ever made in Delaware waters. On Jan. 1, 1633, the navigation being open, De Vries proceeded up the bay and river in his yacht. At Fort Nassau he heard of the murder of the crew of an English sloop, and met some Indians wearing the Englishmen's jackets. These Indians also made a DAVID PIKTF.RSEN DE YRIKK. show of offering peace, but De Vries dealt with them very cautiously, as they greatly outnumbered his men. On January 10th, De Vries cast anchor at the bar of Jacques Eylandt, precisely opposite the present city of Philadelphia, over against Willow Street, being in fact now part of the fast land of New Jersey. 1 Thence he went down river again, an- choring half a mile above Minquas Kill, on the look- out for whales. He was finally twice frozen up, and in some danger from Indians, numerous war parties of whom he saw, there being some intestine feud among the adjacent tribes. Eeleased from the ice, he reached Swaannendael on February 20th, and on March 6th sailed for Virginia, returning to South River only to break up the colony at Swaannendael and go home. Once more the Delaware River and Bay were abandoned to the Indians, and once more the attempt at settlement by white men had failed. There were no further efforts made to settle on South River until the Swedes came in 1638, but, as has been stated, there must have been a more or less intermit- tent occupancy at Fort Nassau, and possibly there may have been a permanent garrison from the begin- ning of Van Twiller's director-generalship. 2 1 The bar of Jacques Eylandt embraces the spot where the city of Camden is now built. 2 The 21st of June, 1G34, is the alleged date of the probably spurious Sir Edward Plowden or Ployden's charter for impossible territory some- where between the Potomac and Newark Bay. Rev. Edward D. Neill, president of Macalester College, Minn., who has given considerable attention to Maryland history, though from a rather sectarian stand-point, contributed two papers on Plowden to the fifth vol- ume of the Pennsylvania Magazine, conducted by the Historical Society of that State. He assumes Plowden's existence, and that he was the lineal descendant of Edmund Plowden, the commentator on English law, who earned Coke's encomiums and who died in 1584. Plowden, according to Neill, did obtain a grant in 1632, through King Charles I.'s request to the viceroy of Ireland for a certain "Isle Plowden'' and forty leagues of the mainland, called " New Albion." The island lay between 39° and 40° latitude. Capt. Young, commissioned by the king in September, 1633, sent out an exploring expedition in 1634, which ascended the Del- aware as far as the Falls. If this expedition ever sailed, it must have been the one mentioned by De Vries as having been massacred by the Indians. There is no proof that Plowden sent out this party or had aught to do with it. Evelyn, who commanded it, was in the service of Clay- borne's London partners. Plowden, says Mr. Neill, was living at his seat at Wanstead in Hampshire in 1635, unhappy, heating his wife, quarrel- ing with his neighbors, and changing his religion. His wife and his clergyman's wife both had him arrested for assault and battery, and his wife procured a divorce from him. In 1641, Evelyn wrote a pamphlet descriptive of New Albion, dedicated to Plowden's wife. The next year Plowden was on the Chesapeake. This was ten years after he is said to have procured this rich grant. No one can explain why he did not look after such an estate sooner. Plowden lived most of his time in Virginia, but was in Maryland ou Delaware Bay, at New York, and in New Eng- land. He was abroad just seven years, say his chroniclers, and then went home to return no more to ll Now Albion." It is conjectured that his seven years' residence was on account of being transported, and that his New Albion claim was trumped up after the time of his sentence was served out. Plowden is reputed to have died in 1665. Mr. Neill further says that in 1635-40, Plowden was a prisoner in the Fleet Prison, London, for refusing to pay his wife's alimony. Mr. Neill must see that the dates of Plowden's adventures are irreconcilable with his adven- tures. SWEDISH SETTLEMENTS ON THE DELAWARE. 61 CHAPTER V. THE SWEDISH SETTLEMENTS ON THE DELAWARE. Fort Nassau, on the Delaware, whether occupied permanently or not as a Dutch trading-post in 1633, must have had runners near by to bring news from it to Manhattan. John Romeyn Brodhead, the accurate historian of New York State, thinks it was not garri- soned then, nor in 1635, when the English party oc- cupied it. This party of thirteen men, under George Holmes, was sent, he says, from Virginia by Governor Harvey, in consequence of the talk of the latter with De Vries in 1632. Other writers have thought they came from Maryland or Connecticut. They seized the fort, but Hall, Holmes' servant, deserted and went to Manhattan, carrying the news of the occupancy of Fort Nassau by the English. An armed force was at once sent in a sloop to dislodge them. Holmes and his men were made prisoners and sent back to Vir- ginia, just as another party was starting to reinforce them. De Vries, on his return to Amsterdam from the deserted post of Swaannendael, found the partners quarreling among themselves and with the other direc- tors. Not willing to mix in these disputes, he with- drew from the patroon partnership, and after the death of Godyn, in 1634, the West India Company settled the disputes by buying Swaannendael from Godyn's heirs and associates for fifteen thousand six hundred guilders, thus becoming again the legal proprietary of all the territory on both sides of the Delaware. A deed, recorded at Manhattan in 1648 and attested by Augustine Hermans, Govert Loockerman, and others, is adduced to show that the land on the Schuylkill called Armenverius, where this year (1648) Hudde had begun to build a fort called " Beversrede," was acquired by purchase from sundry Indian chiefs, by the company's agent on the South River, Arendt Corssen, in 1633. Nor is this improbable. Of this purchase Augustine Hermans was a witness,, as he was at- this time clerk to Corssen. The Dutch not only knew of the pretensions and promised coming of the Swedes, but they knew also that Lord Balti- more was about to sail from England, and that his charter called for a frontier line touching the Dela- ware westward of the mouth of the Schuylkill. They would naturally seek to secure Indian titles in ad- vance for every acre of territory likely to be brought in dispute. It is impossible to state the causes of the alienation of William Usselincx from the Dutch West India Company. He had labored strenuously for over thirty years 1 to secure that company's charter, yet 1 His first attempts were made in 1590. Usselincx probably left the Dutch West India Company because he had not money enough to se- cure an influential share in its stock by paying up his subscription. He appears to have been a bankrupt about that time. In the charter given to the Swedish Company be was recognized aB director, and his services in that capacity and as organizer and founder of the company were to be compensated by a fee or royalty of one-tenth of one per cent. he deserted it less than a year after the company was fully organized. He went to Stockholm, visited the valiant king, Gustavus Adolphus, of Sweden, and full, probably, of enthusiasm as well as special knowl- edge of his subject, pleaded so eloquently the advan- tages of colonization in general and the particular beauties and attractions of the territory along the South River which he proposed should be planted, that on Dec. 21, 1624, the king granted him a com- mission to form a Swedish West India Company somewhat upon the plan of that of the Netherlands, of which Usselincx was the founder and originator. Usselincx's plan was one which would naturally awaken the sympathy and excite the imagination of an ambitious monarch. He proposed to organize a trading company, to extend its operations into Asia, Africa, America, and Terra Magellanica. This com- pany would plant Christianity among the heathen, extend his Majesty's dominions, enrich the treasury, reduce the burden of domestic taxation, and put lu- crative trade at the command of Sweden's hardy sea- men and enterprising merchants. The prosecution of the scheme would finally "tend greatly to the honor of God, to man's eternal welfare, to his Majes- ty's service, and the good of the kingdom." The plans of Gustavus were both deep and patri- otic. "The year 1624," says the historian Geijer, "was one of the few years that the king was able to devote to the internal development of the realm." He looked at the subject of colonization in America, says Rev. Dr. W. M. Reynolds in the introduction to his translation of Acrelius, " with the eye of a states- man who understood the wants not only of his own country but of the world, and was able with pro- phetic glance to penetrate into the distant ages of the future." He proposed there to found a free state, where the laborer should reap the fruit of his toil, where the rights of conscience should be inviolate, and which should be open to the whole Protestant world then engaged in a struggle for existence with all the papal powers of Europe. All should be se- cure in their persons, their property, and their rights of conscience. It should be an asylum for the perse- cuted of all nations, a place of security for the honor of the wives and daughters of those who were flying from bloody battle-fields and from homes made deso- late by the fire and sword of the persecutor. No slaves should burden the soil ; " for," said Gustavus, —and we realize the profound truth of his political upon all the exports and imports of the company. Usselincx seems U» have been a sort of " projector" or " prospector, 1 ' planning comprehen ■ sive commercial schemes which he had not the capital nor the credit to set afloat himself. He was a man, however, evidently of great experi ence, wide views, and the ability to express himself cogently and elo- I quently. He is supposed to be the author of the greater part of the doc- uments in the Argtmaulica Gustaviana, printed under the auspices of the Swedish government at Frankfort-on-the-Main in 1033, which did so much to promote the objects of the Swedish Company. He also wrote many pamphlets and circulars addressed to the leading towns of Sweden the Ilanseatic cities, France, the States General, etc., "all of them," says Prof. C. T. Odhner, "abounding in clear thoughts and brilliant fancies.' 62 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. economy after an experience of two centuries, at the end of which slavery expired amid the death-throes of our civil war — '' slaves cost a great deal, lahor with reluctance, and soon perish from hard usage. But the Swedish nation is industrious and intelligent, and herehy we shall gain more by a free people with wives and children." 1 The plan and contract were translated into the Swedish language by Schrader, the royal interpreter, and published to the nation, with an address and sup- ported by the king's recommendation. People of all ranks were invited by royal edict to subscribe, and Gustavus pledge'd the royal treasury for its support to the amount of four hundred thousand dollars. The edict was ratified in 1627 in a general meeting of the States, and the people welcomed the new enterprise with enthusiasm. It was proposed to execute the plan at once, and every one subscribed from the queen-mother and Prince Casimir down through all ranks of nobility, clergy, military, burghers, and peasantry. Ships and all necessaries are said to have been provided and the work was ripe for execution, when a revival of the Polish and German wars called the king away to the field. Campanius and others would have us believe that the fleet sailed and was captured by the Spaniards. It is more likely, how- ever, that the exigencies of war called for the post- ponement of the comprehensive scheme. Gustavus needed all his meagre resources to aid him in the field. In 1632 the brave king fell gloriously on the battle- field of Lutzen, and his little daughter, Christina, was bequeathed to the astute guardianship of Chan- cellor Oxenstierna. One of the last acts of Gustavus had been to urge his people not to forget nor neglect the colonization scheme, and Oxenstierna took an early opportunity to have the patent renewed, with Usselincx still director, and to publish the merits of the proposed new venture throughout Europe. In the mean time, in part probably through the inter- mediary of Usselincx, the services of Peter Minuet, latel}' recalled from the director-generalship of New Netherland, were secured to superintend and direct the new plantation. The delays in preparation, how- ever, prevented the expedition from sailing until late in the year 1637. Minuet was a native of Wessel, in Cleves, the nearest borderland of Holland on the side of Germany. It is supposed that he left the city of his forefathers when it fell into Spanish hands on occasion of the Jiilich-Cleves war of succession. He entered the service of the Dutch West India Com- pany, and, as has been seen, became director or gov- ernor over the colony of New Netherland, residing at New Amsterdam from 1626 to 1632, and proving himself an efficient officer. The intrigues consequent upon the quarrels of the patroons caused his dismissal in 1632. In 1635, Axel Oxenstierna was on a visit to 1 Arguuautica Gugtaviana. Holland to secure more support for Sweden in the prosecution of the Thirty Years' war. He was at the Hague and Amsterdam in May of that year, and in the latter city met Samuel Blommaert, the Dutch patroon, who, in conjunction with Godyn, had located tracts of land at Cape May and from Cape Henlopen up the Delaware Bay on the west side. Blommaert was also a friend and patron of Usselincx. He im- mediately opened a correspondence with the Swedish Prime Minister on the subject of the Swedish West India Company and the colonization of the South River country. 2 Blommaert's first letters were di- rected to the plan of an expedition to the coast of Guinea or Brazil, a favorite idea of Usselincx's, who wanted to spoil the Spaniards and Portuguese and get gold. Oxenstierna's thoughts, however, had a more pacific turn. In the spring of 1636 the chan- cellor was visited in Wismar by his friend Peter Spiring, a Dutchman, who had just come from look- ing after the regulation of the Prussian excise system, and was now on his way back to Holland. He had been and was at that time more or less in Oxenstierna's employment, and he was now commissioned to try to raise money in Holland for Sweden, and also "to ob- serve whether it might not be possible in this con- junction to obtain some service in affairs of commerce or manufacture." Spiring, on reaching Amsterdam, had several conversations with Blommaert, and was by him put in communication with Peter Minuet. When Spiring returned to Sweden he brought with him for Oxenstierna a memorial written by Minuet, specifying the preparations requisite to planting a Swedish colony (to be called Nova Suedia) in some foreign part of the world. The estimate called for a vessel of sixty to one hun- dred laster (one hundred and twenty to two hundred tons), a cargo of ten thousand or twelve thousand gulden in goods, a company of twenty to twenty-five men, provisions for a year, a dozen soldiers to serve as a garrison for the post, and a small vessel to remain at the settlement. At this time the idea in view was a factory apparently on the Gold Coast. Spiring was sent back to Holland in the fall of 1636 in the capacity of Swedish resident and "counselor of the finances'' [finansrad) with a title of nobility thrown in, so that he now signed himself Pieter Spieringk Sttvercroen op Norsholm. 3 When Spiring arrived in Holland in Oc- 2 The discovery of this correspondence, lately made by Prof. Odhner, in the Royal Archives of Sweden, has thrown an entirely new light upon the history of the Swedish expeditions to the Delaware prior to that of Printz, and enables us to correct the errors into which previous writers have fallen from following too closely the accounts of Campanius and Acrelius. The latter is very accurate so far as his knowledge goes, but he did not search the records of Sweden as closely as he did those of the SwediBh Churches in America. Blommaert's letters to the Swedish chan- cellor are written in Dutch. 3 This was in Dutch; the SwediBh was Sil/ercron till Noreholm. All these interesting details are from the translation of Prof. Odhner's paper, ''The Founding of New Sweden" (Kolonien Ni/a Sv/iriges GrundltLggning, 1037-1642. Op C. T. Odhner, nisi. Bibliotek. Nyfoljd I. ««. 197-235. Stock, holm, 1876), published in vol. iii. of the Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography. SWEDISH SETTLEMENTS ON THE DELAWARE. 03 tober he handed to Bloramaert his appointment as Swedish commissary at Amsterdam, with a salary of one thousand riksdaler. There were immediate con- sultations between Spiring, Blommaert, and Minuet; the idea of a Guinea factory was abandoned, and prepa- rations made, secretly and privately, so as not to alarm the Dutch West India Company, for planting a colony in North America on soil not occupied by either Dutch or English. The cost of this expedition was estimated at twenty-four thousand Dutch florins (worth about forty cents) ; Minuet was to be commander, and Blom- maert commissioner for it at Amsterdam. The money was contributed, half by Minuet, Blommaert, and their friends in Amsterdam, half subscribed in Sweden by Spiring, the three Oxenstiernas, Clas Fleming, prac- tical chief of the Swedish Admiralty and secretary of the Swedish Company. 1 Minuet went to Sweden in February, 1637, and began his preparations, Blom- maert secured crews and cargo, and all were sent to Gottenburg, the expedition intending to start in the spring. Delay came.from a prolonged illness of Minuet and other causes. However, the passports for the ves- sels were issued by the Swedish Admiralty on Aug. 9, 1637, when the two ships, the "Kalmar Nyckel" and the " Gripen," left Stockholm. They did not, however, sail from Gottenburg until late in the fall, and then encountered such severe weather that they were forced to put into the Dutch harbor of Medem- blik in December to refit and take in provisions, finally sailing for their destination just about the close of the year. They sailed as the ships of the Swedish West India Company, and as if dispatched to enjoy the benefit of its privileges. 2 The charter of the Swedish West India Company gave to the associated subscribers the exclusive right for twelve years to trade beyond the Straits of Gibral- tar southward in Africa, and in America and Austra- lia, reaching the coast of America at the same latitude as said straits, viz., 36°, also with all lands and islands between Africa and America in the same latitude, the vessels and goods of others than the same company who infringe those rights to be confiscated. Accounts 1 Spiring gave four thousand five hundred florins, Axel find Gabriel Gust.'ifian Oxenstierna three thousand each, and the rest smaller sums. 2 The passes granted were to Capt. Anders Nilsson Krober, of the " Kalmar Nyckcl" (in Butch De Kalmers leutel), and " Vogel Grip" (Dulch, Dr. Fogelgryp), commanded by Lieut. Jacob Borben. The " Key of Kalmar 1 ' (named after a city of Sweden, on the Baltic coast of Goth- land, off the island of Oland, and famous aB being the place where the uoyou of Denmark, Sweden, and Norway was consummated in 1397, under the imperious Queen Blargaretof Denmark, called the "Semir- amis of the North") was a regubir man-of-war of quite good capacity. The "Griffin" (or " Bird Griffin") was a sloop or yacht for shallow water. The cost of the expedition, through delays, ran up above thirty-Bix thou- sand florins, causing the Dutch subscribers to grumble. The only person, so far as known, who came t.j New Sweden on the "Gripen" and remained with the colony was ein morian oder angoler, "a Moor or Angola man," a negro named Anthony, a bought slave (the first on the Delaware), who served Governor Printz at Tinnecum in 1644 (" making hay for the cattle and accompanying the Governor in his pleasure- yacht"), and was still living in 1G48. (Note of G. B. Keen in his transla- tion of Odliner.) were to be settled every year, and every person inter- ested to the amount of one thousand thalers could be present. Final settlements every six years, when the company might be dissolved if its profit or influence be not obvious. Directors or regents to be elected , one for each one hundred thousand thalers of stock, these directors to be all equal in authority, and to be paid one thousand thalers each per annum. The company was put under the royal protection, and given the same extensive trade and foreign privileges as those enumerated in connection with the Dutch Company, but was forbidden aggressive acts against either sav- age or civilized people. Its object was not war, but peaceful trade and settlement. The founder and di- rector of the company, William Usselincx, was to be paid the tenth of one per cent, royalty on all the traffic of the company in recognition of his services. There is nothing satisfactory known concerning Minuet's voyage across the Atlantic. Since Professor Odhner wrote, however, a further search among the Swedish archives has been made, and a contract signed by Governor Printz has been discovered, in which it is mentioned that Minuet bought land on the Delaware from an Indian chief on March 29, 1638, so that he must have arrived inside the Capes of the Delaware at least three or four days before that date. This corroborates some of the inferences of Odhner, and enables us to correct other less accu- rate accounts of this expedition. For example, it has generally been supposed that Minuet arrived later than this date, from a letter written from Jamestown, Va., May 8, 1638, by Jerome Hawley, treasurer of the Virginia colony, to Secretary Winde- banke, of the London Company. Hawley says, " Since which time have arrived a Dutch ship, with commission from the Queen of Sweden, and signed by eight of the chief Lords of Sweden. . . . The ship remained here about ten days, to refresh with wood and water, during which time the master of said ship made known that both himself and another ship of his company were bound for Delaware Bay." The vessel asked the privilege of laying in a cargo of tobacco for Sweden free of duty, but this was re- fused. Professor Odhner shows, however, that this vessel could not have been the "Key of Kalmar," with Minuet on board, but the yacht " Griffin," which, after his arrival in the Delaware, the com- mander sent to Jamestown with the idea of bartering her cargo in Virginia. Minuet appears not to have confided to the Holland directors his exact destina- tion. Blommaert in his letters speaking continually of the " voyagen till Florida." In the same way it is suspected that Minuet concealed the Dutch protests made after his arrival, and declared that he found the country totally unoccupied by Christians after an exploration some distance inland. It was necessary to deceive Blommaert, for it was less than two years since he and Godyn had sold this very country which the Swedes were occupying back to the Dutch West 64 HISTORY OP PHILADELPHIA. India Company for a good round sum of money. Minuet's vessels first sighted the coast at Cape Hen- lopen, and from thence they steered into the Dela- ware Bay, landing first at Mispillion, the landscape of which so charmed them in its April bloom that they called it " Paradise Point." They then passed up the Delaware to Minquas Creek (the Christina, or Christiana, as now called), and finally anchored at " the Rocks," a natural landing-place at the foot of what is now Sixth Street, Wilmington, Del. Here the freight and passengers were landed, and Minuet set all hands to work at once to erect shelter on shore and build a fort. The latter was named Fort Christina, after the queen of Sweden, daughter of Gustavus, still in her minority, and the settlement, the first permanent settlement on the Delaware, was called Christinaham, or Christina Harbor. Minuet called the colony New Sweden, and the river Elbe, but the settlers called it Kristinas Kill, and the local name is still Oristeen. The fort, of which a plan is extant, PLAN OF THE TOWN AND FORT OF CHRISTINA, HESIHGED BY THE DUTCH IN 1055. [From Canipanius 1 New Sweden.] A, Fort Christina. B, Christina Creek. C, Town of Christina Hainn. I), Tennekong Land. E, Fish Kill. F, Slaugenborg. G, Myggenhorg. H, Rottnborg. I, Flingenborg. K, Timber Island. L, Kitchen. M, Position of the besiegers. N, Harbor. 0, Mine. P, Swamp. drawn by the Swedish engineer Lindstrom in 1655, was built close to the point of rocks, its southern rampart bordering on the creek. Two log houses were built inside the inclosure for the garrison arid settlers. A cove under the eastern wall of the fort was called the basin, or harbor, and it afforded a safe dock for such vessels as came there. The land for the fort and Christinaham was bought from five near- by Indian sachems, one of whom bore the name of Mattahorn or Mattahoon, the price paid being a cop- per kettle and some small articles. The sachem whose name is given later said that they only bought of him so much land as lay " within six trees," the trees being blazed as surveyor's marks, probably, and promised to pay him half the tobacco grown upon it, a promise never kept. A deed was drawn up in Low Dutch, and signed by both parties. The Dutch his- torians say that this deed was the only conveyance under which the Swedes claimed the whole south side of the Delaware Bay and River from Cape Hen- lopen to Trenton (Sankitan), but the better opinion is that this large territory was a later and independ- ent purchase. 1 A part of this territory, including Swaannendael, had belonged to the original territory bought of the Indians by Godyn, Blommaert & Co., and by them sold to the Dutch West India Company. Minuet and his colonists at Minquas Creek were only a few miles below Fort Nassau, and the Dutch were in- stantly apprised of their arrival. William Kieft, the successor of Van Twiller, and the new director- general at Manhattan, had arrived out March 28th, or near the same time as Minuet. Among his staff were Andreas Hudde, first commissary, Jan Jansen Van Ilpendam, and Peter Mey, all of whom became conspicuous in the affairs of the Dutch and Swedes on the Delaware. Ilpendam was made commissary of Fort Nassau, now in a decayed state, in spite of Van Twiller's expenditures for its restoration, and Mey was his assistant. On April 28th Kieft wrote to the directors of the company in Amsterdam that Mey had reported Minuet's presence on the Delaware, and that he sent Jan Jansen to him to protest against anything being done by the intruders to the com- pany's disadvantage. Minuet at first temporized, and finally avowed his purpose to build a fort, saying that his queen had as much right there as the com- pany. Early in May Kieft sent a formal protest to Minuet over his own signature as director-general of New Netherland, notifying him of the fact (of which none could be more entirely aware than the man calling himself " commissioner in the service of her royal majesty of Sweden") "that the whole South River in New Netherland has been many years in our possession, and has been secured by us with forts above and below, and sealed with our blood." He further informs Minuet that if he proceeded with the building of forts, cultivating land, and trading in furs and other things, to the prejudice and damage of the company, he must be answerable for the conse- quences to himself and his employers, as the Dutch meant to defend their rights. Those rights, as against the pretensions of Minuet and the Swedes, were undoubted in every view of tile law and custom of new settlements. Minuet made no reply to Kieft but continued to build his fort, and by means of a shrewd liberality to the Indians in- duced them to bring to him instead of to Fort Nassau all the furs and peltries they were taking on the 1 Compare Brodhead, Hazard's Annals of Pennsylvania, Vincent's History of Delaware, Ferris' Original Settlements, etc., and Clay's Annals of the Swedes. Brodhead is always full and accurate, but he never forgets that he is a New Yorker. SWEDISH SETTLEMENTS ON THE DELAWARE. 05 South River. Kieft in another dispatch dated July 31, 1638, reports that " Minuet has built a fort near the Delaware, five miles below our fort, and draws all the skins towards him by his liberal gifts ; he has departed with the two vessels he had with him,' leav- ing twenty- four men in the fort provided with all sorts of merchandise and provisions, and has put down posts, on which are the letters C. R. S., 1 Chris- tina Regina Suesciae. Jan Jansen has, according to my orders, protested against this, in which he gave an answer, a copy of which goes herewith. We afterwards sent him a formal clause of protest, which was read to him, but he did not feel inclined to an- swer it, and his proceeding is a great disadvantage to the company." Kieft's statement in regard to the departure of Minuet at this time has been contra- dicted by all the older writers on the subject, in- cluding the usually very accurate Acrelius, who even goes so far as to state that Minuet died and was buried at Christina, after serving faithfully at his post until 1641. Minuet's biographer, Kapp, does not controvert this. It remained for Professor Odhner to give the facts, confirming the statement of Kieft, and explaining why we hear no more of Minuet. Having made all the necessary arrange- ments for the safety of his colony, provisioned the fort and supplied it with articles for trading with the Indians, Minuet prepared to return home. He left the fort under the command of Lieut. Mans (Moens) Kling, the only Swede expressly named as taking part in the first expedition (though Acrelius men- tions the Swedish priest, Reorus Torkillus, who, it is likely, came with a later expedition), and Hendrick Huyghen, who is said to have been Minuet's kins- man, his cousin or brother-in-law. Kling had charge of the military, and Huyghen of the civil government of the post. Minuet appears to have sailed for home in July, 1638, as Kieft's letter of the 28th of that month speaks of him as having already departed. He sent the yacht " Griffin" on in advance to the West Indies to barter the cargo brought out from Gottenburg, sail- ing in the same direction himself with the " Key of Kalmar." Blommaert condemns him for this in his letter to the Swedish chancellor, as he might have come home at once in his vessel, transferring the res- idue of his cargo to the yacht. At the island of St. Christopher he traded his goods for a cargo of to- bacco. He was ready to sail for home when he and his captain were invited aboard a Dutch ship in the harbor called " Het vliegende hert" (the •' Flying Deer"). While aboard this vessel a cyclone came up, driving all the ships in the harbor out to sea. Many were dismasted or otherwise injured by the hurricane. The "Flying Deer" and Minuet were never heard of again, and the vessel is supposed to have foundered. The " Kalmar Nyckel" escaped the storm, returned to port, and cruised around for some time in hopes to 1 ChriBtilla, Queen of Sweden. get news of Minuet. Failing in this she at last sailed away and pursued her voyage to Sweden. In the North Sea she encountered another storm in No- vember, which drove her into a Dutch port to refit. The " Griffin," after a cruise in the vicinity of Ha- vana, returned to New Sweden, took on a cargo of furs which had been gathered from the Indians for her, and then departed for Sweden, arriving in Got- tenburg at the close of May, 1639, having made the voyage from Christina in five weeks. It is likely that Kieft would have expelled the company left by Minuet from the South River without ceremony and at once had they not borne the commission of tin- daughter of Gustavus Adolphus, the champion of Protestantism in Europe. T ne Dutch West India Company knew how distasteful it would be to the whole Dutch people should they venture to embroil themselves with a great, powerful, warlike nation, with which they had made common cause in so many stirring events. The evidence of this feeling was manifest soon after the reception of Kieft's first dis- patches in Holland. A Swedish vessel was seized at Medemblik by order of the West India Company's chamber at Eckhuysen, upon the charge of illegal trading with America, but as soon as the Swedish minister at the Hague made his protest the ship was released and permitted to complete her voyage. As to Kieft's willingness to act, he proved that shortly after, when he promptly expelled the English in- truders from the Delaware, and by his energetic pro- cedures at Cow Bay, L. I., against the Massachusetts people. The first year of the Cristinaham colony was prosper- ous. They shipped thirty thousand skins to Sweden, and injured the Dutch trade so much that the West India Company adopted police regulations for the navigation of South River, and talked of abandoning the fur trade altogether. The next year, however, the people of the colony were depressed by climatic dis- eases, and Reorus Torkillus, the colony's first clergy- man, had his hands full of work, as probably also had Jan Petersen, of Alfendolft, barber and surgeon at Fort Nassau. 2 Torkillus had come over, in the "Kalmar Nyckel," with Peter Hollandaer, who was sent to act as Minuet's successor, in the second Swed- ish expedition. This expedition Acrelius seems to have known nothing about. We are again indebted to the researches of Professor Odhner for the particu- lars of this voyage. Minuet's loss was a severe blow, and the Dutch partners seemed disposed to abandon the enterprise, or anyhow throw the weight of it on Sweden. They were in trouble also with the Dutch West India directors, who repented their share in promoting the Swedish plantation on the South River. These desagrements finally led the Swedish govern- ment to buy out the Holland partners, who were 2 In this year there is unmistakable evidence of negro slavery among the Dutch on South River, a convict from Manhattan being sentenced to serve with the blacks on that river. 66 HISTOEY OF PHILADELPHIA. found to be "a hindrance," and an appropriation for that purpose was made on Feb. 20, 1641, the sum paid in settlement of all claims being eighteen thousand guilders. The new Swedish Company was given a monopoly of the Baltic tobacco trade. In the mean time, however, Clas Fleming, president of the Swed- ish College of Commerce, and his secretary, Jan Beyer, were resolved not to neglect New Sweden. A Dutch captain, Cornelis Van Vliet, was commissioned to take out another party in the " Kalmar Nyckel," and colonists were secured. Spiring and Blommaert once more advanced money, the ship was sent from Holland to Gottenburg in June, 1639, and a body of emigrants, with cattle, farming tools, etc., put on board. Lieut. Peter Hollandaer, a Dutchman, like Minuet, was assigned to command in Fort Christina, and the vessel sailed in early autumn. She leaked badly, however, proved unmanageable, and put into Medemblik, where Spiring removed Van Vliet from command, substituting Pouwel Jansen. These delays detained the expedition so long that it was not until February 7th that the "Kalmar Nyckel" finally sailed from the Texel. The date of his arrival was April 17, 1640. Hollandaer was in command at Chris- tina and many of his garrison were down with fever before November, when the third expedition came out. A letter of Governor Kieft's to the directors, under date of May 1st, states they were resolved to break up and come to Manhattan, but the day before their intended departure a vessel arrived to succor and strengthen them. 1 This and a subsequent letter of Kieft's shows that relations of courtesy were main- tained between the Dutch and Swedes, the former probably hoping and expecting to absorb the latter's settlement. The third expedition arrived in Novem- ber, in the ship " Fredenburg," Capt. Powelson, sent out from Holland under a Swedish commission of " Octroi and Privilegium," and bringing emigrants, cattle, etc., to " New Sweden." The charterers were Gothart de Rehden, De Horst, Fenland, and others, and they had a grant from the Swedish Company in return for these shipments. The grant was after- wards transferred to Henry Hockhammer & Co., who were to send out two or three vessels and found a new colony in New Sweden. They were to take up land on the north side of South River, at least four or five German miles below Fort Christina, and bring it in actual cultivation within ten years, and the land thus selected was to become allodial and hereditary property to them and their heirs and descendants. They were to prefer the Augsburg Confession of Faith in religion, but might profess the " pretended reformed religion," and the patroons of the colony were at all times bound to support " as many ministers and schoolmasters as the number of the inhabitants shall seem to require," choosing by preference for these 1 Profeflsor Odhner, however, denies that there is any evidence of such distress as is alleged. offices men willing and capable of converting the savages. They were allowed to engage in every sort of industry, trade, and commerce with friendly powers, and were exempt from taxation for ten years. Jost van Bogardt, who came over in the " Fredenburg," appears to have been governor or executive of this colony, which some writers think was established on Elk River, in Maryland. This, however, is not probable. The grant under which the Hockhammer Company established their colony, and which bears the same date as the commissions of Capt. Powelson, expressly stipulated that they were to " limit their possessions to four or five German miles from Fort Christina." In the commission issued by the Swed- ish government to Capt. Printz as Governor of New Sweden, it is ordered that " those Hollanders who have emigrated to New Sweden and settled there under the protection of her Royal Majesty and the Swedish Crown, over whom Jost von dem Boyandh 2 has command, the Governor shall treat according to the contents of the charter and privileges conferred by her Royal Majesty, of the principles whereof the Governor has been advised ; but in other respects he shall show them all good will and kindness, yet so that he shall hold them also to the same, that they also upon their side comply with the requisitions of their charter, which they have received. And, inas- much as notice has already been given them that they have settled too near to Fort Christina, and as houses are said to be built at the distance of almost three miles from that place, they should leave that place and betake them- selves to a somewhat greater distance from that fort." This entirely excludes the idea of a settlement on Elk River, and encourages the supposition that the neigh- borhood of the present city of New Castle, where Stuyvesant afterwards established Fort Casimir, was the place of this Dutch colony. It is certain that New Amstel, as the town near this fort came to be called, was the chief settlement of the Dutch on the Delaware after the overthrow of the Swedish power, and it seems natural that this circumstance should be due to the Hockhammer plantation. It has been conjectured that this Dutch settlement in New Swe- den under the patronage of the Swedish West India Company was undertaken on account of jealousies and ill feeling in Holland towards the Dutch West India Company, which was a very close monopoly. The grant given by the Swedish Company to the Hockhammer Company was much more liberal in its terms than could have been obtained from the Dutch West India Company. Bogardt was not only recog- nized as the commandant and governor of the new colony, but he also had a special commission from the Swedish government to act as its "general agent" on the Delaware River, and particularly to let no opportunity escape him " of sending to Sweden all 2 This is the spelling of Acrelius. Dr. O'Callaghan, in his " History of New Netherlands," i. 366-67, says that the proper spelling of this man's name should be JooBt de Bogaerl. SWEDISH SETTLEMENTS ON THE DELAWARE. 67 information which may be useful to her Majesty and the Crown of Sweden." To encourage him in the performance of these duties he was paid a salary of five hundred florins per annum, with a promise of one hundred florins additional annual pay in case he should give sufficient proof of his attachment to the new service, and his zeal to promote the welfare of the Swedish crown. In this same year, 1640, the English began to make inroads upon the Delaware. They bought Indian lands on both sides of the river and bay, and in 1641 commenced building trading-houses at Varkin's Kill, near the present Salem, N. J., settling sixty persons there from Connecticut, and the next year had the audacity to settle at the mouth of the Schuylkill. This was too much for the peppery Kieft, and even for his less excitable Council. Jan Jansen Ilpen- dam, commissary at Fort Nassau, was directed to expel the intruders, which he did without any cere- mony, seizing their goods and burning their trading- house. After this the Dutch fell upon the Salem settlement also and broke that up. Oxenstierna determined now to appoint a regular governor for New Sweden, and accordingly, in Au- gust, 1642, John Printz, a lieutenant-colonel of cav- alry, was selected to fill that office. His commission and instructions were carefully prepared, and armed with these he arrived in the Delaware early in 1643. Printz engaged to keep the new settlements safe from foreign and domestic enemies, to preserve amity, good neighborhood, and reciprocity with foreigners, with his own people, and the savages, and " to render jus- tice without distinction, so that there may be no in- jury to any man." He engaged to promote industry in every way ; and " as to himself, he will so conduct in his government as to be willing and able faithfully to answer for it before God, before us, and every brave Swede, regulating himself by the instructions given to him." These instructions bind him to take care of the frontiers of the country (which are minutely described) ; to maintain good relations with the Eng- lish at Varkin's Kill, and respect their title, unless they can be politely dispossessed without any disturb- ance; to keep on good terms with the Dutch, unless they show hostile intentions, but always to be on his guard with them, in view of their claims to the terri- tory occupied by the Swedes. He must deal with the savages with humanity and mildness, bringing them to believe that the Swedes have not, come there to do them injustice. He is to encourage agriculture and the fur trade, establish manufactures, and utilize the natural products of the country. Printz was ap- pointed to serve three years under these instructions, his salary being twelve hundred silver dollars a year. He was given two ships, soldiers and officers to assist him in executing his duties, and the people were ordered to obey and support him. Printz's chaplain, Rev. John Campanius Holm, the earliest chronicler of New Sweden, kept a journal of the voyage out, which consumed one hundred and fifty days, Fort Christina being reached on Feb. 5, 1643. From this journal the "History of New Sweden" was written afterwards by his grandson, Thomas Cam- panius Holm. The new governor, in the midst of so many rival claims and claimants, needed to exercise at least all the circumspection enjoined upon him by his instructions. He certainly showed energy, but whether prudence or not is another matter. His first step was to choose his official residence. This he planted upon Tinnecum Island, nearly opposite Fort Nassau, where he built Fort New Gottenburg, com- manding the approaches to the Dutch fort, and be- hind it erected a mansion for himself, called " Printz's Hall," with orchards, pleasure-house, etc., "all very handsome." We have spoken of the Dutch expelling the English from Varkin's Kill. But Printz aided them very materially in pulling their chestnuts out of the fire, nor did he do it in the courteous " under- hand" manner, while preserving the semblance of friendship, which his instructions enjoined upon him. Printz's ideas of tact and diplomacy resembled an elephant dancing. He was a bluff, coarse soldier, well described by the shrewd, observant, caustic Pie- tersen De Vries as " Captain Printz, who weighed four hundred pounds, and took three drinks at every meal." To deal with the English, Printz crossed the Delaware and planted a fort right alongside them on the opposite bank of Salem Creek. This fort, called "Elfsborg," " Elsingborg," or " Wootwessung," com- manded the channel of the Delaware, and enabled Printz to bring to all Dutch vessels or vessels of any other nationality passing up or down the river. This fort, which had a small garrison and mounted several guns, made De Vries halt before it and give an account of himself when, in 1643, he attempted to pass up South River in his sloop. The sturdy navi- gator, who had planted the first settlement on the Del- aware, must have felt a grim sense of the change in the times on being thus, as it were, barred from access to his own ancient threshold. Meantime the New Haven English sent down another expedition to the Delaware under the same Lamberton whom the Dutch had expelled from Varkin's Kill. His purpose was probably to revive that settlement, as the lands there had been bought from the Indians. While Lamber- ton's sloop was in the river near the mouth of the Schuylkill, Printz enticed him to Fort Gottenburg with two of his sailors, and cast them into prison, keeping them for three days, while he attempted to suboru the inferiors to testify that Lamberton was in- citing the Indians to rise against the Swedes. He re- sorted to the same device with John Wootlen, Lamber- ton's servant, making them all drunk and offering them heavy bribes of land and money. 1 The Eng- lishmen were firm, however, in their master's interest, 1 This is the substance of depositions made by these men on their re- turn to New Haven. 68 HISTORY OP PHILADELPHIA. and could not be got to perjure themselves, though Printz put them in irons with his own hands. Lam- berton, however, was driven off, after paying a fine of beaver-skins and being roundly sworn at by the burly Swedish governor. Printz, however, was in some respects a good admin- istrator. He sustained his people in their determined resistance to the immigration of convicts and malefac- tors, who, when sent over by the home government, were not suffered to land, but compelled to return in the same ships that brought them. He. built the first water-mill on South River, at a place called Karakung, otherwise Water-Mill Stream (Amesland or Carkoen's Hook), on what is now Cobb's Creek, near the bridge on the Darby road at the old Blue Bell tavern. This was put up instead of the old wind-mill, which, Printz says, never would work and was " good for nothing." This mill ground both meal and flour, and found constant work. Printz had a military eye, and, as soon as his forts gave him command of the Dela- ware, he proceeded to close the Schuylkill entirely to the Dutch by a fortification at the mouth of that river (called Manayunk), one at Kingsessing, and another at Passayunk, called " Korsholm." He also put a stock- ade trading-house exactly alongside the Dutch fort of Beversrede, within a biscuit-toss of it, and between it and the water, so as to entirely destroy that fort's effi- ciency. The Dutch confessed that these works cut them off from the Minquas country and destroyed the fur trade. The Swedes, on the other hand, in 1644 sent home two thousand one hundred and twenty-seven packages of beaver and seventy thou- sand four hundred and twenty-one pounds of tobacco. The " insolence of office" was fully developed in Printz. In 1645 the Dutch removed Jan Jansen Van Ilpendam, commissary at Fort Nassau, appointing Andreas Hudde in his place. Hudde was active and energetic, and he and Printz were soon in contro- versy, Hudde protesting against every act of the Swedes adverse to Dutch interests, and Printz either taking no notice of the protests or else responding to them by still ruder and more hostile actions. He ordered a Dutch trading-sloop away from the Schuyl- kill on pain of confiscation, and when Hudde came in person to protest, he was ordered off likewise. Kieft peremptorily instructed Hudde in 1646 to ac- quire some land from the Indians on the west shore, four miles north of Fort Nassau (on the ground now occupied by a part of Philadelphia). Hudde did as bidden, and the purchase being made he planted the company's arms on the premises. Printz at once sent Commissary Huygens to throw down the Dutch arms, whereupon Hudde arrested Huygens and put him in the guard-house, sending word to Printz that he must punish the commissary. Some correspond- ence ensued, when Printz answered Hudde's final protest and declaration of his company's rights by tossing the paper to an attendant, and seizing a musket as if to shoot the messenger, who, an honest Dutch sergeant, totally oblivious of the immunities of heralds, quickly made his escape. Printz now de- cided on non-intercourse with the Dutch, closed the Schuylkill to them entirely, sold the Indians arms and ammunition, and persecuted or expelled every Dutchman in New Sweden who would not take the oath of allegiance to Queen Christina. He stopped and searched Dutch vessels, and made Swedish ves- sels' go by Fort Nassau without showing their colors. In the winter of 1647-48 he even invaded Hudde's own private premises, and cut down his fruit- and shade-trees. Two members of the High Council of the New Netherlands came to the South River to investigate these outrages and find out the status of the Dutch and Swedish titles to the lands about the mouth of the Schuylkill. When they came to Fort Gottenburg, Printz's subordinates kept them waiting outside for half an hour in the rain. They were finally admitted, and delivered their protest. These councilors authorized private persons among the Dutch to make settlements on the Schuylkill. Ir» every case where the attempt was made to profit by this license Printz or some of his officers descended upon the settler and destroyed his property, besides often expelling the person himself with blows. The more Hudde protested the more violent Printz became. In 1647 the Dutch Director-General Kieft was suc- ceeded by Peter Stuyvesant, who began his adminis- I tration on May 27th. Printz found him a very different GOVERNOR PETER STUYVESANT. man from Kieft. When the two governors finally met in 1651, the Dutch director-general, while quite as soldierly, bluff, and irascible as Printz, showed him- self to be head and shoulders above the latter in SWEDISH SETTLEMENTS ON THE DELAWARE. 69 •diplomacy. During all these disputes and high- handed dealings in the period of Printz's adminis- tration, the Dutch had sedulously pursued the policy of acquiring, by public and private purchase, Indian titles to all the lands on both sides the Delaware from Salem and Christinaham up. The Swedes had lat- terly adopted the same policy, but with less success. Stuyvesant came to the South River in person in 1651, "to preserve and protect the company's rights and jurisdiction." He sent proofs to Printz of the company's rights in the premises, and demanded in return that the Swedish governor should produce proof of what lands he had purchased and his authority to hold them. Printz could merely define the limits of his territory, and say that his papers were on file in the chancellory of Sweden. Then Stuyvesant is said to have detected Printz in an at- tempt to secretly buy title from an Indian sachem called Waspang Zewan, whereupon the Dutch gov- ernor forthwith dealt with the Indians himself, and was by them presented with a title to both sides of the Delaware from Christiana Creek to Bombay Hook, they at the same time denying that they had «ver sold any lands to the Swedes. Finally, Stuy- vesant determined that he would build another fort, Fort Nassau being too much out of the way, and in spite of Printz's protests he built Fort Casimir on the Delaware side of the river, about one Dutch mile from Fort Christina and near the present city of New Castle. Printz and Stuyvesant had several in- terviews with each other, and the final result was that " they mutually promised to cause no difficulties or hostility to each other, but to keep neighborly friendship and correspondence together, and act as friends and allies.'' It will be observed that all through these contro- versies, while there were many high words and some kicks and cuffs, the Dutch and Swedes never came to actual hostilities, and always maintained a modus vivendi with one another. This was not because they hated each other less, but because they dreaded a third rival more. Both Dutch and Swedes were ter- ribly apprehensive of English designs upon the Del- ware. As was laid down in the instructions to Gov- ernor Risingh, who succeeded Printz in New Sweden, speaking of the new Fort Casimir, if Risingh could not induce the Dutch to abandon the post by argu- ment and remonstrance and without resorting to hos- tilities, " it is better that our subjects avoid resorting to hostilities, confining themselves solely to protesta- tions, and suffer the Dutch to occupy the said fortress, than that it should fall into the hands of the English, who are the most powerful and of course the most danger- ous in that country." In the same way, after Stuyve- sant had met the English at Hartford, Conn., treated with them, and settled a mutual boundary line, so that all was apparently peace and friendship between the Dutch and the New Englanders, the New Haven •Company thought they would be permitted without i dispute to resume the occupancy of their purchased \ Indian lands on the New Jersey side of the Delaware ! Bay at Salem, whence they had been twice expelled. : Accordingly, Jasper Graine, William Tuthill, and i other inhabitants of New Haven and Sotocket, to the number of about fifty, hired a vessel and sailed for that destination. On the way they considerately put into Manhattan to notify Stuyvesant of their errand, and consult with him as to the best way of accomplishing it. Stuyvesant took their commission away from them, clapped the master of the vessel and four others into prison, and refused to release them until " they pledged themselves under their hands" not to go to Delaware, informing them likewise that if any of them should afterwards be found there he would confiscate their goods and send them prisoners to Holland. At the same time he wrote to the gover- nor of New Haven that the Dutch rights on the Del- aware were absolute, and that he meant to prevent any English settlement there " with force of arms and martial opposition, even unto bloodshed." The Swedes were so much impressed with this firm attitude and with their own unprotected condition (this was probably during the interregnum between Printz's departure and the arrival of Risingh, when Pappe- goya, Printz's son-in-law, was acting governor, and there was no news from the mother-country) that they asked Stuyvesant to take them under his protection. The director-general declined to do so without in- struction from home, and the directors of the company when he consulted them left the matter to his owu discretion, simply suggesting that while population and settlement should be encouraged by all means as the bulwark of the State, it would be advisable that all settlers should yield allegiance to the parent State, and be willing to obey its laws and statutes in order to obtain protection. Printz sailed for home in October, 1653, and Ri- singh arrived out in May, 1654, their ships having probably passed each other on the ocean. Risingh was governor and commissary, and he was accom- panied by John Amundsen Besk, a captain of the navy, who seems to have been given command of the military of New Swedeu. The general management of Swedish affairs on the Delaware had now passed to the charge of the " General College of Commerce" of Stockholm. Risingh (his Christian name was John Claudii) had also Peter Lindstrom, a military engi- neer, on his staff, with a clergyman, and they brought out two or three hundred settlers. Risingh's instruc- tions were all for peace, not war ; but even before he arrived at Christiana, or Gottenburg, he struck a bold stroke for war. The ship in which he sailed ou its way up the Delaware came in sight of Fort Casimir on the 31st of May. Tienhoven and others in the fort, being sent out to speak the stranger, reported that the new Swedish governor was on board and demanded the surrender of the fort as standing upon Swedish territory. Gerrit Bikker, the commander, 70 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. made no preparations for defense ; he could not un- derstand nor believe the Swedish intention to be hos- tile. Soon Capt. Swensko, of the ship, with twenty armed men, landed, advanced upon the fort, and while FORT CASIMIR OR TRINITY FORT. [From Campanius' " New Sweden."] the Dutch ran to meet them as friends, entered through the open sally-port, and being in possession demanded the fort's surrender at the point of the bayo- net. Bikker and Tienhoven sent two commissioners aboard the ship to demand an explanation, but Amundsen fired two guns over the fort, and the Swedish soldiers at once seized the Dutch, disarmed and ejected them with the least possible ceremony. The Swedes were thus for the moment, and in the most surprising way, supreme on the South River. Risingh named his new conquest Fort Trinity, be- cause the capture was made on Trinity Sunday ; strengthened the fort, and immediately called the neighboring Indians together with a view to make them his allies. The j oint council was held at Tinne- cum on June 17th, and Risingh offered many pres- ents, distributed wine and spirits, and spread a great feast of suppaun ; the old treaties were read, mutual vows of friendship exchanged, and the Indians be- came allies of the Swedes, whom they strongly coun- seled to settle at once at Passayunk. The Dutch and Swedish population on the Dela- ware at this time, according to a census taken by Risingh, was three hundred and sixty-eight persons. This is probably exclusive of many Swedes who had gone into the interior and crossed the ridge towards Maryland. But little agriculture was attended to besides tobacco planting, and the chief industry was the trade in peltries, which was very profitable. In this trade the Indians had acquired as great skill as in trapping the beaver and drying his pelt. The price of a beaver-skin was two fathoms of "seawant," and each fathom was taken to be three ells long. An ell was measured (as the yard still is in country places) from one corner of the mouth to the thumb of the opposite arm extended. The Indians, tall and long- limbed, always sent their longest-armed people to dis- pose of beaver-skins, and the Dutch complained at Fort Nassau that the savages outmeasured them con- tinually. It was not to be expected that a man of Stuy- vesant's heady temperament would permit an outrage such as the capture of Fort Casimir to go unrevenged, even if the directors of the West India Company had passed it by. But they were quite as eager as Stuy- vesant himself for prompt and decisive action on the Delaware. The time was auspicious for them. Axel Oxenstierna, the great Swedish chancellor, was just dead, Queen Christina had abdicated the throne in favor of her cousin Charles Gustavus, and England and Holland had just signed a treaty of peace. The direc- tors insisted upon the Swedes being effectually pun- ished, and ordered Stuyvesant not only to exert every nerve to revenge the injury, not only to recover the fort and restore affairs to their former situation, but to drive the Swedes from every side of the river, and allow no settlers except under the Dutch flag. He was promised liberal aid from home, and was ordered to press any vessel into his service that might be in the New Netherlands. Stuyvesant meanwhile was not idle on his own side. He had captured and made prize of a Swedish vessel that came into the North River almost as soon as he heard the news from Fort Casimir. He received five armed vessels from Amsterdam. He ordered a general fasting and prayer, and then hast- ened to set his armaments in order. On the 12th of September his forces were off the late Fort Casimir, now Fort Trinity, — seven ships and six hundred men. The fort was summoned to surrender. The garrison, under Capt. Sven Schute, was small, not over thirty or forty men, and their commander surrendered them, on honorable terms before a gun was fired. Stuyve- sant marched at once to Fort Christina, where Risingh was in command, and invested it on every side. Risingh pretended great surprise, resorted to every little diplomatic contrivance he could think of, and then surrendered also, before the Dutch batteries opened. In truth his fort was a weak and defenseless one, and he had scarcely two rounds of ammunition. The Dutch went up the river to Tinnecum, where they burnt Fort Gottenburg and wrung the necks of Mrs. Pappagoya's ducks and turkeys. A great many Swedes came in and took the oath of allegiance to the Dutch. All such were suffered to remain undis- turbed in their possessions. A few who refused to take the oath were transported to Manhattan, while others crossed into Maryland and permanently settled in Cecil and Kent Counties, where their family names- are still preserved ; but the Dutch yoke undoubtedly sat very lightly upon Swedish shoulders. This was the end of Swedish rule on the Delaware. SWEDISH SETTLEMENTS ON THE DELAWARE. 71 Stuy vesant, obeying instructions from the West India Company, made a formal tender of redelivery of Fort Christina to Risingh, but that hero was in the sulks, refused to receive it, and went home by way of New Amsterdam, swearing at the Dutch " in frantic mood." Then Stuyvesant appointed Capt. Derrick Schmidt as commissary, who was quickly succeeded by John Paul Jacquet, in the capacity of " Vice-Director of the South River," with a Council consisting of An- dreas Hudde, vice-director, Elmerhuysen Klein, and two sergeants. Fort Christina became Altona, Fort Casimir resumed its old name, and a settlement grew up around it which was named New Amstel, the first actual town upon the river. It must be confessed that if the Swedes on the Delaware were not a happy people it was their own fault. But they were happy. Come of a primitive race not yet spoiled by fashions, luxury, and the vices of civilization, and preferring agriculture and the simplest arts of husbandry to trade, they found themselves in a new, beautiful, and fertile region, with the mildest of climates and the kindliest of soils. Government, the pressure of laws, the weight of taxation they scarcely knew, and their relations were always pleasant, friendly, and intimate with those savage tribes the terror of whose neighbor- hood drove the English into sudden atrocities and barbarities. Very few Swedes ever lost a night's rest because of the Indian's war-whoop. They were a people of simple ways, industrious, loyal, steadfast. In 1693 some of these Delaware Swedes wrote home for ministers, books, and teachers. This letter says, " As to what concerns our situation in this country, we are for the most part husbandmen. We plow and sow and till the ground ; and as to our meat and drink, we live according to the old Swedish custom. This country is very rich and fruitful, and here grow all sorts of grain in great plenty, so that we are richly supplied with meat and drink ; and we send out yearly to our neighbors on this continent and the neighbor- ing islands bread, grain, flour, and oil. We have here also all sorts of beasts, fowls, and fishes. Our wives and daughters employ themselves in spinning wool and flax and many of them in weaving ; so that we have great reason to thank the Almighty for his manifold mercies and benefits. God grant that we may also have good shepherds to feed us with his holy word and sacraments. We live also in peace and friendship with one another, and the Indians have not molested us for many years. Further, since this country has ceased to be under the government of Sweden, we are bound to acknowledge and declare for the sake of truth that we have been well and kindly treated, as well by the Dutch as by his Ma- jesty the King of England, our gracious sovereign; on the other hand, we, the Swedes, have been and still are true to him in words and in deeds. We have always had over us good and gracious magistrates; and we live with one another in peace and quiet- ness." x One of the missionaries sent over in response to the touching demand of which the above quoted passage is part, writing back to Sweden after his arrival, says that his congregation are rich, adding, " The country here is delightful, as it has always been described, and overflows with every blessing, so that the people live very well without being compelled to too much or too severe labor. The taxes are very light ; the farmers, after their work is over, live as they do in Sweden, but are clothed as well as the respectable inhabitants of the towns. They have fresh meat and fish in abundance, and want nothing of what other countries produce ; they have plenty of grain to make bread, and plenty of drink. There are no poor in this country, but they all provide for themselves, for the land is rich and fruitful, and no man who will labor can suffer want." All this reads like an idyl of Jean Paul, or one of the naive, charming poems of Bishop Tegner. It is a picture, some parts of which have been delightfully reproduced by the poet John G. Whittier in his " Pennsylvania Pilgrim." * Annals of the Swedes on the Delaware. By Rev. J. C. Clay, D.D. 72 HISTORY OP PHILADELPHIA. CHAPTEE VI. THE PLANTING OP PHILADELPHIA. The Swedes have no further right to a distinc- tive place in this work, except so far as individuals of that nation took up land within the boundaries or contributed to form the heterogeneous population of Philadelphia ; nor is there need to say anything more about the Dutch of New Netherland, beyond the few meagre particulars in which their ordinances or regu- lations are found to bear upon that part of the country bordering on the Delaware River within the limits of which Philadelphia is now seated. Shortly after the surrender of Forts Casimir and Christina, a Swedish ship, the "Mercury," arrived in the Dela- ware with a large number of immigrants aboard. The Dutch refused permission for this vessel to pass the (ort, but while the principals were conducting a long diplomatic correspondence on the subject, John Papegoya, Printz's son-in-law, with a party of In- dians, boarded the vessel, piloted her up to Christina and Tinnecum, and before Stuyvesant and his agents had reached their final unalterable determination to send all the immigrants incontinently back to Sweden, they had got ashore, bag and baggage, and were ab- sorbed in the rest of the population. This was the last body of immigrants from Sweden to the Delaware. It was a favorite project of the director-general of New Netherland and his satellites, tried over and over again, to compel the Swedes and Finns to con- gregate together in one or two settlements or "reser- vations," and the order went forth several times to effect this, but it could not be enforced, nor, indeed, was there any serious attempt made to enforce it. A favorite place for this compulsory settlement with the Dutch executive was the Indian seat of Passa- yunk, and had the Swedes been congregated there from all parts of the colony some distinctive impress of their character would perhaps even to-day be de- tected in that part of Philadelphia, just as the Mora- vian traits are still discoverable in and around Beth- lehem. The Swedes and Finns, however, preferred to settle where they chose, and a good many of them, fearing they would be excluded from this privilege in the South River colony, crossed the border into Maryland, where many traces of them are still to be found in Cecil and Kent Counties. This policy of the Dutch, however, and the nat- ural aversion of races speaking different languages to coalesce, did have the effect to separate the Dutch and Swedes so far that while the former collected about Fort Casimir, now called New Amstel, and points lower down the river, the Swedes gravitated towards points farther up the Delaware River than their original settlement at Christiana. " Upland," now Chester, became one of their favorite foci ; they took land on the creek in the rear of Printz's domain at Tinnecum ; they followed up Cobb's Creek beyond the mill, and had farms on all the streams flowing from the west into the Schuylkill ; they crossed that river and, with their church at Wicaco, established their domiciles in several parts of the peninsula em- braced between the Schuylkill and the Delaware. Thus it happened that nearly all the original settlers upon the present site of Philadelphia, nearly all the original lund-holders, — in distinction to land-Burners, — were Swedes, and William Penn found this to be still the case when he came to lay off his city. It is now time to say something about these first planters upon the ground which is now traversed by so many long streets and bears the weight of so many stately buildings. A great many Indian names have been preserved in and around Philadelphia. The form and spelling have changed or vary, but the orig- inal sound is essentially preserved. In Roggeveen's map of New Netherland, published in 1676, the site of Penn's Philadelphia is marked "Sauno," and this is believed to have been a Dutch name for the Sanki- kans Indians. All the other sites on the South River part of this map bear Dutch or Swedish names. In Lindstrom's map of " Nya Swerige," drawn 1654-55, and republished to accompany Campanius' history, 1702, the Indian or Swedish names are the only ones given. There is Stillen's land (the Stille prop- erty), Tenna Kongz Kjlen (Tennakonk Creek), Fri- men's Kjlen (or Darby Creek), Boke Kjlen (Bow Creek), Apoquenenia, Ornebo Kjlen, Skiar elle linde Kjlen (Schuylkill), Nitlaba Konck, Passajong (Pas- sayunk), Wichqua Going (Wicaco), Chingihamong, Fackenland, Asoepek, Alaskius Kjlen (or Frankford Creek), Penichpaska Kjlen, Drake Kjlen, Poanqiis- sing (Poquessing), etc. In Ferris' conjectural map of early settlements we have Darby Creek, Tenac- konk's Kil, Karakung Creek, Nittaba Kenck, Pas- saiung, Wicaco, Sculkil, Coaquanock (which was the Philadelphia laid out by Penn), Fackenland, Franck- ford Creek, Penichpaska Kil, Poatquissing, Nesham- iny, etc. The original name for nearly every one of these is extant in the old deeds and records. The Indian names for streams which are still partially or wholly retained are Minquas Creek (Darby, Cobb's Creek), Poquessin, Pennypack, Sissinokisink, Tacony, Wingohocking, Cohocksink, Wissahiccon,Manayunk, etc. Now the Swedes were the original settlers on nearly all the lands between Bow Creek and Poques- sing. The first claim of purchase of Indian title to lands within the fork of the Schuylkill and the Delaware is that of the Dutch, who insist that Arendt Corssen bought for them from the Indians the site of Fort Beversrede in 1633. The deed for this land, however, was not recorded until 1648. Between those dates, under the guidance of Andreas Hudde, several Dutch- men attempted to plant themselves on the east side of the Schuylkill, but they were not allowed to do so by the Swedes as long as Printz and Risingh were in power. The Swedes claim to have bought all the THE PLANTING OF PHILADELPHIA. 73 land on the west bank of the Dela- ware, from Cape Henlopen to the falls of the river at Trenton, in 1638. This the Dutch and some of their Indian allies denied, yet the pur- chase was more than likely made as stated. Printz said the deeds and records were in the archives at Stockholm, wherej according to Rudman, Israel Helm, an original Swede settler, who came over with Minuet or Hollandaer, and was afterwards a leading man in the country and a magistrate under the Dutch rule, claims to have seen them himself. The fact of the purchase is also plainly set forth in the of- ficial instructions and credentials of Printz, given to him by the Swedish "West India Company, by Christina, Oxenstierna, and nine other lead- ing men of the nobility of the kingdom. Peter Stuyvesant also claimed an Indian title to the lands east of the Schuylkill, by deed of gift, after his quarrels with Gover- nor Printz had ripened. But the first patents to particu- lar tracts of land within the metes and bounds set forth were given to Swedes, who also made the first ac- tual settlements. There can be no better evidence of this than the sim- ple names of the persons whose property was secured to them when they could renew their patents in the days when Lovelace and An- dross confirmed the English do- minion on the Delaware after the conquest of New Netherland. A few of these patents, purchases, and settlements deserve to be referred to in a particular manner. In 1645, Andreas Hudde, the Dutch com- missary on the Delaware, a, careful and conscientious observer, reports' plantations of the Swedes from Christiana along the Delaware for two Dutch miles up the river to a point near to Tinnecum. Then there is not a single plantation " till you come to Schuylkill." This is perfectly intelligible if we remem- ber that the Swedes chose for their plantations firm ground only, and always near the water-front if pos- sible. The above would then read: "The Swedish plantations extend nine and a half English miles 74 HISTORY OP PHILADELPHIA. along the Delaware above Christiana ; then there is an unoccupied tract of swamp for about ten miles, until the Swedish plantations on the western and eastern banks of the Schuylkill are reached." And Hudde himself furnishes the proof of the existence of such plantations in his account (1648) of the trans- actions attending the raising of his house on the fort grounds at Beversrede, at the same time that he shows that up to that time the Dutch had not put up a single building above the mouth of the Schuylkill. Three years before that date the Swedes had built a water-mill on the Karakung, or Cobb's Creek, and a fort or trading block-house on Manayunk Island, in the mouth of the Schuylkill, as well as another apparently at Kingsessing. The alleged first pur- chase of the Dutch east of the Schuylkill was made from Indian sachems on the New Jersey side of the Delaware. The second, by Hudde, in 1646, which Printz resisted, was from an Indian living on the spot ; the third, also by Hudde, in 1648, was ratified by Maarte Hoock and Wissementes, sachems of the Passayunk Indians. In Hudde's own account of this he says he called in the sachems, and they gave the Swedes, " who lived there already," notice to leave their settlements on the Schuylkill. In the contro- versy, or rather squabble, which ensued, and which Hudde seems to report with the utmost fidelity, the sachems are represented as demanding by whose orders the Swedes did erect buildings there; "if it was not enough that they were already in possession of Mateunakonk, the Schuylkill, Kingsessing, Kakauken, Upland," etc. " They [the Swedes] arrived only lately on the river, and had already taken so much land from them, which they had actually settled, while they [the Dutch], pointing to them, had never taken from them any land, although they had dwelt here and con- versed with them more than thirty years." This is very strong affirmative evidence to the fact that up to 1648 the Swedes had, and the Dutch had not, set- tled on land east of the Schuylkill. In that year the latter built Fort Beversrede, and the Swedes planted a block-house directly in front of it, closing its gates. Under the circumstances the Swedes would seem to be justified in this action and in that of the previous year, when they threw down Symon Root's house at Wigquakoing (or Wicaco), or in 1648 prevented the Dutch freemen from building at "Mast-makers' Cor- ner," on the east side of the Schuylkill. Campanius, the Swedish pastor, returned home in May, 1648. At that time, he says, the Swedes had settlements at Mecoponacka ("Upland," or "Ches- ter"), at Passayunk, on the Schuylkill, where was a fort named Korsholm, and a plantation given under Queen Christina's own hand to Lieut. Sven Schute. 1 At i This conveyance, however, was not made until Aug. 20, 1653. The tract was called " Mockorhulteykil," "as far -is the river, with the small island belonging thereto viz., the island of Karinge, and Kiusessing, .comprehending also Passuming" (Passayunk). This land, the title to Kingsessing, reports Campanius, already dwell five freemen, " who cultivate the ground and lived well." This plantation was east of Cobb's Creek, near the Swedes' mill. Techoherassi was Olof Stille's place, on the Delaware near the mouth of Ridley's Creek, and below Tinnecum and Fort Gottenburg. Stille, an original Swedish colonist, sold to the clergyman, Laurentius Carolus, and then settled in Moyamensing, where he took up swamp lands in 1678. In 1651 the Dutch made repeated efforts to settle on the island of Harommuny, or Aharommuny (which Dr. Smith, in his History of Delaware County, places on the Delaware, between Bow Creek and the Schuylkill), but were driven off, and in 1669 this land was patented with other tracts to Peter Cock, a prominent Swede under the Dutch rule, magistrate, commissioner, collector of customs, etc. On the same day in 1653 that Queen Christiana gave the deed of Wicaco to Sven Shute, she also gave to naval commander John Amundsen Besk a deed for "a tract of land extending to Upland Kill." In 1658 we find the Dutch Director Alrichs coveting and very anxious to get control both of Cock's land and Schute's also. In a letter to the Commissioner of Amsterdam he speaks of " two parcels of the best land on the river on the west bank, the first of which is above Marietie's Hook, about two leagues along the river and four leagues into the interior; the second, on a guess, about three leagues along the same, including Schuylkil, Passajonck, Quinsessingh, right excellent land, the grants or deeds whereof, signed in original by Queen Christina, I have seen." He thinks this land could be bought cheaply. In fact, these two tracts, if of the dimensions which Alrichs accorded them, were larger than the whole of Philadelphia County. Passayunk, as confirmed in 1667 by Governor Nicholls and granted to the Ash- mans, Carman, Williams, etc., was surveyed to con- tain one thousand acres, and the quit-rent was fixed at ten bushels of wheat every year. That was cer- tainly cheap enough. In 1664, Governor D'Hinoyossa repatented the Sven Schute tract to his heirs, Sven Swensen, Sven Gondersen, Oele Swensen, and An- dries Swensen, as eight hundred acres, beginning at Moyamensing Kill and so stretching upwards. In 1676, Governor Andross patented to Jurian Hartsfelder three hundred and fifty acres on Cohocksink's Creek for three and a half bushels of wheat quit-rent. This was sold ten years afterwards to Daniel Pegg, who gave the name of Pegg's Creek or Bun to the stream, and this tract formed the Northern Liberties of Phila- delphia. Some of it was marsh, and often flooded. In 1675 the block-house at Wicaco, built in 1669 as a defense against the Indians, was turned into a Swedish Church, Gloria Dei, and Fabricius, the pastor, preached his first sermon there on Trinity Sunday. In 1677 the patents for land within the present which was several times confirmed to the Swenaons, Shnte's heirB, in- cluded Wicaco, and Penn,\vhen he laid out his city in 1682, had to give the Swensons other lands in exchange for this valuable tract. 7)i*tibrrJsf'**ufl\ orStHUsjM'int \ land RJMfntkii ftmf. Atpnlcmvt sfca J/, 'dans ItangjxnhL 23. K/ij^uliaiiiaaclnniK 3ipjm3 "20 OLisquA soit 97. AaiuitO Jim-kings kyl Ns. ^'^m)w4 ^r M* or Klh Wiw^d IKvi ML ";*--^->^.7'. HetgtlOf£tnn£h C* Kack/uucjisi. Teas si Dfeborg tdejfSmjgl pmni - ydnM" ivrr imiinon -Sippus fUcr £in«LiiJwleJi I /Ho ckacsockim. MeJunihi'ckan. , vd& r lit i .'iiiinbixuBk o' J^| KyJ •*J^g B fcS auc' "" ^ Slue no «5» W» ajrintfLond [enikalco Korteu Kovior, nrShorf ffiwi* iUaxno. Ha. • ScaJa Mil 1 ? 1 ten 1 ? loiinmo Gr&clu. WippactAkonok Puppit oicl kui . Bi.ssaeht eun Sippussiugk 1 New a ^/jpEki mm Jo Icon Oci ^NOlpillll Aifallet. Alruuii.^h, Ihr miiujiHiu-v UtoulUd- by (ho siAont ttaintfi. miii jit \. Ma liahattMiVl f \V/i <{ar, jMec ha nsioBerrfs fins Sfl>lfW«cr Atelnil, i ^ Diviwrv by 'Pcfrr ■ Lirtdsrtroni, RqyalStindtsti/Enijitti'rt: Sb'54 6t> J 6 55 ^/Z 0". (TLui3ti|iaFort . F WludniflWe Vdi\m.^Jf/^j/nrp^/>w,/: 0. "Nrf/muuis fidlyl,<4rA%^y/»o«i^^Z. It. Ininjixjjckk»?cli lUrfunA frTreyest UJikn ^/, Semockani^idcin S the treaty of Westminster was signed, and peace again made between the Dutch and English, with a proviso enforcing the restitution of all countries taken during the late war. Under this treaty the English resumed their conquests of 1664. The Duke of York's patents were renewed, and the duke appointed Sir Edmund Andross governor over the whole country from the west side of the Connecticut River to the east side of the Delaware. Andross arrived out November 10th, and at once proceeded to restore the statu quo ante hel- ium as far as hecould. He was an astute, well-informed man, of good habits, with the tact of a practiced courtier, and many of the rare accomplishments of a statesman. Under his administration and that of his deputies on the Delaware, Capt. Cantwell, Capt. Collier, and Christopher Billop, the settlements on the South River prospered, and grew rapidly in pop- ulation, resources, and in sympathy and fellow-feel- ing with the other colonies. CHAPTER VII. WILLIAM PENN. The excellent Friend, Samuel M. Janney, of Lou- doun County, Va., in the preface to his " Life of Wil- liam Penn," published in November, 1851, concludes by saying, "While engaged in the preparation of this volume, I have derived both instruction and enjoy- ment from studying the character and writings of Penn ; and when, in its progress, I came to the period of his death, my mind was overspread with sadness, as though I had lost a personal friend." Every in- telligent and thoughtful person, we should think, must rise from the attentive study of Penn's life and works and the contemplation of his character with similar feelings and reflections. The founder of Pennsylva- nia and the man whose influence did so much to mould the rough, uncouth Quakerism of George Fox into comely shape, and give it some sort of standing in and with the outside world by teaching it moderation and decorum, has left such a large and indelible per- sonal impress upon his work that we can understand and fully appreciate that in no other way than by ex- amining it in the light of his genius. Happily the task is not difficult. William Penn was above all things else a man, with like passions unto ourselves. He was a great man in an age remarkable for men of towering genius and conspicuous individuality; he lived in strange times of turmoil, confusion, and un- certainty, in which the current of events flowed along with a double stream, resembling that of the Missis- sippi at St. Louis, upon the left bank a tawny, turbid volume of corruption, riot, filth, debauchery, and vacillating irresponsible tyranny such as was never recorded in the chronicles of England before nor since, and flowing side by side with it on the right a deep, clear, yet mysterious blue tide of religious con- templation and pietistic ecstasy and exercise, — a new- born, non-militant Puritanism, which sought to found a democratic church without head and without ritual, such as the State could not control because unable to reach it, and such as persecution would assail in vain because encountering no resistance. Penn's relations to these times and events and the men active in them were numerous, far-reaching, various, and intricate, but over and above these his character shines forth almost invariably bright and pure, simple and serene. He was in these things, but not of them, and whether he was walking the lobby among the courtiers or in- terceding for some victim of hardship or tyranny in the king's closet at Whitehall, or locked up in New- gate or the Tower, his thoughts rose above and reached beyond his immediate surroundings, taking him to his pretty and peaceful home in Hertfordshire or Sus- sex, or to some " brave" and " improving" and " prec- ious" meeting in company with Fox, Barclay, Keith, Turner, and others, or leading him into deep and fruitful meditations upon the " Holy Experiment," as he was wont to call his American colonies, the germs of which were already planted in his heart. There were some exceptions to this lofty elevation of life, thought, and purpose, but only so many as were needed to prove that Penn was human, fallible, and lived in an age steeped in corruption. It will serve the objects of this history to pause here to inquire how Penn came to be led to entertain seri- ously the project of founding upon the banks of the Delaware a self-governing commonwealth, the roots of which should draw sap from the fundamental prin- ciples of universal religion, while its branches should be free as air to spread abroad wheresoever they listed. The process was necessarily a gradual one, and the influences which finally settled his determination were numerous and diverse. At once a scholar and a courtier, a man of the world and a man of books, Peun was neither an as- cetic nor a fanatic. The least bit of formalism flavored his character, but it was altogether outward, and he wore it easily as he wore his cloak. The broad and deep channels through which his specula- tion and thought made their way were much less under the guidance of the severe and logical processes which directed the minds of men like Fox and Bar- clay, Baxter and Stillingfleet, than they were obe- dient to the quick suggestions of his warm and fruc- tifying imagination. He was an enthusiast, but his enthusiasm was colored by his large, genial heart and his benevolent disposition, as it was tempered and modulated also by his native shrewdness, his reading, and his carefully acquired knowledge of men, which 78 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. constant intercourse with the world had confirmed to him. It seems probable that the stories of his father, the admiral, about the conquest of Jamaica and of the tropical splendors of that beautiful island first turned the attention of Penn to our continent. He was twelve or thirteen years old when he would have heard these things, and while growing in beauty and manliness, he was already seeing the visions and dreaming the dreams which visit none but children of great imagi- nation and extreme sensitiveness. When Penn went to Oxford, at the age of sixteen, he seems to have studied the English literature of the two preceding generations more closely than his text-books. He knew the Puritan idea as expounded by Vane and Hollis, and the Utopian schemes for ideal common- wealths as set forth by Sir Thomas More, Bacon, Harington, and others. He felt then, with a sense of personal injustice, the pressure of an established hierarchy upon the individual, as illustrated in his own expulsion from Christ Church College for non- conformity, and it is certain that he studied theology, theoretical and dogmatic, very assiduously while at Saumur under the tutelage of that learned expounder of Genevan doctrine, Moses Amyrault. 1 It was while on the continent, contemporaneously with these stu- dies, that Penn made the acquaintance of Algernon Sidney, that honest old English republican, tired of exile, yet unwilling to purchase a return home at the cost of sacrificing his ideas, and eager to expound those ideas to any English hearer who might chance to come his way. When Penn had lived a few years longer in courts and among men he realized the fact that the Friends could not escape persecution nor enjoy without taint their peculiar religious seclusion, nor could his ideal commonwealth be planted in such a society as that of Europe. It must seek new and virgin soil, where it could form its own manners and ripen its own code. Then, in 1672, came home George Fox, fresh from his journey through the wilderness and his visits to the Quaker settlements in New Jersey and Maryland, in which latter province the ancient meetings of Anne l Penn's curious acquaintance with theology not only served him many a good turn in the polemical controversies, in which lie touk a not too pacific delight for a Quaker, but it often aided him to turn the tables upon his adverBarieB in business of a more practical character. Thus when the early Quakers in Maryland were disturbed in their minds about the question of oaths, which had already prevented John Edniondston, of Talbot County, from taking his seat in the Assembly, though often elected, Penn wrote to them (Anno 1673) a letter of advice as to how to deal with the officials of a Catholic colony. He referred them to Po- lybius, Grotius, BiBhop Gaudens, etc. ; alluded to the fact that Christ had forbidden " vain swearing," and added : " Thirdly. That it is not only our sense: Polycarpus, Ponticus, Blandina, BasilideB, primitive martyrs, were of this mind, and Justin Martyr, Cyprian, Origeu, Lactantius, Clemens Alexandrinus, Busilius, Magnus Chrysostom Theophylact, CEcumeniuB, Chromatius, Euthymiua (Fathers) so read the text, not to mention any of the Protestant martyrs. Therefore should they be ten- der." He thus in effect arrayed against the slaves of authority the whole panel of patriotic writers whom the Catholic Church revere as only a little below the apostles in inspiration, and it was this subtlety and skillful adjustment of means to end in argument which, more than any- thing else, led to the epithet of "Jesuit" being attached to Penn. Arundel and Talbot were already important gather- ings of a happy people entirely free from persecutions. We may imagine how eagerly and closely Penn read Fox's journals and the letters of Edmondston, Wen- lock Christison, and others about their settlements. In 1675, when his disgust with European society and his consciousness of the impossibility to effect radical reform there had been confirmed and deep- ened, Penn became permanently identified with American colonial affairs, and was put in the best possible position for acquiring a full and accurate knowledge of the resources and possibilities of the country between the Susquehanna and the Hudson. This, which Mr. Janney calls "an instance in which Divine Providence seemed to open for him a field of labors to which he was eminently adapted," arose out of the fact of his being chosen as arbitrator in the disputes growing out of the partition of the West Jersey lands. As has already been stated, on March 12, 1664, King Charles II. granted to his brother James, Duke of York and Albany, a, patent for all the lands in New England from the St. Croix River to the Delaware. This patent, meant to lead directly up to the overthrow of the Dutch power in New Netherland, was probably also intended no less as a hostile demonstration against the New England Puri- tan colonies, which both the brothers hated cordially, and which latterly had grown so independent and had so nearly established their own autonomy as to provoke more than one charge that they sought presently to abandon all allegiance due from them to the mother-country. At any rate, the New England colonies at once attempted to organize themselves into a confederacy for purposes of mutual defense against the Indians and Canadian French, as was alleged, but for divers other and weighty reasons, as many colonists did not hesitate to proclaim. 2 The Duke of York secured New York, Pennsylvania, and Delaware to himself as his own private posses- sions. That part of New Netherland lying between the Hudson and the Delaware Rivers was forth- with (in 1664, before Nicolls sailed from Portsmouth to take New York) conveyed by the duke, by deeds of lease and release, to John Lord Berkeley and Sir George Carteret. The latter being governor of the Channel Islands at the time, the new colony was called New Jersey, or rather Nova Cxsarea, in the original grant. In 1675, Lord Berkeley sold for one thousand pounds his undivided half-share in New Jersey to John Fenwick, in trust for Edward Billinge and his assigns. Fenwick and Billinge were both Quakers, and Billinge was bankrupt. Not long after this conveyance Fenwick and Billinge fell out about 2 This was a revival of the old New England confederacy of 1643, of late crippled and made ineffective by inter-colonial dissensions. It finally fell to pieces through the destruction of local self-government and the substitution of royal governors in the New England colonies between 1664 and 1684. See Richard Frothingham's " Rise of the Re- public," chap. ii. WILLIAM PENN. 79 the property, and, after the custom of the Friends, the dispute was submitted to arbitration. The dis- putants fixed upon William Penn as arbitrator. When he made his award, Fenwick was not satisfied and refused to abide by Penn's decision, which, in- deed, gave Fenwick only a tenth of Lord Berkeley's share in the joint tenancy, reserving the remaining nirie-tenths to Billinge, but giving Fenwick a money payment besides. Penn was offended at Fenwick's recalcitrancy, and wrote him some sharp letters. " Thy days spend on," he said, " and make the best of what thou hast. Thy grandchildren may be in the other world before the land thou hast allotted will be employed." Penn stuck to his decision, and, for that matter, Fenwick likewise maintained his grievance. He sailed for the Delaware at the head of a colony, landed at Salem, N. J., and commenced a settlement. Here he carried matters with such a high hand, patenting land, distributing office, etc., that he made great trouble for himself and others also. His authority was not recognized, and for sev- eral years the name of Maj. John Fenwick fills a large place in the court records of Upland and New York, where he was frequently imprisoned and sued for damages by many injured persons. Billinge's business embarrassments increasing, he made over his interest in the territory to his creditors, appointing Penn, with Gawen Lawrie, of London, and Nicholas Lucas, of Hertford, two of the creditors, as trustees in the matter. The plan was not to sell, but improve the property for the benefit of the creditors. To this end a partition of the province was made, a line being drawn through Little Egg Harborto a point near where Port Jervis now is. The part of the province on the right of this line, called East New Jersey, the most settled portion of the territory, was assigned to Carteret. That on the left, West New Jersey, was deeded to Billinge's trustees. A form of government was at once established for West Jersey, in which Penn's hand is distinctly seen. The basis was liberty of person and conscience, "the power in the people," local self-government, and amelioration of the criminal code. The territory was next divided into one hundred parts, ten being assigned to Fen- wick and ninety to Billinge's trustees, and the land was opened for sale and occupancy, being extensively advertised, and particularly recommended to Friends. In 1677 and 1678 five vessels sailed for West New Jersey, with eight hundred emigrants, nearly all Quakers. Two companies of these, one from York- shire, the other from London, bought large tracts of land, and sent out commissioners to quiet Indian titles and lay off the properties. At Chygoes Island they located a town, first called Beverly, then Brid- lington, then Burlington. 1 There was a regular treaty 1 The value of Indian lands at that time to the savages may be gath- ered from the price paid in 1677 for twenty miles square on the Dela- ware between Timber and Oldman's Creeks, to wit: 30 match-coats (made of hairy wool with the rough Bide out), 20 guns, 30 kettles, 1 great kettle, with the Indians, and the Friends not only secured peace for themselves, but paved the way for the pacific relations so firmly sealed by Penn's subsequent negotiations with the savages. The Burlington colony prospered, and was reinforced by new colonists con- tinually arriving in considerable numbers. In 1680, Penn, as counsel for the trustees of West New Jersey, succeeded, by means of a vigorous and able remon- strance, in getting the Duke of York, then proprietary of New York, to remove an onerous tax on imports and exports imposed by the Governor of New York and collected at the Horekill. The next year Penn became part proprietor of East New Jersey, which was sold under the will of Sir George Carteret, then deceased, to pay his debts. A board of twenty-four proprietaries was organized, Penn being one, and to them the Duke of York made a fresh grant of East New Jersey, dated March 14, 1682, Robert Barclay becoming Governor, while Penn's friend Billinge was made Governor of West New Jersey. Both these governments were surrendered to the crown in Queen Anne's reign, April 15, 1702. While Penn was thus acquiring knowledge of and strong property interests in America, two other cir- cumstances occurred to intensify his impatience with the state of affairs in England. One was the insen- sate so-called "Popish plot" of Titus Oates, the other the defeat of his friend, Algernon Sidney, for Parlia- ment. From the date of these events Penn began to look westward, and prepared himself for the accom- plishment of his " Holy Experiment." And now, before detailing the history of this great experiment, and describing one of its results in this fair city of 30 pair of hose, 20 fathoms of duffels (Duffield blanket cloth, of which match-coats were made), 30 petticoats, 30 narrow hoes, 30 bars of lead, 15 small barrels of powder, 70 knives, 30 Indian axes, 70 combs, 60 pair of tobacco tongs, GO pair of Bcissors, 60 tinshaw looking-glasses, 120 awl-blades, 120 fish-hooks, 2 grasps of red paint, 120 needles, 60 tobacco- boxes, 120 pipeB, 200 bells, 100 jews-harps, and 6 anchors of rum." The value of these articles probably did not exceed three hundred pounds sterling. But, on the other hand, the Indian titles were really worth nothing, except so far as they served as a security againBt Indian hos- tility. It has been said that there is not an acre of land in the eastern part of Pennsylvania the deeds of which cannot be traced up to an Indian title, but that in effect would be no title at all. Mr. Lawrence Lewis, in his learned and luminous ' Essay ou Original Land Titles in Philadelphia," denies this absolutely, and says that it is " impossible to trace with any accuracy" the titles to land in Philadelphia derived from the Indians. Nor is it necessary to trace a title which is of no value. The Indians could not sell laud to individuals and give valid title for it in any of the colonies ; they could sell, if they chose, but only to the government. Upon this subject the lawyers are explicit. All good titles in the thirteen original colonies are derived from land-grants made or accepted not by the Indians, but by the British crown. Thus Chalmers (Political Annals, 677) says, "The law of nations sternly disregarded the possession of the aborigines, because they had not been admitted into the society of nations." At the Declaration of Independ- ence (see Dallas' Reports, ii. 470) evory acre of land in this country was held, mediately or immediately, by grants from the crown. All our institutions (Wheaton, viii. 588) recognize the absolute tide of the crown, subject only to the Indian right of occupancy, and recognize the absolute title of the crown to extinguish that right. An Indian conveyance alone could give no title to au individual. (The references here given are quoted from the accurate Frothingham's " Rise of the Republic") 80 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. which we write, it is proper to say a few words con- cerning the life of the great founder. William Penn was born in London, in St. Catha- rine's Parish, hard by the Tower, Oct. 14, 1644. His father was Vice-Admiral Sir William Penn, his mother Margaret Jasper, daughter of a well-to-do Rotterdam merchant. They were united Jan. 6, 1643, when the elder Penn, though only twenty years old, had already received his commission as post-captain in the royal navy, and William was their first child. Admiral Penn was a kind-hearted, genial, but shrewd AMIS OF PENN. and observant man of the world. He was a skillful sailor and navigator, very brave and prompt, a man of action, a man also who was determined to get on in the world which he saw about him. He had set his hopes on a fortune and the peerage. The fortune he got; the peerage he would have secured but for his son William's adhesion to the doctrine of the Friends. At court he steered himself as adroitly as he had steered his fleet amid the reefs and cays of the Antilles on his way to Jamaica and Hispaniola. He owed his early promotion and appointment to Cromwell, but when he thought the times were ripe he deliberately betrayed the Protector and offered his fleet to Charles II. He was a great favorite with Charles and the Duke of York, and the latter became his son's chief protector for the father's sake. He was impetuous, irascible, yet strongly attached to his family and their interests as he interpreted them. It is almost pathetic to notice the many efforts he made to reclaim his son from what he regarded as his way- ward departure from common sense in joining the Society of Friends. He at first beat the boy and turned him out-doors, then sent him abroad in the best company, and with a pocket full of money, to make the grand tour of Europe, and learn gayety and frivolity enough to enable him to shine at court. He dispatched him to become a member of the bril- liant family of the Duke of Ormond, viceroy of Ire- land. But the young man proved, as his father thought, incorrigible, and he was again beaten, kicked out of the, house, and left to shift for himself. Finally, when, broken in health and spirits, and dis- appointed in his fondest anticipations, the admiral found himself on his death-bed, he had learned to admire his son's skill and quickness in polemical fence, and the calm, unbending, uncomplaining for- titude with which he bore persecution, insult, and imprisonment. " Son William," he whispered, just before he died, "if you and your friends keep to your plain way of preaching and to your plain way of living, you will make an end of the priests to the end of the world." Lady Penn seems to have been as quiet and domes- tic as Sir William was gay and worldly. Pepys said, twenty years after her marriage, that she had been very handsome and "is now very discreet." It is not improbable that John Jasper, the merchant of Rot- terdam, may have been of Puritan stock or affinities; it is nearly certain that from his mother Penn derived the strength of his early religious impressions, his tendency to sobriety of thought and conversation, and his quiet but deep enthusiasm, just as he inherited from his father the quick mother-wit, the shrewdness in bargaining, and the political and courtier-like skill in dealing with men of all ranks and judging all sorts of characters which so often stood him in good stead in the experiences of his checkered life. Those early religious impressions, whatever their source, grew with the boy's growth and strengthened with his strength. While he was yet at Chigwell grammar school he had visions of the "Inner Light," though he as yet had never heard Fox's name mentioned. He was not a puny child, though he must have been a studious one. He delighted and excelled in field sports, boating, running, hunting, and athletic exercises. He was sent from the grammar school to Oxford, and entered as a fellow-commoner in Christ Church College at the early age of fifteen. The dean of Christ Church was the famous polemical writer, Dr. John Owen; South was orator of the university, Locke was a fellow of Christ Church, and the profligate but witty Wilmot was a fellow-commoner. Penn studied assiduously, he joined the " serious set," he went to hear Thomas Loe preach the new gospel of the Society of Friends, he resented the discipline which the college attempted to put upon him and his intimates in consequence, and he was expelled the university for rejecting the surplice and rioting in the quadraugle. His father beat him, relented, and sent him to France, where he came home with the manners and dress of a courtier, but saturated with Genevan theology. Pepys says he looked quite "modish," and Pepys was a judge of dress. He had shown in Paris that he could use his rapier gallantly, and his father took him to sea with him, to prove to the court, when he returned as bearer of dispatches, that he was capable of beginning the career of office. The plague of London set him again, WILLIAM PENN. 81 upon a train of serious thinking, and his father to counteract this sent him to the Duke of Ormond, at the same time giving him charge of his Irish estates. Penn danced in Dublin and fought at Oarrickfergus equally well, and he even applied for a troop of horse. He was a very handsome young fellow, and armor and lace became him mightily, as his portrait of this date shows. But at Cork he met Thomas Loe again, and heard a sermon upon the text " There is a faith which overcomes the world, and there is a faith which is overcome by the world." Penn came out of this meeting a confirmed Quaker. His father recalled him, but could not break his convictions, and then again he was driven from home, but his mother still found means to supply his needs. He now joined the Quakers regularly, and became the most prominent of the followers of that singularly eccentric but singu- larly gifted leader of men, George Fox. Penn's affec- tion for Fox was deep and strong. He repeatedly got "the man in the leather breeches'' released from jail, and he gave him a thousand acres of land out of the first surveys made in Pennsylvania. Fox had great influence over him, and it is likely that Penn recipro- cally wrought upon Fox's character for his benefit. We must not lightly regard the sacrifices of this handsome young enthusiast. He was a favorite ; he had the manners to push him at court ; he had certain and powerful influences upon his side; yet, instead of taking the step that would make him Lord Weymouth, he became a preacher for a despised sect, universally treated as zealots or lunatics, whose stead- fast disregard of a statute made them continually in- mates of the loathsome gaols of England. Penn did this for conscience' sake ; and he was neither a zealot nor a lunatic, but an English gentleman, fond of dress, comfort,, ease, and something like luxury, an accom- plished courtier, a thorough business man, and one of the shrewdest students and judges of character. Penn preached in public as Fox was doing, and so well that he soon found himself a prisoner in the Tower of London, where, when brought up for trial, he defended himself so ably as to prove that he could have become a great lawyer had he so chosen. He profited by his imprisonments to issue a series of works, chiefly controversial, which revealed a writer of great force and perspicuity and acuteness. He could not perhaps cope with Baxter, but he vanquished nearly every opponent who came against him. Penn married in 1672, his wife being Gulielma Springett, daughter of Sir William Springett, a lady of lovely person and sweet temper. It was a love-match ; " re- member," he says in his beautiful letter to wife and children on his departure for America, "remember thou wast the love of my youth and much the joy of my life ; the most beloved, as well as the most worthy of all my earthly comforts ; and the reason of that love was more thy inward than thy outward excel- lences, which yet were many.'' But Penn did not give many weeks to his honeymoon. He was soon 6 at his work again, wrestling for the truth, and, it must be said, wrestling still more lustily, as one who wres- tles for victory, with the oppressors of the faithful. In this cause he went to court again, resumed his re- lations with the Duke of York, and secured that prince's influence in behalf of his persecuted sect. This semi-alliance of Penn with the duke led up di- rectly to the settlement of Pennsylvania. When, after Penn's return from his first visit to America, he re- sumed his place at court upon the accession of James •II., he became one of the most considerable men in the kingdom. He had the monarch's private ear, and his influence was all the time exerted on the side of justice and humanity, while he expended the best efforts of his natural courtier's tact and shrewd mother-wit in the vain endeavor to save a predes- tined despot and fanatic from the consequences of his fatal errors and blind follies. After James' abdication came persecution, debts, semi-exile, affliction of every sort to the Quaker courtier. His wife died, his son went to the tad, his steward robbed and betrayed him, his province and people were ungrateful, he was accused of treason, hunted by the royal pursuivants, and reduced to pov- erty. , There came an Indian summer of prosperity after this, when, acquitted of debt, and accusations dismissed, married to another wife, and glad to see how his work thrived, he returned to his province and enjoyed a brief reign of luxurious indolence and importance at his. manor and mansion of Pennsbury. Then his government was again threatened by the royal power, and he reluctantly went back to Eng- land, to find his affairs all disordered. " I never was so low and so reduced," he writes to James Logan. "O Pennsylvania," he says later on, in the bitterness of his spirit, " what hast thou not cost me? Above £30,000 more than I ever got by it, two hazardous and most fatiguing voyages, my straits and slavery here, and my son's soul almost!" He was forced into prison for debt, and when finally released, re- sumed his labors as a minister at the age of sixty-five. Soon after this he was paralyzed, his vigorous intel- lect dwindled away to second-childishness, but his sweetness of temper and disposition were still retained to the last, and in a way which evidently made a strong impression on all who saw him. " No insanity, no lunacy," says his old friend, Thomas Story, after a visit to him, " at all appeared in his actions, and his mind was in an innocent state, as appeared by his loving deportment to all that came near him; and that he had still a good sense of truth is plain by some very clear sentences he spoke in the life and power of truth in an evening meeting we had to- gether there, wherein we were greatly comforted, so that I was ready to think this was a sort of seques- tration of him from all the concerns of this life, which so much oppressed him, not in judgment but in mercy, that he might have rest and not be op- pressed thereby to the end." That end was now not 82 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. far off, and William Peun " forsook the decayed tabernacle" of his body on the 30th day of the Fifth Month (July, 1718, O. S.), in the seventy-fourth year of his age. The funeral took place August 5th, in the burying-ground at Jordan's Quaker meeting- house, in Buckinghamshire, where his first wife and several of his family were already interred. His WILLIAM PENN'S BUKIAL-PLAOK. own Monthly Meeting at Heading has left the best summary of his character in the touching little memorial entitled " A Testimony concerning William Penn," the last paragraph of which is as follows : "In fine he was learned without vanity, apt without forwardness, facetious in conversation, yet weighty and serious ; of an extraordinary greatness of mind, yet void of the strain of ambition ; as free from rigid gravity as he was clear of unseemly levity ; a man, a scholar, a friend ; a minister surpassing in specula- tive endowments, whose memorial will be valued by the wise and blessed with the just." "This," says Bancroft, " is the praise of William Penn," that in an age of debauchery and ennui, skepticism and pessimism, when all around him, even the wisest, shook their heads, " Penn did not despair of humanity, and, though all history and experience denied the sov- ereignty of the people, cared to cherish the noble idea of man's capacity for self-government." It certainly was a " noble idea" which lay at the bottom of Penn's " Holy Experiment," and its history should be unfolded with scrupulous exactness as well as with reverent hands. We have seen how, after the Restoration, the atten- tion of the court as well as the people of England was directed in a much larger measure than formerly to the American colonies. Many who were weary of perils of Indian warfare, the depressing diseases of a new climate and unbroken soil were as nothing to those in comparison with the blessings of political and religious liberty secured by emigration. As far as the court was concerned, Charles wanted provinces to give away to his favorites, while his cabinets, both under Clarendon, the Cabal, and Danby, had strong political reasons for putting the colonies more immediately under control of the crown in order to check their manifest yearning for self-government and com- parative independence. Thus the repre- sentatives of prerogative were compelled likewise to give an enlarged attention to colonial affairs. The Council for Foreign Plantations was given new powers and a greater and more exalted membership in 1671, and in 1674 this separate commis- sion was dissolved, and the conduct of colonial affairs intrusted to a committee of the Privy Council itself, which was directed to sit once a week and report its proceedings to the Council. This com- mittee comprised some of the ablest of the king's councilors, and among the mem- bers were the Duke of York and the Marquis of Halifax. William Penn's re- lations with the duke gave him great fa- cilities in dealing with this committee. Admiral Penn at his death had left his son a prop- erty of £1500 a year in English and Irish estates. There was in addition a claim against King Charles' government for money lent, which with interest amounted to £15,000. The king had no money and no credit. What he got from Louis XIV. through the compliant Barillon hardly sufficed for his own menus plaisirs. 1 Penn being now resolved to establish a colony in America alongside his New Jersey planta- tions, and to remove there himself with his family so as to be at the head of a new Quaker community and commonwealth, petitioned the king to granthim, in lieu of the claim of £15,000, a tract of country in America north of Maryland, with the Delaware on its east, its western limits the same as those of Maryland, and its northern as far as plantable country extended. Be- fore the Privy Council Committee Penn explained that he wanted five degrees of latitude measured from Lord Baltimore's line, and that line, at his sugges- tion, was drawn from the circumference of a circle, the radius of which was twelve miles from New Cas- tle as its centre. The petition of Penn's was received June 14, 1680. The object sought by the petitioner, it was stated, was not only to provide a peaceful 1 Not to be wondered at when we find in Charles' book of Becret ser- vice money such entries as the following : " March 28th. Paid to Duchess strife, discontented with the present aspect of affairs j of Portsmouth [king's mistress] £13,341 10.. iy 2 d. in various sums. , . /..irf.j. i j. t c ^ ; June 14th. Paid to Richard Yates, son of Francis Yates, who conducted or apprehensive of the future, sought relief and peace Prince charle8 from fhe flc](1 of Worcester (o whyt(j Lat]]>s after (||e in emigration. The hardships of the wilderness, the j battle, and suffered death for It under Cromwell, £I01U«." WILLIAM PENN. 83 home for the persecuted members of the Society of Friends, but to afford an asylum for the good and oppressed of every nation on the basis of a practical application of the pure and peaceable principles of Christianity. The petition encountered much and various opposition. Sir John Werden, agent of the Duke of York, opposed it because the territory sought was an appendage to the government of New York, and as such belonged to the duke. Mr. Burke, the active and untiring agent of Lord Baltimore, opposed it because the grant asked by Penn would infringe upon the territory covered by Baltimore's charter. At any rate, said, Mr. Burke, in a letter to the Privy Council Committee, if the grant be made to Perm, let the deed expressly state lands to the north of Susquehanna Fort, "which is the boundary of Mary- land to the northward." There was also strong op- position in the Privy Council to the idea of a man such as Penn being permitted to establish plantations after his own peculiar model. His theories of gov- ernment were held to be Utopian and dangerous alike to Church and State. He was looked upon as » Re- publican like Sidney. However, he had strong friends in the Earl of Sunderland, Lord Hyde, Chief Justice North, and the Earl of Halifax. He had an inter- view with the Duke of York, and contrived to win him over to look upon his project with favor, and Sir J. Werden wrote to the secretary, saying, " His royal Highness commands me to let you know, in order to your informing their lordships of it, that he is very willing Mr. Penn's request may meet with suc J cess." The attorney-general, Sir William Jones, examined the petition in view of proposed bound- aries, and reported that with some alterations it did not appear to touch upon any territory of previous grants, " except the imaginary lines of New England patents, which are bounded westwardly by the main ocean, should give them a real though impracticable right to all those vast territories." The draught of the patent, when finally it had reached that stage of de- velopment, was submitted to the Lords of Trade to see if English commercial interests were subserved, and to the Bishop of London to look after the rights of the church. The king signed the patent on March 4, 1681. A certified copy of the venerable document may now be seen framed and hung up in the office of the Secretary of State at Harrisburg. The name to be given to the new territory was left blank for the king to filhup, and Charles called it Pennsylvania. Penn, who seems to have been needlessly squeamish on the subject, wrote to his friends to say that the name was in honor of his father, and that he wanted the territory called New Wales, and offered the Under Secretary twenty guineas to change the name, " for I feared lest it should be looked on as a vanity in me." However, he consoled himself with the reflection that "it is a just and clear thing, and my God, that has given it me through many difficulties, will, I be- lieve, bless and make it the seed of a nation. I shall have a tender care to the government that it be well laid at first." The charter, which is given complete in Haz- ard's Annals, consists of twenty-three articles, with a preamble reciting the king's desire to extend his dominions and trade, convert the savages, etc., and his sense of obligation to Sir William Penn : I. The grant comprises all that part of America, islands included, which is bounded on the east by the Delaware River from a point on a circle twelve miles northward of New Castle town to the 43° north lat- itude if the Delaware extends so far; if not, as far as it does extend, and thence to the 43° by a meridian line. From this point westward five de- grees of longitude on the 43° parallel ; the western boundary to the 40tli parallel, and thence by a straight line to the place of beginning. II. Grants Penn rights to and use of rivers, harbors, fisheries, etc. III. Creates and constitutes him Lord Proprietary of the Provinc, saving only his allegiance to the King, Penn to hold directly of the kings of England, " as of our castle of Windsor i n the county of Berks, in free and common socage, by fealty only, for all services, and not in capile, or by Knight's service, yielding and paying therefore to ns, our heirs and successors, two beaver-skins, to be delivered at our castle of Windsor on the 1st day of January every year," also one-fifth of precious metals taken out. On these terms Pennsylvania was erected into " a province and seigniory." IV. Grants Penn and his successors, his deputies and lieutenants "free, full, and absolute power" to make laws for raising money for the public uses of the Province and for other public purposes at their discre- tion, by and with the advice and consent of the people or their represen- tatives in assembly. V. Grants power to appoint officers, judges, magistrates, etc., to pardon offenders, before judgment or after, except in cases of treason, and to have charge of the entire establishment of justice, with the single pro- viso that the laws adopted shall be consonant to reason and not contrary nor repugnant to the laws and statutes of England, and that all persons should have the right of appeal to the King. VI. Prescribes that the laws of England are to be in force in the Province until others have been substituted for them. YII. Laws adopted for the government of the Province to be sent to England for royal approval within five years after their adoption, under penalty of becoming void. VIII. Licenses emigration to the new colony. IX. Licenses trade between the colony and England, subject to the restrictions of the Navigation Acts. X. Grants permission to Penn to divide the colony into the various minor political divisions, to constitute fairs, grant immunities and ex- emptions, etc. XI. Similar to IX., but applies to exports from colony. XII. Grants leave to create seaportB and harbors, etc., in aid of trade and commerce, subject to English customs regulations. XIII. Penn and the Province to have liberty to levy cuBtoms duties. XIV. The Proprietary to have a resident agent in London, to answer in case of charges, etc., and continued misfeasance to void the charter and restore the government of the Province to the King. XV. Proprietary forbidden intercourse or correspondence with the enemies of England. XVI. Grants leave to Proprietary to pursue and make war on the savages or robbers, pirates, etc., and to levy forces for that end, and to kill and slay according to the laws of war. XVII. Grants full power to Penn to sell or otherwise convey lands in the Province. XVIII. Gives title to persons holding under Penn. XIX. Penn may erect manors, and each manor to have privilege of court-baron and frank-pledge, holders under manor-title to be protected in their tenure. XX. The King not to lay taxes in the Province "unless the same be with the consent of the Proprietary, or chief Governor, or Assembly, or by act of Parliament of England." XXI. The charter to be valid in English courts against all assumptions or presumptions of ministers or royal officers. XXII. Bishop of London may send out clergymen if asked to do so by twenty inhabitants of the Province. XXIII. In cases of doubt the charter is to be i uterpreted and con- strued liberally in Penn's favor, provided such construction do not inter fere with or lessen the royal prerogative. 84 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. On the 2d of April, after the signing of the charter, King Charles made a public proclamation of the fact of the patent, addressed chiefly to the inhabitants of the territory, enjoining upon them to yield ready obedience to Penn and his deputies and lieutenants. At the same time Penn also addressed a letter to the inhabitants of the province, declaring that he wished them all happiness here and hereafter, that the Prov- idence of God had cast them within his lot and care, and, though it was a new business to him, he under- stood his duty and meant to do it uprightly. He told the people that they were not now at the mercy of a Governor who came to make his fortune out of them, but " you shall be governed by laws of your own making, and live a free and, if you will, a sober and industrious people. I shall not usurp the right of any or oppress his person. God has furnished me with a better resolution and has given me his grace to keep it." He hoped to see them in a few months, and any reasonable provision they wanted made for their security and happiness would receive his appro- bation. Until he came he hoped they would obey and pay their customary dues to his deputy. That deputy was Penn's cousin, William Markham, a captain in the British army, who was on April 20, 1681, commissioned to go out to Pennsylvania, and act in that capacity until Penn's arrival. He was given power to call a Council of nine, of which he was to be president; to secure a recognition of Penn's authority on the part of the people; to settle bounds between Penn and his neighbors ; to survey, lay out, rent, or lease lands according to instructions ; to erect courts, make sheriffs, justices of the peace, and other inferior requisite officers, so as to keep the peace and enforce the laws ; to suppress disturbance or riot by the posse comitatus, and to make or ordain any ordi- nances or do whatever he lawfully might for the peace and security of the province. Markham was partic- ularly instructed to settle, if he could, boundaries with Lord Baltimore, and Penn gave him a letter to that neighbor of his. The deputy soon after sailed foi Pennsylvania, on what day is not definitely known, but he was in New York on June 21st, when he ob- tained from the Governor, Anthony Brockholls, a proclamation enjoining upon the inhabitants of Penn- sylvania that they should obey the king's charter and yield a ready obedience to the new proprietary and his deputy. When Markham met Lord Baltimore the interview was unsatisfactory. The boundary question at once came up, and was as quickly let drop when Markham found that the lines could not be run ac- cording to the two charters respectively without giving to Baltimore some lands which Penn was re- solved to keep as his own. It is not supposed that Markham took out any em- igrants with him. His business was to get possession of the province as speedily as possible, so as to insure the allegiance of the people, secure the revenue, and prepare the way for Penn. It is probable, therefore, that he sailed in the first ship offering for New York or Boston, without waiting for company. Meanwhile, even before Markham's departure, Penn began to advertise his new province and popularize what information he had concerning it. This was the business part of the " Holy Experiment," and Penn was very competent to discharge it. He published a pamphlet (through Benjamin Clark, bookseller, in George Yard, Lombard Street) entitled "Some ac- count of the Province of Pennsylvania in America, lately granted under the Great Seal of England to William Penn, etc. Together with privileges and powers necessary to the well-governing thereof. Made publick for the information of such as are or may be disposed to transport themselves or ser- vants into those parts." This prospectus shows the extent of the knowledge Penn had already gleaned concerning his province, and how closely he had studied the methods by which he proposed to secure its prompt and effective planting and settlement. It is not necessary to incorporate the whole of such a pam- phlet in this narrative, but some of its salient points must be noted. It was written, we must remember, in April, 1681, a month after the signing of the pat- ent. Penn begins with an excursus upon the benefit of plantations or colonies in general, " to obviate a common objection." "Colonies," he says, "are the seeds of nations, begun and nourished by the care of wise and populous countries, as conceiving them best for the increase of human stock and beneficial for com- merce." Antiquity is then searched through for ex- amples needless to repeat, but all brought in to prove that colonies do not weaken or impoverish the mother- country. Indeed, this part of his argument reads as if it were Penn's brief while his petition was before the Privy Council, and as if he drew it up in reply to ob- jections there urged against concedinghim the patent. He shows how colonies and foreign plantations have contributed to the benefit of England's commerce and industry, and might be expected to continue to do so. He denies that emigration has depopulated the country, but says that the increase of luxury has drawn an undue proportion of the rural communities into cities and towns, and that the increased cost of living thus brought about tends to prevent marriage and so promotes the decay of population. For this and the many attendant evils emigration, he sug- gests, is the only effective remedy. He then proceeds to speak of his province, the inducements it offers to colonists, and the terms on which he is prepared to receive them. " The place," he says, " lies six hundred miles nearer the sun than England," so far as difference of latitude goes, adding, " I shall say little in its praise to excite desires in any, whatever I could truly write as to the soil, air, and water; this shall satisfy me, that by the blessing of God and the honesty and industry of man it may be a good and fruitful land." He then enu- merates the facilities for navigation by way of the WILLIAM PENN. 85 Delaware Bay and River, and by way of Chesapeake Bay also; the variety and abundance of timber; the quantity of game, wild fowl, and fish ; the variety of products and commodities, native or introduced, in- cluding "silk, flax, hemp, wine, sider, wood, madder, liquorish, tobacco, pot-ashes, and iron, . . . hides, tal- low, pipe-staves, beef, pork, sheep, wool, corn or wheat, barley, rye, and also furs, as your peltree, mincks, racoons, martins, and such like store of furs which is to be found among the Indians that are profitable commodities in England." Next, after ex- plaining the channels of trade, — country produce to Virginia, tobacco to England, English commodities to the colonies, — he gives assurance that under his liberal charter, paying due allegiance to the mother- country, the people will be able to enjoy the very largest proportion of liberty and make their own laws to suit themselves, and that he intends to prepare a satisfactory constitution. Penn states explicitly in this pamphlet the con- ditions of immigration into his province. He looks to see three sorts of people come, — those who will buy, those who will rent, and servants. " To the first, the shares I sell shall be certain as to number of acres ; that is to say, every one shall contain five thousand acres, free from any incumbrance, the price a hundred pounds, and for the quit-rent but one English shilling, or the value of it, yearly, for a hundred acres ; and the said quit-rent not to begin to be paid till 1684. To the second sort, that take up land upon rent, they shall have liberty so to do, paying yearly one penny per acre, not exceeding two hundred acres. To the third sort, to wit, servants that are carried over, 1 fifty acres shall be allowed to the master for every head, and fifty acres to every servant when their time is expired. And because some engage with me that may not be disposed to go, it were very advisable for every three adventurers to send over an overseer with their servants, which would well pay the cost." 2 Penn next speaks of his plan for allotments or divi- dends, but as his scheme was not then, as he confesses, fully developed, and as he later furnished all the de- tails of this scheme as he finally matured it, we will pass that by for the present. It is enough to say that the plan is very closely followed to-day in Eastern Europe to promote the sale of government bonds. 1 The practice of carrying servants "over" was not long continued. In a few years many came to try their fortunes and entered into service. 2 On this basis, if we suppose the servant allotments to pay the same quit-rent as other tenants, Peon's colonists would be assessed about thus : Manors. — 5000 acres @ £100, int. 5 per cent £5 50 servants to a manor, giving it 2500 acres more, total quit-rent @ Is. per 100 A 3 10 (Equal to 27£ pence per 100 A. per annum) £8 10s. Tenants.— 200 A. @ Id. per A 5000 A., 25 tenants, 25 servants, 1250 A., 6250 A. ® Id. 26 Srrmnts.— 76 servants @ 50 A., equal to 3750 A. @ Id 15 12% Thus Penn, in placing 17,500 acres, proposed to get £100 cash and yearly rents amounting to £45 2s., or 5s. 2d. nearly per 100 acres, the greater part of the burden falling upon the smaller tenants of course. The purchaser of 5000 acres had, moreover, a further advantage in sharing in the allotments, or " dividends," as Penn calls them. The persons, Penn says, that " Providence seems to have most fitted for plantations" are " 1st, industri- ous husbandmen and day laborers that are hardly able (with extreme labor) to maintain their families and portion their children; 2d, laborious handicrafts, especially carpenters, masons, smiths, weavers, taylors, tanners, shoemakers, shipwrights, etc., where they may be spared or low in the world, and as they shall want no encouragement, so their labor is worth more there than here, and there provisions cheaper." 3d, Penn invites ingenious spirits who are low in the world, younger brothers with small inheritances and (often) large families; "lastly," he says, "there are another sort of persons, not only fit for but necessary in planta- tions, and that is men of universal spirits, that have an eye to the good of posterity, and that both understand and delight to promote good discipline and just govern- ment among a plain and well-intending people; such persons may find room in colonies for their good coun- sel and contrivance, who are shut out from being of much use or service to great nations under settled customs ; these men deserve much esteem and would be hearken'd to." Very considerately Penn next tells all he knows about the cost and equipments for the journey and subsistence during the first few months, "that such as incline to go may not be to seek here, or brought un- der any disappointments there." He mentions among goods fit to take for use or for sale at a profit "all sorts of apparel and utensils for husbandry and build- ing and household stuff." People must not delude themselves, he says, with the idea of instant profits. They will have a winter to encounter before the sum- mer comes, "and they must be willing to be two or three years without some of the conveniences they enjoy at home, and yet I must needs say that America is another thing than it was at the first plantation of Virginia and New England, for there is better accom- modation and English provisions are to be had at easier rates." The passage across the ocean will be at the outside six pounds per head for masters and mistresses, and five pounds for servants, children un- der seven years old fifty shillings, "except they suck, then nothing." Arriving out in September or Octo- ber, "two men may clear as much ground by spring (when they set the corn of that country) as will brino- in that time, twelve months, forty barrels, which makes twenty-five quarters of corn. So that the first year they must buy corn, which is usually very plentiful. They must, so soon as they come, buy cows, more or less, as they want or are able, which are to be had at easy rates. For swine, they are plentiful and cheap, these will quickly increase to a stock. So that after the first year, what with the poorer sort sometimes labor- ing to others, and the more able fishing, fowling, and sometimes buying, they may do very well till their own stocks are sufficient to supply them and their families, which will quickly be, and to spare, if they follow the English husbandry, as they do in New Eng- 86 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. land and New York, and get winter fodder for their stock." Finally, the candid Penn recommends that none should make up their minds hastily, all get the consent of their friends or relatives, and all pray God for his blessing on their honest endeavors. During all the rest of this year and of 1682 and up to the moment of his embarkation from Europe, Wil- liam Penn was most busily and absorbingly engaged in the multifarious preparations for his new planta- tions. He drew up a great variety of papers, conces- sions, conditions, charters, statutes, constitutions, etc., equal to the average work of half a dozen congres- sional committees. As much of this matter is unique and highly characteristic, we think it best to group it all together in a separate chapter (next succeeding this), so as to present as full and accurate a picture as can he made of Penn as a law-giver and a statesman. In addition to work of this sort, requiring concentrated and abstracted thought and study, his correspond- ence was of the most voluminous character, and he was further most actively employed in disposing of lands and superintending the sailing of ship-loads of his colonists. The first of these papers on concessions and conditions was prepared indeed on the eve of the sailing of the first vessels containing his " adven- turers." This was in July, and the vessels arrived out in October. Every paper he published called forth numerous letters from his friends, who wanted him to explain this or that obscure point to them, and he always seems to have responded cheerfully to these exhaustive taxes upon his time. His work seems to have attracted great attention and commanded admi- ration. James Claypoole writes (July 22d), " I have begun my letter on too little a piece of paper to give thee my judgment of Pennsylvania, but, in short, I, and many others wiser than I am, do very much ap- prove of it, and do judge William Penn as fit a man as any one in Europe to plant a country." Penn had also been busily negotiating with the Duke of York for the lands now constituting the State of Delaware, which were the duke's property, and which Penn wanted to possess in order to insure to his own prov- ince the free navigation of the Delaware, and perhaps also to keep this adjacent territory from falling into the hands of his neighbor, Lord Baltimore, who claimed it under his charter. But Sir John Werden, the duke's agent, still held off and gave Penn much trouble and uneasiness. The latter had received a tempting offer from a company of Marylanders of .£6000 cash and two and'a half per cent, royalty for the monopoly of the Indian (fur) trade between the Dela- ware and Susquehanna Rivers, but he refused it upon noble grounds. The Lord had given him his prov- ince, he said, over all and great opposition, and " I would not abuse His love, nor act unworthy of His providence, and so defile what came to me clean. No ! let the Lord guide me by His wisdom and preserve me to honor His name and serve His truth and people, that an example and standard may be set up to the nations ; there may be room there, though none here." So also he refused to abate the quit-rents, even to his most intimate friends, "intending," as Claypoole wrote, "to do equal by all," but he did reduce them from a penny to a half-penny in favor of servants settling on their fifty-acre lots after having served their time. Subsequently, as we shall see, Penn was less rigidly moral in his land contracts. In lieu of the proposed monopoly, Penn made very liberal concessions of land and privileges to another company, "The Free Society of Traders," whose plans he favored and whose con- stitution and charter he helped to draw. This work will be described farther on. Notwithstanding all these and many other neavy and pressing engagements, Penn seems to have found time to attend to his work as a preacher and a writer of religious tracts and pamphlets. He went on a mission tour into the West of England, he wrote on "Spiritual Commission," he mediated between dis- senting Friends, and healed a breach in his church ; his benevolent endeavors were given to aid and en- courage the Bristol Quakers, then severely persecuted, and he barely escaped being sent to jail himself for preaching in London at the Grace Church Street meeting. Penn had expected to go out to Pennsylvania him- self late in the fall of 1681, but the pressure of all these concerns and the rush of emigrants and colo- nists delayed him. He found he would have settlers from France, Holland, and Scotland, as well as from England, and few besides servants would be ready to go before the spring of 1682. " When they go, I go," he wrote to his friend, James Harrison, " but my going with servants will not settle a government, the great end of my going." He also said in this letter that in selling or renting land he cleared the king's and the Indian title, the purchaser or lessee paid the scrivener and surveyor. In October Penn sent out three commissioners, William Crispin, John Bezar, and Nathaniel Allen, to co-operate with Markham in selecting a site for Penn's proposed great city, and to lay it out. They also were given very full, careful, and explicit instructions by Penn, particularly as to dealing with the Indians, some Indian titles needing to be extinguished by them. He wrote a letter to the Indians themselves by these commissioners, which shows he had studied the savage character very care- fully. It touched the Indian's faith in the one uni- versal Great Spirit, and finely appealed to his strong innate sense of justice. He did not wish to enjoy the great province his king had given him, he said, with- out the Indians' consent. The red man had suffered much injustice from his countrymen, but this was the work of self-seekers ; " but I am not such a man, as is well known in my own country , I have a great love and regard for you, and I desire to win and gain your love and friendship by a kind, just, and peaceable life, and the people I send are all of the same mind, and shall in all things behave themselves accordingly, WILLIAM PENN AS A STATESMAN. 87 and if in anything any shall offend you or your peo- ple, you shall have a full and speedy satisfaction for the same by an equal number of just men on both sides, that by no means you may have just occasion of being offended against them." This was the in- itiatory step in that "traditional policy" of Penn and the Quakers towards the Indians which has been so consistently maintained ever since, to the imperish- able honor of that sect. As the year 1682 entered we find Penn reported to be " extraordinarily busy" about his province and its affairs. He is selling or leasing a great deal of land, and sending out many servants. A thousand persons are going to emigrate along with him. He gets Clay- poole to write to his correspondent in Bordeaux for grape-vines, fifteen hundred or two thousand plants, to carry out with him, desiring vines that bear the best grapes, not the most. Claypoole has himself bought five thousand acres, wants to go out and settle, but doubts and fears. He don't feel sure about the climate, the savages, the water, the vermin, reptiles, etc. April 4th Penn finally ratified the charter of his Free Society of Traders, and erected their land into •a manor. They had taken twenty thousand acres in a single block. Their constitution was now at once promulgated and subscriptions solicited. April 18th Penn sends out Capt. Thomas Holme, duly com- missioned to act as surveyor-general of Pennsylvania, with detailed instructions how to act. Holme sails in the ship " Amity," along with Claypoole's son John, April 23d. On May 5th Penn publishes his ■"Frame of Government," following it with his precis of new statutes for the Pennsylvania Assembly to act upon. By June 1st Penn had made the extraordi- nary sale of five hundred and sixty-five thousand five hundred acres of land in the new province, in parcels of from two hundred and fifty to twenty thousand acres. Penn's mother died about this time, causing him much affliction. The Free Society of Traders is organized, Claypoole makes up his mind at last to emigrate, the site for Philadelphia is determined, and Markham buys up Indian titles and settlers' land upon it, so as to have all clear for the coming great city. August 31st the Duke of York gives Penn a protec- tive deed for Pennsylvania, and on the 24th the Duke finally concedes New Castle and Horekill (Delaware) to him by deed of feoffment. This concludes the major part of Penn's business in England, and he is ready to sail Sept. 1, 1682, in the ship " Welcome,'' three hundred tons, Capt. Robert Greenway, master. It is then that he writes the touching letter to his wife and children, from which we have already quoted. He embarked at Deal with a large company of Quakers, and from the Downs sent a letter of "salu- tation to all faithful friends in England." CHAPTER VIII. WILLIAM PENN AS A LAW-GIVER AND STATES- MAN. Here, while the "Welcome" is on the ocean strug- gling with the waves, and her passengers are mostly down with the smallpox, faithfully ministered to by Penn and his friend Robert Pearson, seems to be the proper place to discuss the great founder's legislative principles, measures, statutes, ordinances, and regu- lations, with a view not only to illustrate the main subject of these volumes, but also to ascertain Penn's real merits as a statesman and a framer of laws. He has been greatly and perhaps indiscriminately praised for his performances in this sphere, but it is not over- praise in view of the fact that what he did was rather upon theory than after a full experience. Penn had had no real legislative practice, and the knowledge of law which he acquired during his brief and inter- rupted studies at Lincoln's Inn could not have been either thorough or extensive. He never was in Par- liament; his acquaintance with affairs both at West- minster and Whitehall was chiefly through the lobby and not in the halls. But he had read much, thought deeply, and the candor and genuineness of purpose which characterized him afforded him material as- sistance in arriving promptly at just conclusions from sound premises. He was rather practical than logical in his mental processes, but his strong good sense never deserted him, and this gives a directness, a consistency, and an apparent simplicity to his sys- tem which make it look even more admirable than it actually is. It has been positively asserted and as positively denied that he owed the best part of his system to Algernon Sidney. It is known that he often consulted Sidney and Sir William Petty, as well as many other of his friends, and that he was eager for advice from every quarter. Probably he was counseled also by Halifax, Hyde, and Suther- land from the abundance of their parliamentary and cabinet political experiences. But the constitution, laws, instructions, circulars, concessions, commissions, letters, etc., which emanated from Penn during those two most busy years all have the same general ear- mark. . They are William Penn's work, and William Penn was a Quaker of an oppressed and persecuted sect, at the same time that he was a courtier deeply indebted to the bigoted Duke of York. If we do not remember these things we will not be able to put a fair and intelligible interpretation upon Penn's legislative work. But first let us, avoiding repetitions, present a con- densed summary of what that work was. Abstracts of the charter or patent for Pennsylvania and of Penn's first prospectus of the province and the con- ditions of emigration have already been given, and we have seen how shrewdly Penn, as attorney for him- self and his province, managed affairs before the cum- HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. mittee of the Privy Council and with the Duke of York and his agent in the matter of the Delaware Hundreds. His clever handicraft has also been illus- trated in the conduct of the complicated affairs of Berkeley and Carteret, Billinge and Fenwick, and the East and West New Jersey Plantations. The leading documents relating to Pennsylvania, in which Penn's hand directed matter and text, from the execution of the patent down to the moment of the " Welcome's" sailing, naturally group themselves into two classes : first, practical executive work ; second, fundamental law-making, with theoretical declarations of prin- ciples and rules of interpretation. It is necessary, therefore, to look at Penn in this place in the double light of the business manager of a great incorpor- ated speculation, the Holy Experiment, as he himself called it in a letter, and as a speculative philosopher, like Hobbes, Locke, or Bentham, seeking to evolve constitutions out of the blended action of his own consciousness, his reading, and his knowledge of men and the world. In the general conduct of his experiment, while attributing everything to Providence, Penn did not neglect worldly devices of a very shrewd sort. He advertised his province with great pains, very exten- sively and very attractively. By the time he was ready to sail it had attracted a general and lively interest throughout Europe, and especially among those per- secuted sects among whom Penn's ministry had fallen in the course of his visits to the Continent. The Walloons, the Mennonites or Mennists, the Laba- dists, the various Reformed German sects and heresies from Protestantism and Romanism, watched the ex- periment as closely as the Quakers did. Penn made the terms on which settlers would be received very plain, and he stated perspicaciously in advance the probable cost of living and the probable average of hardships for which immigrants into the new province must prepare themselves. This was not only charac- teristically candid, it was eminently politic. It fore- stalled disappointment, it prevented the access of un- desirable adventurers, and it tended to increase the number of substantial "bone and sinew" planters, who might have recoiled before imaginary perils, but who laughed at the little catalogue of petty incon- veniences and hardships which he displayed before them. In the regulations for colonists set forth in his statement of " certain conditions or concessions agreed upon by William Penn, proprietary and Gov- ernor of Pennsylvania, and those who are the adven- turers and purchasers in that province, the 11th of July, 1681," the system of plantation is plainly de- scribed. First, a large city is to be laid off on navi- gable water, divided into lots, and purchasers of large tracts of lands (five thousand acres) are to have one of these city lots assigned them, the location deter- mined by chance. It was Penn's original plan to have his great city consist of ten thousand acres, di- vided into one hundred lots of one hundred acres each, one of these lots to be awarded (by lot) to each purchaser of a tract of manorial proportions, who was to build in the centre of his lot and surround his house with gardens and orchards, " that it may be a green country town," he said, " which will never be burnt and always be wholesome." 1 Of course no great city could be built on any such plan, and Penn him- self abandoned it or greatly modified it even before he sailed, the commissioners and surveyor finding it impossible to observe the conditions, especially when vessels began to be numerous along the water-front and business sprang up. This system of great farms, with a central township divided into minor lots, Penn proposed to extend all over the province. His road system was excellent. Roads were to be built not less than forty feet wide from city to city, on air- lines as nearly as possible; all streets were to be laid off at right angles, and of liberal width, and no build- ings were to be allowed to encroach on these, nor was any irregular building to be permitted. This rule of symmetry, amounting to formality, could not be car- ried out any more than the great city plan. It was not Penn's notion probably, for he was not a pre- cisian in anything, and it looks much more like a contrivance borrowed by him for the nonce from Sir William Petty, Sir Thomas Browne, or some other hare-brain among his contemporaries. Penn's system of quit-rents and of manors also, the foundations of a great fortune, resembled closely that of Lord Balti- more in Maryland. It is likely that Penn got the idea where Baltimore derived his, from Ireland, that form of irredeemable ground-rent being an old and familiar Irish tenure. 2 The quit-rent system caused almost immediate discontent in Pennsylvania, and undoubtedly injured the proprietary's popularity and interfered with his income. His large reservations of choice lots in every section that was laid out contrib- uted to this also. Every person was to enjoy access to and use of water-courses, mines, quarries, etc., and any one could dig for metals anywhere, bound only to pay for dam- ages done. Settlers were required to plant land sur- veyed for them within three years. Goods for export could only be bought or sold, in any case, in public market, and fraud and deception were to be punished by forfeiture of the goods. All trading with Indians was to be done in open market, and fraud upon them prevented by inspection of goods. Offenses against Indians were to be punished just as those against the whites, and disputes between the two races to be settled by a mixed jury. Indians to have the same privileges as the whites in improving their lands and 1 Instructions to commissioners for settling the colony, Oct. 10, 16S1. 2 This lias been conclusively shown in some opinions (published in the Maryland Reports) of the judges of the Maryland Court of Appeals. These opinions were given in interpretation of leases " for ninety-nine years, renewable forever. 1 ' It was decided that those leaBes were per- petual, and their historical relation to the Irish leases was demonstrated in order to establish the fact of their irredeemable character. WILLIAM PENN AS A STATESMAN. 89 raising crops. Stock not marked within three months after coming into the possession of planters to be for- feited to the Governor. In clearing land, one-fifth to be left in wood, and oak and mulberry trees to be preserved for ship-building. To prevent debtors from furtively absconding, no one was to leave the province until after three weeks' publication of the fact. In his instructions to the commissioners for laying out the province, Penn enlarges upon the plan for the great town, which is to be located on his side the Delaware, where "it is most navigable, high, dry, and healthy ; that is, where most ships may best ride, of deepest draught of water, if possible to load or unload at the bank or key side, without boating or lightering of it." Other things are to be postponed until this site is chosen and laid out. If the place selected has settlers on it, they are to be removed, either by buying their lands or giving them other tracts in exchange. 1 In dealing with Indians the commissioners are bidden to be tender of offending them, but to make sure, " by honest spies," that no one is instructing them to stand off for higher prices. Give them plenty of love, says Penn in effect, but do not pay too much for their land, and do not let them sell you what does not belong to them. " Be grave; they love not to be smiled on." The com- missioners are forbidden to sell any islands ; they are to lay off the streets in a rectangular way, to preserve a broad water-front, to reserve a central lot of three hundred acres for the Governor's house, and in other matters to be guided by circumstances and their own discretion. 3 The charter to the Pennsylvania Company, the Free Society of Traders, bears date March 24, 1682. The incorporators named in Penn's deed to them were "Nicholas Moore, of London, medical doctor; James Claypoole, merchant; Philip Ford (Penn's unworthy steward); William Sherloe, of London, merchant; Edward Pierce, of London, leather-seller ; John Sym- cock and Thomas Brassey, of Cheshire, yeoman ; Thomas Baker, of London, wine-cooper ; and Ed- ward Brookes, of London, grocer." The deed recites Penn's authority under his patent, mentions the con- veyance to the company of twenty thousand acres, erects this tract into the manor of Frank, " in free and common socage, by such rents, customs, and services as to them and their successors shall seem meet, so as to be consistent with said tenure," allows them two justices' courts a year, privilege of court- baron and court-leet and view of frank-pledge, with 1 Penn balances this direction very closely between thrift and con- science. He says, " Herein [in buying or exchanging these lands] be as sparing as ever you can, and urge the weak bottom of their grant, the Duke of York never having had a grant from the King, etc. Be impartially just and courteous to all, that is pleasing to the Lord and wise in itself.' 1 '' Yet Penn, like Svenson and the other SwedeB, had bought his title, just as they did, of the Indians and the Duke of York. 2 This interesting paper was signed in London, Sept. 30, 1681, with Richard Vickery, Charles Jones, Jr., Ealph Withers, Thomas Callow- hill, and Philip Th. Lehnmann as witnesses. all the authority requisite in the premises. The so- ciety is authorized to appoint and remove its officers and servants, is given privilege of free transportation of its goods and products, and exempted from any but necessary State and local taxes, while at the same time it can levy all needful taxes for its own support within its own limits. Its chief officers are commis- sioned as magistrates and charged to keep the peace, with jurisdiction in case of felony, riot, or disorder of any kind. It is given three representatives in the Provincial Council, title to three-fifths of the products of all mines and minerals found, free privilege to fish in all the waters of the province, and to establish fairs, markets, etc., and the books of the society are exempted from all inspection. The society imme- diately prepared and published an address, with its constitution and by-laws, in which a very extensive field of operation is mapped out. The address, which is ingenious, points to the fact that while it proposes to employ the principle of association in order to conduct a large business, it is no monopoly, but an absolutely free society in a free country. "It is," says this prospectus, " an enduring estate, and a last- ing as well as certain credit ; a portion and inherit- ance that is clear and growing, free from the mischief of frauds and false securities, supported by the con- current strength and care of a great and prudent body, a kind of perpetual trustees, the friend of the widow and orphan, for it takes no advantage of minority or simplicity." s Penn's commission to Capt. Thomas Holme as surveyor-general is dated April 18th. It contains nothing salient beyond the ordinary terms of such instruments. All this executive department work recorded above shows Penn in the light of a skillful, thrifty administrator, well instructed even in the minutest details of his business, and always looking out shrewdly for his own interests. On April 25th he published his " frame of government," or, as James Claypoole called it in one of his letters, "the fundamentals for government," — in effect, the first 3 In this society votes were to be on basis of amount of stock held, up to three votes, which was the limit. No one in England was allowed more than one vote, and proxies could be voted. The officers were presi- dent, deputy, treasurer, secretary, and twelve committee-men. Five, with president or deputy, a quorum. Committee-men to have but one vote each in meetings, with the casting vote to the president. Officers to hold during seven years on good behavior ; general election and re- opening of subscriptiou books every seventh year ; general statement at the end of each business year. The officers to live on society's prop- erty. All the society's servants were bound to secrecy, and the books •were kept in society's house, under three locks, the keys in charge of president, treasurer, and oldest committee-man, and not to be intrusted to any person longer than to transcribe any part in daytime and iu the house, before Beven persons appointed by committee. The society was to send two hundred servants to Pennsylvania the fir6t year, to build two or more general factories in Pennsylvania, one on Chesapeake Bay, one on Delaware or elsewhere; to aid Indians in building houses, etc. and to hold negroes for fourteen years' service, when they were to go free, "on giving to the Bociety two-thirds of what they can produce on land allotted to them by the society, with a stock and tools ; if they agree not to this, to be servants till they do." Theleadingolijectuf thesoclety at the outset Beems to have been an extensive free trade wi Hi the Indians. 90 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. Constitution of Pennsylvania. Hepworth Dixon claims that in the composition of this instrument Penn received so much aid from Algernon Sidney "that it is quite impossible to separate the exact share of one legislator from that of the other." On the contrary, others of Penn's biographers see nothing in it but Penn's work under the inspiration of George Pox's " inner light." A careful examination of the document itself, however, and the preamble will, it is believed, establish it as a genuine production of the author of the " concessions and conditions of settlement" and the "instructions to the commission- ers," which have been analyzed above. It is the work of William Penn, and reflects precisely some of the brightest and some of the much less bright traits of his genius and character. The document is entitled "The frame of the gov- ernment of the province of Pennsylvania, in America, together with certain laws agreed upon in England by the governor and divers freemen of the aforesaid province, to be further explained and continued there by the first provincial council that shall be held, if they see meet." The " preface" or preamble to this Constitution is curious, for it is written as if Penn felt that the eyes of the court were upon him. The first two para- graphs form a simple excursus upon the doctrine of the law and the transgressor as expounded in St. Paul's Epistle to the Romans : " For we know that the law is spiritual: but I am carnal, sold under sin," etc. From this Penn derives, not very perspicu- ously, however, "the divine right of government," the object of government being twofold, to terrify evil-doers and to cherish those that do well, "which gives government a life beyond corruption [i.e., divine right], and makes it as durable in the world as good men shall be." Hence Penn thinks that govern- ment seems like a part of religion itself, a thing sacred in its institution and end. 1 "They weakly 1 Compare this with Penn's pamphlet of 1679, called "An Address to all Protestants, 1 ' where he says, " The fourth great ecclesiastical evil is preferring human authority above reason and truth," and at the same time abuses the accredited State administrators of religion as the greatest obstacles to faith. " Is not prophecy, once the church's, now engrossed by them and wholly in their bands ? Who dare publicly preach or pray that is not of their order? Have they not only the keys in keeping? May anybody else pretend to the power of absolution or excommunica- tion, much less to constitute ministers? Are not all church rites and privileges in their hands? Do not they make it their proper inherit- ance? Nay, so much larger is their empire than Cajsar'B that only they begin with births and end with burials- men must pay them for coming in and going out of the world. ThnB their profits run from the womb to the grave, and that which is the loss of others IB their gain and part of their revenue. . . . The minister is chooser and taster and everything for them (the people). . . . They seem to have delivered up their spirit- ual selves, and made over the business of religion— the rights of their ao uls — to their pastor, and that scarcely with any limitation of truth, too. And as if he were, or could be, their guarantee in the other world, they become very unsolicitous of any further search here. So that if we would examine the respective parishes of Protestant as well as Papish countries, we shall find it come to that sad pasB that very few have any other religion than the tradition of their priestB. They have given up their judgment to him, and seem greatly at their ease that they have err," continues Penn, in an admirable sentence, the clearest possible anticipation of modern convictions in regard to penatory institutions, " they weakly err that think there is no other use of government than correction, which is the coarsest part of it." He de- clines saying much of "particular frames and modes,'' for the reason that men are so hard to please. " It is true they seem to agree in the end, to wit, happi- ness, but in the means they differ. . . Men side with their passions against their reason, and their sinister interests have so strong a bias upon their minds that they lean to them against the good of the things they know." The form, he concludes, does not matter much after all. " Any government is free to the people under it (whatever be the frame) where the laws rule and the people are a party to these laws." Good men are to be preferred even above good laws, and that which makes a good constitution must keep it, he says, to wit, men of wisdom and virtue. The frame of laws now pub- lished, Penn adds, has been carefully contrived " to support power in reverence with the people, and to secure the people from the abuse of power." This is very nicely balanced, but it scarcely harmonizes with the letter referred to previously which Penn sent out to the people of his province by Markham, promising them freedom to make their own laws and govern themselves. In the Constitution, which follows the preamble, Penn begins by confirming to the freemen of the province all the liberties, franchises, and properties secured to them by the patent of King Charles II. The government of the province is to consist of " the Governor and freemen of the said province, in form of a Provincial Council and General Assembly, by whom all laws shall be made, officers chosen, and public affairs transacted." The Council, of seventy- two members, is to be elected at once, one-third of the members to go out, and their successors elected each year, and after the first seven years those going out each year shall not be returned within a year. Two-thirds of the Council are required to constitute a quorum, except in minor matters, when twenty- four will suffice. The Governor is always to preside over the sessions of Council, and is to have three votes. "The Governor and Provincial Council shall prepare and propose to the General Assembly hereafter men- tioned all bills which they shall at any time think fit to be passed into laws within the said province, . . . and on the ninth day from their so meeting, the said General Assembly, after reading over the proposed bills by the clerk of the Provincial Council, and the occasion and motives for them being opened by the Governor or his deputy, shall give their affirmative or negative, which to them seemeth best, . . . and the discharged themselveB of the trouble of ' working out their own salva- tion, and proving all things, that they might hold fast that which is good, 1 and in the room of that care bequeathed the charge of these affairs to a standing pensioner for that purpose. 11 WILLIAM PENN AS A STATESMAN. 91 laws so prepared and proposed as aforesaid that are assented to by the General Assembly shall be enrolled as laws of the province, with this style : ' By the Governor, with the assent and approbation of the freemen in the Provincial Council and General As- sembly.' " Here is the fatal defect of Penn's Consti- tution, a defect which robs it of even any pretence of being republican or democratic in form or substance. The Assembly, the popular body, the representatives of the people, are restricted simply to a veto power. They cannot originate bills ; they cannot even debate them ; they are not allowed to think or act for them- selves or those they represent, but have nothing to do except vote "yes" or " no." To be sure, the Council is an elective body too. But it is meant to consist of the Governor's friends. It is the aristocratic body. It does not come fresh from the people. The tenure of its members is three years. Besides, for ordinary business, twenty-four of the Council make a quorum, of whom twelve, with the Governor's casting vote, comprise a majority. The Governor has three votes ; the Free Society of Traders six; if the Governor have three or four friends in Council, with the support of this society he can control all legisla- tion. It seems incredible that William Penn should have of his own free will permitted this blemish upon his Constitution, which he claimed gave all the power of government and law-making into the hands of the people. It is impossible for Penn to have acted ignorantly or unadvisedly in this matter. He was born amid the thunder of the great struggle, in the very hour of the triumph of the English Parliament over the executive upon this very issue of the power of the Commons to originate bills, a contest that had been going on for three hundred years, and had been incessantly waged since the beginning of the reign of King Edward III. He could not help knowing that this question had been fought out, or was still cause for battle between Governor and Council and the popular Assembly in every American colony. He was too familiar with our colonial history to have forgotten the inaugura- tion of the Virginia House of Burgesses in 1619, and how, successively in each colony as it was formed, in the language of Bancroft, " popular assemblies burst everywhere into life with a consciousness of their im- portance and an immediate capacity for efficient legis- lation." * Why was it, then, that Penn, who certainly 1 The Virginia Burgesses were first summoned July 30, 1619, two each from three cities, three hundreds, three plantations, Argall's Gift, and Kiccowtan. They met together with Governor and Council until 1680, when, under Lord Colepepper's government, the two houses separated. — (Beverly.) In Massachusetts, May 19, 1634, twenty-five delegates, chosen hy the freemen of the towns of their own motion, appeared and claimed a share in mailing the laws. The claim was allowed and they became members of the General Court. In Connecticut the popular body was first provided for Jan. 14, 1639. In Maryland the first House of Burgesses dates from February, 1G39, and they soon voided the au- thority of the Governor and Council, under the charter, to originate bills. In Rhode Island the power of popular assemblies dates from May, 1647. In North Carolina, in spite of Locke's aristocratic constitution, desired popular freedom, and sought anything else rather than the investment of arbitrary power in his own office and that of the Governor's advisers, fol- lowed in the footsteps of Lord Baltimore and John Locke, and attempted to deprive his popular assem- bly of every actual legislative function? We think the reason is plain that it was only by promising to construct his proprietary government after this model he was able to secure his patent at all. His relations with the Duke of York have been set forth. When, in 1675, the committee of the Privy Council was given charge of colonial affairs, the Duke of Albemarle (Monk) was chairman, but the Duke of York was the most active and controlling spirit of the committee. When Halifax opposed the attempt to subvert the autonomy of the colonies, and bring them directly under the sovereign power of the throne, he was dis- missed from office, and the Privy Council voted that Governors and Councils of colonies " should not be obliged to call assemblies from the country to make taxes and to regulate other important matters, but that they should do what they should judge proper, render- ing an account only to his Britannic majesty." This action was not finally taken till 1684, but it represented the well-matured views of the Duke of York, who had long held that colonies did not need General Assem- blies, and ought not to have them. Penn was fully acquainted with these views and bowed in deference to them. He stooped to conquer. He waived his prin- ciples in order to secure his province, feeling that good must come from that establishment in innumer- able ways. Aside from this fatal piece of subservience there is much to praise in Penn's Constitution and something to wonder at, as being so far in advance of his age. The executive functions of Governor and Council are carefully defined and limited. A wholesome and lib- eral provision is made for education, public schools, inventions, and useful scientific discoveries. 2 The Provincial Council, for the more prompt dis- patch of business, was to be divided into four com- mittees, — one to have charge of plantations, "to sit- uate and settle cities, posts, and market-towns and highways, and to have and decide all suits and con- troversies relating to plantations," one to be a com- mittee of justice and safety, one of trade and treasury, and the fourth of manners, education, and arts, "that this power has existed since 1667. In New Jersey the Assembly of rep- resentatives, "with law-making power, is as old as 1668. In South Caro- lina the freemen took part in law-making, through their delegates, from 1674. In New Hampshire the law-makiug power resided in the Assem- bly from March 16, 1680. 2 In the preamble Penn layB down a doctrine now universally recog- nized, and the general acceptance of which, it is believed, affords the surest guarantee for the perpetuity of American institutions: that vir- tue and wisdom, " because they descend not with worldly inheritances, must be carefully propagated by a virtuous education of youth, for which after-ages will owe more to the care and prudence of founders and the successive magistracy than to their parents for their private patrimo- nies." No great truth could be more fully and nobly expressed than this. 92 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. all wicked and scandalous living may be prevented, and that youth may be successively trained up in vir- tue and useful knowledge and arts." The General Assembly was to be elected yearly, not to exceed two hundred members, representing all the freemen of the province. They were to meet in the capital on "the 20th day of the second month," and during eight days were expected to freely confer with one another and the Council, and, if they chose, to make suggestions to the Council committees about the amendment or alteration of bills (all such as the Council proposed to offer for adoption being pub- lished three weeks beforehand), and on the ninth day were to vote, " not less than two-thirds making a quorum in the passing of laws and choice of such officers as are by them to be chosen." The General Assembly was to nominate a list of judges, treasurers, sheriffs, justices, coroners, etc., two for each office, from which list the Governor and Council were to select the officers to serve. The body was to adjourn upon being served with notice that the Governor and Council had no further business to lay before them, and to assemble again upon the summons of the Gov- ernor and Council. Elections were to be by ballot, and so were questions of impeachment in the Assem- bly and judgment of criminals in the Council. In case the proprietary be a minor, and no guardian has been appointed in writing by his father, the Council was to appoint a commission of three guardians to act as Governor during such minority. No business was to be done by the Governor, Council, or Assem- bly on Sunday, except in cases of emergency. The Constitution could not be altered without the consent of the Governor and six-sevenths of the Council and the General Assembly. (Such a rule, if enforced, would have perpetuated any Constitution, however bad.) Finally Penn solemnly declared "that neither I, my heirs nor assigns, shall procure or do anything or things whereby the liberties in this charter con- tained and expressed shall be infringed or broken ; and if anything be procured by any person or per- sons contrary to these premises it shall be held of no force or effect." On May 15th Penn's code of laws, passed in Eng- land, to be altered or amended in Pennsylvania, was promulgated. It consists of forty statutes, the first of which declares the charter or Constitution which has just been analyzed to be " fundamental in the government itself." The second establishes the qual- ifications of a freeman (or voter or elector). These include every purchaser of one hundred acres of land, every tenant of one hundred acres, at a penny an acre quit-rent, who has paid his own passage across the ocean and cultivated ten acres of his holding, every freeman who has taken up fifty acres and cul- tivated twenty, "and every inhabitant, artificer, or other resident in the said province that pays scot and lot to the government." All these electors are also eligible to election both to Council and Assembly. Elections must be free and voluntary, and electors who take bribes shall forfeit their votes, while those offering bribes forfeit their election, the Council and Assembly to be sole judges of the regularity of the election of their members. " No money or goods shall be raised upon or paid by any of the people of this province, by way of pub- lic tax, custom, or contribution, but by a law for that purpose made." Those violating this statute are to be treated as public enemies and betrayers of the liberties of the province. All courts shall be open, and justice shall neither be sold, denied, or delayed. In all courts all persons of all (religious) persuasions may freely appear in their own way and according to their own manner, pleading personally or by friend ; complaint to bo exhibited fourteen days before trial, and summons issued hot less than ten days before trial, a copy of complaint to be delivered to the party complained of at his dwelling. No complaint to be received but upon the oath or affirmation of complainant that he believes in his conscience that his cause to be just. Pleadings, processes, and records in court are required to be brief, in English, and written plainly so as to be understood by all. All trials shall be by twelve men, peers, of good character, and of the neighborhood. When the penalty for the offense to be tried is death the sheriff is to summon a grand inquest of twenty-four men, twelve at least of whom shall pronounce the com- plaint to be true, and then twelve men or peers are to be further returned by the sheriff to try the issue and have the final judgment. This trial jury shall always be subject to reasonable challenge. Fees are required to be moderate, their amounts set- tled by the Legislature, and a table of them hung up in every court- room. Any person convicted of charging more than the lawful fee shall pay twofold, one-half to go to the wronged party, while the offender shall be dis- missed. All persons wrongfully imprisoned or prose- cuted at law shall have double damages against the informer or prosecutor. All prisons, of which each county is to have one, shall be work-houses for felons, vagrants, and loose and idle persons. All persons shall be bailable by sufficient security, save in capital offenses " where the proof is evident or the presumption great." Prisons are to be free as to fees, food, and lodging. All lands and goods shall be liable to pay debts, except where there is legal issue, and then all goods and one-third of the land only. (This is meant in case a man should die insolvent.) All wills in writing, attested by two witnessess, shall be of the same force as to lands or other conveyances, being legally proved within forty days within or without the prov- ince. Seven years' quiet possession gives title, except in cases of infants, lunatics, married women, or persons beyond the seas. WILLIAM PENN AS A STATESMAN. 93 Bribery and extortion are to be severely punished, but fines should be moderate and not exhaustive of men's property. 1 Marriage (not forbidden by the degrees of consan- guinity or affinity) shall be encouraged, but parents or guardians must first be consulted, and publication made before solemnization ; the ceremony to be by taking one another as husband and wife in the presence of witnesses, to be followed by a certificate signed by parties and witnesses, and recorded in the office of the county register. All deeds, charters, grants, conveyances, long notes, bonds, etc., are re- quired to be registered also in the county enrollment office within two months after they are executed, otherwise to be void. Similar deeds made out of the province were allowed six months in which to be registered before becoming invalid. All defacers or corrupters of legal instruments or registries shall make double satisfaction, half to the party wronged, be dismissed from place, and disgraced as false men. A separate registry of births, marriages, deaths, burials, wills, and letters of administration is required to be kept. All property of felons is liable for double satisfac- tion, half to the party wronged ; when there is no land the satisfaction must be worked out in prison ; while estates of capital offenders are escheated, one- third to go to the next of kin of the sufferer and the remainder to next of kin of criminal. Witnesses must promise to speak the truth, the whole truth, etc., and if convicted of willful falsehood shall suffer the penalty which would have been inflicted upon the person accused, shall make satisfaction to the party wronged, and be publicly exposed as false witnesses, never to be credited in any court or before any magistrate in the province. Public officers shall hold but one office at a time; all children more than twelve years old shall be taught some useful trade; servants shall not be kept longer than their time, must be well treated if deserving, and at the end of their term be '' put in fitting equipage, according to custom." Scandal-mongers, back-biters, defamers, and spread- ers of false news, whether against public or private persons, are to be severely punished as enemies to peace and concord. Factors and others guilty of breach of trust must make satisfaction, and one-third over, to their employers, and in case of the factor's death the Council Committee of Trade is to see that satisfaction is made out of his estates. All public officers, legislators, etc., must be profes- sors of faith in Jesus Christ, of good fame, sober and honest convictions, and twenty-one years old. " All persons living in this province who confess and ac- knowledge the one Almighty and Eternal God to be 1 " Contenements, merchandise, and wainage," Bays the text, — the land by which a man keeps his house, his goods, and his means of trans- portation. the Creator, Upholder, and Ruler of the world, and that hold themselves obliged in conscience to live peaceably and justly in civil society, shall in noways be molested or prejudiced for their religious persua- sion or practice in matters of faith and worship ; nor shall they be compelled at any time to frequent or maintain any religious worship, place, or ministry whatever." The people are required to respect Sun- day by abstaining from daily labor. All "offenses against God," swearing, cursing, lying, profane talk- ing, drunkenness, drinking of healths, obscenity, whoredom and other uncleanness, treasons, mispris- ions, murders, duels, felony, sedition, maimings, for- cible entries and other violence, all prizes, stage- plays, cards, dice, May-games, gamesters, masks, revels, bull-baitings, cock-fightings, and the like, " which excite the people to rudeness, cruelty, loose- ness, and irreligion, shall be respectively discouraged and severely punished, according to the appointment of the Governor and freemen in Council and General Assembly." All other matters not provided for in this code are referred to " the order, prudence, and determination" of the Governor and Legislature. The most admirable parts of this code, putting it far ahead of the contemporary jurisprudence of Eng- land or any other civilized country at the time, 2 are the regulations for liberty of worship and the admin- istration of justice. Penn's code on this latter point is more than a hundred years in advance of England. In the matter of fees, charges, plain and simple forms, processes, records, and pleadings, it still remains in advance of court proceedings and regulations nearly everywhere. The clauses about workrhouses and 2 But we must except the Catholic colony in Maryland, founded by Sir George Calvert, whose charter of 1632 and the act of toleration passed by the Assembly of Maryland in 1649, under the inspiration of Sir George's son, Cascilius, must be placed alongside of Penn's work. Two brighter lights in an age of darkness never shone. Calvert's charter was written during the heat of the Thirty Tears' religious war, Penn's Con- stitution at the moment when all Dissenters wore persecuted in England and when Louis XIV. was about to revoke the Edict of Nantes. The VirginianB were expelling the Quakers and other sectaries. In New England the Puritan Separatists, themselves refugees for opinion's sake, martyrs to the cause of religious freedom, were making laws which were the embodiment of doubly distilled intolerance and persecution. Roger Williams was banished in 1635, in 1650 the Baptists were sent to the whipping-post, in 1634 there was a law passed for the expulsion of Ana- baptists, in 1647 for the exclusion of Jesuits, and if they returned they were to be put to death. In 1656 it was decreed against " the cursed sect of heretics lately risen up in the world, which are commonly called Quakers," that captains of ships briuging them in were to be fined or im- prisoned, Quaker books, or " writings containing their devilish opinions," were not to be imported, Quakers themselves were to be 6ent to the house of correction, kept at work, made to remain silent, and severely whipped. This was what the contemporaries of Calvert and Penn did. We have seen Penn's law of liberty of conscience. Calvert's was equally liberal. The charter of Calvert was not to be interpreted so as to work any dim- inution of God's sacred Christian religion, open to all Beets, Protestant and Catholic, and the act of toleration and all preceding legislation, offi- cial oaths, etc., breathed the same spirit of toleration and determination, in the wordB of the oath of 1637, that none in the colony, by himself or other, directly or indirectly, will "trouble, molest, or discountenance any person professing to believe in Jeeus Christ for or on account of his religion." 94 HISTOEY OF PHILADELPHIA. about bailable offenses are also far in advance of even the best modern jurisprudence, and the provisions for a complete registration of births, etc., have yet to be enforced in some of the States closely adjoining Penn- sylvania, despite the fact that accurate registries of this sort are essential preliminaries to any collection of vital statistics. This systematic recording of all transactions, public or domestic, has been character- istic of the Society of Friends from its earliest begin- nings, and their registry and minute-books are now filled with historical materials of the most precious sort. CHAPTER IX. FOUNDING THE GREAT CITY— PENN IN PHILADEL- PHIA—HIS ADMINISTRATION. Penn was very well represented in the new prov- ince and his interests intelligently cared for from the time that Lieutenant-Governor Brockholls, of New York, surrendered the colony until he himself arrived and took formal possession. His cousin, Capt. Wil- liam Markham, Deputy Governor, as has been seen, arrived out in October, 1681, his commissioners, ap- pointed for laying out the proposed great city, came over towards the end of the year, and his surveyor- general, Capt. Thomas Holme, reached Philadelphia in the early summer of 1682. The commissioners, as originally appointed Sept. 30, 1681, were William Cris- pin, Nathaniel Allen, and John Bezar. They sailed either in the ship " John and Sarah" or the " Bris- tol Factor," taking the southern passage and stopping at Barbadoes, where Crispin died. Crispin, the head of the commission, was a man of mature years and Penn's own kinsman, like Markham. It appears by a letter from Penn to Markham, dated London, Oct. 18, 1681, that Penn intended Crispin to hold high office in the new province. He says, "I have sent my cosen, William Crispin, to be thy assistant, as by Commission will appear. His Skill, experience, In- dustry, and Integrity are well known to me, and par- ticularly in Court keeping, &c, so yt is my will and pleasure that he be as Chief Justice to Keep y e Seal, y e Courts and Sessions, & he shall be accountable to me for it. The profits redounding are to his proper behoof. He will show thee my Instructions wch guide you in all y e business, & y e cost is left to your discretion ; y' is, to thee, thy two Assistants and y e Councel." After telling Markham that if he prefers the sea to the deputyship he will procure him the profitable command of a passenger-ship to run between England and Pennsylvania, he adds : " Pray be very respectful to my Cosen Crispin. He is a man my father had great confidence in and value for. Also strive to give content to the Planters, and with meek- ness and sweetness, mixed with authority, carry it so as thou mayst honour me as well as thyselfe, and I do hereby promess thee I will effectually answer it to thee and thyn." In this letter, as Penn states, was inclosed another, in the Norse language, addressed to the Swedes of trie new province by Liembergh, the ambassador of Sweden in London. Markham is to give this to the Swedish pastor and bid him read it to his countrymen. Before Crispin's death was known to Penn he had appointed William Heage as additional commissioner. There does not appear on the record evidence of any great amount of work done by them, though they I probably afforded assistance to both Markham and j Holme in executing, as well as they could, the in- j structions of Penn. Being on the spot it was soon discovered that these instructions would require to be sensibly modified. For example, in selecting the site for the city and locating it in the fork of the Schuyl- kill and Delaware, which was done early in the spring of 1682, 1 it was found that scarcely more than an eighth of the acres called for could be laid off. Markham was in New York on June 21, 1681, where he procured the proclamation already spoken of from Governor Brockholls. The first record we have of his appearance on the Delaware is the following "Obli- gation of Councilmen :" " Whereas, wee whose hands and Seals are hereunto Sett are Chosen by Wm. Mark- ham (agent to Wm. Penn, Esq., Proprietor of y e Province of Pennsylvania) to be of the Councill for y e s d province, doe hereby bind ourselves by our hands & Seals, that wee will neither act nor advise, nor Con- sent unto anything that shall not be according to our own Consciences the best for y e true and well Govern- ment of the s d Province, and Likewise to Keep Secret all y e votes and acts of us, The s d Councell, unless Such as by the General Consent of us are to be pub- lished. Dated at Vpland y e third day of August, 1681. " Robert Wade, Morgan Drewet, W m Woodmanse, (W. W. The mark of) William Warner, Thomas Ffairman, James Sandlenes, Will Clayton, Otto Er- nest Koch, and y e mark (L) of Lacy (or Lasse) Cock." Wade, Drewet, Woodmanson, Fairman, Sandeland, Clayton, and the two Cocks were old residents upon the Delaware; Fairman, Clayton, and both the Cocks owning land within the present limits of Philadelphia. Fairman appears to have had one of the best or most convenient houses on the site of the nascent city at and before the time of Penn's arrival. There is on file a bill and receipt for £426 10s. 6<£, which he rendered Penn for services in sur- veying, doing errands, furnishing horses, hands, etc., between 1681 and later years. He boarded and lodged 1 Claypoole writes, in England, July 24, 1682, " I have taken up reso- lutions to go next spring with my whole family to Pennsylvania, so have not sent my orders for a house for planting, hut intend to do it when I do come. I have one hundred acres where our capital city is to be, upon the river near Schuylkill and Peter Cock. There I intend to plant and huild my firBt house." This land of Peter Cock's appears to have adjoined the Swenson estate, and Penn gave him twice as many acreB foe it on the west side of the Schuylkill. Facsimile, of the Oath and signatures of the members of Deputy GavomDT Maikham's Council -1681 . 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Be 8 5 > * i i . i 1 I *© *. . ■■■■ ■ .» • 17 «<* /I II -. 1 t |'!)t I • rt &,b N « l:5:*;fc —•• •■■■•- • - • . - ■ a. ■ ■.■•>! - R S* I 8,8:1 ■ . *■*•■•«£-•■■»• •• I • • . . - >H • • • ■ ■ . . - »! % T •>>Wvw • ••'■ • '•* -- - ' - ... .... «... .-^. 1 ■ * 1 | r « - ■«%" - *&£ ea:pI#7U7lW72 # •• •••• -|* •—•4. --• * s A . •• ._..-.•>•.■ • *•*••■ • « ■ .1 ■ • • . -•■h* * ■ * ■ ■■ •••••••••• -• • ■ tm.back ^ofMap. • \ The following list of first purchasers of lots is copied from the printed letter and account published by of the misspelling of many names which are known to be wrong. In this list, wherever possible, the the appendix of the city digest of 1854. order of the Committee of the Free Society of Traders, in London, 1683. That list is imp ancient spelling and errors have been corrected and the names spelled properly. The 1: DELAWARE FRONT LOTS. * * The purchasers of 1000 acres and upwards are placed in the Front and High Streets, and begin on Delaware front at the South end with No. I, and proceed to the North end with No. 43. No. William Peun, Jn' 1 W m . Lowther 2 Lawrence Growden.... 3 Philip Ford 4 The Society . 5 Nich. More, Press**.....' G John Marsh 7 James Harrison 8 Thomas Farm borrow*. 9 JamesBoyden 10 N.N . '.. 10 Francis Borrough...^.. 11 Robert Knight 11 John Reynolds 11* Nathaniel Bromley.... 12 Euoch Flower .;.. 12 John Moore L, 12 Humphrey South 13, Sabian Cule 13 Thomas Baker 13 James Claypole 14 N. N 15 Alexander Parker 15 Robert Green way 15 Samuel Carpenter 16 Charles Taylor 17 W*. Shardlow 18 John Love 19 Nathaniel Allen 19 Edward Jeffersoq 19 John Sweet-apple'. 19 Thomas Bond ... 19 Richard Croslett 19 Robert Taylor 20 , Thomas Rowline 20 r Thomas He hist (prob- * ably Herriot) 21 Charles Pickering 22 Thomas Bearne, or Bonnie 22 John Willard 22 Edward Blardham 23 Richard Webb 23 John Bay, or Boy...... 23 Daniel Smith 23 Letitia Penn 24 W m . Bowman 25 Griffith Jones 26 Thomas Callowh ill 27 .••••• ;.... 28 \V m . Stanley * 29 Joseph Fisher ; 30 Robert Turner. ,..". 31 John Holme (probably Thomas) 32 Clonjent Willward 33 Richard Davis 33 Abraham Parke.. .1 34 W m . Smith 34 John Blakelin 35 Kllou (probably Allen) Foster 35 W™. Wade 36 Benjamin Chambers... 30 Samuel Fox 36 Francis Borrough 36 John Barber 37 George Palmer 37 John Sharpless 37 Henry Maddock 38 Thomas Rowland 38 No. John Bezer 38 Richard Crosby 38, Josiah Ellis... 39 Thomas Woodbridge., 39 John Alsop 39 John Day * 39 Francis Pluinsted 40 W m . Taylor \W.. Thomas Barklay (Bar- _ clay) * r 41- John Sim cock .. 42 W m .Criscrin (Crispin) 43 The High St. lots begin at No. 44, aud so proceed ou both sides of High St. to the Center Square. No. N. N v . -14 N. N.. 45 Thomas Bond 46 John Sweetapple........ John Love Margaret Marti ndale.. James Claypole 47 John Barber I... 48 W». Wade Thomas Bowrnay (probably Benrne, or Bourne. See No. 22.) Griffith Jones 49 Johu Day 60 Francis IMumsted Abraham Paake James Harrison .... 51 Josiah Ellis 62 Samuel Jobson Samuel Lawson... ...... John Moore John Sharpless Christopher Taylor.... 63 George Palmer 64 Clement Willward 65 Samuel Carpenter...... 56 Thomas Herriot 57 Nathaniel Allen Thomas Wool ridge..... Alexander Parker 58 John Sincock.. .......... 59' John Beazer ( Bezer.).. GO John Reynolds Daniel Smith Francis Borrough...... Richard Davis 61.-. Enoch Flower. 62 — Nathaniel Bromley.... James Bowden MoseB Caress 63 W m . Bowman I;... 64 Robert Turner 65 Thomas Holme 66 ..... 07 Wm. Stanley 68 Wm. Shardlow 69 Thomas Fran borough (Farmborough) 70 Edward Blardman 71 Richard Webb Edward Jefferson Henry Matlock (prob- ably Maddock) Robert Knight Thomas Rowland John Bay, or Boy 73 Humphrey Smith John Blakelin Richard Crosby Thomas Barker W m . Crispin 74 Thomas Callowhill 75 Richard Croslet 76 No. John Alsop Subriau Cole Charles Pickering Wto Smith..... It John Willard Thomas Brassley (per- IlllObl... •■*...... .■••«••.« i o Thomas Harley (per- haps) 79 Richard Thomas 80 Benjamin Fnrley(Fur- lo) '. 81 John Siuicock 82 DELAWARE BACK LOTS. Here follow the Lots ■ of the Purchasers under 1000 acres & placed in the back streets of the Front of Delaware & begins with the N 5 at the South Side and so proceed numbered as in the. Draught. No. TW. Powell.: 6 George Simcock 6 Barth . Coppock (Cop- puck) 7 W m . Yardley.. 8 9 W». Frampton. ....**... 10 Francis Dowe (prob- ably Dove) 12 — 13 r H Jolin Parsons 15 John Goodson 16 John Moore 17 And r . Grlscom 18 John Fisher 19 Isaac Martin 20 W". Carter 21 John South worth 22 Ricli d . Ingliou (prob- ably Inglia) 23 John Barns 24 Philip Lehman 25 Philip Tlieo. Lehman. 26 Richard Noble 27 28 29 John Hitchcock 30 31 32 33 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 ...*.«..«• i. • . . N. N W">. Gibson Richard Lodge John Bnnurd (Bar- I I ll 1 Uli • ••■•»«•• a. ...... I James Park Leonard Fell Thomas Harding... John Kinsman Israol Hobbs Edw d . Land way.... W™. Wi>gan Rich*. Worrell Tho». Zachary... John Chambers. Randle Vernon Rob*. Vernou Tho«. Minshall W m . Moore >.. Johu Stringfellow:... Tho 8 . Scott... .... Henry Ward Thomas Vurgo (VI r- goe )....; Tho'.Buth\re11 James Batchlo (per- haps) Tho\ Callowhill. J.L. Tho 8 . Pagel (Paget)... James Peter ... John Dickson Tho 8 . Pnschall.,.. ■ ....•••«• Priscilla Sheppard.... Walter Marti u Sarah Fox Eliz. Simmons W m . Man Israel Barnel Edw d . Erbery Roger Drew .... John Jennet '...• Mary Wood worth John Russel Tho 8 . Barry George Randall Tho". Harris W m . Harnier Tho 8 . Rouse Nehemiah Mitchell.. David Briut... ..... Sarah Wool man John Tibby • "lui". 1j60 J. I) .(probably Jona- than Dickinson)... w«n.East; ..... Tho", Cross Arch Mitchell....:.... Israel Self .'.... Edwd. Luff. John Clark John Brothers../.!.... liMw d . Benztir -Anth Elton .'. John Gibson Dau>. Smith ;..., No. 57 5S 59 GO 61 62 G3 64 65 00 G7 08 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 7G 77 78 79 80 SI 82 83 84 S5. 80 S7 S8 89 00 91 92 93 94 95 90 97 98 99 100 101 102 103 1(4 105 106 107 108 109 BACK STREETS OF TUB FRONT OF DELAWARE. Edw fl . Brown John Fish Rob'. Holgate John Pusey Caleb Pusey Sam'. Noyes Tbo 8 . Sugar (Suger).. W™, Withers John Collet W«». Coats IT u m ph rey M u rroy ... Eli/,. Shorter Joseph Knight John Guest John Songhurst John Baang (prob ably Burns) Sarah Fuller Tho". Vernon Will Isaac Edwd. Jeffries Ann Crowley Bob 1 . Sominor (Sum- ner) No. 110 111 112 113 114 116 116 117 118 119 120 121 122 122 123 124 1'25 12G 127 George Gerrish Wm. Chiwos (Cloud).. W m . Bailey'..'. James Hill: Tho». Hatt Wm. Hitchcock W ,n . Bryant William Downton.... John Buckley W m . Ashby Edw d . Tonikins Henry Paxston Edwd. Crew John Martin Henry Ceeiy John Geery Rob 1 . Jones'.-... John Kerton Tho 8 . Sandres (Saun- ders)..... Army Child. Rich*. Woolor Gilbert Mace | Tho 8 . Jones Tho 8 . Lyvesly John Austin Robert Hodgkin W">. Tanner Dan*. Jones!. Jos. Tanilpj" RichardJDowusend... Sam 1 . Miles Jos. Buckley Sam 1 . Quaro David Kiusey Ed\v d . Blake... David Jones Henry SleiglitOflV..... Tho s . Junes... John Hicks Tho 8 . Barberry John Gleane (Glenn). , .Amos Nicholas Itichd. Jordon Sam 1 . Burnet Tho". Cobb: John Barber:....'...:... John Botyor George Andrews •llobV Stephens W m . Beu/.er Tho". Huyward Oliver Cope; •..-.. John BunscC... Gilbert Mace John Ncilii Nath>. Pasko Barth . Coppock \V">. Neak Joseph Milner William Bailey Peter Leicester *.. Henry Hemming John Evans Handel Malin Allen Bobinet No. 128 129 130 131 132 133 134 135 13G 137 138 139 140 141 142 143 144 145 140 147 148 149' 150 151 152 153 154 155 150 157 158 159 100 101 102 1 03 104 105 100 107 108 109 170 171 172 173 174 175 170 177 178 179 180 181 182 183 184 185 186 187 188 1*89 190 191 192 193 Hitherto the Lots of Delaware Front to the Centre of the City. SCHUYLKILL FRONT. Here follmvoth the Lots of Skuylkill Front to the Centre of the City, tho P n rchasers from 1 000 neves and upwards .are placed in the Front and High Streets, aud begins on Skuylkill Front at the South end with N 1, and so proceeds with the Front to the northward to'N43. • No/ W». Penn, Jn r 1, W» Lowther 2 Lawrence Growden.... 3 Philip Ford 4 The Society 6 Nich. Moore, Presd 1 ... 6 - John Marsh...; 7 Tho 9 . Itudyard 8 Andrew Jowlo (Sowle) Herbert Springet 9 George White Henry Child Cha». Bahurst (Bath- ' ; hurst) 10 W"\ Kent f ; Johu Tovey.... i W m . Phillips i . Rob*. Dinsdal (Dinis- dal) 11 \V». Bacou 12 James Wallis 13 Philip Lehnman ; Margaret Marti ndale. Nich. Wain Cha". Marshall U George Green. 15 Wm. Jenkins.-.*./. r John Bevan ; • Richard Pritchard 16 W r «. Pardo (Pardoo)... . W ,u . Powell Cha". Loyd 17 John Hart. IS Joshua Hastings Edw d . Beatrice (Pet- , tris) , * Tho. Minchin (Min- shall) ; John ap John 19 \V m . Smith , , Riclid. Collins Rich d . Snead 20 Dugal Gam el* (Dan 1 . * l ill 11 * 1 I •..*«•.•••*■••.• a • W m . Kussell '• John Cede.. Ulch*. Ciunton 21 Ba/.elion Foster • John Mar^h. ...;... Rich' 1 , nans T James Hunt ... John Blunstdn 22 Henry Bailey John, Williams, Ed\v d M and Mary Pening- ton 1 23 Vacant 24 Fro. Rogers 25 Ram 1 . Chiridge.... 26 James Craven 27 Rich d . Pierce Tho 8 .. Phillips Sam 1 . Tuvernor... Tho. Poarce Solomon Richards 28 Arthur Perryu John Napper Beuj. Eiist John West 29 * • * *- ......... *...*■••..•••..•• • '\' Francis Fincher... 31 Tho*. Roberts Rob 1 . Turner John Gee Jacob & Joseph Ful- ler ,...., 32 No. George Shore 33 Edw«»". Hubbard 34 John Thomas 35 Hugh Lamb 30' * Sarah Fuller <> Sam 1 . Allen Edw d .Bennet. 37 W«. Lloyd Rich*'. Fletcher....' John Mason Tho». Elwood 38 ^ John King Henry Pawling George Powell..... Rich' 1 . Baker John CI awes (Clause). 39 John Brock"..' ,\ f ., . James Di I worth....' Edw<*. Welsh [ H. Killingbeck (KiU lingburt) Rich* 1 . Vickris 40 Cha*. Harford ..*... W». Brown...; W». Beaks Cha". Jonns, Sen... 41 Thov Crosedell....^ Walter King ' John Jones Francis Smith '. 42 Rich 41 . Penn 43 - Sam 1 . Rouies Isaac Gellings...., John Masou W". Markham.... Edmund Warner SCHUYLKILL HIGH STREET LOTS. The High Slreet L«»ts. begins at 41, and so pro- ceeds nn both sides of that Street to the Centre Square. [Mnn —This goes from Schuylkill east- ward.] No. 44 1 Beuj*. East 45 2 John West 40 3 Will. Phillips '. Will Smith ' lTio 1 Minchin.. 47 4 John Bevan Sum 1 . Allen John Thomas 4S 6 Andrew Sowle 49 6 James Dill worth... John Jones John King John Meason (Ma- son) Sam 1 . Chiridge 50 7 John Gee „ 51 8 Jacob & Joseph Fuller 51 8 W*. Markham 52 9 John Blumstone... 53 10 George Wood Edwd. Prichard John Brock 54 11 Itobt Tannor . John Ambry - - - Nich. Wain Henry Killingbeck. Sam>. Kowles 55 12 Solomon Richard... 56 13 Arthur Perrin John Nanper No. John DennisoD John. Edw d ., VVj never would have thought of styling him Lord Penn. On this evidence we Buhmit the case. 100 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. Nathaniel Habtuson. Thomas Jones. Jeane Matthews. William Smith. Hannah Townshend, daughter of Richard. Dr. George Smith, in the " History of Delaware County/' specifies the following as having probably come about the time of William Penn, some before and others immediately afterwards, and before the end of 1682 : KiCHAitD Barnard, of Sheffield, settled in Middletown. John Beales, or Bales, who married Mary, daughter of William Clay- ton, Sr., in 1682. John Blunston, of Derbyshire, his wife Sarah, and two children. A preacher of the Society, member of Assembly and of Council, and Speaker of the former body. Michael Blunston, Little Hallam, Derbyshire. Thomas Bbassey (or Biacy), of Wilaston, Cheshire. Representative of the Free Society of Traders, member of first Assembly. Samuel Br\drhaw, of Oxton, Nottinghamshire. Edward Carter, of Brampton, Oxfordshire, member of the first Eng- lish jury impanneled at Chester. Robert Carter, son of the foregoing. John Churchman, of Waldron, Essex. William Cobb, who gave his name to Cobb's Creek. He took the old Swede's mill on the Karakung. Thomas Coburn, his wife Elizabeth, and their suns William and Joseph, frum Cashel, Ireland. Richard Crosby, of London. Elizabeth Fearxk, widow, with son Joshuaand daughters Elizabeth, Sarah, and Rebecca, of Derbyshire. Richard Few, of Levington, Wiltshire. Henry Gibbons, with wife Helen and family, of Parvidge, Derby- shire. John Goodson, chirurgeon, of Society of Free Traders. Came in the ship " John and Sarah 1 ' or " Bristol Factor." John Hastings and Elizabeth, his wife. Joshua Hastings and Elizabeth, his wife. He was on the first grand jury. Thomas Hood, of Breason, Derbyshire. Valentine Hollingsworth, of Cheshire. Ancestor of the Hollings- worth family of Philadelphia (and Maryland). William Howell and Margaret, his wife, of Castlebight, Pembroke- shire, Wales. Elizabeth Humphrey, with son Benjamin, and daughters Anne and Gobitha, of Llanegrin, Merioneth, Wales. Daniel Humphrey, of same place as foregoing. David James, his wife Margaret and daughter Mary, of Llangeley and Glascum, Radnoi'Bhire, Wales. James Kenerley, of Cheshire. Henry Lewis, his wife Margaret and their family, of Nai-betb, Pem- brokeshire. Mordecai Maddock, of Loem Hall, Cheshire. Thomas Minshall and wife Margaret, of Stoke, Cheshire. Thomas Powell, of Rudheith, Cheshire. Caleb Pusey and wife Ann, and daughter Ann. Samuel Sellers, of Belper, Derbyshire. John Sharpless, Jane his wife, and children,— Phcbe, Jobn, Thomas, James, Caleb, Jane, and Joseph, of Huddeston, Cheshire. John Simcock, of Society of Free Traders, from Ridley, Cheshire. A leading man in the province. John Simcock, Jr., son of the foregoing. Jacob Simcock, ditto. Christopher Taylor, of Skipton, Yorkshire. Peter Taylor and William Taylor, of Suttin, Cheshire. Thomas Usher. Thomas Vernon, of Stouthorne, Cheshire. Robert Vernon, of Stoaks, Cheshire. Randall Vernon, of Sandy way, Cheshire. Ralph Withers, of Bishop's Canning, Wiltshire. George Wood, hia wife Hannah, his sou George, and other children, of Bonsall, Derbyshire. Richard Worrell (or Worrall), of Oare, Berkshire. John Worrell, probably brother of foregoing. Thomas Worth, of Oxton, Nottinghamshire. The passengers by the " John and Sarah" and ci Bristol Factor," so far as known, include William Crispin, who died on the way out, John Bezar and family, William Haige and family, Nathaniel Allen and family, John Otter, Edmund Lovett, Joseph Kirkbridge, and Gabriel Thomas. W. W. H. Davis, whose interesting history of Bucks County was published in 1876, says that one-half of the "Welcome's" passengers who arrived with Penn settled in that county. He names the Rowlands, Fitzwalter, Buckmans, Hayhurst, Ingelo, Walmsly, Walne, Wrigglesworth (Wrights worth?), Croasdale, and Kirkbridge. He also says there was a John Gilbert among the " Welcome" passengers. Of the immigrants who arrived in 1682, but did not come over with Penn, Mr. Davis presents quite a list: Richard Amor, of Buckelbury, Berkshire; Henry Paxson, of Bycot House, Slow parish, Ox- fordshire. (He embarked with his family, but lost his wife, son, and brother at sea.) Luke Brinsley, of Leek, Staffordshire, stone-mason and servant of Penn ; John Clows, Jr., his brother Joseph, sister Sarah, and servant Henry Lengart ; (there was another Clows contemporary with these, who had three chil- dren, Margery, Rebecca, and William, and three servants, Joseph Cherley, Daniel Hough, and John Richardson). There was also John Brock (or Brockman), of Stockport, Cheshire, with his ser- vants; he had two grants of land, one of one thou- sand acres ; William Venables, of Chathill, Staf- fordshire, with Elizabeth, his wife, and two children, Joyce and Francis; George Pownall, with Eleanor, his wife, five children (and three servants, John Breasley, Robert Saylor, and Martha Wor- ral), of Laycock, Cheshire ; William Yardley, with Jane, his wife, of Bausclough, Staffordshire, with children, Enoch, Thomas, and William, and servant, Andrew Heath. 1 In his speech to the magistrates in his first court at Upland, November 2d, Penn, after giving them full assurances and explanations in regard to his in- tended course, recommended them to take inspection, view, and look over their town plots, to see what vacant room may be found therein for the accommo- dating and seating of newcomers, traders, aud handi- craftsmen therein. The proprietary was evidently 1 Yardley was born i n 1C32, and had been a minister among the Friends for twenty-five years. He was a member of the first Assembly, and Isaac Pemberton was his nephew. This Pemberton, conspicuous in the affairs of the province, was the son-in-law of James Harrison, Penn's friend and correspondent and afterwards his steward at Pennsbury. After Penn sailed for Pennsylvania, in 1682, Harrison and Pemberton, with their families, servants, and others, embarked on the ship "Sub- mission" to join Yardley, part of whose land purchases (at the Falls of the Delaware, where he had already begun to build a house) having been on accountof Harrison and Isaac and Phineas Pemberton. The captain of the " Submission," instead of keeping his contract, landed the party at the mouth nf thePatuxent Rivor, Maryland. Their goods were landed on the othpr side of the bay, at Choptanlr meeting-house, aud it was not until M»y, 1683, that they, their families, and luggage finally reached their destination. — (See Davis, Hist. Buclcs County, and Hazard, Annuls, p. 600.) FOUNDING THE GREAT CITY. 101 afraid of being crowded at Philadelphia, where as yet but very little building had been done. Granting that half the thousand persons who came over with Penn or before or after him in 1682 were able to find some sort of lodgings, either on the spot or at the various settlements and houses along the Delaware from the Horekills to the Falls, and on the east side of the Dela- ware again from the Falls to New Salem, there would still remain five hundred houseless people on the site of the new city or about to arrive there in the next two months. It was the second week in November when the " Welcome's" passengers landed, and the winds must have already become bleak and cutting, with now and then a film of ice or a flurry of snow, to prevent them from forgetting that winter was about to come. The " first purchasers" and others who came over at this time were nearly all Quakers, well-to-do people at home, who had sold their property in Eng- land and sought refuge in America to escape the prosecutions that had been visited upon them so often and so severely. They had servants, and were well supplied with clothing and provisions. Some of them were delicately nurtured women and children, unused to hardships of any kind. To such persons there would have been nothing romantic and nothing in- viting in the prospect of a winter camp-meeting on the banks of the Delaware. The woods and swamps were so deep and thick between the two rivers that a span of hoppled horses lost there were not recovered for several months. There were no roads, scarcely any paths, and the low houses of the Swedes and the lodges of the Indians were few and far apart. But the Quakers were a patient, long-suffering people, and the lofty woods of Coaquanock afforded at least a far better lodging-place than the loathsome jails of Eng- land, in which so many of them had languished. The air was pure, the water was clear and good, and the hearts of the adventurers beat high with hope. Their arms were strong, and they had good teachers in the Swedes, and the wood was plenty, both for fuel and other purposes, and every one had his axe and his spade. Some dug holes and caves in the dry banks of the two rivers, propped the superincumbent earth up with timbers, and, hanging their pots and kettles on improvised stakes and hooks at the entrance, speedily had warm and comparatively comfortable lodgings in the style of what hunters used to call " half-faced camps." 1 l The "caves," of which 80 much has been said in connection with the early history of Philadelphia, were not all made by the passengers who came over at the same time as Penn. The Indians dug Borne, the Swedes may have dug others. Dr. Mease, in his "Picture of Philadelphia" (1811), conjectures that the name "Schuylkill" (" hidden river") came from the circumstance that a good many Maryland settlers used to lurk on its banks, concealing themselves from the Dutch and probably the Indians. This is fanciful and far- fetched; the Indian names were sig- nificant, but the Dutch seldom were. Acrelius, in a nute upon the In- dian word Wicaco, or Wicacoa, derives it from Wielding, dwelling, and Ohiio, fir-tree. He adds that "Upon the shore by Wicaco was a place which was formerly called Puttalasutli, or ( Robbers' Hole.' The reason of that was that Borne Indians, who had engaged in robbery, had dug a Others rolled together forty or fifty logs, notched them at each end, and, aided by their neighbors, could in a day or two erect " log cabins," and these, roofed over with poles, upon which a thatch of bark from dead and fallen trees was laid, and the inter- stices between the logs "chinked" with stones, mud, and clay, made residences which, in some sections of the country, are still thought to be good enough for anybody. Others made more primitive huts still of stakes, bark, and brushwood, such as the savages sometimes toss together for their summer lodgings. The settlers had blankets and warm clothes in abund- ance, and we may suppose that the furs which the Indians brought in were in ready demand. With all these rude resources, we may safely believe that the early adventurers on the Delaware got through their first winter without much suffering or many deaths, except among the old people, with whom there seems to have been a considerable mortality. At any rate, no such cry of distress went up from Penn's first set- tlement as was heard from Plymouth and Jamestown after their first winters. If there were deaths, there were births also, and in one of the caves on the Dela- ware, long afterwards known as the " Pennypot," was born John Key, the first child of English parents who saw light within the precincts of Philadelphia. Penn signalized the event by presenting the child with a lot of ground in the city, and John Key survived to be eighty-five years old, bearing the cognomen of " first-born" as long as he lived. Penu was not idle while his people were getting ready for the winter. He sent off two messengers to Lord Baltimore to ask to know when he could re- ceive him ; he appointed sheriffs for the three coun- ties into which he had laid off his new province, — Chester, Philadelphia, and Buckingham, — and for the three annexed counties of Delaware (or New Castle), Jones, and New Deal, or Horekill ; and then he took horse and rode to New York to see the Governor there, and look into the affairs of his friend the Duke of York's province. When he returned he went to Chester, and there issued writs to all the sheriffs to summon the freeholders to meet on November 20th, to elect representatives to serve as their deputies in the Provincial Council and delegates in General Assem- bly, which were to meet on December 4th, at Up- land. Chester County chose three councilors and nine assemblymen. Nicholas More was president of the cave in a hill by the river and there concealed themselves. When other Indians went along there upon the strand to fish or hunt, these robbers attacked, seized, and murderedthem. The Indians around there missed their people from time to time, and did not know what had become ot them. Finally they discovered the robbers' nest. The entranco was well fortified, so they dug ahole through the roof on the hill and smoked them. Those who were besieged resolved to die in their stronghold; but, although they could not save themselves, they would not give up their booty toothers; they broke up their Secnoani or Wampumhy pound- ing it between stones, which was heard by those outside." This is proof that there were caves in the bank before the whites came, and the above is probably an Indian legend to explain their existence. 102 HISTORY OP PHILADELPHIA. Assembly, which met as summoned. The first day was devoted to organization and the selection of commit- tees ; on the second day the credentials of members and contested election cases were disposed of, and the house proceeded to adopt a series of rules and regula- tions for its government. These have no special in- terest, except that they show the lower house had set out to become a deliberative body, and was prepared to originate bills as well as vote upon them. The three lower counties sent in a petition for annexation and union, and the Swedes another, asking that they might be made as free as the other members of the province, and have their lands entailed upon them and their heirs forever. The same day a bill for an- nexation and naturalization came down from the Governor and was passed, and on the next day the Legislature passed Penn's " Great Law," so called, and adjourned or was prorogued by the Governor for twenty-one days. It never met again. SUPPOSED MEETING-PLACE OV THE FIRST ASSEMBLY AT UPLAND. [From Day's Historical Collections of Pennsylvania.] The act of union and naturalization, after reciting Penn's different titles to Pennsylvania and the three lower counties or Delaware Hundreds, and the rea- sons there were in favor of a closer union and one government for the whole, enacts that the counties mentioned "are hereby annexed to the province of Pennsylvania, as of the proper territory thereof, and the people therein shall be governed by the same laws and enjoy the same privileges in all respects as the inhabitants of Pennsylvania do or shall enjoy." To further the purpose of this act of union it is also enacted that " all persons who are strangers and for- eigners that do now inhabit this province and coun- ties aforesaid," and who promise allegiance to the king of England, and obedience to the proprietary and his government, " shall be held and reputed freemen of the province and counties aforesaid, in as ample and full manner as any person residing therein;" other foreigners in the future, upon making application and paying twenty shillings sterling, to be naturalized in like manner. This act, says Penn in a letter written shortly afterwards, "much pleased the people. . . . The Swedes, for themselves, deputed Lacy Cock to acquaint him that they would love, serve, and obey him with all they had, declaring it was the best day they ever saw." An " act of settle- ment" appears to have been passed at the same time, in which, owing to " the fewness of the people," the number of representatives was reduced to three in the Council and nine in the Assembly from each county, the meetings of the Legislature to be annu- ally only, unless an emergency should occur in the opinion of Governor and Council. Penn's " Great Law," passed as above recited, con- tains sixty-nine sections. 1 It represents the final shape in which the proprietary's "frame of government" and code of " laws agreed upon in England" con- jointly were laid before the Legislature. The variations from the original forms wire numerous, some of them important. The language of the revised code is much improved over the first forms, both in dig- nity and sustained force. The preamble and first section are always quoted with admiration, and they should have their place here : " THE GREAT LAW ; OR, the body of Laws op the Province of Pennsylvania and territories there- vnto belonging, passed at an assembly at chester, alias Upland, the 7th day of the 10th month, De- cember, 1682. " Whereas, the glory of Almighty God and the good of mankind is the reason and end of government, and therefore government, in itself, is a venerable ordinance of God ; and forasmuch as it is principally desired and intended by the proprietary and Governor, and the free- men of the Province of Pennsylvania, and territories thereunto belonging, to make and establish Buch laws as shall best preserve true Christian and civil liberty, in opposition to all unchristian, licentious, and unjust practices, whereby God may have his due, Cffisar his due, and the people their due from tyranny and oppres- sion of the one side and insoleucy and licentiousness of the other, so that the best and firmest foundation may be laid for the present and future happiness of both the governor and people of this province and territories aforesaid, and their posterity. Be it therefore enacted by Wil- liam Penn, proprietary and governor, by and with the advice and con- sent of the deputies of the freemen of this province and countieB afore- said in assembly met, and by the authority of the same, that these fol- lowing chapters and paragraphs shall he the laws of Pennsylvania and the territories thereof: " I. Almighty God being only Lord of conscience, father of lights and spirits, and the author as well as object of all divine knowledge, faith, aud worship, who only can enlighten the mind and persuade and con- 1 There is a discrepancy here which it is difficult to make clear. The text follows Hazard ; hut Mr. Linn, in his work giving the " Duke of York's lawB," shows that the " Great Law" as adopted contained only sixty-one sections, and Mr. Hazard's classification is pronounced to be " evidently erroneous." In fact it is said in Council Proceedings of 1689 that a serious lack of agreement was discovered between the Coun- cil copy of laws and the enrolled parchment copies in the hands of the Master of the Rolls. Mr. Linn also claims that Mr. Hazard is in error in regard to the date of the passage of the " Act of Settlement," which was adopted not in 1682, but March 19, 1683. FOUNDING THE GKEAT CITY. 103 vincethe understanding of people in due reverence to his sovereignty over the souls of mankind; it is enacted by the authority aforesaid that no person now or ataoy time hereafter living in this province, who Bhall confess and acknowledge one Almighty God to be the creator, up- holder, and ruler of the world, and that professeth him or herself obliged in conscience to live peaceably aud justly under the civil government, shall in anywise be molested or prejudiced for his or her conscientious persuasion or practice, nor shall he or she at any time be compelled to frequent or maintain any religious worship, place, or ministry what- ever contrary to his or her mind, but shall freely and fully enjoy his or her Christian liberty in that respect without any interruption or re- flection ; and if any person shall abuse or deride any other for his or her different persuasion and practice in matter of religion Buch shall he looked upon as a disturber of the peace, and he punished accord- ingly. But to the end that looseness, irreligion, and atheism may not creep in under pretense of conscience in this province, be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that according to the good example of the primitive Christians, and for the ease of the creation every first day of the week, called the Lord's Day, people shall abstain from their common toil and labor that, whether masters, parents, children, or ser- vants, they may the better dispose themselves to read the scriptures of truth at home, or to frequent such meetings of religious worship -abroad as may best suit their respective persuasions." l The second article of the code requires that all officers and persons i{ cdmmissionated" and in the ■service of the Commonwealth, and members and dep- uties in Assembly, and ll all that have the right to elect such deputies shall be such as profess and declare they believe in Jesus Christ to be the Son of God and .Saviour of the world," etc. This was not perhaps 1 To these primitive Quakers, ae to the Puritans likewise, Almighty ■God Beems to have been constantly a visible, audible presence, in whose awful court everything, eveu the ordinary business of every-day life, was transacted. This is strikingly manifest in the two paragraphs juBt ■quoted. They show, moreover, the strong influence of his peculiar doc- trines upon Penn's mind in framing this Constitution and laws. Gov- ernment was a divine ordinance, and the suppressed minor premise that kings were entitled to administer government by divine right, and that Penn's tenure under King Charles imparted some of that supernal authority tu himself, at once disposes of the notion that Penn had any just conception of a republican, much less a democratic form of govern- ment. He did not seek, did not desire the outward semblances of power for himself or his successors, but his notion of government was strictly paternal, and that the people needed to be fenced in against themselves and their own misguided passions quite as much as against external tyranny and oppression. This spirit seems to pervade the entire instru- ment, and effectively disposes of the notion, so fondly nursed by Hep- worth Dixon, that Penn's constitutional views were "inspired" by Al- gernon Sidney. Dixon would have gone much nearer the truth if he had sought their germs in the moral and political system of the atheist philosopher, Thomas HobheB, who had great influence in Penn's day. Many of the expressions in Penn's Constitutions curiously resemble the cast of thought in Hobbes' "Leviathan" and his earlier treatises, De Give and De Corpore Politico. Compare, for example, Penn's preamble with the following from the treatise De Cive; "Societates autem civil es □on sunt meri congressus, sed fcedera, quibus faciendis fides et pacta necessariasunt. . . . Alia res est appetere, alia esse capacem. Appetunt enim illi qui tamen conditiones sequas, sine quibus societas esse non potest, accipere per superbiam non dignantur." Hobbes held that the state of man in natural liberty is a state of war, a war of every man against every man, wherein the notions of right and wrong, justice and injustice, have no place. " For," he says, " if we could suppose a great multitude of men to consent in the observation of justice and other laws of nature without a common power to keep them all in awe, we might as well suppose all mankind to do the same, aud then there neither would be nor need to be any civil government or commonwealth at all, because there would be peace without subjection." (LeviatJian, c. 17.) This is Penn's government, "an ordinance of God, . . whereby the people may have their due . . . from insolency and licentiousness." The difference is that Hobbes node the need for strong government in the laws of nature, Penn in the fact of man's weakness and Almighty •God's supervision of human affairs. illiberal for Penn's day, but under it not only atheists and infidels but Arians and Socinians were denied the right of suffrage. Swearing " by the name of God or Christ or Jesus" was punishable, upon legal con- viction, by a fine of five shillings, or five days' hard labor in the House of Correction on bread and water diet. Every other sort of swearing was punishable also with fine or imprisonment, and blasphemy and cursing incurred similar penalties. Obscene words one shilling fine or two hours in the stocks. Murder was made punishable with death and con- fiscation of property, to be divided between the suf- ferer's and the criminal's next of kin. The punish- ment for manslaughter was to be graduated according to the nature of the offense. For adultery the penalty was public whipping and a year's imprisonment at hard labor ; second offense was imprisonment for life, an action for divorce also lying at the option of the aggrieved husband or wife ; incest, forfeiture of half one's estate and a year's imprisonment; second offense, the life term ; sodomy, whipping, forfeiture of one-third of estate, and six months in prison ; life term for second offense ; rape, forfeiture of one-third to injured party or next friend, whipping, year's im- prisonment, and life term for second offense; forni- cation, three months' labor in House of Correction, and, if parties are single, to marry one another after serving their term ; if the man be married he forfeits one-third his estate in addition to lying in prison ; polygamy, hard labor for life in House of Correction. XIV. Drunkenness, on legal conviction, fine of five shillings, or five days in work-house on bread and water; second aud each subsequent offense, double penalty. "And be it enacted further, by the authority aforesaid, that they who do Buffer such excess of drinking at their houses shall be liable to the same punishment with the drunkard." Drinking healths, as conducive to hard drinking, is subject tu fine of five shillings. The penalty for selling rum to Indians is a fine of five pounds. Arson is punished wiih amercement of double the values destroyed, corporal punishment at discretion of the bench, and a year's imprisonment. House-breaking and larceny demand fourfold satisfaction and three mouths in work-house; if offender be not able to make restitution, then Beven years' imprisonment. All thieves required to make fourfold satis- faction ; forcible entry to be treated as a breach of the peace, and satisfaction to be made for it. Rioting is an offense ■which can he com- mitted by three persons, and is punished according to common law and the bench's discretion. Violence to parents, by imprisonment in work- house at parent's pleasure; to magistrates, fine at discretion of court and a month in work-houBe ; assaults by servants on masters, penalty at discretion of the court, so also with assault and battery. XXVII. Challenges to duels and acceptance of challenge demand a penalty of five pounds fino and three months in work-house. Rude and riotous sports, " prizes, stage-plays, masks, revels, bull-baits, cock-fight- ing, with such like," are treated as breaches of the peace ; penalty, ten days in work-house, or fine of twenty shillings. Gambling, etc., fine of five shillings, or five days in work-house. Spoken or written sedition incurred a fine of not less- than twenty shillings; slighting language of or towards the magistracy, penalty not less than twenty shillings, five or ten days in the work-house. XXXII. Slanderers, scandal-mongers, and spreaders of false news are to be treated as peace- break era ; persons clamorous, scolding, or railing with their tongue, when convicted " on full proof," are to go to the House of Correction for three days. XXXIV. The statute for the encouragement of marriage is as it was quoted above in the laws adopted in England, "but" (xxxv.)" no person, be it either widower or widow, shall contract marriage, much less marry, under one year after the decease of his wife or her husband." XXXVI. " If any person shall fall into decay and poverty, and be un- 104 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. able to maintain themselves and children with their honest endeavor, or who shall die and leave poor orphans, upon complaint to the next jus- tice of the peace of the said county, the said justice finding the com- plaint to be true, shall make provision for them in such way as they shall see convenient till the next county court, and then care shall he taken for their comfortable subsistence." XXXVII., etc. "To prevent exaction in public-houses," strong beer and ale of barley-malt shall be sold for not above two pennies per Win- chester quart; molasses beer one penny; a bushel must contain eight gallons, "Winchester measure, all weights to be avoirdupois of sixteen ounces to the pound; all ordinaries must be licensed by the Governor, and, to insure reasonable accommodation, travelers must not be charged more than sixpence per head for each meal, including meats and small- beer; footmen to pay not over two pence per night for bedB, horsemen nothing, but the charge for a horse's hay to be sixpence per night. XL. "The daysof the week and the months of the year shall be called as in Scripture, and not by heathen names (as are vulgarly used), as the first, second, and third days of the week, and first, second, and third months of the year, etc., beginning with the day called Sunday, and the month called March." Sections XLI. to LXIX. and the end of this code are substantially re- peated from the code of laws adopted in England, which have already been analyzed ou a preceding page. They relate to the administration of justice, the courts, testamentary law, registration, and the purity of elections. Only a few additions and changes have been made, and these simply for the sake of more pei'Bpicuity and clearer interpretation. gave him; Penn holding firm upon his purchase, the king's letter, and the phrase in the Calvert charter confining its operations to lands hitherto unoccupied, a position in which Penn and the Virginian Clai- borne took common ground. The issue of fact as to whether the Delaware Hundreds were settled or un- settled in 1634 could not be determined then and there, even if the contending parties should agree to rest their case upon that point, as neither would do. The proprietaries finally parted, agreeing to meet again in March, and each went home to write out his own views and his own account of the interview to the Lords of the Committee of Plantations. On his way to Chester Penn stopped to visit the flourishing settlement of Friends in Anne Arundel and Talbot Counties, Maryland, reaching his destination on the 29th. We are at a loss when we attempt to assign a par- ticular date to Penn's treaty with the Indians under the great elm-tree at Shackamaxon, if such a treaty PEKN'S TREATY TREE AND HARBOR OF PHILADELPHIA IN 18U0, FROM KENSINGTON. [From Birch's Views.] After the meeting of the Assembly, Penn set out on December 11th to go to visit Lord Baltimore, with whom he had an appointment for the 19th. The meeting took place at West River, where Penn was courteously and hospitably entertained. Nothing was accomplished, however, in the way of settling the boundary dispute, beyond a general discussion of the subject. Baltimore contended for what his charter was ever made. Those who are most familiar with the subject, and have most laboriously studied it in all its bearings, are convinced that the council must have taken place before the meeting of the Legislature at Upland, December 4th. This seems to have been assumed because no such interview could have oc- curred after that date in 1682; every day of Penn's time can be shown to have been otherwise occupied. FOUNDING THE GREAT GITY. 105 There is nothing on the record to show that there was such a meeting or such a treaty. Penn, always frank and rather exultant in the recital of his affairs, public and private, seems to have kept an absolute silence in regard to this treaty, both in his corre- spondence with the Lords of the Committee of Plan- tations and in his letters to his friends at home. In one of the latter, written on December 29th, the day of his return to Upland from Maryland, he says, " I bless the Lord I am very well, and much satisfied with my place and portion, yet busy enough, having much to do to please all and yet to have an eye to those that are not here to please themselves. I have been at New York, Long Island, East Jersey, and Maryland, in which I have had good and eminent service for the Lord. I am now casting the country into townships for large lots of land. I have had an Assembly, in which many good laws were passed. We could not stay safely till the spring for a government. I have annexed the territories lately obtained to the province and passed a general naturalization for strangers, which hath much pleased the people. As to outward things, we are satisfied ; the land good, the air clear and sweet, the springs plentiful, and provision good and easy to come at; an innumerable quantity of wild fowl and fish ; in fine, here is what an Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob would be well contented with, and service enough for God, for the fields here are white for harvest. Oh, how sweet is the quiet of these parts, freed from the anxious and troublesome solicitations, hurries, and perplexities of woful Europe." A full chronicle of his deeds, yet not a syllable about the Shackamaxon treaty, esteemed generally to be the greatest of all his achievements. We must not, however, do injustice to the universal tradition on the subject of this supposititious treaty, fortified as it is by everything except that document- ary evidence, the singular absence of a line of which casts suspicion on the whole affair. This defect is in- curable, of course, unless it can be shown how it oc- curred, or, per contra, how the traditions arose which unite in pointing to the fact of such a treaty and de- scribing how and where it was negotiated. A brief inquiry into this difficult subject will not be inappro- priate in this place, and we may begin it by stating the arguments in favor of the supposed negotiations. First. It is quite reasonable to suppose that Penn would have desired such a treaty and that the Indians would be willing to negotiate one with him. They expected many good things of the Friends, and were taught to look for the arrival of Penn, their leader and chief, with the lively anticipation of benefits. As early as 1677, in negotiations in West New Jersey between the Indians and Quakers (according to a pamphlet of Thomas Budd's, written nine or ten years later), the latter had endeavored to prevent the sale of liquors to the Indians, who seemed to recognize the humanity of the intention. Budd de- scribes a chief as saying, " Now there is come to live a people among us who have eyes ; they see it [rum] to be for our hurt, they are willing to deny themselves the profit of it for our good. These people have eyes ; we are glad such a people are come among us ; we must put it down by mutual consent, the cask must be sealed up, it must be made fast, it must not leak by day or by night, in light or in the dark, and we give you these four belts of wampum, which we would have you lay up safe and keep by you, to be witnesses of this agreement ; and we would have you tell your children that these four belts of wampum are given you to be witnesses, betwixt us and you, of this agreement." These Indians had already heard of Penn and his character and influence ; they would naturally have news of his arrival and come to see him at Shackamaxon and Pennsbury. As soon as Penn secured possession of his province he began writing letters and sending messages to the Indians, while his deputy, Markham, conducted successfully a series of land treaties with them. His letter of in- structions to the commissioners to lay out Philadel- phia bids them " Be tender of offending the Indians, ... to soften them to me and the people ; let them know you are come to sit down lovingly beside them. Let my letter and conditions with my purchasers about just dealing with them, be read in their tongue, that they may see we have their good in our eye, equal with our own interest, and after reading my letter and the said conditions, then present their kings with what I send them, and make a friendship and league with them, according to these conditions, which carefully observe, and get them to comply with. . . . From time to time, in my name, and for my use, buy land of them, where any justly pretend," etc. The 11th, 12th, 13th, 14th, and 15th articles of the " conditions and conces- sions" are here referred to, in which trading with Indians except in market is forbidden, goods sold to " the poor natives" are ordered to he tested, offenses against them punished just as offenses against whites, differences to be settled by mixed juries, and the In- dians given liberty, the same as the planters, to im- prove their grounds, etc. In September, 1681, we find George Fox sending around a circular letter "to all planters," especially in West Jersey, direct- ing them to pay attention to the spiritual welfare of the Indians. In Penn's letter to the Indians, sent them through the hands of his commissioners, he ex- pounds to them his principles of universal justice and of the common brotherhood of mankind, adding that " I have sent my commissioners to treat with you about land and a firm league of peace," and that " I shall shortly come to you myself, at what time we may more largely and freely confer and discourse of these matters." Penn sent by Holme, his surveyor- general, another letter of the same tenor to the In- dians, which Holme indorsed as having been read to them by an interpreter the sixth month (August), 1682. The place of the reading is not mentioned, but Holme was at that time living with Fairman in 106 HISTORY OP PHILADELPHIA. lis house at Shackamaxon, where the Quaker meet- ings were held. Second. In 1835 the Historical Society of Penn- sylvania appointed a committee, consisting of Peter S. Duponceau, Joshua F. Fisher, and Roberts Vaux, to report upon a communication of John F. Watson in reference to " the Indian treaty for the lands now the site of Philadelphia and the adjacent country." Mr. Vaux having died hefore the work was finished, Messrs. Duponceau and Fisher made an exhaustive re- port on the subject, considering all the questions con- nected with the treaty or supposed treaty at Shacka- maxon. Their conclusion was that while no treaty was ever negotiated at Shackamaxon for the purchase of lands, with which were joined stipulations for peace and amity and a league of friendship (since if such a treaty had been made it would necessarily have been recorded), yet there was a solemn council held there for the purpose of sealing friendship between the Indians and the proprietary. They found their opinion upon certain expressions in speeches of MONUMENT ERECTED TO MARK THE SITE OF THE TREATY TREE. Lieutenant-Governor Keith to the Susquehanna In- dians in 1717 and 1722, and by Lieutenant-Governor Gordon in 1728-29. They are firm in their belief that such a treaty or conference did take place, prob- ably in November, 1682, at Shackamaxon, under the great elm-tree which was blown down in 1810. " The treaty was probably made," according to the committee, " with the Lenni Lenape or Delaware tribes and some of the Susquehanna Indians; that it was ' a treaty of amity and friendship,' and per- haps confirmatory of one made previously by Mark- ham [or the commissioners and Holme]. In the con- cluding language of the report, therefore, 'we hope that the memory of the Great Treaty, and of our illustrious founder, will remain engraved on the memory of our children and children's children to the end of time.' " 1 1 Hazard, Annals, i. 03 >. Third. Tradition has found the place of the treaty, named those present, tells us that Penn came there in a barge, and wore a blue sash. A belt of wampum has come from the Penn family, which, it is claimed, was presented to the proprietary on that occasion. The great Tamanend or Tamany was chief spokes- man on this day, and his dress and the emblems worn by him of kingly power are accurately described ; in short, the whole scene has been set with a view to bring out the illusion effectively. On the other hand, those who do not believe that any such treaty was ever negotiated reply : First. That the treaty referred to by Keith and Gordon was not one made by Penn with the Lenni Lenapes in 1682, but one which he negotiated in April, 1701, on occasion of his second visit, with the representatives of several tribes, including the Susquehannocks, alias Minquas or Conestogas, the Shawanese, the Onondagoes, etc., which treaty is duly recorded in the Colonial Records. The fact that the Indians possessed a parchment copy of the treaty, which they produced in their council with Keith in 1722, is evidence of this, there being no attempt to prove a written treaty in 1682. At any rate, the actual treaty of 1701 fits all the circumstances of the case, and all the allusions of the Indians and the Governors, far better than the assumed treaty of 1682. Second. It is easy for tradition to have confused the two occasions, and even to have set the familiar scene at a very early day. In his letter of Aug. 16, 1683, to the Society of Free Traders, Penn, writing from Philadelphia about the Indians, whose habits and language he had been studying closely in the course of a tour among them, describes very minutely the conduct of an Indian council, for he says, " I have had occasion to be in council with them upon treaties for land and to adjust the terms of trade." Then he gives a picture of the ordering of an Indian council, which might very well be taken for the original of the traditional accounts of the treaty under the Shacka- maxon elm. "Every king," he says, "hath his coun- cil, and that consists of all the old and wise men of his nation, which perhaps is two hundred people. Nothing of moment is undertaken, be it war, peace, selling of land, or traffic, without advising with them, and, which is more, with the young men too. . . . Their order is thus : The king sits in the middle of a half-moon, and has his council, the old and wise, on each hand. Behind them, or at a little distance, sit the younger fry in the same figure." This is the Shackamaxon scene exactly. One almost sees West's picture, or Watson's descriptions, gleaned from the recollections of the oldest inhabitants. But Penn goes on, and from depicting the general scene comes to delineate what was apparently an actual incident in his recollection. "Having consulted and resolved their business, the king ordered one of them to speak to me. . . . He took me by the hand and told me he was ordered by his king to speak to me, and that now FOUNDING THE GREAT CITY. 107 it was not he but the king who spoke. . . . He first prayed me to excuse them that they had not complied with me the last time. He feared there might be some fault in the interpreter, being neither Indian nor English. Besides, it was the Indian custom to deliberate and take up much time in council before they resolved, and that if the young people and owners of the land had been as ready as he, / had not met with so much delay." Now this exactly meets the case of Penn's undoubted and recorded treaties with the Indians for land in the spring and summer of 1683. In his letter about the Maryland boundary to the Lords of the Com- mittee on Plantations Penn writes: "In the month called May, Lord Baltimore sent three gentlemen to let me know he would meet me at the head of the Bay of Chesapeake ; I was then in treaty with the kings of the nations for land, but three days after we met ten miles from New Castle, which is thirty from the Bay." This was in May or June 23d, and 14th of July fol- lowing the treaties were negotiated with the Kings Tamanend and Metamequam. Here are the land treaties, the kings and their council, the non-compli- ance the first time, the delay, all the circumstances. " When the purchase was agreed on," adds Penn (when the actual business of the conference was discharged, in other words), "great promises passed between us of Mndness and good neighborhood and that the English and Indians must live in love as long as the sun gave light." Then another Indian spoke, charging the natives to love the Christians and so on, "at every sentence of which they shouted and said amen in their way." Finally, Penn says in this letter, written only a month after the transaction, "We have agreed that in all differences between us six of a side shall end the matter. Do not abuse them, but let them have justice and you win them." In these sentences we have all the data of the supposititious treaty of Shackamaxon, — a written bargain for land, sealed and paid for, and an unwritten treaty of friendship on the basis of justice and equity. If Penn could describe this event so vividly would he not have dwelt still more upon an earlier and more formal treaty of alli- ance, made when he had not been in the province a month, and when the Indians and everything else were such novelties to him ? Third. This described treaty covers all that Penn told the historian Oldmixon, to wit, that he "stayed in Pennsylvania two years, and having made a league of amity with nineteen Indian nations, established good laws," etc., he returned to England. Now it happens that there are exactly nineteen " sachamakers" who sign the various land deeds given by the Indians to Markham in 1682 and to Penn in 1683, to wit: July 15, 1682, Kowyockhickon, Attoireham ; Aug. 1, 1682, Nomne Soham, June 24, 1683, Tammanen; same date, Essepenaike, Swanpees, Ohettarichon, Wessapoat, Keke- lappan; same date, Metamequan; June 25th, Winge- bone; July 14th, Secane and Icquoquehan; same date, Neneshiekan, Malebore, Neshanocke, and Osereneon; October 10th, Keherappan ; October 18th, Machaloha. And these are all the Indian deeds on record between the date of Markham's arrival and Penn's return to England. Is it then necessary to despoil tradition entirely ? We do not think so. We are loath to give up the great elm at Shackamaxon, with Tamanend and his council squatted in a double semicircle beneath its wide, bare branches (though there must have been a good deal of frost in the ground so late in November), and Penn with his blue sash, Markham with his scar- let coat, and Lasse Cock, the interpreter, in leather breeches and fur coat, speaking an indescribable mix- ture of Swedish, Dutch, English, and Indian. We will have to give up the barge, we suppose, for, if such a conference ever occurred, it must have been while Penn was occupying Fairman's house on the spot at Shackamaxon. But there is no inherent im- probability in the idea of such a conference. The Indians would be as eager to see Penn, of whom they had heard so much, as he would be curious to meet them. Suppose that, while the " Welcome" was still at New Castle or Upland, or after she had gone up the river and anchored off the mouth of Dock Creek, hard by the house, then just built, which soon came to be known as the Blue Anchor tavern, Penn's counselors had suggested to him, or he to them, that it would be a politic thing to call the Indians to- gether in council, so that he might ratify to them in person the lavish promises made in his name and on his behalf by his agents. The Indians would be notified, a day set, runners sent out, and when the time came there would be no difficulty in securing a very respectable collection of sachems and braves of the contiguous bands. Old Tammany might have been present himself if the weather was good, and if the "Welcome" had not yet gone down the river, and Penn still occupied his cabin, the ship's jolly- boat might very well have served him for barge in which to make a stately entry upon the scene. Then upon his arrival, after the peace pipe had been smoked, there might have ensued such a succession of speech-making and such another love-feast as Penn describes as having taken place after the signing of the land treaties in 1683, and upon newcomers like the passengers of the " Welcome," ignorant equally of the language, the circumstances, and the surround- ings, what they then and there witnessed might have made an indelible impression as the first great treaty with the Indians. At the same time Penn, used to state business, and knowing nothing had been accom- plished, may not have charged his memory particu- larly with the occurrence. The presence and acts of Penn and the just dealings of his followers made a strong and lasting impression upon the Indians, not only of Eastern Pennsylvania, but of the whole State and of New York also. They gave him a name of their own, "Onas" (signifying quill, or "pen"), and this patronymic was extended to all his successors 108 HISTORY OP PHILADELPHIA. in the executive of Pennsylvania down to quite a late period. His familiar name among the Delawares was " Miquon," and for his sake, while the savages in every section east of the Mississippi and north of the Tennessee, smarting under a thousand wrongs, were waging undying war against every other person of English descent, the peaceful garb of members of the Society of Friends continued to be a passport and a palladium. Penn's traditional policy is still kept up with proud consistency by the Quakers, and there is not a tribe, nor the vestige of a band of sav- ages, within all the broad extent of the United States . but has experienced some material benefit from this amiable determination of the quiet sect to right, wherever they can, the injuries inflicted by the white man upon the original owners of the soil. The year 1683 was a very busy one for William Penn. A great number of colonists arrived, building was very actively going on, the division of land among purchasers was a source of much care and perplexity, the lines and bounds and streets of the new city re- quired to be readjusted, the Council and Assembly had to be newly elected and organized, with much impor- tant legislative business before them, and there were besides the boundary question and interviews with Lord Baltimore, Indian land treaties with their te- dious preliminary councils and pow-wows, and in addition to all this an extensive and exacting corre- spondence. Penn, however, was equal to it all, and maintained his health, spirits, and energy remarkably well. He even found time to make an extensive tour through his territories, visited the Indian tribes in friendship with them, curiously studied their manners and customs, and even picked up a smattering of their tongue. Penn was more and more pleased with his province the more he saw of it, and was elated with the great work he had set in motion, even while he could not conceal from himself that his new province was going to prove difficult for him to govern, and that his liberal expenditures in behalf of its settle- ment would eventually plunge him deep in pecuniary embarrassments. The Governor's first care, after appointing sheriffs for the several counties and ordering them to issue writs for a new election of members of the Provincial Council and General Assembly, was to replat the city and rename the streets, which had been provisionally named by the commissioners and Holme. In a spirit of avoidance of "man-worship," Penn designated the streets between and parallel to the Delaware and the Schuylkill by numbers ; the intersecting streets con- necting the two rivers he named after the different varieties of trees and fruits indigenous to the soil. There were a few exceptions to this rule, concessions to some local peculiarity, as, for example, Front, High, Broad, etc. But the main body of streets bore names from Delaware 2d to Delaware 10th, and from Schuylkill 10th to Schuylkill Front Street, and from Cedar, going north, Pine, Spruce, Walnut, Chestnut, High, Mulberry, Sassafras, and Vine Streets. Lom- bard Street was not laid out until many years after- wards. This deprives Philadelphia streets of that historical flavor which hangs about the names of thoroughfares in other large cities. As Philadel- phia, as originally laid out, contained only about twelve hundred acres, it was found impossible to accommodate the " first purchasers" of large tracts of land with the city lots promised them in the prospectus inviting colonists. To remedy this a portion of territory outside the original survey was laid off and annexed under the name of "the Liber- ties," and in these the apportioned lots still undrawn were located. These apportionments, as finally ar- ranged by Penn, gave to each purchaser of land about two per cent, of his purchase in town lots. If he took one thousand acres he received twenty acres of lots and nine hundred and eighty acres of farm land. But if the lots were in the Liberties east of the Schuyl- kill there was a reduction of twenty per cent, in the size of the lots in consequence of their much greater value. While arranging this difficult business as re- spected Philadelphia, Penn also prepared for the distribution of rural population through the counties which he had opened, and particularly Chester and Buckingham (or Bucks as it soon began to be called), by laying out townships there, and "squares" around which the farmsteads were grouped and in which each landholder had his lot, just as was the case in Philadelphia County, and its township, Philadel- phia City. This system is illustrated very graphically on Holme's " map of the improved part of Pennsyl- vania." Penn had begun to build, likewise, on his own ac- count. The construction of the mansion-house at Pennsbury is said, rather vaguely, however, to have been commenced by Markham previous to the pro- prietary's arrival in the province, and it was now pushed vigorously, though Penn does not appear to have occupied the house permanently until his second visit. He also built a house in Philadelphia for his own use. This structure, called the Letitia house, and assumed to have been the first brick house erected in the city, is commonly said to have been put up for Penn's daughter, whose name it bears. Her father did not grant the lot to her by patent until the 29th of first month (March), 1701. Penn lived there when it was first built, and when he returned to England it became the official residence of Markham. The Pennsbury mansion, so situated as to give the Lord Proprietary convenient access both to his own capi- tal and to Burlington, the chief town in the West Jersey plantation, was quite an elaborate building, costing, with expenditures upon the grounds and out-buildings, from five thousand to seven thousand _ pounds. It was placed on a gentle eminence fifteen feet above high water and one hundred and fifty feet from the river, with a winding creek or cove flowing around one side of it to the rear. 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This mansion-house was, however, not completed until some years after Penn's return to England. The supervision of its construc- THE LETITIA HOUSE. tion was given to James Harrison, and Penn's letters to him on the subject are numerous and interesting. The proprietary in the first few months of his visit seems to have had no other thought than that of a permanent residence in the province, surrounded by his family, and in the midst of sylvan solitude and rural comforts. He had not then learned that new colonies may be harassing and intractable, and that the European with large home interests who goes to dwell in the wilderness cannot escape illustrating the proverb, " Out of sight out of mind." " I am much satisfied with my plan and portion," he wrote to one friend from Chester; to Lord Colepepper, just come out as Governor and proprietor of Virginia, he wrote, 5th February, 1683 : " I am mightily taken with this part of the world ; here is a great deal of nature, which is to be preferred to base art, and methinks that sim- plicity, with enough, is gold to lacker, compared with European cunning. I like it so well that a plentiful estate and a great acquaintance on the other side have no charms to remove ; my family being once fixed with me, and if no other thing occur, I am likely to be an adopted American. Our province thrives with people ; our next increase will be the fruit of their labor. Time, the maturer of things below, will give the best account of this country." The new sheriffs summoned the freemen electors, and a new election was held under the Constitution and laws for members of the Council and Provincial Assembly. The " act of settlement," or frame of gov- ernment provisionally adopted by the first Legisla- ture in its brief session at Upland, or Chester, had ar- ranged for the election of a Council of twelve persons from each county, and a General Assembly to consist of not more than two hundred freemen. The people of the counties, however, thought that this would be too heavy a drain upon a scattered and as yet scanty population, especially at times when labor seemed to be of more value than law-making, and accordingly they simply went outside the charter and elected twelve members from each county, three of whom were designated to serve in the Provincial Council, the rest to act as members of the General Assembly. The Legislature met for the first time \ ;i:_.:=*| in Philadelphia, the Council and Gov- ";%_:" €l ernor coining together on the 10th of March, 1683, the General Assembly two J days later. The members of the Council J3 were William Markliam, Thomas Holme, Lasse Cock, Chris- topher Taylor, .Limes narrison, William Biles, John Simcock, William Clayton, Ralph Withers, William Haige, John Moll, Edmund Cantwell, Francis Whit- well, John Richardson, John Hilliard. William Clark, Edward Southern, and John Roads. The members of the Assembly were: Philadelphia Comity. — John Song- hurst, John Hart, Walter King, Andros Bengstson,. John Moon, Griffith Jones, William Warner, Swan Swanson (Sven Svenson, one of (he Sven Sever or sons of Sven Shuts), and Thomas Wynne (Speaker). Bucks. — William Yardloy, Samuel Darke, Robert Lucas, Nich- olas Wain, John Wood, John Clowes, Thom;is Fitzwalter, Robert Hall, James Boyden. Chester. — John Hoskins, Robert Wade, George Wood, John Blnnston, Dennis Rochford, Thomas Bracy, John Bezar, John Harding, Joseph Phipps. New CastU. — John Cann, John Darby, Valen- tine Hollingsworth, Gasparus Herman, John Dehraef, James Williams, William Guest, Peter Alrichs, Henrick Williams. Kent. — John Biggs, Simon Irons, Thomas Hassold, John Curtis, Robert Bedwell, William Windsmore, John Brinkloe, Daniel Brown, Benoni Bishop. Sussex. — Luke Watson, Alexander Draper, William Fletcher, Henry Bowman, Alexander Moleston, John Hill, Robert Bracey, John Kipshaven, Cor- nelius Verhoof. Biographies of these pioneers in law-making as well as plantation may be found in the works of Thompson Westcott (particularly his exhaustive "History of Philadelphia"), in the work of Proud, and in the nice and critical investigations now being pursued in the Historical Magazine of the Pennsyl- vania Historical Society. Markham, Holme, Simcock are already known to the reader. The latter was the founder of Eidley, in Chester County. James Harri- son was Penn's friend, agent, and property commis- sioner. William Biles came from Dorchester, in Dor- setshire, arriving in the Delaware June 12, 1679, with wife, seven children, and two servants, having a grant from Andross of three hundred and nine acres on the west bank of the river below Trenton Falls. He was a man of talent and influence and a leader. Governor Evans sued him for slander, for saying, " He is but a boy ; he is not fit to be our Governor; we'll kick him out, we'll kick him out." Whitwell was an early set- tler on the Lower Delaware. Thomas Wynne, first Speaker of the first Assembly, was a Welsh Quaker preacher, one of the Welsh colony afterwards at Merion. He was an ancestor of John Dickinson. John Songhurst came over with Penn. William 110 HISTORY" OF PHILADELPHIA. Yardley, of Bucks, came over in September, 1682; a yeoman of Sussex, the founder of Yardleyville, and connected with the Harrisons and Peinbertons. He had been twenty-five years a preacher when he im- migrated. Haige was a London merchant. Lasse (Lorenz, Laurence, Larrson, or Laers) Cock, or Kock, was the son of Peter Larrson Kock, who came over in 1641, servant to the Swedish West India Company. Lasse, his son, was Penn's interpreter and Markham's right-hand man. He and his family were original members of the old Swedes' Church at Wicaco. An- dros (Andreas) Binkson (Bengtsson, now Bankson and Benson) was one of the old Swedes. Peter Al- richs was son of the Dutch director on South River, owner of Alrichs' or Burlington Island. Gasparus Herman, son or grandson of Augustine Herman, of Bohemia Manor. Thomas Fitzwalter came over with Penn, and was prominent in many public affairs. Blunston was an immigrant of 1682, from Little Hallam, Derbyshire, having a certificate from the Quaker Meeting-house there. He was a member of the Society of Free Traders, and a man of consequence. John Bezar, or Bezear, of Bishops Canning, in Wilt- shire, was one of Penn's land commissioners. His business in England was that of maltster, and he was a regular preacher of the Quakers ; had been imprisoned and put in the stocks for attempting to preach in the " steeple-house'' at Marlborough. He settled at Mar- cus Hook. Thomas Bracey was also one of the So- ciety of Free Traders and an active Friend. Robert Wade came over with John Fenwick. He was a resi- dent of Upland as early as 1675. He owned Essex House, at Upland, built by Armgardt Pappegoya, which is supposed to have been the first Quaker meeting-house in Pennsylvania. He also was an active Quaker. Christopher Taylor was the best scholar among the Quaker immigrants, native of Skipton, Yorkshire, convert of George Fox, eminent preacher, often incarcerated, once for two years; taught classical schools on both sides the Atlantic, held important public offices, was well acquainted with Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, and published a Com- pendium Trium Linguarum of those languages. Wil- liam Clayton came out in 1678, bought Hans Oelsson's share of Marcus Hook ; an active Quaker, and had a large part in public affairs. John Clows came over in 1682, previous to Penn, and John Richardson ap- pears to have been his servant. 1 At the first meeting of the Council in Philadelphia, March 10, 1683, Penn took the chair and sixteen of the eighteen councilors were present. The sheriffs of the different counties (John Test, for Philadel- phia) were called in and made their returns respect- ing the election. The rules were of the simplest: the Governor ordered those speaking to do so standing, one at a time, and facing the chair, and the members 1 His diary contains notes of many minor eventB in the history of the province. agreed upon a viva voce vote in all except personal matters. When these arose the vote was to be by ballot. The question of the power of electors to change the number of representatives without modi- fying the charter at once arose, when Penn answered that they might ■" amend, alter, or add for the Pub- lick good, and that he was ready to settle such Foundations as might be for their happiness and the good of their Posterities, according to y e powers vested in him." Then the Assembly chose a Speaker, and there was an adjournment of Council till the 12th. On the session of Council of that day nothing seems to have been done beyond compelling Dr. Nicholas More, president of the Free Society of Traders, to appear and apologize for having abused Governor, Council, and General Assembly "in company in a publick house, ... as that they have this day broken the charter, and therefore all that you do will come to nothing & that hundreds in England will curse you for what you have done & their children after them, and that you may hereafter be impeacht for Treason for what you do." Dr. More's apologies were ample, as became such a determined conserva- tive. The next day's session was occupied with im- provement of the rules and suggestions as to amend- ing the charter. It was obvious that the freemen of the province were determined this should be done, in spite of Dr. More's suggestions about impeach- ment. On the 15th, John Richardson was fined for being "disordered in Drink," and reproved. The question of giving Governor and Council authority to prepare all bills was finally settled affirmatively, but apparently only after considerable debate. On the 16th, Dr. More, of the Free Society of Traders, wrote to ask such an interpretation of the law against fornication as applicable to servants as would be " more consistent w th the Mr. & Mrs. Interest." This was the first utterance of a corporation in Pennsyl- vania, and it was not on the side of humanity or morality, but of the " master and mistress interest," — the society did not care how severely servants were punished for their vices, so that the punishment was not such as to deprive the corporation of their ser- vices. Among the earliest bills prepared for submitting to the General Assembly were the following : A bill for planting flax and hemp, for building a twenty-four by sixteen feet House of Correction in each county, to hinder the selling of servants into other provinces and to prevent runaways, a bill about passes, about burning woods and marshes, to have cattle marked and erect bounds, about fencing, showing that ser- vants and stock gave the settlers more concern than anything else. The country was so large and free that it was difficult to retain people in any sort of bondage, and, where nineteen-twentieths of the land was uninclosed and free to all sorts of stock, it was necessary to fence in improved and cultivated tracts to save the crops from destruction. These bills and FOUNDING THE GKEAT CITY. Ill other matters were given in charge of the various committees into which the Council now began to di- vide itself. On the 19th the Speaker and a commit- tee of the Assembly reported the bill of settlement (charter or Constitution) with " divers amendments," and cattle-brands. Also bills requiring hogs to be ringed, coroners to be appointed in each county, regulating wages of servants without indenture, bail- bonds, and summoning grand juries. There was offered likewise a law of weights, and a bill fixing the punish- ^fam^^^rg^ 7^*°/W?r PAC-SIMILE OF WILLIAM PENN'S AUTOGRAPH AND SEAL AND THE AUTOGRAPHS OF ATTESTING WITNESSES TO THE CHARTER OF 1682. which were yielded to by the Governor and Council, and other amendments suggested. The Duke of York's laws and the fees charged in New York and " Delaware" were also considered in this connection ; finally, on the 20th, there was a conference between the Governor and the two houses, " and then the question being asked by the Gov' whether they would have the old charter or a new one, they unani- mously desired there might be a new one, with the amendm 48 putt into a Law, w h is past." Other bills introduced at this time looted to regulating county courts,protested bills of exchange, possessions, "sailor's wracks," acts of oblivion, "Scoulds," seizure of goods, limits of courts in criminal cases, marriage by magistrates, executors and administra- tors, limiting the credit public-houses may give to twenty shillings, protecting landmarks, ear-marks, SEAL OF PHILADELPHIA IN 1683. ment for manslaughter, and it was ordered that the seal of Philadelphia County be the anchor, of Bucks a tree and vine, of Chester a plow, of New Castle a castle, of Kent three ears of Indian corn, and of Sus- sex a sheaf of wheat. The pay of Councilors was- fixed at three shillings, and Assemblymen two shil- lings sixpence per diem, the expenses of government to be met by a land-tax. On April 2, 1683, "the Great Charter of this province was this night read, signed, sealed and delivered by y e Gov r to y 8 inhab- itants, and received by y e hands of James Harrison and y" Speaker, who were ordered to return y e old one w th v e i] ear ty thanks of y e whole house, which accord- ingly they did." Then on the 3d, after passing some minor laws, the chief of which was to prohibit the importation of felons, the Assembly adjourned " till such time as the Governor and Provincial Council shall have occasion for them." The new charter, Constitution, bill of settlement, or frame of government was modeled upon the plan originally proposed by Penn. It retained in the hands of Governor and Council the authority to originate bills, but in other respects it deviated ma- terially from the conditions of the old charter. The 112 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. Council was to consist of three, and the General As- sembly of six members from each county. The mem- bers of Council served one, two, and three years respectively. A provision was introduced looking to increase of representation in proportion to the growth of population. The whole legislative body was to be called the General Assembly, and all bills becom- ing acts were to be called acts of such Assembly, and the lower house was not to adjourn until it had acted upon the business before it. It was, moreover, dis- tinctly implied in the language of the charter that some of the rights and prerogatives enjoyed by Penn under it were to cease with his life ; they were con- cessions to his character and his labors for the prov- ince, and not a final surrender of freemen's rights. In return Penn confirmed all in all their liberties, and pledged himself to insure to all the inhabitants of the province the quiet possession and peaceable enjoy- ment of their lands and estates. The Governor and Council were in what may be called continuous session, since the charter required that the Governor or his deputy shall always preside in the Provincial Council, "and that he shall at no time therein perform any act of State whatsoever that shall or may relate unto the justice, trade, treas- ury, or safety of the province and territories aforesaid but by and with the advice and consent of the Pro- vincial Council thereof." The Assembly, however, did not meet again until October 24th, when, after a two days' session, devoted to business legislation and providing that country produce could be taken in lieu of currency, it adjourned. The business before the Council during 1683 was mainly of a routine char- acter. The people and officials were too busily occu- pied in outdoor work— building, planting, surveying, laying off manors and townships and treating with Indians — to have time to spare for records and debates. Governor William Penn exercised his authority and sat as president of Council. The great number of ships coming and going, with their gangs of sailors, caused a good deal of rioting and disorder in the public-houses that had sprung up at several points on the water-front of the young city ; complaints were frequent, and the Governor and Council were much put to it for means to arrest such demoralizing pro- ceedings. Constables were appointed, hours set for early closing, and finally the Governor had to issue his proclamation against the offending taverns and ordi- naries. Servants also gave trouble in various ways, so that finally masters were authorized to flog them for slight offenses, and in case they ran away five days were ordered to be added to their term of service for every day's absence without leave. Some of the sailors in port also combined with other ill-conditioned persons to coin counterfeit money and put it in circu- lation. Small change was so scarce and so much sought after that these scamps were shortly enabled to dispose of a large quantity of their spurious coin before being apprehended. This coin was rather de- based than counterfeit. R. Felton testified that he received of the chief offender "24 lbs. of Bar'd Silver to.Quine for him;" this was '' alloyed" as heavily as it would bear with copper and " quiiied" into "Spanish bitts and Boston money" (Massachusetts "pine-tree shillings," first coined in 1652, and the old Spanish piece or "levy," eleven-penny bit, the coin which is the basis of the " piece-of-eight" or dollar, and which perhaps has had a wider circulation than any other coin ever known). These spurious coins, which the counterfeiters stoutly maintained were as good as the Spanish debased coin then in circulation, were passed upon some leading business men. Griffith Jones took eight pounds in the new "bits," and sev- eral other persons were victimized, so that Penn had to issue another proclamation. The parties were tried before a jury and convicted. Penn sentenced the ringleader to redeem all his false money, pay a fine of £40, and give security for good conduct. Another was fined £10, and a third, who turned State's evi- dence, got off with an hour in the stocks. There was also a trial of two poor wretches, both Swedes, for witchcraft. The jury, however, rendered a verdict of guilty of the " common fame of witches, but not guilty as indicted;" the women's husbands went se- curity for them, and we hear no more of witchcraft in Philadelphia, nor do the names of Margaret Mattson and Gethro Hendrickson appear again in the police annals. While on this subject we might as well refer to a singular record in the Council minutes for May 13, 1684, as illustrative of the character and methods of Penn, and what he meant by creating the office of peacemaker or arbitrator, who might stand between the people and the courts and save them the expenses and heart-burnings of litigation. " Andrew Johnson, PL, Hance (Hans) Peterson, Deft. There being a Difference depending between them, the Gov/ & Coun- cill advised them to shake hands, and to forgive One another ; and Ordered that they should Enter in bonds for fifty pounds apiece for their good abear- ance; w 1 * accordingly they did. It was also Ordered that the Records of Court concerning that Business should be burnt." This simple, naked record of how the dif- ferences between Jan Jansen and Hans Petersen were settled is one of the most impressive examples of practical ethics applied to jurisprudence that was ever known. The founders of Philadelphia would not let the first year of its existence slip away before they had made some provision for education, in accordance with the terms of the charter and the spirit and desire of the people. Accordingly we read that at a meeting of the Council held in Philadelphia y e 26 th of 10 lh month, — the day after Christmas, — 1683, " the Gov r and Prov'll Councill having taken into their Serious Consideration the great Necessity there is of a School Master for y e Instruction & Sober Education of Youth in the towne of Philadelphia, Sent for Enock flower, an Inhabitant of said Toune, who for twenty Year KAPID GROWTH OF THE CITY. 113 past hath been exercised in that care and Imploy mt in England, to whom having Communicated their Minds, he Embraced it upon these following Termes: to Learn to read English 4s by the Quarter, to Learn to read and write 6s by y" Quarter, to learn to read, Write and Cast acc M 8s by y° Quarter ; for Boarding a Schollar, that is to say, dyet, Washing, Lodging & Scooling, Tenn pounds for one whole year." This was not a high scale of charges, but it is to be hoped that the spelling of the above record was not copied from Enock Flower's own prospectus. CHAPTER X. RAPID GROWTH OF THE PROVINCE AND CITY — "ASYLUM FOR THE OPPRESSED OF ALL NA- TIONS"— MOVEMENTS OF WILLIAM PENN, 1684- 1699. When Isaac Norris the second, then Speaker of the Pennsylvania Assembly, sent an order to Eng- land, in 1751, for a bell for the State-House of Penn- sylvania, he directed the following words to be in- scribed around it, "well shaped, in large letters": "By order of the Assembly of the Province of Penn- sylvania, for the State House in the City of Phila- delphia, 1752," and underneath : " Proclaim Liberty throughout the land, unto all the inhabitants thereof." (Levit. xxv. 10.) This was that old "Independence Bell," which, recast to remedy a flaw, did proclaim liberty throughout the land in announcing, on July 4, 1776, that the Declaration of Independence was signed. Mr. Norris was not prophesying, however, when he ordered the inscription and text. He was simply announcing what he and his fellow-citizens understood to be Penn's policy and that of his suc- cessors in the government of the province from the hour of its foundation, — entire freedom of conscience and liberty of worship to all (Christian) sects, and an asylum for the oppressed of all nations. The general knowledge throughout Europe that Penn had adopted such a policy as the groundwork of his Constitution, and the general confidence that he had both the abil- ity and the will to maintain it in his province, was one chief cause of the rapid influx of persons and families of al 1 nationalities to the shores of the Delaware. They came for ease from many cares, for relief from great and petty tyrannies; they came to settle and make themselves homes, rather than to trade and get money. Thus the province had from the first a heterogeneous population, and was saved from falling into the grooves of a dead and dull uniformity such as would have been its fate if it had been settled exclusively by English Quakers. Upon an indisputably strong and established warp of simple and ingenuous Swedish peasants and farmers, who constituted the body of the original settlers, and who have left a decided and durable impress upon the character of the people of 8 Eastern Pennsylvania and Delaware, was woven a parti-colored woof of many nationalities, sects, opin- ions, and habits, toned down, yet not reduced to abso- lute sameness, by the predominant drab of the English Society of Friends. Welsh, Irish, Scotch-Irish, Ger- mans, Switzers, French, Dutch and Belgians, Quakers, Pietists, Mennonites, Tunkers, Presbyterians, Hugue- nots, Calvinists, with runaways of no religion what- ever, and Englishmen of the Established Church, were all to be found among the permanent settlers of the province prior to or just after the end of the seven- teenth century, and though it took these races and faiths full fifty years to coalesce, and though in some parts of Pennsylvania society still lies, as it were, in distinct strata, there can be no doubt that the prov- ince owed much of its immediate prosperity and its energetic early growth to the variety of the people of different habits and opinions who composed its first settlers. Among the earliest political measures taken by Penn, the first law in fact of his first Legislature at Upland, was one establishing a general plan of naturalization for all "foreigners," among whom he curiously classed the Swedes and Dutch, who were on the spot so long before him. This act was understood and appreciated in con- nection with the ordinance establishing freedom of conscience. As early as Sept. 10, 1683, we find Penn naturalizing eight persons of French names, — Capt. Gabriel Eappe, Mr. Andrew Learrin, Andrew Inbert, Peter Meinardeau Uslee, Lees Cosard, Nich. Ribou- leau, Jacob Raquier, and Louis Boumat, — who were either Walloons or French Huguenots. But the pro- prietary had opened the way for a still larger immi- gration, taking advantage of the disturbed condition of Europe and the horrible persecutions to which "reformers" in every sect, Catholic and Protestant, were then subjected. Louis XIV. was even then preparing for the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, which was consummated two years later (1685), cost- ing his kingdom half a million of its most peaceable, industrious, and skillful inhabitants. The Catholics and Protestants equally persecuted the non-resisting sects of the Anabaptists, and in England and Wales the Quakers knew no rest from the pursuit of the sheriff and the constable. But while the English and Welsh Quakers had to dread the costs of the praemunire, and were fined, whipped, cropped, branded, and imprisoned for the crime of worship- ing God in their own way, the still more innocent sects of the Continent, the descendants of the Wal- denses, the pacific Quietists of Switzerland, Holland, and the German Episcopal sees, who had seceded from the ranks and protested against the terrible madness of the Anabaptists of Munster, were dealt with in a much more summary fashion. They were hung, they were broken on the wheel, they were dis- emboweled, they were burnt at the stake, men, women, and children, with their tongues riveted to their jaws to prevent them from testifying aloud in 114 HIST011Y OF PHILADELPHIA. the crisis and agony of their martyrdom. The great book of the Mennonites after the Bible, their "golden legend,'' gives the names of the persons and reports minutely the deaths of over a thousand of these in- nocent sufferers for opinion's sake, these victims of man's inhumanity to man. 1 Penn and his co-religionists knew of these distresses of the defenseless brethren, both by hearsay and ex- perience. The Quakers had made some converts in Holland and the Palatinate, and they maintained a correspondence with many of the fugitive and hidden congregations of Tunkers and Mennonites in those sections. In 1677, after Penn had secured an interest in the Jersey plantations, and when he was probably already looking to the colonization of Pennsylvania, he crossed the Channel, in company with George Fox, Robert Barclay, George Keith, and others, to Brill, in Holland, and made an extensive proselyting tour in Holland and Germany. There were Quaker congre- gations in Rotterdam, Amsterdam, Leyden, and else- where; their preachers were protected by the reigning prince of the Palatine Electorate, and at Kreisheim (Cresheim), near Worms, a good many Mennonites had become Quakers. The "new brood of fanatical spirits," as they were called, were hunted and per- secuted as much as those less recent in their origin. Indeed, there was but little difference between the Quakers and the Tunkers and the disciples of Simon Menno, so that Barclay said that he was compelled to regard Fox " as the unconscious exponent of the doc- trine, practice, and disciplineof the ancient and stricter party of the Dutch Mennonites." The two sects agreed respecting all the salient traits of Christian life and duty. " Both laid the greatest stress on inward piety and a godly, humble life, considered all strife and warfare as unchristian, scrupulously abstained from * " De.r Blutige Schau-platz oder Marlyrer Spiegel" (*' The Bloody Spec- tacle, or Marty re' Mirror"), an immense folio of fifteen hundred pagea, in which the sufferings? of the Mennonites and Tunkers are chronicled, is one of the scarcest and greatest hooks ever printed in this country. It was originally published in Europe in Dutch, passing through many editions, each larger than the preceding one, from the earliest, Bet offer dee Heeren, in 1562, to the handsome folios of 1685, with over one hun- dred copper-plateB by Jan Luyken. In 1745, when the French and Indian war troubles began to agitate the people of Pennsylvania, the elders among the Tunker and Meunonite Beets feared leat their young folks should be led astray. To fortify them in their principles as " the defenseless people," it was resolved to have a German translation made and printed of the Martyr's Mirror. The work was intrusted to the celibate community of Tunker mystics, who had their monastery at Ephrata, in Lancaster County, under the management of their founder and Vorsteher, Conrad Beissel, or Valer Friedsam, as he was called in his retreat. The translation was made, and the work supervised by the ac- complished Peter MUller, the prior of the convent and its leading Bpirit. The paper was made at Rittenhouse's mill, and the book was printed on a hand-press belonging to the convent, where also the binding was done. The work required the labor of fifteen brothers for three years, and it Is by long odds the most remarkable book among early American publica- tions. At the time of the battle of Germantown, cartridge-paper huving given out, two wagon-loads of the unbound sheets of the Martyrs' Mirror were seized and made into cartridges for the use of Washington's army. — Cf article by S. "W, Pennypacker in Pennsylvania Magazine, vol. v. No. 3,276; "Pennsylvania Dutch and other Essays," Philadelphia, 1872; Bupp's " Christian Denominations," etc. making oath, declared against a paid ministry, exer- cised through their meetings a strict discipline over their members, favored silent prayer, were opposed to infant baptism, and looked upon the established churches as unhallowed vessels of the divine wrath." 2 It was to these people that Penn and his fellow- apostles directed their mission. They had found some sort of toleration at places in the Netherlands, where they were treated much more liberally than in Switzer- land and Germany. True, there were severe laws against them on the statute books, but these were not rigidly enforced, and though the mob pelted and abused them sometimes, it was done rather in sport than anger, and perhaps because the Quakers brought it on them- selves, for in spite of their non-resistance they had a pertinacious fashion of going into ,( steeple-houses" 2 See article on Penn's TravelB, by Prof. Seidenstic.ker, in Pennsylvania Magazine, vol. ii. No. 3. The Mennonites bear the Bame relation to the wild John of Leyden and the Anabaptists of Munster, his followers, that the disciples of George Fox bear to the English Puritans. But while the mild asceticism of the Quakers led them to formalism and a quiet sort of practical self-denial and economy, the tendencies of the German sectaries, under the influence of a deeper sensibility, look the direction of mysticism. The testimony of the "inner spirit" bore a different fruit according to the race in whose bosom it shone. Fox was the natural predecessor of the shrewd and worldly wise "plain" farmer and merchant who built up Philadelphia; but the followers of Menno, the believers in the inspiration of Tauler, drifted in an equally natural way to the communities of the Tunkers and the monasteries of Beissel and others. The difference is still strongly marked, as any one may see who compares the proceedings of a Tunker, Mennonite, or Amish con- gregation in Pennsylvania or Ohio with the conduct of a Quaker meet- ing in Philadelphia The Mennonites claim, through their own histo- rians, to be lineally and theologically descended from the Waldenses; their enemies have reproached them with being an outgrowth of the Anabaptists of Munster, who carried Luther's doctrines to the extreme of excess and tried to promulgate them with fire and sword, outrage and debtiuchery. Doubtless both sides are true ; the Mennonites are in some measure descended from the Waldenses through the Walloons; they are also in a great measure an offshoot from the Anabaptists. The Judical difference between them was in their understanding of what is meant by " Christ's kingdom on earth," and how to bring it about. The fol- lowers of John of Leyden, Thomas Munzer, Bernhard Rothman, and Jean Mat thys preached the sword and torch doctrine to the down-trodden peasantry of Europe, whose sufferings made them only too willing to listen and believe. On the other hand, Menno Simon preached nothiug hut prayer, humility, and no n- resistance. John of Leyden was torn to pieces with red-hut pincers, hid hones set aloft in an iron cage, and his sect died with him; but the Mennonites, next to the Jews, are the most widely distributed religious deuomination. Menno Simon, founder of this sect, wasa native of Witniarsum, in Friesland, boruin 1492, educated for the priesthood, ami in 1536 abandoned the Catholic Church and began to preach to a congregation of liirf own, calling themselves the Dnopxge- zinde, or Rehaptizers. Ho taught the inefficacy of infant baptism or any other baptism without repentance, contended for the complete sev- erance of Church and State, aud absolute religious liberty. His follow- ers were enjoined nut to take the sword and not to resiBt; they swore not at all ; practiced feet-washing and love-feasts; assumed plain dress and simple manners; aud punished derelict brethren by putting them under the ban of avoidance and non-intercuurse. No one could deny the purity of their lives, their thrift, frugality, and homely virtues. It is strange that so ha- mlesB a people should have been bo bitterly persecuted; Menno Simon was hunted like, a, wild beast. One of their historians says of the sect that "Ah the true pilgrims upon earth, going from place to place in the hope to find quiet and rest, appear the Meunonites." Within the last ten years wo have witnessed the migration of many con- gregations of these peuple all the way from the banks of the Volga to Kansas and Minnesota rattier than violate their tenet against bearing arms. — Cf. papers in the Pennsylvania Magazine by Dr. De Hoop Scheffer, of the College at Amsterdam, Prof. Oswald Seideusticker, Mr. S. W, Pennypacker, etc. RAPID GROWTH OF THE CITY. 115 with their hats on and " testifying'' where they had no business to open their lips. Still the separatists did not have an easy time of it, and they looked towards America long before Penn came here. The Labadists under Sluyter and Denkers came to Maryland and founded a community on the Bohemia Manor about 1680. A colony of twenty-five Mennonites had still earlier (in 1662) settled at Horekills, on the lower Delaware, under the leadership of Pieter Cornells Plockhoy, of Zierik Zee, but they were plundered and driven out two years later by Sir Robert Carr, who took all their property, " even to a naile." 1 These Mennon- ites and other, separatist sects were therefore as well acquainted with the promises held out by America as Penn could be. There were, moreover, other affinities and attractions which brought the German and Dutch Reformers into close connection with the Quakers. They were not only both of them in the ranks of a revolt against theology and orthodoxy and scholasti- cism, but they had also a common meeting-ground in the concordance of their faith in the supernat- ural and their doctrine of the inner life. The first Quakers had learned from Jacob Bohme and Tauler a great deal of what they preached to English plow- boys and tradesmen, while the Philadelphia associa- tions of Pordage and Jane Leadley found accept- ance with the German mystics. German Quakers, indeed, defended themselves in the courts upon the ground that they discovered in the sermons of Fox and the apologies of Barclay the very doctrines they had been taught to reverence in the writings of Johann Tauler and Thomas a Kempis. The Quakers found much to admire and to imitate in the teachings of the Pietist Jacob Spener, of Jean de Labadie, and the learned Anna Maria Schurman. Indeed, part of Penn's mission in Germany was to see Elizabeth, granddaughter of King James I. of England, who was then Abbess of Herford, in West- phalia, a convert of Spener's, and the protector of him, Schurman, and the Labadists. She had corre- sponded with Penn and Fox, and they were eager to obtain her protection for the Quakers, and to convert her to their faith. Fox and his associates held a great meeting of Dutch Quakers in Amsterdam, and then Penn went forward to visit his Stuart princess in her abbey of Herwerden. She was a singular character, daughter of Frederick V., Palatine of the Rhine, who is known in Bohemian annals as the " Winter King," because after reigning a part of the year as elected king of Bo- hemia, he was defeated in the battle of Prague, and lost not only his new kingdom, but his ancient principal- ity and castle of Heidelberg. Elizabeth had a serious, not to say masculine turn of mind. She took to mathematics, and established a correspondence with Descartes, the philosopher. She was offered the hand 1 Pennypacker, Settlement of Geruiantown, in Penna. Magazine, vol. iv. No. 1. of the king of Poland if she would become a Cath- olic, but spurned the offer,.and finally, while misfor- tune darkened around her house and family, she gave herself up to pious contemplation in Herwerden. Penn and his sermons made a powerful impression on the princess, but she still did not join his society. He and Barclay then went on to Frankfort, where they were well received by various sectaries. Their teachings and plans must have strongly prepossessed the leading men in these societies, for in the very year in which Penn sailed for his new province a German company, known as the Frankfort Company, and from which Frankford Village takes its name, was formed. Of the eight original stockholders of this company in 1682 nearly all were mystics or Mennonites, or Quaker converts made by Penn during his visit in 1677. Jacob Van de Walle was the gen- tleman at whose house Penn met the Pietist Johanna Eleonora von Merlau, his first convert, both of them being attendants of Spener's collegia pietatis ; Dr. J. J. Schiitz, another stockholder, was also one of the Pietists, and a friend of Fraulein von Merlau ; J. W. Weberfeldt was a disciple of Bohme ; Dr. Von Maes- ticht was Penn's Duisburg friend ; Dr. Von Wylich, one of Spener's college, and the two members from Lubeck seem to have been Quakers. 2 Pastorius, a member of the reorganized Frankfort Company in 1686, says in his autographic memoir (which is still in manuscript), "Upon my return to Frankfort in 1682 I was glad to enjoy the company of my former acquaintances and Christian friends, assembled to- gether in a house called the Saalhof, . . . who some- times made mention of William Penn, of Pennsyl- vania, and showed me letters from Benjamin Furly, also a printed relation concerning said province; finally, the whole secret could not be withholden from me that they had purchased twenty-five thousand acres of land in this remote part of the world. Some of them entirely resolved to transport themselves, families and all. This begat such a desire in my soul to continue in their society, and with them to lead a quiet, godly, and honest life in a howling wilderness, that by several letters I requested of my father his consent,'' etc. We have gone into these particulars with something like detail because justice to the memory of William Penn requires it to be shown con- clusively that he himself gave the first impulse to the large and important immigration into Pennsylvania from Germany. Pastorius founded the first settle- ment at Germantown, and Pastorius would not have turned his eyes towards America but for Penn's pow- erful influence upon his converts and sympathizers in Germany. From this source has Pennsylvania derived many of her best citizens, not simply that honest rural population who build big barns, fatten large pigs, and sell incomparable butter, while eating four meals a day with great regularity, but the men 2 Seidensticker, Penn's Travels, Pernio. Magazine, voL ii. No. 3. 116 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. of force and intelligence likewise, the people who rule the State by the combined weight of intellect and integrity of purpose. Pastorius was one of the best scholars of his day ; Eittenhuysen built the first paper-mill in the colonies, and his son was one of the greatest astronomers who ever lived; Saur's Bible was printed in German thirty-nine years before any English edition of the sacred volume had been issued on this continent, and of the merits of the great "Martyrs' Mirror" of Ephrata we have already spoken. The Speaker of the first House of Repre- sentatives under the Federal Constitution (Frederick A. Muhlenberg) was of German descent, and so have been seven of the Governors of Pennsylvania. Indeed, there are few Pennsylvanians whose families have lived in the State for three generations who cannot trace back some of their ancestors to immigrants from the borders of the Rhine. William Penn brought these settlers here almost as directly as he brought over his own English Quakers. The first impulse to the wave of German immigra- tion was received at Crefeld, a town on the Rhine, close to the Netherland country. Crefeld had an humble population of weavers and craftsmen, among them Quakers and Mennonites who had endured many persecutions. Penn visited and comforted these lowly people in 1677 during his visit to Germany, and they never forgot his ministrations. When the news of his scheme for settling the newly acquired prov- ince reached them, they at once prepared to send some of their number to recruit his forces. On March 10, 1682, 1 Penn conveyed to Jacob Telner and Jan Streypers, merchants, the first of Crefeld, the second of a near-by village, and to Dirck Sipman, also of Crefeld, deeds for five thousand acres of land to each, to be laid out in Pennsylvania. They were thus in the class of " first purchasers," entitled to city lots, which indeed they received. Telner knew what he was buying, because he had already been in America. In November, 1682, Pastorius heard of the Frank- fort Company; he took an active part in its concerns, went to London as its agent, and there, in May and June, 1683, bought a tract of fifteen thousand acres for it, afterwards increasing the quantity of land to twenty-five thousand acres. The eight original pur- chasers were Van de Walle, Dr. J. J. Schiitz, J. W. Ueberfeldt, Daniel Bahagel, Caspar Merian, George Strauss, Abraham Hosevoet, and Jan Laurens, the latter an intimate friend of Telner's. When the com- pany was reorganized in November, 1686, the stock- holders were Pastorius, Johanna von Merlau, now the wife of Dr. J. W. Peterson, Dr. Garhard von Maest- richt, Dr. Thomas von Wylich, Johannes Lebrun, Balthasar Jawert, and Dr. Johannes Kemler, nearly all of them Pietists and followers of Spener. Pas- torius was the only one of these members who came 1 The date lias been challenged, but Mr. Pennypncker, in his paper on the settlement of Germantown, renna. Mag., vol. iv. No. 1, furnishes conclusive evidence to establish it. to America; nor, indeed, does the Frankfort Com- pany seem to have contributed any of the first immi- grants to Pennsylvania from Germany. Pastorius, however, went out before the Crefeld colony, on their behalf, in part, as much as for the Frankfort Com- pany, and he is entitled to the credit of being the founder of Germantown, or, as he preferred to call it, Germanopolis. This remarkable man, Francis Daniel Pastorius, was born in Somerhausen, Germany, Sept. 26, 1651, and died Sept. 27, 1719. He came of a good family, of official standing, and he himself was well educated at the University of Strasburg, the hjgh school of Basle, and the law-school of Jena. He was well ac- quainted with the classical languages, and such mod- ern tongues as French, Dutch, English, and Italian. He began the practice of law in Frankfort, then trav- eled for two years in Holland, England, France, Switzerland, and his own country, returning to Frankfort just in time to hear of Penn's new-born province, and put himself at the head of the German movement towards it. He sailed from London for Pennsylvania on June 10, 1683, and reached Phila- delphia August 20th. In 1688 he married, becoming the father of two sons. His learning, social position, and administrative ability easily made him conspicu- ous in Germantown. He wrote much, and had much to do in promoting the cause of education, being him- self a school-teacher as well as poet, historian, and humorist. On June 11, 1683, Penn sold one thousand acres of land each to Govert Remke, Lenart Arets, and Jacob Isaacs van Bebber, a baker, all of Crefeld. These joined forces with Telner, Streypers, and Sipman, and arranged to settle a colony in Pennsylvania, the condition of their purchase from Penn being, indeed, that they should settle a certain number of families on their land within a specified time. A colony of thirteen families, thirty-three persons in all, was got together, including Van Bebber, Streypers, Arets, three Op den Graafs, with Thomas Kunders, Reynier Tyson, Jan Seimans, Jan Lensen, Peter Keurlis, Johannes. Bleikers, Jan Lucken, and Abraham Tunes, nearly all connected with one another or with the pur- chasers of the tract. They went to Rotterdam, and after some delays sailed from London in the ship " Concord" on July 24, 1683, in company with Penn's friend, James Claypoole, his family, and the settlers he was taking out. The greater part of the pur- chasers as well as of the settlers were Mennonites, " religious good people," as Richard Townshend, the Quaker preacher, who came over in the " Welcome," denominates them. Several of them were weavers by trade. The pioneers had a pleasant voyage. " The bless- ing of the Lord did attend us," says Claypoole; and Johannes Bleikers had one more in his family when they reached Philadelphia on October 6th than there were when the ship sailed. October 12th Pastorius RAPID GROWTH OF THE CITY. 117 secured a warrant for six thousand acres of land, of which five thousand three hundred and twenty acres were laid off by Thomas Fairman into fourteen lots. These lots were drawn for by the adventurers on October 25th, the scene of the division being the cave occupied by Pastorius. The settlers were rein- forced by Jurian Hartsfelder, who had been sheriff under Andross and received from him a patent for land. They at once began to dig cellars and erect their huts for the winter, naturally having to endure many hardships and privations. In the words of Pastorius, "it could not be described, nor would it be believed by coming generations in what want and need and with what Christian contentment and per- sistent industry this German township started." Some other immigrants arrived, including Telner, who re- mained on the spot for thirteen years, the central figure of the emigration. He was a merchant in extensive business in Amsterdam, and his widespread mercantile connections gave him great facilities in promoting the work of colonization. Mennonite as he was, we find him going on a proselyting tour in New England with a Quaker preacher. His chief estate in Pennsylvania was on the Skippack, and was long called "Telner's township." Peter Schu- macher, of Kriesheim, founder of a leading family, came over and settled in Germantown in 1685; the Kassels in 1686, in which year also a Quaker meeting- house was built, used both by the Friends and the Mennonites. Pastorius had before this constructed a house for himself on the city lot drawn by him, but he could not afford anything but oiled paper for his windows, and over his door he placed the inscription: " Parva domus, arnica bonis, procul este prqfani," — the reading of which tickled Penn's sense of humor. Streypers seems to have boasted of the fact that he had two pair of leather breeches, two leather doub- lets, stockings, and a, new hat. In 1684, Cornelis Bom, one of Telner's first party, kept a notion-shop, and increased his gains by peddling among the In- dians. He paid neither rent, taxes, nor excise, and owned a negro whom he had bought. His pigs and poultry multiplied rapidly; he owned horse and cow, and reported himself and wife to be "in good spirits." Bom's daughter married Anthony Morris, and from her are descended the distinguished Pennsylvania family bearing that name. William Rittinghuysen, who came over in 1687, was a Mennonite preacher, but his family had long followed paper-making, and in 1690 William erected on the Wissahickon that paper-mill which supplied paper to William Brad- ford, the earliest printer in the Middle Colonies. Dirck Keyser came over and settled in Germantown in 1688, a descendant of that Leonard Keyser, said to be one of the Waldenses, who was burned to death as a Mennonite at Scharding in 1527. In 1688 also we find Pastorius, the Op den Graaffs (now Upde- graffs), and Gerhardt Hendricks sending to the Friends' meeting-house the first public protest ever made on this continent against the holding of slaves, or, as they uncompromisingly styled it, " the traffick of men's body." They compare negro slavery to slavery under Turkish pirates, and cannot see that one is better than the other. " There is a saying that we shall doe to all men licke as we will be done our- selves ; making no difference of what generation, descent, or Colour they are. And those who steal or robb men, and those who buy or purchase them, are they not all alicke 1 Here is liberty of Conscience, well ' is right and reasonable ; here ought to be likewise liberty of y' body, except of evil doers, wch ch is another case. . . . In Europe there are many oppressed for Conscience sake ; and here there are those oppressed w ob are of a black Colour." This memorial is said to be in the handwriting of Pastorius. At the date when it was written New England was doing a handsome business in the Guinea trade, the slave depots being located chiefly at Newport, where the gangs and "coffies" for the Southern market were made up, and Dr. Samuel Hopkins, the earliest New Englander to pro- test formally and earnestly against this "traffick of men's body," was not born until thirty-nine years later. All honor therefore to these honest first set- tlers of Germantown, who asked categorically " Have these negers not as much right to fight for their free- dom as you have to keep them slaves?" and asked further to be informed what right Christians have to maintain slavery, "to the end we shall be satisfied in this point, and satisfie likewise our good friends and acquaintances in our natif country, to whom it is a terrour or fairfull thing that men should be handeld so in Pensilvania." The Quakers were embarrassed by the memorial and its blunt style of interrogatory. It was submitted to the Monthly Meeting at Dublin township, "inspected," and found so "weighty" that it was passed on to the Philadelphia Quarterly Meeting, which " recommended" it to the Yearly Meeting at i Burlington, which adjudged it "not to be so proper for this meeting to give a Positive Judgment in the case, It having so General a Relation to many other Parts, and, therefore, at present they forbore it." So the matter slept. The German town grew, sent out offshoots, had its representatives in the Assembly, — Pastorius and Abra- ham Opden Graeff, — was incorporated as a borough in 1691, with Pastorius for bailiff, Telner and others bur- gesses, etc., and had power to hold a court and mar- ket, lay fines, and enact ordinances. The people were called together once a year and had the laws read to them, but the little town had great trouble in find- ing officers willing to serve. As Loher said, " they would do nothing but work and pray, and their mild conscience made them opposed to the swearing of oaths and courts, and would not suffer them to use harsh weapons against thieves and trespassers." Work, however, they would, and did with great in- dustry and great success. Their fine linen was highly esteemed, and so many of them were spinners and 118 HISTORY OP PHILADELPHIA. weavers that Pastorius, in devising a town seal, se- lected a trefoil of clover, one leaf bearing a vine, one a stalk of flax, the third a weaver's spool, with the motto, "Vinum, Linum, et Textrimtm." Was ever a happier community known in the world's history? Names of new settlers are noticeable every year, — Jan Jansen, next printer after Bradford, whose im- print is now worth its weight in gold, Kuster, But- ter, De la Plaine, Pettinger, etc. In 1694 there came to Germantown an old man and his wife. He was blind and poor, and his name was Cornelis Plockhoy, the founder and last survivor of the Mennonite colony broken up thirty years before at the Horekills by Sir Robert Carr. The good people of Germantown took pity on him. They gave him a few rods of ground for habitation and garden, built him a house, planted a tree before it, and collected a free-will offering for the support of the aged wanderers, who had found a home at last. What a sweet peace seems to pervade these simple annals of the earliest German settle- ments in Pennsylvania. No wonder the pastoral pipe of John G. Whittier gave forth music of its own accord in the presence of such a natural'idyl. Alas, however, for the little span of time during which such dreams retain their brightness. In 1701, before even the school-house took its place in the quiet com- munity, Germantown was building a prison, and re- pairing the stocks with a new and stronger frame- work. The Welsh, some of whom came over in the class of first purchasers, began before Penn's return to England to come more collectively, and to establish separate plantations of their own. They lauded chiefly at Chester in the beginning, and established themselves at Merion and Eadnor and Haverford. Their names still abound, not only in the sections west of Schuylkill but also in many parts of Phila- delphia and Bucks Counties. John ap Bevan, a pil- lar of Haverford Meeting in 1683, Davies, David, Edwards, Ellis (also a settler in Haverford in 1683), Evan, Evans, Harry, Hayes, Hent, Howell (of Cas- tlebigt, Pembrokeshire, came over in 1682), Hugh, Humphrey, all early settlers at Eadnor, Haverford, or Merion. So with the Jameses, Jarmans, Mere- diths, Jenkinses, Lewises, Lloyds (of whom Thomas, the first comer, was Penn's Deputy Governor, keeper of the seals, and chief justice), Miles, Morgan, Morris, Powell, Price, Pugh, Rutherick, Rees, Richard, Shar- pus, etc. The Welsh were among the earliest pur- chasers of large tracts of land from Penn, and they have given permanent names to many localities. They settled all the high ground between Darby Creek and the Schuylkill, and their natural clannishness made them desire to seat themselves close to one an- other. This was the origin of the " barony" called the " Welsh tract," containing forty thousand acres, surveyed by Holme, under instructions from Penn dated at Pennsbury, 13th of March, 1684. Not far behind the Welsh came the Scotch-Irish, whose chief immigration, however, does not fall within the period now being described. Penn, as has been seen, was transacting business at Pennsbury in March, 1684. He had been long parted from his family, and his affairs in England were not in a good condition. He had done much for his prov- ince and its chief city on the spot — the site along the Delaware which was barely inhabited in 1682 — now contained three hundred houses, and the province had a population of seven thousand. He now thought it good for him to return for a season to England, espe- cially as there was the place in which he might more safely hope to effect a settlement of the vexatious boundary disputes with Lord Baltimore, whose agents had invaded the lower counties, built a fort within five miles of New Castle, and were collecting taxes and rents and dispossessing tenants in that section. Calvert himself had gone to England in March, and Penn wrote to the Duke of York that he meant to fol- low him as fast as he could. Accordingly he prepared to leave the province, reorganizing the church disci- pline of his co-religionaries, and looking after the fiscal system of his civil government in a practical and able way. To the Friends in the province he said, in a circular letter addressed to them, that God had a work for them to do, and he wished them to be faithful to the measure of grace received. " Have a care of cumber," he entreated them, "and the love and care of the world. It is the temptation that lieth nearest to those who are redeemed from looseness, or not addicted to it." He wanted them to be watchful over themselves, helpful to one another, circumspect and zealous. The eye of the Lord was upon them, the eye of the world also, to see " how we live, how we rule, and how we obey ; and joy would it be to some to see us halt, hear evil tidings of our proceedings, as it would be a heavy and an unspeakable grief to those that wish well to our Zion." The Lord had brought them there, he said, had tried them with liberty and with power ; precious opportunities were in their hands, and they should not lose these through perversity, but sanctify God in their heart, so that no enchantment might prevail against Jacob nor divina- tion against Israel ; " but your tents shall be goodly and your dwellings glorious, which is the daily hum- ble supplication of my soul to God and your God, and to my Father and your Father, who are, with unfeigned love in that lasting relation, your tender, faithful friend and brother." The ketch " Endeavor," just arrived from England with letters and dispatches, was got ready to carry the Governor back again. He commissioned the Provincial Council to act in his stead while he was away, intrusting the great seal to Thomas Lloyd, the president. Nicholas More, William Welch, Wil- liam Wood, Robert Turner, and John Eckly were made provincial judges for two years; Markham was secretary of Council, and James Harrison was stew- ard of the house and manor of Pennsbury. He em- RAPID GROWTH OF THE CITY. 119 barked at and sailed from Philadelphia Aug. 12, 1684, sending from on board the vessel ere she sailed a final letter of parting to Lloyd, Claypoole, Simcock, Christopher Taylor, and James Harri- son, in which he expresses the deepest affection for those faithful friends, and sends them his prayers and blessings. They had many responsibilities upon their shoulders, and he hoped they would do their duty. The letter concluded with a fer- vent prayer for Philadelphia, "the virgin settle- ment of the province, named before thou wert born." Penn arrived in England on the 3d of October, and did not again see his virgin city and his beloved province until 1699. The causes that detained him, the cares that consumed him during that long divorce, have been elsewhere detailed. Penn had given a great deal of attention and time to the proper and symmetrical division of his terri- tories. His sense of the value of real estate was strong, and his grasp of property was firm, as the great number of manors and lots reserved for himself and family proves. The manor of Springettsbury lay between Vine Street and Pegg's Run, from Delaware to Schuylkill, widening at Ridge road, and contained, eighteen hundred and thirty acres. It was clipped and cut down by grants and sales, however, until, in the final partition of Penn's estates in 1787, only one- tenth part of the original tract remained. Nicholas More, president of the Free Society of Traders, and one of Penn's judges, was the first purchaser who had a manor granted to him. This was a tract of 9815 acres on a branch of the Poquessing Creek, granted in November, 1682. It was called the manor and township of Moreland, and lay partly in Bucks County. Mountjoy, another manor, was laid out in 1683 for Penn's daughter Letitia. It contained 7800 acres, and extended from the Welsh tract to the Schuylkill. It was afterwards included in Upper Merion township. Opposite Mountjoy, on the east side of the Schuylkill, was the manor of Williamstadt, granted to William Penn, Jr., who sold it, during his brief and debauched sojourn in the province, to Isaac Norris. It became the township of Norriton. Spring- field Manor, laid out for Gulielma Maria Penn, was northeast of Germantown ; Gilbert's Manor, one of Penn's reservations, was on east side of Schuylkill, over against the present town of Phcenixville ; above Mountjoy was William Lowther's manor of Billion, while Penn had, besides, Highlands and Pennsbury Manors, in Bucks, and Rockland Manor, in New Castle County, between Naaman's and Brandywine Creeks. 1 The township of Byberry was in the northeast of Philadelphia County, bounded by Poquessing Creek. This was settled by the Wal tons before Penncameover, some of the " Welcome's" passengers locating in it like- wise. West and northwest of Byberry was Moreland ; 1 "Westcott's History of Philadelphia, chap, xxvii. below it, fronting on the Delaware and cut in two by Pennepack Creek, was Dublin township, the lands in which were taken up by Fairman, Waddy, Lehman (Penn's private secretary), and in general by a body of English Quakers, who also occupied Oxford town- ship, justbelow it on the Delaware. The Northern Lib- erties lay north of Springettsbury Manor, including Hartsfelder's tract, north of the Cohoquinoque, and Shackamaxon, extending clear across the peninsula from Schuylkill to Delaware. Bristol township ad- joined Bucks County,having Tacony Creek on theeast and Germantown south and west of it. The lands in this township were taken up by such men as Samuel Carpenter, Richard Townshend, William Frampton, John Ashman, Thomas Rutter, John Day, John Song- hurst, Samuel Benezet, Griffith Jones, etc. The West- ern Liberties, afterwards part of Blockley township, lay south of Merion, extending from Schuylkill to the county line. Kingsessing was a township lying in the parallelogram formed by Bow Creek, Karakung Creek, the Delaware, and Schuylkill. West of Ger- mantown, east of Schuylkill, was Roxborough town- ship, settled by Claypoole, Turner, Lane, etc. Some of the intervening tracts lying in and between these manors and townships were taken up by Capt. Mark- ham, Jasper Farmer, Philip Ford, Benjamin Cham- bers, Jacob Pelles, Samuel Buckley, Sir Matthias Vincent, Adrian Vrouzen, Benjamin Furlong, etc. Purchasers of river-front lots had the idea that they would acquire with them riparian rights, or else that Penn meant to reserve all the river-front and the levee between Front Street and the Delaware for the common use of the inhabitants of the city. Penn, however, had simply reserved them for himself, and, as the city began to grow up, he leased these lots, for wharf and warehouse purposes, at very good figures. Samuel Carpenter paid twenty shillings rent for two hundred and fifty feet on the river, a quay to be built there, and the lease not to fall in until the ex- piration of fifty-one years, the tenant to pave a thirty- foot roadway for all passengers, keep the wharf and bank in repair, and build two stairways from the top of the bank to the river's brink. Robert Turner got a similar patent for a wharf between High and Mul- berry Streets, while the Free Society of Traders secured the river front south of Dock Creek. Many more bank and wharf grants were made, some of them leading to a great deal of complaint, fault-find- ing, petitioning, and litigation. Philip Ford, in May, 1682, made up for Holme's use a list of first purchasers and the acres they had taken, the total sales amounting to 565,500 acres. This list Holme was to use in apportioning the city lots, a task of no little difficulty. Holme, however, numbered the lots on his plat and divided them among the purchasers, the choice of localities being bestowed in proportion to the size of tracts bought. The pur- chasers of 1000 acres or more were given lots on Front and High Streets. Of these there were 81 120 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. lots apportioned, some of them, however, to five, six, seven, and eight parties, who had " pooled" their purses so as to get a body of land of 1000 acres and the advantage in choice of town lots. The Delaware back lots, numbering 193, were apportioned to pur- chasers of less than 1000 acres ; the front lots on Schuylkill, which were apportioned in the same way, numbered 84, and the back lots 150. 1 The proceedings of Council and Assembly between 1684 and 1699, while they might fill several pages in a volume of annals, may be summed up in a few paragraphs in a history such as this. The transac- tions were, as a. rule, not very important, and the major part of the record, outside of the regular routine of appointments, etc., is taken up with the quarrels of public officers among themselves and the complaints of the people against Penn and the gov- ernment generally. A French ship with irregular papers was seized, condemned, and sold by order of Council under the English navigation laws. There must have been a great many vessels on the coast and in the bays at this time which could not give a good account of themselves, and complaints of piracy are loud and frequent, the colonial governments being sometimes accused of undue leniency in their deal- ings with the freebooters. Governor Fletcher, of New York, who was also Governor of Pennsylvania during the suspension of Penn's authority in May, 1693, was on friendly terms with Kidd and others, and Nichols, one of his Council, was commonly charged with being agent of the sea-rovers. Governor Markham's alleged son-in-law, James Brown, was denied his seat in the Assembly, and put in prison for sailing in a pirate's vessel. The people of Lewes openly dealt with Kidd, exchanging their provisions for his fine goods. Teach, called Blackbeard, was often about the Delaware, and it was charged that he and the Governor of North Carolina and other officials of that State were alto- gether too intimate. The Council provided in 1685 for a ferry-boat, large enough for horses and cattle, across the Schuylkill at High Street, proof enough of the town's rapid growth. Another evidence is to be found in the provisions for a night-watch, and in a letter from Penn, written in July, 1685, showing that he was very observant of affairs in the city he had founded, and was well in- formed of matters there. He had heard much com- plaint, he said, about the number of drinking-houses and of loose conduct in the "caves." He required that ordinaries should be reduced in numbers without respect of persons and no matter what objections 1 We give on the fac-simile of "Holme's Portraiture of the City of Philrtdelpliia 1 * a complete list of the lots and the names and original residences of the purchasers to whom they were apportioned. Such lists are full of material for the antiquarian atid the genealogist. The llucertainties and contradictory opinions and views in regard to the time and manner of these apportionments are fully and ably discussed by Mr. Lawrence Lewis in his "Original Land Titles in Philadelphia." Some of the obscurities of the matter, however, seem to defy research and baffle conjecture. arose, and that only respectable landlords, and such as are most tender of God's glory and the reputation of the province, should be allowed to continue in business. As for the caves, they should be purged. They were his property ; he had let persons occupy them for limited times (three years) while building, that they might not be houseless, but their time was up, they should be cleared, and the caves held for the use of other deserving persons immigrating under similar circumstances. "Whatever ye do," adds Penn, " let vertue be cherisht." The tavern-keepers were summoned before the Council and compelled to give security to keep good order. There were seven of these at this time, one of whom was ordered to "seek some other way for a livelihood." The cave- dwellers also received notice to get themselves house- room and vacate these cheap premises. These caves are matters of curious interest to the antiquarian. It is not unlikely, as has been shown on a previous page, that some of these excavations, if not the most of them, had been made by Indians for their winter- quarters. The falling in of any part of a river-bank, in consequence of freshets or changes in the current of the stream, would expose the extensive burrowings of muskrats and other animals, and suggest their en- largement to the savages for their own use. For de- fense or concealment in case of raids by hostile tribes nothing more serviceable could be devised. The Swedes dwelt in such caves in some instances at least, and in 1682 probably one-third the new settlers on the site of Philadelphia wintered in them, of course enlarging them and making them more comfortable. In 1685 these caves seem to have become low resorts, taverns, and the like. One of them at least was occupied by Joseph Knight, the publican whom the Council had refused to allow to continue his traffic. The grand jury presented him and the whole cave system, and the excavations were gradually filled up by throwing down upon them the superincumbent bank. Penn's noticeable tact and skill as a peace-maker and composer of personal difficulties were sadly missed after his departure for England. The As- sembly and Council got into a serious squabble in consequence of a difference about the prerogatives and dignity of the two bodies. Chief Justice Nich- olas More, though an able and probably upright man, was dictatorial and arbitrary as well as quarrel- some. He was not a Quaker, but he used very plain language sometimes, and was free-spoken. Him the Assembly formally impeached before Council on June 15, 1685, upon the ground of various malpractices and misdemeanors, chiefly technical, or growing out of his blunt manners. More was himself a member of the Assembly from Philadelphia City and County, 2 and that body invited him by vote to retire from the 2 The delegation consisted of Nicholas More, Joseph Growden, Bar- naby Wilcox, Lawrence Cock, Gunner Rambo, and Thomas Paschall. RAPID GROWTH OF THE CITY. 121 sessions while his case was under consideration. His court clerk, Patrick Robinson, was ordered to fetch the records ot the court and refused, so the sheriff took him in charge. More was also sent for to come to the Assembly, but he replied that the House had voted him out and it would have to vote him in again. He was forthwith expelled, and Clerk Robinson de- clared a public enemy of the province and the privi- leges of the General Assembly. He was finally com- pelled to go to the bar of the House, where he de- clared that there were no records of the court save such as he kept in Latin abbreviations, a short-hand of his own, which no one but himself, not even au " angel from heaven," could read. Further pressed, he threw himself full length on the floor, and be- came utterly obstreperous and unmanageable, where- upon it was resolved to ask the Provincial Council to make him ineligible to hold office thereafter. This sort of thing was hardly decorous in any sort of legislature, and must have been particularly offensive in view of the fact that the Assembly held its sessions in the " Bank" meeting-house. A Quaker meet- ing-house is ever the abode of silence, only broken by inspiration, and such scenes as these with Robinson must have been very offensive to the strict Friends. But the Council was slow to follow the lead of the House. More was twice sum- moned to appear before the Council, but would not, and was suspended from his judicial functions until he made answer to the articles of impeachment. Robinson's language was declared to be indecent and unallowable, but the Council declined to remove him from office until convicted of what was alleged against him. This was proper enough, but did not suit the Assembly, which appointed a committee to wait on Council and prosecute the impeachment. These gentlemen, Abraham Man and John Blunston, demanded to know if the Council had not forgotten themselves in not bringing Judge More to trial, whereupon the Council suggested that the committee had forgotten themselves in coming before it without a petition, and they were dismissed after a sharp rep- rimand. Penn was much vexed at these petty brawls. " For the love of God, me, and the poor country," he wrote to Lloyd, " be not so governmentish, so noisy and open in your dissatisfaction." Penn at this time, besides his grave concerns at court, was busy looking after the home interests of his province on one side and its external interests on the other, now shipping wine, beer, seeds, and trees to Pennsylvania, anon publishing in London accounts and descriptions of the province and excerpts of letters received from its happy settlers. The proprietary was never fatigued even by the most minute details in any matter in which he desired to succeed, and his letters show that he anticipated and thought about every- thing. His supervision was needed, for Council, As- sembly, and Governor seem to have been equally in- competent to do anything besides quarrel and disagree in regard to privilege. In fact, underneath these trivial bickerings a great struggle was going on be- tween the representatives of the freemen of the prov- ince and the sponsors for Penn's personal interests and his proprietary prerogative. This contest lasted long, and Penn's friends in the end, without serving his po- litical interests materially, contrived to deal his per- sonal interests a cruel blow, by exciting the people of the province to hostile feelings against him, and pro- voking them to withhold rents and purchases, and re- duce his income in every possible way. Penn himself wrote to Lloyd, in 1686, that the ill fame the province had gained on account of its bickerings had lost it fifteen thousand immigrants, who would have gone THE BANK MEETING-HOUSE. thither had its affairs appeared more settled, but as it was they went to North Carolina instead. In 1687, James Claypoole became a member of Council for Philadelphia County, and its representa- tives in Assembly were Humphrey Murray, William Salway, John Bevan, Lacy Cock, Francis Daniel Pastorius, and Joseph Paul ; John Eckley, Thomas Ellis, John Goodson, William Southerby, Barnabas Wilcox, Joshua Cart, and John Shelten receiving com- missions as justices of the peace. The growth of the city is illustrated by the greater pains taken to buoy out the harbor and ship-channel and by the increased desire of the public to have improved roads. The road from Moyamensing to Philadelphia had already been complained of; now, in Council, a cart-road was or- dered to be laid out between Philadelphia and Ply- mouth township, and the Radnor people wanted the fences from their township to the Schuylkill to be re- moved where they obstructed the road commonly used. A board of road-viewers was appointed at once to lay 122 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. out public roads from the Ferry to Radnor, and another to Darby township. The Assembly, which met in May, also passed a, resolution to the effect that " the President and Council be requested to take care that necessary public roads be everywhere set forth and duly maintained, but more especially in the county of Philadelphia, that travelling for man and beast be made easie, safe, and certain." Already Penn had found it necessary to protect, by the ap- pointment of a woodsman, the woodland and timber on his reservations from the wholesale depredations of timber-getters and squatters, and he now instructed Markham to have the offenders prosecuted, in order to prevent the town from being surrounded with thickets of brush and undergrowth that would afford GKEAT SEAL OF THE PROVINCE OP PENNSYLVANIA IN 1712, OBVERSE AND REVERSE, [Reduced one-half. J a, harbor to vermin and tramps. The first regular jail seems to have been built this year, though, in 1683, William Clayton had constructed a " cage" for offen- ders. Lacy Cock built a log jail on Second Street, near Market. After it was built, however, it did not suit, and a house belonging to the recalcitrant clerk, Patrick Robinson, was rented instead. The new prison was built in the middle of Market Street, near Second. In 1702 this and the yard attached to it were presented by the grand jury as nuisances. This part of the wide area of Market Street was a grassy com- mon, used by the town butcher for pasturing his sheep before they were slaughtered. Their carcasses, after the animals were slaughtered, were displayed for sale in the same place on a movable stall. In February. 1687, Penn took the executive power away from the Council and intrusted it to a commis- sion of five persons, — Thomas Lloyd, Nicholas More, James Claypoole, Robert Turner, and John Eckly, any three to have power to act. He sent over many in- structions to this board, among others to compel the Council to their charter attendance or dissolve them without further ado and choose others, " for I will no more endure their most slothful and dishonorable at- tendance." The commissioners were enjoined to keep up the dignity of their station, in Council and out, and not to permit any disorders either in Council or Assem- bly, and not to allow any parleys or conferences be- tween the two Houses, but curiously inspect the pro- ceedings of both. They were further in Penn's name to disavow all laws passed since his absence, and to call a new Assembly to repass, modify, and alter the laws. When this commission was received, in February, 1688, both More and Claypoole were dead. Their places were supplied by Arthur Cook and John Simcock, and the new elections ordered gave Samuel Richard- son the appointment of member of Council for three years, while Thomas Hooten, Thomas Fitzwalter, Lasse Cock, James Fox, Griffith Owen, and William South- ersby were chosen membersof Assembly. The contests for privilege between Council and Assembly were at once renewed ; the Assembly swore its members to di- vulge no proceedings, and practically made its sessions secret; the Council asserted its ancient prerogatives; in short, the quarrel was inter- minable except by what would be practically revolution, for on one side was a written char- ter and a system of iron-bound laws, on the other the popu- lar determination, growing stronger every day, to secure for the freemen of the prov- ince and their representatives a larger share in the major concerns of government and legislation. The commission, in fact, would not work upon trial, and before the year was out Penn sent over a Governor for the province, an old officer under the Commonwealth and Cromwell, and son-in-law of that Gen. Lambert who at onetime was Monk's rival, — by name John Blackwell. Governor Blackwell had a troublesome career in office. For a peaceable, non-resistant people, the Pennsylvania settlers had as many domestic difficul- ties on their hands as ever any happy family had. As soon as Blackwell was inducted he was brought in collision with Thomas Lloyd, who would not give up the great seal of the province, and declined to affix it to any commissions or documents of which he did not approve. As the misunderstanding grew deeper, the old issue of prerogative came up again, and it was declared that Blackwell was not Governor, for the reason that, under the charter, Penn could not create a Governor, but only appointa Deputy Governor. An effort was made to expel from the Council a mem- ber who had insisted upon this view of the case; it failed, the Governor dissolved the Council, and at the next session the people re-elected John Richardson, the offending member, whom, however, Blackwell re- fused to permit to take his seat. From this the quarrel went on until we find Lloyd and Blackwell removing and reappointing officers, and the public officers declining to submit their records to the Coun- cil and the courts. Lloyd was elected member of EAPID GROWTH OF THE CITY. 123 Council from Bucks County, and Blackwell refused to let him take his seat, which brought on a violent controversy. The general discussion of privilege and prerogative in connection with these differences led Bradford, the printer, to print for general use an edi- tion of the " Form of Government and the Great Law," so that everybody might see for himself the right and the wrong of the matters in dispute. The expense of the publication, it is said, was borne by Joseph Growdon, a member of Council. It was con- sidered a dangerous and incendiary act, and Bradford was summoned before the Council and closely interro- gated, but he would not admit that he had printed the document, though he was the only person in the province who could have done it. There was a Council quarrel over this thing too, some men quoting Penn as favoring publicity for the acts of Assembly, anotherproclaiming his dread of the press, because the charter, in fact, made him a sort of independent prince. The result was the Council broke up in confusion, and for some time could not get a quorum together. The Assembly, meeting May 10th, was suddenly adjourned for the same reason, the popular party having dis- covered that by a negative, non-resistance policy of this sort the Governor's plans and purposes were par- alyzed. There were no meetings of either Council or Assembly from the latter part of May till the last of August. Then Blackwell sprung upon the Council a great rumor of terrible things in store for the prov- ince: the Indians and Papists had leagued together; the Northern Indians were coming down the Susque- hanna, and the lower counties were already muster- ing to resist the invasion of an army of nine thousand men on their way from Maryland to destroy Phila- delphia. Blackwell wanted instant authority to levy a force for defense, but the Quakers took things rather more quietly. They did not want an army, and they did not believe the rumors. Clark said if any such scheme of invasion had ever been entertained it was now dead. Peter Alrichs said there was nothing to be scared about. John Simcock did not see " but what we are as safe, keeping peaceable, as those who have made all this strife." Griffith Jones said there was no cause of danger if they kept quiet. In fact, the Council not only objected to a levy, but they laughed at Blackwell's apprehensions. Markham said that all such talk had no effect but to scare the women and children. The Governor found he could do nothing, and adjourned the Council. Next came news that James II. was dethroned and William of Orange king of England. The Council was called together, and the honest Quakers, not feel- ing sure which king they were under, determined neither to celebrate nor wear mourning, but to wait events, the Council amusing themselves in the mean time by keeping up their old feuds. Shrewsbury's letter announcing the new king's intention to make imme- diate war on the French king was laid before Council Oct. 1,1689, and was accompanied with the usual warn- ing about defensive measures and the need for com- mercial vessels to sail in company and under the pro- tection of convoys. William and Mary were at once formally proclaimed in the province, and a fresh dis- cussion arose in regard to the proper defensive meas- ures and the necessity for an armed militia. The Quakers were utterly opposed to any sort of military preparations. If they armed themselves, it was urged, the Indians would at once rise. "As we are," said sensible Simcock, " we are in no danger but from bears and wolves. We are well and in peace and quiet. Let us keep ourselves so. I know naught but a peaceable spirit and that will do well." Griffith Jones, moreover, showed how much the thing would cost and how it would increase taxation. Finally, after long discussions, the Quakers withdrew from active opposition, and the preparations for defense were left to the discretion of the Governor. William Penn himself was now in deep difficulties and partly a fugitive in hiding. He was afraid to act openly any longer as the Governor of the province. Accordingly he made another change, and when Governor Black- well called the Council together on Jan. 1, 1690, it was to inform them that he had been relieved of his office. He seemed glad to be free. " 'Tis a good day," he said ; " I have given and doe unfeignedly give God thanks for it (w oh are not only words), for, to say no worse, I was very unequally yoked." Penn, in re- lieving Blackwell, sent his commission to the Coun- cil, authorizing them to select three persons from whom he would choose a Governor; until his choice was made the one having the highest number of votes was to act, for which end another commission was sent over, signed and sealed in blank. In sending his instructions to the Council along with these com- missions, Penn wrote : " Whatever you do, I desire, beseech, and charge you all to avoyd fractions and parties, Whisperings and reportings, and all animosi- ties, that, putting your Common Shoulder to y" Pub- lick Work, you may have the Peward of Good Men and Patriots, and so I bid you heartily ffarewell." No better work was done at this period than the establishment of the first public school in Pennsyl- vania and Philadelphia, founded in 1689 under Penn's directions to Thomas Lloyd. This grammar school was put in charge of George Keith, a well-known Quaker preacher of Scotch descent, who had accom- panied Penn and Fox to Germany in 1677, and was later to cause a great religious controversy in the province by becoming the leader of a society of Friends who dissented from some of the tenets and practices of the Orthodox. His assistant was Benja- min Makin, who became principal when Keith abaa- doned pedagogy for polemics. Keith's salary was £50 per annum, with dwelling-house and school- house provided, and the profits of the school besides for one year. If he thought fit to stay longer and teach the children of the poor without charge, his salary was to be doubled for two years. The school was 124 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. afterwards chartered by enterprising citizens such as Samuel Carpenter, Anthony Morris, Edward Shippen, James Fox, David Lloyd, William Southby, and John Jones, and adopted a characteristic seal, with an open book containing the Greek motto " $tAe tc aA/bjAouf " and the inscription, "Good Instruction is better than Riches." The building stood on Fourth Street, below Chestnut, and this old Philadelphia High School had a high reputation fur a great many years, numbering among its teachers, besides Keith and Makin, such men as D. J. Dove, Robert Proud, the historian, Wil- liam Wanney, Jeremiah Todd, and Charles Thom- son, the secretary of the Continental Congress. The Council, acting upon Penn's instructions and commission, on Jan. 2, 3 690, elected Thomas Lloyd president and de facto Deputy Governor. Lloyd was also chosen justice of the peace for Philadelphia, along with John Eckly, Robert Turner, William Sal- way, Barnaby Wilcox, Francis Rawle, John Holme, and Lasse Cock. The Provincial Councilors elected for Philadelphia, May 31st, were Griffith Owen and Thomas Duckett, for the remaining term of John Eckly ; Assemblymen, William Salway, Humphrey Murray, Thomas Fitzwalter, Charles Pickering, Paul Sanders, and Abraham Op de GraafF. The old French war, accompanied as it was with many atrocities by Indians near the border, gave the Philadelphians great concern about this time, but the Friends still continued to maintain their pacific and non-resisting attitude. In internal administration they were not so successful. To personal feuds were now added local jealousies. The lower Delaware counties were envious of the growth of Philadelphia, Bucks, and Chester. The traditions and manners of the different sections had little similarity. Finally the bad feeling grew so strong as to lead to secession. The Delaware counties (or "territories," as they were called) held a separate Council, elected their own judges, and finally compelled Penn, in 1691, much against his will, to divide the government, which he did by continuing Lloyd as Deputy Governor of the province, and ap- pointing Markham Deputy Governor of the terri- tories. George Keith also had at this time begun to agitate in behalf of his schism. He was a man of learning, but fierce, contentious, turbulent, and vin- dictive. A good preacher, his language was rude, coarse, aud malignant, and he had every trait of the agitator in his character. Keith was an extremist. He held that Quakers could not consistently or law- fully take any part in the administration of civil gov- ernment, therefore, in other words, that a Quaker community was impossible, and that Penn's "holy experiment" would not be conducted without depart- ing from Penn's religious faith, and that it was con- trary to Quaker principles to be concerned in the apprehension of criminals. He took advantage of a hue aud cry raised for the capture of a certain Bab- bitt and his associates, who had stolen a boat and gone down the river upon a plundering and piratical expedition, to lecture the magistracy severely for their reprehensible and un-Friendlike conduct. Keith set up a separate meeting in Philadelphia, whereupon he was dismissed by his society and finally presented by the grand jury, together with Thomas Budd, for de- famation and trying to blacken the character of Sam- uel Jennings, a provincial judge. They were tried, convicted, and fined £5 each. Keith went to England, joined the Established Church, was ordained minister by the Bishop of London, and presently returned to Philadelphia a full-fledged Episcopalian divine, in surplice and cassock. His simple-minded followers could not recognize him in such a disguise, and the community ceased to be disturbed on his account. Finding his influence gone, he went to England again and secured a church living in Surrey, from which he wrote with much bitterness against the so- ciety to which he had formerly belonged. Keith's apostasy had the effect to drive a better man than he was out of the province. William Bradford had been arraigned before the Council for printing one of Keith's virulent tracts, and was treated with so much severity that he left Philadelphia and set up his forms and presses in New York. The French and Indian hostilities on the frontier, the apathy and non-resistance of the Quakers, and the ambiguous position of Penn, lurking in concealment with an indictment hanging over his head, were made the pretexts for taking the government of Penn's province away from him. His intimate relations with the dethroned king, and the fact that his province, as well as the Delaware Hundreds, had been James' private property, and were still governed to some extent by " the Duke of York's laws," probably had much to do with prompting this extreme measure. Governor Benjamin Fletcher, of New York, was made "Captain-General" of Pennsylvania on Oct. 24, 1692, by royal patent. He came to Philadelphia April 26, 1693, had his letters patent read in the market-place, and offered the test oaths to the members of the Coun- cil. Thomas Lloyd refused to take them, but Mark- ham, Andrew Robeson, William Turner, William Salway, and Lasse Cock all subscribed. Fletcher made Markham his Lieutenant-Governor, to preside over Council in the captain-general's absence in New York. He reunited the Delaware Hundreds to the province, but did not succeed in harmonizing affairs in his new government. The Council and he fell out about the election of representatives to the Assembly. When the Legislature met, Fletcher demanded men and money to aid New York in carrying on the war with the French and Indians. The Assembly refused to comply unless the vote of supplies was preceded by a redress of grievances. Fletcher tried to reason with them. " I would have you consider," he said in his speech to the Assembly, "the walls about your gardens and orchards, your doors and locks of your houses, mastiff dogs, and such other things as you make use of to defend your goods and property KAPID GKOWTH OF THE CITY. 125 against thieves and robbers, are the same courses that their majesties take for their forts, garrisons, and soldiers, etc., to secure their kingdom and provinces, and you as well as the rest of their subjects." But the Quakers were not to be convinced by any such arguments. Fletcher had reduced the number of As- semblymen, and when the Legislature met on May 16th, Philadelphia was represented by four persons, — Samuel Carpenter, Samuel Richardson, John White, and James Fox. The first thing before the General Assembly was a proposition to raise money by taxa- tion, — the first tax levied in Pennsylvania, — and an act was passed levying a penny a pound on property for the support of government. The sum thus raised amounted to seven hundred and sixty pounds sixteen shillings, of which Philadelphia contributed three hundred and fourteen pounds eleven shillings, or forty- one per cent, of the whole. Thus far Fletcher suc- ceeded, only to fail, however, when he attempted to secure the passage of a law providing for organizing the militia. The Assembly did pass an act providing for the education of children, and also one for the es- tablishment of a post-office. A good deal of practical local improvement was made by the Council under Markham's influence, for he was an active, energetic man, and knew the town, the people, and their wants better than any other person could do. Among these regulations, without consultation with the Assembly, were several orders in regard to the Schuylkill ferry, where one man had attempted to set up a monopoly; and one for the establishment and conduct of the market, which was now removed from Delaware Front Street, corner of High, to Second Street where it crosses High. A place was to be staked out, bell-house erected, etc. There were to be two markets a week, on Wednesdays and Saturdays ; all sorts of provisions brought to Philadelphia for sale — " flesh, fish, tame foull, butter, eggs, cheese, herbs, fruitts, and roots, etc.'' — were to be sold in this market-place, under penalty of forfeiture if offered elsewhere. The market was to open at the sound of the bell, which was to be rung in sum- mer between six and seven o'clock a.m., in winter be- tween eight o'clock and nine ; sales made before hours (except to Governor and Lieutenant-Governor) to be forfeited. All were forbidden to buy or price these pro- visions on their way to market, and hucksters could not buy until the market had been open two hours. The clerk of the market received half of all forfeitures, to- gether with sixpence per head on allslaughtered cattle, two pence for each sheep, calf, and lamb, three pence for each pig, but no charge made on what the country people bring to market ready killed. He was also to be paid a penny each for " sealing" weights and measures. In the winter of 1693, Penn was acquitted by the king of all charges against him and restored to favor, his government being confirmed to him anew by let- ters patent granted in August, 1694. Penn would probably have returned to his province immediately after his exoneration, but his wife was ill, and died in February, 1694. This great affliction and the dis- ordered state of his finances detained him in England several years longer. After his government was re- stored to him, his old friend and deputy, Thomas Lloyd, having died, Penn once more appointed his cousin, William Markham, to be Deputy Governor, with John Goodson and Samuel Carpenter for assist- ants. These commissions reached Markham on March 25, 1695. In the mean time Governor Fletcher, with his dep- uty (this same Markham), had been encountering the old difficulties with Council and Assembly during 1694-95. The dread of French and Indians still prevailed, but it was not sufficient to induce the Quakers of the province to favor a military regime. Indeed, Tammany and his bands of Delawares had given the best proof of their pacific intentions by coming into Philadelphia and entreating the Gov- ernor and Council to interfere to prevent the Five Nations from forcing them into the fight with the French and Hurons. They did not want to have anything to do with the war, but to live, as they had been living, in concord and quiet with their neigh- bors the Friends. There is no evidence that the league of amity, implied or written, had ever been seriously broken. The Indians would sometimes be drunk and disorderly, and sometimes would steal a pig or a calf, but that was all. As Tammany said in this conference with Fletcher and Markham, " We and the Christians of this river have always had a free roadway to one another, and though sometimes a tree has fallen across the road, yet we have still removed it again and kept the path clear, and we design to continue the old friendship that has been between us and you." Fletcher promised to protect the Del- awares from the Senecas and Onondagas, and told them it was to their interest to remain quiet and at peace. When the Legislature met (May 22, 1694), Fletcher, who had just returned from Albany, tried his best to get a vote of men and money, or either, for defensive purposes. He even suggested that they could quiet their scruples by raising money simply to feed the hungry and clothe the naked, but this round- about way did not commend itself to Quaker sim- plicity and straightforwardness. A tax of a penny per pound was laid to compensate Thomas Lloyd and William Markham for their past services, the surplus to constitute a fund to be disbursed by Gov- ernor and Council, but an account of the way it went was to be submitted to the next General As- sembly. Further than this the Assembly would not go. Fletcher wanted the money to be presented to the king, to be appropriated as he chose for the aid of New York and the defense of Albany. He objected likewise to the Assembly naming tax-collectors in the act, but the Assembly asserted its undoubted right to control the disposition of money raised by taxation, and thereupon the Governor dissolved it. 126 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. In June, 1695, after Markham was well settled in his place as Penn's Deputy Governor, there were again wild rumors of French designs upon the colonies and of squadrons already at sea to assail them, and this was so far credited thata watch and lookout station was maintained for several months at Cape Henlopen. In the latter part of this same month Markham in- formed the Council that Governor Fletcher had made a requisition upon him for ninety-one men and officers, or the funds for maintaining that number for the defense of New York. This matter was pressed by Fletcher, but the Council decided that it was too weighty a business to be transacted without consulting the Gen- eral Assembly, which would not meet before the second week of September. Markham suggested an earlier day for meeting, but the Council thought the secur- ing of the crops a more important business than any proposition that the ex-captain-general had to lay before them. When the Assembly did meet in Sep- tember, it at once revealed the cause of the continual discontents which had vexed the province, and gave Deputy Governor Markham the opportunity to prove that he was an honest man. It voted a tax of a penny per pound and six shillings per capita (from which probably £]500 would have been realized), proposing out of the receipts from the levy to pay Markham £300, contribute £250 towards the main- tenance of government, and assign the surplusage to the payment of debts of the government. But the members accompanied this bill with another, a new act of settlement, in which the Assembly secured to itself the privileges which they had sought to obtain from Penn in vain. It was, as has justly been re- marked, 1 a species of " log-rolling." It had long been practiced with success by Parliament upon the impe- cunious monarchs of England, and in these modern times has been reduced to a science by nearly all legis- lative bodies. Markham, however, refused the bait. He declined to give his assent to both bills ; the Assem- bly refused to divorce them, and the Deputy Governor, in imitation of Fletcher's summary method, at once dissolved them in the very teeth of the charter he was refusing to supersede. Had they not been dissolved it is possible the General Assembly might have acted upon a petition in Markham's hands, which set forth some of the chief grievances of the citizens of Phila- delphia in thatday. They entreated that the persons put in office should be men " of good repute and Christian conversation, without respect to any pro- fession or persuasion in religion ;" that officers' fees be made public, and put up in every office for general inspection ; " that theyr is now many ordinaries and tipling houses in this town of Philidelfia Kept by several as are not well qualified for such undertak- ings, tending to debauchery and corrupting of youth." Wherefore it is begged that none but sober, honest, conscientious persons be allowed to keep such houses; i Westcott'a History of Philadelphia, chapter xl. that all the laws of the province be diligently enforced as the charter meant them to be ; that some place, as stocks, or cage, be provided for the incarceration of " drunkards or other violators of the good laws of Eng- land and this province," when taken up by the watch or constables, so as to escape the need of sending them to prison for such misdemeanors, thus adding to the public expenses; "also that sum cours may bee taken that these Indians may bee brought to more sobriety, and not to go reeling and bauling on the streets, especially by night, to the disturbance of the peace of this town ;" that the town crier be required to publish sales by auction of every sort of produce to the extent of each street, so as every inhabitant may have the benefit of such sales or the knowledge that they are to come off; " and also that theyr may bee a check put to hors raceing, which begets swearing, blaspheming God's holy name, drawing youth to vanaty, makeing such noises and public hooting and uncivil riding on the streets; also that dancing, fid- ling, gameing, and what else may tend to debauch the inhabitanc and to blemish Christianity and dis- honour the holy name of God, may be curbed and restrained, both at fairs and all other times." This memorial was signed by many leading citizens, such as Edward Shippen, Robert Ewer, R. Ward, Howell Griffith, Humphrey Murray, Casper Hoodt, William Carter, Isaac Norris, Thomas Ffitzwalter, Evan Grif- fith, Joseph White, Thomas Wharton, James Fox, etc. After Markham's first failure to walk in Fletcher's footsteps, he appears to have dispensed with both Council and Assembly for an entire year, governing the province as suited himself, with the aid of some few letters from Penn, made more infrequent by the war with France. On the 25th of September, 1696, however, he summoned a new Council, Philadelphia being represented in it by Edward Shippen, Anthony Morris, David Lloyd, and Patrick Robinson, the latter being secretary. The home government, through a letter from Queen Mary (the king being on the conti- nent), it appeared, complained of the province for violating the laws regulating trade and plantations (probably in dealing with the West Indies). The Council advised the Governor to send out writs of election and convene a new Assembly oh the 26th of October. He complied, and Philadelphia elected Samuel Carpenter, Samuel Richardson, James Fox, and Nicholas Wain to be her representatives. As soon as the Assembly met a contest began with the Governor. Markham urged that the queen's letter should be at- tended to, asking for supplies for defense, and also called their attention to William Penn's pledge that, when he regained his government, the interests of England should not be neglected. The Assembly replied with a remonstrance against the Governor's speech, and a petition for the restoration of the provincial charter as it was before the government was committed to Governor Fletcher's trust. That Governor was still asking for money and relief, and Markham entreated RAPID GROWTH OF THE CITY. 127 that a tax might be levied, and, if consciences needed to be quieted in the matter, the money could be ap- propriated for the purchase of food and raiment for those nations of Indians that had lately suffered so much by the French. This proposition became the basis of a compromise, the Assembly agreeing to vote a tax of one penny per pound, provided the Governor convened a new Assembly, with a full number of representatives according to the old charter, to meet March 10, 1697, to serve in Provincial Council and Assembly, according to charter, until the lord pro- prietary's pleasure could be known about the matter; if he disapproved, the act was to be void. Markham yielded, his Council drew up the supply bill and a new charter or frame of government, and both bills became laws'. Markham's new Constitution, adopted Nov. 7, 1696, was couched upon the proposition that " the former frame of government, modeled by act of settlement and charter of liberties, is not deemed in all respects suitably accommodated to our present circumstances.'' The Council was to consist of two representatives from each county, the Assembly of four; elections to take place on the 10th of March each year, and the Gen- eral Assembly to meet on the 10th of May each year. The Markham charter goes into details in regard to the oaths or affirmations of officials of all classes, jurors, witnesses, etc. ; it sets the pay of Councilmen and members of Assembly, and is on the whole a clearer and more satisfactory frame of government than the one which it superseded, while not varying in many substantive features from that instrument. The Assembly secured at least one-half what the framers of the province had so long been fighting for, to wit: "That the representatives of the freemen, when met in Assembly, shall have power to prepare and propose to the Governor and Council all such bills as they or the major part of them shall at any time see needful to be passed into law vnthin the said province and territo- ries'' This was a great victory for the popular cause. Another equally important point gained was a clause declaring the General Assembly indissoluble for the time for which its members were elected, and giving it power to sit upon its own adjournments and com- mittees, and to continue its sessions in order to pro- pose and prepare bills, redress grievances, and impeach criminals. The imperial business on which Markham had called the Council together in 1696 was charges made to the Lords of Trade that the Philadelphians had not only harbored Avery, the pirate, but had syste- matically encouraged the extensive smuggling opera- tions conducted by the Scotch and the Dutch. After waiting in vain to hear from Markham, the Lords summoned Penn and laid the charges before him. The proprietary immediately (Sept. 5, 1697) wrote a sharp letter to Markham and the Council in regard to these charges, and also in regard to an anonymous letter he had received from Philadelphia, in which that town is set forth as a modern Sodom, "overrun with wickedness;'' "sins so very scandalous, openly committed in defiance of law and virtue, facts so foul that I am forbid by common modesty to relate them." A committee of Council was appointed to investigate the charges, by whom the piracy matter was explained, the contraband trade denied, and as for looseness and vice, they were admitted to have increased with the city's growth, but the magistracy ought not to be im- peached for that, since they did their duty. However, it was admitted that public-houses were too numerous, and that vicious habits were increased on that account. A proclamation was issued covering the substance of the report and enjoining greater diligence upon mag- istrates in the suppression of vice. The lookout at Cape Henlopen was again stationed, and Markham, hearing of a French privateer on the coast, equipped and sent an armed vessel to take her. The British government took an effectual way to prevent the Philadelphians from renewing their connection with either pirates or smugglers by strengthening the power of the Admiralty Court. The judge of this court, Quarry, with Attorney-General Randolph, and an informer named Snead, gave Markham and his gov- ernment no end of trouble and annoyance. Quarry and Randolph were particularly hostile to the Society of Friends, and wished to induce the English govern- ment to take Penn's charter away from him. They believed, or affected to do so, that Markham was ac- tually in league with the pirates. Their accusations were the more serious from the fact that Capt. Kidd's crew had just been disbanded in New York and many of them had come to the Delaware. The judges of the Provincial Court came in collision with Quarry and were forced to resign. Randolph aggravated Markham to such a degree that finally the Deputy Governor seized the crown's attorney, sent him to prison and had him locked up. We reproduce on the following page, from John Blair Linn's learned and satisfactory treatise on "The Duke of York's Laws," fac-similes of the autographs of Gov- ernors, Deputy Governors, presidents of Council, as- sistants in the government, and Speakers of Assembly from 1682 to the time of Penn's return and resumption of authority in his province. These signatures have a force and character of their own such as would seem to become the autographs of leading men. They in- clude William Penn, proprietary and Governor, 1681- 93, 1695-1718. William Markham, Deputy Governor of the province, 1681-82, 1695-99; of lower counties, 1691-93 ; Lieutenant-Governor of province, 1693-95. Thomas Lloyd, president of Council, 1684-88, 1690- 91 ; president of governmental commission, 1688 (Feb- ruary to December) ; Deputy Governor of province, 1691-93. John Blackwell, Deputy Governor, 1688- 90. John Goodson, Samuel Carpenter, assistants in government, 1695-96. Speakers of Assembly : Thomas Wynne, 1683 ; Nicholas More, 1684 (it is not certain that More was Speaker of the first Assembly of 1682) ; 128 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. Arthur Cooke, 1689; Joseph Growdon, 1690-93; Wil- 1697, 1699, 1700; Phinehas Pemberton, 1698. All Ham Clarke, 1692 ; David Lloyd, 1694 ; Edward Ship- these are reproduced from authentic documents in the pen, 1695 ; John Simcocke, 1696 ; John Blunston, | archives of the State. M& " a Comon and public disturber, And Strife and De- bate amongst her Neighbours, a Comon Sower and Mover, To the great Disturbance of the Liege Sub- jects," etc. In spite of all these presentments and indictments, however,, and especially those against drunkenness and tippling-houses, we find in a pre- sentment drawn by Benjamin Franklin in 1744 that these houses, tha " Nurseries of Vice and Debauch- ery," are on the increase. The bill says there were upwards of one hundred licensed retail liquor-houses in the city, which, with the small groceries, "make by our computation near a tenth part of the city, a Proportion that appears to us much too great." One place, where these houses are thickest, has "obtained among the common People the shocking name of Hell-town." CHAPTER XII. PENN'S ADMINISTRATION, 1699-1701 — PENNSBURY MANOR— THE PROPRIETARY RETURNS TO ENG- LAND. The ship — the " Canterbury," Capt. Fryers — in which William Penn crossed the ocean to his prov- ince in 1699, came up to Chester on December 1st. The next day, on landing, the Governor's arrival was heralded with a, military salute, in the course of which a young man had his arm blown off by the premature discharge of the cannon. On Sunday, December 3d, Penn reached Philadelphia, and made a formal call upon his deputy, Governor Markham, the other dignitaries of the town and province, in- cluding Judge Quarry, of the Admiralty Court, and John Moore, crown prosecutor, having met and re- ceived him at the water's edge. From Markham's house Penn proceeded to the Friends' meeting-house at Second and High Streets, and took part in the after- noon meeting, offering a prayer, and delivering one of those short, incisive addresses in which he was so happy. Penn was very well received by all classes in the community, says James Logan, who had come out with the Governor, and was in constant attendance upon him. It was rumored by the quidnuncs of the day, and the party hostile to Penn's administration and to the proprietary government, that there would be some difficulty in regard to Penn's resumption of his active functions as Governor, on account of his 2 It would be curious to inquire how the great moral idea of the ducking-Btool, as a public convenience and a cure for scolding women, originated. 158 HISTORY OP PHILADELPHIA. inability to take the oaths prescribed by Parliament. Judge Quarry, who had been in bitter controversy with Markbam, Attorney-General Lloyd, and the Council for some time, had, as it was known, de- nounced the testimony on affirmation in the piracy cases as being unworthy of credit, and, in fact, not testimony at all. It was, perhaps, hoped and believed by die faction which sought lo upset Penn's govern- ment and convert his province into a fief of the crown that Judge Quarry would apply his rule to the case of the Governor's return to of- fice, and thus provoke an open issue forth- with. Quarry and Moore, however, did nothing of the kind, but, by being present to receive Penn, practically admitted that his authority was unim- peachable. On the other hand, Penn's supporters, the Quakers and Ger- mans, and all who were really anxious for a stable government and the settlement of feuds and disorders, welcomed the proprietary's arrival as an auspicious event and the harbinger of peace. In Logan's words, they " con- cluded that, after all their sufferings, this province now scarcely wanted anything to render it com- pletely happy." Penn, indeed, soon had a long in- terview with Judge Quarry, in which there was an abundance of courtesy on both sides, and by mutual consent it was agreed that a little concession on the EDWARD SHIPPEN, FIllaT MAYOR OF PHILADELPHIA. [Drawn from original painting in possession of Edw. Shippen, by P. V. Goist.] part of the high contending parties would not be difficult when both confessed they had made mis- takes, and that nothing else was needed to estab- lish a. modus vivendi be- tween the representa- tives of the imperial and the proprietary govern- ments. No such com- plete understanding was indeed arrived at until after Penn's diplomacy had secured the removal of Judge Quarry and the appointment of Judge Mompesson in his stead. Penn and Quarry came to quarrel with each other more violently, and with more bitter language than had been used between Mark- ham and the Admiralty Court, but meantime it was important to have the community know that they were at least temporarily on good terms, and that Penn did not feel himself obliged to take up Mark- ham's controversies, or follow precisely in his footsteps. The propri- etary's position would be greatly strengthened if people should look up to him as the Governor of the whole province, the friend of all parties, the arbiter in all difficulties and mis- understandings, and one who was so far above factions as to be out of reach of i m proper influences and prej u- dices. After the meeting was over and Friends had dis- persed to their homes, Penn and his suite went to the house of Edward Shippen, 1 residing there for a 1 West side of Second Street, north of Spruce Street, called the " Great House," and also the "Governor's House." It was inclosed on two sides by a garden, extending to Laurel or Levant Street; in this garden stood two tall pine-trees of the primeval forest, a well-known landmark, visi- ble fur a great distance in every direction. The house was built in 1693 ; Shippen had only occupied it from 1695 to 1696. After Penn left the house, Lord Cornbury lodged aud dined there when he came over to pro- claim Queen Anne's accession. Lords were not frequent visitors at that day in any of the colonies, except Virginia, and Cornbury's presence made a great to do. James Logan wrote to Penn of how he hastily got j up a splendid dinner fur him at the slate-roof house, followed by another at the Shippen house, with covers for thirty persons, and supplemented by an entertainment at Pennsbury, which place his lordship found much to admire in. An old lady'B disappointment is chronicled who, hearing that " my lord" was passing by, ran out in great haste to have a look at the well-horn man of titles, and found him not different from other people, except that he wore " leather stockings." Shippen and his family resided in the house after Penn left it, and his son was hero arrested for assault and battery on Thomas Clark, Esq. Governor Sir William Keith lived here while in the executive chair of the province, 1717 to 1726, and William Denny also, Deputy Governor from 1756 to 1759. Ellis Lewis made it his residence, and it was in his widow's possession during the British occupation of Philadelphia, Maj. Baurmeister, a Hessian officer, being quartered on her. Cornwallis is likewise thought to have lived here for a time. The house was built by Edward Shippen, born in Eng- land in 1G39, son of a Yorkshire gentletnau named William Shippen. The family was one of consequence, Edward's nephew, Rev. Dr. Robert Shippen, being principal of Brazeu Nose College and vice-chancellor of Oxford University, and another nephew, William, was the " downright Shippen" of Pope's verses, leader of the Jacobites, whom Walpole con- fessed to be proof against corruption, and whose courage and integrity in Parliament procured him a commitment to the Tower in 1717. Edward Shippen came to America in 1668, settled in Boston, and got rich as a merchant. He was a member of the Established Church, and belonged to the artillery company, but in 1671 he married Elizabeth Lybrand, a Quakeress, and joined the Society of Friends. He became atonce a mark for New England intolerance aud fanaticism, and was forced to take his share of the "jailments" and scourgings which were visited upon his PENN'S ADMINISTRATION, 1699-1701. 159 month, when he took up his residence in the "Slate- Roof House," his city home during the remainder of his sojourn in the province. 1 ■ect. In 1C93 a meteor appeared in the Massachusetts atmosphere and was made the signal for afresh persecution of Quakers and Baptists, in which Shippen was banished. He probably knew Penn and was invited to Philadelphia. At any rate he went there, bought his lot, built his house, and by the end of 1094 had closed up his business and removed hiB famfly to the new city, haviug first erected a memorial "on a green" near u " pair of gallows, where several of our friends had suffered death for the truth and were thrown into a hole." Shippen was a man of wealth, handsome face and figure, talents and high character, and his mansion was a " princely place." He soon stepped to the front in the new community, and Tenn lavished honors and positions on him. He was Speaker of the Assembly in 1G95, first mayor of Philadelphia (1701), and in 1702-4 president of Council, after Andrew Hamiltou's death, and ex-ojficio Deputy Governor of the province until Penn sent over William Penn, Jr., and John Evans to supersede him. In 1704, Shippen married his third wife, Elizabeth James, and, as she was not a Quaker, he him- self withdrew from the society, but continued on good terms with them and prominent in public affairs until his death in 1712. 1 This old mansion, when first built the largest house in Philadelphia, better known even than the " Letitia House," or any other of the his- toric places connected with Penn and the city he founded (except the Shackamaxon treaty elm j, was only recently removed (in 1S07), to make way for the imposing structure erected by the Chamber of Commerce. It was a quaint-looking house, with a sort of individuality of its own that quite became it, and in its original state, with extensive gardens sur- rounding it, inclosed withiu a high wall, must have had a commanding aspect. Graydon, who lived there (his mother, the ''Desdy" or Desde- mona of the pert British officers of the day, kept the place as a board! ng- houaejust before the Revolution), describes the old house: — It stood on the corner of Second Street and Norris Alley, afterwards Gothic Street, — as a " singular, old-fashioned structure, laid out in the style of a fortifica- tion, with abundance of angles, both salient and re-entering. Its two wings projected to the street in the manner of bastions, to which the main buildlug, retreating from sixteen to eighteen feet, served for a curtain. Within it was cutupinto a number of apartments, and on that account was exceedingly well adapted to the purpose of a lodging-house, to which use ithad long been appropriated." The yard or garden was graced with a row of venerable pine-trees, and the association of the place gave it a substantial historic interest. It bore much less the look of afortrcs3 than Gray don's military eye conceived. The back building was aB peaceful-looking ad the culinary offices should be, and the neat little chambers in the so-called bastions were cosy nooks, with chimney- places in the corners. The kitchen had a giant pile of chimney, with a great fireplace, and the garrets were high and roomy. The house was roofed with slate said to have been brought from England, but plenty of the material was to be had near Philadelphia, and Pennsbury was roofed with this, according to Gabriel ThomaB. This house was built for Samuel Carpenter by James Porteus. It was erected about 1698, and Penn was probably its earliest occupant. Carpenter had built in 1684-85 a house on Front Street, near his wharf and warehouses, and it is likely he lived there after the slate-roof house was completed. Carpenter was a man of great ability and enterprise, accumulating wealth rapidly and doing much to build up the city of his adoption. He married Hannah Hardiman, a Welsh CJuakeressand preacher, in 1684, and held many im- portant positions, — member of the Assembly, treasurer of the province, etc. He bought large tracts of laud, owned numerous vessels, mines, quarries, and mill-seats, so much property in fact that it impoverished him and threw him into seiious pecuniary embarrassment, though he was tanked as the richest man in the province. He died in his house in King Street (now Water Street), between Chestnut and Walnut Streets, April 10, 1714, and the Friends' Meeting, after his death, said of him that "he was a pattern of humility, patience, and self-denial; a man fearing God and hating covetousness, much given to hospitality and good works. He was a loving, affectionate husband, tender father, and a faithful friend and brother." Carpenter's brother Joshua, a brewer was nominated for alderman of Philadelphia in Perm's charier for the city, 1701, but declined the place, having made a " vow or oath" never to serve under the proprietary. (Penn and Logan Correspondence.) The Carpenters were English, arriving out soon after Penn's first visit. Sam- uel himself was opposed to Peon's conduct of affairs in the province, and signed a memorial and protest to Queen Anno in 1709. Carpenter'^ house, which was let to Penn furnished, was occupied during Penn's Penn and his family moved into the slate-roof house in January, 1700, and there, on the 29th of that month, was born John Penn, called " the Ameri- can," the proprietary's only child not of English birth, son of William Penn by his second wife, Han- nah Callowhill. This confinement of Mrs. Penn, the need to look about him and ascertain the real condition of public affairs, so greatly entangled, and the sickness and de- pression prevailing in Philadelphia, prevented Penn from dispatching much business until some time after his arrival. He was in Philadelphia three weeks before calling a meeting of the Council. The sickness in the city must have been distressing, though it could not have been a return of the yellow fever, since it occurred long after the season of frost. In the Logan papers a letter from Isaac Norris to his English correspondent in 1699 speaks of illness and daily deaths for quite a number of weeks, and he gives the names of many prominent Friends who had succumbed or were supposed to be dying. In an- other of these letters, written in March, 1701, the same writer speaks of the infant John Penn in this- fashion : " Their little son is a comely, lovely babe, and has much of his father's grace and air, and hope he will not want a good portion of his mother's sweet- ness, who is a woman extremely well beloved here, exemplary in her station and of an excellent spirit, which adds lustre to her character, and has a great place in the hearts of good people." When spring opened Penn and his family removed to the manor house at Pennsbury, and probably resided there all summer as well as during the spring and summer of unexpired term and afterwards by James Logan ; when Governor Evans, William Penn, Jr., and Judge Mompcsson came over in 1704, the four kept bachelor's hall at the Clark mansion (later Pemberton's), southwest corner of Third and Chestnut Streets. The slate-roof house had been sold in the latter part of 1703 to William Trent, the Inverness miller, who founded and gave his name to Trenton, N. J. Trent paid £850 for it. In 1709 he sold it for £000 Pennsylvania currency to Isaac Norris, who occupied it until his removal to Fairhill in 1717. The Norris fam- ily owned the house until 1867, when it was bought by the Chamber of Commerce and torn down. From 1717 onwards it appears to have been used as a boarding and lodging-house, being in several liandd besides thoso of Mrs. Graydon. Gen. Forbes, Braddock's successor, died there in 1759, at which time the house was kept by Mrs. Howell. Baron de Knlb lodged there in 1768-69, when he was the secret agent of France. Sir William Draper, the target of Junius' sarcasm, lodged there with Mrs. Graydon during his visit to the colonies. James Rivington, the Tory printer and publisher, ate and slept there, and the houso is re- ported also to have lodged John Hancock and George Washington dur- ing the first sessions of the Continental Congress. Baron Steuben, Peter S. Dnponceau, and others lodged here for a while after the British evacuated Philadelphia. Later it was the seat of a boarding school, kept by Madame Berdeau, reputed to bo the widow of "Dr. Johnson's Dr. Dodd, hung in London for forgery in 1777; then it became a workshop, a place of business, and a tenement- house, with shops on the ground floor, which were occupied by tailors, engravers, watch-makers, silver- smiths, etc. Under one of the "bastions" a notable oyster cellar was opened, the resort of the merchants and bankers doing businoss in that vicinity. Logan was very desirous that Penn should buy the house when Trent offered it for sale, and said that it was hard that the Governor did not have the money to spare. " I would give twenty to thirty pounds out of my own pocket that it were thine, nobody's but thine," said honest James. 160 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. 1701, until they returned to England. Mrs. Deborah Logan has preserved a pretty tradition of the mother and child, told her in youth by an aged woman of Bucks County, who remembered that when she was a girl she went to the manor house at Pennsbury with a basket containing some rustic tribute or other, and saw the proprietary's wife, '' a delicate and pretty woman, sitting beside the cradle of her infant." A vivid photograph this of the life at Pennsbury, of that domestic serenity and quiet which Penn yearned for, and yet from which his wife and daughter Letitia were incessantly eager to hurry him away. They were weary of the solitude of Pennsbury, broken only by the soft tread of the Indian, or by the petty squabbles and small concerns of the Philadelphia politicians. They were used to country life, but it was the country life of old England, with mansions that looked out on smooth green lawns inclosed with hedges of privet and hawthorn, not a life in the frayed selvage of the measureless backwoods, with a deep river in front, and behind nothing but insolent bears and wolves and painted savages with scalps 'hanging at their belts ! In the slate-roof house and at Pennsbury the pro- prietary maintained a good deal of state. He enter- tained much and liberally, and had a large retinue of attaches and servants. When he went from his manor to his capital city, to attend the meetings of Council or look after other business, he proceeded in his eight- oared barge, and must have looked well passing cere- moniously along the river-front to the landing-place. There may have been something of policy in this stately parade and in the insignia of office with which Penn chose to surround himself as the lord para- mount of a great and prosperous territory, rapidly growing in population and consequence. But Penn was rather fond of display for its own sake. He cherished power, both because it gave him influence for good and because he liked to know that he had influence. In the same way he enjoyed the sense of his proprietorship of such a great domain, the work of his own hand, and he liked to show himself as the " monarch of all he surveyed." This was so openly and ingenuously done that it provoked comment and satire. The people, who thought that a Governor who kept such state and entertained so liberally must be very rich, complained that he should be de- manding subsidies and extorting quit-rents from them. The English party, headed by Judge Quarry and others, who wanted the crown to take possession of the government, looked upon this lofty post of the Governor's as the assumption of too independent an attitude towards the mother-country. The vulgar and envious were disposed to carp and sneer at a dig- nity which they proclaimed to be altogether unsuited to the humility and plainness of one holding the self- subduing faith of the Society of Friends. In 1703 one Francis Bugg, an apostate Quaker, who had bloomed into a full-grown churchman, published a tract in London called "News from Pennsylvania," in which ample expression is given to this mean spirit of detraction. " Our present Governor, Wil- liam Penn," writes Bugg, " wants the sacred unction, tho' he seems not to want majesty, for the grandeur and magnificence of his mien (tho' his clothes be sordid in respect to his mind, being not arrayed in royal robes) is equivalent to that of the Great Mogul, and his word in many cases as absolute and binding. The gate of his house (or palace) is always guarded with a janissary armed with a varnished club of nearly ten foot long, crowned with a large silver head, em- bossed and chased as an hieroglyphic of its master's pride. There are certain days in the week appointed for audience, and as for the rest you must keep your distance. His corps du gard generally consists of seven or eight of his chief magistrates, both ecclesi- astical and civil, which always attend him, and some- times there are more. When he perambulates the city, one, bareheaded, with a long white wand on his shoulder, in imitation of the Lord Marshal of Eng- land, marches grandly before him and his train, and sometimes proclamation is made to clear the way. At their meeting-houses," continues Bugg, whose pen is rather more clever than truthful or generous, "first William leads the van like a mighty champion of war, rattling as fast as the wheels of his leathern conven- iency. 1 After him follow the mighty Dons according to their several movings, and then for the chorus the Feminine Prophets tune their Quail pipes for the space of three or four hours, and having ended as they began with howlings and yawlings, hems and haws, gripings and graspings, they spend the re- mainder of the day in feasting each other, and to- morrow they go into the country, and so on from meeting-house to meeting-house, till, like the Eastern armies in former times, they have devoured all the provisions both for men and beasts about the country, and then the spirit ceasing they return to their own outward homes." While Penn sojourned at Pennsbury, James Logan remained at the slate-roof house, with patient fidelity and comprehensive grasp of mind seeking to acquaint himself with all the details of the proprietary's com- plicated business and all the multiplied affairs of the province and city. Never was man or State better served than Penn and Pennsylvania by James Logan a character so admirable that one comes to have an affectionate regard for him as for all who merit the epitaph : " Well done, good and faithful servant." Self-poised, sedate, retiring, and even reserved, a scholar with some of the tendencies of the recluse, he seemed to know nothing but his loyalty and duty to the friend who trusted him and to the community whose most intimate interests were in his keeping. He was everything to Penn and Penn's family from 1 Penn did have a state coach for four horBea, and it miiBt have rnttled a good deal in travelling the stumpy, root- roughened road from Penns- bury to Philadelphia. PENN'S ADMINISTRATION, 1699-1701. 161 the day when he entered the proprietary's service, and his zeal and industry were made doubly effective by tact, shrewdness, diplomatic skill, and a composed intelligence always steadily concentrated upon the one object of his life. Penn was not always fortunate in his judgment of character and in selecting his agents, but he was not deceived in the implicit faith M f' f im JAMES LOGAN. with which Logan inspired him. " I have left thee,'' wrote Penn, after going on shipboard to return to England in 1701, "in an uncommon trust, with a singular dependence on thy justice and care, which I expect thou will faithfully employ in advancing my honest interests." Nobly did Logan discharge that trust, and nobly did this virtuous and accomplished gentleman bear himself in every relation of life. He was not largely recompensed, for Penn allowed him no more than £100 a year, and HanDah Penn, for the heirs, only deeded to him apart of the Springettsbury Manor. He became rich, but it was by his own in- telligent operations in the Indian trade and in real estate. Of course his position gave him many oppor- tunities to pursue these adventures with success, but he was never a mercenary nor a grasping man, and when he was able to retire from the public service without injury to it, he did not any longer seek to make money but gave himself up with ardor to his favorite pursuits of literature. William Black's diary describes him as he was in the period of his retire- ment and ill health, — a recluse almost, with an austere and melancholy face, monosyllabic at table, but rous- ing up and becoming animated and cheerful in the act of showing to his visitors the library and literary treasures he had gathered around him in the classic retreat of Stenton. Most fittingly he made the gift of that library to the city of his adoption and love, 11 the crowning act of a long life of benevolence and exalted public spirit. 1 i The liven of men like James Logan ennoble the pages of history and make its study an elevating pursuit and a reinforcement to the resources of public morality. This man was worthy the compliment which the steadfast Shawanee warrior paid him when he put aside his own name and took that of Logan simply ; worthy to have been the trusted friend of William Penu, and to have had Benjamin Franklin for his printer. How many men has the world produced who, after forty years spent in the whirl and muddy currents of active business and intense political strife, can, with clean hands and unsullied reputation, calmly step aside out of the turmoil and retire to the company of books and author*, to en- dow a library, and make a translation of Cicero's " De Senectule," print- ing it, aB the writer himself pleasantly says, "in a large and fair char- acter," so that old men may not be vexed by their defective eyesight in reading what was so appropriate to their years ? When John Davis, the English traveler in America, visited the Loganian Library, in 1798, he wrote: "I contemplated with reverence the portrait of James Logan, which graces the room, magnum el veiierabile nomen. I could not repress my exclamations. Ab I am only a stranger, said I, in this country, I afl'ect no enthusiasm on beholdingthe statueBof her generals and states- men,— I have left a church filled with them on the shore of Albion that have a prior claim to such feeling. But I here behold the portrait of a man whom I consider bo great a benefactor to literature, that he is scarcely less illustrious than its munificent patrons of Italy; his soul has certainly been admitted to the company of the congenial spirits of a Cp6mo and Lorenzo of Medici. The Greek and Roman authors, forgot- ten on their native banks of Ilyssus and Tiber, delight, by the kindness of a Logan, the votaries of learning on those of the Delaware." James Logan, a man of old and reputable family and himself aristocratic in all his tendencies, was born in Lurgan, Ireland, 28th October, 1G74. HiB father, Patrick Logan, grandson of Sir Robert Logan, of Restairig, Scotland, sprang from that stock of proud Scottish lairds, distinguished for long pedigrees and barren acres, whoBe children have lent their genius to the service of the world. The Logans went on crusades with the Douglases ; they fought the English on sea and on land ; they lost their estates by forfeitures in consequence of the Gowrie conspiracy. Patrick Logan was an alumnus of Edinburgh University, educated for the church, hut early connecting himself witli the followers of George Fox. His wife was Isabel Hume, of the family of Dundas and Panmure. James was a lad of precocious mind, — at sixteen he knew Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, and bad made rapid progress in mathematics. He after- wards mastered French, Italian, and Spanish, and probably Dutch and German, spoke Latin with ease and grace, and was familiar with several Indian dialects. He went into trade ; linen-draper's apprentice in Dub- lin, then in the Bristol trade for himself. At Bristol he met Penn, and became his private secretary and devoted follower ever after. This was in 1G98. From the time of Peun's return to England in 1701 to Logan's death, in 1751, be w:is always the power behind the proprietary throne, wielding what was sometimes almost absolute authority with singular propriety and judgment. He was secretary of the province, commis- sioner of property and of Indian affairs, member and president of Coun- cil, acting Governor and chief justice. His love of hooks was cons'ant and sincere, and after a broken thigh compelled him to live retired at Stenton the pursuit of literature became his passion. But even iu seclu- sion and invalidism he never neglected his public duties for his private tasteB, nor lapsed into indifference on account of personal infirmities. Many important affairs of Btate were transacted at Stenton, which was nearly always surrounded by deputations of Indians, who camped about the house to seek advice and favors from their honored friend "hid in the bushes." Logan's literary and scientific pursuits and associations were very respectable, and he was widely known among his contempo- raries. His own Latin tracts on botany, electricity, navigation, and optics had a place in leading scientific journals. Thomas Godfrey's im- provements in the quadraut were made at Stenton under Logan's eye, and Franklin and he worked together with a thorough appreciation of each other's good qualities. Logan was an unsuccessful suitor for the hand of Ann, daughter of Edward Shippen, who married Thomas Story. His wife was Sarah Read, daughter of a wealthy merchant of Philadel- phia, to whom he was wedded eight years after his ill success witli Miss Shippen. His children were not literary in their tastes, and it was on this account that he left his library to Philadelphia, endowing it, for its perpetual maintenance, witli the Springettsbury Manor property which he had received from Teun's estate. Logan was a peraonable man, tall, well proportioned, with graceful but grave demeanor. His complexion 162 HISTORY OP PHILADELPHIA. At Pennsbury the proprietary led very much the life of a lord of the manor. No picture of the an- cient place is extant, but our regret at the neglect of contemporary chroniclers is mitigated by the skill, industry, and intelligent research with which the late J. Francis Fisher has reconstructed the history of Penn's private and domestic life during his residence at this pleasant seat. Penn had the true-born Eng- lishman's genuine fondness for country life. He was as much a rural squire as a courtier, and he resembled Sir Robert Walpole at once in his ambition, his pliant facility and easy humor in dealing with men, and in that pleasant satisfaction which he derived, "procul negotiis," in driving his cattle afield across the mellow mould of his own broad acres, — " Quis non malarum, quas amor curas babet, Hsec inter obliviscitur?" It was the dream of Penn's life to settle permanently upon this manor and become himself the patriarch of his extensive plantations. Before he reached the prov- ince this estate had been selected provisionally for him by Markham in pursuance of his orders, and he had had building commenced there in the hope to occupy it forthwith after his arrival. There is no evidence, however, that Penn spent any time at Pennsbury during his first visit, and if he did bring over mate- rials for erecting a house there it is probable that these were rather employed in constructing the Letitia house in the city, as his more immediate needs sug- gested. No vestige of the old plantation now remains, except some decayed cherry-trees, which tradition points to as having been planted by Penn's own hand. The old brew-house stood until 1864, when it was pulled down, — a substantial building, twenty by thirty-five feet, with solid brick chimney and founda- had tbe -warm and florid tone of health even when he was far advanced in years ; his eyes never failed him, nor did his brown hair turn gray, though he wore a powdered wig on all state occasions. His manner was dignified yet courteous, and his conversation quiet and reserved. He was a diligent correspondent with learned persons all over Europe and America, numbering among those to whom he wrote regularly Cadwal- lader Colden, Governor Burnett, Franklin, Col. Hunter, Collinson, Fother- gill, Mead, Flamsteed, the father of Sir William Jones, Sir Hans Sloane, Fabricius, Gronovius, and Linnaius. The latter gave Logan's name to one of his classes in botany. But the real labors and the great glory of Logan are to be sought in his services to the Penn family and to the commonwealth founded by Penn. He Bhaped and controlled the devel- opment of the province with an intelligent purpose and an untiring resolution no less remarkable because his tastes drew him all the other way and his work was most disagreeable to him. "These duties," he wrote " make my life so uncomfortable that it is not worth the living." "I know not," he repeated, "what any of the comforts of life are." He withstood the popular party and faced impeachment, imprisonment, and persecution with unMcnching resolution, triumphing over his adver- saries with the same calm composure with which he had encountered their fierce opposition and bitter reproaches. He was always a daunt- less man, because one who was just and feared not. The Indians revered him as a saint while they loved him like a brother, and when he died they pitifully besought the provincial government to 6end them another righteous man like Logan. No second Logan was to be found, however. As Gordon, in his " History of Pennsylvania," says, " Never was power and trust more safely bestowed for the donor. The secretary faithfully devoted his time and his thoughts to promote the interests of his master, and bore with firmness, if not with cheerfulness, the odium which his unlimited devotion drew upon himself." tions, ten-inch sills and posts, and weather-boarded with dressed cedar. The mansion at Pennsbury stood on a gentle eminence facing the Delaware, Welcome Creek winding two-thirds of the way around it. The main structure was two stories high, with lofty gar- ret, built of brick, and stately in appearance ; it was sixty feet long by thirty feet deep ; the bricks were probably burnt on the premises, Penn having sent over workmen for that purpose in 1685. There was a high porch front and rear, with steps, rails, and ban- isters. On the first floor a wide hall traversed the building, used for receptions and public occasions, and on this floor were parlor, dining-room, smaller hall, and closets. Above were four apartments on the second floor, with offices, etc. The building was roofed with tile or slate of native production, and there was a reservoir on the roof which had a lining of lead. The outbuildings comprised, as ordered by Penn in a letter to James Harrison, August, 1684, "a kitchen, two larders, a wash-house, a room to iron in, a brew- house, a Milan-oven for baking in, and stabling for twelve horses." These buildings were to be a story and a half high, and to be arranged in straight lines, " not asm." The proprietary had a horror of any di- vergence from right lines and angles in town construc- tion and in landscape architecture. 'Dean Prideaux accused him of laying off Philadelphia according to the Scriptural descriptions of. Babylon. He was probably simply obeying his own instinctive taste for right lines and rectangular forms. He did not despise ornament, but, on the contrary, delighted in decoration, and was particular in enjoining Harrison not to let the front of the Pennsbury house be "common," but he did not think departures from straight lines to be ornamental. He carefully super- vised the construction of the building even while the broad ocean rolled between him and his steward, Harrison; selected the hands and discharged them if they did not please him. 1 Penn spent over £5000 on Pennsbury. The grounds were elaborately and hand- somely laid off, with lawns, vistas, and park-like appointments. There was a broad pebble walk, on each side of it a row of tall poplars. Bridges were thrown over Welcome Creek, and steps led down to the landing and the boat-house sheltering Penn's barge, which he thought much of, quarreling with Harrison because he permitted it to be used for trans- porting lime. The gardens and shrubberies were cared for at great expense, gardeners being sent from England for that purpose, as well as all sorts of rare seeds and plants. Trees were transplanted from Mary- land, and many wild-flowers from the forest were do- mesticated in the gardens. The lawn was seeded with English grasses, and a good deal of the land around 1 James was lo finish the work his men began ; J. Redman furnished the bricks, John Parsons the plank. James was discharged by Logan because the Governor thought him " too much of a gentleman," wanting two servants to do the work proper for his own hands. The Governor's carpenter was named Henry Gibbs. PENN'S ADMINISTRATION, 1699-1701. 163 it brought under cultivation. Penn was proud of his stock, importingsome finehorses from England, among others "Tamerlane," a thoroughbred stallion, by the Godolphin Arabian, that famous barb, who, with the Darley horse, established the stock of English race- horses. The manor house at Pennsbury was well furnished. In the best bedroom was a state bedstead of great proportions, a silk quilt, satin curtains and cushions, mirrors, etc. The table appurtenances were in good taste, damask cloths and napkins, Tunbridge ware, white and blue china, with two or three services of silver. The furniture down-stairs was of solid oak ; there was a tall clock, which may be seen to-day in the Philadelphia Library. The cellar and larder were well supplied, and the retinue of domestics was large. There was cheer at the manor house for all, and it never lacked visitors. Generally there were some Indian wigwams pitched about among the trees in the lawn and forest, and a de- putation of savages almost every morning waited in the hall, seated upon the floor on their haunches, with their knees drawn up under their chins, observant but silent. Penn was a very liberal man in his expenditures. He let his friends and relatives dip into his purse at all times. William Penn, Jr., could al- ways depend upon him to pay his debts, and his son- in-law Aubrey actually compelled him, with ineffable meanness, to pay him exorbitant interest on some de- layed payments upon Letitia's portion given to her, and he was greedy for money all the time. The proprietary's charities were no small tax upon his stinted resources. He gave to all who asked or all who seemed needy. And this was the way he kept house at Pennsbury, entertaining the leading people of the province, distinguished visitors from abroad, his own guests and a horde of dependants and Indians. He received the Governors of Maryland and Virginia with great state and profuse hospitality when they came to visit him. His steward bought a ton of flour at the time, molasses by the hogshead, cranberries by the bushel, barrels of cider, and dozens of cases of select wines. There was a barrel of olives in the pantry for the dinner and lunch table ; butter was fetched from Rhode Island, and for candles the steward sent to Boston. The wine, — madeira, sherry, port, claret, — the brandy and gin, and strong beer and ale were shipped from London ; the rum came from Jamaica, and, though this was meant chiefly for the Indians, Penn ordered the best in sealed bottles, so as to be sure it was not watered or otherwise tampered with. PENN'S CLOCK. Occasional runnels of ale were procured in Philadel- phia, and the small beer was brewed at home. The Swedes furnished fresh fish at the manor house ; the bacon, flour, meal, chocolate, coffee, sugar, etc., came from Philadelphia. After James Harrison's death, in 1687, John Sotcher became steward at Pennsbury ; Mary Lofty was house- keeper. There .were several gardeners at different times; one of them, for three years' service, receiving his passage-money, thirty pounds in cash, and sixty acres of land to settle on. This gardener was re- quired to train two subordinates under him. Another gardener was Hugh Sharp, whose pay was thirty shillings a week, who was to have three men under him. Five gardeners at one time was rather extrava- gant. There was besides a vigneron and his attend- ants at the grapery on Vineyard Hill, afterwards Springettsbury farm, and when the grapes turned out good for nothing Penn must still have the French- man in charge provided for and given some kind of work. There were three or four carpenters at Penns- bury always at work. The coachman was a negro, named John, one of Penn's slaves, and there were some ten or twelve servants besides about the house. 1 Penn traveled in state when he went abroad with his family, either in his barge, his coach, or his calash. In August, 1700, he wrote to Logan that if the justices did not make the Pennepacka and Poquessing bridges passable he could not come to town. For his own traveling he preferred the barge or his horse. He was probably a bold rider, and one time, at Penns- bury, was laid up with a crippled leg, having hurt it riding (and healed it with an oil made in Philadel- phia by Ann Parsons). "We read of his picking up barefoot girls by the roadside and taking them to ride behind him. His wife and daughter had their side- saddles, and may have ridden with him sometimes. His long excursions to view his territories and visit the Indians in their villages were necessarily made on horseback. He certainly took his family with him to fairs and to the Indian "canticoes." When he returned to England a part at least of his equipment for the voyage was his " hair-trunk, leather stockings, and twelve bottles of Madeira wine." Conceive the founder of Pennsylvania crossing the ocean with a hair-trunk to contain his luggage and his stout calves l " Among other employes of the manor house were Ann Nichols, the cook; Robert Beekman, man-servant ; Dorothy Mullers, maid ; Dorcas, negress ; Howman, a ranger (who, in 1G88, was cumplained of ' for kill- ing y» said Luke WatBon's hogg') ; James Keed, servant ; Ellis JoneB and his wife Jane, with children,— Barbara, Dorothy , Mary, and Jane,— who came from Wales in 1682; Jack, a negro, probably cook, whose wife, Parthena, was sold to Barbadoes because Hannah Penn doubted her honesty. There was, besides, a Capt. Hans, with whom Penn had a difficulty, which, however, was 'adjusted,' so that the captain stayed." . . . Penn employed one new hand in 1701, of whom he wrote to Logan that he could neither plow nor mow, but could swear. Peter, assist- ant gardener, received thirty pounds per annum. There were also some bought negroes, " Old Sam," his wire Sue, James, Chevalier, etc. There were four indentured servants and Stephen Gould, Penn's clerk. See Gen. Davis' " History of Bucks County," pp. 181-83, from which some of these particulars are derived. 164 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. encased in a pair of leather galligaskins, for which he had paid one pound two shillings ! Mr. Janney, in his " Life of Penn," is greatly dis- tressed that the proprietary should have been a slave- holder. In his eagerness to palliate the facts he is in danger of doing Penn a gross injustice. He forgets that slave-holding was not forbidden by the Quaker discipline until many years after Penn's death. Penn directed his slaves to be free at his death, but the will was never executed, nor were its provisions respected. His daughter took one of the slaves, the woman "Sue." His executors sold three to pay his debts. It is shown in the preceding note that Parthena was sold by Penn to Barbadoes, thus separating her from her husband, because she was thought dishonest. In writing about his gardener and the assistants whom he was to train, Penn says, " It were better they were blacks, for then a man has them while he lives." In fact, nobody at that time had any idea of the heinous- ness, immorality, or crime of slavery, unless perhaps the little German colony, who had Pastorius for their leader. Fox was "exercised" about the slaves, but it was not the fact of their being in bondage, but the way in which they were treated which troubled him. Penn was "exercised" on the same subject, and he went so far as to persuade the Council and try to per- suade the Assembly to pass a law regulating the mar- riages of negroes. But it would be unjust to Penn to require him to become an abolitionist a hundred years before there were any such. Slavery was not thought a crime in his times, nor was the slave considered un- fortunate, unless he happened to have a severe master. The slave trade with Africa was indeed repudiated, but rather from its impolicy than its immorality. Some sort of .servitude was almost universal, and one- half the early settlers in Pennsylvania, in 1682-83, were servants bought and sold by the Quakers for a term of years. Even Indian slaves were often to be met in Philadelphia, in spite of Penn's affection for that race, and his own Deputy Governor, William Markham, owned one, Ectus Frankson, born in 1700, who by his will was to be free at the age of twenty- four, all his other slaves and servants being devised to his wife. In the course of his residence at Pennsbury the Governor paid a visit to New York, and also one to Maryland. He was accompanied (says John Rich- ardson's journal) to the Quaker meeting at Tred- haven Creek (now Easton, Talbot Co.) by Lord Bal- timore and his wife with a numerous retinue. They did not get to the meeting until late, and, in fact, says Richardson, "the strength and glory of the heavenly power of the Lord was going off from the meeting. So the lady was much disappointed, as I understand by William Penn, for she told him ' she did not want to hear him and such as he, for he was a scholar and a wise man, and she did not question but he could preach ; but she wanted to hear some of our mechanics preach, as husbandmen, shoemakers, and such like rustics, for she thought they could not preach to any purpose.' William Penn told her ' some of these were rather the best preachers we had among us,' or near these words." But we have only been describing the proprietary's periods of refreshment and recreation. He had plenty of hard work and many disagreeable tasks in the time between these intervals of rest and ease. His situation was peculiar. There were two parties in the province, one of which sought to subvert his proprietorship absolutely, the other to modify and curtail his authority by procuring a new charter or radical amendments to the existing one. .Col. Quarry and John Moore, the British admiralty judge and crown attorney, were in the lead of one party, David Lloyd, attorney-general of the province and the pop- ular leader in the Assembly, directed the movements of the other party. Penn had the sympathies of neither, for while his support of Markham in the controversy with Quarry had procured him the en- mity of the latter, he had since his arrival in the province aroused the personal animosity of Lloyd, a brilliant and versatile but vindictive man, by re- buking his intemperate attitude towards Quarry, which could not be maintained, he said, without doing hurt to the interests of the province. Lloyd resented this, and he was further incensed at Penn's relations with Quarry, which seemed to assume that Markham and Lloyd had not been altogether right in their dispute with the crown officers. Logan de- scribes this quarrel in a letter to William Penn, Jr., in which he characterizes the attorney-general as "a man very stiff in all his undertakings, of a sound judgment and a. good lawyer, but extremely perti- nacious and somewhat revengeful." The question of the seizure of the goods at New Castle and the contempt of the king's authority coming up in Coun- cil, " David resolutely defended all that had been done, and too highly opposed the Governor's resolu- tion of composing all by mildness and moderation, and reconciling all animosities by his own interven- tion, which he thought the only advisable expedient to put an end to those differences that had cost him so much trouble. This soon created some small mis- understanding; several of the most noted Friends were involved more or less in David's business, and, thougli troubled at his stiffness, yet wished him in the right, because the most active enemy and assidu- ous counselor against the other party, who on all occasions would be glad, they thought, of their utter ruin." Penn would not tolerate David Lloyd's ob- stinacy. Lloyd "knew not what it was to bend," and so Penn made a life-long enemy of the most daring and implacable, and in some respects the ablest man in the province. David Lloyd's character and his audacity are illustrated by Quarry's charge against him that at a county court, when the marshal of the Admiralty Court produced his commission under the broad seal, with "his most sacred majesty's effigy" PENN'S ADMINISTRATION, 1699-1701. 165 stamped on it, Lloyd took the seal, held it up before the people, and exclaimed, " What is this? Do you think to scare us with a great box (meaning the seal in a tin box) and a little baby? (the effigy.) 'Tis true fine pictures please children, but we are not to be frightened at such a rate." The substantial charge against Lloyd, that he had advised the magistrates to take goods by force out of the king's warehouse at New Castle in contempt of the Admiralty Court, was a serious business for Penn. The Privy Council had received repeated charges against Penn's government as having made light of the royal authority, winked at piracy and smuggling, and set the navigation laws at naught, and the Ad- miralty Court had been established at Philadelphia expressly to put a stop to such things. Penn, more- over, in securing the restoration of the province to his control, had given express pledges to see that the irregularities complained of were rectified, and, moreover, to secure from the province the subsidy for the support of operations against the Indians, which the Assembly had hitherto refused to vote. If Lloyd should be permitted to have his own way Penn could not hope to redeem either of these pledges, and so was sure to find himself again embroiled with the king and his cabinet. The situation was further complicated by the fact that Lloyd was the leader of the popular party, in- cluding all the younger and more ardent Quakers, and these, a vast majority in the Assembly, were seriously bent upon securing from Penn a more liberal Consti- tution and especially the concession to the Assembly of the right to originate supply bills. Under such circumstances there is no cause for wonder that Penn should have delayed meeting his Council for some time, while he was studying the situation and con- sulting his friends. The first Council attended by Penn met on Dec. 21, 1699, and the issue between the Admiralty Court and the provincial government was given immediate prominence. Col. Quarry was invited to attend the next day's Council meeting, and it was resolved that a proclamation should be forthwith published discouraging piracy and illegal trade. Quarry's charge against Penn's government was that the jus- tices of Philadelphia Court had issued a writ of re- plevin, and sent the sheriff (Claypoole) to seize goods which were in the custody of the marshal of the Ad- miralty Court, having been legally seized in the name of the crown ; that the justices had been offensive and insolent to Judge Quarry, challenging his commission and claiming that their jurisdiction was coextensive with his and their authority to unloose fully as great as his to bind ; that the sheriff made a pretence of keeping certain pirates in custody, while in fact they were at large every day. Per contra, Markham, after showing that he repudiated the act and the conduct of the justices and had reproved the sheriff, claimed that Judge Quarry was in contempt of the provincial , government for having arrested certain alleged pirates j within its jurisdiction and sent them to Barbadoes | for trial, and for having pretended that the provincial officers, because qualified on affirmation and not on oath, were not duly qualified according to the statute. At the next day's Council, December 22d, Anthony Morris, the chief of the offending justices, and Judge Quarry were both present. Morris surrendered his commission as justice, and further said, after plead- ing his sacrifices in the public service, that he had issued the writ of replevin in the case complained of in good faith, " in pursuance (as hee thought) of his duty, believing hee was in the right & yt hee was in- duced yrto by advice of those that hee thought were well skilled in ye Law, who told him yt was the priviledge of the subject; and further said yt hee had no interest in the owner nor goods, nor no self nor sinister in so doing." The Governor said " That his signing ye sd replevin was a verie indeliberate, rash, & (in his opin- ion) unwarrantable act," which neither the justice could nor the Governor would justify. Morris evi- dently wanted to make it plain that he had acted upon David Lloyd's advice, and Penn to make it equally plain that he condemned and repudiated all such counsel. As Lloyd was present, he could not fail to feel a strong resentment at the course matters had taken. To Judge Quarry the Governor said that it was the most sincere intention of his government, by all lawful means, to discourage, discountenance, and severely punish piracy and illegal trade, in which he desired the advice, assistance, and co-operation of the judge and all the other king's officers. At the next Council meeting Penn spoke of the neces- sity of calling a General Assembly to take further measures for the suppression of piracy and illicit trade. A day or two later Robert Turner, Griffith Jones, Francis Rawle, and Joseph Wilcox appeared as petitioning the Governor on the subject of a re- vision of the charter and asked a hearing. This led to along conference, and it had the result that the Assem- bly to be called would come prepared to agitate the question of constitutional amendment, as well as that of piracy and illicit trade. It was decided to call the old Assembly to meet on January 25th, a new elec- tion being ordered in New Castle County, which had neglected to choose representatives for the last Assem- bly. On January 24th the Council again met, and Judge Quarry and Justice Morris were confronted. Quarry, after stating his case, said that "this his ac- tion was no less than to Question whether his ma' io or y c s a Anthonie has most power." The act of Par- liament governed both courts, and the justice could not pretend ignorance when he had been so long on the bench. He therefore wished Penn and Council to have Morris prosecuted for violence and compelled to make good to the king the appraised value of the goods replevined. Morris, in reply, urged that he signed the writ of replevin through ignorance and not from malice against the king or his officers, "y' 166 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. he was persuaded to do it by advice of y m y' knew y e Laws,'' and therefore he hoped he would be excused ; it would be very hard if any justice should be made to suffer for an error in judgment. The security given by the petitioner who had taken out the writ was, he believed, ample to cover the value of the goods. Penn said he would see that the appraised value of the things taken was made good to the marshal, and told Quarry further that " if he was not satisfied w' Anthony Morris' being outt of Commission of the peace & w* his p sent submission, hee might propose in writing what other satisfaction he expected, and it should be considered of. To w oh call. Quarry made an sr , y' hee had no p sy Order of the Governor andGeae- ril'Membfv. PBOVINCIAL CUBEENCY. the notes as they came in were canceled and burnt, and all accounts squared up. The friends of the system were many. " I will venture to say that there never was a better or a wiser measure," wrote Gov- ernor Pownall, " never one better calculated to serve security; and the prime quality demanded in a currency ia its capacity to circulate, a dynamical, not Btatical force. A redeemable bank-note can be put into land, gold, or any other commodities, and these again can be exchanged for it; it has therefore the value of all, besides its value as a medium of exchange, a tool, a convenience. A note which can only be put in land and must stay there, inert, for convertible purposes as the land itself, has but one value. the uses of an increasing country; that there never was a measure more steadily or more faithfully pur- sued for forty years together than the loan-office in Pennsylvania." In 1763 the whole paper-money sys- tem of the colonies, including that of Pennsylvania, was outlawed by act of Parliament, when Franklin wrote a pamphlet, protesting against the act. 1 *■■ The issues were £15,000 in 1722, £30,000 in L723, £30,000 in 1729, and in 1739 enough to make a total currency of £80,000 to remain in circulation for sixteen years. This last act per- fected the loan-office system, and is the one by which its operations can best be judged. The money was called " proclamation-money." It was emitted to borrowers directly from the loan- office, there being a branch in every county. The notes or bills, in denominations of from one to twenty shillings, were printed and emitted under direction of five persons, who were " trustees of the loan-office," and who gavetond. They were only to lend on real security or plate, of double the value. The interest was put at five per cent., and one-sixteenth of the principal was to be repaid each year. This principal, during the first ten years, was lent out again (the interest being applied to the public service), but new borrowers could only get the money for the rest of the time the loan had to run, and their annual payments of principal were proportionately in- creased. In the "Historical Eeview of Pennsylvania," by Franklin and Ralph, published in 1759 to influence Parliament in the contest between the majority of the Provincials and the proprietary government, 2 it is clearly shown, and the letters of Logan corroborate the fact, that the proprie- tary government was at first bitterly hostile to any and every emission of paper money, only assenting to it finally when made participants of some of the peculiar favors the system could bestow. In the language of the tract referred to, " Discovered a repugnance to this measure, till they found themselves considered in it. Like the snail with his horns, they had no sensations for the province but what reached them through the nerves of power and profit." The considera- tion, in fact, was the continued payment of quit- rents in sterling money, no matter what the deprecia- tion of provincial currency ; a consideration which the proprietary had a right to demand, and could in equity also do so, since they had nothing to do either with the emission of the currency or its depreciation. 3 1 See next chapter. This outlawing of colonial money had much to do with prejudicing the people of the colonies against the rule of Par- liament. 2 Franklin's Works, iii. 107, " An Historical Eeview, etc." See next chapter. 8 This depreciation got to be so great that it reached the ratio of 190.1, the value of a Pennsylvania pound currency being only $2.71^. To conclude this matter, so far as it relates to the Philadelphia of the 198 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. Keith, besides giving the province a paper cur- rency, secured the confident establishment of Benja- min Franklin at the heart of the growing town, and it is around Franklin as a centre that the greater part of the public affairs of Philadelphia will be found to revolve. This will be demonstrated in a chapter to succeed the present one. In 1717, and for many years periodically thereafter, pirates or else privateers on the coast were sources of alarm in Philadelphia. Logan, in the year named, said the pirates were fifteen hundred strong, and made many captures of vessels and seamen. In Feb- ruary, 1718, John Collison, Hance Dollar, John Ren- nolds, Benjamin Hutchins, and John Bell appeared before Governor and Council and made voluntary surrender as pirates, claiming to come in, however, under the late royal amnesty. In July, of the same year, Richard Appleton and a crew ran away with a pirate vessel and brought it as a prize into Philadel- phia with much applause. 1 period concerning which we write, Logan notes that as early as 1724 the premium on specie was fifteen per cent. The Gazette of 1726 (Wat- son) notes the arrival of counterfeit colonial hills from Ireland. In 1729 Logan says, " I dare not speak one word against it. The popular phrensy will never stop till their credit will be as bad as they are in New Eng- land, where an ounce of silver is worth twenty shillings of their paper. They already talk of making more, and no man dares appear to stem the fury of the popular rage." Logan thinks the king should arrest the delusion by proclamation. Watson had seen an account current of the years 1730-31, by Andrew Hamilton, one of the trustees of the Gen- eral Loan Office, " showing the operation in those days, when no banks exi&ted, of borrowing money upon mortgages, deeds, and other securi- ties. The account begins with a detail of securities received from the previous trustees, to wit : "61 mortgages on the £15,000 account, yet due £930 228 " " £30,' 00 " " 8,438 335 " " several " " 19,212 264 " " 2d £30,000 " " 26,000 "In 1730-31 the new trustees lent out — "On 39 mortgages £2546 " 77 " 5481 " a pledge of plate 24" Hazard, in the additions to Watson, says that paper money was also issued by individuals. In May, 1746, Joseph Gray gave notice that Franklin had printed for him £27 lOe. in notes of hand of 2d., 3d., and 6&, "out of sheer necessity for want of pence for running change. Whoever takes them shall have them exchanged on demand with the best money I have." In 1749 the Assembly was petitioned for an issue of twenty thousand pounds in Bniall bills, and a committee appointed to bring in a bill, but there was no further action. In connection with this currency matter we produce, from Hazard's Register, a price cur- rent taken from the Philadelphia Gazette of Nov. 27, 1735, tbe provincial currency reduced to dollars and cents: Corn-meal, Si .40 per hundred ; white biscuit flour, $2.40 ($4.75 per barrel); middling do., 81.73 per hun- dred; brown, $1.47; ship do., 31-60; muscovado sugar, $4.27 per hun- dred; gunpowder, $26.67; tobacco, 31.87 ; loaf sugar (wholesale), 22 cents per pound ; cotton, 13 cents per pound ; indigo, §1.33 do. ; rum, 29 cents per gallon ; molasseB, 20 cents; pork, $4.67 per barrel ; beef, $4 per bar- rel ; wheat, 49 cents per bushel; corn, 20; flaxseed, 53, etc. ; Madeira wine, ©58.67 per pipe. Either these prices were sterling, or the depre- ciation of currency still did not keep pace with the plethora of products. 1 The vessel carried ten mounted great guns, two swivels, three pate- reroes, four chambers, thirty muskets, five blunderbusses, five pistols, six old patereroes, four old chambers, ten organ-barrels, seven cutlasses, fifty-three hand-grenades, two hundred great shot, two barrels powder, four kegs " patridge," " one Mack fflag, one red mag, two ensignes, two pendants, one Jack, and eight Bloppers." To conclude this pirate bus- iness, Logan writes to the Governor of New York in October to notify Small and remote provincial cities, in remote and provincial times, do not make much history. Their annals trickle along through lowly, hidden ways, like the brook that still flows but cannot be discovered, for that the grass through which it percolates hides it from sight and makes it inaudible. Take this year, 1718, for an example. William Penn is still proprie- tary, though it has been long since he and conscious- ness of human interests have parted company, and now he is on the eve of receiving the last summons, which will give him rest in the quiet burial-place at Jordans'. But his affairs do not suffer, for Hannah Penn, brave heart, clear eye, firm hand, controls all. The Lieutenant-Governor, Sir William Keith, is just coming in; Jonathan Dickinson, Esq., is mayor; Robert Assheton, Esq., recorder. The aldermen are Richard Hill, William Carter, Abraham Bickley, William Hudson, Joseph Redman, Thomas Masters; the common councilmen are Richard Moore, Samuel Carpenter, Charles Read, Joseph Carpenter, Thomas Griffith, Owen Roberts, Nehemiah Allen, Thomas Bradford, Peter Stretch, Henry Badcock, John Jones, Daniel Radley, Thomas Wharton, George Claypool, James Parrock, William Ffishbourne, John Warder. Each of these men had a history; it could be un- earthed, and it would be far more interesting than that of the city represented by them, but still it would not be the city's history. The Common Council of the city met Jan. 29, 1718, after a recess of three months and a half. " Ed- ward Roberts, George ffitzwalter, and Evan Owen were now Qualified Comon Councilmen and took their place at y e Board. Ordered that William Hud- son & William ffishbourn, Adjust the Accounts with the Clerk of y e market ag* y e next Council. Upon Reading y e Peticon for Granting fferrys in this city, him that a vessel had been sent out against them, because " we are in manifest dauger here, unless the king's ships take some notice of us. They probably think a proprietary government no part of their charge." The pirates appear to have been under command at this time of the famous Teach, or Blackbeard, an outlaw who infested tbe commerce of the coast from Cape May to Cape Henry. Keith issued a warrant and a proclamation against him, neither being effective. There was great local interest in pirates at this time. Kyd was a sort of hero, and Bradford, the Quaker printer, in New York, in 1724, published a " His- tory of tho Pirates," which is said to be the original of the "Pirates' Own Book" of more recent times. Franklin claims to have made and pub- lished a song on the capture of Blackbeard. The latter freebooter used to he very familiar with the taverns on the water-front at Philadelphia, and he and his crew kept many a revel at Marcus Hook, at the house of a Swede woman. Teach was killed within the North Carolina sounds, and other pirates seem to have been captured about the same time. They had friendB, and support also, on shore. Isaac Norn's' son-in-law, Harrison, moving from Maryland, was captured between Apoquiminy and Newcastle and carried off. The grand jury in Philadelphia, in 1718, presented a lot of pirates, but no bill could be found. These men, John Williams, Joseph Cooper, Michael Grace, William Asheton, George Gard- ner, Francis Royer, and Henry Burton, are supposed to have captured and carried off from the Delaware a sloop of twenty-two guns. One of the party, Cooper, was afterwards captain of a pirate vessel, and blew himself up in the Bay of Honduras. After 1720, in which year Captain Low took a rich prize off the capes of the Delaware, the pirates seem to have been mostly driven to the Gulf of Mexico and Caribbean Sea, where, however, the commerce of Philadelphia still paid them toll. THE QUAKER CITY— 1701-1750. 199 The Mayor, Recorder, & Alderman Hill are Desired to Wait on y° Assembly with a Peticon that a Bill may be brought in for Vesting the power of Granting the s'd fferrys in y° Corperacon of this City. 1 " Whereas, William Davis, of the County of Chester, & one Peter Devene, have Obtained the Gov" Lycence to ask the Charity of y" Inhabitants of this City by occasion of Some Misfortunes they have ffaln under, And the Charge of this city occasioned by the Repairs of the Wharfs, Maintenance of the Poor, & other In- cidents Laying Hard on the Inhabitants, It is Or- dered that the Mayor, Recorder, & Alderman Hill, Do wait on the Governour and request him that he would be pleased to give the Magistrates of this City a Hearing in flavor of y 6 Inhabitants before he Grants any pson Such a lycence for y e ffuture." Upon the Peticon of Simon Edgill, that there is a vacancy in the office of sealing weights and measures and asking to be appointed to it himself, Master Edgill is referred to the next Council. Sarah Smith's fine of £10 for having a bastard child, and ffrancis Cole's fine of £5 for keeping a public-house without a license, are both abated one-half. The next meeting of Common Council was on Feb- ruary 26th, when a fine of fifty pounds, laid on Nich- olas Williams for beating his father, is remitted, and Peter Stretch is paid £8 18s. for work done by him on the town clock. On March 6th, Aldermen Masters Bickley and Redman are ordered to expedite matters at the market wharf, of which they are overseers, and to get more money, if needed, besides that thirty pounds 1 Not granted, but some of the puljlic ferries were put nuder new ar- rangements. Armstrong Smith prayed that he might he granted the right of keeping two ferries in the Delaware, one to Cooper's, in West Jersey, the other to Gloucester ; and John Walker wanted to establish a ferry from the middle of the city to West Jersey. These ferries to Cooper's and Gloucester were erected by the Assembly for a term of years, and because West Jersey put a duty on shallops, boats, and canoes coming from Pennsylvania, the Assembly proposed to retaliate. What else was done in this body? They met, and addressed the Governor on the alarm caused by the importation of so many foreigners ; they agreed that their pay should be six shillings apiece per diem, and the Speaker's ten shillings ; two bridgeB were ordered over the Poquessing and Cobb's Creeks; persons about to marry were ordered to put up a publication notice at some meeting-house thirty days beforehand, "and produce three evidences, at least, that they see it up three days of worship, with the fair publication side outwards, and the marriage to be performed by some justice in the same county;" the butchers petitioned against open- ing the market to meat from West Jersey ; the Quakers petitioned for the right of affirmation, as they are still doing to-day in England; An- drew Bradford wanted a monopoly of the lamp-black manufacture for twenty years, he having " at considerable expense" found out for him- self the right method of its manufacture; the several counties were ordered to erect suitable work-houses and yards, that in Philadelphia to be completed within three years; a law was passed to regulate the relief of the poor, requiring paupers to be lettered and wear a red P on their sleeves, indicating what town they lived in; other acts defiuing the rights of feme-sole and married women as traders, regulating the pun- ishment of crimes and misdemeanors, putting in force in the province the statute of James I., chap, xii., against witchcraft were passed, and then the old Assembly adjourned, the new one met, and there was no more legislative business during the year 171S. The members of the Assembly who were elected and met Oct. 14, 1718, were, for Philadelphia City: Israel Pemberton, Isaac Norris; for the county, Speaker, Matthias Holston, Robert Jones, Edward Farmar, Richard Hill, William Fish- bourn, Clement Plumsted, Morris Morris, and Jonathan Dickinson. they have ; Masters Redman, Bradford, and Clay- pool to inspect and appraise William Branson's work under the court-house. William Pawlet has had no pay for several years for summoning and attending the Common Council, and petitions to have his salary fixed, and his salary is fixed at eight pounds per an- num " for his Sumoning of the Comon Council, Open- ing & Shutting of the Gates of the Court House, & keeping the same clean & the pavement clear of Horses." It is further " Ordered that no vendue or publick Sale of Goods be made under the Court House by any pson, Unless a Consideracon be paid to the Corporacon for the Same." At the next meeting, May 13, 1718, Branson's quantum meruit is set at £32 10s. Thomas Redman is appointed inspector of water-courses, his pay being one penny per foot from the persons bordered by the stream ; Pawlet is allowed five pounds for his past services; and, the tailors and cordwainers having pe- titioned for some regulations in regard to their trade- rights, the recorder was requested to inspect the books, and report a proper method of incorporating particular bodies within this corporation. 2 Three- fourths of Richard Keys' fine for keeping an unli- censed tavern is remitted, and the recorder ordered to draw a new ordinance for better regulating carters, cartmen, and draymen, and settling their wages. 3 At Common Council's meeting July 14th, Benja- min Morgan and Edward Church's pump in the middle of Front Street, opposite Ewer's Alley, which they pray may be allowed to stand, is sternly con- demned as being now, as it always has been, a public and common nuisance, but they can continue it until February, and no longer, to give them time to sink a new well. The vendue-master, John Leech, is re- quired to pay ten pounds a year, in quarterly pay- ments, for use of the court-house in selling goods, and Alderman Carter is ordered to collect three pounds per annum rent for each of the stalls under the court-house stairs, the payment of such rent securing the refusal of the stall to the lessee, but no arrears. Thomas Carvell is nine shillings behind- hand, and is bidden pay up on demand, or the beadle is ordered to " Pluck up his stall, he being only Tenant at Will." A paving ordinance was read on September 20th. October 7th was election day, and 2 The complaint was that notwithstanding tradesmen took out their freedom, strangers came in, settled and practiced their trades without being freemen. The tradeB were therefore authorized to get themselves incorporated after the manner of the English guilds, and have an ordi- nance prepared by an expert "Consonal Agreeable to y> laws of Eng- land and this Government and for a Publick Good." 3 Transportation of goods, persons, and news is, perhaps, the measure of civilization, modified by local circumstances in some degree. Jona- than Dickinson this year writes : " We have a settled post from Vir- ginia and Maryland unto us, which goes through all our northern colo- nies, whereby all advices from Boston, in New England, to Williams- burg, in Virginia, is completed in four weeks from the latter end of March to the beginning of December, and in the winter season the double of that time." William Penn died July 30th, and Keith gave the news to Council November 30th. 200 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. Jonathan Dickinson re-elected mayor, and Thomas Griffith and William ffishbourn, aldermen ; Israel Pemberton, John Carpenter, John Cadwalader, Jo- seph Buckley, Thomas Griffith, and Thomas Tresse, common councilmen. " Alderman Hudson, Alderman Redman, Benjamin Vinning, Edward Roberts, and Samuel Carpenter were Sent on a Message to y e Gov- ern' to Acquaint him of their Choice of the Mayor and to Know when the Corporacon Should Wait on him to present the Mayor to be Qualified, and the Gov' Appointed to Morrow morning at Tenn o Clock." The new Common Council met Nov. 24, 1718, but there is no minute of Penn's death. Griffith and Pem- berton qualify, and carters are forbid to cut up the streets, paved or graveled by individual enterprise, by carrying too heavy loads. Alderman Car- ter complains that tenants do not pay their stall-rents; the old fine of three shillings for neglect to attend by aldermen and council- men is revived, and Bickley is ordered to be paid £50 for his fire-engine. At the meeting on Christmas-day the Common Council de- cline to permit Robert Wood to beg, though he has the Governor's brief for it ; and on December 29th, Thomas Redman's plan for ^\^ 'fdhnCopfoto new market-stalls (contrived to punish tenants who sublet their stalls for more rent than they pay) is accepted. Keith announced the death of Penn to Prov- incial Council on November 3d, and to Assem- bly on December 17th, in not unfitting phrase. Watson and the Logan papers both mention that he solemnized, with a military procession, the death of the great man of peace. William Penn, Jr., who claimed but never secured the succession, appears to have thanked Keith for this absurd and inappropriate display, but the most grateful testimonial came from the Indians in Pennsylvania, who, when they learned of the death of Onas, sent his widow a letter of condo- lence, with a present, a garment for their deceased friend, in which to journey safely through the wilder- ness to which they conceived him to have departed. 1 We have given in full, as a specimen, the annals of one year, not an exceptionally dull one. Such details must be subjected to condensation by hydraulic press- ure and the residuum very lightly skimmed, if we would get from them the texture of history, so far as narrative of chronological progress and public event is concerned. Yet it is out of these faint, almost imponderable and impalpable fragments that the true history and mirror of any time must be com- posed. The pavements, the carters, the pumps, the market people, the ferries, — all these come up with regular frequency ; there is little change, yet that is of growth; the present body of municipal ordinances in Philadelphia have been one hundred and eighty years in forming. The mere fact of this perpetual motion of little change and amendment, however, is evidence of life and growth, and that is nearly all we can get from it. 2 We do find, however, in April, 1719, that an ordinance has been passed for paving the streets, and that the business of saddlers, cord- wainers, and curriers was so important, or the price of leather so high, that an attempt was made to pre- vent tanners from exporting their products. 3 This year, also, Dec. 22, 1719, the first newspaper came out in Philadelphia, — The American Weekly Mercury, " Printed by Andrew Bradford, and sold by him and John Copson." The first advertisement in this paper — in the second number — was of a run- away negro, a bright mulatto, Johnny, who ran away TBis Day Run away from Jdhn-UCCami, Junier, an Indian. Woman, about 1 7 Years of Age, Pitted in the face, of a middle Stature and Indifferent fatt having an heraDrugat, "Waflcoat . and Kerfey Petticoat, of a Light Collour. If anyPerfon or Tterfons,:fhall bring rheftJdGirle.toherfaidMafler, ihall be Rewardedfor their Trouble to their. Content American weekly -mercury May 24 1728 y\ Servant Maids Titne for pour Years to be fold by Ditto Jan.2'17Zl. AVery likely Negro Woman to be fold, aged about 2.8 Years, fit for Country or City Bufinefs Shecan Card'Spin, Knit and Milk.-, and any other Country ."Work. Whoever has a Mind for the faidNetfro may iwairte .Andrew Bradford in Philadelphia. r A Young Negro Woman to be fold by Samuel Kirk in tha Second Street, Philadelphia, T~i new style), 1706, in a house on Milk Street, nearly opposite to the Old South Church, and on the site now (1884) occupied by the Boston Post newspaper. The house in which Franklin was born remained standing until December, 1810, when it was destroyed by fire. 1 1 Its appearauce at the period of the philosopher's birth is thus mi- nutely described in " Shurtleff 's Description of Boston" : "Its front upon the street was rudely clapboarded, and the sides and rear were protected from the inclemencies of a New England climate by large rough shingles. In height the house was about three stories ; in front the second story and attic projected somewhat into the street, over the principal story on the ground-floor. On the lower floor of the main house there was one room only. This, which probably served the Frank- lins as a parlor and sitting-room, and also for the family eating-room, BENJAMIN FKANKLIN AND PHILADELPHIA. 219 Notwithstanding Franklin was born in New Eng- land, he was only half a Yankee. His mother, his father's second wife, was Abiah Folger, daughter of Peter Folger, " one of the first settlers of New Eng- land, of whom honorable mention is made by Cotton FRANKLIN'S BIRTHPLACE. Mather in his ecclesiastical history of that country, entitled ' Magnalia Christi Americana,' as 'a godly and learned Englishman,' if I remember the words rightly." ' This was the New England strain in Franklin's blood. His father was a true-born Eng- lishman, of the old Northamptonshire yeomanry stock who had lived in the same village, Ecton, on a freehold of thirty acres, for at least three hundred was about twenty feet square, and had two windows on the street, and it had also one on the passage-way, so as to give the inmateB a good view of Washington Street. In the centre of the southerly side of the room was one of those noted large fireplaces, situated in a most capacious chimney. On the left of this was a spacious closet. On the ground- floor, connected with the sitting-room through the entry, was the kitchen. The second story originally contained but one chamber, and in this the windows, door, fireplace, and closet were similar in number and position to those in the parlor beneath it. The attic was also origi- nally one unplastered room, and had a window in front on the street and two common attic windows, one on each side of the roof, near the back part of it." 1 Folger came from Norwich, England, with his father, in 1635, at the age of eighteen, and they settled at Martha's Vineyard, where John, the father, died, leaving Meribell, his widow, who survived him three years. In 1644, Peter married Mary Morrell, one of the family of the celebrated Hugh Peters, and in 1663 he went to Nantucket, one of the first settlers of that island. Peter Folger was a man of integrity and reading, a land surveyor, whose word was accepted as final in all cases of disputed boundary and title; a student of the Indian tongues, much valued as an interpreter; a catechist of the savages also, greatly esteemed by the missionary, Rev. Thomas Mayhew. Peter Folger died in 1600, father of two sons and seven daughters. He published a volume of devout poetry, " A Looking-glass for the Times, or the Former Spirit of New England revived in this generation," a plea for liberty of conscience and against persecution, which he lookB upon as the cause of war and all the other calamities distressing the people. years, the eldest son always pursuing the trade of the smith. Benjamin, who made some search into parish regis- ters while visiting England in 1758, learned that he himself was the youngest son of the youngest son for five generations back. His grandfather had four sons, — Thomas, John, Benjamin, and Josiah. Thomas, bred a smith, passed the bar and became a man of consequence in the county; John was a wool- dyer; Benjamin, a dyer of silk, and, in his way, some- thing of a poet. Josiah Franklin married young, and came to New England with wife and three children in 1685, a non-conformist seeking freedom of worship, a dyer by trade like his brothers. He changed his business when he came to Boston to that of tallow- chandler and soap-boiler, and he was the father of seventeen children, nine by his second wife, to whom he was married in 1690. Benjamin was the fifteenth child and youngest son. The boy was meant for the church, or, rather, the non-conformist pulpit; showed himself precocious, was sent to a grammar school, and in a year got head of his class. But his father had too many children to think of sending one of them to college. Benjamin was put at a writing and cipher- ing school, and at ten years old was taken to learn soap-boiling, — that is to say, to help make the soap- kettle and the family pot boil by cutting wicks, filling moulds, minding shop, and running errands. The trade suited the youth so ill he proposed going to sea, but the father forbade. He was a stout, strong man, this father, of sound, solid sense, could draw well, and knew a little music ; had a good, resonant voice, played and sung to the violin, and was skilled with tools. He was a good adviser to friends, man- aged his own affairs discreetly, was noteworthy for his solid, sturdy understanding and his prudential tact. Such a man, while not apt to yield to a boy's whims, — and he knew that Benjamin was notional, — would still find out if he were really unfitted for a trade. Accordingly, he took the boy around with him to see different sorts of work done, in order to detect if he had any especial aptitude, ending, when he found out the boy's taste for reading, by binding him apprentice to his eldest son, James Franklin, the I printer. James had learned his trade in England, and came out to Boston in March, 1717, with a press and new fonts of type. At first he did only job work, but in 1719 a new postmaster was appointed, who established a second newspaper, The Boston Gazette, and James Franklin was employed to print it. In August, 1721, the Gazette having passed to another printer, Franklin began to publish The New England Courant at his own risk, which was the fourth news- paper printed in America. It was a weekly, a fools- cap half-sheet, sometimes enlarged to a whole sheet; the contributors forming a sort of club, furnished the articles, essays or letters, there being little news and few advertisements. The story of Benjamin's verses and how he hawked 220 HISTORY OP PHILADELPHIA. them about the streets ; of his brother's harshness ; of the youth's anonymous contributions to the paper; of the paper's suppression and its reissue in Benja- min's name ; of the latter's escape to Philadelphia, of the voyage, the three rolls, the interview with Brad- ford, Keimer, and Keith, are too familiar to need to be retold here. The printer was but seventeen and a half years old when he came to Philadelphia. He was but twenty when he returned from London, an accomplished printer and a man of the world. This was in 1726. Franklin had already printed a deistic work ; he confesses to have practiced some libertinage ; mentalist, — he had said, long years before, that he would rather find a recipe for Parmesan cheese in his readings of Italian travels than the most venerable of inscriptions of the antique world, — and he nursed no illusions now. He resolutely allied himself with the party of action. He became chairman of the Penn- sylvania Committee of Safety. Congress appointed him postmaster-general, with a salary of one thousand dollars, and practically unlimited power and discre- tion. He was at the head of the commission for In- dian Affairs in the Middle Department. He was a commissioner to the army of Boston, chief of the important Committee of Secret Corre- spondence, and commissioner to Canada. He was one of the five to draw up the Declaration of Independence, and was president of the Pennsylvania Constitu- tional Convention. Finally, Oct. 26, 1776, he sailed for France aboard the sloop-of-war " Reprisal," with almost unlimited discretionary power, as agent for the colonies, reaching Paris Decem- ber 21st. He did not return again to Philadelphia until Sept. 14, 1785, when he was seventy-nine years old. He lived to be eighty-four, dying April 17, 1790. Jared Sparks describes him as " well formed and strongly built, in his latter years inclining to corpulency. His stat- ure was five feet nine or ten inches ; his eyes were gray, and his complexion light. Affable in his deportment, un- obtrusive, easy, and winning in his manners, he rendered himself agreeable to persons of every rank in life. With his intimate friends he conversed freely, but with strangers and in mixed com- pany he was reserved and sometimes taciturn. His great fund of knowledge and experience in human affairs con- tributed to give a peculiar charm to his conversation, enriched as it was by original reflections and enlivened by a vein of pleasantry, and by anec- dotes and ingenious apologues, in the he was as unlikely a man to get advancement in a | happy recollection and use of which he was unsur- staid Quaker community as could be imagined. In I passed." FKANKLIN AT THE AGE OF TWENTY. 1730 he had a printing establishment and newspaper and stationer's shop of his own, was married, and was already pressing upon public opinion with a powerful leverage. We will return to this part of his career again. When Franklin returned to Philadelphia on May 5, 1775, after his fruitless negotiations in England, the die of revolution was already cast. The day after his arrival the Assembly of Pennsylvania elected him delegate to the second Continental Congress, and so he began his national career. He was never a senti- Benjamin Franklin arrived in Philadelphia in Oc- tober, 1723, and forthwith applied to Andrew Brad- ford, the printer, son of William Bradford, for em- ployment. There was a sort of propriety in this step, both of coming to Philadelphia and applying to Bradford, of which Franklin was probably not aware. For he was the ostensible proprietor of his brother's New England Courant, which was then under the ban of official censure, and it was Brad- ford's paper, the American Weekly Mercury, which had raised its voice in manly defense of the per- BENJAMIN FRANKLIN AND PHILADELPHIA. 221 secuted printer and in rebuke of his persecu- tors. 1 It is proper now to inquire, before setting forth what Franklin did, what sort of a field to work in he found in Philadelphia, what was the state of printing, science, letters, and the liberal arts at that time. The Quakers were not learned, as a sect, — the social rank from which their earliest members were chiefly re- cruited would have made this impossible, — nor were they inclined, by their tenets and the precepts and practices of their faith, to the cultivation of literature and the liberal arts. They were naturally almost en- tirely excluded from the professions. A Quaker would hardly take a degree in medicine without doing vio- lence to his conscience. He could not pass the bar nor practice in the courts of England. But the Quakers were not illiterate, nor were letters neglected in the colony of Friends on the banks of the Delaware. Penn himself, as has been sufficiently shown, was a man of as much reading as penetration. Barclay was both scholar and logician. Story was a scholar. Logan was profoundly read, a man who would have excelled at Oxford and Cambridge and shone in a German university. George Keith was a scholar. It is probable that in the Philadelphia of 1723 there was a larger proportion of persons with some knowledge of Latin, and a much larger proportion of good Lat- inists, than there are in the Philadelphia of 1883. In the decorative part of polite learning the early inhab- itants of the city perhaps did not shine, but in its solid endowments they were not remiss. It is certain they did not undervalue learning and knowledge, nor neglect the means to secure them. They endowed schools at the outset, and in the very beginning took their stand for the liberty of the press as a thing as important as liberty of conscience. Enoch Flower was teaching school in 1683, Bradford's press was at work in 1686. Bradford's was the first printing-press in the middle colonies, and the second in the British colonies. It is a subject of pride to Pennsylvanians and Philadel- phians that, while the printing-press was not set up in Massachusetts until eighteen years after its first settlement, in New York seventy-three years, in Virginia more than a hundred years, and that the Governor of Virginia, fifty years after the planting of the colony, hoped that the press would not be set up for a hundred years more, because it favored sedi- 1 Mercury, Feb. 26, 1723 : " My Lord Coke observes, that to punish first, and then inquire, the law abhors; but here Mr. Franklin has a severe sen- tence passed upon him, even to the taking away part of bis livelihood, without being called to make an answer. An indifferent person would judge by thiB vote against Couranls, that the Assembly of Massachusetts Bay are made up of oppressors and bigots, who make religion the only engine of destruction to the people, and the rather because the first let- ter in the Courant, of the 14th of January, which the Assembly censures, so naturally represents and exposes the hypocritical pretenders to reli- gion. . .. Thus much we could not forbear saying, out of compassion to the distressed people of the province, who muBt now resign all pretences to sense and reason, and submit to the tyranny of priestcraft and hypoc- risy." tion and libels upon the church and the king, in Philadelphia Bradford's press was at work within four years after the foundation. We have already, in a preceding chapter, spoken of Bradford and the rea- sonable doubts for including him among the " Wel- come's" passengers, or the first colonists. To this it may be added that while there is little probability .of his having, as conjectured, dwelt or practiced his art between 1682 and 1685, either in Kensington or New Castle, there is a possibility of his having done so in Burlington, N. J., in that interval. That town was an older settlement and more considerable place than Philadelphia, and it shared with Salem and Amboy the honor and the importance of being the residence and seat of a royal Governor. Anyhow, Bradford was in London " 6th month, 1685," as we know from Fox's letter, just about to sail for Philadelphia. He must have arrived in the latter town early in the autumn of that year, for he printed his almanac for 1686, — Kalendarium Pennsyhaniense or America's Mes- senger, an Almanac, edited by Samuel Atkins, the first work ever printed in Philadelphia. 2 In April, 1692, filled with a sense of unjust treatment at the hands of Philadelphia Friends, Bradford secured a release from his obligation to do their printing for them, in- tending to return to England. In March, 1693, the Council of New York passed a resolution to the effect that if a printer would come to that province to print the acts of Assembly and other public documents, he should be paid a salary of forty pounds a year, " and have the benefit of his printing besides what serves the public.'' Eighteen days later Bradford's presses were set up in New York. 3 2 One copy of this very rare work is in the possession of the Pennsyl- vania Historical Society. 3 Some of the work done by him in Philadelphia, according to Mr. Westcott, consists of the following (in addition to a tract, title not given, said by H. Stevens, of London, to be in the library of the Friends, London, dated 1686) : (1) The Kalendarium, etc., 1685; (2) An epistle from John Burnyeat to Friends in Philadelphia, etc , 16S6 ; (3) An Almanac, calcu- lated for the meridian of Burlington, by Daniel Leeds, student of agricul- ture, etc., 1687 ; (4) Almanac for 1688, by Daniel Leeds, 1688 ; (5) Almanac for 1688, by Edward Eakin, 1688; (6) Broadside in relation to keeping Fairs at the Centre; (7) The Temple of Wisdom, for the Little World, in two parts, etc. (a book, the first ever printed in Philadelphia, a com- pilation, apparently by Leeds, the almanac-maker, containing, among other things, extracts from Burton's Anatoniie, George Withers, Francis Quarlls, and Lord Bacon), 1688 ; (8) Broadside proposals for printing a large Bible. (" Proposals for the Printing of a Large Bible, by William Brad- ford. These are to give notice, that it is proposed for a large house Bible to be printed by way of subscriptions (a method usual in England for the printing of large volumes, because printing is very chargeable) ; there- fore, to all that are willing to forward so good (and great) a work as the printing of the Holy Bible, are offered these proposals, viz. ; 1. That it shall be printed in a fair character, on good paper, and well bound. 2. That it shall contain the Old and New Testaments, with the Apocraphy, and all to have useful marginal notes. 3. That it shall be allowed (to them that subscribe) for twenty shillings per Bible (a price which one of the same volume in England would cost). 4. That the pay shall be half silver money, and half country produce at money price, one-half down now, and the other half on the delivery of the Bibles. 6. That those who do subscribe for six shall have the seventh gratis, and have them delivered one month before any above that number shall be sold to others. 6. To those which do not subscribe, the said Bibles will not be allowed under 26s. apiece. 7. Those who are minded to have the Com- 222 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. From 1693 to 1699 there is no evidence of a printer being in Philadelphia, but on the contrary evidence that there was none, since Daniel Leeds, the almanac- maker, a strong Keithian, had to go to New York to get a brace of pamphlets printed that he himself had written upon the points of the controversy. 1 Mean- time, in spite of Gabriel Thomas, learning and the learned professions were not unrepresented in Phila- delphia. We have already, in a preceding chapter, said something of the earliest doctors and lawyers. With Penn came over Dr. Thomas Wynne, of Flintshire, Wales; Dr. Griffith Owen, of Wales; Dr. Nicholas More and Dr. John Goodson, both of London. Dr. Ed- ward Jones, of Bala, Merionethshire, Dr. Wynne's son- mon Prayer, shall have the whole bound up for 22s., and thoBe that do not subscribe, 28s. and od. per Book, 8. That encouragement is given by Peoples subscribing and paying down one-half, the said work will be put forward with what expedition may be. 9. That tbe subscribers may enter their subscriptions and time of Payment at Pheneas Pemberton's and Robert Hall's, in the County of Bucks; at Malen Stacy's Mill, at the Falls; at Tliomas Budd's House, in Burlington; at John Hastings', in the County of Chester ; at Edward Blake's, in New Castle; at Thomas V. Wood- roof's, in Salem ; and at William Bradford's, in Philadelphia, printer and undertaker of the said work, at which places the subscribers shall have a receipt for so much of their subscriptions as paid, and an obligation for the delivery of the number of Bibles (so printed and bound as afore- said) as the respective subscribers shall deposit one-half for. Also, this may further give notice that Samuel Richardson and Samuel Carpenter, of Philadelphia, are appointed to take care and be assistant in the laying out of the subscription money, and to see that it be employed to tbe use intended, and consequently that the whole work be expedited. Which is promised by "William Bradford. Philadelphia, the 14th of the 1st month, 1688." This offer was seven years before Cotton Mather's Bible.) (9) Frame of Government of Pennsylvania, 1689; (10) A Tract by Gershom Bulkley, 1689 ; (11) Presbyterian and In- dependent Visible Churches in New England. By George Keith; (12) The People's Right to Election; or, Alteration of Government in Connecticut. Arranged in a Letter by Gershom Bulkley, Esq., of his Majesty's Justices of the Peace of the County of Hartford, 1689; (13) Blood Will Out, or an Example of Truth by Plain Evidence of the Holy Scriptures, viz. : Pardon Tillinghast, B. Keech, and Cotton Mather, and a few words of a letter to Cotton Mather. By George Keith, 1690; (14) A Confession of Faith, by George Keith, etc.; (15) A General Epistle to Friends, by George Whitehead, 1691 ; (16) Reasons and Causes of the Late Separation, by George Keith, 1691 ; (17) Anti-Christ and Sadducee, 1691 ; (18) PreBbyterian and Independent Churches in North America brought to the Text, by George Keith, 1692; (19) A Refutation of the Three Opposers of Justice, etc., etc., together with thirteen or fourteen more pamphlets for and against Keith's heresies; (20) A Short Descrip- tion of Pennsylvania ; or, A Relation of What Things are Known, En- joyed, and like to be Discovered in the said Province, etc., by Richard Frame 1692; (21) The Christian Faith of the People called Quakers in Rhode Island vindicated from the Calumnies of C. Ludowickand Cotton Mather, 1692 ; (22) A Confession of Faith in the most Necessary Things of Christian Doctrine, 'Faith, and Practice, according to the Testimony of Holy Scriptures. Given Forth from the Yearly Meeting at Burlington, the 7th of 7th mo., 1692, by the despised Christian People called Quakers. Published by William Bradford, Philadelphia, 1693 ; (23) Spirit of the Hat, by James Claypoole, 1693 ; (24) A Parapbrastical Exposition in a Letter from a Gentleman in Philadelphia to his Friend in Boston, concerning a certain person who compared himself to Mordecai, 1693 (a poetical attack on Samuel Jennings against the practice of slaveholding given forth by the appointment of the meeting held at Philip James' house, in Philadelphia, says Wharton). Morgan Edwards, in his " Materials for a History of the Baptists," enumerates nine or ten other tracts or pamphlets which were published at this time in relation to the Keithian controversy, the mOBt of which it is fair to presume were published by Bradford. l One of these tracts was called " News of a Trumpet Sounding in the Wilderness," etc., 1697 ; the other " A Trumpet Sounded Out of the Wil- derness in America," etc., 1699. in-law, was a first purchaser, and came over about the same time ; Dr. John Le Pierre, who died in 1729, is also thought to have come with Penn. He bore the character of an alchemist. Dr. Wynne settled in the lower counties, and died in 1691 ; Dr. Nicholas More, president of the Society of Free Traders and founder of the Manor of Moreland, does not seem to have been in practice, nor was Dr. Goodson, who was one of Penn's commissioners of property and held other po- litical places of trust ; but Dr. Edward Jones was an active physician. There were four other physicians or '"' chirurgeons" among the first purchasers, — Drs. Charles Marshall, of Bristol ; William Kussell, of London; Eobert Dimsdale, of Middlesex; and Hugh Chamberlain, of London ; but there is no evidence of their having emigrated. Of the early lawyers of Philadelphia, apart from their political associations, little is known. Charles Pick- ering, prosecuted in 1683 for coining or counterfeiting Spanish money, was one ; he died in 1695. Patrick Robinson, clerk of the Provincial Court, and register of wills, was an attorney ; he died in 1701. In 1685, by order of Council, Samuel Hersant was appointed prosecuting attorney, and held his office fifteen months, until elected sheriff of Philadelphia. David Lloyd became attorney-general of the province in 1686. John Moore was king's attorney in 1700. Of other attorneys we know little more than the names of John White (1685), and that Penn's cousin, Wil- liam Assheton, clerk of Councils and City Council, and subsequently judge, was in Philadelphia as early as 1700. In his inaugural address of 1872, John Wil- liam Wallace discourses eloquently of the early and substantial efforts made in Philadelphia to found schools and provide the means of education to all. The encomium is not undeserved. The school was provided for when there was scarcely a single house built along the river front. We have already spoken of Enoch Flowers' and George Keith's schools, the former set in motion by Council regulation, Dec. 10, 1683, the latter provided for soon after. Flowers' terms, as has already been noted, were four shillings to eight shillings the quarter, according to grade, and both in his school and the grammar school (" a school of arts and sciences," say the Council minutes) they whose parents were too poor to pay the fees were not deprived of the means of getting knowledge. In 1698, when Gabriel Thomas wrote, Flowers' and Keith's schools were not the only ones in the province, for he expressly says that in Philadelphia "are several good schools of learning for youth, in order to the at- tainment of arts and sciences, as also reading, writing, etc." Says Thomas I. Wharton, 2 " Hardly had the em- igrants sheltered themselves in their huts — the forest trees were still standing at their doors — when they 2 " Notes on the Provincial Literature of Pennsylvania," by Thomas I. Wharton. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN AND PHILADELPHIA. 223 established schools and a printing-press, to teach and to be enlightened, literally inter silvas qumrera verum.'' The grammar school was founded in 1689, and for- mally and liberally chartered in 1701. Keith's salary was fifty pounds per annum, with dwelling-house, school-house, and all the profits of the school besides, a guarantee up to one hundred and twenty pounds per annum for two years. At the end of that time he was succeeded by Thomas Makin, also clerk of Assembly, some of whose uncouth hexameters have been quoted already, and more may be found, if the reader wishes to see them, in the appendix to the second volumeof Proud's " History of Pennsylvania," where also a translation in Proud's manner may be seen. 1 Makin was not the earliest Philadelphia poet. In the list of publications by Bradford, in a foot-note just above, it will be seen that there was a satire pub- lished in 1693, of which Joshua Francis Fisher, in his admirable paper on " Early Poets and Poetry in Pennsylvania," says that it was the earliest rythmical production of our province which was committed to print ; at least of which we have any notice, ... a small quarto of eight pages. It is to be regretted that neither the name of the author nor of the printer is attached. The piece is of extreme rarity, and all the criticism I am able to furnish is ' that it was a bitter attack upon Samuel Jennings, and that the lines are destitute of the spirit, and almost without the form, of poetry.' " Two poems were published by Bradford in 1692 and (as is conjectured) in 1696, which establish the fact of the existence of Rittenhouse's paper-mill on the Wissahickon, in Roxborough township, as early at least as 1690. 2 In this mill Bradford had a con- siderable interest, and probably instigated its estab- lishment. When it was carried away by the floods in 1700, William Penn interested himself greatly in promoting its reconstruction. The first of the poems referred to was that of Richard Frame, " A Short Description of Pennsilvania; or, A Relation What things are known, enjoyed and like to be discovered in the said Province." 3 The other poem was that of the Hon. (or Judge) John Holmes, a city magis- trate, who was on the bench when Bradford was tried for publishing Keith's pamphlet. It was en- titled "A True Relation of the Flourishing State of Pennsylvania." 4 Mr. Westcott has quoted several passages from this poem. All that is necessary to 1 Makia's Latin poems, his "Descriptio Pennsylvania?," and his "Encomium Pennsylvania?," were found among other MSS. in the papers of James Logan . 2 This was forty years in advance of the first mill of the kind in New England, at Milton, Mass. (See Horatio Gates Jones' paper on the JE5.it- tenhouse paper-mill.) 3 The only copy of this poem known to be in existence is in the Ridgway Library of Philadelphia. * Holmes came from England in 1686, and was a constituent member of the Philadelphia Baptist congregation. He married the widow of Dr. (and Chief Justice) Nicholas More, and afterwards settled in Salem, N. J., dying about 1701. give here is his reference to the Rittenhouse paper- mill : " Here dwelt a Printer, and I find That he can both print books and bind; He wants not paper, ink, Dor skill, He's owner of a paper-mill ; The paper-mill is here, hard-by, And makes good paper frequently." This was indeed the fact; the paper was far better than Holmes' poetry. lA Short '', : { Relation What thifigpCre kno nd like to be difcowredlh ; " - T feg;l m the fa id Pro vince^ ftvt-. c::: _j wmt ' FAC-SIMILE OF TITLE-PAGE OF FRAME'S POEM. [In Ridgway Library, Philadelphia.] Of the other publications by Bradford which have been named, his " Burnyeat's Epistle" was the circu- lar of a traveling Quaker minister after the order of George Fox, an Englishman, of whom Fox himself wrote that " he traveled and preached the Gospel in Ireland, Scotland, Barbadoes, Virginia, Maryland, New Jersey, and up and down New England, and had many disputes with priests and professors that op- posed the truth. But the Lord gave him dominion over all, and to stop the mouths of gainsayers, and he turned many to the Lord and was a peacemaker.'' He appears to have been Fox's companion in his journey to America from Barbadoes, through Vir- ginia and Maryland, into New Jersey. The epistle printed by Bradford, one of twenty-three uttered by this very Quaker St. Paul, was brief, four pages in small quarto. Bradford's almanacs, edited by Leeds, rude as they were, were the forerunners of " Poor Richard." They mingled in their miscellany the times of holding courts and fairs with moral maxims, 224 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. religious homilies, and practical, pithy rules of hus- bandry. The calendar was by no means a Quaker one, but gave all the fasts and festivals of the estab- lished church and even of the Catholic Church ; but this was perhaps needful, for men were very much used in these times to make bargains and set engage- ments by " Lady day," " Michaelmas," " Innocents," etc. The printer's first real volume, the " Temple of Wisdom," was a duodecimo of some size, and a work most creditable to Bradford. The printer, indeed, was a man of estimable character. Franklin describes him as being cunning and not very nice in his self- seeking ; but he was perhaps less so than Franklin. In his letter to the Burlington Half- Yearly Meeting, February, 1688, in which he first opens up his Bible scheme, he speaks of having laid out nearly all his capital in the purchase of the materials for his art, and as being content to get a livelihood for himself and family while printing anything " serviceable to truth." Such was the character of this book, the " Temple of Wisdom," for which no great sale could be expected, for Bacon's " Essays" and Quarles' " Em- blems" arenot of the books that sell well. "Poor Rich- ard" was a much more profitable venture, and it is doubtful if Franklin ever read Bacon's " Essays," much less thought of printing them. He had, however, much shrewd mother-wit which was highly charac- teristic, as he showed in his examination before the Governor and Council when interrogated about printing the charter, and he had perhaps a spice of malice in his disposition. It seems highly probable that he either wrote himself, or procured the writing of the above-mentioned satire on Samuel Jennings, who was one of the justices of the peace that deliv- ered him and his printing-office into the custody of the sheriff for printing George Keith's first pamphlet. The next printer in Philadelphia was Reyner or Eeynier Jansen, who succeeded Bradford, but, as has been said, after an interval of some years. Not much is known of Jansen. It has been conjectured he was Bradford's apprentice, and succeeded to some of his old type, but we should rather look to the German- town colony for his starting-point, and, if there were any original connection between him and Bradford, expect to trace it through the latter's relations with Rittenhouse. At any rate, the earliest publication of which anything is known bearing Jansen's imprint is in 1699, and he may have come over to the province with Penn and Logan in that year. He seems to have been a Dutchman. Dying in 1706, he left a will which refers to a son of his, Liberius, in Amsterdam, and to two married daughters. The first book pub- lished by him was called " God's Protecting Provi- dence Man's Surest Help and Defence," etc., a long title. The book, by Jonathan Dickinson, was a nar- rative of the sufferings of some shipwrecked people, Friends and others, cast away upon the coast of Florida in 1696, and exposed to many dangers and hardships, but finally rescued by the Governor of St. Augustine and sent to Philadelphia. Dickinson, his wife, and six months' old infant were among the suf- ferers. Jansen also printed a number of tracts, as " Truth Rescued from Forgery and Falsehood" (an answer to "The Case Decided"), 1699; "A Seasonable Account of the Christian and Dying Words of Some Young Men, by Thomas Trafford," 1700; "Satan's Harbinger Encountered," etc., by C. P. (Caleb Pusey), 1700 ; " Jesus the Crucified Man the Eternal Son of God, by William Davis," 1700; "Jacob Taylor's Almanac," 1702 ; " A Letter from a Clergyman in the Country," etc., 1702; "Proteus Ecclesiasticus," " George Keith Once More," " The Bomb Searched," and several more controversial pamphlets by Keith, Pusey, and others, between 1702 and 1706. Jansen's printing-office, after his death, seems to have been taken by Jacob Taylor, the almanac-maker, but his work is of no consequence, and there is no proof of his having been even a practical printer. In May, 1712, the Assembly determined to print the laws, and sent for Taylor and "the other printers in town," to confer with them on the subject. The price set was one hundred pounds for five hundred copies, and the printers could not be induced to underbid one another. In 1713 the project, abandoned for a time, was resumed, and in November of that year we find Andrew Bradford, son of William, a competitor with Taylor for the job. This was his first appearance, and his type was vastly superior to that of Jansen and Taylor, so that the latter disappears from the scene as a printer, though " Taylor's Almanac" continued to be published. In July, 1714, we find Andrew Bradford asking the Assembly for relief. He had printed the laws, but the English Council of State, board of trade, and king had repealed them and pre- vented his sales. The House paid him thirty pounds for fifty bound copies of the work, and he also printed sixty copies of the laws of that year for £34 7s. Gd., a similar contract being made with him in 1718. Brad- ford also printed the usual number of tracts and pam- phlets to be expected from a printer in his position, including an essay on hemp culture, a tract in Welsh, by Elias Pugh (" Ammerch in Cymri"), Lord Moles- worth's "Independent Whig," Taylor's, Jacob Leeds', John Hughes', and John Jerman's Almanacs, etc. Franklin calls him illiterate, and says his office was badly equipped, but we must not forget that Franklin and he were rival printers. In 1722, Samuel Keimer came to Philadelphia and established himself, either bringing type of his own or succeeding to those used by Taylor and Jansen. Franklin makes him the subject of as many jokes in his autobiography as he appears to have of pranks during their intercourse, and Keimer was no doubt half an oddity and half an adventurer. Yet it is not unlikely, after all, that Keimer, with his living to make, and scant means for it, thought far less of the " main chance" and far more of the way to work him- self up than Franklin did. He was a braggart and a BENJAMIN FRANKLIN AND PHILADELPHIA. 225 pretender. Joseph, successor to Jacob Taylor, in a severe attack upon him in the Mercury, in 1726, ridi- cules his charlatanism and boasting, saying, " Thy con- stant care and labor is to be thought a finished philos- opher and universal scholar, never forgetting to talk of the Greek and Hebrew and other oriental tongues, as if they were as natural to thee as hooting to an owl." He was a bad business man, and not over- scrupulous about either debts or business relations, but he was at least genuine in his enthusiasms, and Franklin had none. He was a London printer, and he used to promise his readers " to present to the world, for its entertainment, an account of his suffer- ings under the character of ' the white negro.' " He left his wife; he had probably suffered some of the slavery of a debtors' prison ; he was an early dis- senter, a preacher among the " French prophets," and had always two or three plans of his own for bettering the world, Franklin's plans of the sort being generally for the simple bettering himself. When he arrived in Philadelphia, in February, 1722, he at once in- serted an advertisement in the Mercury, a part of which has already been quoted, to the effect that there had lately arrived in the city a person who tendered his free services to " teach his poor brethren, the male negroes,'' to read the Scriptures, in "a very uncom- mon, expeditious, and delightful manner," without any cost to their masters. All serious persons, of no matter what denomination, were asked to call and ad- vise with him at his lodgings, " at the dwelling-house of John Read, carpenter, in High St., Philadelphia, every morning till eight of the clock, except on the Seventh Day." This shows that Keimer worked at his trade during the day. The advertisement ends in a canto of Keimer's poetry: " The Great Jehovah from above, Whose Christian name is Light and Love, In all [lis works will take delight, And wash pour llagar'ti Blackmoors white. Let none condemn this undertaking By silent thoughts or noisy speaking; They're fools whose holts soon shot upon The mark they've looked but little on." And we know, from Taylor's satire, that Keimer did not give up this plan of his for several years, whether he was ever able to put it into execution or not. He was always poor, always the subject of ridicule, as a man must be who thinks of other concerns before his own. As he himself said, he had been the butt of slander for twenty years, three times ruined as a master- printer, nine times in prison, once for six years at a time, "and often reduced to the most wretched circumstances, hunted as a partridge upon the mountains, and persecuted with the most devilish lies the devil himself could invent or malice utter." 1 Perhaps, after all, this man's chief crimes were that he was unpractical and did not succeed, — did not "get 1 M. Laboulaye conjectures Keimer to have been a Camisard, or Pro- testant of the Cevennes. 15 on" in life. It is characteristic of him that, when Franklin first called to see him, he was composing and " setting up" at the same time an " Elegy upon Aquila Hose." Among the things printed by Keimer were a tract by Thomas Woolston, a. treatise, "The Curiosities of Common Water, or the Advantages thereof in Preventing and Curing many Distempers. Written by John Smith, CM. To which are added some rules on Preserving," " A Parable, etc.," 1723 (a tract of Keimer's, which induced the Friends to give notice that he was not of their sect), and " The Craftsman. A Sermon, etc., by the late Samuel Bur- gess." In 1725 he published "Taylor's Almanac," interpolating some irrelevancies of his own, which led to Taylor's satire upon him, and to an advertisement by Adam Goforth, in the Mercury, to the effect that it was a lying and libelous almanac, and its publisher a man whose " religion consisteth only in the beard, and his sham keeping of the seventh day Sabbath, following Christ only for loaves and fishes." Sooth to say, he did not get sufficient of these to compensate him for any sort of sacrifice, much less that of con- science and principle. What Joshua Francis Fisher says of the early poets of Philadelphia will apply to early authors of all kinds. There were none in the first twenty years of the colony, the struggle with nature being too imperi- ous and exacting for any to have leisure for any sort of elegant recreation whatsoever. " But the second generation, relieved from the toils of settlement in the forest, reposing under liberal establishments and laws framed by the enlightened wisdom of the founder and his companions, and reaping plenty from rich and beautiful fields, cleared by the labor of their fathers, first turned their eyes to Heaven in thankfulness, and then to Parnassus for inspiration to celebrate the beauty and delights of their happy country. Al- though it cannot be denied that the tuneful inhab- itants of that sacred hill rarely descended into the green valleys of our province, or that ' erubuit sylvas habitare Thalia,' still their smiles were not alto- gether withheld from their mystic votaries, and this was quite encouragement enough." The early poet3 of the eighteenth century in Philadelphia, Mr. Fisher notes, did not print much, and he fancies that what they printed was not their best. James Logan, for instance, wrote Latin verses and Greek odes, while the only poetry of his in print is an English version of the Distiches of Cato, made for his daughter. Mr. Fisher adds that we must look for the works of these earliest writers "in the almanacs, a strange place to seek for poetry. But at that early day they were the only publications to which rhymes could obtain admittance, and certainly never since have almanacs been embellished with better verses. They are for the most part greatly deficient in poetic graces, but some of them may certainly with justice be com- mended for sprightliness and grace. The want of a periodical sheet was felt by those modest geniuses, 22t> HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. who, not confident of the intrinsic merit of their pieces, would have been happy to trust to the gen- erosity of the public an unfathered offspring which might not obtain favor for an acknowledged author. The invitations of the editors of our two earliest newspapers were eagerly accepted by a score of nameless sons of Apollo. Scarcely a week passed that some new attempt at rhyming was not made, or, to speak more appropriately, that our ancestors did not hear some young Orpheus beginning to take lessons on the lyre. These first strains certainly were not always melodious. The first poetry of Pennsyl- vania may generally be characterized as inelegant, unharmonious, and spiritless ; yet there were several brilliant exceptions, which surprise us by their sweet- ness and vivacity, and were beyond a doubt the pro- ductions of cultivated and refined minds. There are many verses which would not discredit any English author of the last century, and still may be read with pleasure; and although, perhaps, they have not enough of originality or brilliancy to deserve a repro- duction in an age overstocked with all the lighter kinds of literature, may certainly be noticed with satisfaction and referred to with pride." Of the satire upon Samuel Jennings mention has been made already. In 1707 there was another satirist, William Rakestraw, who assailed the pro- prietary both in prose and verse, and who was judi- cially punished for what Logan styled his " scurril- lous libels and rhymes." Aquila Rose was the first poet of Philadelphia who gained anything like repu- tation. He came from England young and very poor, found employment in Bradford's office, took a wife, got a lease of the High Street ferry, became clerk of Assembly, and died June 24, 1723, aged only twenty- eight years. Franklin speaks of the high esteem in which he was held, and three elegies that have come down to us were occasioned by his death. One of these, as has been said, was by Keimer, one by Elias Bockate, of London, and the third is anonymous, an "Elegy on the sight of Myris' tomb," not a bad at- tempt, by the way, at a strain in which even Milton was stilted and artificial, and only Shelley and Ten- nyson, among moderns, have excelled. Mr. Fisher does not seem to have been aware that Joseph Rose, Aquila's son and Franklin's apprentice, collected his father's verses and printed them in a slim pamphlet of fifty-six pages, in 1740, with the following preface : " The good reception the poetical manuscript writings of my deceased father, Aquila Rose, have met with in this province, from men of wit and taste, with a desire of some of these to see them printed, induced me to collect what I could." Mr. Rose adds that many of the best poems had been " lent out" and could not be recovered. In an introductory poem we learn of Rose that, — " Albion his birth, his learning Albion gave ; To manhood grown, he crossed the stormy wave; More arts, and Nature's wondrous ways to find, Illuminate and fortify his mind," etc. " And now a greater task he takes in hand, Which none but true proprietors understand. What pity 'tis they seldom live to taste The fruits of those pure spirits that they wastel For works so hard and tedious, was it known A poet e'en did poetry disown? Or for a distant livelihood give o'er Those instant pleasures that he felt before ? Yet so Aqnila did,— the rustic toil, To make firm landings on a muddy soil, Erect a ferry over Schuylkill's stream, A benefit to thousands — death to him ! ***** He saw his causeways firm above the waves, And nigh the deeps unless a storm outbraves ; When gusts unusual, strong with wind and rain, Swell'd Schuylkill's waterB o'er the humble plain, Sent hurrying all the moveables afloat, And drove afar the needfull'st thing, the boat, 'Twas then that wading thro' the chilling flood, A cold ill humor mingled with his blood. ***** Physicians try their skill, his head relieved, And his lost appetite to strength retrieved ; But all was flatt'ry — so the lamp decays, And near its exit gives an ardent blaze." Which reads as if it might have been composed by the attending physician. Rose's poems, says Duyc- kinck, " display skill and ease in versification." A specimen, quoted. in" Duyckinck's Cyclopaedia," "To his Companion at Sea," is a graceful reminiscence of Horace. A copy of verses written by him in 1720, in the shape of a carrier's address for New Year's day, shows the antiquity of that now obsolete cus- tom. 1 1 These verseB seem worth preserving here for the local references : " Full fifty timeB have roul'd their changes on, And all the year's transactions now are done; Full fifty times I've trod, with eager hnste, To bring you weekly news of all things paBt. Some grateful thing is due for such a ta6k, Tho' modesty itself forbids to ask; A silver tliought, expressed in ill-shaped ore, Is all I wish; nor would I ask for more. To grace our work, swift Merc'ry stands in view ; I've been a Living Merc'rv still to you. Tho' ships and tiresome posts advices bring, Till we impress it, 'tis no current thing. Copson may write, but Biadford's art alone Distributes news to all th' expecting town. How far remov'd is this our western shore From those dear lands our fathers knew before ; Tet our bold ships the raging ocean dare, And bring us constant news of actions there. Quick to your hands tho fresh advices come, From England, Sweden, France, and ancieDt Rome. What Spain intends against the barbarous Moors, Or Russian armies on the Swedish shores. What awful hand pestiferous judgments bears, And lays the sad Marseillas in death and tears. From George alone what peace and plenty spring, The greatest statesman aud the greatest king. Long may he live, to us a blessing giv'n, Till he shall change his crown for that of heav'n. The happy day, Dear Sir, appears ag'in, When human nature lodg'd a God within. The angel now was heard among the swains; A God resounds from all the distant plains; O'erjoyed they haste, and left their fleecy care, Found the blest Child, and knew the God was there. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN AND PHILADELPHIA. 227 The elegy to Rose, under the name of Myris, has a certain pleasing warmth : " With pleasure we behold, Delaware 1 Thy woody banks become the Muses' care ; Thy docile youth were with her beauty fired, And folly, vice, and ignorance retired ; And had but Myris lived, we hoped to see A new Arcadia to arise in thee." Keimer's elegy was coarse and extravagant, like the man, but it contains some really valuable illus- trations of manners and customs, to which reference may be made hereafter. Of Rose's character, says Keimer, — " He loved plain Truth, but hated formal Cant, In those who Truth and Honesty did want. A curious Artist at his Business, he Could Think, and Speak, Compose, Correct so free, To make a Dead Man Speak or Blind to see." Keimer wrote other verses, but they are not worth quoting. 1 Tet whilst, with gen'rous breath, you hail the day, And, like the shepherds, sacred homage pay, Let gen'rous thought some kindly grace infuse, To him that brings, with careful speed, your News." It is evident from the above that Copson, the publisher, was also the man who gathered the news, edited, and " made up" the Mercury ; Brad- ford was only the printer. 1 Excepting the parts in his " Sorrowful Lamentations of Samuel Keimer, Printer of tlie Barbadoes Gazette (May 4, 1734), which refer to Philadel- phia. This lamentation begins: ""What a pity it iB that some modern braviidoes, Who dub themselves gentlemen here in Barbadoes, Should time after time run in debt to their printer, And care not to pay him in Summer or Winter." He adds, as a contrast, that, — " In Penn's wooden country, type feels no disaster, Their printor is rich and is made their Post Master ; His father, a printer, is paid for his work, And wallows in plenty just now in New York, Tho' quite past his labor, and old as my grannum, The Government pays him pounds sixty per annum. Keimer's elegy shows that all the literary charac- ters of Philadelphia of the day were gathered around Rose's grave at his funeral, including Governor Keith, James Logan, Thomas Chalkley, the Quaker minister and writer, and all the circle of wits, scholars, and writers shortly afterwards united by Franklin in the club of the Junto. Andrew Bradford's American Weekly Mercury began to be printed Dec. 22, 1719. It was on a pot half- sheet (fifteen by twelve and a half inches), about a page of ordinary letter-paper, in other words, and bore the imprint : " Philadelphia : Printed by Andrew Bradford, and sold by him and John Copson." In 1721 Copson's name was dropped, and the imprint altered to " Philadelphia : Printed and sold by An- drew Bradford, at the Bible in Second Street, and also by William Bradford, in New York, where advertise- ments are taken in." William Bradford's New York Gazette was not begun until 1725. In Mr. Westcott's words, " The Mercury sometimes appeared on a whole sheet of pot, in type of various sizes, as small pica, pica, and English. It appeared weekly, generally on Tuesday ; but the day of publication was varied. Price ten shillings per annum. Editorial matter seldom appeared, and so little notice was taken of passing events in the city, with which at that time everybody was supposed to be acquainted, that little information with regard to local affairs is to be found in the paper. It was principally made up of ex- tracts from foreign journals several months old, with a few badly-printed advertisements. Two cuts, E'en type at Jamaica, our island's reproach, Is able to ride in her chariot or coach ; But alas your poor typo prints no figures like Nullo, Curs'd, cheated, abused by each pitiful fellow, Tho' Working like slave, with zeal and true courage, He can Bcarce get as yet ev'n salt to his porridge." "Decemher 22 j t 7 i 9. 'From the NOR/IH. A/UBVRGJf Ausaft, ap. All. Cor tetters BomSwedeOf are full of 'tlx* 'Difmall. Ravages committed by the Mufcovites there, Thofe Semi Cliriltiaiu have burnt the fipjS Towns, of Nj/~ ■&U>fn£„ rVardfopphg,. Keith Telle, South Telle, ,„ ,.,. ^ Q&hmmeri Oregrmd, Firftenar, OrteU, &c. with all tte Catties andGentlerneris'Scats near them & ruined all the ■•■'".-, »ceibgthey'*"- Gamers by tpa parricalatfSubfcriptionj .no lefs dwa'acfaP hundred and, nitv MillionsjftiWfc'Blovv' in ready 'Money * and 'tis now faid rhcjftffill ftiil have" .Leave Wvaiice and enlarge tl:w Sabfcnption for' fifty .Mill ions* more -"-vid fo on to fifty more, if cheyt>!eafe, in which Cafe rnW-ntty eafily pay nvejve tnmdred Millions; and it is fa;d •steady' from Paa^ that they have eighteen hundred Millions inCafri 228 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. coarsely engraved and intended as ornaments, were placed at the head, one on each side of the title ; that on the left was a small figure of Mercury, represented on foot, with extended wings and bearing his eadu- ceus. The other was the representation of a postman riding at full speed. These cuts were sometimes shifted, and, for the sake of variety, Mercury and the postman exchanged places." 1 The Mercury did publish an occasional bill of mor- tality, says Mr. Wharton, and some of its advertise- ments were characteristic of the times and manners. This was the only newspaper in Philadelphia until Keimer began his rival sheet, The Universal Instructor in All Arts and Sciences, and Pennsylvania Gazette, which Franklin utilized as the germ of his Gazette. If we could determine exactly when Aquila Rose died we would know when Franklin came to Phila- delphia, for Keiraer's elegy was palpably put in type immediately after the funeral. But one authority says June, another August, and we cannot decide between them, though June is the preferred date. He himself, in his autobiography, says he reached New York in October on his way to Philadelphia ; but he was not accurate as to dates. He was recommended by William Bradford to seek work with his son Andrew, in place of his principal hand, Aquila Rose, then just dead, — so recently dead that the place, Wil- liam Bradford thought, was not yet filled. Frank- lin indeed found the place filled when he reached Philadelphia, but this did not prevent him from get- ting work and good wages from both Bradford and Keimer, so that when he returned to Boston in April, 1724, besides his traveling expenses, he had good new clothes, a watch, and five pounds sterling silver in his pocket. Franklin began at once his career of influence in Philadelphia. He relates how gracious Governor Keith was to him, though not yet eighteen years old, making him take wine with him aud often inviting him to dinner. As he himself says, as soon as he got lodgings at Mr. Read's, " I began now to have some acquaintance among tlie young people of the town, that were lovers of reading, with whom I spent my evenings very pleasantly, and gained money by my industry and frugality." The young men of his ac- quaintance whose names he gives were Charles Os- borne, Joseph Watson, and James Ralph, " all lovers of reading." The first two were clerks to Charles Brockden, a leading conveyancer; Ralph was a mer- chant's clerk. Osborne he sincerely admired and loved ; he admired Ralph's talent. " I think I never knew a prettier talker," yet contrives to belittle his character. Ralph probably was somewhat of a Bohe- mian, and borrowed Franklin's money; but Franklin was his debtor, for all that, for Ralph wrote for him that "Historical Sketch of Pennsylvania" which did so much to give him prominence with the British gov- 1 Westcott's History of Philadelphia, chap, lxxvii. ernment, and eventually led to his becoming Ameri- can agent in France for the United States. Ralph went to England with Franklin in 1724, and became a professional litterateur of London in the very darkest days of Grub Street, when Samuel Johnson had often to write himself impransus, and Goldsmith was more than once in pawn to his landlady. Yet Ralph con- trived to make his way, after a fashion, though Pope put him in the " Dunciad," along with many better and many worse men, and now he is chiefly known through the waspish little poet's couplet: " Silence, ye wolveB, while Ralph to Cynthia howls, Making night hideous, — answer him, ye owlsP 1 But Ralph had some energy and did some creditable work. Between 1730 and 1745 he printed several plays, some of which were acted at Drury Lane, — " The Fashionable Lady," " Fall of the Earl of Essex," " The Lawyer's Feast," and " The Astrologer." These yielding no profit, he turned to satire, to pamphlets, to political libel; he was one of Bub Doddington's scribblers; he was one of Frederick, Prince of Wales', "literary bureau," and he forced Pelham at last to purchase his silence or hire him to support the New Castle administration. Then he turned to epic verse and satire, and finally to history, which he wrote, as Fox said, with "acuteness and diligence," while Hal- lam, not given to excessive praise, says his history of William, Anne, and George I. was the best that had been produced. Ralph died at Chiswick in 1762, his attainments in the latter part of his life being of no mean order, and this is no small compliment to a man who rose from the counter of a Philadelphia country store, and made his way through all the slat- ternly miseries of the hack-writer's life in London. Franklin and Ralph sailed together for London in 1724 to seek their fortunes, the former relying upon the false and illusory credentials given him by Gov- ernor Keith, and which he found to be utterly worth- less on reaching London. This was a good sort of discipline for Franklin, who could live anywhere and anyhow. It made a good printer of him, and cleansed off all his New England rusticity. When he came back, in 1726, to Philadelphia he was quite competent to fill the part set for him in the province. That part was a great and distinguished one. Penn had founded a Quaker commonwealth. Franklin undertook to divest it of its sectarian garments, to modernize it, to give it a place in contemporary politics, — history, science, and art. He made war on the proprietary government and pulled it down ; he laughed and ridiculed the Quakers into a minority; he united Quakers, churchmen, and German and Irish settlers in opposition to British pretensions and in sympathy with American ideas and principles. And, without enthusiasm, without ideality, without morality, or great command over or respect from men, he made Pennsylvania the foremost American colony at the outbreak of the Revolution by being himself the best public business man who ever lived. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN AND PHILADELPHIA. 229 Franklin's autobiography always fascinates; it is one of the most charming narratives ever written, but it is the worst possible book in which to study him in his relations to public affairs. In the first place, he prefers to give his interior, individual history, rather than his exterior, public history, for which we owe him unending thanks; in the second place, it was always his idiosyncrasy to conceal the amount of pressure he himself exerted personally upon the springs of action, and to let such things seem to come about by chance — he feared to let his influence be known, lest he should so impair it; and, in the third place, he is not entirely frank at any time, and when he seems to be most ingenuous is the time to suspect him of being most rati. The end was what he con- cerned himself about, and he did not care to betray his means, for he might want to employ them again to secure a similar end. So he often made it seem as if things came about by simple means or by pure accident, when he himself had worked up to them through long stages of preparation and by setting a hundred snares and gins. This was the philosopher's nature to act thus, and people suspected his sincerity very often. In the latter part of his life they used to call him " old lightning rod," and probably respected his talents much more than his character. In the earlier part of his life the Quakers, especially, both hated and feared him, and showed it by attacking him politically whenever he gave them a chance, which was not often, for he did not care much for popular favors, and had so little of the demagogue in his composition that he was suspected and accused of being both an aristocrat and a Tory. He was far from being either, for his patriotism was sound to the core, if not very exalted in kind, and a purer demo- crat in thought and mode of action never lived. Franklin returned to Philadelphia from London, Oct. 11, 1726. In the spring of 1727 he was again at work for Keimer. Before the year was out he had printed currency notes for New Jersey, and became acquainted with the leading men of that province in so doing, and had agreed with Meredith, Keimer's apprentice, to set up a rival job office. In the winter of 1726-27, also, he had founded the " Junto," became a Freemason, and learned how to act upon the little community in which he lived for the accomplishment of his purposes, personal and political. The difficul- ties in his way in doing this were enhanced by the fact that he was a tradesman, a mechanic, and the lines were much more distinctly drawn then than now between " gentlemen" and artisans, even in Phil- adelphia and New England, especially in all matters of social intercourse and correspondence. But Frank- lin, never ceasing to be a tradesman and mechanic, but rather glorying in it, in fact, still made all classes own his superiority and bend to his influence. His mind was as active and busy as his hands, he had an insati- ate curiosity, and he loved influence because he had a natural benevolence of character over and above his self-seeking. These traits betrayed themselves very early, but are much more noticeable in his corre- spondence than in his autobiography. His letters illustrate fully his kindly disposition, especially to his family and friends, his whimsical, semi-humorous benevolence as fully as his memoirs do, and they bring us much closer to the philosopher in other regards. J- . - — ■■ ■ 'nTH h|! ."-ii.ir,'.- 1 ],- : " j ; . '•[',,'■ % \ Hi iliisllfess FRANK UK'S PRESS. He wrote to his father, mother, sisters, nieces, nephews, cousins, to antiquaries, philosophers, and public men the civilized world over. He was a born reporter, because, a news-gatherer upon instinct, he not only heard everything which was passing, but was bound to investigate it. He had, besides, something of the quidnunc and the " old granny" about him, although frequently disclaiming such qualities. A glance at his correspondence is full of sugges- tions of character. The first letter in Sparks' collec- tion is one written in London offering Sir Hans Sloane a purse made of asbestos, which, as he notes, is pro- vincially denominated "salamander cotton." The next is to his favorite sister, Jane, telling her that, hearing she was grown a beauty, he was minded to send her a tea-table for a present; but knowing her purpose to become a notable housewife, he would substitute a spinning-wheel for the ornamental piece. He writes to her again, when Mrs. Mecom, giving an account of the great mortality from smallpox in the family of George Claypoole, his neighbor, who, he notes, was a descendant of Cromwell. Eight had died, the cause being, he thinks, the imprudent use of mercury to extirpate the itch, the smallpox attack- ing them while their systems were debilitated by the mercurial poison. He regrets to hear that sister Holmes has a cancer of the heart, a disease thought to be incurable, but there is here in town a kind of shell, " made of some wood cut at a proper time by some man of great skill (as they say), which has done wonders in that disease among us, being worn for some 230 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. time on the breast. I am not apt to be superstitiously fond of believing such things, but the instances are so well attested as sufficiently to convince the most incredulous." This he will procure for her if he can, and it will do no harm to try it. His father (says another letter, anno 1738) has been writing to him about his religious belief, or rather his want of it, his mother grieving that one of her sons is an Arminian, another an Arian, and that he has become a Free- mason. He would like to please his father by changing his opinions if he could, but a man cannot help his thoughts any more than his looks, and it is his idea that opinions should be judged by their in- fluences and effects. He thinks that vital religion has always suffered when orthodoxy is more regarded than virtue, and he really does not know very well what an Arminian or Arian really is! " As to the Freemasons, I know no way of giving my mother a better account of them than she seems to have at present, since it is not allowed that women should be admitted into that secret society." If she will sus- pend her judgment, however, until she is better in- formed, she will probably learn that they are a very harmless sort of people. Another letter to Mrs. Mecom about apprentices, showing that Franklin knew the gauge of boys exactly, and had taken their measure. " I have frequently observed," he says, " that if their shoes were bad, they would say noth- ing of a new pair till Sunday morning, just as the bell rung, when, if you asked them why they did not get ready, the answer was prepared, — ' I have no shoes;' and so of other things, hats and the like; or, if they knew of anything that wanted mending, it was a secret till Sunday morning, and sometimes I believe they would rather tear a little than be with- out the excuse. As to going on petty errands, no boys love it, but all must do it." He writes to his father of remedies for stone and gravel, and of his friend Bartram's discovery of "the famous Chinese ginseng ;" to his brother John about the expedition to Cape Breton, in which he anticipates Professor TyndalPs prayer-gauge. Taking strong places, he says, is a particular trade, but some seem to think forts are as easy taken as snuff. " Father Moody's prayers look tolerably modest. You have a fast and prayer day for that purpose, in which I compute five hundred thousand petitions were offered to the same effect in New England, which, added to the petitions of every family morning and evening, multiplied by the number of days since January 25th, make forty- five millions of prayers, which, set against the pray- ers of a few priests in the garrison to the Virgin Mary, give a vast balance in your favor. If you do not succeed, I fear I shall have but an indifferent opinion of Presbyterian prayers in such cases as long as I live. Indeed, in attacking strong places, I should have more dependence on works than on faith, for, like the kingdom of heaven, they are to be taken by force and violence." In another letter we find him advising a cousin in some matrimonial trouble, humorously, but wisely ; he writes to Cadwallader Colden about defenses against the French and Indians, about a book of Os- borne's, about Kalm the botanist, his own desires for greater ease and leisure, about colleges and schools, and classical culture, about electricity, the Abb6 Nol- let, Dalibard, Beccaria, trade with the Indians, union of the colonies, etc. ; with James Logan he corre- sponds about the fortifications on the Delaware, about the Swedes and Kalm, etc. ; with his mother, about domestic affairs and Philadelphia incidents, such as the yellow fever in 1749. He sends her a moidore, "which please accept towards chaise hire, that you may ride warm to meetings this winter. Pray tell us what kind of a sickness you have had in Boston this summer. Besides the measles and flux, which have carried off many children, we have lost some grown persons by what we call the yellow fever." 1 He corre- sponded with Revs. Samuel Johnson and William Smith on education in general, and on particular schemes for Philadelphia ; with Jared Eliot, on me- teorology and agriculture as well as general ethics ; with George Whitefield, on religious and theological subjects ; with Peter Collinson, on scientific and American subjects; he notes the fact, as observable to-day as it was then, that English laborers show less industry in new countries in proportion as labor is better paid, but German laborers " retain the habitual industry and frugality they bring with them, and, re- ceiving higher wages, an accumulation arises which makes them rich." This difference he attributes to the effect of the British poor laws, but says man is naturally lazy. This he thinks is the cause of the failure to civilize the American Indians, who do not value the products of civilization enough to toil for them. Franklin, however, did not like the German immigrants, because they were not readily natural- ized and did not care to acquire English speech and manners. " They import many books from Germany, and of the six printing-houses in the province, two are entirely German, two half German half English, and but two entirely English." Franklin himself owned one of the half German half English offices. Franklin corresponded with Governors Shirley and Thomas Pownall on public and political questions ; he was writing to George Washington as early as 1756. When he undertook his first mission to Eng- land, in 1757, his circle of correspondents naturally widened in every direction. He wrote to family and friends and authorities at home about the greatest variety of topics ; his European friends and corre- 1 The correspondence with Logan, and the notes of the latter to Peter Collinson and others, will illustrate what was said above about the dif- ferences in social rank which stood in the way of Franklin iu extending his influence. He always addresses Logan " Sir," in the most respectful and distant way. Logan, writing to Collinson, speaks of " our most in- genious printer and postmaster, Benjamin Franklin, who has the clearest understanding, with as extreme modesty, as any man I know here." BENJAMIN FRANKLIN AND PHILADELPHIA. 231 spondents included such men as William Strahan, Lord Kame9, David Hume (to whom he wrote about history, philosophy, and literature), Baskerville, the printer (on typography), Galloway, Bartram, Dubourg, Benezet, etc. His letter to Joseph Priestly after the outbreak of the war is very significant: " Britain, at the expense of three millions, has killed one hundred and fifty Yankees this campaign, which is twenty thousand pounds a head ; during the same time sixty thousand children have been born in America." In another letter, probably to David Hartley, he gives the key-note of the separation : " But you will goad and provoke us. You despise us too much ; and you are insensible of the Italian adage, that there is no little enemy." Such is the character of Franklin's correspondence throughout. Intensely practical, each letter has some point of its own, conveys some piece of valuable in- formation, condenses some result of careful observa- tion, makes some pregnant inquiry, and is enlivened by an epigram, a sarcasm, a bit of humor, or a touch of kindly affection. Sentiment the philosopher had none; he seemed to be incapable of getting very angry ; his sole complaint against Arthur Lee was that Lee was captious, suspicious, and quarrelsome ; but he was a dangerous man to assail, because he was armed at all points, and welcomed the attack like the skillful chess-player, who is confident, as soon as his pieces are deployed, that his opponent will be annihi- lated. In many of his little schemes of morality and utility his ideas did not seem to rise above a very low scale, and they had a sort of wooden dullness which is vastly unpleasant. " Honesty is the best policy" was his favorite maxim, as if there were nothing of decorum and beauty for its own sake. So he got no- thing out of his electrical experiments and discoveries but the lightning-rod ; he drew up his rules for " moral perfection" as one might set types in a composing- stick ; his inventions were a stove, an artificial arm and hand, an easy-chair, a swimming-pad, etc. ; in war matters he was so absurd as to propose going back to bows and arrows, and he wished to have the copper coins of the country stamped with maxims out of " Poor Eichard's Almanac," with the view to pro- mote public frugality and honesty. If he had been a poet he would have anticipated Tupper's " Pro- verbial Philosophy." But this was one of the reasons why he was so in- fluential and useful to Philadelphia from the time he became a citizen there. His mind was intensely active, he seldom thought much above the level of the crowd, he thought and expressed himself with wondrous clearness and plainness, and he was always planning some new thing which would advance Philadelphia's interests, and Franklin's along with them. Such, for example, was his " Junto," or " club for mutual improvement," into which, as he said, he " formed most of his ingenious acquaintance." The club met on Friday evenings. The rules, drawn up by Franklin, required "that every member in his turn should produce one or more queries on any point of morals, politics, or natural philosophy, to be discussed by the company," with an essay from each once in three weeks. But the rules of the club really had a practical end in view, as the following, selected from among the " previous questions, to be answered at every meeting," show plainly enough : " (1) Have you met with anything in the author you last read re- markable or suitable to be communicated to the Junto, particularly in history, morality, poetry, physic, travels, mechauic arts, or other parts of knowledge? " (2) What new story have you lately heard agreeable for telling in conversation ? " (3) Hath any citizen in your knowledge failed in his business lately, and what have you heard of the cause? " (4) Have you lately heard of any citizen's thriving well, and by what means? " (5) Have you lately beard how any present rich man, here or else- where, got his estate ? " (10) Whom do you know that are Bhortly going voyages or journeys, if one should have occasion to send by them? "(12) Hath any deeerving stranger arrived in town since last meet- ing that you have heard of? and wliat have you heard or observed of his character or merits? And whether, think you, it lies in the power of the Junto to oblige him or encourage him as he deserves? " (13) Do you know of any deserving young beginner lately set up whom it lies in the power of the Junto any way to encourage? " (14) Have you lately observed any defect in the laws of your country of which it would be proper to move the Legislature for an amendment, or do you know of any beneficial law that is wanting? " (15) Have you lately observed any encroachmenton the just liberties of the people? " (16) Hath anybody attacked your reputation lately, and what can the Junto do towards securing it? "(17) Is there any man whose friendship you want, and which the Junto, or any of them, can procure for you ? " (18) Have you lately heard any member's character attacked, and how have you defended it? "(19) Hath any man injured you from whom it is in the power of the Junto to procure redress ?" etc. Here was a secret association, of people from the several ranks of society, which was at once an intel- ligence office and a star chamber, a business protec- tive union and an inquisition, a gossip club and a propagator of political opinion, a whispering gallery and a vehmegericht. It is easy to conceive how many advantages a skillful and plausible man like Franklin could secure to his business through such an association, in addition to the stores of useful knowledge about men and things he would be able to accumulate through it. The Junto, founded in 1727, became forty years later the basis of the American Philosophical Society, of which Franklin was the first president, an associa- tion which has probably contributed more than any other to the advancement of science and the diffusion of knowledge in the United States. The Junto was not a very solemn club at first. It had a song or two of its own, it celebrated itself in an anniversary ban- quet, and it used to have a good many picnic meetings in rural places, " for bodily exercise." The member- ship was never very large. Franklin mentions only eleven persons, and Roberts Vaux has added about a dozen more names to the list, — all persons of great 232 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. respectability, few of any special prominence. 1 From the literary standpoint, besides Franklin, George Webb and Breintnal have come down to us most pleasantly. The latter, besides his verses, wrote Rood prose, and continued the series of essays styled "The Busy Body," begun by Franklin in the Mercury, and Webb says of him, — "For clioice of diction I should Breintnal choose, For just conceptions and a ready muse — " Webb himself described his companions and their characters and pursuits in a pleasing poem called "Bachelor's Hall." Webb was an Oxford scholar, a redemptioner, bought by Keimer for a four-years' term, his exile the fruit of a boy's London frolic. It is not known what became of him, but his " Bachelor's Hall" shows the wit and the man of culture. Frank- lin makes no mention of Henry Brooke, a young gentleman of much talent and good education, abaro- net's younger son, and the author of a squib called "A Discourse on Jests," addressed to Franklin's friend, Bobert Grace. But Webb refers to Brooke in tones of exalted panegyric: "In Brooke's capacious breast the muses sit, Enrobed with sense polite and poignant wit; His lines run smoothly through the currents strong ; lie forms with ease, with judgment sings the song. Oh, would he oft'uer write ; so should 1 1 1 •- town, Or mend their tastes, or lay the muses down; For, after manna, who would garbage eat, That hath a spark of sense or grain of wit?" The Junto was influential from the start, prosper- ous, popular, and profitable to Franklin and his as- sociates. The philosopher had just gone into business for himself, with Meredith for partner, and their ob- ject was to break up Keimer, and divide the job work of the town with Bradford. All was fish, therefore, which came to his net, and, as he says of his Junto friends, "every one exerted themselves in recom- mending business to us. Breintnal, particularly, 1 The names given by Franklin are Thomas Godfrey, Nicholas Scull, William Parsons, William Maugridge, Hujili Meredith, Stephen Putts, George Webb, Uobert Grace, and William Coleman. Mr Yaiix's list of additional names includes Hugh Robert*, Philip Syng, Enoch Flower, Joseph Whai ton, William Griffith, Luko Morris, Joseph Turner, Joseph Shippen, Joseph Trotter, Samuel Jervis, and Samuel Rhoads. It will be noticed that neither Osborue nor Watson, Franklin's early compan- ions, with Ralph, in literature, are named. It is not known what were the fortunes of Watson. Osborne went to the West Indies and became a rich lawyer. It is noteworthy also that no professional men of conse- quence were members. Breintnal was a conveyancer's clerk, a sort of a poet; Godfrey, a self-taught mathematician, who, encouraged by James Logan, invented the well-known nautical instrument called lladley's quadrant; Nicholas Scull was a leading surveyor and map-maker, after- wards surveyor-general ; William Parsons was a liteiary shoemaker, who advanced from a mathematical smattering and studies in astrology to become surveyor-general; "William Maugridge, joiner, but a most exquisite mechanic, and a sol id, sensible mau;" Hugh Meredith, Stephen Potts, and George Webb wero printers, associated with Franklin ; " Rob- ert Grace, a young gentleman of some fortune, generous, lively, and witty, a lover of punning and of his friends;" William Coleman, a merchant's clerk, afterwards provincial judge, a man whom Franklin sincerely loved, and to whom he gave a very high character for •' the coolest, clearest head, the best heart, and theexactest morals of aluioBt any man I ever met with." procured us from the Quakers the printing of forty sheets of their history, the rest being to be done by Keimer." Next year, remembering how well the paper-money printing job at Burlington had paid Keimer, and having got rid of his partner, Meredith, Franklin started the paper-money subject in the Junto. There was only fifteen thousand pounds of that sort of currency in the province; thinking peo- ple and men of property opposed its increase, but the popular cry was for more, and Franklin started a dis- cussion of the subject in the Junto. Having gathered all the views and opinions he could in regard to the matter, he embodied them in his anonymous pam- phlet on " The Nature and Necessity of a Paper Currency.'' It was a piece of special pleading, full of fallacies, but it accomplished its purpose; the ad- dition to the currency was voted, and as Franklin says, " My friends there, who considered I had been of some service, thought fit to reward me by employ- ing me in printing the money; a very profitable job, and a great help to me." He also got the printing of the paper money issued at this time by the New Castle Legislature, and the laws and votes also of the Dela- ware Legislature." 2 The Junto seems to have been the first society of a literary or philosophical character in Philadelphia, but it was so instantly successful, prosperous, and in- fluential that it had imitators forthwith, besides the five or six subjuntos formed by its members at different times, and known as " the Vine," " the Union," " the Band," etc. The Carpenters' Company, founded in 1724, was indeed older, but that was, at first at any rate, strictly in the nature of a trade-guild, and the social feature was accidental. Its trade-union character was very strongly marked. The "Bachelors' Club," occu- pying " Bachelors' Hall," on the Delaware, north of Gunner's Run, was extant in 1728, but we have no evidence of its earlier existence. Watson mentions Robert Charles, William Masters, John Sober, Pat- rick Graeme, and Isaac Norris as members of the club. They lived well and feasted much. The club existed until 1745, when the building was bought by Isaac Norris, and served for picnics and tea-parties until it was burned, in 1776. In 1729 some of the Welsh citizens of Philadelphia formed themselves into the " Society of Ancient Brit- ons," meeting on St. David's day, March 1st, at the Queen's Head Tavern, kept by Robert Davis, in King Street. From thence they walked in procession, with leeks in their hats, to Christ Church, where a sermon was preached to them in the original Cymric by Dr. 2 Franklin's profit was greater from this uote printing, because he had taught hinnelf to do the ornamental and copper-work part, the vignette--, press-plates, etc. In fact, he did all his owu work and made his own tools. It was about this time, also, Bays Watson, that Franklin introduced the cultivation of the osier, or basket willow, in the Delaware lowlands; but it must have beeu years later when he first encouraged the use of gypsum as a fertilizer of grass-lands and broad-leaved plants. This he did in a characteristic way by writing the piaster's credentials in a clover-field. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN AND PHILADELPHIA. 233 Weyman. After the sermon the society returned to the tavern and dined with ceremonious form, the chief notables of the province being present. This society celebrated St. David's day in this way for many years. The English this same year formed a St. George's Society in Philadelphia, holding their first meeting at the Tun Tavern, Water Street, April 23d. They met annually afterwards, and had a dinner on either the king's birthday, or St. George's day, or some equivalent occasion. There are some burlesque allusions in the Pennsyl- vania Gazette in December, 1730, which point to the existence of the Masonic order at that time in Phila- delphia, but the first public notice of a Grand Lodge is found in 1732 in the same journal, when the elec- tion of William Allen as Grand Master was announced. The meeting-place then was at the Tun Tavern, on King (now Water) Street, at the corner of Tun Alley, the landlord being Ralph Basnet. The lodge of 1730 received its authority under Col. Daniel Coxe, of New Jersey, who, by the Duke of Norfolk, Grand Master of the Grand Lodge of England, was consti- tuted Provincial Grand Master of the Provinces of New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania by depu- tation June 5, 1730. The lodge which met at the Tun is believed to have been called " the Hoop." The Masons were not in very good odor in these early days, an unfortunate burlesque initiation having re- sulted in a tragedy. Some young men not Masons at all attempted to play their pranks upon a foolish apprentice, they representing that they were Masons and this a regular initiation, in the course of which he was burned to death. No Masons had anything to do with this, but the odium of the homicide still at- tached to them, and it was probably the talk about this affair which caused Franklin's mother to be so solicitous in regard to his connection with the order. In 1732 a club was formed calling itself the " Colony in Schuylkill," a fishing club. This ancient and ven- erable society, which still exists, assumed to itself from the first, and in the most lordly way, the power of eminent domain and uncontrolled legislation over the fields and waters within its own jurisdiction. It was imperium in imperio, a republic of Andorra in the heart of Penn's kingdom. It had its governor, assem- bly, council, sheriff, coroner, and its citizens, and there were all the forms of a real government in this well-contrived sportsman's club. In 1732, Thomas Stretch was governor; Enoch Flower, Charles Jones, Isaac Snowden, John Howard, Joseph Stiles, mem- bers of assembly; James Coultas, sheriff; Joseph Stiles, secretary and treasurer; William Hopkins, coroner; William Warner, baron. The baron was the owner of the estate on which the club was per- mitted to erect their fish-house, his rent being the first perch caught at the opening of the season. This was taken to the baron's mansion (which was upon the Egglesfield estate, now part of Fairmount Park). In 1732 the members of the Colony in Schuylkill were John Leacock, Thomas Tilbury, Caleb Cash, Philip Syng, William Plumstead, Peter Reave, Wil- liam Ball, Daniel Williams, Isaac Garrigues, Isaac Stretch, Hugh Roberts, Samuel Neave, Joseph Whar- ton, Joseph Stretch, Cadwalader Evans, James Logan, William Parr, Samuel Garrigues, Samuel Barge. 1 Franklin, like Horace Greeley, had no time to go- fishing, but he did not belong to the same social stratum as the members of the Colony in Schuylkill. EMBLEM OP THE SCHUYLKILL CLUB. The society was frolicsome, but not extravagant, and its expenses were regulated by moderation, the most formal ceremony being the election dinner, where substantial joints and rounds were flanked and supported by dishes of game and fish in profusion, and washed down with libations of punch, Madeira, etc., followed by pipes and tobacco. In 1747 the col- ony erected a courthouse on Baron Warner's estate, at a cost of £16 7s. 6d The Society of Fort St. David's was a rival fishing company, founded about the same time as that of the Colony in Schuylkill, its members being Welshmen, of the order of Ancient Britons. Their " fort" was on a broad, high rock at the Falls of the Schuylkill, on the east bank, a rude timber shanty, but roomy and convenient. The Schuylkill was famous for its blue catfish, upon which the St. Davidians made war. In 1743, when the Junto members had grown to be solid men, and Franklin began to turn from money- getting to science, he drew up and issued from the club the circular which led immediately to the birth of the American Philosophical Society. The title of this circular was " A Proposal for Promoting Useful Knowledge among the British Plantations in Amer- ica." He suggested the existing title and proposed an association of virtuosi in the several colonies who- should maintain regular intercourse with one another by correspondence, Philadelphia to be the home and centre of the society, with seven resident members, 1 In 1748 the following new members were added: Luke Morris, James Wharton, Robert Greemvay, John Jones, Jacob Lewis, Isaac Walter, William Fisher, Samuel Mifflin, George Gray, Joshua Howell, Joseph Redman, Edward Pennington, James Saunders, Samuel Shoe- maker, Thomas Wharton, Jr., TliomaB Wharton, Jacob Cooper, Henry Harrison, Samuel Wharton, Henry Elwes, Joseph Shoemaker, aud John* Lawrence. 234 HISTOEY OF PHILADELPHIA. besides officers, meeting once a month or oftener, for the interchange of observations and communications. The society, which went into full operation in 1744, had the following original members: Dr. Thomas Bond, as physician ; John Bartram, botanist ; Thomas Godfrey, mathematician ; Samuel Rhoads, mechan- ician ; William Parsons, geographer ; Dr. Phineas Bond, general natural philosopher ; Thomas Hop- kinson, president; William Coleman, treasurer; and Benjamin Franklin, secretary. The out-of-town members were Alexander, of New York ; Chief Justice Morris, of New Jersey ; Secretary Home, of the same colony ; John Cox, of Trenton ; and Mr. Martyn, of the same place. It will be noticed that the doctors were prominent in this organization. The profession had grown greatly in dignity and importance with the growth of the city. For twenty years or so after the beginning of the century there do not seem to have been many recruits added to the list, already given, of the old practitioners. Dr. Griffith Owen survived till 1717, his son succeeding him. Dr. John La Pierre died in 1720. About 1717, Drs. John Kearsley and Thomas Graeme arrived, the latter coming with Governor Keith. In 1720, Dr. Patrick Baird was health officer at quarantine. In 1722, Dr. Charles Sober had his house and office in Chestnut Street, and Dr. Nicholas Gandouet his on Third Street. There was a Dr. John Winn in the city in 1717. In 1726, Dr. Lloyd Zachary, a native of Boston, returned from England to practice in Philadelphia, where he had studied physic under Dr. Kearsley. Dr. Thomas Bond was a native of Maryland, who came to Philadelphia in 1734, acquiring a great reputation. Dr. Thomas Cadwalader, a grandson of Dr. Thomas Wynne, was in practice before 1740, in Philadelphia, contem- porary with Dr. William Shippen. These gentlemen and their successors will form the subject of a subse- quent chapter in these volumes, and we will not fur- ther encroach upon it here. The history of the bar and that of the medical profession in Philadelphia are so full, so replete with interest, incident, and anecdote, that they must be treated separately and in their entirety if we would do justice to them. The sober turn of mind of the Friends, the influ- ence of scholars like Pastorius and Logan, and the ■eager curiosity of their learned correspondents in Europe for information in regard to every sort of natural object in America would have the effect to direct the thoughts of Philadelphians very early to scientific subjects, and it is very obvious that Frank- lin first learned to ponder upon such things in con- sequence of the atmosphere which environed him and the tone of discussion he heard about him. Lo- gan was a careful and skillful observer, and his pa- pers were always welcomed by European academies. He probably first directed the mind of John Bartram seriously to botany as the pursuit of a lifetime. Webb, in his " Bachelor's Hall" poem, claims that there was a botanic garden attached to the grounds of that retreat : " Close to the dome a garden shall be joined, A fit employment for a studious mind ; In our vast woods whatever simples grow, Whose virtues none, or none but Indians, know, Within the confines of this garden brought, To rise with added lustre shall be taught; Then culled with judgment, each shall yield its juice, Saliferous balsam to the sick mac's use ; A longer date of life mankind shall boast, And Death Bhall mourn her ancient sceptre lost." If this garden really existed outside the poet's fancy, it was the earliest botanic garden in America. Logan, in 1729, wrote to England for a copy of "Parkinson's Herbal." He wanted to present it to John Bartram, who, he said, was a person worthier of a heavier purse than fortune had yet allowed him, and had " a genius perfectly well turned for botany." Bartram bought his piece of ground at Gray's Ferry in 1728, and his house, built by his own hands, was completed in 1731. A subscription was started in 1742 to enable Bartram to travel in search of botani- JOHN BAllTRAM'S HOUSE. cal specimens. It was proposed to raise enough for him to continue his travels for three years, he being described as a person who " has had a propensity to Botanicks from his infancy," and "an accurate ob- servator," "of great industry and temperance, and of unquestionable veracity." The result of these travels was two very delightful books by the earliest of American botanists, — for Bartram was born in Phila- delphia in 1699, — while the specimens he collected and sent to Europe attracted Kalm and many other naturalists to this country. He was a close and accu- rate observer, and his mind was a storehouse of knowledge of nature. " I believe," wrote Franklin, introducing Bartram to Jared Eliot in 1775, " you will find him to be at least twenty folio pages, large paper, well filled, on the subjects of botany, fossils, husbandry, and the first creation." His character was strong and simple; he was a natural Quaker, not orthodox in the nicety of tenets. On the outside of his house, over the front window of his study, was a stone with the inscription, carved by his own hand: BENJAMIN FRANKLIN AND PHILADELPHIA. 235 " 'Tis God alone, Almighty God, The Holy Oue, by me adored. Iohn Bartbam, 1770;" and Hester St. John quotes, as an inscription over the door of his greenhouse, — " Slave to no Beet, who takes no private road, But looks through nature up to nature's God." Bartram was the genuine man of science, simple and single-hearted in the absorption of his one pur- suit, — supplying materials to science rather than work- ing out results for his own profit or glory. Franklin was a man of science of quite another school, and who never forgot himself in his experiments, which, after all, were rather occasional and amateurish. The formation of the Junto naturally led him and his associates to cultivate a taste for experiment and natural science. In 1740 a course of philosophical lectures and experiments was given by a Mr. Green- wood in the chamber adjoining the library in the State-House. In 1744, Dr. Spence, a Scotchman, de- livered a course of lectures and experiments in the library. These included an exhibition of the com- mon electrical phenomena known at the period. In 1746, Peter Collinson, of London, presented the Phila- delphia Library with some electrical apparatus, and Franklin now began experimenting on his own account, occasionally noting some of his observations in letters to Collinson and other European corre- spondents. Thomas Hopkinson, Ebenezer Kinner- sley, and Philip Syng were his associates in these ex- periments, and in 1748 they gave a public exhibition — ad captandum vulgus — of the powers of the new force, in Franklin's own words, setting spirits afire on the other side the river. " A turkey is to be killed for our dinner by the electrical shock, and roasted by the electrical jack before a fire kindled by the electrified bottle, when the health of all the famous electricians in England, Holland, France, and Germany is to be drank in electrified bumpers, under the discharge of guns from the electrical battery." This is rather puerile, as was Franklin's kite, but it led to the dis- covery of positive and negative electricity, and to the identity of terrestrial with induced or excited elec- tricity. It will be noticed that bumpers and health-drinking constituted a large part of Franklin's open-air exhi- bition. Men like John Bartram were free from the drinking habits of the day, but Franklin, temperate as he was himself, did not set himself against the uni- versal health-drinking of that time. A contemporary record, the " Journal of William Black (1744), Sec- retary of the Commissioners appointed by Governor Gooch, of Virginia, to unite with those from the col- onies of Pennsylvania and Maryland, to treat with the Iroquois or Six Nations of Indians, in reference to the lands west of the Allegheny Mountains" (pub- lished in the Pennsylvania Magazine, Nos. 2, 3, 4, 5), illustrates how large a part " the social glass" played in all affairs at that time. Drinking was a part of the necessary hospitality of the period. Mr. Black was secretary to Col. Thomas Lee and William Bev- erley, of the commission, and went with them to Phil- adelphia. They reached Chester on Sunday, May 26th, went to church and Quaker meeting, and in the afternoon rode to Philadelphia on horseback, ac- companied by the sheriff, coroner, and some gentle- men of the town. They were met at the Schuylkill by Secretary Peters, Robert Strettell, Andrew Hamil- ton, and several other gentlemen of Philadelphia, "who Eeceiv'd us very kindly and Welcom'd us into their Province with a Bowl of fine Lemon Punch big enough to have swimm'd half a dozen of young Geese ; after pouring four or five Glasses of this down our throats we cross'd the River." They took a glass of wine with the Governor before going to their lodg- ings and another glass with their host before retiring. Next morning they saw the ill-starred "Tartar" frig- ate launched, and then had a few glasses of wine at Andrew Hamilton's and other houses. After dining at Strettell's, Mr. Black went to the " Governor's Clubb, which is a Select Number of Gentlemen that meet every Night at a certain Tavern, where they pass away a few Hours in the Pleasures of Conversa- tion and a Cheerful Glass ; about 9 Of the clock, we had a very Genteel Supper, and afterwards several sorts of Wine and fine Lemon Punch set out on the Table, of which every one might take of what he best lik'd and what Quantity he Pleased." Next day the party dined at the Governor's. " After Dinner the Table was immediately furnish'd with as great a plenty of the Choicest Wines as it was before with the best of Victuals ; the Glass went briskly round, sometimes with sparkling Champaign, and sometimes Rich Ma- deira, Claret, or whatever the Drinker pleas'd." After this they went to a lecture by Spence, referred to above, in which the lecturer " proceeded to show that Fire is Diffus'd through all space, and may be produced from all Bodies, Sparks of Fire Emitted from the Face and Hands of a Boy Suspended Horizontally, by only rub- bing a Glass Tube at his feet." Next day, after in- specting the privateers, Black went to spend the even- ing with a Richmond man whom he had not seen for some time, and who kept bachelor's hall. The secre- tary admits having some difficulty in finding his way to his lodgings that night. Thursday was given to riding about and sight-seeing. There was a, billiard-table and bowling-green at the Centre House ( Penn Square) ; thence they went to the coffee-house and the club. The commissioners left early, but the frank journalist confesses, " for my part, I staid as long as any of my company did, and on the first motion to be gone I was ready ; but I do assure you it was the Pleasures of Conversation, more than that of the Glass, that In- due'd me." On Friday, Black visited the market. " The days of Market are Tuesday and Friday, when you may be Supply'd with every Necessary for the Support of Life thro'ut the whole y«ar, both Extra- ordinary Good and reasonably cheap; it is allow'd 236 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. by Foreigners to be the best of its bigness in the known World, and undoubtedly the largest in Amer- ica. I got to this place by 7, and had no small satis- faction in seeing the pretty Creatures, the young ladies, traversing the place from stall to stall, where they cou'd make the*best market, some with their maid behind them with a Basket to carry home the Purchase. Others, that were designed to buy but trifles, as a little fresh Butter, a Dish of Green Peas, or the like, had Good Nature and Humility enough to be their own Porters." Black dined at the Three Tun Tavern, in Water Street, with Secretary Peters, and, after a few glasses of good Maderia, rode out to Stenton to call on James Logan, with whom they took tea, or, as he called it, " the Fashionable Warm Water." Thence they went ■with Mr. Strettell to his country house at German- town. Strettell, he says, was " one of the Friends, but seem'd not much Affected to their underhand way of Dealing and Cloak of Religion." He did not drink much, being "of a Crazy Constitution," but attached the Virginian to him by keeping "Good horses, tho' I believe that was rather Natural than forc'd for his Health." On Saturday, after attending to business, Black dined at the club with the Beef- steak Club, " a certain number of Gentlemen that Meet at this House every Saturday to Eat Beef- Steaks." He went that night by appointment to join a private party, some young men. "I found them all there, and in humour to be very merry. Some of the Company Drunk Punch, others wine, According as their Inclinations led them. ... To conclude, we parted about 12 O'clock at Night. Two of the company was so Civil that they would see me to my Lodgings, where they wisht me Good-Night." Sunday Mr. Black went to Christ Church, " a very Stately Building, but is not yet Finished. The Paint- ing of the Altar Piece will, when done, be very Grand ; two Bows of Corinthian Pillars and Arches turn'd from the one to the other Supports the Roof and the Galleries ; the Peughs and Boxes were not all done, so that everything seem'd half finished. I was not a little surpris'd to see such a number of Fine Women in one Church, as I never heard Philadelphia noted Extraordinary that way ; but I must say, since I have been in America, I have not seen so fine a collection at one time and Place." They dined, commissioners and secretary, at Andrew Hamilton's (Bush Hill), at a quarter past one o'clock ; eighteen dishes and a nice collection. In the afternoon Black went to hear Gil- bert Tennent preach at the New Light Presbyterian Church. " We found him delivering his Doctrine with a very Good Grace ; Split his Text as Judiciously, turn'd up the Whites of his Eyes as Theologically, Cuff'd his Cushion as Orthodoxly, and twist'd his Band as Primitively as his Master Whitefield cou'd have done, had he been there himself." Without hearing Tennent out the party withdrew to Quaker meeting, " where we found one of the Traveling Friends, Labouring under the Spirit very Powerfully ; had he been a little more Culm, and not hurried him- self so on, as if he had not half time to say what he had in his mind, We, as well as the Rest of his Breth- ren, wou'd have received more Instruction, but one sentence came so fast treading on the heels of an- other, that I was in great Pains of his Choaking; however, we had Patience to hear him out, and after a little pause he gave us a Short Prayer, and then Struck hands with two Elderly Friends on his Right and Left, and we broke up." Honest Black was very much shocked at meeting one night a drunken woman on the street; he made many acquaintances; heard some good singing by ladies; half fell in love with a charming Jewess; drank tea (" warm water") with many agreeable ladies; entirely fell in love with Miss Molly Stamper (afterwards wife of William Bingham. She was just fifteen when she made her conquest of Black), whom he escorted to her home, and who promised to meet him again at her Hebrew friend's. Next morning he found himself making music on his fiddle and on his flute, and comparing the beautiful morning to Miss Molly Stamper, "fresh dews hanging on her pouting lips," and he passed what seems to have been a deli- cious evening in her society. On Saturday, June 9th, the commissioners engaged a tavern and gave a dinner to their hosts. " A very Grand Table, having upwards of Fifteen Dishes on it at once, which was succeeded by a very fine collation ; among the many Dishes that made our Dinner was a large Turtle, sent as a present to Governor Thomas, from a Gentleman of his ac- quaintance living in Providence; after taking away the Cloath, we had the Table Replenished with all the sorts of Wine the Tavern cou'd afford, and that in great Abundance." They sat down at two and rose between three and four p.m. News of the English king's declaration of war against France was received, and on Monday Black and the commissioners and their levee, at four in the afternoon, "waited on his Honour the Governor, in order to attend to the Declaration of Warr, a few minutes after we got to the Governor's came the Mayor, Council, and the Corporation, and then began the Procession, First the Constables with their Staffs, and the Sheriffs and the Coroner with their white Wands ushered the Way, then his Honour the Gov- ernor, with the Mayor on his Right, and the Recorder of the City on his Left hand, following them were Colonels Lee and Beverley, and the Gentlemen of their Levee, next was the Council, and after them the City Corporation, and then the Rear Composed of Town Gentlemen &c, in this Order two and two, we went with Solemn Pace to the Market Place, where Secretary Peters Proclaimed War against the French King and all his subjects, under a Discharge of the Privateers Guns, who had haul'd out in the Stream for the Purpose, then two Drums belonging to Dal- ziel's Regiment in Antigua (then in Philadelphia BENJAMIN FRANKLIN AND PHILADELPHIA. 237 with a Captain Recruiting) Beat the Point of Warr, and then the Ceremony Concluded with God Save the King, and three loud Huzzas !" It will be observed how entirely apart the gentry and tradesmen were during all these fine doings. Franklin, of course, saw all of Spence's experi- ments, but he was still a tradesman, making his way, taking care not only J to be industrious and frugal, as he says, but to seem so. " I dressed plainer, and was seen at no places of idle diversion." In this way, while his credit increased, poor old Keimer was driven out of town. He had al- ready got control of Keimer's news- paper, and he and Meredith began publishing the Pennsylvania Gazette on Sept. 25, 1729. A year later he married, and his wife helped to at- tend Franklin's book-shop. In 1731, Franklin set to work to establish the Philadelphia Library, one of the best and most durable of his works. The members of the Junto felt the need of books, and, as each had a few, they brought them to their club-room for convenience of exchange. Franklin, on this basis, determined to start a public subscription library. " I drew a sketch of the plan and rules that would be necessary, and got a skillful conveyancer, Mr. Charles Brockden, to put the whole in form of articles of agreement to be subscribed, by which each subscriber engaged to pay a cer- tain sum down for the first purchase of the books and an annual contribu- tion for increasing them. So few were the readers at that time in Philadel- phia, and the majority of us so poor, that I was not able with great industry to find more than fifty persons, mostly young tradesmen, willing to pay down for this purpose forty shillings each, and ten shillings per annum. With this little fund we began. The books were imported. The library was opened one day in the week for lend- ing them to the subscribers on their promissory notes to pay double the value if not duly returned. The in- stitution soon manifested its utility, was imitated in other towns, and in other prov- inces." In 1732, Franklin first published his "Poor Rich- ard's Almanac." The advertisement of the first num- ber appeared in the Pennsylvania Gazette, Dec. 19, 1732, as follows: "Just published, for 1733, An Al- manac, containing the Lunations, Eclipses, Planets' Motions and Aspects, Weather, Sun and Moon's Rising and Setting, High Water, etc. ; besides many pleasant and witty verses, Jests, and Sayings; Au- thor's Motive of Writing; Prediction of the Death of his Friend, Mr. Titan Leeds; Moon no Cuckold Bachelor's Folly ; Parson's Wine and Baker's Pud Poor Richard, 173?* A N Almanack FortheYearofChrift 733 Being the Firft after LEAP YEAR . Years 7241 0932 5742 5682 5494 yfndnuries fiuce thi Creation By the Account of the Eaflern Greeks By the Latin Church, when G cut. T By the Compulation of JP./fc By the Homan Chronology By the jfew/jb Habbies. Wherein is contained' The Lunations, Eclipfes, Judgment of the Weather, Spring Tides, Planets Motions & mutual A/pefls, Sun and Moon's Rifing and Set- ting, Length of Days, Time of High Water, lairs. Courts, and obfervable Days. Fitted to the Latitude of Forty Degrees, and a. Meridian of Five Hours Weft from London, but rnay without fenfible Error, ferve all the ad- jacent Places, even from Netofounditud to Soutft- Carolina- By RICHARD SAUNDERS, Philom" . PHILADELPHIA) Printed and fold by B. FR'AUKLIN, at the New- Printing. Office near the Market ding; Short Visits; Kings and Bears; New Fash ions; Game for Kisses ; Katharine's Love; Different Sentiments; Signs of a Tempest; Death of a Fish erman; Conjugal Debate; Men and Melons; The Prodigal; Breakfast in Bed; Oyster Lawsuit, etc. By Richard Saunders, Philomat. Printed and sold by B. Franklin." Almanacs were popular at this 238 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. time in Philadelphia. Franklin says the annual sales of " Poor Richard" were ten thousand copies, and Sparks tells us that three editions had to be printed before the demand could be appeased. There were published at this time in the city, besides Frank- lin's, Jerman's Almanac, Birket's, Poor Will's, Felix Leeds', and Titan Leeds' Almanacs. Titan Leeds' was the rival concern. It printed some good verses, was popular, and Franklin, in imitation of Swift's and Arbuthnot's trick upon Partridge, made his, Saunders, cast Leeds' horoscope and predict his death during 1733. "Whether seriously or not, Leeds pretended to resent this treatment bitterly in the preface of his almanac for 1734 and 1735. Franklin continued his almanac till 1758, was proud of it, and looked upon it as a valid social force among the poorer classes, as perhaps it was. " In Pennsylva- nia," he says, " as it discouraged useless expense in foreign superfluities, some thought it had its share of influence in producing that growing plenty of money which was observable for several years after its pub- lication." This is, of course, absurd, since the fewer the purchases by the people the more money would be hoarded. The abundance of circulation was the result of an inflated currency, which no one cared to keep for fear it would depreciate in his hands. Franklin's industry was amazing, aside from the fact that exact method and system enabled him to effect the greatest economies of time. In 1734, when his private business was most engrossing, and his office, his newspaper, his bookstore, his almanac, his public and private contracts were all making demands on his time, and when he was writing pamphlets and sermons, feeling the public pulse and active in the affairs of the library and the Junto and the lodge, we yet find him studying and acquiring a reading knowl- edge of French, Italian, Spanish, and Latin, study- ing them together. He was then twenty-eight years old, an age when the acquisition of new languages is difficult, unless a habit has been formed already for that class of studies. In 1736, Franklin entered public life so far as to become clerk of Assembly, a salaried office. He had already made money; he represents his circum- stances as being easy enough to permit him the recre- ation of a holiday visit to his New England kinsman ; and his new place added to his income besides, as he does not hesitate to admit, giving him " a better op- portunity of keeping up an interest among the mem- bers, which secured me the business of printing the votes, laws, paper money, and other occasional jobs for the public, that, on the whole, were very profita- ble." In 1737, Postmaster-General Spottswood, of Virginia, removed the Philadelphia deputy, Andrew Bradford, and appointed Franklin in his place. This appointment gave many new opportunities to so sa- gacious a man as Franklin. The salary, he says, was small, but " it facilitated the correspondence that improved my newspaper, increased the number de- manded, as well as the advertisements to be inserted, so that it came to afford me a considerable income." He now, he says, began to turn his attention to pub- lic affairs, " beginning, however, with small matters." The first thing he sought to amend was the city watch, which was managed by constables and the hired sub- stitutes of householders. The amendment he pro- posed, and which eventually was adopted, was a reg- ular paid watch. This reform he agitated through the Junto and its affiliated clubs. The next reform was in favor of regular fire companies, and his agita- tion of this subject through the club resulted in the establishment of the Union Fire Company on a Bos- ton model. In 1739 he began his intimacy with Whitefield, and took an active part in promoting the construction of the independent meeting-house for Whitefield to preach in. He wished, he says, to have a perfectly free pulpit, already conscious, perhaps, that he needed to fortify himself in every way against the hostility he was sure to encounter from the two establishments in Philadelphia, the Quakers and the Church of England. At the same time Franklin be- came the only publisher of Whitefield's sermons, which were very popular and had a great run. Franklin's business was now, he says (1739-41), very profitable, and he sought to extend it in every direction by setting up such of his workmen as he could trust in the various colonies, advancing them stock, plant, and capital, and taking a share of the profits. As labor bears a much larger proportion in the printing business than capital, this sort of invest- ment was very productive to Franklin; at the same time not disadvantageous to the young printers, who always had the option at the end of six years of buy- ing out their partner and going in business for them- selves. In 1741, Franklin began the publication of the first literary periodical in America, the General Maga- zine, which, however, was discontinued after six monthly numbers had been issued. It was pretty much BENJAMIN FRANKLIN AND PHILADELPHIA. 23* u pon the model of Cave's Gentleman's Magazine. In 1744 he wrote out his views about an academy for Philadel- phia, which, when crystallized further, resulted in the Philadelphia Academy, the nucleus of the present university. Franklin had wished Rev. Richard Peters, secretary of the province, to undertake the school, but he having other views, Franklin kept his plans in abeyance until 1749, when he published his well-known " Proposals Relating to the Education of Youth in Pennsylvania," and became a trustee of the nascent institution, his associates being James Logan, Francis Hopkinson, Richard Peters, Jacob Duch6, Charles Willing, Philip Syng, and others. Franklin, as Dr. Peters says, was " the life of the whole," and he exercised all his adroitDess, successfully, too, to secure house-room for the new academy in the build- ing put up for Mr. Whitefield, Franklin tried to se- cure Rev. Samuel Johnson, then in New York found- ing King's College, for principal, but failing in this, Rev. William Smith's services were obtained. Charles Thomson, Secretary of Congress, was for six years tutor in this academy. In 1744, the war with Spain having begun, and that with France impending, Franklin took advan- tage of the great danger of Philadelphia from priva- teers to make his fatal assault upon the peace policy of the Quakers. This was in the shape of his pam- phlet, " Plain Truth," which was so worded and so timed as to have, as he says, " a sudden and surpris- ing effect." It is to be noted that when Secretary Black, whose journal has been quoted above, arrived in Philadelphia, he found the city full of military fervor, and all the talk was about the privateers, the association, and the drill. "The Dutch," wrote Franklin to Logan, "are in as hearty as the Eng- lish." "Plain Truth" was translated into German, and a German company was the first one fully recruited. The Governor and Council took Franklin into their confidence, and consulted with him about everything. Good reason, for the association numbered eighty companies, ten thousand subscribers, and Franklin, while declining a commission, and the command of a regiment, for which he did not think he was fitted, controlled the whole body. He was not only the leader of the revolt, but the engineer of the entire machine. He even manceuvred to entangle the leaders of the religious denominations with the move- ment, and wrote for Secretary Peters the fast-day proclamation which was issued. As to the Quakers, he took high ground with them from the start, for he knew they would never forgive him, and his only effort was to detach from their influence as many moderate men, like James Logan, as he could reach. He was warned he would lose his place as clerk of Assembly, but said he would not resign in anticipa- tion of it, and when the Assembly met he was too strong to be displaced. In fact, a good many young Quakers had caught the war spirit, — enough, in the end, to accomplish Franklin's leading object, the total submission of the policy of non-resistance as the con- trolling policy of the province of Pennsylvania, — thus effecting in a short time what every Governor of the- province since Fletcher's time had struggled for in vain. In 1750, Franklin, having taken a partner upon whom he could devolve the active part of his print- ing and publishing business, devoted himself more closely to affairs and to his studies in philosophy. He bought Spence's apparatus, but, as he says, "the pub- lic, now considering me as a man of leisure, laid hold of me for their purposes, every part of our civil gov- ernment, and almost at the same time, imposing some new duty upon me. The Governor put me into the commission of the peace [he served two terms as judge of Common Pleas], the corporation chose me one of the Common Council, and soon after alderman, and the citizens at large elected me a burgess to repre- sent them in the Assembly. 1 This latter station was the more agreeable to me, as I grew at length tired with sitting there to hear the debates, in which, as- clerk, I could take no part, . . . and 1 conceived my becoming a member would enlarge my power of doinf good. I would not, however, insinuate that my am- bition was not flattered by all these promotions ; it certainly was, for, considering my low beginning, they were great things to me." Franklin was ten successive years member of As- sembly, his son succeeding him as clerk, and he ulti- mately becoming Speaker. He was sent, not long after his election, as commissioner to Carlisle to treat with the Indians, his associate on the commission being the Speaker, Isaac Norris. In 1751, Dr. Thomas Bond projected the plan of a general hospital in Phila- delphia, and asked Franklin to support his benevo- lent scheme. This support Franklin gave, — he says the people would not have touched it otherwise, — and secured further a large contribution from the Assem- bly, but in what seems by his own account to have been a rather tricky way. The first board of man- agers of this hospital comprised Joshua Crosby, Ben- jamin Franklin, Thomas Bond, Samuel Hazard, Richard Peters, Israel Pemberton, Jr., Samuel Rhoads, Hugh Roberts, Joseph Morris, John Smith, Evan Morgan, and Charles Norris. Franklin continued a manager and was also secretary of the board until he went to England in 1757. About this time also he did much in the direction of inducing the people to submit to a tax for the purpose of having the streets 1 Franklin was elected to the Common Council on Oct. 4, 1 748 ; he qual- ified November lijth ; was appointed on the committee to prepare an ad- dress of welcome to Governor James Hamilton; at once brought the- subject up of a reform in the night-watch, aud was made one of a com- mittee to draw up a petition to the Assembly for a remedy ; secured appropriations for the new academy building and for support of teach- ers; on Oct. 1, 1751, was elected alderman, with John Mifflin, and served on several committees. He was appointed justice of the peace for Philadelphia County (under the name of Benjamin Franklyn) at a. Council meeting held June 30, 1749 ; and agnin'commissioned in May, 1752. 240 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. generally paved, and also for getting them lighted at night. In 1753 he, conjointly with William Hunter, was made postmaster-general of America. In 1754, Franklin attended the General Colonial Convention at Albany and proposed his well-known "Plan of Union,'' which was adopted. On his re- turn, in 1755, finding Governor Morris all the time embroiled with the Assembly, Franklin became conspicuous in the lead of the controversy with the proprietary government, which led to his being sent government. At this time also he was a trustee and one of the chief promoters of a sort of missionary scheme for teaching and otherwise relieving poor Germans in the province, his fellow-trustees being James Hamilton, William Allen, Richard Peters, Conrad Weiser, and William Smith. He was also elected a member of the Royal Society and voted the Copley gold medal. With Franklin's agency in England this narrative has nothing to do. His mission terminated success- In ASSEMBLY ^^24 175^ THIS is to certify, that ^-^rylz^^n SWz*^* has attended as a Member of Aflembly for the %sm»» City of (M&JUfcr^* , __ f<78 Bays, at Six Shil- lings per Diem, for which there is due to hipi the Sura of Signed, by Order of the Houfe, Treafurer of the County off ■SA* ^^-z^rt^y 4r* aJfiC* (h-L^-p^-z?™^ c&n^ to England as agent for the province. That same year Brarldock's expedition occurred, receiving im- portant and indeed indispensable aid from Franklin, who looked after the transportation and forage. In the defensive measures undertaken after Braddock's defeat Franklin was conspicuously active and ener- getic. He took a commission, raised a force, and marched to the frontier to construct a line of forts to check Indian inroads; he procured the passage of a militia law, and a general tax for the public defense, and incurred the deepest enmity of the proprietary fully, and he returned to Philadelphia Nov. 1, 1762, an LL.D. of St. Andrew's and Edinburgh, and D.C.L., honoris causd, of Oxford. Honors had been showered on him, and he was the most conspicuous man in America. The Assembly awarded him a vote of thanks; he made a tour through the Middle and Eastern Colonies, and then returned to public busi- ness in Philadelphia. In December, 1763, he took a prominent part in a tragical affair which has tar- nished the annals of Pennsylvania. This was the Paxton massacre. The Indian outrages on the border BENJAMIN FRANKLIN AND PHILADELPHIA. 241 and in the western counties had excited a feeling of bitter hostility to the whole race, and there were many lawless men among the settlers in those wilds, people who were used to take the law in their own hands, and were extremely restive under the Quaker policy of non-resistance. They wanted the Indians either destroyed or driven off, and one Indian was as bad as another in their sight. The Moravian Indian communities and the few Indian reservations under charge of the provincial government irritated them continually. These feelings were most intense among the hot-blooded Irish settlers in Lancaster County and near by, who had already feuds among them- selves and with their German neighbors. The " boys" (as they called themselves) of Paxton or Paxtang township were of this fiery Limerick tem- perament. Not far from them was the Conestoga manor, whereon was gathered, under the protection of the province, the feeble remnant of the once for- midable Conestoga or Susquehannoek tribe of In- dians. The Six Nations acknowledged them as of their kindred; they were protected and the posses- sion of their manor guaranteed to them by treaty. They were peaceable, inoffensive, loving and trusting the whites, though it is possible one or two of them may have been thieves. There were but twenty left, seven men, five women, eight boys and girls. The senior, Shehaes, was very old ; he had been one of the Conestogoes treating with Penn in 1701 ; he was a good, kindly old man, very feeble, cared for with filial devotion by his daughter Peggy; John was another good old man, who was supported by his son Harry ; George and Will Soc were youths, brothers ; John Smith was a Cayuga, husband of Peggy, and they had one child three years old. Be- sides these, there was old Betty and her son Peter, and Sally, or Wyanjoy, who was bringing up an adopted child. On Wednesday, Dec. 14, 1763, the Paxton boys, numbering fifty-seven men, mounted and armed, came to Conestoga after riding all night. They surrounded the Indian huts and attacked them at daybreak. Only six persons were found, and these, including the old chief, were murdered in cold blood in their beds. The fourteen who were absent were taken by the neighbors and lodged in Lancaster jail for safety. The Governor issued a proclamation ordering the offenders to be arrested. In defiance the Paxton boys marched to Lancaster, broke into the jail, and murdered every one of the fourteen, not a hand being raised to defend them. A great feeling of indignation sprung up, there were new proclamations, and Franklin published a strong and manly pamphlet, " A Narrative of the Late Massacre in Lancaster County of a Number of Indians," etc. But, on the other hand, the Western counties not only defended the murderers, but re- sented the feeling against them. A war of exter- mination was threatened, and the friendly Indians throughout the province, including the Moravians, to 16 the number of one hundred and forty, fled to Phila- delphia for protection, and were sent for safety on Province Island, in the Delaware. The Paxton boys, largely recruited, and in great force, started to march to Philadelphia, to slay these Indians too, and the Governor and Assembly resolved to repel them. The unhappy refugees were brought into the city and lodged in the barracks. There was no regular militia, but Franklin, at the Governor's request, formed au association, on the plan of the old one, or- ganized nine companies, and soon had one thousand citizens under arms and the city in a very good state of defense, cannon in the market-place, and old artillerists ready to mow the rebels down if they dared come on. Come they did, as far as German- town, and there halted, a numerous, and, it might be, formidable mob. When they paused the Governor and Council sent Franklin and three others out to meet them and turn them back. Their contemplated assault was adroitly converted into a protest, a me- morial of grievances and a petition for relief, which had fifteen hundred signers. Two persons were dele- gated to present their case before the Governor and Assembly, and then the rioters returned to their homes. Franklin, and those who acted with him, had certainly saved Philadelphia from a serious mob, and probably from the disgrace of another Indian massacre within her gates, as it is likely the city mob would have joined the Paxton boys, with whom they sympathized. 1 1 At this time Pontiac'e conspiracy was just ripening, the Indiana were in a very unsettled state, they were overrunning all Pennsylvania west of Carlisle and Shippensburg, Bouquet's and Armstrong's expedi- tions were in the field, and the alarmed people were excusable in not wishing to leave a kindred race to the ruthless enemy gathered in their rear. The Paxton and Donegal people were not capable of making nice distinctions any more than our frontiersmen of the present day. Still, the massacreB were inexcusable, nor is there any excuse for the provin- cial government in leaving the Conestoga remnant so defenseless. The march of the Paxton boyB on Philadelphia was full of incidents, and many traditions still hang around it. It was on Jan. 3, 1764, that news came of a company being formed, two hundred men strong, in Lebanon, Paxton, and Hanover, with encouragement from the farmers, to march to Philadelphia and kill the Indians on Province Island. The Moravian Indians, one hundred and twenty-seven in number, begged to be sent, with their two ministers, to England. ThiB not being possible, they asked to be sent to Sir William Johnson, in New York. A company of Highlanders about to march thither offered them escort. Governor Franklin gave them right of way through New Jersey, but Governor Colden, of New York, refused to receive them. They had got as far as Amboy and were marched back under charge of a company of regulars, Capt. Scblosser, whom Gen. Gage ordered to defend them. To do this more effectually they were brought to the Northern Liberty barracke. Meantime, alarming news came from Lancaster, and it was said that fifteen hundred men were coming down, and if they did not sufi&ce, five thousand would come. The Council ordered Capt. Schlosser to fire on any body of armed men who approached the barracks, aDd the Assembly paBsed the EngliBh Riot Act of George I., extending it to PennBylvnnia. February 4th the in- surgents were reported approaching, some said seven hundred, some fif- teen hundred. The Governor called a public meeting in the State-House in the afternoon. In spite of the rain, three thouBand people were present. But the Germans were absent, and it was murmured they sympathized with the Paxton boys, and were ready to Btamp out the Quakers and Moravians for their deceitful policy. The meeting, how- ever, was energetic. The new riot act of Assembly was proclaimed, one 242 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. John Penn, one of the proprietaries, had come out in November, 1763, to govern the province in person, and he was soon in collision with the Assembly. The Paxton troubles, the supply bill, the subject of taxa- hundred and fifty gentlemen were enrolled to aid the soldiers in defend- ing the barracks that night, and it was arranged for the people to rally en masse and repair to the barracks or the court-house if the alarm-bells should sound. Cannon were sent to the barracks, a stockade thrown up there, and videttes Bent out on the roads of approach. Next day was Sunday; defensive preparations were continued, a redoubt thrown up in the centre of the barrackB parade-ground, and the gateways stock- aded and loopholed. At eleven o'clock that night an express came in with news of the mob's approach. Another arrived at two o'clock, and the alarm-bells began to ring. The people rushed out to obey the sum- mons, and by Bunrise on Monday the whole town was under arms. The old association artillery company mustered again and took charge of two cannon at the court-house. Business was suspended, shops did not open, the ferries were dismantled, and couriers charging back and forth along the streets kept up the excitement. Even the Quakers forgot their principles. Rev. Mr. Muhlenberg, in his contemporary account, Bays, " It seemed almost incredible that sundry young and old Quakers formed companies and took up arms, particularly so to the boys on the streets, fur a whole crowd of boys followed a distinguished Quaker and in astonishment cried out, ' Look here ! a Quaker with a musket on his shoulder!' " A mounted company of butchers marching to the rescue were mistaken for the enemy, and only saved from being fired on by the coolness of a man who put his hat over the touch-hole of the cannon just as the excited gunner was about to apply the linstock. The enemy meantime was halting at Germantown, about two hundred backwoodsmen, in match-coats and moccasins, with rifles, pistols, and tomahawks. They were civil, well-behaved, and claimed to be only the advance-guard of their army. Capt. Torbet Francis proposed to march at the head of his company and take them prisoners, but the more pacific plan of a visiting delegation prevailed, and the citizens were dismissed, excepting the companies of Capts. Francis, Wood, and Mifflin, which remained under arms all night at the market and the Quaker meeting- house. (This use of the meeting-house led the wits of the day to fire off their squibs, one of which, styled the " Battle of the Squirt," adjures the Quakers to " Cock up your hats I look fierce and trim ! Nor wear the horizontal brim; The house of prayer be made a den Not of vile thieves, but armed men ; Tho' 'tis indeed a profanation Which we must expiate with lustration ; But such the present time requires, And such are all the Friends desires ; Fill bumpers, then, of rum or arrack I We'll drink success to the new barrack !") Tuesday morning the negotiators went to Germantown and conferred with the malcontents. They included, besides Franklin, Benjamin Chew, Joseph Galloway, Thomas Willing, Gilbert Tennent, Rev. Dr. Wrangel, Rev. Mr. Brycelius, Rev. Richard Peters, and Rev. William Sturgeon, of Christ Church, with several others. They returned with the rioters 1 manifesto and their promise to disband. The troops were dismissed, but next day there was a false alarm and everybody fled to arms again with the utmost alacrity. Thirty of them did come to town, and tried in vain to identify disturbers of the peace among the Indians. There was no further trouble. _ The Quakers, however, found much ill-feeling had arisen n gainst them. Israel Pemberton's life was in danger, it was thought, from the Irish, and he crossed to New Jersey. He was very friendly with the Indians, kept close intercourse with them, and the inhabitants dubbed him "King Wampum." The Faxton memorial was signed by Matthew Smith and James Gibson, and was thought to have been prepared for them in the city. The Paxton expedition was the occasion of a number of satires, squibs, and satirical prints, laughing at all concerned, and especially at the muBLer of the Philadelphia forces. One of these cuts had a hundred figures in it, and bristled with local allusions ; another depicted Pemberton embracing an Indian squaw; a third hit at Frank- lin representing the philosopher in his study, with these verses under- neath : tion, and the course of the Quakers were all causes of grievance for the popular party, of which Franklin was now the leader. In March, 1764, a committee of the Assembly, consisting of Franklin, Galloway, Rod- man, Pearson, Douglass, Montgomery, and Toole, re- ported a series of resolutions concerning the proprie- tary government, and declaring that the only remedy for its defects was the substitution of a royal govern- ment over the province. These resolutions set forth the grievances of the province in elaborate detail, and they were unanimously adopted. The Assembly adjourned to the middle of May, and when it met again petitions for the change were presented contain- ing three thousand five hundred names, including many Quakers. But the majority of the Friends, while owning the meanness and obstructiveness of the proprietary, enjoyed too many privileges under Penn's charter to wish to have it entirely subverted. They demanded a redress of grievances, but they wanted the old charter and the proprietary protection. Frank- lin did not. He was bent on the overthrow of the whole system, and he came out with a pamphlet, " Cool Thoughts on the Present State of Affairs." Hugh Williamson replied with a pamphlet on the proprietary side, and this was caustically handled in a third pamphlet. In the Assembly John Dickinson made a strong speech against the change of govern- ment, and Galloway replied effectively. The latter's speech was printed, with a preface by Franklin, which was both masterly and conclusive. The Assembly re- solved to transmit the petitions for a change of gov- ernment to England with a memorial of its own in favor of them. Isaac Norris, the Speaker, opposed to this sort of procedure, resigned, and Franklin was elected Speaker in his place, drew up the memorial, and forwarded it to the king's government. These controversies entered into the next canvass for the election of members of the Assembly. The whole force of the proprietary and conservative Quaker influence was brought to bear against Frank- lin and Galloway, leaders of the popular party, and they were attacked with squib and caricature as well as with more substantial weapons. Franklin and Rhoads were defeated in Philadelphia City by Thomas Willing and George Bryan. Galloway, Evans, and Fleason were defeated in the county. The anti-pro- prietary majority was much reduced in the Assembly, but not obliterated. The petition for a change of " Fight dog, fight bear, you're all my friends ; By you I shall attain my ends; For I can never be content Till I have got the government; But if from this attempt I fall, Then let the devil take you all I" Another print also caricatured Franklin and made light of his inten- tions, while others viciously assailed Pemberton, as if he used his con- science and his Indian friendship equally to promote his fur trade. The poor Moravian Indians in the barracks were attacked by smallpox, and fifty-six of them died, and the survivors were finally sent to the Mora- vian brethren on the Wyalusing. LOCAL HISTORY AND GROWTH, 1750-1775. 243 government was still prosecuted, though the proprie- tary party brought in a counter-petition with fifteen thousand names on it; large discretionary powers were voted to the London agent of the province, and Franklin was appointed to the agency, to assist Rich- ard Jackson, in the face of a strong protest against the appointment, signed by Dickinson, Bryan, and others. Franklin replied to this protest in another of his inimitable pamphlets, and then, Nov. 7, 1764, left the city for England, escorted to Chester by a cavalcade of three hundred of his friends. The city corporation, Israel Pemberton, and other strong Quakers, agreed with Dickinson in opposing the bestowal of this agency upon Franklin. Pemberton was afraid that Franklin would secure the immediate overturn of the proprietary government by currying favor with the ministry and getting himself appointed Governor of the province. It is evident that many people in Philadelphia were mistrustful of Franklin ; but his friends and followers were numerous, and in the election that October he was only defeated by a majority of twenty-five votes in four thousand. Franklin, in concluding his fare- well pamphlet, said, " I am now about to take leave, perhaps a last leave, of the country I love, and in which I have spent the greater part of my life. Esto perpetua ! I wish every kind of prosperity to my friends, and I forgive my enemies." And, in fact, Franklin did not come back to this country any more, in one sense, for when he returned it was the United States, the proprietary government was broken, and the Declaration of Independence only a matter of weeks. The rest of Franklin's history belongs to the nation rather than to Philadelphia. 1 1 His agency, of course, was constantly felt, in a hundred ways, in Pennsylvania and Philadelphia, and his reports on the resources of the province are most valuable and suggestive. The most direct instance of his interposition, however, was when Lord Hillsborough made his report against American paper currency, and Frauklin answered him in a pamphlet. We have already outlined the history of the Pennsyl- vania paper currency, and but few wordB more are needed to complete it. The first move in favor of such a currency was made in 1721. The trustees of the first loan office were Samuel Carpenter, Jeremiah Lang- home, William Fishbourne, and Nathaniel Newlin, their salaries being fifty pounds per annum each. The form of the note or bill issued was as follows : "This Indented Bill of , current money of America, according to the act of Parliament, made in the sixth year of the late Queen Anne, for ascertaining the rates of foreign coins in the Plantations, due from the Province of Pennsylvania to the Possessor thereof, shall be in Value equal to money, and be accepted accordingly by the Provincial Treas- urer, County Treasurer, and the Trustees for the General Loan Office for the Province of Pennsylvania, in all publick payments, and for any fund at any time in any of the said Treasuries and Loan Office. Dated at Philadelphia, the day of , in the year of our Lord one thou- sand seven hundred and twenty-three, by order of the Governor and General Assembly." The arms of Pennsylvania were stamped upon the middle of the left side. In 1739 a committee of Assembly reported on the state of the cur- rency that in 1723 there were emitted £45,000, of which in 1726 were burnt £6110 5s. In 1729 there were emitted £30,000, and the amount now in circulation was £68,889 15s. Enough notes were then issued to bring the circulation up to eighty thousand pounds. The committee 1730. 1738. 1739. £G 3s. 9d. £6 3s. ad. £6 9s. 3d. 8s. Id. 8s. 9d. Ss. 6(2. CHAPTER XV. LOCAL HISTORY AND GROWTH, 1750 TO 1775. If we take out from the local history of Philadel- phia between 1750 and 1775 all that relates to Frank- lin and his interests and influences, and all that re- lates to the Revolutionary war and the events which led up to it, it might be conceived that not much re- mains. Nor is there so much to tell, if we further eliminate what more properly concerns the records of sects, societies, and denominations, and the progress of the arts, sciences, and professions during this period. These matters, being treated in separate groups, will naturally make but a fragmentary and occasional appearance in the chronicle of progress. Yet even the meagre skeleton of annals which remains for the subject of the present chapter is full of interest and events, and can by no means be dismissed in a few brief paragraphs. Mr. Westcott, indeed, has de- voted many separate chapters to it. When Governor Hamilton asked Franklin how he might avoid disagreement with the Assembly, the reported a comparison of the prices of gold and silver per ounce in the colony, as follows : 1700. 1710. 1720. Gold £6 10fl. £5 10s. £5 10s. Silver.... 9s. Gd, 6s. 10^d. 7s. 6d. In 1744 a sum often thousand pounds was emitted to replace old, torn, and ragged notes, without intending to augment the circulation. In 1746 five thousand pounds was emitted in bills of credit for the king's use, and later in that year five thousand pounds to replace worn-out bills. From 1729 to 1767 all the bills and notes were printed by Franklin, either alone or in partnership with Hall. From 1753 onward the Assembly was struggling with the Governor and the proprietary on the currency question, the former seeking to augment the quantity of notes. Even in the excitement of the Brad- dock campaign the assent of the Governor could only be obtained to an issue of ten thousand pounds, to be exchanged for old and torn notes. After Braddock's defeat, however, sixty thousand pounds were raised for the king's use, fifty-five thousand pounds of it emitted in bills of credit, dated Jan. 1, 1756, and redeemable by taxation ; and in August, 1756, an issue of thirty thousand pounds was made, redeemable in ten yearB. In 1757 one hundred thousand pounds was issued in two install- ments for the support of government; in 1758 another issue was made to the same amount; in April, 1759, one hundred thousand pounds for the support of government ; in June, same year, thirty-six thousand six hundred and fifty pounds to reimburse the colonial military agent. This act was canceled (but the noteB were emitted), and the larger one would have been repealed by king and Council in 1760 but for the ac- tivity of Franklin. The noteB out at this time were three hundred and eighty-five thousand pounds in amount. Between 1760 and 1769 one hundred and seventy-five thousand pounds in notes were issued, and two hundred thousand pounds canceled or re- tired. In 1766 an association of merchants tried to issue twenty thou- sand poundB in five-pound promissory private interest-bearing notes, but they were prevented. In 1769 thirty thousand pounds were added to the currency in two issues, the first of which was so extensively counterfeited that, in 1773, Governor Richard Penn issued a proclama- tion, offering five hundred pounds reward for the detection of the of- fenders. The second issue was for the aid of the almshouse in Phila- delphia. In March, 1771, fifteen thousand pounds were emitted for the defense of Philadelphia, a French war being feared; this money was used in paving the streets of the city. In 1772 an issue of twenty-five thousand pounds was made "for the support of the government"; in 1773 an issue of twelve thousand pounds for the lighthouse at Henlopen and buoys in the bay and river, and in October one hundred and fifty thousand pounds for the use of the loan office. 244 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. philosopher told him by avoiding discussion. But Hamilton replied that he delighted in disputation, and Franklin assured him his appetite was likely to be satisfied. So it happened, for Hamilton was embroiled with the Assembly from the beginning. He opened the year 1751 by reviving the old controversy about prerogative and the right of the Assembly to sit out of its set time without receiving permission from him, a point in regard to which the Assembly was ready to meet him more than half-way. In fact, they fired off such a volley of precedents at him in their report on the subject that he found it convenient to abandon the dispute. Not much else was done besides quarrel at this dull session. A petition from Philadelphia County complaining of the reckless use of fire-arms, in the way of salutes and jubilee on holidays and festivals, by the Germans and by servants and ne- groes, led to the passage of an act for the more effect- ual preventing accidents which may happen by fire, and for suppressing idleness, debauchery, etc. This was a sweeping statute, aimed not only at the reckless use of fire-arms, but at squibs, crackers, rockets, etc., at the firing of foul chimneys, at horse-races, shoot- ing-matches, and other idle sports, and retailing liquor at the same, and against races and matches for plate, money, and the like. There was plenty of this sort of sport in Philadelphia, nevertheless, and races were had at the Centre regularly. It was at this Legisla- ture that the first petition was presented for aid to the hospital projected by Dr. Thomas Bond, as out- lined in the preceding chapter. The original petition was for a county insane asylum or hospital. 1 The charter was granted in May, 1751, and the first board of trustees elected in July following. The proprietaries were petitioned for a lot for the building, the one named being on Mulberry Street, south side, between Delaware Ninth and Tenth. This lot was refused, and another offered (what is now Franklin Square), which the trustees iu turn declined, and Judge Kinsey's house, south side of Market Street above Fifth, was rented and fitted for the reception of. patients. It was opened in February, 1752, with a number of patients, who were regularly attended and given their medicines free by Drs. Zachary, the two Bonds, Graeme, Moore, Cadwallader, and Eedman. An apothecary was also appointed at fif- teen pounds a year, and a dispensary set up for out- door patients. In 1754 the managers bought a piece of ground on Pine Street from Eighth to Ninth, at a price of five hundred pounds. The remainder of the square, sixty feet deep on Spruce Street, belonged to 1 The petitioners were William Pluinsted, Luke Morris, Stephen Ar- mitt, Samuel Rhoads, William Coleman, Edward Cathrall, Samuel Smith, Samuel Shoemaker, Samuel Hazard, Samuel Sansom, Amos Strettell, John Arniitt, John Reynall, Charles Norris, William Griffiths, William Attwood, Anthony Morris, Thomas Graeme, William Branson, Israel Pemberton, Joshua Crosby, "William Allen, Joshua Fisher, Na- thaniel Allen, Reese Meredith, Joseph Richardson, Joseph Sims, An- thony Morris, Jr., Jonathan Evans, Joseph Shippen, John Inglis, John Mifflin, and George Spaflurd. the proprietaries, who presented it to the institution, and the contributors afterwards bought other ground on the east and west, north and south of the hospital, so as to insure it a free circulation of air. A plan for the hospital was accepted, other contributions solicited and came in so liberally that the building was begun at once, nearly all the materials and labor being gratuitous. The corner-stone was laid May 28, 1755, by Joshua Crosby. It bears an inscription by Dr. Franklin. 2 In December, 1756, the eastern wing was completed and fitted up for the reception of patients, who were then removed to it from the hired building in Market Street. In this same year, 1751, when the hospital was begun, an attempt was made to get a bridge built over the Schuylkill, and commissioners were appointed to select a site. They, however (Benjamin Franklin was one), found no site so eligible as that of High Street ferry, leased to Capt. James Coultas. The latter got his lease renewed for seven years, was allowed six hundred and eighty pounds for his extraordinary ex- penses and improvements, and so the bridge project was postponed indefinitely. Berks County was this year formed out of parts of Chester, Philadelphia, and Lancaster Counties, and the western line of Philadelphia County much re- stricted. Benjamin Franklin was regularly elected to the Assembly this year as the colleague of Hugh Roberts. He had sat in the previous Assembly, elected to fill a vacancy caused by the death of William Clymer. The Assembly did not do much besides order the superintendents to " provide a bell (for the State- House) of such weight and dimensions as they shall think suitable.'' The outcome of this order was the Independence bell. 8 2 " In the year of Christ MDCCLV, George the Second happily reigning, (For he sought the happiness of his people,) Philadelphia flourishing, (For its inhabitants were public-spirited,) This Building, By the Bounty of the Government, And of many private persons, Was piously founded For the Relief of the Sick and Miserable. May the God of Mercies Bless the Undertaking." B Isaac Norris, Thomas Leech, and Edward Warner, the superintend- ents, wrote, Nov. 1, 1751, to Robert Charles, of London, stating their order and authority, and applying to him to get them " a good bell of about two thousand pounds weight," the cost of which, they fancy, may be two hundred pounds or more, including chargeB. "Let the bell be cast by the best workmen, and examined carefully before it is shipped, with the following words well shaped in large letters around it, viz.: ; By order of the Assembly of the Province of Pennsylvania, for the State House in the City of Philadelphia, 1752.' And underneath: ' Proclaim LIDF.RTT THROUGH ALL THE LAND UNTO ALL THE INHABITANTS THEREOF. — Levit. xxv. 10.'" March 10, 1753, Norris wrote again : "In that letter I gave informa- tion that our bell was generally liked and approved of, but in a few days after my writing, I had the mortification to hear that it was cracked by LOCAL HISTORY AND GROWTH, 1750-1775. 245 In April, 1751, the Pennsylvania Gazette (Franklin & Hall) is found complaining of the treatment meted out to the colonies by the home government. After noticing the fact that Samuel Saunders, an English convict transported to the colonies, had been tried before the Supreme Court at Philadelphia, and, being convicted of manslaughter, was burned in the hand, INDEPENDENCE BELL. the Gazette has a strong editorial, denouncing the system of transporting convicts to the colonies, the result of which was a great frequency of robberies, murders, and other villanies. " These are some of thy favors, Britain !" the article says. " Thou art called the mother-country; but what good mother ever sent thieves and villains to accompany her chil- a stroke of the clapper without any other violence, as it was hung up to try the sound ; though this was not very agreeable to us, we con- cluded to send it back by Capt. Budden, but he could not take it back on board, upon which two ingenious workmen undertook to cast it here, and I am just now informed they have this day opened the mould and have got a good bell, which, I confess, pleases me very much, that we should venture upon and succeed in the greatest bell caBt, for aught I know, in British America. The mould was finished in a very masterly manner, and the letters, I am told, are better than the old ones. When we broke up the old metal, our judges here generally agreed it was too high and brittle, and cast several little hells out of it to try the sound and strength, and fixed upon an ounce and a half of copper to one pouud of the old bell, and in this proportion we now have it. " April 14, 1753. A native of the Isle of Malta ( Pass) and a son of Charles Stow were the persons who undertook to cast our bell ; they made the mould in a masterly manner and run the metal well; hut upon trial, it seems they have added too much copper in the present bell, which is now hung up in its place ; but they were so teased with the witticisms of the town that they had a new mould in great forward- ness before Mesnard's arrival, and will very soon be ready to make a second essay." The second bell was cast and hung ; it did not give great satisfaction, but was suffered to stay. It waB hung the first week of June, 1753. The bill for " sundries" served at the hell-hanging included potatoes, beef, bacon, mustard and other condiments, cheese, punch, bread, and beer. dren, to corrupt some with infectious vices and mur- der the rest? What father ever endeavored to spread the plague in his own family ? We don't ask fish, but thou givest us serpents/' etc. A correspondent of the Gazette shortly after suggested retaliation in the shape of a cargo of rattlesnakes distributed in the London parks and places of diversion. The academy and free school were opened during this year, — Dr. Francis Allison, rector of the academy and master of the Latin school ; David James Dove, master of the English school; 1 and Theophilus Grew, master of the mathematical school. Charles Thom- son was one of the ushers. Dr. Dove, in August, issued proposals for opening a school for young ladies at the academy at five o'clock in the evening, to con- tinue every night three hours, " in which will be carefully taught the English grammar, the true way of spelling and pronouncing properly, distinctly, and emphatically, together with fair writing, arithmetic, and accounts." In October a night-school was opened by William Milne, "in his room in Aldridge's Alley, at the sign of St. Andrew, opposite the shop of Na- than Trotter, blacksmith, in Second Street, between Market and Chestnut.'' He taught writing, spelling, arithmetic, navigation, mensuration, and geometry. The town had need of these schools. It was growing rapidly. The taxables this year numbered seven thousand one hundred in city and county, an increase of two thousand three hundred since 1740. Northampton County was erected early in 1752, and Philadelphia, growing so rapidly as it did, sought an increased representation in the Legislature to offset the preponderance given to country interests by the increase of new counties. A variety of com- plaints from the city went up to the Legislature at this time, among others of the number of gambling- houses in the city, vitiating the morals of young people. The vendue-masters complained of unli- censed auctions in the Northern Liberties, and the bakers sought to be relieved from the assize of bread. The people of Philadelphia also petitioned to be re- lieved of the nuisance of dogs running at large, ownerless curs running out at travelers and horses, killing sheep, worrying cattle, and going mad; and the Assembly prescribed the usual remedy, a dog- tax. An act of Assembly was passed in March to prevent bribery and corruption at elections of sheriffs and coroners, the candidates, so the preamble states, making it " too frequently their practice to engage persons to vote for them by giving them strong drink and using other means inconsistent with the design of voting freely at elections, by means whereof many unguarded persons are unwarily drawn in to engage their votes, and rendered incapable of discharging their duty in that sober and weighty manner the oc- 1 The satirists called Dr. Dove " Squire Liliput," from a piece of land he owned near Gloucester Point. He wrote many squibs himself, taught the Gerinautown Grammar School, and in politics was accused of being somewhat of a Vicar of Bray. 246 HISTOEY OF PHILADELPHIA. casion requires." It was therefore enacted that if any candidate for sheriff or coroner should give to any voter, or allow others to do it for him, any gra- tuity, wages, gift, bribe, strong drink of any kind, treat entertainments, or any reward whatever, or should promise that the same should be done by themselves or others, the offender should be liable to a fine of £10, and the voter who took the bribe to a fine of £5." 1 In this year, 1752, the calendar was changed from the Julian to the Gregorian system of computation by act of Parliament, which ordained that after the last day of December, 1751, the year should cease to be counted as beginning on the 21st of March, but the 1st day of January should be taken to be the 1st day of the year of our Lord 1752, and so on, " and that all acts, deeds, writings, notes, and other instruments of what nature or kind soever, which should be made, executed, or signed upon or after the said 1st of Jan- uary, 1752, should bear date according to the new method of supputation." This change did away with the double style of computation employed in the dates of events happening in January, February, and March. The rectification in the calendar was made by taking eleven days from it, calling the 3d of Sep- tember the 14th, so that month, in 1752, had only nineteen days in it. The king's birthday was pushed forward from October 30th to November 9th, and was celebrated at Bush Hill, Governor Hamilton's seat, with an entertainment, the royal healths drunk under a discharge of cannon from the association battery and the ships in the Delaware. In the evening there was a great ball at the State-House, attended by a hundred ladies and more than that number of gen- tlemen. " Supper was served in the long gallery in the second story, the whole affair being one of the most brilliant that had yet occurred in the province." 1 If there be any comfort in the reflection that our ancestors were not much better than our contemporaries in the matter of purity of elec- tions, the evidence of the fact is abundant. Thus, in a note to Gregory B. Keen's very valuable series of articles in the Pamsylvania Maga- zine, called " The Descendants of Jbran Kyn" (vol. ii. p. 452), we find that Matthias, son of Hans Keen, was signer to a petition to Governor John Evans and Council, praying them to disallow a wrongful election of sheriff for the couuty of Philadelphia effected by the " Towne party," as it was called, over the "Country party." The document is "the humble Petition of severall freeholders of the County of Phila- delphia, on behalfe of themselves and divers others." It represents that the election for representatives took the whole day. After it was over that of sheriff came on ; there was a show of hands, and a candidate certainly and fairly elected. Then the country people went home, and the town party demanded a ballot, " knowing that then they were able to carry on their Clandestine Design (the Sheriff having long before withdrawn), and accordingly amongst themselves they hatch'd it, per- mitting Serv* 8 and all that went for their Cause to have their Vote, and objecting against and denying others j rt had Competent Estates to have any. Besides, their method of Electing wos contrary to the positive Agreem 1 had, and the Practices used in such cases before on that day (viz*) of nominating only one at a time, w ch in this particular howeve r was rejected, together w th severall more partiall and uufair Proceedings w ob can readily be made appear." This petition was presented at a meeting of the Provincial Council, Oct. 4, 1705, by Peter Evans, the candidate of the " Country party," but Governor Evans commissioned his opponent, Benjamin Wright. John Penn, the third son of Richard, arrived in the province in December, 1752, just in time to wit- ness the annual fight between the Governor and the Assembly, which began in January, 1753, the subject being a paper-money bill. In March, this year, a schooner left the Delaware for Hudson's Bay, the first Arctic expedition ever sent out from America, the Northwest Passage being the object of search. This was the " Argo," Capt. Swaine, which failed to accomplish any discovery, but brought back some curiosities for the Philadelphia Library. The sub- scription for this expedition is said to have been originated by Franklin. The " Argo" repeated her voyage in 1754, but still did nothing. Daniel Pellito was allowed ten pounds per annum for his salary as public whipper, and Charles Stow seven shillings sixpence per annum for supplying the Mayor's Court with candles and firewood. Such things are much more costly in our modern times. In November, 1754, in the midst of the excitements, controversies, recruitings, and musterings growing out of the French war, the town was agitated by the news of a pestilence which had broken out and was spreading through the place. It was engendered about the unhealthy, crowded vessels which brought Palatines to the port, and was a sort of ship-fever, or typhus. The port physicians were requested to visit all the Palatine ships in the harbor and all the houses where Palatines lodged; the City Council also giving the matter their attention. Dr. Bond reported at the next meeting of the Provincial Council that two parties of Germans were sick and in a condition to spread the plague ; one party being at Philip Burck- hardt's, near the Dutch Reformed Church, the other at Frederick Burk's, Spring Garden. At David Sickel's, Race Street, three were sick ; at Jacob Cost's, in Dirty Alley, twenty were down with the fever. At Ludwick Cale's, in Fifth Street, many were sick out of a company of twenty-four. The doctors traced several cases of illness to persons of the city who had been at work aboard the ships. One ship from Ham- burg had made a healthy passage, but since reaching port her sailors and passengers were nearly all taken down with the fever. The disease could not be said to have originated among the Palatines, but they sup- plied it with victims. Two hundred and fifty-three of these strangers were buried in 1754. The condition of these poor immigrants was, indeed, wretched, and their petitions show them to have been outrageously treated and imposed on by the mercenary harpies who imported them. The Assembly passed in December an act for preventing the importation of Germans or other passengers or servants in too great numbers, but the Governor and Council objected to the stringency of some of the regulations, and the bill failed to become a law. In the beginning of 1755 Philadelphia had many Indian visitors. First came a band of Cherokees, who had been taken prisoners by French Indians, LOCAL HISTORY AND GROWTH, 1750-1775. 247 carried to Canada, escaped, and stopped in the city on their way homeward. Before they left there came a deputation of Mohawks, headed by King Hen- drick. The latter had many conferences with the provincial authorities at the State-House, where both bands of Indians were lodged. The Indians were treated very civilly and received numerous presents. Hendrick was a lion for a while, and an enterprising Boniface, opening a new tavern shortly after on Mul- berry (Arch) Street, near Fifth, called it after the popular chief, a name which it retained for many years. Braddock commenced his march from Fort Cum- berland towards Fort DuQuesne on June 12th, and Governor Morris appointed June 19th as a day of fast- ing and prayer for the success of the expedition. It was not long after the fatal July 9th when the news reached the excited city of Braddock's defeat and death and Dunbar's precipitous retreat. The Gov- ernor called the Assembly together at once. Dun- bar was on his way to Philadelphia, and on August 1st the Governor notified the mayor and Common Council to make provision for the accommodation of two regiments and a hospital for the sick. The mayor and recorder responded that there was no law giving any such authority to the corporation, and they could not, therefore, do anything. The Assembly, when addressed on the subject, simply adopted the English statute for the billeting and maintenance of soldiers. They declined to establish a militia. In the latter part of August, Dunbar's troops ar- rived and encamped between Pine and Cedar Streets, west of Fourth. Jacob Duchy's house was taken as a hospital, at a cost of fifteen pounds for six months. Duncan Cameron's journal says, " The Philadel- phians' hearts and houses were open to us in the most affectionate and tender manner ; and I must not for- get the tender compassion of their good housewives, for they, being informed that our living had been chiefly on flesh, the women of Market Street and Church Alley, as I was told, formed an association for regaling us with apple pies and rice puddings, which they generously effected, and their example was followed by a great many women in the city." Dunbar's command did not tarry long in the city. While they were in camp they took an active part in kindling bonfires and making illuminations in honor of Sir William Johnson's victory over the French at Lake George, while the officers gave a ball at the State-House in celebration of the same triumph. These rejoicings, however, could not prevent the people from being terribly alarmed at the devastation and desolation of the border settlements by the French and their Indian allies. Great Cove, in Cumberland County, Gnadenhiitten, Mahanoy, and Tulpehocken, each in its turn felt the weight of this savage warfare, had its houses burned and its people slaughtered. Fugitives from the border streamed in upon the east- ern settlements, and brought their panic with them. The Governor summoned the Assembly, and consulted with the mayor and corporation about the defenseless state of the province. A search was made for arms, and suspicions were aroused in regard to some French- men, lately in the city, who had disappeared. The Assembly was willing to vote any amount of money, and provide for its redemption by tax, but insisted that the tax must include all property, that of the proprietary as well as the citizen ; the Governor re- fused, the old quarrel was renewed. There was a deputation of Indians in town ; it was vitally impor- tant to prevent further defection among them ; liberal presents would, perhaps, win back the Delawares ; but, no money, no presents. The proprietary in England, however, advanced five thousand pounds ; this was accepted in lieu of a tax contribution, and sixty thou- sand pounds were voted. The Governor pressed for a militia law ; the Assembly delayed and evaded, until at last the discontent of the people threatened to break forth in riot. Col. Moore, of Chester, wrote to the Governor that two thousand inhabitants of that county were making ready to march to Philadelphia to compel the Assembly " to agree to pass laws to de- fend the country and oppose the enemy." A similar movement was reported in Berks County. The sheriff and mayor of Philadelphia were notified to take measures to protect the peace. The mayor and Com- mon Council themselves undertook to remonstrate with the Assembly in a solemn memorial. But, on the other hand, the Quakers of the strict sect took a positive stand against military organization. They were willing to contribute their means for defense, for cementing friendship with the Indians, and for sustaining their fellow-citizens in distress, but not to be taxed for purposes inconsistent with their peace- able testimony and destructive of their religious lib- erty. " They would be compelled to suffer rather than consent to pay taxes for such purposes. They therefore desired that no measures would be taken which might coerce them in a manner inconsistent with their peaceable principles." The address em- bodying these sentiments was signed by Anthony Morris, Jr., William Moode, Israel Pemberton, Thomas Brown, Thomas Lightfoot, John Pemberton, Mordecai Yarnall, Joshua Fisher, Samuel Samson, Isaac Greenleaf, John Smith, Anthony Benezet, An- thony Morris, Samuel Powell, John Churchman, William Brown, Isaac Jeans, Daniel Stanton, Ed- ward Cathrell, and John Reynell. The Assembly found itself forced to yield, however, to the clamor for a militia law ; but it did so very un- graciously, and not until it had thrown out some of the petitions which had been laid before it as being " indecent, insolent, and improper to be presented to this House." The preamble to the act, moreover, was particular to assert and defend Quaker principles. However, the war party had the substantial part of the victory with them, a military organization was provided for, and the law was at once put in opera- 248 HISTORY OP PHILADELPHIA. tion. Companies were formed in wards and townships before trie end of December, and the following officers were chosen : Locality. Captain. Lieutenant. Ensign. Middle Ward John Sayres. P. FleeBon. A. Bankson. Dock Ward D. Roberdeau. T. Willing. J. Claypoole. Chestnut & Walnut Ward. W. Bradford. F. Mavmy. John Rhea. High St. & U. Del. Ward.. George Okill. Thos. Smith. Alex. Moore. East Mulberry Ward Thos. Bourne. Geo. Brooke. W. Clampfer. West Mulberry Ward Jno. Deimer. M. ClarkBon. J.Davenport. Lower Delaware Ward Wm. Grant. John Groves. J. Knowles. NorthWard J.Laurence. H. Keppell. Dr. T. Lloyd. Oxford Township (1) James Dysart. Robt. Cogran. D. Simpson. " " (2) Wm. Hood. W. Morrison. J. Lockridge. " lS (3) Jacob Hall. Joseph Leech. Geo. Barthol. Northern Liberties (1) Jas. Taylor. J. Still wagon. Wm. Rice. " " (2) Wm. Parr. Joseph Bush. L. Pass. Lower Dublin IsaacAshton. S.Thomas. J. Duffleld. Passyunk Thos. Wells. Wm. Allen. J.Whitman. Moreland Samuel Swift. J. "Vanhorn. Wm. Tillyer. Douglass (11 J.Hockley. Thos. Rutter. W. Implain. " (2) Benj. Thomas. Jos. Griffiths. J.Drake. The old association and the persons opposed to the militia both determined to have no connection with the new association, under which those new com- panies were formed, and proceeded to form independ- ent companies, the officers of which were commis- sioned by Governor Morris. Those of the city were as follows : Independent Volunteers, William Vander- spragle, captain ; William Henry, Joseph Wood, lieutenants; John Blackwood, ensign. Independent Artillery, George Noarth, captain ; Benjamin Loxley, John Goodwin, lieutenants. Independent Foot Com- panies, John Kidd, Charles Batho, captains ; Walter Shee, Buckridge Sims, lieutenants ; Joseph Stamper, Peter Turner, ensigns. Association Battery, Samuel Mifflin, captain ; Oswald Eve, lieutenant ; William Moore, ensign. Troop of Horse, Edward Jones, cap- tain ; Lynford Lardner, lieutenant ; John Taylor, cornet ; George Adam Gaab, Leonard Melchar, quar- termasters ; with a company of grenadiers, the officers of which are not given. While the excitement following the retreat of Braddock and the Indian outrages was at its height, Philadelphia received an accession to its population of a class of people against whom suspicion and hatred could not fail to arise in spite of their mis- fortunes. These were the unhappy Acadians, or " French neutrals," as they were called, forcibly removed from their happy Nova Scotia homes and distributed about among the different colonies. The first detachment of them arrived in the Delaware, about November 18th, in three vessels. They were sent to Governor Morris by Governor Lawrence upon the ground that their refusal to take the oath of alle- giance to the British government made it impossible to leave them any longer in their own country. They came to Philadelphia at a very bad time. The feel- ing in the province against the French and Canadi- ans was very strong, and it was actually feared these poor people would combine with the Irish Catholics to betray the province to the French. Governor Morris wrote to Gen. Shirley that he was positively at a loss what to do with them ; he had put a guard aboard each vessel and issued provisions to them, but what else to do he knew not. The doctors re- ported, he told the Assembly a day or two later, that it was dangerous to keep the neutrals aboard ship any longer, for fear of disease among them, so they were landed on Province Island, under guard from the sloop " Hannah," the sloop " Three Friends," and the sloop "Swan," four hundred and fifty-four per- sons in all, poor, miserable, suffering. Their wretched state soon attracted the attention of the benevolent Anthony Benezet, who visited them and reported to the Assembly that he found them in great want of blankets, shirts, stockings, and other necessaries. The House agreed to meet any reasonable expense incurred by Benezet in providing for the wants of the neutrals. Hon. William B. Reed, in a paper published by the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, has com- pleted the history of the French neutrals in Phila- delphia. In the notes to an English edition of Long- fellow's " Evangeline," published in 1853, it was said, " They landed in a most deplorable condition at Philadelphia. The government of the colony, to relieve itself of the charge such a company of miserable wretches would require to maintain them, proposed to sell them with their own consent; but when this expedient for their support was offered for their consideration, the neutrals refused it with in- dignation, alleging that they were prisoners, and expected to be maintained as such, and not forced to labor." This paragraph excited Mr. Reed's in- dignation, and he set to work to present the actual facts in the case. Longfellow, it appears, discovered the note, which was derived from Judge Haliburton's (" Sam Slick") " History of Nova Scotia." The num- ber of exiles who left that country in September, 1775, was 1923, — 483 men, 337 women, and 1053 children. The number who came to Philadelphia has already been stated ; it was said at the time to have been much greater. The feeling at the time of their arrival, and for a while after, was very bitter not only against the Indians and French, but also against all Catholics. The Protestant faith in America was fancied to be in danger, and all the people prayed, as a correspond- ent in the Shippen papers is represented as doing, " May God be pleased to give us success against all our copper-coloured cannibals and French savages, equally cruel and perfidious in their natures." The French, however, were maligned. In Jumonville's instructions, when he was attacked and slain by Washington in 1756, were the following words : " Le Sieur Donville employera tous ses Talents et tout son credit a emp^cher les Sauvages d'user d'aucun Cru- aute sur ceux qui tomberont entre leurs mains. L'Honneur et l'Humanite doivent en cel'a nous servir de guide." This, too, at the time when the Governor and Provincial Council had publicly made an offer to pay one hundred and thirty dollars apiece for Indians' scalps ! The contrast is a vivid one, and shows how little we know of the enemies on whom we make war. In September, 1755, a few days before these exiles LOCAL HISTORY AND GROWTH, 1750-1775. 249 arrived from Halifax, three Frenchmen had been ar- rested and imprisoned on suspicion of poisoning the wells. When the neutrals arrived, they were at first sent down the river again, and Governor Morris, be- sides writing to Governor Shirley, wrote to Governor Belcher, of New Jersey, on the subject, and the latter replied that he was truly surprised how any one could ever think of sending the French neutrals, " or rather Traitors and Rebels to the Crown of Great Britain," to "these Provinces, when we have already too great a number of foreigners for our own good and safety.'' The Governor thought they should have been trans- ported directly to Old France, " and I entirely coin- cide with your honor that these people would readily join with the Irish Papists, etc., to the ruin and de- struction of the King's Colonies." This shows the tommon feeling towards these^'unfortunates. The Assembly, however, in its Quaker instincts, was rather above these feelings, and there were Huguenot Quak- ers in Philadelphia whose hearts "leaped up" when they heard of Frenchmen in misfortune. Besides Benezet, there were the Lefevres and the De Nor- mandies, who would not see the Acadians suffer. So prompt and generous was the first named, the almoner of every worthy charity and humanitarian cause of which he heard, that the Acadians, in their first memorial to the Assembly, said, " Blessed be God that it was our lot to be sent to Pennsylvania, where our wants have been relieved, and we have, in every respect, been treated with Christian benevolence and charity." Between November and March, in fact, one thousand pounds, public money, had been ex- pended for their relief, in addition to the aid private charity afforded. In February the petition of Jean Baptiste Galerm, a leading man of the refugees, was laid before the Assembly. Galerm's memorial was simply a narrative of the undeserved hardships to which his people had been subjected. It was simple and manly. " Let me add," he said, towards the end of this address, " that notwithstanding the Suspicions and Fears which many here are possessed of on our Account, as tho' we were a dangerous People, who make little Scruple of breaking our Oaths, Time will manifest that we are not such a People. . . . De- prived of our Substance, banished from our native Country, and reduced to live by Charity in a Strange Land, and this for refusing to take an Oath, which we are firmly persuaded Christianity absolutely for- bids us to violate, had we once taken it, and yet an Oath which we could not comply with without being exposed to plunge our Swords in the Breasts of our Friends and Relations. . . . And may the Almighty abundantly bless his Honour, the Governor, the hon- orable Assembly of the Province, and the good Peo- ple of Philadelphia, whose Sympathy, Benevolence, and Christian Charity have been, and still are, greatly manifested and extended towards us, a poor, distressed, and afflicted People." It is greatly to be regretted that the list of names accompanying Galerm's peti- tion has been lost. It would be of great value to-day. A bill was passed by the Assembly, and signed by the Governor, for "dispersing" the Acadians into the counties of Philadelphia, Bucks, Chester, and Lan- caster. This was in March, 1756. The .exiles were to be divided and distributed among the counties named, in order to give them "an opportunity of ex- ercising their own labor and industry." Families were not to be disrupted, and they were to be sup- ported at the public expense for twelve months, or until they secured homes! Among the commissioners named to execute this act were Jacob Duchfi, Thomas Say, Abraham de Normandie, Samuel Lefevre, and William Griffiths. The neutrals certainly suffered both injustice and privations. Governor Morris, in resigning his office to his successor, gave them a parting shot in a letter to Sir Charles Hardy, Governor of New York, and Sir Charles answered by saying that he had heard there was "an ingenious Jesuit" in Philadelphia. Lord Loudoun, to whom Morris surrendered his com- mission, had Charles Le Blanc, Jean Baptiste Galerm, Philip Melancon, Paul Bujiauld, and Jean Landry arrested by the sheriff as suspicious and evil-minded persons, guilty of uttering menacing speeches against his majesty and his liege subjects. Loudoun put them aboard Capt. Talkingham's ship and sent them to England, advising Pitt to have them pressed into the navy. The Acadians sent another petition to the Assem- bly in August, 1756, begging to be sent, or given leave to go to France, and protesting against the way they were treated. This petition was signed by Al- exis Thibaudeau, Pierre Babin, Pierre Aucoin, Benoni Bourg, Paul Brigauld, Olivier Tibaudau, Jean Lan- dry, Pierre Doucet, Jean Doucet, Baptist Babin, Ma- turin Landry, Simon Babin, Philip Melancon, Simon Le Blanc, and Stanilas Forrest. Another memorial to the same effect was sent to Governor Denny, on September 2d, with pretty much the same signers. In October, William Griffiths, one of the commis- sioners in charge of the neutrals, notified the Assem- bly that about fifty of them had lately had the small- pox, many dying. The overseers in several townships had refused to receive them, in consequence of which many who were willing to work "have neither bread nor meat to eat for many weeks together, and were necessitated, as your remonstrant is credibly informed, to pilfer and steal for the support of life." Griffiths himself had expended three hundred and fifty pounds for their maintenance. Another bill was introduced in the Assembly, and became a law, " for binding out and settling such of the Inhabitants of Nova Scotia as are under age, and for maintaining the aged, sick, and maimed at the charge of the Province." This act led to a very pathetic protest from the neutrals, which, however, accomplished nothing. " Alas I" they said, " oh, sorrowful change for us ! The very gentlemen who vouchsafed thus charitably 250 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. to relieve us and to preserve our lives will not now let us live, for they have brought us into a condition worse than death in depriving us of a part of our- selves by the act printed the 27th of January, 1757. Oh, merciful gentlemen I what crime have these in- nocent creatures been guilty of that you should thus separate them from those who, after God, are authors of their lives? Being deprived of that substance which God had granted us, permit us at least to live or die with our children and those of our deceased brethren. . . . Though we read that God has reduced His people under the hardest captivity, as in Egypt under Pharaoh, and in Babylon under Nebuchadnez- zar, yet we do not read that those princes that thus oppressed them ever separated the children from the parents. If we are criminals, we are ready to submit to the punishment due to our crimes ; but to separate innocent children who have committed no crime from their parents appears contrary to the precept of Jesus Christ, who tells us that the son shall not bear the iniquity of the father." This petition is signed by the same persons whose names were attached to the former memorials. It was futile. The Assembly, however, did not cease to spend money for the sup- port of the neutrals, the appropriations for their re- lief up to 1761 aggregating upwards of seven thousand pounds. A good many of them remained pensioners till death, and then were buried at the public ex- pense. John Hill, joiner, memorialized the Assembly, in 1766, that he had been employed from time to time "to make coffins for the French neutrals who have died in and about this city ;" that he had made six- teen coffins since the last settlement, but was told by the commissioners that there were no funds to pay him with, and he therefore prays, etc. The neutrals, says Watson, for a long time occupied a row of frame huts on the north side of Pine Street, between Fifth and Sixth, on property owned either by Mr. Powel or Mr. Emlen. The neutral huts, as these houses were called, says Mr. Eeed, are still remembered, but the neutrals have disappeared. Not even their names can be found in the earliest directories. So devoted was Benezet to them, and so tender his care, says his biographer, Mr. Vaux, that the unsophisticated neu- trals themselves began to mistrust him. "It is im- possible,'' they said, " that all this kindness can be disinterested ; Mr. Benezet must intend to recom- pense himself by finally betraying us." Meantime the troubles between the Assembly and people in relation to the militia enrollment had re- sulted in a war of pamphlets. The Quakers had again a majority in the Assembly after the October elections, but they were made the subject of severe attack. William Smith, provost of the college, had begun the assault by an article in the London Even- ing Advertiser, afterwards printed as a pamphlet under the title of " A Brief State of the Province of Penn- sylvania," etc., in which, after an account of the colony and its resources, the author arraigns severely the conduct of the ruling sect. The population, he said, was two hundred and twenty thousand, — one- third Germans, two-fifths Quakers, more than a fifth Presbyterians. The government, he said, was more of a pure republic even than it had been when the population was under ten thousand souls. Such a state of things could not continue without subverting the government. The Assembly had made itself in- dependent of control by the proprietaries and Gov- ernor. The Germans were ruled by Christopher Saur, suspected of being a Popish emissary, and who led his people to vote with the Quakers against mili- tary organization. The author suggested the inter- position of Parliament to compel all the inhabitants to take a test oath of allegiance and of support to military measures of defense, to prevent the Germans from voting until they were acquainted with the lan- guage, and to compel all documents and legal forms to be printed exclusively in English. This pamphlet elicited many replies and articles on both sides of the controversy, so that all parties in turn found themselves the subject of attack, and much acrimonious feeling was engendered. Probably the Quakers fared worst of any, at least they were the most vigorously assailed. But the city was not suffer- ing at this time, and its affairs were prosperous. The corner-stone of the hospital was laid, the chimes of Christ Church were put up and rang a merry peal of welcome on the arrival of Governors DeLancey and Shirley, in April, on their way to the conference with Braddock, at Alexandria, and a lottery was set afoot to raise nine thousand three hundred and seventy-five pieces of eight for the use of the college and academy, to purchase apparatus and endow a fund for the sup- port of the charity schools, where " seventy poor boys are, under a master and assistant, taught to read, write, and cast accounts, and forty girls, under a mis- tress and assistant, are taught to read, knit, and sew, and also to write, under the charity master." The corporation purchased five hundred tickets in this lottery. Nothing can more sharply and vividly mark the contrast between the times of which we are now writing and the early days of Pennsylvania than the fact that the newspapers of this province in January, 1756, publicly proclaimed a reward of seven hundred dollars (pieces of eight) " raised by subscription among the inhabitants of Philadelphia, and now offered with the approbation of his Honor the Gov- ernor," to the person or persons who should bring in " the heads of Shingas and Captain Jacobs, chiefs of the Delaware Indians." The Indian troubles on the frontier had increased ; the Delawares were divided, some joining the French, some remaining lukewarm, a few only espousing the cause of the English. The Assembly took no part in these rewards; but the Governor, at the head of the war party, was too strong for them. The non-resistance policy was but a sentiment, the old friendships of Indians and Quak- LOCAL HISTORY AND GROWTH, 1750-1775. 251 ers a tradition, but the murder and arson upon the border were terrible facts, of present and daily re- currence, and distance and rumor aggravated them and magnified them. In April a regular tariff for scalps was arranged. The Provincial Council and Provincial Commissioners recommended that war should be declared against the Delawares and the fol- lowing bounties offered : for every male Indian prisoner over ten years old who may be brought into any of the government forts, $150 ; for every female or male under ten years, $130 ; for the scalp of every male Indian above ten years old, $130 ; for the scalp of every Indian woman, 50 cents ; soldiers in the pay of the province to receive one-half these bounties. But the rewards do not seem to have been productive of much murder. Only six Indian scalps were paid for during the troubles. The proprietaries discounte- nanced such measures. The Quakers, alarmed and grieved, saw their long-cherished policy overborne by a programme of barbarous murder for hire. In April Samuel Powell, Anthony Morris, John Reynell, Sam- uel Preston Moore, Israel Pemberton, and John Smith, for their society, presented an address to Gov- ernor Morris on the subject, in which they dwell upon the concern and pain of mind with which they have observed " the late sorrowful alteration in the state of this lately peaceful province;" they urge a further attempt at pacification, and at least an endeavor to separate the well-disposed Indians from those bent upon rapine ; and they do not hesitate to insist that the ancient Quaker methods of dealing with the In- dians were best. War was declared, however. The Quakers, un- daunted, formed "the Friendly Association for re- gaining and preserving peace with the Indians;'' they raised a large sum of money, but came in colli- sion at once with the government, which resented their private way of interference and their attempts to make treaties independent of the authorities. They were accordingly forbidden to send their presents and to attend the negotiations. This prohibition was partly in consequence of Israel Pemberton's indiscre- tions, he conferring apart with the Delawares and wielding an influence over them which they denied to the other English. There was, however, a speedy armistice with the Indians, continued from time to time until the conclusion of peace. The inhabitants who were not non-combatants meantime had been actively at work to strengthen the military power of the province, the city and county raising two regi- ments. Of the city regiment, Benjamin Franklin was colonel ; William Masters, lieutenant-colonel ; John Ross, major; and Richard Swan, adjutant. Of the county regiment, Jacob DuchS was colonel ; James Coultas, lieutenant-colonel ; and Daniel Biles, major. Col. Franklin reviewed his regiment, one thousand strong, on Society Hill in March. The separate com- panies marched to the ground from the houses of their captains, performing different evolutions en route. There was an artillery company in the regiment comprising one hundred men, with four cannon, drawn by large and stately horses. After the review the regiment paraded past Franklin's house, giving him a salute of cannon and musketry. The county regiment was reviewed at Germantown in May by Col. Duchfi, assisted by Col. Franklin. On a subse- quent day, when the city regiment had drawn up at the Coffee-House to drink success to the king's forces, Governor Morris forbade the usual artillery demon- stration. It was almost the last act of his official life, and was near akin to spite. So at least the offi- cers regarded it, for they retired to the Tun Tavern and drank bumpers to the toast, " A speedy arrival of a new Governor." When Governor Denny ar- rived they and the entire city accorded him an en- thusiastic welcome. Many citizens went all the way to Trenton to meet him ; the county regiment and grenadiers became his escort at the county line ; the city regiment was drawn up to salute him on Second Street, and all the rest of the city military was on parade; there was an artillery salute in Market Street, echoed by one from the distant association battery and from a privateer in the stream, which had been baptized "the Denny," while the musket- eers fired a feu de joie, the bells rang merrily, and there were bonfires all over town. Next day the corporation gave his honor a dinner, and on the suc- ceeding Monday he was entertained in another ban- quet by the Assembly. Governor Denny's popularity, however, departed as soon as people became acquainted with him. He was stubborn and captious, as well as ignorant, and the Assembly lost patience with him at once, and gave him to understand plainly that they would not be schooled by him. It was no time for a man in his delicate and difficult position to exhibit temper, for the people themselves were out of temper and impa- tient. Party feeling ran very high. Provost Wil- liam Smith, of the college, lost favor everywhere because he was identified with the proprietary party, though striving to conceal or disguise it, and the pamphleteers and newspaper wits pursued him re- lentlessly. The smallpox was so prevalent at this time as to be dangerous to all but the inoculated. Benjamin Franklin, in one of his letters, regrets that the neg- lect of this precaution had cost him the life of a favorite child, a boy of four years old. The visiting Indians were particularly exposed to this disease, and, in consequence of the change in their habits, to many other fatal seizures. In April, 1756, several Mohocks, in town to confer with the Governor, were attacked, and one died of a "peripneumony." The Governor and Council condoled with Scarroyady, the head chief, and, to wipe away the tears of the sur- vivors, presented them with ten strouds, ten shirts, and a piece of handkerchiefs. Newcastle, a friendly chief, had sent his daughter on to Philadelphia in 252 HISTOEY OF PHILADELPHIA. advance of hirn, and Governor Morris ordered that, if she had not had the smallpox, she must be kept at Springettsbury, " the Proprietor's seat, near this city, and not let her come into y" city. If she has had y e smallpox you may bring her to M™. Boyle's, in Chestnut St." Newcastle himself arrived in July, and was kept at Springettsbury, to avoid the small- pox. He went on a visit to Conrad Weiser, the in- terpreter, however, at Easton, there "contracted the disease, and died. This required more presents of strouds, handkerchiefs, and wampum. Governor Denny was under very stringent " instruc- tions" from the proprietary and the home government, and he and the Assembly at once fell out about taxa- tion and the supply bill, and about the construction of barracks for soldiers, which both Governor Morris and Lord Lou- doun had tried to secure. Barracks were asked large enough to accom- modate a thousand men. Previously soldiers in the town had been bil- leted at the different tav- erns. Governor Denny now claimed that there was not sufficient accom- modation in the public- houses. The Assembly retorted that there were one hundred and seven- teen inns in Philadel- phia, certainly offering room enough for a single regiment, — forty - seven officers and five hun- dred men, — a hospital, store-house, and guard- house. But the tavern- keepers did not like to have troopers billeted on them ; many gave up their licenses sooner than submit to it, and the mayor and Common Coun- cil sent the Assembly a remonstrance in their behalf. The Governor notified the Assembly that the troops — Sixty-second Royal Americans, Col. Bouquet — were badly off; nothing had been done to relieve them, the weather was growing severe, and smallpox was in- creasing among them at such a rate that the town would soon be a hospital. Col. Bouquet, a foreigner by birth, was reluctant to resort to harsh measures, but if things remained as they were, the troops would have to be billeted upon private houses. The sheriff, in- deed, received instructions to that effect. The As- sembly protested hotly ; the Governor retorted as hotly, "The king's troops must be quartered." The Assembly suggested that quartering troops in private xw houses might lead to trouble, " particularly if the bought servants which have been so lately taken from the king's good subjects, and no satisfaction made to their owners, notwithstanding the Act of Parliament so expressly requires it, are now to be thrust into their houses and made their masters." The Governor sug- gested that the Philadelphians were ungrateful to the soldiers mustered in their defense; but he meant to do his duty, and he wanted sixty-two beds for one hundred and twenty-four men who were now lying upon straw, besides other quarters for the new recruits arriving in the city every day. This, however, was only a threat. The quarters were secured without invading private domiciles, but the Assembly was heartily incensed against the Executive. The Quakers were placed between two fires at this time. Some were not willing to pay taxes for war expenses; but those who did not object to this still did not es- cape, for the ministry in England condemned the Assembly for passing any militia bill which ex- empted a class or sect from military service ; this should have been made compulsory upon all, it was declared, and the English Secretary of State further suggested that in times of war non- combatants should not occupy seats in a legisla- tive body. This caused the resignation of "Wil- liam Callender, James Pemberton, and Joshua Morris, representing Philadelphia City and County, besides seven other members, but it did not change the politics of the House. The war feeling, however, met less resistance. In September, Col. Armstrong captured Kittanning, killing Capt. Jacobs and forty Indians, and the Common Council voted him a piece of plate, a medal to each of his officers, money to each of his men, and a relief fund to the widows and orphans of those who had fallen, — all officially designated as being "the gift of the corporation of the city of Philadelphia." Catholic residents of Philadelphia did not fare well either at this time. By Lord Loudoun's order, Gov- ernor Denny took a census of them. There were seventy-two men and seventy-eight women, all Eng- lish or Irish, under the charge of Rev. Robert Hard- ing, in or about Philadelphia, and one hundred and LOCAL HISTORY AND GKOWTH, 1750-1775. 253 seven men and one hundred and twenty-one women, all Germans, under charge of Rev. Theodore Schnei- der ; in Philadelphia County, fifteen men and ten women. The whole number of Catholics in the prov- ince was six hundred and ninety-two men and six hundred and seventy-three women, cared for by four priests. In spite of these small numbers, they were mistrusted, and in Philadelphia some were arrested upon the convenient charge of " disaffection." Among these were Barnabas McGee, Joseph Rivers, Thomas McCormick, Rowley Kane, and Jane Dorsius, as well as Dr. Hugh Matthews. Capt. Obadiah Bourne, well known for his career as commander of the privateer " Le Trembleur," got to sea in the latter part of December, 1756, in command of the "Spry," a schooner he had fitted out with twenty-two guns, twenty swivels, and one hundred and seventy men. Other vessels could not go to sea, however, for Lord Loudoun had laid an embargo on exports, with the view to supply the king's fleet with seamen and provisions. Trade was stagnated in con- sequence ; in June, 1757, there were forty vessels with full cargoes detained in the harbor, the mills had stopped, and there was great loss on all perishable THE BRITISH BARRACKS. commodities. The Assembly remonstrated, but with no effect, and the embargo was not raised until after the fleet put to sea, in the end of June. The trouble about billeting soldiers finally led to the construction of barracks, which the Provincial Commissioners es- tablished on a large lot bought by them in the North- ern Liberties, between Second and Third, and south of Green Street. The Governor objected to the site, and the colonel to the style of buildings erected, but the commissioners followed their own counsel, and put up the one-story shedding they had deter- mined to erect. The province also at this time bought and fitted out a cruiser as an assistance in coastwise defense, — -the frigate " Pennsylvania'' she was styled, Capt. Sibbald, thirty-two guns. She went to sea in August, but met no enemy. The " Spry," however, took several prizes, but the other privateers fitted out this year — the "Britannia," twenty guns, Capt. Mac- pherson, and the schooner " Knowles," twelve guns, Capt. Turner — met with no success. Other privateers hailing from or fitting out at Philadelphia were the sloop " Tyger," of New York, the " Blakeney," of Bar- badoes, and the " Stanwix." The year 1758 was one of organized victory under Pitt, and there was frequent rejoicing in loyal Phila- delphia. Fort Da Quesne was abandoned by the French and taken possession of by Gen. Forbes. Peace was made with the Indians in a grand council at Easton. The victories were celebrated with fire- works in the city. The capture of Cape Breton was made the occasion for a grand display, from a " float- ing castle" in the Delaware, representing the battle, with allegorical tributes to Amherst, Boscawen, Hardy, Wolfe, Lawrence, King George and the King of Prussia, Pitt, and Whitmore. The blowing up of Fort Du Quesne was commemorated by Governor Denny by the appointment of a day of thanksgiving and prayer. When Forbes' regiment, the Seventeenth foot, arrived in Philadelphia the men were quartered in the barracks ; the officers lodged at " the Three Crowns" (Mrs. Jones), Second Street, above Walnut; " Indian King" (John Biddle), Market Street, below Third (south side) ; " St. George" (Mr. Lukens), south- west corner of Second and Arch Streets; "Indian Queen" (John Nicholson), Market Street, above Fourth; "White Oak" (John Subler), Cherry ~ Alley ; " Hendrick, King of the Mohawks" (Mr. Bartholomew), Arch Street, near Fifth; "King's Arms" (William Whitbread), Second Street, above Market; "Fountain" (Mary Biddle), Market Street; " The Barracks" (John Pearson), Second Street. The first paving of the middle of the streets was begun at this time, with a fund of two thousand two hundred and fifty pounds, the pro- ceeds of a lottery authorized by the Assembly for that purpose. Philadelphians themselves had a share in the vic- tories of the year, but of the disasters also. The "Britannia," after a long and fruitless cruise, came up with a well-manned French frigate of thirty-six guns, and a desperate battle ensued in which the " Bri- tannia" was worsted, losing all her officers and seventy of her crew, her cannon, masts, and ammunition, and left to drift, a helpless and shattered hulk, to Jamaica. The officers of the " Stanwix" were arrested and the vessel detained for piracy. Per contra, the " King of Prussia," Capt. James Robeson, an armed merchant ship, carrying fourteen guns and bound to Philadel- phia, was overhauled outside the capes by a French privateer of the same number of guns. The latter, sail- ing under English colors, secured the advantage of a surprise and the first broadside ; but Robeson fought his ship most gallantly, and finally crippled the enemy, drove him off, and probably sunk him. The war, however, was injurious to Philadelphia in many ways for which the " glory" did not compensate. Gen. Abercrombie, Lord Loudoun's successor, laid another embargo and enforced it with military se- verity, Gen. Otway's Thirty-fifth Regiment being stationed at the Wicaco battery and an armed sloop 254 HISTOKY OF PHILADELPHIA. of war (the "Charming Polly," Capt. Atkins) sta- tioned in the river below. There was trouble about quartering the troops, the barracks not being able to accommodate all and the tavern-keepers unwilling to receive any. The City Council was forced to appro- priate money to relieve the necessities of some of these soldiers. Admiral Boscawen demanded three hundred naval recruits, but the Assembly declined to provide them. The province's frigate was a heavy charge, and only supported by an impost on wine and spirits, which the importing merchants had to bear. Besides, when Gen. Forbes was in town, some- thing like martial law was the rule. Christopher Saur, the Gertnantown printer and publisher of the German newspaper, was summoned before the gen- eral merely for having printed a paragraph stating that Tedyuscung and the Delaware Indians, who had arrived in the city, were still " attached to the in- terest of the English." Saur was mistrusted as a friend of the Quakers, and the paragraph was looked upon as a slur at the government, a species of " con- structive treason.'' Saur maintained the innocence of his intentions, offered to make any correction required of him, and was dismissed with a " cau- tion." Brigadier Forbes only returned to Philadelphia early in 1759 to die. He was not more than forty- nine years old, but his health was worn out by many and Bevere campaigns. He was an officer of distinc- tion and ability, had been quartermaster-general un- der Marlborough, and aide-de-camp to Gen. Camp- bell, Lord Stair, the Duke of Bedford, and Lord Ligonier. Sprung of the Forbes of Patincrief, Fifeshire; bred to physic, but buying early in life into the Scots Grays, in which he was promoted to the lieutenant-colonelcy and the command of the Seventeenth Infantry and the Southern army in America. He was buried with much ceremony March 14th, the procession starting from the slate- roof house, then occupied by Mrs. Howell, and the interment being made in the chancel of Christ Church. The military and all the officials of the province attended the funeral. The Assembly resolved in March to raise two thou- sand seven hundred recruits in addition to those al- ready enrolled in the province, voted one hundred thousand pounds in bills of credit (bribing Governor Denny to assent), and promised a bounty of five pounds for each recruit, with one pound to the re- cruiting officer. For volunteers " at the drum-head," sought at this time by Capt. Hays, of Col. George Williamson's Royal Regiment of Artillery, the pay was: 9 shillings 6 pence per week to each matross (sponger and rammer) ; 13s. 3d. for gunners; 16s. 6rf. for bombardiers ; 19s. 8d. each sergeant. The " Spry" sent in six prizes, two of which her owners had to restore, besides paying heavy damages; the "Bri- tannia" took eighteen prizes in a single cruise, some of them of great value. David Douglass, Hallam's partner, made an attempt to build a theatre in Philadelphia this year, and suc- ceeded in rousing a strong and energetic religious opposition. The Friends, Presbyterians, Lutherans, and Baptists united in protest and in memorializing the Legislature. The Assembly passed a bill forbid- ding both the theatre and the lotteries ; Governor Denny objected, but signed the bill, which, however, the king and Privy Council rejected in 1760. Doug- lass, meantime, went on boldly with his enterprise, and the Vernon Street, or Society Hill, Theatre was opened June 25th. The city, meantime, was grow- ing so rapidly that it became necessary to extend the High Street market to Third Street, and Alderman Stamper, Henry Harrison, William Bingham, and William Rush were appointed a committee to see the improvement properly carried out. It was in conse- quence of this extension that High Street, from this time forth, came to be called Market Street, generally but not officially. The year 1760 is not one of much importance in the annals of Philadelphia. The war had narrowed its area and was now chiefly confined to Canada, and privateering was dull and unproductive. A move- ment was inaugurated to improve the navigation of the Schuylkill, but as yet little was done beyond the preliminary surveys. A ferry at Arch Street was licensed by the Common Council, Samuel Austin se- curing the privilege, for which he paid an annual rent of thirty pounds ; Francis Rawle's Jersey ferry brought thirty pounds; Schuylkill ferry, two hundred pounds. The rent of the market-stalls west of the court-house was ninety-three pounds ; Potter's Field (as a meadow), ten pounds; public wharf and ground at the drawbridge, sixty pounds ; new wharf at draw- bridge, thirty pounds. Fire-engines were ordered to be put in good condition by the clerk of the market, and under the inspection of William Rush and Samuel Rhoads; William Sheed was made beadle, " during the present incapacity of Charles Stow," and the mayor was ordered to be paid a salary of one hun- dred pounds. During this year the building of the Germantown Academy was begun, and the corner- stone laid with appropriate ceremonies, the building being ready for use in September, 1761. This institu- tion originated in a meeting held in December, 1759, at the house of Daniel Mackinet, when it was resolved to start a subscription for erecting a large and com- modious building near the centre of the town for the use of an English and High Dutch school, with suit- able dwelling-houses for the teachers. Christopher Meng, Christopher Saur, Baltus Reser, Daniel Mac- kinet, John Jones, and Charles Bensil were appointed to solicit and receive subscriptions. On Jan. 1, 1760, Richard Johnson was appointed treasurer, and Chris- topher Saur, Thomas Rosse, John Jones, Daniel Mackinet, Jacob Rizer, John Bowman, Thomas Live- zey, David Deshler, George Absentz, Joseph Gallo- way, Charles Bensil, Jacob Naglee, and Benjamin LOCAL HISTORY AND GROWTH, 1750-1775. 255 Engle were chosen trustees. They bought a lot from John and George Bringhurst, in Bensil's Lane, sub- sequently called School-House Lane, and the institu- tion was named " Germantown Union School-House.'' The corner-stone was laid April 21, 1760. When the school was opened next year Hilarius Becker was made the German teacher, David James Dove the English teacher, and Thomas Pratt English usher. THE GERMANTOWN ACADEMY. On October 16th the school had sixty-one English and seventy German pupils. Greek, Latin, and the higher mathematics were taught here. The school was broken up after the occupation of Philadelphia by the British, and studies in it were not resumed for six or seven years. The school-house was eighty by forty feet, two stories high, with six school-rooms, and wings supplying two dwelling-houses for the use of the masters. The rudiments of good manners were taught along with those of learning, but it was ex- pressly enjoined that youths of Quaker parentage should not be required to take off their hats in saluting the teachers. In March, 1761, a lottery scheme was put forth to raise £1125 Is. lid., for the use of this school. Lot- teries were very frequent at this time in Philadelphia. The whole community seems to have speculated in them, and they could not fail to be injurious to the public morals. Among the schemes was one for the erection of public baths and pleasure-grounds, against which the clergy and religious part of the community protested strenuously, sayiug, in a memorial handed to the Governor, that they had noted with concern the growing disposition among their fellow-citizens for "pleasure, luxury, gaming, and dissipation." The present scheme, they say, " so far as yet avowed by them, is a large subscription lottery for erect- ing public gardens and baths, or bagnios, among us. How destructive such places of rendezvous are to the morals of a people, what they usually termi- nate in, and how ill-suited they are to the circum- stances of this young city, and the former character of its inhabitants, we need not mention to your honor." The scheme, it was charged, covered the purpose to establish public gaming tables. This memorial was signed by Robert Jenney, William Smith, Jacob Duche, and William McClenachan, ministers of the Church of England ; Robert Cross, William Tennent, Francis Allison, and Robert Ew- ing, Presbyterian ministers ; Morgan Edwards and Ebenezer Kinnersley, Baptist ministers ; John Fred- erick Handschuhe, Lutheran ; the leading members of the Society of Friends, and many others. The Governor discountenanced the scheme. Another lottery proposed at this time was for dis- posing of 46 acres of land on Petty'.s Island, the prop- erty of Alexander Alexander. Other lottery projects were : for 3000 pieces of eight to finish the new Epis- copal Church of St. Paul's, Third Street, below Wal- nut; to raise £1350 for the use of St. James' Church, Lancaster ; to raise 3000 pieces of eight to finish the steeple of the Second Presbyterian Church, Third and Arch Streets; to raise £500 to enlarge Trinity Church, Oxford ; to raise £2812 10s. for paving the streets of Philadelphia; to raise 2250 pieces of eight for the Presbyterian Church, Lancaster ; to raise £371 5s. for building a bridge over Octorara Creek ; to raise £500 for the use of New Jersey ; to raise £1200 to rebuild St. John's Church, Chester County ; to raise £562 10s. for a company of rangers in Tulpehocken ; to raise £450 for Presbyterian Church at Middletown ; to raise £6000 for the New Jersey college ; £1500 for new Pres- byterian Church on the Brandywine; £3000 for new Presbyterian Church in Baltimore; to disposeof books, plate, jewelry, and land, lately belonging to David James Dove, — 1773 prizes, 3227 blanks, — tickets two shillings each ; to raise £1760 to pave Second Street, from Sassafras, or Race Street, to Samuel Noble's house, on Callowhill Street; £1500 for a church on Barren Hill, Whitemarsh township ; £3000 to build a light-house at Cape Henlopen and improve the navigation of the Delaware ; £800 for a bridge over Conestoga Creek; £600 for Presbyterian Church in Leacock township ; £600 for Kent County lottery, etc. These lotteries and the presence. of so many soldiers and sailors led to much immorality, dissipa- tion, and ruffianism also. A Lieut. Brulaman, who had been an officer in the Royal American Regiment, took his gun, ran amuck on the public streets, and finally shot and killed Robert Scull in the Centre House Tavern, Market Street. He was convicted and executed. A gang of miscreants, in imitation of the London Mohocks of the period, caused much alarm in the forepart of 1762 by assaults at night made upon women on the streets, cutting their clothes with sharp instruments and stabbing them. The offenders were never caught, but a reward of fifty pounds, offered by the Governor, made the prac- tice too dangerous to be persisted in. The Society of Friends took advantage of the occa- sion to appeal to the Assembly, from their monthly 256 HISTOKY OP PHILADELPHIA. meeting, to do something to arrest the increase of im- morality. Drunkenness, they said, had grown com- mon, the Sabbath was profaned, gambling was prac- ticed, while the performance of stage-plays was not prevented, and full license was given to all kinds of lotteries. The act in regard to lotteries which was already on the statute-book was not enforced, and the Assembly took up the matter earnestly, passing a law for the suppression of lotteries, declaring all such schemes, public or private, to be common nuisances and against th e good of the province. The penalty for erecting a lottery was set at five hundred pounds, with twenty pounds fine for advertising or selling tickets. Of course, all schemes in actual operation were per- mitted to go on, nor was the attempt made to inter- fere with State lotteries held under the authority of Parliament, or to curtail the right of the province to authorize special lotteries. The managers of the lottery for paving the streets procured authority to go on with their scheme and pay the money received into the treasury. The amount was three thousand pounds, and the first public paving was done on Second Street, north from Market to Race. This street, says Watson, used to be very muddy, and one of the Whartons, getting mired there, be- tween Chestnut and High Streets, was thrown from his horse and broke his leg. " Charles Thomson and others made a subscription forthwith and had that street paved, it being the first regularly paved street in the city." In January, 1761, news reached Philadelphia of the death of George II., and soon after the accession of King George III. was proclaimed at the court- house, " to a multitude of people, loyal, enthusiastic and rejoicing, amid the ringing of bells, the report of artillery, and three volleys of small arms fired by the Royal Welsh Volunteers." The merchants had a feast at " the new ferry-house," with seven brass cannon to salute the toasts, and all the company sing- ing " God save the king" in chorus. This king was George III., who fifteen years later was denounced in Philadelphia as the embodiment of all tyranny, and was effectually dethroned, so far as his American dominions were concerned, "Sejiinus ducitur uuco, SpectanduB; gaudent omnes." The Governor, Council, mayor, recorder, and City Councils dined at the Fountain Inn with solemn and dignified rejoicings. Civil officers were recommis- sioned, the proper alterations were made in the public prayers, and Philadelphia left nothing undone that would demonstrate her loyalty. The Assembly took action in the matter of the Schuylkill improvements by passing a law in March to create a commission, consisting of Joseph Fox, John Hughes, Samuel Rhoads, John Potts, William Palmer, David Davis, Mordecai Moore, Henry Paw- ling, James Coultas, Jonathan Coates, Joseph Mil- lard, William Bird, Francis Parvin, Benjamin Light- foot, and Isaac Levant, for " clearing, scouring, and rendering the Schuylkill navigable." They were to receive and collect money, clear, scour, open, deepen, enlarge, and straighten the river, and remove all sorts of obstructions and impediments, natural and artificial. A law at the same time was passed to pro- tect fish in the Delaware, Susquehanna, and Lehigh Rivers, forbidding the planting of weirs, racks, etc. Some attempt was made at the same time to protect navigation on the Delaware from losses from the ice. The House of Assembly having responded to a peti- tion from Philadelphia against the importation of slaves by laying a duty of ten pounds per head on negroes and mulattoes brought from abroad, the slave-dealers in Philadelphia filed a protest. They represented that servants were a great need of the province, at this time particularly, since so many Jufl Imported in the fliip GRA-NBY* JOSEPH BLEWE& Mafter, Seventy Gold-Coaft SLAVES ofvariousa&s,anhfrrt, 1770), at an advanced age. On the following day her lemains were interred in Christ Church burying-gronnd. Mrs. Goddard was the daughter of Ludowjck Updike, whose ancestors were among the first settlers of Rhode Island. Her brother was for some years attorney -general of the colony. She received a good education, and married Dr. Giles Goddard, of New London, who left -her a widow. After her sou had been engaged a few years in the printing business, she became his partner, and on removing from Providence to New York he left her in charge of the newspaper and printing-house, which she man- aged with much ability for two years, at the expiration of which she as- sociated herself with John Carter, under the firm-name of Sarah God- dard & Co, In 1769 she resigned the business to Carter and removed to Philadelphia, where she died in the following year. William Goddard went to Baltimore insolvent and helpless to begin 41 anew," as he relates, "on tho small capital of a single guinea." He managed to secure the materials iu the printing establishment of a widow named Hasselbocht, and added to it the small stock owned by Enoch Stury. In May, 177H, he opened a printing-office at the corner of South and Baltimore Streets, where the Sun iron building now stands, " nearly opposite Mrs. Chilton's," whore "printing was done in all its branches." He was encouraged to publish a newspaper, and on July 15, 1773, he issued his prospectus of The Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser, On Friday, Aug. 20, 1773, the first newspaper published in Baltimore was distributed throughout tho town. The first number was handsomely printed on stout paper, in good, clear type, and contained twelve broad columns. It was a weekly, and the salutatory promised much. During the publication of his paper in Baltimore Goddard was twice mobbed by the citizens of that town. The first time, in March, 1777, for publishing an anonymous communication reflecting on the conduct of the war by the Americans, and again on the 6th of July, 1779, for publishing Gen. Charles Lee's "Queiies, Political and Military." God- dard continued his connection with the Journal until Aug. 14, 1792, when ho sold his interest to James Augell, a relative. He w»b elected a member of the Rhode Island Legislature in 1795, and, having changed hia residence to Providence, continued to live there until his death, which occurred in December, 1817, at the age of seventy-seven years. Gen. Charles Lee, whom he had endeavored to serve, as we have seeu, at no ordinary personal HbU, remained his friend and bequeathed him a portion of his landed estate in Virginia. Gen. Lee also made him one of his executors, in which capacity Mr. Goddard came into possession of Gen. Lee's papers. Ho issued proposals for publishing selected parts of them into three volumes, but for some reason the design was never executed. For many years the papers remained iu the possession of the family of Mr. Goddard's only son, the late Professor William G. Goddard, of Providence, R. I. William Goddard was the founder of the present United StateB postal city's commerce and its freedom, and suggesting that if they chose they might make themselves masters of the situation. " We need not point out to you," this insidious and evil-purposing handbill said, "the steps you ought to take if the tea-ship falls in your way. You cannot be at a loss how to prevent, or, if that cannot be done, how to give the merchants of the city timely notice of her arrival. But this you may depend on, that whatever pilot brings her into the river, such pilot will be marked for his treason, and will never afterwards meet with the least encouragement in his business. Like Cain, he will be hung out as a spec- tacle to all nations, and be forever recorded as the damned traitorous pilot who brought up the tea-ship. This, however, cannot be the case with you. You have proved scourges to evil-doers, to infamous informers, and tide-waiters, and we may venture to predict that you will give us a faithful and satisfactory account of the tea-ship if you should meet with her, and that your zeal on this occasion will entitle you to every favor it may be in the power of the merchants of Philadelphia to confer upon you. (Signed) The Com- mittee for Tarring and Feathering. "N.B. — This ship with the tea on board is called the 'Polly' (Capt. Ayres), and left Gravesend on the 27th of September, so that she may be hourly ex- pected." A later handbill mentions that the "Polly" is a three-decker, and that the pilot bringing her in may look for a coat of tar and feathers. Still another broadside was for the pilots to present to Capt. Ayres, notifying him that his ship and person were both in danger if he persisted in coming to port. "You are sent out on a diabolical service," he was told, "and if you are so foolish aud obstinate as to complete your service, and his sister, Mary K. Goddard, was the first postmistress of Baltimore. This subject 1b more fully treated elsewhere iu this work. MisB Mary Katherine Goddard did not accompany her brother to Rhode Island, but remained in Baltimore, where she kept a small boolc- Btore until 1802. Alter the sale of the paper to Mr. Angel I she continued to retain a small share in the property. She died on the 12th of August, 18K5, aged eighty yeurs. Miss Goddard was a remarkable woman in many respects. The Rimple fact that she conducted the Journal during the most trying and criiical periods of the Revolution, and that she was intrusted by her brother with the sole management of his business when the exigencies of hiB occupation elsewhere, or the political hostility which occasionally forced him to leave Baltimore, made it necessary for him to intrust it to other hands proves that she possessed extraordinary judgment, energy, nerve, and strong good sense. Miss Goddard had ahjo responsible aud difficult duties to discharge as postmistress, but she seems to have been fully equal to tlie tasks imposed upon her, and, indeed, ap- pears to have had a full measure of her brother's courage, iudustry, and indomitable will. William Goddard, while in Philadelphia, fought Galloway bitterly through two elections, aud pursued Wharton as vindictively. The latter he dubbed "the Marquis of Barataria," probably in part allusion to the fact that Wharton's father, Joseph Wharton, of Walnut Grove (where the Mischianza fete came off ), was popularly called, from his haughty ways, " The Duke." It was related of Joseph, the duke, that when he called on Sir William Draper ("Junius 1 " victim) he held his hat in his hand, and the knight, with great complaisance, told him that, as it was contrary to the custom of his society to do so, he would dispense with this mark of respect; whereupon the duke replied that ho had his hat off not out of respect for Sir William Draper, but because it was a hot day. PHILADELPHIA DURING THE REVOLUTION. 287 voyage by bringing your Ship to Anchor in this Port, you may run such a Gauntlet as will induce you in your last moments most heartily to curse those who have made you the dupe of their avarice and ambi- tion. What think you, Captain, of a Halter round your Neck, ten gallons of liquid Tar decanted on your Pate, with the feathers of a dozen wild Geese laid over that to enliven your appearance?" "A card" made its appearance at this time, presenting the com- pliments of the public to Messrs. James & Drinker, and notifying them that they were expected to with- draw from their appointment as consignees of the teas. Still another handbill was circulated among the pilots, giving them a minute description of the " Polly," stating they had been misinformed ; she was not a three-decker, but " an old black ship, without a head or any ornaments. The captain is a short, fat fellow, and a little obstinate withal. So much the worse for him ; for, as sure as he rides rusty, we shall heave him keel out and see that his bottom be well fired, scrubbed, and paid. His upper-works, too, will have an overhauling, and as it is said he has a good deal of quick work about him, we will take care that such part of him undergoes a thorough rummaging. . . . We know him well, and have calculated to a gill and a feather how much it will require to fit him for an American exhibition." Another long and peppery address of the day is by "Regulus." Indeed, the anonymous authors of the patriotic broadsides of the period drafted a legion of Romans into their service, until there were as many of the gens logata as there were Quakers on the banks of the Delaware. Withal, the anti-tea committees had a practical way with them. The stock of tea in town was very small, but they compelled the dealers to fix 6s. 6d. as the maximum price at which the article was to be sold, and they did not tar and feather the " informers" who gave them notice of these prices being exceeded. It is to be noted that all this action was independent of the " Boston tea-party," which did not take place until December 16th. On Christmas day an express came in bringing word of the arrival of the " Polly," with her obnox- ious cargo, at Chester. One of the consignees, Gil- bert Barclay, came from London aboard the vessel. He now came up to the city in advance, and was at once waited upon by the committee. As soon as he learned from them the state of affairs he resigned his commission. Three committeemen were now sent to Chester and three to Gloucester Point to intercept Capt. Ayres. He had left Chester, but at Gloucester Point the vessel was hailed and the captain asked to come on shore. He went at once, landed, passed through a lane in the crowd met to receive him, and was taken before the committee and other gentlemen, who explained the popular excitement to him, and warned him of the difficulty and danger before him if he should persist in trying to bring his vessel to the harbor and discharge his cargo. He went to the city with them, at their request, and soon found proof of what he had been told ; indeed, the committee and citizens had enough to do to protect him from the boys, who did not want to be disappointed of their tarring and feathering. As soon as the arrival of the tea-ship was known, a meeting was called at the State-House for Monday, December 27th, at 10 a.m., " to consider what is best to he done in this alarming crisis." This meeting was the largest that had ever been assembled in Phil- adelphia. The State-House would not hold the peo- ple; they adjourned to the yard, and adoptecf with enthusiasm the following resolves, brief, sharp, to the point: "Resolved. 1. That the teaonboardtheship'Polly,' Capt. Ayres,shall not lie landed. " 2. That Opt. Ayres shall neither enter nor report his vessel at the Custom House. " 3. That Capt. Ayres shall carry hack the tea immediately. "4. That Capt. Ayres shall immediately send a pilot on board his ves- sel, with orders to take charge of her and to proceed to Reedy Island next highwater. " 5. That the captain shall be allowed to stay in town till to-morrow, to provide necessaries for his voyage. " 6. That he shall then be obliged to leave town and proceed to his vessel, and make the best of his way out of our river and hay. "7. That a committee of four gentlemen be appointed to see these resolves carried into execution." * It was fnrlher "Resolved, That this Assembly highly approve of the conduct and spirit of the people of New York, Charlestown, and Boston ; and return their hearty thanks to the people of Boston for their resolution in de- stroying the tea rather than suffer it to be landed/' There were eight thousand persons present at this meeting, but the utmost order and decorum prevailed. . Capt. Ayres attended in person, and pledged himself to a literal compliance with the orders relating to him. Two hours after the adjournment of the meeting the tea-ship, having hastily procured supplies, weighed anchor at Gloucester Point and proceeded down the river on her return voyage. The cargo did not break bulk, though there were other consignments to Phila- delphia merchants in it besides tea. Capt. Ayres went on board at Reedy Island, he and Mr. Barclay going down the river in a pilot boat, after spending less than two days in the city. Lord Dartmouth wrote a sharp letter to Governor Penn concerning this transaction, expressing his surprise and concern that the provincial government should have made no at- tempt to resist or oppose the violence done. It was a rebellious act, he said, and might have serious con- sequences. The Governor explained and apologized, and the government excused him. They knew as well as he that he was utterly powerless. Lord Dart- mouth had succeeded Lord Hillsborough as Secretary of State for the colony in 1772. He was a man of ability, a friend to liberal measures, and esteemed to be not ill-disposed towards the Americans. In the midst of these troubles, seeming sincerely desirous to do something to confuse them, and wishing to that end to be well instructed concerning American affairs, he sought an intelligent American correspondent 288 HISTORY OP PHILADELPHIA. upon whom he could rely. He had some connection with Mr. De Berdt, whose sister had become the wife of Joseph Reed, and in this way a correspondence was opened between Reed and Dartmouth, which is of the greatest value in enabling us to measure the men and events of these times perspicuously and correctly. Reed was impulsive, frank, had his prejudices and predilections, took his patriotism not at a gulp, but discriminatively, and declining to ask any man's leave in the premises; he was shrewd also, very ob- servant, and wrote like a gentleman of things which he had looked at with the eyes of a gentleman. This correspondence was opened in January, 1772, when Reed wrote to De Berdt that Lord Dartmouth might make himself exceedingly popular by removing the commercial restrictions imposed upon the colonies by Charles Townshend. Reed's first letter direct to Dart- mouth (the first at least included in William B. Reed's biography of President Reed) was dated Dec. 22, 1773, three days before the tea-ship arrived. He was on the spot, a deeply-interested spectator, and it is diffi- cult to understand why the ministry should have con- tinued to act as they did, unless stricken with judicial blindness. Speaking of the modified tax policy, Reed wrote, — "Tho partial repeal of this Act (7 George ITI.) instead of concili- ating, has widened the breach ; it has been thought hard the Govern- ment shmild give up the revenue and keep the tax. In this situa- tion we have been gradually sliding into a clandestine trade, which has increased to a very alarming height. It has been deemed a species of patriotism to evade a law which we could not safely oppose, or submit to, without giving up an essential principle ofliberty. II the merchants had confined this illicit trade to the articleof tea only, the injury to the Mother Country would not have been so great ; but a variety of other articles, such as calicoes, spices, and other East India commodities, have accompanied the tea to a very large amount. And upon a coast of such extent, all the vigilance and care of the custom house can give no effec- tual check. As a proof of this, yonr lordship may depend upon it that, although no tea has been imported here from England since 1707, there has been no Bcaroity, nor has the price been advanced otherwise than by the oidiuary course of trade." Reed goes on to sketch the agitation which arose in consequence of the course of the East India Company, and shows that the various acts and addresses which are given above were all approved by the body of the people, except only the attempt to deter the pilots from taking charge of the ship in the river. That inconsiderate performance, he said, the merchants had endeavored to counteract. He describes in ad- vance the course that would be taken with Capt. Ayres, and said that if it were not submitted to "the consequences may prove very fatal to himself and his vessel." He adds that " the opposition to the Stamp Act was not so general, and I cannot but think any attempt at present to crush it would be attended with dreadful effects. Many reasons have concurred at this time, and upon this subject. Those who are out of trade have been led to think it a point of con- stitutional liberty deserving a struggle. Those who are in trade have the additional motive of interest, and dread » monopoly whose extent may destroy one- third of their business. For India goods compose one-third of our importations from England." Can anything be more clear, cogent, and convincing than this exact and temperate statement? Yet it had no effect whatever. " Severities have been tried," wrote Reed. New severities were now resorted to, and the Boston Port Bill was the next act in the drama, — an attempt to punish one place in the colonies for what every settlement in all the colonies had been equally guilty of. Of such a piece of folly and madness the consequences were easy to foretell. Reed himself foretold them. In his next letter to Dartmouth, giving the noble earl an account of the proceedings of De- cember 27th, and writing on that same evening, he says, — " Your Lordship will judge from these facta how general and unani- mous the opinion is that no article subject to a duty for the purpose of raising revenue ought to he received in America. Nor is it confined to this city. . . . Any further attempt to enforce this act, I am humbly of opinion, must end in blood. We are sensible of our inability to contend with the Mother Country by force, but we are hastening fast to desperate resolutions, and unless internal peace is speedily settled, our most wise and sensible citizens dread the anarchy and confusion that must ensue. This city has been distinguished for its peaceable and regular demeanor, nor has it departed from it on the present occasion, as there have been no mobs, no insults to individuals, no injury to private property; but the frequent appeals to the people must in time occasion a change, and we every day perceive it more and more difficult to repress the rising spirit of the people." Parliament, king, and Council, however, heeded none of these warnings. They soon gave Philadel- phia an additional cause of bitter feeling and irri- tation by the coarse and brutal examination of Benjamin Franklin before the Privy Council, when Wedderburn gave the venerable philosopher precisely the opportunity he desired to make himself the most popular man in America. He had not been a par- ticular favorite with the people of wealth and educa- tion in his own province, for they suspected him of being a good deal of a self-seeker and a bit of a dema- gogue. With the masses, on the other hand, his popu- larity had been shaken by the appointments, through Benjamin Franklin's influence, of the stamp collec- tors, John Hughes and William Franklin, and by the persistent assaults of his enemies in connection with those appointments, which had put him on the defen- sive. But he was still the agent of the province, an eminent citizen of Philadelphia, and the most distin- guished man of science his country had yet produced. He was venerable by his weight of years and of distin- guished public service, and he was known and vener- ated all over Europe. To insult and outrage such a man, in such a manner, at such a time, was to outrage and insult the entire colonies. Franklin, in his offi- cial capacity, acting for Massachusetts, had delivered to Lord Dartmouth the address of that government asking for the removal of Hutchinson and Oliver. A false issue was raised, a duel and a succession of newspaper altercations, all to divert attention from the real merits of the case. On Jan. 11, 1774, Frank- lin, who had assumed all the blame attaching to a clandestine exposure of treasonable correspondence, appeared before the Privy Council ; on the 29th he PHILADELPHIA DURING THE REVOLUTION. 289 had his hearing. Wedderburn was solicitor-general. He turned the defense of Hutchinson into an assault upon Franklin as the embodiment of American re- calcitrancy. Wedderburn, afterwards Lord Lough- borough and Earl of Eosslyn, was a Scotch advocate, who had made his way at the bar and in Parliament by mingling equal parts talent, sycophancy, industry, and a fierce, coarse invective that at times rose to eloquence. He knew enough constitutional law to make his services valuable to the court at whose de- mand his opinions always were unconditionally given. The attack upon Franklin was severe ; it made a strong impression, and, though the object of it affected to despise, he still remembered it so vividly that when, in 1783, he signed the treaty of peace at Versailles, he was particular to dress himself in the same suit of clothes which had been worn by him before the Privy Council on Jan. 29, 1774. Franklin bore himself bravely and with dignity, however, and the sympathy of the people of Phila- delphia in particular went out to him. Dr. Rush wrote to Arthur Lee, when the news came, that " Dr. Franklin is a very popular character in every part of America. He will be received and carried in tri- umph to his house when he arrives amongst us. It is to be hoped he will not consent to hold any more offices under government. No step but this can pre- vent his being handed down to posterity among the first and greatest characters in the world." (May 4, 1774.) Reed, same day, wrote to his brother-in-law, DeBerdt, that " the scurrilous treatment of Dr. Frank- lin is highly resented by all ranks of people . . . nothing can exceed the veneration in which Dr. Franklin is now held but the detestation we have of his enemies." T6 Reed Lord Dartmouth himself wrote that, while he could not approve Franklin's conduct in regard to Hutchinson's letters, he was sorry that what had been said and done " should have con- tributed to the discontent of the minds of any people in America." Dartmouth probably would not have believed that feeling could have risen to such a pitch. But in fact the people were intensely irritated, and the least thing made their passions blaze out. Wedderburn and Hutchinson were burnt in effigy on May 3d, after being drawn through the streets in a cart. On the breast of the figure of the solicitor-general was a label : The Infamous Weddehburn. A pert prime prater of a scabby race ; Guilt in his heart and famine in bis face. (Churchill allied.) Bimilis Proteo, mulet utfaUacior, Catalina, Suno vis Britanni cavate. Appended to which is a diatribe which might have been written by the schoolboy who looked out the quotations. There were other labels also, and Hutch- inson was given as many faces as the temple of Janus had gateways. After being displayed to the mob, 19 these effigies were taken to the coffee-house plaza, hung upon a gallows, and then burnt upon a pile of faggots, upon which gunpowder was sprinkled, to be kindled into flame with the aid of Franklin's own electric battery. The newspapers also were filled with epitaphs and epigrams, appeals and invectives, and Wedderburn's name became a by-word of scorn and reproach. The bill closing the port of Boston and transferring its custom-house to Salem, was passed in March, and news of it received in the colonies in May. Paul Revere was dispatched from Boston on May 13th to secure the support of Philadelphia to the former city in such a crisis. A meeting was called in Philadel- phia at the City Tavern, on May 20th. Of this meet- ing, as has already been suggested, Charles Thomson and John Dickinson were the leading spirits, though conspicuous parts were taken by Joseph Reed and Thomas Mifflin. The object of Thomson and Dick- inson was, by an appearance of great moderation, to secure the sympathy and co-operation of the influ- ential body of the Society of Friends. Dickinson's plan was to petition the Governor for an extra session of the Legislature, and that prevailed, and by means of it, Thomson claimed iu his letter to Henry Dray- ton, every practical point was carried. The Governor indeed refused to convene the. Assembly for any such purpose, but called them two or three days later about Indian raids on the border, whereupon they forthwith attended to the business on hand by elect- ing delegates to Congress. At the meeting at the City Tavern a committee was also appointed to act as a general committee of correspondence, and also particularly to write to the people of Boston, assuring them of sympathy, com- mending their firmness, declaring their cause that of all the colonies, and promising to stand fast for the right. This committee consisted of John Dickinson, William Smith, Edward Penington, Joseph Fox, John Nixon, John Maxwell Nesbitt, Samuel Howell, Thomas Mifflin, Joseph Reed, Thomas Wharton, Jr., Benjamin Marshall, Joseph Moulder, Thomas Bar- clay, George Clymer, Charles Thomson, Jeremiah Warder, Jr., John Cox, John Gibson, and Thomas Penrose. They had discretionary authority given them to act for the people and to call public meet- ings and correspond with the other colonies. They met next day (Dickinson, Reed, Fox, Nesbitt, Benja- min Marshall, and Penrose being absent) and adopted the draught of a letter, which was delivered to Mr. Revere to take back to the people of Boston. The authorship of this letter is doubtful ; Provost Smith claims it ; so do the friends of Dickinson. It is firm upon the principle of opposition to taxation, but offers no advice. The letter is rather cold, and its internal evidence is against the idea of its having been written by Dickinson. The address of the meeting in favor of an extra session of Assembly was fortified by a petition from 290 HISTOEY OF PHILADELPHIA. nine hundred freeholders ; the Governor, however, denied that the peace and good order of the province required any such meeting. Nor were the people of Philadelphia unanimous iu opening their churches and closing places of business on June 1st, the day when the Boston port bill went into effect. The Friends gave notice to their own members that to do this would be manifesting an inattention to the prin- ciples of their profession. Still, many stores were closed and flags at half-mast. Some sermons were preached in several churches. Christ Church was not opened, but some unauthorized persons entered it and rang a funeral peal upon its muffled bells. CARPENTERS' HALL. A general meeting of citizens was called for June 15th, and there was some preliminary caucusing, in order to cut out the work for this mass-meeting; the mechanics met and appointed a committee to co-op- erate with the merchants' committee. The members of the mechanics' committee were John Ross, William Rush, Plunket Fleeson, Edward Duffield, Anthony Morris, Jr., Robert Smith, Isaac Howell, Thomas Pryor, David Rittenhouse, William Masters, and Jacob Barge. On the 10th a preliminary meeting of representative men of the different classes was held at Philosophical Hall, Second Street, to consult about business for the mass-meeting. Eight propositions were agreed upon, favoring a general congress of all the colonies and deciding that the representatives of Pennsylvania must be chosen by the Assembly. The Governor's refusal to call the Assembly was to be got round by the members meeting of their own motion. The general meeting was postponed to the 18th, in order to give time to print the propositions in a hand- bill, so that the citizens might consider them. When the meeting was held on the 18th, Thomas Willing and John Dickinson presided, and Rev. Wil- liam Smith made the address. The propositions de- termined in advance were substantially adopted ; it was resolved that the act closing the port of Boston was unconstitutional, and that it was expedient to convoke a Continental Congress. A committee of correspondence for the city and county was appointed, with instructions to take the sense of the people in regard to the appointment of delegates to a general congress, and also to raise a subscription for the relief of the sufferers in Boston. This committee numbered forty- three ; the chairman was John Dickinson ; the members were Edward Penington, John Nixon, Thomas Willing, George Clymer, Samuel Howell, Joseph Reed, John Roberts, Thomas Wharton, Jr., Charles Thomson, Jacob Barge, Thomas Barclay, William Rush, Robert Smith, Thomas Fitzsimons, George Roberts, Sam- uel Ewen, Thomas Mifflin, John Cox, George Gray, Robert Morris, Samuel Miles, John M. Nesbitt, Peter Chevalier, William Moulder, Joseph Moulder, Anthony Morris, John Allen, Jeremiah Warder, Jr., Rev. Dr. William Smith, Paul Engle, Thomas Penrose, James Mease, Benjamin Marshall, Reuben Haines, John Bayard, Jonathan B. Smith, Thomas Wharton, Isaac Howell, Michael Hillegas, Adam Hubley, George Schlosser, and Christopher Ludwick, — the first really representative committee which had been appointed. Under the call of this committee a conference of delegates met in Carpenters' Hall, July 15th, with Thomas Willing in the chair and Charles Thomson secretary. The actual weight and influence of the province was here gathered, and the convention acted as if conscious of its powers, asserting colonial rights, condemning Parliament, favoring united action and a Colonial Congress, pledging Pennsylvania to co- operation with the other colonies, and requesting the Provincial Assembly (which was already called) to appoint deputies to the Congress. John Dickinson drew the instructions ; the Assem- bly, when it met on the 21st, assented to them, and appointed Joseph Galloway Speaker, and Samuel Rhoads, Thomas Mifflin, Charles Humphreys, George PHILADELPHIA DURING THE REVOLUTION. 291 Ross, and Edward Biddle deputies of Pennsylvania to Congress. The instructions of the Assembly to these delegates affirmed the principles laid down in the propositions of the Convention. The first Continental Congress met in Carpenters' Hall on Sept. 4, 1774, when the delegates were pres- ent from eleven provinces. Some mystery has been sought to be made about the selection of this place of meeting, but it seems very simple. The Provincial Assembly was in session, so that the State-House could not be had. The Convention had had its session in Carpenters' Hall. The Committee of Correspondence probably met there, and there was besides this a desire to conciliate and court the favor of the trades-people and the mechanics, who, for the first time, were given a place in the late Convention and a representation on the Correspondence Com- mittee. The carpenters were the most influential and best organized of the industrial bodies; they offered their hall, and it was accepted. John Adams, in his diary, says, " At ten the delegates all met at the City Tavern 1 and walked to Carpenters' Hall, where they took a view of the room and of the cham- ber, where there is an excellent library. There is also a long entry, where gentlemen may walk, and also a convenient chamber opposite the library. The general cry was that this was a good room, and the question was put whether we were satisfied with this room? And it passed in the affirmative. A very few were in the negative, and they were chiefly from Pennsylvania and New York." 2 When the Congress met, Peyton Randolph, of Vir- ginia, was chosen president, and Charles Thomson, secretary. The work done by this Congress belongs to the history, not of Philadelphia, not even of the United States alone, but of the world ; its sessions were secret, and but few of its proceedings can have any legitimate place in this record. What a body of men that was, — Peyton Randolph, Patrick Henry, George Washington, Richard Henry Lee, Pendleton, Samuel Adams, John Adams, John Jay, Gadsden, Rutledge, Hopkins, Duane, Ward, Lynch, Sullivan, Bland,— the blood leaps up in one's veins as we write their very names ! " We are so taken up with the 1 This City Tavern, late called The Merchants' Coffee-House, was com- pleted in 1773, in the style of the best Loudon taverns. It Btood on the west side of Second Street, above Walnut, corner of Bank Alley or Gold Street. When first opened it was looked upon as the fiucst house of its kind in America, having several large club-rooms, two of which could be thrown together to make a large dining-room, fifty feet long. There was every convenience and accommodation for strangers. The house was opened by Daniel Smith in 1774. 2 The beginnings of the Carpenters Guild have already been de- scribed in another place. This company was established in 1724, incor- porating itself with another guild of the same industry in 1752, the original object of the society being instruction, benevolence, co-opera- tion, and relief. The lot on the south side of Chestnut Street, botween Third and Fourth, was bought in 1768, the building begun in January, 1770, and occupied in a year, though not finished entirely until 1702. The library of which John Adams speaks was that of the Philadelphia Library Company, which had moved here from its small room in the State-House in 1773. Congress," writes Reed to one of his correspondents, "that we hardly think or talk of anything else. About fifty have come to town, and more are expected. There are some fine fellows come from Virginia, but they are very high. The Bostonians are mere milk- sops to them. We understand they are the capital men of the colony, both in fortune and understand- ing." After an organization had been effected, it was proposed to open the sessions with prayer. The mo- tion came from Thomas Cushing, Speaker of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts, but it was opposed by Jay and Rutledge, because of the wide division in religious views, — Quakers, Anabap- tists, Episcopalians, Presbyterians, Congregational - ists, — and for fear of exciting prejudice or dissension. Samuel Adams arose, however, said he was no bigot, and could hear a prayer from any gentleman of piety and virtue who was a friend to his country. He moved that Rev. Mr. DuchS be desired to read prayers REV. JACOB DUCHE. to the Congress to-morrow. The motion was carried, Mr. Randolph secured Mr. Duchy's services, and, " accordingly, next morning" — we quote, or abridge, John Adams' diary — " he appeared with his clerk and in his pontificals, and read several prayers in the es- tablished form ;" then, after reading a psalm, which seemed exactly fitted to the rumors, just heard, of the cannonade of Boston, Mr. Duch§ struck out into an extemporary prayer, which has often been quoted, and often praised. 3 8 Mr. Ducbe was a pretty fair example of the typical sentimental clergyman, full of " gush," without much principle behind it; indeed, with no very clear notions of what principle really is. He was good in his way, well disposed, not vicious, conscientious, but weak, ambitious, vain, and so absurd that his vanity became Buicidal. His fathor, Jacob Duche 1 , was a plain man, a useful citizen, of Huguenot stock, who made mouey and did snme public service of importance in a quiet way. His son, born in 1738, studied at the Philadelphia College, and then went to Class Hall, Cambridge, to finish. He, William White, and Thomas Coombe were all preparing for the ministry at the Bame time. Young Duche was ordained and licensed in England in 1759, and became assist- ant minister to Dr. Jennings and Dr. Peters. He became quite a fine preacher and a tine writer, too. He was popular. Miss Sally Eve, in her lively diary, BayB, "Tom" Coombe tried to be DuchS's echo, and she 292 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. The Congress was not hurried about its business. It acted slowly and prudently, and so calmly that the people learned to repose upon it. The North Caro- lina delegates came in on the 14th; on the 15th, John Dickinson was added to the Pennsylvania delegation, and the two months' session did not close until provision had been made for another Con- gress, to meet in Philadelphia, May 10, 1775. Gal- loway and Duane attempted a variety of dilatory and obstructive measures, but were baffled, and Congress B.EV. JACOB DUCHE'S HOUSE. did all its work well before adjourning. It made the last appeal to Great Britain before resorting to arms. It expressed sympathy and called for material aid wonders why it is that Sir. Duche sits so long every day to have his hair curled and powdered. Duche" tiad main charge of St. Peter's, the offshoot of Christ Church. Lie taught elocution in the college, lived in a big hou.se built for him by his father, printed some of his sermons at Franklin & Hall's press, and when the "Letters of Junius" became popular, Duche published his " Letters of Tamoc Caspipina," an acros- tic on the title of his office, — a dull sort of book it \vas,'yet with some easy, graceful touches. Some of Duche's hearers thought him an en- thusiast and mystic, but he simply yielded to the passing emotion. Duche became chaplain of Congress; he preached war sermons; his vestry dropped the prayer for King George front the Liturgy ; his patri- otic prayers were printed; then, as Howe drew near Philadelphia, the parson resigned his chaplaincy; he declined to take the one hundred and fifty dollars voted him by Congress; he revived King George's prayer when the British eDtered the city; was imprisoned one night, and came forth the next morning a loyal subject. Ten days later he wrote a mean, pitiful, every way contemptible letter, to Washington, urging him to desert his cause and betray hiscompauions-in-arms His brother-itj-iaw, Francis Hopkinson, answered it, as Washington would take no notice of the " ridiculous, illiberal performance." In Decem- ber, 1777, Duche went to England, his familj followed some lime after, and his property was confiscated. He published two volumes of sermous, dedicated to Lady Juliana Peuu, studied Swedenhorg, and got an ap- pointment as secretary and chaplain of an orphan asylum. After the war Duchfi wrote another pitiful letter to Washington, asking Ins for- giveness, and begging him not to interfere to prevent his (Duche's) re- turn to his former home. W r ben he did return, in 171)2, Washington permitted Duche to call on him. He died Jan. 3, 1798, not much re- gretted. His weakness was of that degree which never fails to make man miserable. Yet he ought to have had a tougher fibre in him. He was taught in early youth by Francis Allison, at Thunder Hill School. His father was a soldier, commauder of the Second Association Regi- ment (Fianklin had the first), he was also a vestryman of Christ Church. His grandfather, Anthony Puche, claimed to have come over, with his wife, to Philadelphia in the same ship with William Penn ; he was, any- how, a Quaker and a sturdy man. whether a " first purchaser" and a " Welcome" passenger or not. from all the colonies for the people of Massachusetts ; it took a positive stand against importations, formed an association to that end, adopted a solemn declara- tion of rights, a memorial to the people of Great Britain and another to the king, and then adjourned. The gentlemen of the city gave the members of Con- gress a banquet at the State-House, with five hundred covers, during their session. The king's name headed the list of toasts, Hancock's brought up the rear. The entertainment was the finest ever given in the eity up to that time. After the session ended the members were again enter- tained, at the City Tavern, by the Assem- bly of Pennsylvania. John Adams re- lates of this dinner that '" a sentiment was given, — ' May the sword of the parent never be stained with the blood of her children.' Two or three broadbrims were over against me at table. One of them said, ' This is not a toast, but a prayer ; come, let u.s join in it.' And they took their glasses accordingly." The Assembly unanimously approved the proceedings of Congress, and appointed the former delegates to Congress, except John Martin in place of Samuel Rhoads, who had been elected mayor, and Gallo- way, permitted to withdraw. In Ma} - , 1775, when Franklin returned from England, he was straightway elected a delegate, and Thomas Willing and James Wilson were also added to the delegation. The Committee of Correspondence was still in au- thority, but their power being questionable, they rec- ommended, in November, that at the ensuing general election a new committee should be regularly chosen for the city, and one also for the county. These com- mittees numbered sixty-seven members for the city and Liberties, and forty-two for the county. The city, Northern Liberties, and Southwark com- mittee included John Dickinson, Thomas Mifflin, Charles Thomson, John Cadwalader, Robert Morris, Samuel Howell, George Clymer, Joseph Reed, Samuel Meredith, John Allen, William Rush, James Mease, John Nixon, John Cox, John Bayard, Charles Lud- wig, Thomas Barclay, George Schlosser, Jonathan B. Smith, Francis Wade, Benjamin Marshall, Lambert Cadwalader, Reynold Keen, Richard Bache, John Benezet, Henry Keppele, Jr., Jacob Winey, Jacob Rush, Joseph Falconer, William Bradford, John Shee, Owen Biddle, William Heysham, James Milli- gan, John Wilcocks, Sharp Delaney, Francis Gurney, John Purviance, Robert Knox, Francis Hassenclever, Thomas Cuthbert, Sr., William Jackson, Isaac Mel- chior, Samuel Penrose, Isaac Coates, Blaithwait Jones, Thomas Pryor, Samuel Massey, Robert Towers, Henry Jones, Joseph Wetherell, Joseph Copperthwaite, Joseph Dean, Benjamin Harbeson, James Ash, Ben- jamin Loxley, William Robinson, Jr., Ricloff Alber- son, James Irvine, William Coates. For Southwark, PHILADELPHIA DURING THE REVOLUTION. 293 — Elias Boys, Joseph Turner, Abraham Jones, and Thomas Robinson. For Kensington, — Emanuel Eyres and Jacob Miller. For the county of Philadelphia,— George Gray, Samuel Ashmead, Thomas Potts, John Bull, Jonathan Roberts, Jesse George, Samuel Erwin, John Roberts, Frederick Antis, Benjamin Eittenhouse, Thomas Ashton, Melchior Wagoner, James Stroud, Charles Bonsall, Daniel Keaster, Benjamin Jacobs, Joseph Mathers, Jacob Rise, Isaac Hughes, Frederick Weiss, James Deimer, Edward Milnor, John Bring- hurst, Archibald Thompson, Isaac Knight, Jacob Styger, Andrew Knox, Abraham Luckens, Henry Derringer, James Potts, John Muck, Edward Bar- tholomew, Samuel Leech, John Jenkins, Joseph Lownes, Andrew Haney, John Pawling, Sr., John Moore, George Shive, and Alexander Edwards. These committees entered upon their duties at once. Six sub-committees of inspection and observation were formed, and one committee sat each day at the Coffee-House to watch the arrival of vessels and in- spect their cargoes according to the rules of the asso- ciation formed by Congress. The goods had to be sold in lots or parcels, none less than three pounds or more than fifteen pounds in value. Salt or coal from Great Britain was to be sold at public vendue by cargo, or less, at option of consignee, under direction of the committee. The committee gave importers their election, under inspection, to send back their goods, store them, or sell according to association terms. Citizens were recommended not to buy or use mutton or lamb between January 1st and May, 1775, and no ewe lamb until October 1st. The butchers, sixty-one in number, determined that they would not kill the animals specified within the time mentioned, and signed an agreement to that effect. 1 The object was to encourage home manufactures, by making the raw material plenty and cheap. Other industrial and even political and religious enterprises sprung up on the edge of the war volcano's crater. John Elliott & Co. opened glass-works in Kensington ; William Calverly manufactured superior American carpets in Loxley's Court; Richard Wells erected spermaceti works at Arch and Sixth Streets ; Hare made American por- ter; Edward Ryves, Pine Street near Third, made American playing-cards ; formulas for making and finding saltpetre were published with significant fre- quency, — it could be extracted from the tobacco re- fuse ; it could be scraped up in abundance under- neath old barns and tobacco-houses, etc. Lumber dealers, fearing a loss of market, sent their timber to Europe in raft-ships, craft made of rough unhewn logs, meant for the saw-mill when their port of des- tination was reached. The New England Baptists took advantage of the session of Congress and its op- eration against grievances to bring forward their own, — the discrimination of Massachusetts laws against 1 These sixty-one butcherB appear by their Dames, with very few ex- ceptions, to have been Germaus; niDe-tentha of them were so, at least. their sect. Of course Congress had nothing to do with this, and could not; but the New England Bap- tists appealed to their co-religionists in Philadelphia ; the latter appointed a committee — Robert Strettel Jones, Samuel Davis, Stephen Shewell, Thomas Shields, George Westcott, Alexander Edwards, Ben- jamin Bartholomew, Rev. William Rogers, A.M., John Evans, John Mahew, Edward Keasby, Rev. Samuel Jones, A.M., Rev. Morgan Edwards, A.M., Rev. William Vanhorn, A.M., Abraham Bickley, Abel Evans, Samuel Miles, James Morgan, and John Jarman — to consider the grievance. This committee consulted the leading Quakers and so fell into the hands of mischief-making Galloway and Israel Pem- berton, whom John Adams calls a " wily Jesuit," who tried to make trouble for Congress and perhaps to get up a feud between that body and the Society of Friends. However, the first interview was with the Massachusetts delegation, who told them, sharply enough, that they had no power to alter the Massa- chusetts statutes, and moreover, that those statutes were not likely to be altered. Then the committee applied to Congress, which bluntly resolved that it was a colony matter, and nobody's business at all in Congress. The last of these schemes was that of Wil- liam Goddard, the printer, for an independent and American post-office establishment. But Goddard found Congress had its hands too full just now to at- tend to that matter, and when the mail-service was taken up it was given to Franklin. Strange time, this, of excitement, feverish anxiety, feverish mental activity. There seemed to be no rest anywhere; all was wakefulness, watchfulness, mis- trust, suspicion, contrivance, and invention. The re- cords from January 1st to May 1, 1775, as we gather them from newspapers and the correspondence of the time, are a marvel. Here, one day, a suspected in- former or king's man is advertised, handbilled, waited on by a committee, and sent suddenly tramping, with threats — not idle ones, neither, he knows — of fence- rails and tar and feathers ringing in his ears. Here, in the next column, mayhap, the American Philoso- phical Society pleading for the establishment of an astronomical observatory in Philadelphia. Here, in one place, is almost open war right on us in the Del- aware. American schooner "Isabella," from Dun- kirk, cargo of contraband wines, teas, gin, silks, etc.. seized as she comes up the bay by tide-waiter Francis Welsh; pilot leaves vessel; captain steers her off; Welsh can get no aid anywhere. The Chester justice to whom he appeals refuses warrant ; the sheriff prom- ises aid, but takes care not to give it ; finally, the ves- sel sails clear off, putting Welsh ashore at Cape May, and Governor and Council can give him no redress. This is open resistance, and it is approved by the new convention of Pennsylvania delegates in session at the time — Joseph Reed, president; Jonathan B. Smith, John Benezet, Francis Johnston, secretaries — because all resistance is approved by them, and pledges 294 HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA. are given to maintain it. At the same moment, too, the Society of Friends are giving their solemn "tes- timony'' against resistance and violence, in an epistle "to friends and brethren," issued by the meeting for sufferings for New Jersey and Pennsylvania. Some Friends have been carried away by the excitements of the day, but they must be brought back and ad- monished, " dealt with," in affection aud brotherly love. They have joined associations, and given pledges, and engaged in public affairs such as lead them to deviate from our religious principles, which teach us not to contend for anything at all, not even liberty. It is a part of the divine principles we profess to avoid everything tending to disaffection to the king and the legal authority of his government. We must not approach him but with loyal and respectful ad- dresses, wherefore the testimony is moved "publicly to declare against every usurpation of power and au- thority in opposition to the laws and government, and against all combinations, insurrections, conspiracies, and illegal assemblies," which includes even Congress. This testimony one Quaker, at least, did not sign, but laughed at, — Samuel Wetherill, the patriot and pio- neer in manufactures, who spoke out against the gen- eral epistle as an indictment against the whole people, and said the Friends seemed to forget that they too contended a great deal sometimes, — about property- rights, for instance. For his own part, he said, he had learned to make allowances for human infirmities, and confessed that he discovered too many imperfec- tions in himself not to be very tender to those of other people. As to the present situation of public affairs, he thought the Friends ought to be as watchmen on the walls, for there was something due from them to the public cause as well as to the king. He believed in the right of petition for redress of grievance, but he was not going to write a general epistle dictating to all how they should act and think. He left that to wiser men. Without taking open ground on the subject, a great many Quakers thought as Samuel Wetherill did, and quietly contributed all they could to promote the good cause. In the face of impending civil war, however, it would have been contrary to human nature to expect the Quakers to abandon their non-resistance principles and expose themselves to be drafted alternately into the provincial or the royal armies. The activities and energies and restlessness of the times found outlets in other directions. Preparations were made for bridging the Schuylkill at the Middle Ferry, and for erecting three piers in the Delaware at Reedy Island, besides others at Chester and Marcus Hook, and for this the Assembly voted an issue of six thousand pounds, paper money. The Common Coun- cil voted to memorialize the Assembly against the continuance of the semi-annual fairs provided for under the corporation charter. The city had out- grown them, and they had become useless and annoy- ing. The committee having the memorial in charge — Samuel Ehoads, the mayor ; Andrew Allen, re- corder; Aldermen, Samuel Shoemaker, John Gibson, James Allen, Amos Strettell, Samuel Powell ; Com- mon Councilmen, Edward Shippen, Alexander Wil- cox, John Potts, and Peter Chevalier — reported so strongly that they overshot the mark and passed a bill doing away with the fairs for ever, whereas the corporation desired power to revive them, " in case the circumstances of the city and province should appear to require the same." A protest was made, but the action stood. The corporation moved at this time also in favor of erecting a city hall and court- house on the lot set apart for that purpose in the State- House square. A committee was appointed to look into the matter and inquire the expense. On it were the mayor, recorder, and Messrs. Allen, Shippen, Biddle, and Clymer, of the board. The new provincial convention took steps to pro- tect the city and get it relief from the counties in case its trade was destroyed by some such measure as the Boston port bill. This convention insisted earn- estly upon the enforcement of the non-importation agreements, and sought to build up the domestic re- sources of the province. Among its recommendations were those of killing no sheep under four years old, the culture of flax, hemp, madder wood and other dye-woods, the use of home manufactures and home printing entirely, the organization of associations for encouraging domestic productions, special attention to the manufacture of gunpowder ("inasmuch as there exists great necessity for it, particularly in the Indian trade"), woolen goods, salt, saltpetre, iron, nails, wire, steel, paper, glass, wool, combs, cards, copper in sheets, kettles, malt liquors, and tin-plates. These recommendations in favor of American man- ufactures were eagerly seconded, and some of the re- sults were permanent and important. A society was formed in March to encourage woolen manufactures, Joseph Stiles being the president, James Cannon sec- retary, Christopher Marshall, Richard Humphreys, Jacob Winey, Isaac Gray, Samuel Wetherill, Jr., Christopher Ludwick, Frederick Kuhl, Robert S. Jones, Richard Wells, Thomas Tilbury, James Pop- ham, aud Isaac Howell, managers. James Hazel ex- hibited, or offered to exhibit, to this association an apparatus to demonstrate the power of machinery, — - a clock-work card- and spindle-machine, by w^ich a girl of ten years old could tend forty-eight spindles and card three hundred and sixty pairs of cards. Other cotton- and woolen-machines were at the same time produced by John Hague and Christopher Tully, and the Assembly next year voted fifteen pounds to each. The society fitted up a factory corner of Ninth and Market Streets, invited farmers to bring forward their wool, flax, and hemp, and asked women to come forward and learn the trade of spinning. It would be doing a service to themselves and to their country at the same time, they were told, and the response PHILADELPHIA DURING THE REVOLUTION. 295 was so prompt that in a month there were four hun- dred spinners employed. Among other contemporary- enterprises was the linen-printing establishment of Walters & Bed well, on the Germantown road, while John Behrent, joiner, on Third Street, manufactured a piano-forte in a mahogany case. The interdiction against the use of tea throughout the colonies went into effect on March 1st. The event was made the occasion of many effusions in verse, the most of them weaker than tea. It is probable, however, that every one had laid in more or less of a stock of tea before the dreaded day, and its loss was not much felt at first. The Committee of Correspondence gave notice that the India Company would try to introduce tea by means of Dutch mer- chants and the West India Islands, but they meant to enforce the recommenda- tions of Congress in the premises. The commit- tee, in fact, had become the only effective and au- thoritative government in the city, couDty, and prov- ince. The ancient forms were kept up, but the power and direction lay with the committee exclu- sively. They had power to act in any emergency, and the emergency soon came. April 24, 1775, at five o'clock in the afternoon, an express came galloping in from Trenton with the greatest haste, excitement in his looks, on his lips, and in his train. He rode up to the City Tavern, the people crowding thither likewise, the members of the committeehurryingto meet him, and delivered his dispatch. It was a brief and hurried message, but it had come a long route, and it was big with the fate of a, nation. It was a dispatch from Watertown, on April 19th, announcing that Gage's men had marched out of Boston the night before, crossed to Cambridge, fir? on and killed the militia at Lexington, destroyed the store at Concord, were now on the retreat and hotly pursued. Many were killed on both sides, and the country was rising. The message had come by way of Worcester, where it was vis6d by the town clerk. It had come to Brookline, Thursday 20th, at 11 A.M. ; it was forwarded from Norwich at 4 p.m. ; it was expressed from New London at seven in the evening. The committee at Lynn received, copied, sfo^-yr^? gi^^