THE 
 
 MARTIN P. CATHERWOOD 
 
 LIBRARY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 NEW YORK STATE SCHOOL 
 
 OF 
 
 INDUSTRIAL AND LABOR 
 
 RELATIONS 
 
 AT 
 CORNELL UNIVERSITY 
 
m 
 
 Cornell University 
 Library 
 
 The original of tiiis book is in 
 tine Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924062284462 
 
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 S;.";' '^ ' 
 
 
 
 
In compliance with current 
 copyright law, LBS Archival 
 
 Products produced this 
 
 replacement volume on paper 
 
 that meets the ANSI Standard 
 
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Property ot 
 MARTIN P. CATHERWOOD LIBRARY 
 
 NEW YORK STATE SCMOIIL 
 INDUSTRIAL AND LABOR RELATIONS: 
 
 Cornell University 
 
 Chapter I. 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 "Order is Heaven's First Law " — Liberty Enlightening tlie World — The Red 
 Flag — The Price of Liberty — Our National Institutions — WJien Judgment 
 and Justice is Abroad in the Land the People will Learn Righteousness ... 9 
 
 Chapter II. 
 
 ANARCHISTS. 
 
 Their Nationality — First Agitation — Leader of Anarchy — Revenge Circular — 
 The Haymarket Meeting — The Lehr und Wehr Verein — The Massacre — 
 Dispersing the Mob 12 
 
 Chapter III. 
 
 THE GREAT CONSPIRACY. 
 
 Bravery of the Police — The Occupation of the Conspirators — The Trial — Secur- 
 ing a Jury — Bombs in Court — Evidence of Detective Johnson — Parsons 
 Swears He "Wont Eat Snow-Balls Next Winter" — Drilling Anarchists — 
 Pinkerton Detectives—Cross-Examination — Bombs and Dynamite — Parsons' 
 View of the Board of Trade — Guns, Dynamite and Prussic Acid Advocated 
 
 by Spies — Prosecution Rests Its Case .". lOO 
 
 ,1 
 
 Chapter IV. 
 
 THE DEFENSE. 
 
 Under a Cloud — A Struggle For Life — Contesting Every Point by Shrewd 
 Counsel — Braving it Out — Throttlin^he Law — Fielden on the Stand -, 
 
 \ 
 
 2603 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Laughable Testimony by Henry Schultz, Who Said He was a Tourist — 
 Schwab's Evidence — Spies Testifies— Postal Card From Herr Most — Close 
 of the Defense 
 
 Chapter V. 
 
 ARGUMENTS FOR THE PROSECUTION AND DEFENSE. 
 
 Opening Speech by Frank Walker— "We Stand in the Temple of Justice" — 
 Zeisler for the Defense, Ingham for the Prosecution — Messrs. Foster and 
 Black for the Defense — Julius S. Grinnell Makes Closing Speech for the 
 State 100 
 
 Chapter VI. 
 INSTRUCTIONS OF THE COURT. 
 
 The Verdict — Blanched Faces — The Court to the Jury — Biography, Age and 
 
 Residence of the Jurors 119 
 
 Chapter VII. 
 
 THE CONSPIRACY AND MASSACRE. 
 
 Names and Number of Killed and Wounded — Unearthing the Plot — Officers at 
 Work — Crowned With Success — Report of Grand Jury — The Number of 
 Widows and Orphans Resulting From One Explosion 119 
 
 Chapter VIII. 
 
 COST OF TRIAL. 
 
 Extracts from Zrituug — Motion for New Trial — Motion Overruled 139 
 
 Chapter IX. 
 
 SPIES ADDRESSES THE COURT. 
 
 Three Days' Speeches by the Doomed Men — Their Reason Why the Law 
 Should Not be Executed ... 1 150 
 
 Chapter X. 
 MISCELLANEOUS MATTER. 
 Atpeiter Zeiturfg — Mrs. Parsons — Her Arrest in Ohio— Her Arrest in Chicago- 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Herr Most Endorsing the Bomb-Throwing — The Panic He Could Create in 
 a Big City in Thirty Minutes With 3,000 Bombs in the Hands of 500 Revo- 
 lutionists 181 
 
 Chapter XI. 
 SUPERSEDEAS GRANTED. 
 
 United States Supreme Court Sustain Original Verdict— Parsons' Letter to Gov- 
 ernor Oglesby — Lingg Defiant — Refusing to Sign a Petition for Executive 
 Clemency — Their Impertinent Letters to the Governor iSj. 
 
 Chapter XII. 
 
 FIELDEN PENITENT. 
 
 His Letter to the Governor— Spies' Last Letter to His Excellency — Willing to 
 Die for His Comrades 219 
 
 Chapter XIII. 
 
 LINGG SUICIDES. 
 
 Dr. Bolton With the Prisoners— They Decline Spiritual Comfort— The Last 
 Night of the Doomed Men — Parsons Sings in His Cell — Telegrams for 
 Parsons — His Last Letter 223 
 
 Chapter XIV. 
 DESCRIPTION OF THE EXECUTION. 
 
 Threatening Letters — Pitying Justice — Outraged Law Vindicated — Mercy to 
 the Guilty is Cruelty to the Innocent— The Unchanged, Everlasting Will to 
 Give Each Man His Right — Abuse of Free Speech — "The Mills of God 
 Grind Slow, But Exceedingly Fine "—Captain Black at the Anarchists' 
 Funeral 231 
 
 Chapter XV. 
 A DESCRIPTION OF HERR MOST'S SANCTUM. 
 
 A Den Where Anarchy Was Begotten — The Anarchist Chief's Museum of 
 Weapons and Infernal Machines — Easy Lessons in the Art of Assassi- 
 nation 240 
 
 Chapter XVI. 
 BIOGRAPHY OF HERR MOST. 
 His Past Career and Early Training — His Imprisonment in the Bastile and Red 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Tower for Preaching His Gospel of Blood — Extracts From His Inflamma- 
 tory Utterances— "Whet Your Daggers"— "Let Every Prince Find a Brutus 
 by His Throne." 246 
 
 Chapter XVII. 
 
 BIOGRAPHY OF SPIES, 
 
 And the Other Seven Condemned Men — Their Birthplace, Education, and Pri- 
 vate Life — Parsons' Letter to the Daily News, After the Explosion, While a 
 Fugitive From Justice 251 
 
 Chapter XVIII. 
 
 BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD OF JOHN BONFIELD, 
 
 Inspector and Secretary of Police Department — Biographies of Sheriff Matson, 
 Judge Gary, Judge Grinnell — Tribute to Captain Schaack 259 
 
 Chapter XIX. 
 
 EULOGY TO THE POLICE. 
 
 Boldly They Fought and Well — Contrast Between Capital and Labor — The 
 Anarchists' Fatal Delusion — The United States National Anthem 364 
 
PEEFACE. 
 
 In view of the many phases and complications involved in 
 the labor question, along with the cosmopolitan element engaged 
 in forcing, as it were, measures intended to revolutionize labor, 
 trade and commerce, this subject becomes of extreme delicacy 
 to treat, the Intricacy of which aftect all classes and conditions 
 of men, and threatens to convulse society from the outer crust 
 of uppertendom to the inner sub-sti-ata of human interest, affect- 
 ing largely the social, civil, and political interests of the ever- 
 enlarging generations of mankind, . 
 
 The dark cloud standing out in bold relief outlined against 
 the political horizon of this great rejaublic seems to })e gather- 
 ing in intensity. Just now the lull in matters jjci'tainiug to 
 this great question of CAPITAL and LABOR, seem like the 
 "calm that precedes the hurricane." Animosities and antagonisms 
 are widening the gulf between these conflicting interests of 
 society, and anarchy and Socialism, assuming a belligerent at- 
 titude, threaten a disruption of good and wholesome government. 
 
 We bid a hearty God-speed to any innovation upon the ster- 
 eotyped and superannuated system, or dogmatic usage in tlie 
 interests of absolute and overwhelming monopolies, "which has 
 for its object the general well-being of our common humanity, 
 the elevation of the universal brotherhood of mankind, and the 
 perpetuity of American institutions. 
 
 We do not believe in monopoly and oppression ; but the 
 final triumph of right over wrong by honest, earnest and perse- 
 vering endeavor. 
 
«*■*- 
 
 .^^J ^^*, , , ^ 
 
 SOCIALISM. 
 
 A theory of society which advocates a more precise, 
 orderly and harmonious arrangement of the social relations 
 of mankind than that which has hitherto prevailed, — Webste>\ 
 
 COMMUNISM. 
 
 The reorganizing of society, or the doctrine that it should 
 be reorganized, by regulating property, industry and the means 
 of livelihood, and also the domestic relations and social morals 
 of mankind ; socialism ; especially the doctrine of a community 
 of property, or the negative of individual right in property. — 
 J. H. BwrUm. 
 
 ANARCHY. 
 
 Want of government , the state of society where there is no 
 law or supreme power, or where the laws are not efficient, 
 -and individuals do what they please with impunity. — Webster. 
 
 % <ji .jfe ^ ly . ^ ^ 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 " ORDER, heaven's FIRST LAW." 
 
 Never before, perhaps, in the history of any great nation, was 
 there a time when wise, honest and unswerving men were 
 necessary at the helm of the great social and political ship of 
 American freedom than at the present time, in order that she 
 may weather the blasts, pass in safety the dangerous reefs and 
 shoals of any party politics, maintain the majesty of her laws, 
 grow strong in truth, making aggressive warfare upon error 
 and superstition, " and having done all to stand entire at last," 
 " with her lamps trimmed and burning," her liberty enlighten- 
 ing the world. 
 
 One of our great minds has said : " Our country, though 
 rich in men of faithfulness and power, and having escaped from 
 the difficulties of earlier times, perceives new questions which 
 demand whatever of counsel the wise and thoughtful can give," 
 for an era so active in thought and impulse is always perilous 
 to the nation and need strong men, wise and calm in the midst 
 of her greatest storms. Many of our nation's noblest sons 
 within a short space of time have bowed in obedience to the 
 behest of that monarch whose summons all must obey. In our 
 minds we go back to that period when our country was young, 
 and behold manly forms, marked by intellectual dignity, and 
 bearing in their countenance the unmistakable insignia of true 
 and noble manhood. They, too, have passed away, and home 
 and sanctuary know them no more ; but the light found in such 
 
10 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 characters assist in solving the difficult problems of today. Our 
 nation's God can make of a poor and humble craftsman a 
 mighty statesman. Many such lives are poured full of honors, 
 and their graves are fresh and green in our memories. Nothing 
 can equal in grandeur the interminable extent of our vast 
 prairies, covered with blossoming buds. Every lover of nature, 
 and home and country can daily hear a grand anthem of praise 
 ascend to God for the munificence of his unspeakable gifts. 
 " From that cathedral boundless as our wonder 
 Whose quenchless lamps the sun and moon supply." 
 
 These pastoral symphonies are dear to all our hearts. We 
 
 love our country, and gazing upon our glorious flag, we feel it 
 
 means to 
 
 " Friends a sta/rry sky" 
 But to foes 
 
 " A storm in every fold." 
 
 Untarnished its honor, and the undimmed radiance stream- 
 ing down from every star upon our glorious banner for over one 
 hundred years, what usurper dare insult her national prowess 
 and trail her honors in the dust, or flaunt the red flag of 
 anarchy and socialism in the face of our national greatness? 
 
 Anarchy cannot prevail, as " order is heaven's first law," and 
 "eternal vigilance the price of liberty." 
 
 Our measureless prosperity as a nation have caused to seek 
 employment, protection and a home beneath the ample folds of 
 our grand old flag, many representatives from almost every 
 nation under the sun, to whom have been extended all the 
 rights, social, civil, religious and political, of free-born Ameri- 
 can citizenship, while obedient to its laws. We who seek this 
 country as our home, because of its advantages and the superior 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 11 
 
 facilities for obtaining a livelihood or of amassing wealth, can 
 be guilty of no baser act than to endeavor to sow the seeds of 
 discord and confusion among the peaceful and well-organized 
 brotherhood in this land of freedom and prosperity ; and all 
 violations of good and wholesome law, endangering the peace 
 aad prosperity of citizens, or the overthrow of our national 
 institutions, are deserving of the nation's frown. 
 
 What greater insult can be offered to the children of free- 
 dom than for people of foreign birth to usurp the birthrights 
 and trample upon the institutions for which their fathers bled 
 and died ? 
 
 Never before were citizens of any country placed on trial for 
 so grave and flagrant a transgression, who received such consid- 
 ' eration and fairness at the hands of the administrators of law 
 and justice as did the participants in the Haymarket tragedy. 
 
 In view of the deep turpitude of their crime great credit is 
 due to all the standard papers of the city of Chicago, and the 
 Press of the United States, for the fair and impartial manner 
 in which they represented the Anarchists' case during the trial 
 and pending the execution. The articles appearing from time 
 to time in their columns seemed ever tempered with mercy. 
 Yet firmness characterized all their expressed opinions. The 
 institutions of our country' are dear to every true and loyal 
 American. 
 
 The outrage perpetrated upon our high order of civilization 
 called for life in exchange for the lives sacrificed by the tragic 
 events of the night of May the 4th, 1886. Every right-think- 
 ing journalist acknowledged the justice of the sentence and 
 said, so let it be ; believing that when " judgment and justice 
 are abroad in the land the people will learn righteousness." 
 
12 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 CHAPTER 11. 
 
 Anarchists — Theik Nationality — The Fiest Agitation — 
 Leaders — Anarchy — The " Revenge " Circular — ^The 
 Haymarket Meeting — ^The Massacre. 
 
 Scarcely lias the chronicler of time recorded fifty years in the 
 eventful history of Chicago since it was known only as a little 
 trading post for the Indians of the west and northwest, but be- 
 ing the central and distributing point for the "interminable 
 fertile territories stretching away toward the land of the setting 
 sun, its progress in Avealth and population has been unprece- 
 dented. The superior facilities for obtaining supplies, and the 
 demand for implements for agricultural purposes, have conspired 
 to render Chicago one of the most important commercial cities 
 on the globe. And to-day it stands the grainery of the Ameri. 
 can Continent, the great repository and commercial reservoir oJE 
 continental America, with a cosmopolitan population of ovei" 
 seven hundred thousand. Capitalists engaged in mammoth 
 manufacturing enterprises like McCormick and others, in order 
 to secure cheap labor to the exclusion of native skilled work* 
 men, have imported to this country thousands of foreigners whoT^ 
 after gaining a foothold in the land, have turned upon their em- 
 ployers in organized bands with measures intended to be revo- 
 lutionary. 
 ' The troublesome element consisted largely of the ignoranj 
 lower classes of Bavarians, Bohemians, Hungarians, Germans^ 
 Austrians, and others who held secret meetings in organized 
 groups armed and equipped like the nihilists of Russia, and the 
 communists of France. 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. la 
 
 They called themselves socialists. Their emblem was red. 
 They paraded the streets of Chicago without let or hindrance 
 in 1878, carrying a red flag and making insulting and incendiary 
 speeches at Lake front park, and at several of the public halls 
 of the city. 
 
 This free country accorded to them without regard to birth 
 or nationality the rights of freedom of speech, and we shall 
 see how that indulgence beyond the bounds of propriety has 
 been abused. In 1877 they held secret meetings to organize 
 their forces, and during the same year there were several labor 
 riots. 
 
 In 1879 anarchists and socialists united to endeavor to secure 
 by their votes and influence as mayor Dr. Ernst Schmidt, and 
 as city treasurer F. Stauber. Polling nearly 10,000 votes they 
 secured several representatives in the city council. 
 
 On the evening of the 2d of July, 1879, Captain Bielfeld, 
 with ten of the gang known as the Lehr and Werh Verein, left 
 Turner Hall, marching from Twelfth to Union, then returning, 
 Lieut. Callahan secured their ari-est. As a test case for a viola- 
 tion of the law relative to the militia, Bielfeld alone was booked 
 to appear before the police court on the 3d of July, 18.9. 
 Rubens, his attorney, gave bonds for his appearance. The de- 
 fendant then took a change of venue to Morrison, becoming his 
 own bail to appear at that place in the afternoon. Bielfeld, 
 with his attorney, and prosecuting attorney Cameron, were present. 
 The case was continued for one week. The following day 
 being the Fourth of July, was looked forward to with solici- 
 tude as a day when Chicago might expect riot and carnage. Biel- 
 feld had been bound in $300 bonds but was released on habeas 
 corpus the same day on an application to Judge Bamum, who 
 
14 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 pronounced the majority of the clauses in the militia law as 
 unconstitutional. 
 
 In November, 1879, a similar case was argued before the 
 supreme court which in its rulings sustained the constitution- 
 ality of the militia law in direct opposition to Judge Barnum's 
 rulings and opinions. This opinion was a leversing of Judge 
 Barnum's decision restricting armed bodies of socialists, anarch- 
 ists, or communists from parading the streets, deciding that in 
 matters pertaining to the peace and safety of citizens the police 
 powers are plenary. 
 
 In the autumn of 1879 the Bohemian anarchistic agitators 
 held a picnic at Silver Leaf Grove, in the vicinity of Douglas 
 Park, and being annoyed by uninvited guests, at the command 
 of their captain, Prokop Hudek, they fired a round of ball car- 
 tridge into the promiscuous crowd, seriously Axounding quite a 
 large number of citizens. Their captain, and the entire com- 
 pany of would-be assassins, were arrested and brought to the 
 coi-ner of Madison and Union streets, where the police were 
 compelled to use their utmost efforts to prevent the enraged and 
 outraged citizens from lynching the leaders of the gang of out- 
 laws. The peace-loving and law-abiding citizens were so exasper-* 
 ated at the audacity and cupidity of the uncivilized horde that 
 it was with difficulty the police induced them to disperse with- 
 out wreaking a summary vengeance upon these organized bad- 
 dits, who were beginning to operate with impunity in the veiy 
 midst of the highest order of civilization and refinement. 
 
 The United States Supreme Court acknowledge and diefend • 
 the right of citizens to assemble, without arms, when the object 
 is to make known, in proper language, apy grievance. But 'they 
 must in all cases be under the control, direction and protection 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 15 
 
 of the police force. But all meetings to organize, or any organ 
 ized gatherings for the purpose of subverting law and order, all 
 armed mobs making incendiary speeches or advocating violence 
 are subject to military law, and under the control of the police, 
 as the guardians of the public peace. 
 
 From the time of the arrest of Herman Presser, on the affirm- 
 ation of the militia law, by the Federal Court, in 1886, all armed 
 demonstrations of the socialistic element from this time ceased, 
 but in secret they matui'ed their fiendish plottings against the 
 law-abiding citizens and safety of American institutions, becom- 
 ing skilled in the manufacture and use of dynamite bombs as a 
 weapon for the purpose of destroying life and property, and the 
 intimidation of the officers of law and justice. 
 
 The leadei's of anarchy and socialism with whom we have 
 to do, more particularly in this volume, are viz.: August Spies, 
 Samuel Fielden and A. R. Parsons, Spies being the editor of 
 the Arbeiter Zeitun^, and A. R. Parsons editor of the paper 
 known as the Alarm. 
 
 The eight hour system of labor had been agitated for some* 
 time, and the first of May, 1886, was the time set for it to go 
 into effect by all the trade and labor unions. It was suspected 
 by many that the insubordinate element of socialists and anarch- 
 ists would take advantage of the already fermented state of the 
 woi'kiug classes, to make a bold stand to revolutionize and de- 
 moralize, by their treasonable and inflammatory speeches, the 
 otherwise peaceful and respectable citizens of Chicago. The 
 McCormick reaper works, with over one thousand employes, 
 mostly foreigners, had been out on a strike for several weeks, 
 and being at fever heat the anarchists sought to produce a riot 
 among these turbulent men, who only needed a leader and some 
 
16 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 encouragement, which they were soon to receive from Spies. 
 On May 2d. a large force collected at or near the junction of 
 Eighteenth street and Centre avenue. Here they reversed the 
 American flag, carrying it top side down, symbolic of the revo- 
 lution they intended to work in American institutions. They 
 marched down the Black Koad to the prairie in front of McCor- 
 mick's Avorks, where August Spies addressed them in extrava- 
 gant language, exciting the mob by a seditious and inflammatoiy 
 speech, at the close of which the effect was plainly visible, as 
 the mob at once attacked the works of McCormick, demolishing 
 a portion of it, and seriously injuring several non-union men who 
 were employed there. The six police there on duty bravely 
 ti'ied to hold the fort, but were forced to give Avay before neai'ly 
 three thousand infuriated men, when they turned in a call for 
 assistance, and were i-einforced by the arrival of thirty more 
 officers, who bravely beat back their assaiiants, killing one of 
 the mob by a shot from a revolver, and wounding several others. 
 The repulsed mob then i-etreated, and theii- leaders repaired to 
 office of the Zeitung to prepare a circulai', and printed it in Ger- 
 man and English, -which was headed Hevenge, and the English 
 copy read as follows, which they circulated throughout the city: 
 
 EEVENGE. 
 
 " Revenge, working men ! to arms ! Your masters sent out 
 their bloodhounds — the police. They killed six of youi- brothers 
 at McCormick's this afternoon. They killed the poor wretches, 
 because they, like you, had the courage to disobey the supreme 
 will of your bosses. Tliey killed them because they dared ask 
 for the shortening of the hours of toil. They killed them to 
 show you, ' free American citizens,' that you must be satisfied 
 and contented with whatever your bosses condescend to allow 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 17 
 
 you, or you'll get Jdlled. You have for years endui-ed the most 
 abject humiliation; you have for years suffered immeasurable 
 iniquities ; you have worked yourselves to death ; you have en- 
 dured the pangs of want and hunger ; your children you have 
 sacrificed to the factory lords — in short, you have been miser- 
 able, obedient slaves all these years. Why ? To satisfy the 
 insatiable greed to fill the coffers of your lazy, thieving master. 
 When you ask them now to lessen your burden he sends his 
 blood-hounds out to shoot you, kill you. If you are men, if you 
 are the sons of your grandsires who have shed their blood to 
 free you, then you will rise in your might, Hercules, and destroy 
 the hideous monster that seeks to destroy you. To arms we call 
 you ! To arms ! Your Brothers." 
 
 The German portion difiered from the above mainly in the 
 following passage : " Why ? Because you dared ask for the 
 shortening of the hours of labor," In the German copy it ran : 
 " Because you dared ask for all that you believed to be your 
 rights." Instead of being addressed, as in the English, to Amer- 
 ican citizens, it was directed to the followers of anarchy and 
 socialism. 
 
 Another circular was distributed calling a meeting at the 
 Haymarket for the night of May 4, and urging workingmen to 
 arm and go in full force. In the Arheiter Zeitung appeared the 
 letter "Y," meaning Ypsilon, which was the signal for the 
 armed anarchists to turn out, and in the department of the 
 paper known as the " Letter-Box " the word *• Ruhe," signifying 
 that the time for revolution was at hand. 
 
 There were about three hundred and fifty anarchists carry- 
 ing concealed weapons at the Haymarkst massacre on the 4th of 
 May, 1886, and probably about fifteen himdred present in all 
 at the time of the explosion. A. R. Parsons had delivered his 
 
18 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 speecli and Samuel Fielden was portraying to the sympathizing 
 crowd, with all the eloquence he could command, the wide and 
 yawning unbridged gulf between capital and labor, when seven 
 companies of police, numbering nearly two hundred men, under 
 command of their superior officers, swooped down upon the_ lajy- 
 less mob. Captain Ward, in clear and ringing tones, commanded 
 these land pirates to quietly disperse, when from an alley con- 
 tiguous was seen in the -darkness a little line of fire passing 
 directly over the heads of the motly crowd. The hissing fiend, 
 hurled by some practiced hand to perform its hellish mission, 
 fell directly between two of the ranks of our brave and noble 
 officers, and exploded with a detonation which seemed to shake 
 the city from center to circumference, dealing death to several 
 brave and noble officers, while the wounded and dying num- 
 bered over sixty, who a moment before were in the best of spir- 
 its and in the discharge of their duty as protectors of public 
 peace, were stricken down without a moment's warning. But 
 was there a man dismayed, although the gi'oans of the wounded 
 and mangled victims could be heard in every direction, not 
 knovnng but the next instant another explosion would strew the 
 ground with fresh victims from their ranks ? Scarcely had the 
 sound of the explosion died away in the echoing distance, or the 
 smoke from the fatal bomb rose up to be lost in the dark and 
 murky clouds, ere the spirit of patriotism rose up in their hearts, 
 inspiring them to deeds of noble daring, when they boldly 
 charged in a solid column this band of treacherous outlaws. 
 Captain Bonfield seized a revolver from the hand of a fallen 
 officer, at the same time drawing his own revolver, and from 
 both hands he rained a shower of lead into the ranks of the 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 19 
 
 enemy. Under this aggressive movement the anarchists began 
 beating a hasty retreat. 
 
 The wounded officers were removed to the County Hospital, 
 while a large detachment were kept busy during the night car- 
 ing for the dead and dying. The exact number of killed and 
 wounded among the anarchists could not be ascertained, as 
 they were removed from the ensanguined field immediately by 
 their friends to places of safety, and medical assistance secured 
 for them fi'om among the socialistic fraternity. 
 
 On the 5th of May, Rudolph Schnaubelt was arrested on 
 suspicion that he was an important factor in the conspiracy. On 
 an investigation which followed, he very adroitly managed to 
 impress the authorities of his innocence, when he was dis- 
 charged, and he at once disappeared from the city ; but during 
 the progress of the trial, evidence was obtained which proves 
 almost conclusively that Rudolph Schnaubelt was the arch fiend 
 who hurled the deadly bomb causing so many brave officers to 
 bite the dust without a moment's warning. 
 
20 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 This great and unprecedented anarchistic conspiracy of May 
 4tli will doubtless result in a blessing to America. First, it 
 will teach the administrators of law and justice the necessity of 
 being watchful of this treacherous element in society which 
 would thus ruthlessly violate every sacred principle of right and 
 honor. 
 
 The bravery of the police on that eventful night of May 
 4th is worthy of note in the history of Chicago, and those who 
 fell in the defence of our birthrights as American citizens have 
 builded a monument in the hearts of a grateful people that shall 
 endure while the star-spangled banner shall continue to wave 
 j.'0'er the land of the free and the home of the brave." Were 
 we to disturb, disquiet, and bring up from their tombs the most 
 hideous monsters from the dead of the dark and superstitious 
 ages of the gloomy past, their hands deep purple with the blood 
 of their murdered fellow men, we should fail to find a parallel 
 that would compare with this unscrupulous cold-blooded mas- 
 sacre, along with the bold attempt at the subversion of law. 
 
 On the fifth of the month eight of the leaders of anarchy 
 were arrested and indicted for murder and conspiracy. The 
 police raided the office of the Arheiter ZeiPwng, the organ of the 
 socialistic and anarchistic labor agitators, obtaining quantities 
 of dynamite bombs, flags, and inflamatory literature which was 
 offered in the trial as corroborative evidence. August Spies 
 a German, was the editor of the Zeitwng and a ringleader of the 
 anarchists. A. E. Paksons, an American, was editor of the 
 Alwrm. Samuel Flelben, of English nationality, laborer. 
 OsoAB Neebe, German. Adolph Fischee, a German. Louis 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 21 
 
 Ling, a German, carpenter. George Engle, German, and 
 MiCHAL Schwab. These are the ones who were indicted for 
 murder and anarchy. A. E,. Parsons fled the night of the riot 
 and consequently was not arrested, but he subsequently came 
 in and gave himself up to the officials in the criminal court, 
 doubtless thinking by this semblance of honor to impress the 
 court of his innocence and thereby secure acquittal. 
 
 The attorneys for the State in the prosecution were as fol- 
 lows : Julius S. Grinnell ; and assistants State,' George Ingham 
 and Frank Walker. 
 
 Col. W. P. Black, Solomon Zeisler, and Mr. Foster, of Iowa, 
 were for the defence, who availed themselves of every techni- 
 cality in the interests of their clients. Four long and tedious 
 weeks were consumed in obtaining a jury, exhausting fourteen 
 panels of jurors in securing twelve competent men to try this 
 case. His Honor, Judge J. E. Gary, presiding. 
 
 The names of the jury accepted by the State and the defence 
 were Major J. H. Cole, F. E. Osborne, S. G. Randall, A. H. 
 Reed, J. H. Bruyton, A. Hamilton, G. W. Adams, J. B. Greiner, 
 C. B. Todd, C. A. Ludwig, T. E. Denker, and H. T. Sanford. 
 
 An application was filed with State's Attorney Grinnell for 
 a separate trial in the case of Neebe, Spies, Schwab, and Fielden, 
 but was overruled by his Honor, Judge Gary, as they had been 
 jointly indicted for conspiracy and murder. 
 
 On Friday, July 10th, 1886, the case of the anarchists was 
 opened by the prosecution in the taking of evidence. 
 
 Officers Steel, Barber, Reed and McMahon, who were 
 
 wounded in the riot of May the 4th, were so far recovered as to 
 
 be able to be present. 
 
 Felix Puschek was sworn and submitted plans of the Hay- 
 
22 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 market and several halls in tlie city known to be headquarters 
 for the meetings of the anarchists 
 
 Police Inspector Bonfield next took the stand and related 
 how the police attempted to disperse the unlawful assemblage 
 of armed Anarchists, and detailed the circumstance of the 
 bomb- thro wing, already related. He also identified the follow- 
 ing circular, by which the meeting was called : 
 
 " Attention, working men ? Great mass-meeting to-night, at 
 7 o'clock, Haymarket square, between Desplaines and Halsted. 
 Good speakers will be present to denounce the late atrocious 
 act of the police, the shooting of our fellow working men yes- 
 terday afternoon. Working men, arm and appear in full force. 
 
 "The Committee." 
 
 Some of the anarchist's indicted for conspiracy turned State's 
 evidence. Gottfried Waller, a Swiss by nationality, a cabinet- 
 maker by trade, formerly a socialist, and a member of the Lehr 
 and W^ehr Vereiu, testified that the latter organization com- 
 prised various armed groups of anarchists ; that the letter " Y " 
 in the Arbeiter Zeitung meant for the armed section to meet at 
 Grief's hall ; that he acted as chairman of the meeting of seventy 
 or eighty persons, Engel, Fischer and Breitenfeld, the comman- 
 der of the Lehr and Wehr, being present. The witness testi- 
 fied that Engel unfolded a plan whereby if a collision between 
 the strikers and the police should occur, the word "Ruhe" 
 would appear in the Arbeiter as a signal for the Lehr and Wehr 
 and the Northwest group of anarchists to assemble in Wicker 
 Park with arms. They should then storm the Noith avenue 
 police station, and proceed thence to other stations, using dyna- 
 mite and shooting down all who opposed them, and should cut 
 the telegraph wires to prevent communication with the outside 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 23 
 
 world. Engel said the best way to begin would be to throw a 
 dynamite bomb into the police station, and that when the pop- 
 ulace saw that the police were overpowered, tumult would 
 spread through the city, and the anarchists would be joined by 
 the working men. This plan, Engel said, had been adopted by 
 the Northwest group. It was decided to appoint a committee 
 to keep watch of affairs in the city and to call a meeting for the 
 next night in the Haymarket. Fischer was directed to get the 
 handbills calling the meeting printed. Those present at the pre- 
 liminary meeting represented various groups throughout the 
 city Fischer announced that the word " Ruhe " would mean 
 that a revolution had been started, Engel put the motion, and 
 the plan was adopted. The committee on action was composed 
 of members from each group; the witness knew only one — 
 Kraemer. The members of the armed groups were known by 
 numbers, and witness number was 19. 
 
 Spies was questioned in January, 1885, at Grand Rapids, 
 Mich., relative to these secret organizations, when he said that 
 force must bring about the necessary reform which the ballot- 
 box had failed to inaugurate and was incompetent to perform. 
 Shook, of Grand Rapids, also testified that Spies had said that 
 the secret drilled organizations of Chicago for the revolution of 
 society numbered over 3,000, and that none except members of 
 those organizations knew of the modus operandi by which they 
 intended to wage their warfare. 
 
 Lieutenant Bowler testified to seeing men in the crowd fire 
 upon the police with revolvers ; officers S. C. Bohner and E. J. 
 Hawley saw Fielden fire. In the line of proving up the conspir- 
 acy to incite the workingmen to violence, it was shovsm by the 
 evidence of James L- Frazer, E. T. Baker, A. S. Leckie Frank 
 
24 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 Haraster, Sergeant John Enright and officer L. H. McShane, 
 that Spies and Fielden incited the mob to attack McCormick's 
 Reaper Works and the non-union employes on May 3. Detec- 
 tive Reuben Slayton testified to having arrested Fischer at the 
 Arheiter Zeitung office. He had a loaded revolver hid under his 
 coat ; a file-grooved dagger and a fulminating cap, used to 
 explode dynamite bombs. Theodore Fricke, former business 
 manager of the Arheiter, identified the copy of the " Revenge " 
 circular as being in Spies' handwriting. Lieutenant William 
 Ward testified to having commanded the Haymarket meeting to 
 disperse in the name of the people of Illinois, and that Fielden 
 cried, " We are peaceable," laying a slight emphasis on the last 
 word. 
 
 William Seliger, of 442 Sedgwick street, testified that Louis 
 Lingg boarded with him, and that himself, Lingg, Huebner, 
 Manzenberg and Hewmann worked at making dynamite bombs 
 of a spherical shape. He attended the various meetings. He 
 identified the calls for the armed sections to meet in the Arheiter 
 Zeitung. Balthasar Rau brought the " Revenge " circular to 
 Zephf s hall. Lingg worked at first on "gas pipe" bombs ; they 
 made forty or fifty bombs the Tuesday before the riot. Lingg 
 said they were to be used that evening ; he and Lingg carried 
 a small trunk full of the bombs to Neffs hall, 58 Clybourne 
 avenue, that evening, where they were divided up among the 
 anar-ihists ; besides the Northwest group the Sachsen Bund met 
 at Neff's hall ; witness, Lingg, Thieben and Gustave Lehmen and 
 two others from the Lehr and Wehr Verein, left NefE's hall for 
 the Larrabee street police station ; Lingg said a disturbance must 
 be made on the North side to prevent the police from going to 
 the West side ; Lingg wanted to throw a bomb into the station ; 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 25 
 
 the police were outside, and they could not get near; the patrol 
 wagon came along completely manned, and Lingg wanted to 
 throw a bomb under the wagon ; he asked witness for fire from 
 his cigar ; witness went into a hallway and lit a match, and be- 
 fore he returned the wagon had passed : they returned to Neff's 
 hall where he heard a bomb had fallen on the West side, and 
 killed a great many ; Hewmann blamed Lingg and said in an 
 angry voice, "You are the cause of it all ;" they then went and 
 hid their bombs under sidewalks and in various places, and went 
 home ; Lingg first brought dynamite to the house about six weeks 
 beforeMay 1, in a long wooden box ; he made a wooden spoon to 
 handle it with in filling the bombs; witness belonged to the 
 Northwest group, and his number was 72 , Engel was also a mem- 
 ber. [The bombs were here produced and Judge Gary ordered 
 them removed immediately from the court room and from the 
 building.] Seliger's testimony was unshaken on cross-examination. 
 Mrs. Bertha Seliger corroborated her husband's testimony, testi- 
 fying that at one time six or seven men were at work making 
 bombs, and that after the Haymarket Lingg tore up the floor of a 
 closet to secrete those he had on hand. 
 
 Lieutenant John D. Shea, Chief of the Detective force, testi- 
 fied to having assisted in the raid on the Arheiter Zeitung office, 
 May 5. The galley of type from which the "Revenge" circular 
 was printed, copies of Herr Most's book, and other anarchistic 
 literature, red flags and banners with treasonable devices, and a 
 quantity of dynamite were found. The witness asked Spies if 
 he wrote the "Revenge" circular, and he refused to answer. 
 When he arrested Fischer he asked him where he was on the 
 night of the Haymarket meeting. Fisher said in the Arbeiter- 
 Zietung office with Schwab, and that Rau brought word that 
 
26 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 Spies was at tte Haymarket, that a big crowd was there, and 
 they all went over. He had a belt, a dagger, and a fulminating 
 cap on him when arrested, but he said he carried them for pro- 
 tection. I said : 'You didn't need them in the office.' He said : 
 ' I intended to go away, but was arrested.' I also said : ' There 
 has been found other weapons like this sharpened dagger ; how 
 is it you come to carry this ? ' He said he put it in his pocket 
 for his own protection." 
 
 Detective William Jones testified that he had a locksmith 
 open a closet in Spies office, and in a desk were found two bars 
 of dynamite, a long fuse, a box of fulminating caps, some letters, 
 and copies of both the celebrated circulars. At Fischer's home 
 he found a lot of cartridges and a blouse of the Lehr und Wehr 
 Verein. Officer Duffy found two thousand copies of the circular 
 calling upon the working men to arm, and the manuscript of 
 the " Kevenge " circular in the Arheiter Zeitung office. Herr 
 Most's book, "The Science of Revolutionary Warfare," found in 
 the Arheiter office, was offered in evidence ; also the manual for 
 the manufacture of explosives and poisons. 
 
 Bernhard Schrader, a native of Prussia, five years in this 
 country, a carpenter by trade, testified that he was a member of 
 the Lehr und Wehr Verein ; was at the meeting at Greif 's hall 
 the night of May 3, and he corroborated Waller's testimony 
 throughout. Besides those mentioned by Waller, Schrader 
 named Hadermann, Thiel and Danafeldt, as attendants at the 
 meeting. He saw Balthauser Eau distributing the *' Revenge " 
 circulars at a meeting of the Carpenter's Union on Desplaines 
 street. Witness was present also at the Sunday meeting on 
 Emma street. It was here agreed to cripple the fire department, 
 in case they were called out, by cutting their hose. Witness 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 27 
 
 went to the meeting at 54 West Lake street in response to the 
 signal " Y" in the Arbeiter Zeitung. He was at the Haymarket, 
 but did not know who threw the bomb. The Northwest group 
 of the Lehr und Wehr were armed -with Springfield rifles. 
 Witness' number in the organization was 3,312. 
 
 Lieutenant Edward Steele testified that when the police 
 entered the Haymarket somebody cried out : " Here come the 
 blood-hounds. You do your duty, and we'll do ours." 
 
 Lieutenant Michael Quinn testified that he heard this ex- 
 clamation and that the man who made it was Fielden, just as he 
 ceased speaking on the wagon. About the instant the bomb 
 exploded, Fielden exclaimed : " We are peaceable ! " 
 
 Lieutenant Stanton testified that the bomb exploded four 
 seconds after his company of eighteen men entered the Hay- 
 market. Every member of his company except two were 
 wounded, and two — ^Degan and Redden — killed. The witness 
 was wounded in eleven places. Officers Krueger and Wessler 
 testified to having seen Fielden shoot at the police with a re- 
 volver. 
 
 Gustave Lehman, one of the conspirators, gave a detailed 
 account of various meetings ; the afternoon of May 4 he was at 
 Lingg's house where men with cloths over their faces were 
 making dynamite bombs ; Huebner was cutting fuse ; Lingg 
 gave witness a small hand-satchel with two bombs, fuse, caps, 
 and a can of dynamite ; at 3 o'clock in the morning, after the 
 Haymarket explosion, he got out of bed and carried this material 
 back to Ogden's grove and hid it, where it was found by Officer 
 Hoffman ; money to buy dynamite was raised at a dance of the 
 Carpenters' Union, at Floras' Hall, 71 West Lake street. Lingg 
 took this money and bought dynamite ; Lingg taught them how 
 
58 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 to make bombs. M. H. WiUiamson and Clarence P. Dresser, 
 reporters, had heard Fielden, Parsons and Spies counsel violence ; 
 the latter at the Arbeiter Zeitung office had advised that the 
 new Board of Trade be blown up on the night of its opening. 
 George Munn and Herman Pudewa, printers, worked on the 
 "Revenge" circular in the Arbeiter Zeitung office; Richard 
 Reichel, office-boy, got the "copy" for it from Spies. 
 
 The most sensational evidence of the trial, as showing the 
 inside workings of the armed sections of the socialists, and at 
 the same time the most damaging as indicative of their motives 
 and designs, was that of Detective Andrew C. Johnson, of the 
 Pinkerton agency, an entirely disinterested person who was 
 detailed in December, 1884, by his agency, which had been 
 employed by the First National Bank to furnish details of the 
 secret meetings which it was known were being held by revolu- 
 tionary plotters at various places throughout the city. Johnson 
 is a Scandinavian, thin-faced and sandy-haired, bom in Copen- 
 hagen, and thirty-five years of age. He told his story in a calm, 
 collected, business-like manner. Mr. Grinnell asked : 
 
 " Do you know any of the defendants ?" Witness — " I do." 
 "Name them." — "Parsons, Fielden, Spies, Schwab and, 
 
 l-ingg-" 
 
 " Were you at any time connected with any group of the 
 International Workingmen's Association ?" — " I was." 
 
 " What group ?" — "The American group." 
 
 " Were you a member of any armed section of the socialists 
 of this city ?"— "Yes, sir." 
 
 "When did you begin attendance at their meetings ?" — "The 
 first meeting I attended was the 22d of February 1885, at 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 29 
 
 Baum's pavilion. The last meeting I attended was the 24tli of 
 January of this year." 
 
 "At whose instance did you go to their meetings ?" — "At the 
 instance of my agency." 
 
 " Did you from time to time make reports of what you heard 
 and saw at their meetings ?" — "I did." 
 
 "Mr. Grinnell passed over to witness a bundle of papers and 
 asked : "Have you in your hand a report of the meeting of the 
 22d of February, 1885 ?"— "Yes, sir." 
 
 " Were any of the defendants present at that meeting ?" — 
 '•Yes, sir ; Parsons was present." 
 
 " Refer to your memoranda and tell me what was said by 
 Parsons at that meeting." — Objected to ; overruled. — "Parsons 
 stated that the reason the meeting had been called in that locality 
 was 80 as to give the many merchant princes who resided there 
 an opportunity to attend and see what the Communists had to 
 say about the distribution of wealth. He said : 'I want you all 
 to unite together and throw off the yoke. We need no presi- 
 dent, no congressmen, no police, no militia, and no judges. 
 They are all leeches, sucking the blood of the poor, who have 
 to support them all by their labor. I say to you, rise one and 
 all, and let us exterminate them all. Woe to the police or to 
 the military whom they send against us.' " 
 
 " That was where ?" — "At Baum's pavilion, corner of Cottage 
 Grove avenue and Twenty-second street." 
 
 " Have you a report of any other of the defendants speaking 
 at that meeting?"— "No, sir." 
 
 "What is the next memorandum that you have?" — "The 
 next meeting was March 1. That night I became a member. I 
 went to Thielen, who was at the time acting as treasurer and 
 
30 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 secretary for the association, and gave him my name and signi- 
 fied my willingness to join the association. He entered my name 
 in a book and handed me a red card with my name on and a 
 number." 
 
 " When and where was that? — "That was March 1, 1885, at 
 Grief's hall, No. 54 "West Lake street, in this city." 
 
 "Have you what was said and done at that meeting?" — '" I 
 have a report of it here." 
 
 " "Who spoke ? " — " Parsons, Fielden, Spies, and others." 
 
 " Any other of the defendants ? " — " No sir." 
 
 " State what Fielden said, and then what Parsons said." — 
 "A lecture was given by a man named Bailey on the subject of 
 socialism and Christianity, and the question arose as to whether 
 Christianity ought to be introduced in their meetings." 
 
 " "What did Fielden, Spies and Parsons say there ? " — " Fiel- 
 den said that he thought this matter ought not to be introduced 
 into their meetings. Parsons said, ' I am of the same opinion,' 
 and Spies also said that it oiight not to be introduced." 
 
 " Now state the next meeting." — " The next meeting was 
 March 4, at the same place." 
 
 "Who were present? — " Parsons, Fielden and Spies were pres- 
 ent, and spoke." 
 
 " "When was the memorandum made that you have of that 
 meeting ? " — " The same day, immediately after the termination 
 of the meeting. Parsons said: ' We are sorely in need of funds 
 to publish the Alarm. As many of you as are able ought to 
 give as much as you can, because our paper is our most power- 
 ful weapon, and it is only through the paper that we can hope 
 to reach the masses.' During his lecture he introduced Christi- 
 anity. Spies stood up and said: * "We don't want any christian- 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 31 
 
 ity here in our meetings at all. We have told you so before.' 
 Fielden made no speech." 
 
 " When was the next meeting ? " — " March 22." 
 
 "Were any speeches made by any of the defendants there?" 
 -" Yes, sir, Spies spoke. Previously a man named Bishop in- 
 troduced a resolution of sympathy for a girl named Sorell. 
 Bishop stated that the girl had been assaulted by her master. 
 She had applied for a warrant, which had been refused her on 
 account of the high social standing of her master. Spies said: 
 * What is the use of passing resolutions ? We must act, and re- 
 venge the girl. Here is a fine opportunity for some of our 
 young men to go and shoot Wight.' That was the man who 
 had assaulted the girl." 
 
 " Do your reports contain references to speeches made by 
 others ? "— " They do," 
 
 " You are only picldng out speeches made by the defend- 
 ants?" "That is all." 
 
 "When was the next meeting?" — "March 29, 1885, at 
 Grief's hall. The defendant, Fielden, spoke at that meeting. 
 He said: 'A few explosions in the city of Chicago would help 
 the cause considerably. There is the new Board of Trade, a, 
 roost of thieves and robbers. We ought to commence by blow- 
 ing that up.' " 
 
 "Were other speeches made at that meeting?" — "There, 
 were, but no others made by the defendants." 
 
 "When was the next meeting?" — "April 1, at Grief's halll 
 Spies, Fielden and Parsons were present at the meeting. Spies 
 made a lengthy speech on this occasion. His speech was in re- 
 gard to acts of cruelty committed by the police in Chicago; he 
 spoke of the number of arrests made, and the number of convio- 
 
32 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 tions in proportion. He also referred to the case of the girl who 
 prefeiTed a charge of assault against police-sergeant Patton, of 
 the West Chicago avenue station." 
 
 "Who else spoke there?" — "Fielden. Spies had said before 
 that he had advised the girl to get a pistol and go and shoot 
 the policeman. Fielden stood up and said; • That is v»rhat she 
 ought to do.' " 
 
 "What was the next meeting ?"—'' April 8, 1885, at Greifs 
 hall. Parsons made a lengthy speech. He referred frequently 
 in his address to the strike at the McCormick harvester works. 
 He said : ' There is but one of two things for the men to do. 
 They must either go to work for the wages offered them or else 
 starve.' In concludincc his remarks he referred to the strike at 
 La Salle, Illinois. He said : ' To-morrow morning or the next 
 day the authorities here in the city will probably send a train- 
 load of policemen or militia to La Salle to shoot down the work- 
 ing people there. Now, there is a way to prevent this. All 
 you have to do is to get some soap and place it on the rails and 
 the train will be unable to move.' Parsons spoke at great length 
 of the crimes, as he termed them, of the capitalists, and he said 
 to those present that it was an absolute necessity for them to 
 unite against them, as that was the only way they could fight 
 the capitalists." 
 
 "Who else spoke there?" — "Fielden. He said it was a 
 blessing something had been discovered wherewith the working 
 men could fight the police and militia with their Gatling guns." 
 What was the next meeting you had ? " — " April 19. That 
 meeting was held at No. 106 Randolph street, because the hall 
 at No. 54 Lake street was engaged. At this meeting Parsons 
 offered a resolution of sympathy for Louis Riel and the half- 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 33 
 
 breeds in the Northwest who were in rebellion against the Can- 
 adian government. Neither Parsons nor Fielden spoke at the 
 meeting." 
 
 " What was the next meeting ? "— " April 22, at Greif s hall. 
 Referring to the opening of the new Board of Trade building, 
 Parsons said : ' What a splendid opportunity there will be next 
 Tuesday night for some bold fellow to make the capitalists trem- 
 ble by blowing up the building and all the thieves and robbers 
 that are there.' At the conclusion of his speech he said that the 
 working men of Chicago should form in processions on Market 
 square Tuesday evening next, and he invited all those present 
 to get as many of their friends as they could to join in the pro- 
 cession." 
 
 " Did any other of the defendants speak there ? " — " Fielden 
 said : ' I also wish to invite as many of you as can come and as 
 many as you can get. Go around to the lodging-houses and get 
 all you can to join in the procession — the more the merrier.' " 
 
 "When M'as the next meeting?"— "April 26, at Greif 's hall." 
 "Did any of the defendants speak there?" — "There were 
 present Parsons, Fielden, Spies. Parsons said: 'I wish you all 
 to consider the misery of the working classes, and the cause of 
 all the misery is these institutions termed government. I lived 
 on snow-balls all last vdnter, but, by G — d ! I won't do it this 
 winter.' " 
 
 "What was the next meeting at which any of the defendants 
 attended?" — " April 30, at Market square ; Parsons and Fielden. 
 Parsons said : * We have assembled here to determine in 
 which way best to celebrate the dedication of the new Board of 
 Trade building, and to give the working men of Chicago a 
 chance to state their views in the matter ' Fielden then said : 
 
34 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 ' I want all the working men of Chicago, the country, and the 
 world in general to arm themselves and sweep the capitalists off 
 the face of the earth.' Parsons then said : ' Every working 
 man in Chicago must save a little of his wages every week until 
 he has enough to buy a Colt's revolver and a Winchester rifle, 
 for the only way that the working people will get their rights 
 is by the point of the bayonet. We want you to form in pro- 
 cession now, and we will march to the Board of Trade. We 
 will halt there, and while the band is playing we will sing the 
 Marseillaise.' " 
 
 " Did you march in the procession, too ? — " I did." 
 
 " Where were you in that line of march ? " — " I was in the 
 center of the procession." 
 
 " Did any of the defendants march with you ? " — " Not with 
 me, but in the procession Fielden, Spies, Parsons and Neebe 
 marched." 
 
 " What was the next meeting ? " — " There was something 
 occured the night of May 30. I was standing at the corner of 
 Washington street and Fifth avenue close behind Spies. That 
 was Decoration day, and as the procession passed by. Spies said : 
 ' A half-dozen dynamite bombs would scatter them all.' A 
 little later a gentleman who was standing near remarked upon 
 the fine appearance of the Illinois National Guard, who were 
 then passing. Spies said : ' They are only boys, and would be 
 no use in case of a riot. Fifty determined men would soon dis- 
 arm them all.' " 
 
 " When was the next meeting ? " — " The next meeting was 
 on the Lake front. May 31, and Fielden and Parsons was there. 
 Fielden said : *It is only by strength and force that you can 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 35 
 
 overthrow the government.' Parsons also spoke, but I don't rec- 
 ollect what he said." 
 
 " Go on to the next meeting." — " The next meeting was June 
 7, at Ogden's grove. There were present Fielden, Parsons and 
 Spies. Fielden said ; ' Every working man in Chicago ought 
 to belong to organizations. It is of no use to go to our masters 
 to give us more wages or better times. I mean for you to use 
 force. It is of no use for the working people to hope to gain 
 anything by means of an ordinary weapon. Every one of you 
 must learn the use of dynamite, for that is the power with which 
 we hope to gain our rights.' Schwab also spoke at that meet- 
 ing in German, which I do not understand." 
 
 " When was the next meeting ? " — " The next meeting was 
 August 19, at Greif's hall. Parsons and Fielden spoke. Par- 
 sons referred to the late strike of the street-car employes, and 
 said that if but one shot had been fired, and Bonfield had hap- 
 pened to be shot, the whole city would have been deluged in 
 blood, and social revolution would have been inaugurated. The 
 next meeting was August 24, at Greif's hall." 
 
 " Do you know of a fellow named Bodendecke speaking at 
 those meetings ? " — " Occasionally, but not frequently ; I don't 
 know where he is now. There were some twenty or twenty- 
 three men present at that meeting, and twenty women." 
 
 "Name who were present." — "Besides the two defendants, 
 Parsons, and Fielden, there was Baltus, Bodendecke, Boyd, 
 Lawson, Parker, Franklin and Schneider." 
 
 " State what occured there." — " After being there a short 
 time a man armed with a long cavalry sword and dressed in a 
 blue blouse and wearing a slouch hat came into the room. He 
 ordered all those present to fall in. He then called off certain 
 
36 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 names, and all those present answered to their names. He in- 
 quired whether there were any new members who wished to join 
 the military company, and some one replied that there was. He 
 then said : ' Whoever wants to join step to the front.' Myself 
 and two others stepped to the front. We were asked separately 
 to give our names. I gave my name, which was put down in a 
 book, and I was then told that my number was 16. Previous 
 to my name being put down in the book, a man to whom I was 
 speaking asked whether there was any one present who knew 
 me, or whether any one could vouch for my being a true man. 
 The defendant, Parsons and Bodendecke spoke up and said they 
 would vouch for me. The other two were asked their names in 
 turn, and as they were properly vouched for, their names were 
 entered in a similar manner in a book, and they were given 
 numbers. The man who came into the room armed then in- 
 quired of two other men in the room whether they were mem- 
 bers of the American group. Both said they were and he asked 
 to see their cards. As they were unable to show cards they 
 were expelled, as were two others. The doors were closed and 
 the remainder were asked to fall in line, and we were drilled 
 about three-quarters of an hour — ^put through a regular manual 
 of drill, marching, countermarching, wheeling, forming fours,' 
 etc." 
 
 " Who drilled you ? " — " The man that came in with the 
 sword ; I didn't ascertain his name. At the expiration of that 
 time the drill-instructor stated that he would now introduce 
 some of the members of the first company of the German organ- 
 ization. He went outside and in a few minutes returned accom- 
 panied by ten other men, dressed as he himself was, each one 
 armed with a Springfield rifle. When they all got into the 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 37 
 
 room he placed them in line facing us and introduced them as 
 members of the first company of tho Lehr und Wehr Verein. 
 lie said that he was going to drill them a little while to let us 
 see how far they had got with their drill. He drilled them 
 about ten minutes in a regular musket drill. At the end of 
 that time a man in the employ of the proprietor of the saloon at 
 No. 54 West Lake street came into the room with two tin boxes, 
 which he placed on the table at the south end of the room. The 
 drill-instructor then asked all those present to step up and ex- 
 amine the two tin boxes, as they were the latest improved dyna- 
 mite bomb. I stepped to the front with the others, and exam- 
 ined the two tins." 
 
 "Describe them as near as you can.' — " They were about the 
 size and had the appearance of ordinaiy preserved fruit cans. 
 The top part unscrewed, and on the inside the cans were filled 
 with a light-brown mixture. There was also a small glass tube 
 inserted in the center of the can. The tube was in connection 
 ^vith a screw, and it was explained that when the can was thrown 
 against any hard sabstance it would explode." 
 
 " Was that mixture a liquid?" — "Inside of the glass tube 
 was a liquid." 
 
 " Was there anything around that glass tube ? " — " Yes, sir ; 
 it was a brownish mixture." 
 
 " Was that a liquid ? " — " No. sir ; it looked more like fine 
 sawdust." 
 
 " Did you feel of it ? " — " I did not. The drill-instruotor told 
 us we should be very careful about selecting new members of 
 company, because if we were not, there was no telling whom we 
 might get into our midst. The next proceeding of the evening 
 was to select officers. A man named Walters was chosen Cap- 
 
38 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 tain, and Parsons was chosen Lieutenant. Some discussion 
 arose as to what the company should be called. It was decided 
 eventually that we should be called the International Rifles. 
 The drill-instructor then suggested that we ought to choose some 
 other hall, as we were not quite safe there. He added : ' We 
 have a fine place at No. 636 Milwaukee avenue. We have a 
 shooting range in the basement, where we practice shooting reg- 
 ularly.' Parsons inquired whether it was not possible for us to 
 rent the same place. The driil-instructor infonned him he did 
 not know. The question of renting another hall was postponed, 
 and our next meeting was fixed for the next Monday." 
 
 Mr. Salomon — " A meeting of what ? " 
 
 Witness — " A meeting of the armed section of the American 
 group." 
 
 Mr. Grinnell — " Who drilled that company that night ? " — 
 Witness — " That German, and Parsons and Fielden." 
 
 "When was the next meeting?" — "The following Monday, 
 the 31st of August, at the same place. Parsons and Fielden 
 were present, and others. That was a meeting of the armed sec- 
 tion, and it was held at Greif's hall. Capt. Walters drilled us 
 about an hour and a half. Afterward a consultation was held 
 by the members of the company as to the best way of procuring 
 arms. Some one suggested that each member should pay so 
 much a week until a sufiicient amount had been raised where- 
 with to purchase a rifle for each member of the company. Par- 
 sons said : * Look here, boys, why can't we make a raid some 
 night on the militia armory ? There are only two or three men 
 on guard there, and it is easily done.' This suggestion seemed 
 to be favored by the members, and it was finally decided to put 
 the matter ofi until the nights got a little longer." 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 39 
 
 Capt. Black—" Which matter was put off ? " 
 
 Witness — " The raid on the armory." 
 
 Mr. Grinnell — " When was the next meeting ? " — Witness — 
 " September 3, 1885, at No. 54 West Lake street. Fielden made 
 a speech there and said : ' It is useless for you to suppose that 
 you can ever obtain anything in any other way than by force. 
 You must arm yourselves and prepare for the coming revolu- 
 tion.' That was one of the ordinary meetings of the association. 
 The next meeting was October 11, at Twelfth street Turner hall. 
 Spies and Fielden were present. Fielden said : ' The Eight- 
 Hour law will be of no benefit to the working men. You must 
 organize and use force. You must crush out the present Gov- 
 ernment by force. It is the only way in which you can better 
 your present condition.' I left with Fielden before the meeting 
 terminated." 
 
 " When was the next meeting you attended ? " — " The next 
 meeting was December 20, at Twelfth street Turner hall. Fiel- 
 den was present. He said : ' All the crowned heads of Europe 
 are trembling at the very name of Socialism, and I hope soon to 
 see a few Liskes in the United States to put away a few of the 
 tools of the capitalists. The execution of Kiel in the Northwest 
 was downright murder.' " — " Was that an open meeting ? " — " It 
 was as far as I know. I saw no one refused admission." 
 
 " How about those other meetings you have mentioned, aside 
 from the armed sections?" — "Aside from the meetings of the 
 armed section I should say that they were public. I never saw 
 any one refused admission." — "Was there any precaution 
 taken ? " — " A precaution was taken in this way : A member 
 of the group was generally stationed at the door, and as each 
 
40 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 member entered tlie hall he was closely scrutinized. The next 
 meeting was December 30." 
 
 " What place ? "— " At No. 106 Randolph." 
 
 " Who spoke there ?" — " Fielden. At this meeting a stranger 
 asked a question, and Fielden replied to the question." 
 
 " Do you know what the question was ? " — " The question 
 was : * Would the destruction of private property assist univer- 
 sal co-operation ? ' Fielden replied : ' Neither I or any body 
 else can tell what is going to be in a hundred years from now, 
 but this everybody knows : If private property is done away 
 with, it would insure a better state of things "generally. And 
 we are trying all we can to teach the people the best way in 
 which to bring about this change.' " 
 
 " Who was present at that meeting ? " — " Fielden, only. 
 The next meeting was January of this year, at Twelfth street 
 Turner hall. Fielden and Schwab were present. Fielden, re- 
 ferring to the troubles in Ireland, said : ' If every Irishman 
 would become a Socialist, he would have a better opportunity 
 to secure home-rule for Ireland. I want all Irishmen to destroy 
 all the private property they can lay their hands on.' He also 
 referred to other matters. What he said had reference to Pink- 
 erton's detective agency." 
 
 " What was it he said?" — "He said Pinkerton's detectives 
 were a lot of cold-blooded murderers, and the worst enemies the 
 working men had, and they were all in the pay of the cap- 
 italists." 
 
 ■' Is that all that was said there ? Was that one of these or- 
 dinary opening meetings .? " — " It was." 
 
 " What else happened?" — " Schwab also addressed this meet- 
 ing in German. During his speech he was frequently applaud- 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 41 
 
 ed. The next meeting I attended was January 14, at No. 106 
 Eandolph Street." 
 
 " January of this year ? " — " Yes, sir." 
 
 "What was said at this meeting?" — "Before the meeting 
 commenced the defendants, Fielden and Spies, had a conversa- 
 tion which I overheard." 
 
 "Where was that?" — "That was held in the hall near the 
 door." 
 
 " State what you heard." — " Spies said to Fielden ; ' Don't 
 say very much about that article on Anarchists in an afternoon 
 paper. You simply need to state that a reporter of the paper 
 had an interview with me a few days ago, but that most of the 
 statements of the paper are lies." 
 
 " How was that conversation carried on ? " — " It was carried 
 on quietly and was not meant for anybody else to hear." 
 
 " Capt. Black objected to the last part of the answer, and 
 succeeded in having it stricken out. 
 
 " What was the tone of voice ? " — '- In whispers." 
 
 " When did they leave ? " — " Spies further said : ' You must 
 be careful in your remarks. You don't know who might be 
 amongst us to-night.' Spies then went away and the meeting 
 was called to order " 
 
 " By whom ? "— " Fielden." 
 
 " What did he say ? " — " He made a long talk, commenting 
 on the articles that appeared. He said almost all of the state- 
 ments were lies. He said in regard to dynamite bombs : ' It is 
 quite true we have lots of explosives and dynamite in our pos- 
 session, and we will not hesitate to use them when the proper 
 time comes. We care nothing at all either for the military or 
 the police. All of these -are in the pay of the capitalists.' He 
 
42 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 f virther said that * even in the regular army most of the soldiers 
 are in sympathy with us, and most of them have been driven to 
 enlist. I have had a letter from a friend out West. He told 
 me that he had seen a soldier on the frontier reading a copy of 
 the AlanrnJ Others then made speeches. Afterward Fielden 
 again spoke at the same meeting in regard to the question asked 
 him, what was the Socialist idea of the eight-hour movement. 
 Fielden said : ' We don't object to but we don't believe in it. 
 Whether a man works eight hours a day or ten hours a day he 
 is still a slave. We propose to abolish slavery altogether,' That 
 is all of that meeting. Fielden said, the 24th of January, at a 
 meeting held at No. 106 Randolph street — " 
 
 "What is the name of that, Jung's hall?"— "Yes, I believe 
 it is Jung?s hall. Fielden said good results were sure to follow 
 the abolishment of private property." 
 
 " When did you quit this branch of your business ? " — " The 
 latter part of January last-" 
 
 " Did you know then of Pinkerton's agency having any other 
 men employed in the same line that you were employed in ? " — 
 "I knew -there had been another man, but whether he was em- 
 ployed then I do not know." 
 
 "Have you lately, within the last few days, ascertained, and 
 do you know the fact, that you have seen any Pinkerton men in 
 these meetings ? " — " That is so." 
 
 " But you did not know it at that time ? " — " I did not know 
 it at that time." 
 
 "How often did you drill with the armed section? " — " Only 
 twice." 
 
 " How often did they drill ?"—" Once a week." 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 43 
 
 " Have you got any information from any other members of 
 the organization ? If they drilled after that ? " 
 
 Objected to and withdi-awn. 
 
 " Did you ascertain from any of the defendants if they drilled 
 after that ? "— " I did not." 
 
 " Have you had any other talk with Parsons outside of these 
 utterances ? " — " I have." 
 
 "Have you had any talk with Spies, Fielden, Parsons, and 
 other defendants as to the purposes of their organization ? " — " I 
 have talked frequently with Parsons and Fielden at various 
 times and at various places. I cannot recollect as to what was 
 said at each place and when it was said." 
 
 " Can you give me the substance or purport of what was 
 said at any time ? " 
 
 Captain Black objected, unless time and place were given. 
 
 " What was the object of the armed section as was expressed 
 by the members ? " — " At the first meeting of the armed section 
 the discussion arose as to what the company should be called. 
 Some one suggested that the company should be amalgamated 
 with the German organization, and the company was to be called 
 the Fourth Company of the Lehr und Wehr Verein. This idea 
 was opposed, and finally it was decided that it should be called 
 the International Rifles. It was further said and understood by 
 all the members that in case of a conflict with the authorities the 
 International Rifles were to act in concert with the Lehr und 
 Wehr Verein, and obey the orders of the officers of that organ- 
 ization." 
 
 " What was said at any time as to when this revolution v/as 
 to take place — when was to be the culmination of the conflict?"— 
 "The 1 st of May was frequently mentioned as a good opportunity." 
 
44 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 " What 1st of May ? " — " This present. As far as I remem- 
 ber it was at a meeting at Twelfth street Turner hall on one 
 occasion in Decembei', and it was the defendant Fielden that 
 said the 1st of May would be the time to strike the blow. There 
 would be so many strikes and there would be 50,000 men out of 
 work — that is to say if the eight-hour movement was a failure." 
 
 " Have you ever met any of them at the Arbeiter Zeitung 
 office ? "— " I have." 
 
 " What conversation did you have ? " — "I had a conversation 
 with Parsons some time in March. The conversation took place 
 in the Alarm office in the Arbeiter Zeitung building. This office 
 is situated in the back of the building." 
 
 " Well, state what you remember of the conversation." — " I 
 asked Parsons if he did not think it advisable to get some papers 
 printed in the Scandinavian language, as I thought I could make 
 use of them. I intended to distribute them among the Scandi- 
 navian people along Milwaukee avenue and that neighborhood. 
 Parsons replied : ' Yes, it is a good idea, and the best thing you 
 can do is to bring the matter up in our next meeting. Bring it 
 up before the meeting, and I will see that it is attended to. It 
 is no use, we must have the Scandinavians with 'is.' " 
 
 "Did you have any talk with any of these defendants about 
 the purposes and objects of the social revolution, so called ? " — 
 "I have had numerous conversations with Fielden and Parsons' 
 but I cannot remember distinctly what was said." 
 
 " What was Parsons' relation to the Alarm ? " — " He was 
 the editor." 
 
 "Did you ever see a book by Most called 'The Modem 
 Science of Revolutionary W^arfare ? ' Look at that book and 
 state whether you have seen it before." — " I have." 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 45 
 
 " "Where ? " — " I have seen it at meetings at Twelfth street 
 Turner hall ; at No. 54 West Lake street, and also at No. 106 
 Randolph." 
 
 •' Who had charge of the distribution of it ? "—"The Chair 
 man." 
 
 " Of the respective meetings ? " — " Yes, sir." 
 
 " Were they sold or given away ? " — " They were sold." 
 
 " Do you know whether or not any steps were taken to dis- 
 tribute the Ala/rm? " 
 
 " There were a number of those present at that particular 
 meeting who bought a number of copies of the Alarm, and said 
 that they would try their best to sell them and obtain new sub- 
 scribers." 
 
 " Do you know a man named Schneider and one Thomas 
 Brown?"— "Yes, sir." 
 
 "Did they belong to the American group?" — "Both of 
 them." 
 
 " Did they belong to the armed section ? " — " Both of them," 
 
 " Where usually did the American group meet before the 
 time you ceased your connection with it ? " 
 
 "During the last few meetings it met at No. 1C6 Randolph 
 street." 
 
 "Prior to that where did it meet?" — "It had met at No. 54 
 West Lake street, also at No. 45 North Clark street, and on the 
 Lake front." 
 
 "Did you ever meet vdth the American group at No. 107 
 Fifth avenue?"— "No, sir." 
 
 "No. 636 Milwaukee avenue was the place mentioned as tne 
 proper place for drilling. Were you ever there?" — "I was 
 there.', 
 
46 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 " Did they meet more than once there ? '' — " I don't know." 
 
 " Do you know what the hall is called ? '' — " I do." 
 
 " What is it ? "— " Thalia hall." 
 
 " When you joined this organization did it cost you any- 
 thing ? "— " Ten cents." 
 
 " How often did you pay the contributions ? " — " Once a 
 month." 
 
 " How much ? "— " Ten cents." 
 
 "When you joined the armed section did that require any 
 special contribution ? " — " No, sir." 
 
 "What was Fielden's oflS.ce in the group of the armed 
 section ? " 
 
 " He was Treasurer and Secretary of the organization — of 
 the group." 
 
 " Did he hold any oflSce, or was he simply a private in the 
 armed section ? " 
 
 " He held no ofl&ce while I attended there." 
 
 CROSS-EXAMINED. 
 
 Cross-examined by Mr. Foster : — " Where were you before 
 you came here ? " 
 
 " I was a police officer in England eight years." 
 
 " In uniform ? "— " Part of the time." 
 
 "How long did you do detective service there?" — "Three 
 years," 
 
 " At what place? " — "In Lancashire." 
 
 "How long have you been with Pinkerton?" — "Three 
 years." 
 
 " What did you do before you became a detective here ? 
 Were you ever in any legitimate business ? " 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 47 
 
 Mr. Grinnell — " In any other legitimate business ? " 
 Witness — " I was storekeeper at the Windsor hotel." 
 "Was that meeting at Baum's hall a public one?" — "It 
 
 was." 
 
 " March 1 you became a member? " — "Yes, sir." 
 
 " Were your antecedents inquired into ? " — " No, sir." 
 
 "You just paid your ten cents and were received? " — " Yes, 
 
 sir." 
 
 "Is not that your experience, that anybody who could pay 
 10 cents could be received ? " — "Yes, sir." 
 
 "D.d you ever see anybody excluded?" — "No, sir, except 
 reporters. I have seen reporters excluded sometimes." 
 
 " Were not reporters generally freely admitted ? " — " Not 
 very often.'^ 
 
 "They had seats for them and a table ? " — " I don't know. 
 I never saw more than one at a time there." 
 
 " Did you ever see anybody excluded by the doorkeeper ? " 
 " No, sir." 
 
 "Did you ever have any ushers — anybody who got seats for 
 strangers. 
 
 " No, sir ; but I saw some of the old members get up and 
 give their seats when strangers came in." 
 
 " You stated that Mr. Spies introduced resolutions in sym 
 pathy with a girl ? " 
 
 " Somebody else introduced them but Spies opposed it. He. 
 said there was no use making resolutions." 
 
 " That is, the girl had had her day in court and it was no use 
 passing resolutions?" 
 
 " He said it would be a good opportunity for some one to 
 take a pistol and go and shoot Wight." 
 
48 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 "You are sure Spies said that?" — "Yes, sir." 
 
 " You wrote out your report immediately with all the facts 
 fresh in your mind." — "Yes, I wrote it that night." 
 
 " Didn't you write in your report [reading from it] that 
 Keegan said that after Spies got through with his remarks ? " 
 "Yes, but Mr. Spies said it also." 
 
 "You are sure of that?"— "Yes, sir." 
 
 " Will you show me the place in your report where this is 
 said?"— "I don't find it." 
 
 " Then your memory is better now than it was immediately 
 after the meeting ? " 
 
 "It is considerably better now that I have refreshed it." 
 
 " A detective's memory gets better as the time goes on, does 
 it?" 
 
 Mr. Grinnell objected to this kind of cross-examination. 
 
 Referring to the charges against Sergt. Patton, Mr Foster 
 asked : " Were the circumstances stated that the girl had been 
 grossly abused, but his brother officers stood round and swore 
 him out ? " 
 
 " It may have been." 
 
 "And was it not stated as a general expression that such a 
 man ought to be shot ? " 
 
 " It may have been." 
 
 In regard to the strike at La SaUe, Mr. Foster made it ap- 
 pear as if Parsons had simply stated in general terms that if soap 
 was put on the rails the train would not be able to move, but 
 that he did not advise anybody to go and put the soap on. 
 Fielden's remark that something had been discovered by which 
 the working men could resist the police and militia, and Parsons 
 remark that he would not live on snowballs another winter, were 
 
OSCAR NEEBE. 
 
RISE AND FALL OF AKARCHY. 49 
 
 represented by Mr. Foster in an equally innocent and harmless 
 light. The cross-examination fo- the day concluded with the 
 following questions and answers : 
 
 " You heard Fielden say : ' While we march toward the 
 Board of Trade we will sing the Marseillaise hymn ? " — " Yes, 
 sir." 
 
 " That you understood to be the French national hymn ? " — 
 "Yes, sir." 
 
 W. H. Freeman, a reporter, testified as follows : 
 
 " I was at the corner of Kandolph and Desplaines streets. 
 Saw Parsons speaking, and listened to what he had to say. 
 Some one said Mayor Harrison was there and I tried to find 
 him. There was a big crowd. Parsons said that Jay Gould 
 was a robber, and asked what was to be done. Somebody 
 shouted, ' Throw him in the lake.' Parsons said : ' No, that 
 won't do. We must overthrow the system by which he was 
 enabled to secure so much money.' He shouted frequently : ' To 
 arms ! to arms I ' aud the crowd applauded. There were six or 
 eight persons on the wagon. Fielden, the next speaker, dis- 
 cussed legislation, saying that Martin Foran had admitted that 
 it was impossible for the working men to get their rights through 
 legislation, and that the people were fools to send such a man to 
 Congress when he owned that the legislation could not better 
 them. He justified the forthcoming revolution, saying it was 
 just as proper as the colonial revolution. The police came up 
 quietly and my first knowledge of it was the command to dis- 
 perse. Then the bomb exploded. It made a terrible noise, and 
 a moment after the firing commenced. Parsons, Spies and 
 Fielden were on the wagon, and I think I saw Schwab there. 
 I crouched down behind the wagon until after the firing was 
 
50 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 over; then I went to the Desplaines street station. On getting 
 out on the street I saw two officers lying wounded. I spoke to 
 them but they didn't answer, so I told the sergeant of a patrol- 
 wagon about it." 
 
 Officer McKeogh testified. : 
 
 " I was at the Haymarket on the night of May 4. Parsons 
 followed Spies, saying : ' I am a Socialist from the top of my 
 head to the soles of my feet, and I'll express my sentiments if I 
 die before morning.' Again he said . 'I pay rent for the house 
 I live in.' Some one asked : ' What does the landlord do with 
 the money?' Parsons replied: 'I am glad you asked that 
 question. The landlord pays taxes, they go to pay the sheriff, 
 the militia, and the Pinkertonites.' The crowd cheered, then 
 Parsons cried : ' To arms ! to arms ! ' and Fielden took the stand 
 He said • ' The law does not protect you, working men. Did 
 the law protect you when the police shot down your brothers at 
 McCormick's ? Did the law protect you when McCormick closed 
 the doors of his factory and left you and your wives and chil- 
 dren to starve ? I say throttle the law ; strangle it, kill it ! ' " 
 
 H. E O. Heineman, formerly a reporter on the Arbeiter 
 Zeitung, was asked : 
 
 " Mr. Heineman, you were formerly an Internationalist ? " — 
 "Yes, sir." 
 
 " When did you cease your connection with them ? " — 
 " About two years ago. 
 
 " Whom of the defendants do you know that were in that 
 association or society before you left it ? " — " Of my own knowl 
 edge I know none but one, that is Neebe. He used to belong 
 to the same group that I did." 
 
 " Did you ever meet with any of the others at any of the 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 51 
 
 meetings?" — "Yes; Spies, Schwab, and I think, Parsons." 
 
 "That was about the time Herr Most came here and deliv- 
 ered some speeches?" — "Yes, sir." 
 
 " And it was on account of those speeches you severed your 
 connection with the Anarchists ?" — "Yes." 
 
 " Whom did you see on the speaker's wagon at the Hay- 
 market ? " — " I saw the speakers, Spies, Schwab and Fielden, and 
 Rudolph Schnaubelt, whom I had formerly known from my 
 connection with the Internationalists." 
 
 " You say Schnaubelt was on the wagon. How long after 
 the cloud came up and the crowd thinned out did you see him? " 
 — " I cannot say." 
 
 " Well, how long before the police came did you miss Sch- 
 naubelt ? " — " I cannot say ; perhaps ten minutes." 
 
 "You say Mr. Neebe was a member of the Internationalist 
 organization. Now, you didn't have any passwords, did yoti ? 
 It wasn't an organization where you drilled, was it ? " — " It was 
 an avowed Socialistic order." 
 
 Another sensational witness was HaiTy L. Gilmer, a work- 
 man, who testified that he saw Spies and . Rudolph Schnaubelt 
 standing inside the mouth of the alley at the Haymarket ; that 
 Spies lit a match for Schnaubelt, who in turn lit the fuse of the 
 bomb and threw it among the police. An effort was made to 
 shake the testimony of this witness, which was not successfid, 
 and witnesses were then brought forward to impeach his ver- 
 acity, but the state produced many prominent men who knew 
 him, and who stated that they would believe him under oath. 
 
 Captain Frank Schaack, in charge of the East Chicago 
 avenue police station, who unearthed the Anarchists' conspiracy 
 after the Haymarket, was called to the stand on Thursday, July 
 
52 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 29. Linggs trunk was placed before him. He was asked: 
 " Do you know any of the defendants in this case ? " 
 "I have seen Spies, Schwab and Parsons, and Engel and 
 Lingg were arrested and confined in my station." 
 
 " When did you first converse with Lingg about this case?" 
 "About 3 o'clock on the afternoon of May 14. First I 
 asked him his name. He told me. I asked him if he was at the 
 meeting at 54 Lake street on Tuesday night. He said : ' Yes.' 
 Then he said he made dynamite. I asked him what for. He 
 said: 'To use then.' He looked excited. I asked why he 
 disliked the police. He said he had a reason ; the police clubbed 
 the men at McCormick's. He said he was down on the police 
 because they took the part of the capitalists. I said : ' Why 
 don't you use guns instead of dynamite ? ' He said guns 
 wouldn't do ; that the militia would outnumber the Socialists. 
 I asked him how he learned to make dynamite. He said out of 
 books, and that he made bombs out of gas-pipe and out of lead 
 and metal mixed. He said he got the lead on the streets and 
 the gas-pipe along the river or anywhere he could." 
 " What other conversation did you have ? " 
 "Lingg said he made those bombs and meant to use them. 
 Then Mrs. Seliger accused him of making bombs a few weeks 
 after he came to her house. I knew then that he had made a 
 good many. John Thielen was arrested at the same time, and 
 from him we got two bombs. I said to Lingg : ' This man 
 says you gave him the bombs. What have you to say ? ' He 
 looked at Thielen and shook his head, and Thielen said : ' Oh, 
 it's no use, everything is known ; you might just as well talk.' 
 But Lingg refused to say anything." 
 "Anything else?" 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 63 
 
 " Well, this tnink here was brought to my office. Under the 
 lining I found a lot of dynamite and some fuse and asked him 
 if that was the kind of dynamite he used. He said it was ; that 
 he got it at a store on Lake street. There were three kinds of 
 dynamite. He said he experimented once with a long bomb ; 
 that he put it in a tree, touched it off, and that it riddled the 
 tree to atoms. I asked him if he knew Spies. He said 'Yes, 
 for some time ; ' that he was often at the Arbeiter Zeitung office. 
 I asked him how long he had been a Socialist. He said he'd 
 been a Socialist as long as he could think." 
 
 " Did you have any conversation with Eugel ? '' 
 
 " Yes, on the 18th, in the evening, I asked him where he was 
 May 3. He said he worked for a man named Koch. I asked 
 him if he made a speech at the meeting at 54 Lake sti'eet. He 
 said no, but that he was at the meeting. The second time I 
 talked with him his Avife came. She brought him a bunch of 
 flowers. He got excited, and ci'ied : ' What good are those 
 flowers to me ? Here I am locked up in a dark cell.' Then his 
 wife said : ' Papa, see what trouble you've got yourself into j 
 why haven't you stopped this nonsense ? He said : ' Mamma, 
 I can't. I am cursed with eloquence. What is in a man must 
 come out. Louis Michel suffered for the cause. She is a 
 woman ; why should I not suffer ? I am a man, and I will stand 
 it like a man." 
 
 "How many bombs in all did you find ? " — " Objected to. 
 
 "Tell the juiy what experiments you made with those 
 bombs." 
 
 "One bomb found in Lingg's room, which Schuettler said 
 was loaded with a funnel, I put in a box two feet square and 
 buried in the ground three feet deep at Lake View. Officers 
 
54 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 Stift, E,ehm and Loewenstein were there. We touched the 
 bomb off. It blew the box to pieces, fragments carried off the 
 branches of trees, aud the ground was torn up for a great dis- 
 tance. This black dynamite, also found in Lingg's room, was 
 put in a beer keg. Part of this dynamite Lingg gave to Thielen, 
 and this is a fragment of a round bomb I experimented with. 
 On top of this bomb I had a round piece of iron thirty-four 
 inches wide, some heavy planks, a piece of steel forty-two inches 
 wide and weighing 180 pounds; then an iron boiler twenty-two 
 inches wide and fourteen inches high ; then on top of that a 
 stone weighing 132 pounds. The stone was burst to pieces, nine 
 holes were shot through the iron boiler, the steel cover was 
 cracked, and the planks were split into kindling wood. Por- 
 tions of the other bombs I cut off, and gave them to Profs. 
 Haines and Paton." 
 
 "There were bushels of bombs before the jury. Coils of 
 fuse "vvas unwound. Dynamite in paper packages and in tin 
 boxes was displayed. The court-room looked like the interior of 
 an arsenal so far as the tremendous character of the explosives 
 were concerned. Pieces of metal, gas-pipe, tin cans, and iron 
 boxes rattled together, Capt. Schaack, pointing to the bombs, 
 said he got two from Hoffman, one from fireman Miller, and one 
 from Officer Loewenstein. He was not allowed to tell how 
 many bombs in all he received until the officers first told where 
 the bombs were found. 
 
 "Now about those conversations. Did Lingg say anything 
 about the use of those bombs ? " 
 
 " He said he intended to use them against the Gatling-guns 
 of the militia ; that a revolution was impending. I asked him 
 about that satchel he brought to Neff's place. He said he saw 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 55 
 
 one there. Then I asked him where he got the moulds to mould 
 the round bombs. He said he made them out of clay ; that they 
 could be used about two times, then they were no good. He 
 said he saw the ' Revenge ' circular on the West side." 
 
 " Who did he say was at his place May 4 ? " — " He said about 
 six in all, but he only knew the two Lehmans." 
 
 Capt. Schaack was asked by Mr. Ingham whether he experi- 
 mented with fuse. 
 
 " I did. I also experimented with dynamite cartridges. I 
 had one inserted into a stone weighing perhaps thirty pounds. 
 The explosion broke this stone into atoms." 
 
 Cross-examined by Mr. Foster. — " What Lingg said to you, 
 Captain, was substantially this : That there was to be a conflict 
 between the police and the Gatling-guns on one side and the 
 laboring men on the other, and that he was making these bombs 
 to use when that time came ? " 
 
 " That's about it, only he said the time had actually come.". 
 
 " Those experiments you made were made for your own sat- 
 isfaction ? " 
 
 " They were made to enable me to testify to the character of 
 the stufE that was found." 
 
 "As a matter of fact you woke up Engel in his cell after 
 midnight to interrogate him, didn't you ? " 
 
 "Well, I don't remember. If I did, I did, and I suppose I 
 did. I had a right to do it." 
 
 " Do you know of two detectives at your station who went 
 to Lingg's cell late at night and exhibited a rope saying they 
 were going to hang him ? " 
 
 " I do not, and I do not believe anything of the kind was 
 done." 
 
66 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 Officer Hoffman, of the Larrabee street station., testified that 
 lie found nine round bombs and four long ones under a sidewalk 
 near Clyde street and Clybourn avenue. 
 
 " Who was- with you at the time ? "— " Gustav Lehman." 
 
 Under John Thielen's house the witness found two long 
 bombs, two boxes of cartridges, two cigar boxes full of dyna- 
 mite, one rifle, and one revolver. 
 
 " What else ? " — " Lehman pointed out to me a can holding 
 about a gallon, and this was filled with dynamite." 
 
 " Look at this box of caps. Where did you find them ? " — 
 " They were with the dynamite. They were all under the side- 
 walk on Clyboiirn avenue, back of Ogden's grove." 
 
 Assistant State's- Attorney Frank Walker opened the pro- 
 ceedings Friday, July 30, by reading extracts from Parsons* 
 Alarm, dated May 2d of this year. It M-as a speech delivered 
 by Parsons April 29, the night the new Board of Trade was ded- 
 icated, and that occasion afforded the speaker his subject. The 
 speech was full of rabid utterances, of which the following are 
 samples : 
 
 " To-night the property owners are dedicating a temple for 
 the plunder of the people. We assemble as Anarchists and 
 Communists to protest against the system of society founded on 
 spoliation of the people." In conclusion Parsons advised his; 
 hearers to save their money and buy revolvers and rifles, and 
 recommended the use of dynamite. 
 
 Under date of December 26, 1885, the Alarm contained a 
 long description of what qualities should center in a revolution- 
 ist. " The revolutionist," it was said, " must dedicate his life ex- 
 clusively to his idea, living in this world only for the purpose of 
 more surely destroying it. He hates every law and science, and 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 57 
 
 knows of but one science — that of destruction. He despises 
 public sentiment and social morality. All his sentiments of 
 friendship, love and sympathy must be suppressed. Equally 
 must he hate everything that stands in the way to the attain- 
 ment of his ends. He must have but one thought — merciless 
 revolution ; he must be bound by no ties, and must not hesitate 
 to destroy all institutions and systems." 
 
 On February 6, 1886, the Alarm paid its respects to Cap 
 tain Bonfield, and the attention of the revolutionists was called 
 to the clubbing done by the police at the time of the car-men's 
 strike, by saying : " American sovereigns, if you don't like this, 
 get guns or dynamite." 
 
 The names of those appointed to act as a bureau of informa- 
 tion for the Anarchists were printed in the Alarm under date 
 January 9, 1886. Joseph Bock, B. Ran, August Spies, A. R. 
 Parsons and Anton Hirschberger were the names given. On 
 March 20, 1886, the ^fo/v» said: "All argument is no good 
 unless based on force." 
 
 On another occasion, speaking of the eight hour movement* 
 it was said : " All roads lead to Rome ; so must all labor move- 
 ments lead to Socialism." Later the Alarra said: " One pound 
 of dynamite is better than a bushel of ballots. Working men, 
 to arms ! Death to luxurious idleness ! " All articles from 
 which these extracts were taken had Parsons' name appended as 
 the writer. April 24, the date of the last issue of the Alarm, 
 the Knights of Labor were assailed " for attempting to prevent 
 the people from exterminating the predatory beasts — the capi- 
 talists." Mr. Ingham reads from Herr Must's book a descrip- 
 tion of an infernal machine to bum down buildings. This appa- 
 ratus is described as of wonderful efficiency and dirt cheap. It 
 
68 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 is read to secure the admission as evidence of the four tin boxes 
 spoken of by Detective Jansen, who saw them exhibited at 54 
 West Lake street. 
 
 The Court is not sure the contents in both cases are the same, 
 and Officer Coughlin, of the Chicago avenue station, is put on 
 the stand t(j prove the character of the compound. He experi- 
 mented with one can by means of a fulminating cap. He tried 
 to explode the can but failed, then he attached a fuse and an ex- 
 plosion followed. A quantity of burning liquid, much resemb 
 ling vitriol, was distributed in all directions, a stream was thrown 
 five or six feet high, and for a space of ten feet in all directions 
 the grass was set on fire, and it burned for fully five minutes. 
 
 Charles B. Prouty is called. He was formerly manager of a 
 gun store on State street. 
 
 "Have you ever seen any of the defendants before?" — "I 
 have seen Engel and Parsons." 
 
 " When did you converse with Engel last, before May 4?" 
 — " Some time last fall. Mr. Engel and his wife called at the 
 store and inquired for some big revolvers. They found one that 
 suited them, to present to some society. They said they wanted 
 100 or 200 for this society, A week later they said this revol- 
 ver would do and they wanted some 200 revolvers. I told them 
 I thought I could get them, but when they came back the second 
 time I found I couldn't. They were much disappointed and 
 said they would go some place else." 
 
 " What was the piice ? "— " I think $5.50. They were either 
 44 or 45 calibre revolvers." 
 
 " What did you say about the price ? " — " I told them that 
 was very cheap and said they could make a handsome profit on 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 59 
 
 them. They said they didn't want to make any profit ; that the 
 weapons were for a society." 
 
 Captain Black, on the cross-examination, brings it out that 
 the witness sold the gun to Engel, thinking he wanted to go into 
 some speculation. 
 
 W. J. Reynolds, also in the gun business at 73 State street, 
 has seen Parsons, and he thinks Engel. 
 
 " When did you see Parsons relative to your buisness, »nd 
 tell what it was?" 
 
 " I think it was in February or March. He came into the 
 store and wanted to purchase about forty remodeled Remington 
 guns. Parsons spoke to me several times about this purchase, 
 but it was never made. Parsons seemed undecided." 
 
 " State whether your concern ever sold any rifle or revolver 
 cartridges, which were to be delivered, and were delivered, at 
 636 Milwaukee avenue— Thalia hall ? " 
 
 This question is overruled by the court unless the cartridges 
 wei'e delivered by the witness in person. Capt. Black takes the 
 witness in hand and he said he never knew Parsons by name un- 
 til yesterday, then that person was pointed out to him in court. 
 
 "That's all," says Capt. Black.— "Mr. Reynolds," says Mr. 
 Grinnell, " was Parsons pointed out to you, or did you not point 
 out the man you had seen before ? " 
 
 " I pointed out the man I had seen before." 
 
 A manuscript in Spies' handwriting is offered in evidence. 
 It is a manuscript of an editorial which was printed in the A/'- 
 better Zeitung of May 4 and captioned :. "Blood and Powder as 
 a Cure for Dissatisfied Working Men." In another part of the 
 paper was the following : " This evening there is a gi-eat meet- 
 ing at the Haymarket. No working men ought to stay away.'* 
 
60 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 Manuscript in Schwab's handwriting is submitted. This 
 matter appeared in the Arbeiter Zeitung May 4, and one passage 
 is as follows : " The heroes of the club dispensed with their 
 cudgels yesterday." This has reference to the riot at McCor- 
 mick's. 
 
 Another extract ; " Reports of the capitalist papers have all 
 been dictated by the police." Still another : " The armory on 
 the Lake front is guarded by military tramps." And another : 
 "Milwaukee, usually so quiet, yesterday became the scene of 
 quite a number of labor riots." Under date of May 3, Spies' 
 paper said: "A hot conflict. The termination of the radical 
 elements bring the extortioners in numerous instances to terms." 
 January 5, 1885, Spies wrote concerning a report of a meeting 
 at 54 West Lake street : " Comrade Spies, in the course of his 
 speech said : ' And if we commence to murder we obey the law 
 of necessity for self-preservation.' " January 19, 1885, the Ar- 
 beitei' Zeitung contained a two column report of a meeting held 
 at Mueller's hall. Dynamite, blood and bombs were the nice 
 points dealt with, and the comments thereon was what the state 
 wanted read. But first a translation should have been made, 
 and to do this an adjournment is taken until 2 o'clock. 
 
 As the trial progi-essed public interest in the development of 
 the Anarchist plot to overthrow law and order increased. The 
 courtroom would not hold half of the people that applied for ad- 
 mission, and hundreds were turned away. Scattered throughout 
 the courtroom were numerous red flags and banners of the Lehr 
 imd Wehr Verein and the various Anarchist groups. Detective 
 James Bonfield was recalled to identify the flags and banners 
 found at the Arbeiter Zeitung office. They were as follows : 
 " In the Absence of Law all Men are Free ; " " Every Govern- 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 61 
 
 ment is a Conspiracy against the People ; " " Down with all 
 Laws;" "Fifteenth Section Boys Stick together ; " "Proletarians 
 of all Countries, unite ; " " International AVorking People's Asso- 
 ciation of Chicago. Presented by the Socialistic Women's Soci- 
 ety July 16, 1875." 
 
 Satiirday, July 31, the state introduced more translations 
 from the Arbeiter ZeituTig. The paper of January 6, under the 
 caption of " A New Military Law," contained the following edi- 
 torials : " After the adoption of the law and its working we 
 have learned a lesson. The vote of 1881 has shown that we are 
 strongei- than ever. There exists to-day an invisible network of 
 Socialistic forces. We are stronger than ever." 
 
 On January 22, 1886, an editorial asked : " How can the 
 eight-hour day be brought about ? Why, every clear-headed 
 man can see that the result can be obtained by no other means 
 than armed force." 
 
 The next day it was said : " The rottenness of our social in- 
 stitutions cannot be covered up with whitewash. Capital sucks 
 its force out of the labor of the working men. The misery has 
 become unbearable. Let us not treat with our enemies on May 
 1. Therefore, comrades, arm to the teeth. We want to demand 
 our rights on May 1." 
 
 Regarding the riot in London, a meeting was held at the 
 Twelfth sti-eet Turner hall, Neebe presiding ; Fielden the orator, 
 and his speech and the proceedings were reported under date of 
 February 15. Fielden said: "The time is not so far distant 
 when the down-trodden in Chicago will rise like their brothers 
 in London, and march up Michigan avenue, the red flag at their 
 head." Schwab spoke, calling on the people to rally around the 
 red flag of revolution. An editorial on February 17 said: 
 
62 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 " Hundreds and thousands of reasons indicate that force will 
 bring about a successful termination in the struggle for liberty." 
 April 10 it was said : "What happened yesterday in East St. 
 Louis may happen in Chicago. It is high time to be prepared 
 to complete the ammunition and be ready." 
 
 On April 22 Spies wrote : " Woi-king men, arm yourselves. 
 May 1 is close at hand." Six days later he said : " What An- 
 archists predicted six months ago has been realized now. The 
 power of the manufacturers must be met with armed woi'king 
 men. The logic of facts requires this. Arms are more neces- 
 sary now than ever. It is time to arm yourselves. Whoever 
 has not money sell your watch and buy firearms. Patience has 
 been preached — the working men have had too much of pa- 
 tience." 
 
 On April 29 Spies wrote : "The wage slave who is not ut- 
 terly demoralized should have a breech-loader in his house." 
 And the next day he said : " As we have been informed the 
 police have received secret orders to keep themselves in readiness 
 for fear of a riot on Saturday next, to the working men we again 
 say : Arm yourselves ! Keep your arms hidden so that they 
 will not be stolen by the minions of the law, as has happened 
 before." In the Letter Box was the following : " A dynamite 
 cartridge explodes not through concussion. A percussion primer 
 is necessar}^'' 
 
 January 5, in the Arheitei' Zdtung, a report said : •' The 
 meeting which the American group held at 54 West Lake street 
 was one of the best meetings ever held in Chicago. Comrade 
 Spies said : ' When we murder we put an end to general mur- 
 der. We only follow the law of self-preservation.' " 
 
 On January 18 all working men were called to attend a 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY, 63 
 
 meeting at Steinmetz hall. 'To Arms," was the caption. 
 " Those who desire instruction in drilling will not have to pay." 
 At Mueller's hall, a few days later, Schwab made an address, 
 saying : " We have made all preparations for a revolution by 
 force." Spies said : " I have been accused by a paper that I 
 tried to stir up a revolution. I concede this. What is ci'ime, 
 anyhow ? "VV^hen the working men try to secure the fruits of 
 their labor it is called crime." 
 
 Guns, dynamite and prussic acid. Spies preached, should be 
 given the working men, and " for every clubbed head in the 
 ranks of the workingmen there should be exacted twelve dead 
 policemen." In a long discourse on the means of action, Spies 
 said : " In the action itself one must be personally at the place, 
 to select personally that point of the place of action which is the 
 most important, and is coupled with the greatest danger, upon 
 which depends chiefly the success or failure of the whole affair. 
 Otherwise the thing would reach the long ears of the police, 
 which, as is known to every one, hear the grass grow and the 
 fleas cough ; but if this theory is acted on, the danger of discov- 
 ery is extremely small." " The Love of Self -Sacrifice," as mani- 
 fested by those who were killed during the uprising of the Paris 
 Commune, while fighting under the red flag, was the subject of 
 a long address on March 22, and March 23 it was said the ques- 
 tion of arming was the one uppermost in labor circles. Work- 
 ing men, it was held, ought to be armed long ago. Daggers and 
 revolvers were easily purchased; hand-grenades were plenti- 
 ful, and so was dynamite. The approaching contest should not 
 'be gone into vnth empty hands. 
 
 The State here rested its case. 
 
64 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 UNDER A OLOITD. A STRUGGLE FOR LIFE. CONTESTING EVERY 
 
 POINT BY SHREWD COUNSEL. BRAVING IT OUT. 
 
 THE DEFENSE. 
 
 Attorney Zeisler moved to have the jury sent from the room 
 pending a motion, and this the Court refused to do, saying it 
 was a vicious practice, and that the jury should hear all there 
 was in a case. 
 
 Capt. Black — " The motion we desire to make is that your 
 Honor now instruct the jury, the State having rested, that they 
 find a verdict of not guilty as to Oscar Neebe ; and we desire to 
 argue that motion." 
 
 Counsel for the defense proceeded to argue the motion, and 
 held that Neebe was not amenable ; not having been present at 
 the Haymarket, and having nothing to do with the Arheiter 
 Zeiining until after the arrest of Spies. 
 
 The Court — " If he had had prior knowledge of the partici- 
 pation in the Haymarket meeting the question would be quite 
 different, but if there is a general advice to commit murder, and 
 the time and occasion not being forseen, the adviser is guilty if 
 the murder is committed. Whether he did participate, con- 
 curred, assented, or encouraged the publication of the Arbeiter 
 Zeitung is a question for this jury upon the testimony that he 
 was frequently there, and that so soon as Schwab and Spies were 
 away he took charge. Everything in which his name has been 
 mentioned must be taken together, and then what the proper in- 
 ference is, is for the jury to say." 
 
 Capt. Black — "Does your Honor overrule the motion?" — " 
 The Court — " I overrule the motion." 
 
 Capt. Black — " We except, if your Honor pleases. We de- 
 
COUNSEL FOR DEFENDANTS. 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 65 
 
 sire also to make a like motion, without arguing it, in behalf of 
 all tha defendants except Spies and Fischer." — Motion over- 
 ruled. 
 
 Mr. Salomon then began the opening argument for the de- 
 fense. There were two leading points in his argument : 
 
 1. There connot be accessories without a principal. The 
 state must prove that somebody was a principal in committing 
 murder before it can convict others as accessories. 
 
 2. The defendants did not throw the bomb ; therefore they 
 are not guilty. 
 
 " True, the defendants made bombs ; true, they intended to 
 use dynamite. What if they did ? " asks Mr. Salomon. " They 
 were preparing for a revolution by force of arms and by means 
 of dynamite — but what has that to do with the case ? Did they 
 kill Matthias J. Degan, for which act they were specifically in- 
 dicted ? That is the question." 
 
 f Mr. Salomon then argued that the State would have to prove 
 that the object of the Haymarket meeting was to "aggressively 
 kill the police." He pointed out that the defendants had conse- 
 crated their lives to the benefit of their fellow men. They did 
 not seek McCormick's property for themselves — they did not 
 want the goods in Marshall Field's store for themselves. Their 
 methods were dangerous, but why were they not stopped at in- 
 ception ? They advocated force, because they believed in force. 
 No twelve men — no 12,000 men — could root out Anarchy. An- 
 archy is of the head — it is implanted in the soul ! As well at- 
 tempt to root out Republicanism or Democracy ! They in- 
 tended revolution — a revolution similar to that of the Northern 
 states against slavery, or of America against British oppression. 
 They wanted to free the white slaves — ^the working classes. 
 
66 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 They intended to use dynamite in furtherance of that revolution. 
 But they did not expect, nor did they conspire to take, the life 
 of officer Degan Lingg had the right to manufacture bombs 
 jiud fill his house with dynamite, if he so pleased. There was 
 no law against it. Mr. Salomon intimated that an attempt 
 would be made to show who threw the bomb, or that it was 
 thrown by somebody other than Schnaubelt ; also that the police 
 began the riot by shooting into the crowd ; that Schwab was not 
 at the meeting at all, and that when the bomb exploded Parsons 
 and Fischer were in Zephf's hall drinking beer. 
 
 "We expect further to show you," said Mr. Salomon, "that 
 this meeting had assembled peaceably, that its objects were 
 peaceable, that they delivered the same harangues, that the 
 crowd listened quietly, that not a single act transpired there pre- 
 vious to the coming of the police, for which any man in it could 
 be held amenable to law. They assembled there under the pro- 
 visions of our Constitution in the exercise of their right of free 
 speech, to discuss the situation of the working men, to discuss 
 the eight-hour question. They assembled there and incidentally 
 discussed what they called the outrages perpetrated at McCor- 
 mick's. No man expected that bomb would be thrown, no man 
 expected that any one would be injured at that meeting," 
 
 The witness who gave, perhaps, the strongest evidence for 
 the defense was Dr. James D. Taylor, an aged physician of the 
 Eclectic school. On the direct examination, Captain Black 
 asked : 
 
 " How old are you ? " Answer — "I am seventy-six years of 
 age." 
 
 " Where were you on May 4, in the evening ? " — " At the 
 Haymarket." 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 67 
 
 "Tell US when you reached the Haymarket." — "About 
 twenty minutes before the speaking commenced." 
 
 "During that twenty minutes where were you?" — "I was 
 standing in the alley — Crane's alley — near Desplaines street." 
 
 "How near to the west edge of the sidewalk?" — "Very 
 close to it." 
 
 " How long did you occupy that position ? " — " As long as 
 the bullets would let me." 
 
 " How long was that ? " asks Mr. Grinnell. — " I was the last 
 man that left the alley after the bomb exploded." 
 
 " Did you hear the speeches at the Haymarket ? " — " Oh, yes ; 
 distinctly." 
 
 " What did Spies say ? " — " He spoke about Jay Gould, and 
 some one said : ' Hang him/ and Spies said : ' No, it is not 
 time for that.' " 
 
 « 
 
 ' What did Parsons say ? " — " He spoke of the necessity for 
 union. The substance of his remarks was that if the working 
 men expected to win they must unite." 
 
 " Did you notice the approach of the police ? " — '• I did ; the 
 first column came up close to where I was standing. They were 
 so close I could touch them." 
 
 "Did you hear Fielden?"— "Yes." 
 
 " What did he say?" — "Well, he spoke about the law, and 
 said : ' It is your enemy. Kill it, stab it, throttle it ; if you 
 don't, it will throttle you.' " 
 
 "Did you hear the command given to disperse? ' — "Yes, 
 sir. 
 
 "What did Fielden say ?" — " He said : 'We are peaceable,' 
 or 'This is a peaceable meeting,' " 
 
 "Did you see Fielden again ? " — "I did. He got down out 
 
68 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 of the wagon and came around where I was standing." 
 
 "Did you see him with a revolver? " — " I did not." 
 
 "Did you see him shoot at all ? " — "Never. I did not." 
 
 "Did you see the bomb ? "— " I did." 
 
 " Where did it come from ? " — " About twenty feet, or per- 
 haps forty, south of the alley, behind some boxes on the side- 
 walk." 
 
 "Now, tell what you saw." — "Well, the bomb looked to me 
 like a boy's firecracker. It was then about five feet in the air. 
 It circled in a southeast direction, and fell, I think, between the 
 first and second columns of the police." 
 
 "When did the shooting commence? " — "Almost simultane- 
 ously." 
 
 " Did the firing proceed frrom the crowd, or the police ? " — 
 ." It came from the street, near where the police were." 
 
 " Did you see or hear of any pistol shots from the crowd ? " 
 — " Not one." 
 
 " You say you went to the Haymarket the next morning. 
 Did you make any examination of the neighborhood ? " — " I 
 did." 
 
 "Did you find any marks of bullets, in the walls around 
 there ? " — " Yes, a great many. They were in the north end of 
 the wall of Crane Bros.' building. Then I examined a telegraph 
 pole north of the alley, on the west side of the street. There 
 were a great many perforations on the south side of this pole." 
 
 " Were there any perforations on the north side of the pole ? " 
 — " Not one." 
 
 " Did you visit the place a second time ? " — " I did." 
 
 " For the purpose of examining this telegraph pole ? "— 
 Yes, sir." 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 69 
 
 " Tell the jury whether you found the pole there or not." — 
 " It was not there." 
 
 "How long ago was that ? " — "A week." 
 
 " And the pole was gone ? " — " It was gone." 
 
 " What course did you take, doctor, in going out of the al- 
 ley ? " — " I took a zig-zag course." 
 
 "Doctor, are you a Socialist ? " — " Yes, sir." 
 
 "Are you an Anarchist? " — "Not in the sense in which the 
 term is usually employed." 
 
 " How long have you been a Socialist ? " — " About fifty 
 years. I was taught Socialism by Robert Owen, father of Rob- 
 .ert Dale Owen." 
 
 " Do you know any of the defendants ? " — " Yes. I know 
 Parsons and Fielden well ; Spies and Neebe slightly." 
 
 " Have you ever taken part in Socialistic meetings ? " — Yes. 
 I have spoken at meetings controversially. ' 
 
 " Are you, or were you, a member of the International 
 Working Men's Society ? " — " I was." 
 
 " For how long ? " — " Well, I continued a member until the 
 organization was abandoned." 
 
 " What group were you a member of ? " — " Of the American 
 group." 
 
 " Where did you attend meetings ? "—"At Greif's hall." 
 
 "What were the conditions of membership? Tell the jury 
 whether those meetings were secret or public." — "They were 
 public. The conditions of membership were — " This answer 
 was objected to by the State, and the Court sustains the objec. 
 tion. 
 
 "How long have you been a member of the American 
 group ? " — "I think a year, or a little more." 
 
10 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 " How of ten have you met Parsons and Fielden?" — "They 
 have not been regular in their attendance." 
 
 " Now, taking them in their order, will you state what you 
 heard them say, either on the Lake front or at any hall, regard- 
 ing the use of force ? " Captain Black withdraws this question 
 at once upon consultation with his associates- 
 Mr. Ingham then took up the cross-examination : " How 
 did you come to go to the Haymarket, doctor ? " — " I happened 
 to be in the neighborhood, taking my usual evening walk." 
 "Did you see any circular ? " — "I did noti" 
 " How did you come to attend the meeting, then?" — "I 
 saw a great many people, who told me there was to be a, 
 meeting." 
 
 " Did you go at once to the alley ? "— " I did." 
 " Are you sure you did not stop on the Haymarket? " — " I am 
 sure I did not." 
 
 " Why, then, did you go in the alley ? " — " To hear what was 
 to be said." 
 
 " What time did you get there ? " — " A little after 7 o'clock." 
 " And you stopped there all the time ? " — " Yes." 
 " How long did you wait ? " — "About twenty minutes." 
 " Then the meeting was opened ? " — " It was." 
 "And you listened to Spies ?"—" Yes." 
 "What did he say?" — "The substance of what he said was 
 that the men had better go home, and not do any violence." 
 
 (The witness confounds Spies and Parsons. The former, 
 according to other witnesses, made no reference to Jay Gould, 
 but Parsons did. The doctor said also that Parsons told the 
 men that the history of strikes showed all strikes to have proved 
 a failure ; that what was wanted was a change in the system.) 
 
<IISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 11 
 
 " Did you see Fielden all the time he was speaking ? " — " I 
 did." 
 
 " And he had no revolver ? "—"He had not." 
 
 '• Did you keep your eye on him all the time ? " — " Every 
 minute." 
 
 "You did not take your eye off him for a single minute?" — 
 " Not half a minute." 
 
 " And you saw him just as he closed his speech ? " — "I did. 
 He got down out of the wagon and was standing close to me." ., 
 
 " Where did he go after the bomb exploded ? " — "The Lord 
 only knows what became of him. The demoralization was so 
 great that I don't know. I think he was one of the first men to 
 go down after the shell exploded." 
 
 " Well, how long did you remain there ? '' — " I was the last 
 man to go up the alley. There was a great crowd ahead of me." 
 
 " Were the bullets thick ? " — " Well, I should say they were." 
 
 " Yet you didn't run ? " — " Well, I am an old man, and I 
 don't care much." 
 
 " What did you do next, after leaving the alley ? " — " I went 
 farther down in the alley. I was the last man to go down the 
 alley. There was a projection in the alley and I took refuge be- 
 hind that." 
 
 " You were young enough then to want to live ? " — " It 
 wasn't that; I heard the police shooting. They were going back 
 toward the Haymarket. I could tell that by the report of the 
 shooting. Then I ran out on Desplaines street and dodged 
 about till I got home. ' 
 
 "Where did you dodge?" — "A good many places. The 
 police were shooting all over. They were all excited. I saw 
 them shooting as far up as Madison street. One policeman on 
 
72 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 Madison street I saw point his revolver at a crowd of people on 
 the street and say : ' D — you ! you've got to die any way.' 
 Then he fired his revolver at them." 
 
 " You say you saw the bomb when it was about five feet in 
 the air ? "— " Yes." 
 
 "Did yon see the fuse ?"—" Yes." 
 
 " What kind of a bomb was it ? "— " Round." 
 
 " What happened after it exploded ?" — " The demoralization 
 was great." 
 
 " Did you hear any groans?" — "No." 
 
 " How long have you been a physician ? " — " Forty years." 
 
 " What school ? "— " Eclectic." 
 
 " Are you a graduate of any college ? " — " Yes ; Eclectic." 
 
 " You say you are a Socialist, but not an Anarchist as it is 
 commonly defined. Are you an Anarchist as you understand 
 that term ? "— " I am." 
 " Do you believe in an oath ? " — " I do." 
 
 " Do you believe that an oath adds anything to the obliga 
 tion to tell the truth ? " — " No. All honest men should tell the 
 truth." 
 
 " That's all." 
 
 L. M. Moses, a grocer, and Austin Mitchell, who lived with 
 Moses, testified that they would not believe the witness Gilmer 
 under oath. The defense then introduced August Krumm, of 
 1036 West Twentieth street, a woodworker, by whom they ex- 
 pected to entirely offset Gilmer's evidence. From his evidence 
 it was made to appear that Gilmer mistook Krumm for Spies, 
 and that instead of lighting a bomb Krumm was engaged in 
 nothing more harmful than lighting a pipe of tobacco. Mr. Fos- 
 ter conducts the examination, and the witness says he was at the 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 19 
 
 Haymarket meeting May 4, and saw Spies and Parsons there for 
 the first time. 
 
 " How did you come to go there ? " — " I had business down 
 town ; heard of the meeting and went there with a friend, A. M. 
 Albright." 
 
 " Now, how close to the alley near Crane Brothers did you 
 stand ? " — " Very close. We stood there all the time from about 
 9.30 o'clock until the police arrived." 
 
 " Did you stand there all the time ? " — " No ; we were gone 
 for a minute or two." 
 
 " Where did you go ? " — " We went into the alley. I 
 wanted to light my pipe. Albright came with me. He gave 
 me a pipeful of tobacco and I went into the alley to light my 
 pipe." 
 
 " What did you go into the alley for ? " — " There was a wind 
 on the street, and we went into the alley so the match would 
 not go out." 
 
 " And Albright followed you ? " — " Yes. He came to light 
 his pipe." 
 
 " Whose pipe was lighted first ? " — " Mine." 
 
 "Then his pipe was lighted? " — "Yes. He came over to me 
 and lit his pipe from the match that lit my pipe, holding his 
 head up close to mine." 
 
 "After you came out of the alley what did you see?" — 
 " The police were there ; then the explosion followed." 
 
 " Did you see Spies go into the alley ? " — '• I did not." 
 
 "Did you see anybody in. the alley?" — "Yes. There were 
 two or three men there, but I could not tell who they were. It 
 was dark." 
 
J 4 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 " Did anybody come into tte alley while you were there ? " 
 —"No." 
 
 '' Could anybody pass into the alley without your knowing 
 it?" — "No, sir; I stood up close to the building while I was 
 lighting my pipe," 
 
 "Now, tell whether you saw a light in the air about that 
 time or a little after." — "Yes ; I saw a light like a match about 
 twenty feet south of the alley on Desplaines street." 
 
 Mr. Grinnell takes the mtuess in hand. " You say you 
 came down town on business. Who did you want to see ? " — 
 ** A friend of mine." 
 
 " Who is he ? "— " Adolph Winness." 
 
 "Where does he live?" — "I do.not know." 
 
 " Where does he work ? " — " I don't know now." 
 
 " What does he work at ? " — " He is a woodworker." 
 
 "How did you expect to meet him then, if you did not know 
 where he lived or where he worked ? " — " He told me I could 
 find him there." 
 
 "Find him where ? "— " On Randolph street." 
 
 " When did you see him last ? " — " That afternoon. He came 
 out to see me." 
 
 " And he did not tell you where he worked ? " — " No." 
 
 " Nor where he stopped ? "— " No." 
 
 "Yet he said you could find him on Randolph street?" — 
 «Yes." 
 
 " So he gave you the idea that he could be found out of 
 doors, did he?" — "Well, he's around Randolph street a good 
 deal." 
 
 "Where did you meet Albright?"— "In the alley." 
 
 " Near Crane Brothers ? "— " Yes." 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 76 
 
 " What did you say? "~" I said : ' HeUo, Albright/ and he 
 said : ' Hello, Krumm.'' " 
 
 " What else ? " — " Did you say you came down town to see a 
 friend?"— "Yes." 
 
 "Did you tell him the name of your friend?" — "No." 
 
 " Who was speaking then ? " — " Parsons, I think." 
 
 "Tell what he said." — "He said something about Jay 
 Gould." 
 
 "What did Spies say?" — "He said: 'A few words more, 
 boys, and we'll go home.' " 
 
 "Spies said that, did he ?"— " Yes." 
 
 "Which man is Spies ?"- -The witness confounds the men 
 Asked to indicate Sjnes he points to Fielden. 
 
 "How did you stand in the alley when the speaking was 
 going on?" — "I had my back to the north wall." 
 
 "Did you stand that way all the time?" — "Yes, except 
 when we lit our pipes." 
 
 " Then did you stand the same way after you lighted your 
 pipes ? "— « Yes." 
 
 " Then how could you see these men if you had your backs 
 to the wall?" — " I looked over my head," 
 
 "You looked over your head all the time?" — "Yes, when 
 we looked at the speakers." 
 
 "And you never saw these men before?" — "No." 
 
 " Yet from that point in the alley, the speakers eight feet or 
 more distant, a crowd between you, you looking over your 
 shoulders in the dark, you recognize these men the first time you 
 saw them? "—"Yes." 
 
 " Where were the police when Fielden said. ' Now, a word 
 
76 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 more boys, and we will go home ' ? " — They were coming up 
 
 Desplaines street." 
 
 *' Where was Spies then ?" — " I don't know. I don't remem- 
 
 ber.'^ 
 
 "Well, didn't you see Spies on the wagon?"— "Yes." 
 "When?"— "I don't think now. Early in the evening, I 
 
 think." 
 
 '• Now, when you were talking to Albright, did you talk 
 
 about what the speakers were saying?" — " No." 
 
 "Did you talk about the eight-hour question?"— "No." 
 "What were you talking about?"— "About the shop." 
 "Now, where did you see the bomb?" — "It was about ten 
 
 feet in the air, about twenty feet south of the alley. I didn't 
 
 see it explode." 
 
 " No, of course not. It was too far south." 
 
 " There then was some boxes on the sidewalk, and you 
 
 couldn't see?" — "I did not say there were any boxes on the 
 
 sidewalk." 
 
 " Yes, but if there were any boxes there you would have 
 
 seen them ?" — " Yes. I would have seen them if they had been 
 
 on the sidewalk." 
 
 " And you did not see them there ?" — " I did not." 
 
 (All the other witnesses for the defense testified that a big 
 
 pile of boxes stood on the sidewalk between the alley and a 
 
 point where the bomb exploded.) 
 
 " And you say you did not see those boxes ?" — " I did not." 
 "When were you at the Haymarket?" — "May 4." 
 "Were you ever there in your life?" — "Yes." 
 "How about a lamp post. Did you see one?" — "I don't 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY, 77 
 
 remember now, but I know there is one at the southeast corner 
 of the aUey." 
 
 "How do you know this?" — "I worked at the comer of 
 Kandolph and Jefferson streets for ten years, and remember it.' 
 "How long ago was that?" — "Seven years ago." 
 "And you can remember that a lamp post stood at the 
 southeast corner of the alley after the lapse of seven years ? " — " I 
 can." 
 
 "Where is your wife now?" — "Living on Sedgwick street." 
 " Whereabouts ? "— " I don't know- I have not seen her for 
 a year." 
 
 "How did you come to go to Salomon & Zeisler's office?" — 
 "I saw a notice in the Arheiter ZeiPung asking for all that knew 
 anything about the bomb throwing to call on them. I went 
 there on Sunday." 
 
 " When did you see this notice ? " — " Some time ago. I don't 
 remember when." 
 
 "Did you talk with any one about this bomb throveing?" — 
 "Yes, with Albright." 
 
 "Any one else? "—"No." 
 
 " Yet you saw the bomb in the air and heard the explosion 
 but you did not talk to any one about what you saw? — "That's 
 it." 
 
 M. T. Malkoff, the correspondent of a paper at Moscow, 
 Russia, and formerly a writer on the Arbeiter Z&itung, testified 
 that Parsons was in Zephf's hall, talking to his wife, Mrs. 
 Holmes and the witness, when the bomb exploded. State's At- 
 torney Grinnell elicits from the witness that he has been five 
 years in this country, that he lived in New York and maintained 
 himself by teaching the Russian Language. From New York 
 
78 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 he went to Little Rock, then to St. Louis, and finally to Chicago, 
 an-iving here in 1884. "You came here with a letter of intro- 
 duction to Spies ? " — " No, sir. I obtained my position in the 
 South through a letter of introduction from Spies." 
 
 " How did you come to get that letter ? " — " I and a man 
 named Clossie translated a romance from the Russian and sold 
 it to Spies." 
 
 " That was a revolutionary novel ? " — " It was not. It was a 
 description " 
 
 " Oh, I don't want to go into that. You know Herr Most ? " 
 — "I have seen him, but I don't know him." 
 
 "You know Justus Schwab? You had letters sent to his 
 address ?"— "That may be." 
 
 " You lived with Schwab in New York ? "— " I did not." 
 
 " You lived with Balthazar Rau here, though, on May 4?" — 
 " I did." 
 
 "Where ? "— " At 418 Larrabee street." 
 
 "When did you leave Russia?"— "In 1882." 
 
 "Your bedroom was searched, wasn't it ? " — " Yes, sir." 
 
 " Were the arms found there guns and bayonets, or any of 
 them, belonging to you ?" — "No, sir." 
 
 '• Where did you live before you went to Rau's house ? " — 
 « With Mr. Schwab." 
 
 "One of the defendants ?"—" Yes, sir." 
 
 "You are a stockholder in the Ala/rm company?" — "No, 
 sir." 
 
 "You contributed money to that organization?" — "That 
 may be." 
 
 " But did you not contribute money ? " — " I did." 
 
 " How much ? "— " Two dollars." 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. t9 
 
 "You were a Nihilist in Russia ?" — "No, sir.'" 
 
 " Are you not the agent here for the Nihilists in Russia ? " — 
 "No, sir. I am not an agent for any society in Russia." 
 
 " Did you not tell Mr. Hardy you were the agent for a Ni- 
 hilistic society '' — "No, sir. The reporters used to call me a 
 Nihilist because I was Russian." 
 
 " What paper are you now working for?" — "The Moscow 
 Gazette.^'' 
 
 " Look at that letter ; is that your signature at the bottom ? " 
 —"It is." 
 
 The letter is written in German and it is given to the trans- 
 lator, who is instructed to render it into English. " This letter 
 is directed to a 'Mr. Editor.' What editor?" — "I think'it was 
 directed to Mr. Spies." 
 
 "That was before you came to Chicago?" — "It was." 
 
 " Then we offer it in evidence." The letter is, in substance, 
 an inquiry as to whether or not Spies could use certain articles 
 written by Malkoff. It goes on to say : " I have just completed 
 another article treating of the secret revolutionary societies of 
 Russia. I am a proletariat in the fullest sense of the word. 
 Address your letter to J. H. Schwab, 50 First street, New York." 
 
 "Is that J. H. Schwab, Justus Schwab?"— "It is." 
 
 "Did you live with him in New York?" — "No, sir, I just 
 got my mail there." 
 
 " Now," said Foster, "you say you were a proletariat. What 
 do you mean by that term?" — "I understand it to be a man 
 without any means of support." 
 
 " And you, having no money, had your mail sent to Justus 
 Schwab because you had no home, eh?" — "Yes, sir." 
 
 "Now," asked Mr. Ingham, " I'U ask you if you did not use 
 
80 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 the term proletariat in the sense in which Socialists always em- 
 ploy that term ? " — " No, sir, I did not." 
 
 SAMUEL FIELDEN. 
 
 Samuel Fielden, one of the defendants who was speaking at 
 the time of the bomb explosion, testified that he did not know 
 who threw the bomb, and denied that he fired at the police with 
 a revolver. He was cross-examined by Mr. Ingham for the 
 State, who asked: "At what age did you come to the United 
 States? "—"Twenty-one." 
 
 " Did you have any business before you came to the United 
 States?" — "I went to work in a cotton mill at eight years of 
 age, and worked in that mill until I left the country to come to 
 the United States." 
 
 "How long have you been a Socialist?" — "I joined the So- 
 cialiastic organization in July, 1884." 
 
 "How long have you been a revolutionist?" — "In the sense 
 of an evolutionary revolutionist, I have been so for a number of 
 years." 
 
 "How long have you been of the belief that the existing 
 order of things should be overthrown by force?" — "I don't 
 know that I have ever been convinced. I am of the opinion 
 that the existing order of things must be overturned, but 
 whether by force I don't know." 
 
 " How long have you believed in Anarchy? " — "Well, I be- 
 lieved in it shortly after I joined the organization — as soon as 
 I came to think on the subject." 
 
 "You have been progressing from Socialism to Anarchism; 
 and if you cannot convince the majority of the United States to 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 81 
 
 your opinions, you propose to compel tliem by force?" — Ob. 
 jected to, 
 
 "How long have you preached Anarchy?" — Objected to. 
 
 " Was there any English-speaking group in the city that you 
 know of? " — Objected to. 
 
 " Did you ever attend any meeting of any English-speaking 
 group other than the American group in this city of that kind?" 
 — " We tried to found one a year ago last winter on West Indi- 
 ana street. I think we only held two meetings, and then we 
 abandoned it." 
 
 "Any other group of them that you attended?" — "I don't 
 remember any now." 
 
 "You have for the last two or three years been making 
 speeches of Socialistic and Anarchistic character?" — "I have 
 been making labor speeches ; they were not always Socialistic or 
 Anarchistic speeches." 
 
 "But you have made Socialistic and Anarchistic speeches?" 
 — " Well, I have touched on Anarchy and Socialism, and some- 
 times my speeches might have been considered from the ordinary 
 trades union standpoint, for all the anarchy there was in them." 
 
 " Have you ever made speeches on the Lake front and other 
 Socialistic meetings?" — "Yes, on the Lake front, some on Mar- 
 ket square. Twelfth street Turner hall, and at No. 106 Ran- 
 dolph street." 
 
 "Look at the copy of the Ala/rm of June 27, 1885, 'Dyna- 
 mite ; Instructions Regarding Its Use and Operation,' and signed 
 'A. S.' Say whether you ever saw it." — "I don't know that I 
 have." 
 
 " Was there any reason why you did not walk when you 
 
82 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 started home that night?" — "Yes. I did not wish to be ar- 
 rested that night." 
 
 " You expected that you would be arrested ? " — " Well, after 
 that trouble I expected to be arrested." 
 
 " Wou were speaking when the police came up, and were 
 making no inflammatory speech ? " — " I did not incite anybody 
 to do anything, to do any overt act. I told the people in gen- 
 eral to resist the present socialistic system that oppressed them, 
 and gave them no chance to earn a living." 
 
 "And yet you expected to be arrested? " — "I had read some- 
 thing of criminal proceedings, and I knew that the police would 
 arrest everybody connected with that meeting in order to find 
 the one who was responsible. I made an explanation before the 
 Coroner's jury because I had a different idea of the police at 
 that time. I thought if I made that statement and they in- 
 quired into the truth and were convinced- of my innocence they 
 would let me go. But I now see that I was mistaken." 
 
 "Did the police indict you?" — "I don't know who indicted 
 me. 
 
 Redirect — " You have heard what has been said about your 
 expression of throttling the law, of killing it, of stabbing it. 
 Just state the explanation which you said you desired to make 
 in regard to that." — " "Well, it was just the explanation that a 
 public orator would make when he was denouncing a political 
 party. When he said he wanted to get rid of the Democratic 
 party, for instance, he would kill it, stab it, or make way with it. 
 The words would rush away with a public speaker, and in the 
 hurry he could not add a lengthy explanation." 
 
 " You also read the reporter's notes in regard to snails and 
 worms, and said there was no connection there. What were 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 8S 
 
 your words in reference to snails and worms, and the idea that 
 you now remember? " — "Well, the idea that I intended to con- 
 vey at that time was that when men were thrown out of work 
 through no fault of their own, and it being a fact that has been 
 proven and asserted on the floor of the House of Representatives 
 that over a million of men are out of employment through no 
 fault of their own — these men being driven about, become de- 
 graded and loathsome, and people look upon them with con- 
 tempt, and yet it is no fault of their own ; they have no part in 
 producing the condition of things that throws them out of em- 
 ployment, and leads them to their abject condition." 
 
 " You did not know of the presence of a dynamite bomb or 
 anything of that kind in the crowd? " — "No, sir ; I did not even 
 know of the presence of an unusual number of police at the sta- 
 tion. I did not know that till after the meeting." 
 
 Henry Schultz, an elderly German, testified that "from 9 
 o'clock until the fight was over I was on the Haymarket ; I stood 
 in the middle of the steet, a little north of the wagon." 
 
 " How long had you been in Chicago at that time ? " — " Two 
 weeks. I am a tourist." [Laughter.] 
 
 " Have you been in the habit of attending meetings in the 
 street ? " — " No ; but since I have been here seeing the sights I 
 would stop at anything." 
 
 " Before the police came, did you see anything disorderly ? " 
 — "It was, as I know, peaceable, like a Fourth of July." 
 
 "Do you remember the speech of the first speaker?" — "I 
 know the run of his talk ; I kept it in my mind. He said, ' I 
 didn't want to come here. Then they called me a coward, and 
 I didn't like to be called a coward, and that is the reason I 
 came.' A few words after that he said : ' They are only 600 
 
84 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 yards from here. Maybe by to-morrow morning I will have to 
 die.' I kept that on my mind. I left the meeting when the 
 black cloud came up, and when the bomb exploded I looked 
 around the corner, and I saw everything dark, and I thought 
 the bomb must have blown out the lights." [Laughter.] 
 
 " What else did you seee ? " — " I saw the policemen and they 
 were all around. They had the ground. I saw some of the 
 workmen run^they were about two blocks ahead of the police." 
 
 " Did you see the police come upon the working men ? " — 
 " They came pretty strong in Lake street, and they had the men 
 in the gutter, and when they raised up they got another club." 
 
 Mr. Grinnell — " What is your business ?" — " Doing nothing," 
 replied Mr. Schultz, with a grin at the crowd, and the crowd 
 laughed in a guarded way, because they did not wish to be fired 
 out of the entertainment. 
 
 "How long have you been conducting that business?" — 
 " About ten years. Before that I was mining in Montana." 
 
 " Where is your house in Portage City? " — "The next. house 
 to the courthouse," responded the witness with a cunning look 
 at the Court, and there was another wild outburst of mirth from 
 the audience. Mr. Schultz narrated a part of his early history, 
 from which it appeared that before he became a millionaire he 
 played the fiddle at dances; and in answer to a question as to 
 when he began to be a musician, he said : " From nine years 
 old. My father was a musician — it rims in the family." 
 
 " Do you play the violin since you have been in Chicago? '' 
 — " No; my money reaches so that I don't have to do anything.'* 
 [Laughter.] 
 
 " The first speaker was Spies, wasn't it? " — " Oh, I can't 
 promise anything," said Mr. Schultz, with a contortion of coun- 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY 85 
 
 tenance whicli brought down the house. Judge Gary looked 
 iudignantly around and said: "Oh! be quiet! " and the crowd 
 immediately became as demure as a Quaker meeting. 
 
 " What did Spies say about the police being so many feet 
 away? " — " He said they was only five hundred yards from here 
 and he was likely to die before morning. That was about all 
 he said in that run of speech." 
 
 "Did you hear the first speaker say anything about 'To arms! 
 to arms! '? " — " That was the man — I heard him." 
 
 " Where did you go when you left the meeting? " — " I went 
 to wash my feet!" 
 
 The expression on Mr. Schultz's face, and the simplicity of 
 the answer, upset the decorum of the spectators and they laughed 
 right out in meetin,' regardless of the threatened ])euality for 
 such a glaring contemj^t of court. Judge Gary himself, hc)\\-- 
 ever, assisted in the hilarity, and was very lenient Avith the of- 
 fenders, a fellow-feeling evidently making him wondrous kind. 
 Mr. Schultz a moment afterwai'd had an opportunity to correct 
 the impression that he was in the habit of touring aroiuid the 
 streets of Chicago in his bare feet. 
 
 " Did you have your boots off when you were washing your 
 feet? " — " Oh, no; I didn't wash my feet; I only washed the mud 
 off my boots in one of them horse-troughs." Then Mi'. Schultz 
 treated the company to a choice selection of facial contortions, 
 and got down out of the chair with the air of a man Avho has 
 done his duty, his whole duty, and nothing but his duty. 
 
 MICHAEL SCHWAB. 
 
 The defendant, Michael Schwab, was put on the stand Mon- 
 day, August 9. He testified that he went to the Arbeiter Zei- 
 
86 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 im/ag office on the evening of May 4. A telephone message was 
 received requesting Spies to speak at a meeting near Deering's 
 Harvester works, on Clybourn avenue. The witness said he 
 went to the Haymarket to find Spies, but failed. He did see 
 Rudolph Schnaubelt, his brother-in-law, there. "Witness then 
 took a street car and went up Clybourn avenue ; spoke twenty 
 minutes at the meeting; stepped into a saloon and got a few 
 glasses of beer, and then went to his home, on Florimond street, 
 arriving about 11 o'clock P. M. 
 
 Mr. Foster asked: "Were you ever in the alley at Crane 
 Bros.' that night with Mr. Spies ? "— " No, sir." 
 
 " Did you walk west on Randolph street with Mr. Spies two 
 blocks, then return with him? " — " No, sir." 
 
 " Did you see Mr. Spies that night? "— " No, sir." 
 
 "Did you see Mr. Spies hand your brother-in-law a package 
 that night in the alley at Crane Bros.', and did you say anything 
 like this : ' If that won't be enough, shall we get another one ? ' " 
 — " No, sir." 
 
 " Did you see Mr. Spies at all that night? " — " No, sir." 
 
 " When did you see him at all for the last time that day? " 
 — " In the afternoon. I did not see him again until the next 
 morning." 
 
 Schwab said he had been a member of the Internationalist 
 society since its organization. On the night of May 4 he went 
 to the Haymarket on foot and walked through the Washington 
 street tunnel. Balthazar Rau accompanied him as far west as 
 Desplaines street. 
 
 " Are you an Anarchist? " asked Mr. Grinnell. — " It depends 
 on what you mean. There are several definitions of that." 
 
MICHAEL SCHWAB. 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 87 
 
 " Answer my question. Are you an Anarchist? " — " I can't 
 answer that." 
 
 AUGUST SPIES. 
 
 Schwab stepped down and Spies took the stand. * Give your 
 full name to the jury," said Captain Black. 
 
 " August Vincent Theodore Spies," replies the prisoner. 
 
 He is thirty-one years old, and came to this county from 
 Germany in 1872. Spies speaks with a marked accent, but very 
 distinctly. He is cool and collected apparently, and sits back 
 in the witness chair very much at ease. 
 
 He has been a member of the Socialistic Publishing Society, 
 and that concern exercised control over the policy of the Arhei- 
 ter Zeitung^ of which paper the witness was editor for six years. 
 Spies said he was at a meeting on the " black road " on May 3. 
 Spies reached the meeting on the " black road " about 3 o'clock 
 in the afternoon. There was a crowd of perhaps three thousand 
 present. Some men were speaking, but they were very poor 
 speakers, and the crowd was not interested. Balthazar Rau was 
 with him, and introduced him to the chairman of the meeting. 
 It was called for the purpose of discussing the eight-hour ques- 
 tion. While Spies was there a committee was appointed to wait 
 on the bosses; then he was introduced, and spoke for possibly 
 twenty minutes. Spies went on: 
 
 " I was almost prostrated. I had been speaking two or three 
 times daily for the past two or three weeks, and was very much 
 worn. I did not jump around and wave my hands as one wit- 
 ness testified here on the stand, and I made a very common- 
 place, ordinary speech. I told the men to hold together, to 
 stand by their union, or they would not succeed. That was the 
 
88 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 substance of what I said. While I was speaking some one cried 
 out in an unknown tongue, and about t^vo hundred men de- 
 tached themselves from the crowd and went on to McCormick's. 
 Pretty soon I heard firing, and on inquiring what was the mat- 
 ter was told the men had attacked McCormick's men, and that 
 the police were fii-ing on them. I stopped for about five min- 
 utes, was elected a member of the committee; then 1 went to 
 McCormick's. A lot of cars were standing on the tracks. The 
 men were hiding behind these cars, others were running, while 
 the police were firing on the flying people. The sight of this 
 made my blood boil. At that time I could have done almost 
 anything, I Avas so excited. A young Irishman came out from 
 behind one of the cars. I think he knew me and said : ' ^Vhat 
 
 kind of business is this ? There are two men over there 
 
 dead ; the police have killed them.' I asked him how many 
 Avere killed. He said five or six, and that twenty-five or thirty 
 were injured. I came down town then and wrote the report 
 which appeared in the Arheiter Zeituny the next day." 
 
 " Did you AATite the ' Revenge Circular'?—" Yes; only I did 
 not write the word ' Revenge.' " 
 
 " Can you tell how that word happened to put in the circu- 
 lar ?"—" I cannot." 
 
 " How many of those circulars were distributed ? " — " About 
 twenty-five hundred." 
 
 " How soon was it Avritten after your return to the office ? " 
 — " Immediately." 
 
 " At that time were you still laboring under the excitement 
 incident to the riot ? " — " I was." 
 
 " What was your state of mind ? " — " I was very indignant. 
 I knew from experience of the past that this butchering of peo- 
 
RISE AND FALL OF AiNARCHY. S9 
 
 pie was done for the express purpose of defeating the eight-hour 
 movement." Spies is growing excited. Mr. Grinnell objects. 
 The Coui't says his last answer is not proper and orders it 
 stricken from the record. 
 
 " On the evening of May 4 you attended the HaymarKet 
 meeting ? '— " I did." 
 
 " You were asked to speak there ? " — " I was." 
 
 " When did learn there was to be a meeting? " — " About 8 
 o'clock that morning. I was advised there was to be a meeting 
 and was asked to address it." 
 
 "AVhat time did you reach there ?"—" About 8:20 o'clocK." 
 
 " Did you see the notice of that meeting in the Arheiter Zei- 
 tung r' — " Yes; I put it in myself." 
 
 " Did you see a circular that day, calling for a meeting at 
 the Haymarket?" — "Yes. It was the circular containing the 
 line: ' Working men, arm yourselves and a])])ear in full force.' 
 When I read that line I said: ' If this is the meeting I am to 
 address 1 will not speak.' He asked why. I said on account 
 of that line. He said the circulars had not been distributed, and 
 I said: ' If the line is taken out I will go.' Fischer was sent 
 for and he told the men to have that line taken out." 
 
 " Who was this man that brought the circulars ? " — " He was 
 on the stand ; Gruenberg is his name, I think." 
 
 " Was there any torch on the wagon? " — " No; I think the 
 sky was clear and that the lamp was burning near the corner of 
 the alley." 
 
 " Was that selection made by yourself, or upon consulta- 
 tion;! ■' — "Well, I consulted with my brother Henry. He was 
 with me all evening." 
 
 " After you got them together, what did you do ? " — "Some 
 
80 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 one suggested we nad better move the wagon around on Ran- 
 dolph street, but I said that might impede the sti-eet cars. Then 
 I asked where was Parsons. 1 was not on the committee of ar- 
 rangements and had nothing to do with the meeting except to 
 speak. One Schroder said Parsons was speaking then at the 
 corner of Ilalsted and Randolph streets, and I went up to find 
 him with my brother Henry and Schuaubelt." 
 
 " Did you see Schwab? "— " No, 1 did not. Schuaubelt told 
 me Schwab had gone to Deering's." 
 
 " Did you go to Crane's alley with SchAvab?"- -" I could not 
 very well do that, as I had not seen him that night." 
 
 " Just answer the question," cried Mr. Ingham. — " Well, I 
 did not go to the alley. I did not even know there Avas an alley 
 there." The witness denies the conversation Mr. Thompson 
 alleges he overheard Spies engage in with Schwab. He said 
 Sclniaul)'elt cannot speak any English — that he has only been 
 about two Yt^iii'"' ill the country. 
 
 " Did Schwab say to you that evening: ' Now, if they come, 
 we are prepared for them' ? " — " No, sir ; I did not see him that 
 evening." 
 
 " Did you talk with Schwab on the east side of Desplaines 
 street, about twelve feet south of the alley that evening?'' — "I 
 did not. I was not anywhere near that alley with any man." 
 
 " You remembei' what the witness Thompson said, that he 
 .saw you Avalk Avith Schuaubelt east on Randolph street ; that he 
 saw you hand him something ; that you then returned to the 
 meeting together. Is that true ? " — " It is not. That man told 
 a different story before the coroner's jury." 
 
 This last answer is ordered stricken out, and Spies was told 
 to say nothing but in answer to questions. Spies was asked to 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 91 
 
 tell what he said at the meeting. It was a short synopsis of the 
 existing state of the labor world. First, he said that the meet- 
 ing was to be a peaceable one ; that it was not called for the 
 purpose of creating trouble. Attention was directed to the 
 strike at East St. Louis, where those who were active in the riots 
 there were not Socialists nor Anarchists, but church-going peo- 
 ple, and honest, sincere Christians. It was admitted by students 
 that society was retrograding ; the masses were being degf aded 
 under the excessive work they had to carry on. For twenty 
 years the working men asked in vain for two hours less work a 
 day, and that finally they resolved to take the matter in their 
 own hands and help themselves. " About this time I saw Par- 
 sons, then I broke off. I was not in a state to make a speech. I 
 was tired. I introduced Parsons, and he proceeded to address 
 the meeting." 
 
 "What was the size of the crowd then?" — "About two 
 thousand persons." 
 
 "Where did you go after finishing your speech ? " — " I re- 
 mained on the wagon." 
 
 " You spoke in English ? " — " Yes. I made no speech in 
 German that night. I was asked to do so, but was too tired. I 
 introduced Fielden and he made a brief speech, then we in- 
 tended to go home." 
 
 " What did Parsons say in his speech ? " — " Parsons made a 
 pretty good speech. He said of the dollar earned by the work- 
 ing men they got only fifteen cents, while the pharisaical class 
 got eighty-five cents, and that the eight-hour movement was a 
 still-hunt for that eighty-five cents." 
 
 " What do you remember of Fielden's speech ? " — " Well, 
 
82 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 Fielden did not say much. I don't remember now what he did 
 say.'* 
 
 " "Were you on the wagon when the police came ? " — " Yes. 
 I saw the police on Randolph street." 
 
 " At that time what was the size of the meeting?" — "It was 
 as good as adjourned. About two-thirds of those present went, 
 some going to Zephf's hall when the black cloud came up." 
 
 " What did you hear when the command to disperse was 
 given ? " — " I was standing in the middle of the wagon, back of 
 Fielden. I heard Captain Ward say; ' I command j-ou, in the 
 name of the people of Illinois, to disperse.' Captain Ward had 
 a cane or club in his hand. Fidlden said to him: ' Captain, this 
 is a peaceable meeting.' I started to get down out of the 
 wagon. My brother Henry and one Legner helped me down. 
 I was indignant at the thought that the police had come to dis- 
 perse the meeting, as it was a quiet one. Just as soon as I 
 reached the gi-ound I heard a loud detonation. I thought the 
 police had a cannon to frighten the people. I did not dream for 
 a moment of a bomb, and I did not even then think the police 
 were firing at the crowd. I thought the police were firing over 
 their heads." 
 
 "Where did you go to?" — "I was pushed along by the 
 crowd. I went to Zephf's hall." 
 
 " Did you at any time that night get down from the wagon 
 and go into an alley and light a bomb in the hands of Rudolph 
 Schnaubelt ? "— " 1 never did." 
 
 " Did you see Schnaubelt in the alley that night while 
 Fischer was there?" — "I did not." 
 
 "You remember the witness Gilmer?" — "Yes." 
 
 "Is his story true?"— "Not a word of it." 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. fl3 
 
 "You remember Wilkinson, the reporter for the Daily 
 Niewsf" — "Yes. I had a conversation with him in January." 
 
 "Well, go on and tell us about it." — "He was introduced to 
 me by Joe Gruenhut. He said he wanted to get some data 
 wherewith to prepare an article on Anarchism, Socialism and 
 dynamite, and all that. I happened to have four shells in my 
 office. I had them for about three years. A man on his way 
 to New Zealand gave me two bombs; another man some time 
 after called at my office with two bombs, and wanted to know 
 if their construction was proper. That's how I came to pos- 
 sess them. He wanted one to show to Mr. Stone. I let him 
 take it. We went to dinner at a restaurent, and we conversed 
 about society, its present state, and the trouble that was likely 
 to ensue. We spoke about street warfare, as all this was con- 
 tained in the papers every day. There was constant talk that 
 so many wild-eyed Socialists were arriving every day, and I told 
 him it was an open secret that there were 3,000 armed Socialists 
 in Chicago, and we spoke about revolutions, and I said that in 
 past ages gun-powder had come to the assistance of the down- 
 trodden masses, and that dynamite was a child of the same par- 
 ent, and was a great leveler." 
 
 " Do you remember the toothpick illustration ? " — "Yes. I 
 remember that, and also re-call speaking of the Washington 
 street tunnel, saying how easy comparatively few men could 
 hold that tunnel against a body of soldiers, but nothing was 
 said about Chicago, nor was any time fixed for the revolution." 
 
 "You wrote the word 'E.uhe' for insertion in the Arheitev 
 Zeimnff May 4 ? "— " I did. V 
 
 "How did you come to do that?" — "The night before at 11 
 o'clock I received a letter as follows: Mr. Editor: Please in- 
 
94 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 sert in to-day's letter box the word ' Ruhe ' in prominent letters." 
 
 " At that time did you know there was any import attached 
 to the word ?"— "I did not." 
 
 "When did you next hear of it ?" — "The next afternoon 
 Balthazar Rau asked me if the word was in the paper. I said: 
 * Yes.' He asked me if I knew the meaning. I said : ' No.' 
 Then he said: 'The armed section had a meeting last night 
 and adopted the word ' Ruhe ' as a signal to keep their powder 
 dry and be in readiness in case the police precipitated a riot.' 
 I asked if that had anything to do with the meeting I was to 
 address at the Haymarket, and he said: 'Oh, no; that's some- 
 thing the boys got up themselves.' I said it was very foolish, 
 that- it was not rational, and asked if there was no way in which 
 it could be undone. Rau then went to see the people of the 
 armed section and told them the word was put in by mistake." 
 
 " Were you a member of the armed section ? " — " No, not for 
 six year." 
 
 "Did you ever have dynamite and a fuse in your desk?" — 
 " Yes, I had two packages of giant powder and some fuse in my 
 desk for two years. I had them chiefly to show to reporters, 
 they bothered me a good deal. They always wanted some sen- 
 sation. Then, too, I wanted the dynamite to study it; I had 
 read a great deal about explosives." 
 
 "Do you know anything about a package of dynamite "found 
 
 on the shelf in the closet of the Arheiter Zeitning f " " Ab-so- 
 
 lute-ly nothing." 
 
 " Do you know anything about a revolver that was found in 
 the Arbeitet' Zeiiung office? ' — "No. I do not. I carried a re- 
 volver myself, but it was a good one." 
 
 "Did you carry a revolver? " — •' Yes. I always thought it 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 95 
 
 was a good thing to be prepared. I was out late at night a 
 good deal." 
 
 "Did you have a revolver that night?" — "No, it was too 
 heavy. I left it with ex- Aid. Frank Stauber." 
 
 " You were arrested May 5 ? " — " Yes." 
 
 "Tell us how."— "Well, an officer— James Bonfield, I think 
 — came to my office and asked for Schwab. He said Chief Eb- 
 ersold would like to see him. Schwab asked me if he should go. 
 I said yes, he might. Then the officer turned to me and asked 
 me if my name was Spies. I said yes. Then he said Superin- 
 tendent Ebersold would like to see me about that affair of last 
 night. I went over there, unsuspectingly. I was never bo 
 treated before in all my life." 
 
 " Tell what happened ? " — " Well, as soon as I got into the 
 station Superintendent Ebersold started at me. He said: 'You 
 dirty Dutch dog; you hound; you whelp — you, we will strangle 
 you! We will kill you!'" Then they jumped on us, tore us 
 apart from each other. I never said anything. Then they 
 searched us, took our money, even our handkerchiefs, and would 
 not return them to us. I was put in a cell, and have not had 
 my liberty since." 
 
 Mr. Ingham cross-examined the witness. Spies said he came 
 to this country when seventeen years old, and that he has lived 
 in Chicago some thirteen years. The Arbeiter Zeit/u/ng was con- 
 trolled by what Spies termed an " autonomous editorial arrange- 
 ment;" that is, the powers of the several editors were co-ordi- 
 nate, but the general policy of the paper was under the super- 
 vision of the board of trustees. 
 
 "Did you ever receive any money for the Alarm? " — "Yes.' 
 
 "Did you ever pay out any money for the Alarm? " — "Yes." 
 
96 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 " Did you ever write any articles for the Alarm f " — " I may 
 have." 
 
 " How many bombs did you have in the Arheiter Zeitiing 
 office?" — 'Four, I think. Two I got from a man named 
 Schwab. I forget now. He was a shoemaker. He went to 
 New Zealand." 
 
 "How did this man come to give you those bombs ? " — "He 
 came to me and asked me if my name was Spies. I said yes. 
 Then he asked me if I had seen any of the bombs they were 
 making. I said no. Then he left them with me." 
 
 "Who did he mean by Hhey ' ? "— " I don't know." 
 
 "Didn't he say who they were?"— "No." 
 
 "And you never saw him before or since?" — "No, sir." 
 
 " And when did you get these czar bombs ? " — " I never got 
 them. That is an invention of that reporter. A man came 
 there while 1 was at dinner and left them there. He left the 
 bombs with the bookkeeper. I never saw him before or after." 
 
 Mr. Ingham introduced a letter and a postal card found in 
 Spies' desk, the reading of which, as translated by Mr. Gauss, 
 created a great sensation. Spies acknowledged the writing as 
 addressed to him by Johann Most, the noted Anarchist: 
 
 "Deab Spies: — Are you sure that the letter from the Hock- 
 ing Valley was not written by a detective ? In the week I will 
 go to Pittsburgh, I have an inclination also to go to the Hock- 
 ing Valley. For the present I send you some printed matter. 
 There Sch. and H. also existed but on paper. I told you this 
 some months ago* On the other hand, I am able to furnish 
 "medicine" and the "genuine" article at that. Directions for 
 use are perhaps not needed with these people. Moreover, they 
 were recently published in the "Fr." The appliances I can 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 97 
 
 also send. Now, if you consider the address of Buchtell thor- 
 oughly reliable, I will ship twenty or twenty-five pounds. But 
 how? Is there an express line to the place? Or is there an- 
 other way possible? Pol us the great seems to delight in hop- 
 ing about in the swamps of the N. Y. V. Z., like a blown- up 
 (bloated) fi'og. His tirades excite general detestation. He has 
 made himself immensely ridiculous. The main thing is only 
 that the fellow cannot smuggle any more rotton elements into 
 the newspaper company than are already in it. In this regard 
 the caution is important. The organization here is no better 
 nor worse than formerly. Our group has about the strength of 
 the North side group in Chicago, and then, besides this, we have 
 also the soc. rev. G, the Austrian and Bohemian leagues — three 
 more groups. Finally, it is easily seen that our influence with 
 the trade organizations is steadily growing. We insert our 
 meetings only in the Fr., and cannot notice that they are worse 
 attended than at the time when we yet threw the weekly $1.50 
 aud $2 into the mouth of the N. Y. V. Z. Don't forget putting 
 yourself into communication with Drury in reference to the En- 
 glish organ. He will surely work with you much and well. 
 Such a paper is morfe necessary than the Tooth. This, indeed, 
 is getting more miserable and confused from issue to issue, and 
 in general is whistling from the last hole. Inclosed is a fly-leaf 
 which recently appeared at Emden, and is, perhaps, adopted for 
 reprint. Greetings to Schwab, Ran, and to you. Your 
 
 " JoHANN Most. 
 
 " P. S. — To Buchtell I will, of course, write for the present 
 only in general terms. 
 
 "A. Spies, 107 Fifth avenue, Chicago, 111." 
 
98 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 Mr. Gauss then read the following as his translation of the 
 postal card : 
 
 " Deae Spies : — I had scarcely mailed my letter yesterday 
 when the telegraph brought news from H. M. One does not 
 know whether to rejoice over that or not. The advance in itself 
 is elevating. Sad is the circumstance that it will remain local 
 and therefore may not have the result. At any rate, these peo- 
 ple made a better impression than the foolish voters on this and 
 the other side of the ocean. Grreeting and a hail. Your 
 
 «J. M." 
 
 W. A. S. Graham, a reporter for Tlie Times, testified that 
 he talked with the witness for the prosecution, Harry Gilmer, 
 on the afternoon of May 5, and that Gilmer said the man who 
 threw the bomb lit the fuse himself. " He said he saw the man 
 light the fuse and throw the bomb, and that he could identify 
 him again if he saw him. He said the man was of medium size 
 and had a soft hat and whiskers. He said the man's back was 
 turned to him." 
 
 At this stage the defense rested, and evidence in rebuttal 
 was introduced. Justice Daniel Scully testified that in the pre- 
 liminary examination of one Frank Steuner, charged with shoot- 
 ing from the wagon at the Haymarket, Officers Foley and 
 Wessler did not testify that it was Steuner who fired on the 
 police. 
 
 "Did the officers not say the man who jumped up from be- 
 hind the wagon was a heavy man, with long whiskers (Fielden) ?" 
 —"They did." 
 
 " Did not Officer Foley say he would be able to identify this 
 man if he ever saw him again ? " — " He did.' 
 
 John B. Ryan, an attorney who defended Steuner before 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 99 
 
 Justice Scully, testified that Steuner said at the time that the 
 man who did the shooting was a short, heavy-set man with full 
 whiskers. 
 
 United States District Attorney R. S. Tuthill, Charles B. 
 Dibble, an attorney, Judge Chester C. Cole, of Des Moines, 
 Iowa, E. R. Mason, Clerk of the United States District Court 
 at Des Moines, George Crist, Ex -City Marshal of Des Moines, 
 and Ex-Governor Samuel Merrill of Iowa, all testified to the 
 good character of the witness Gilmer, They would believe him 
 under oath. Governor Merrill had known Gilmer since 1872, 
 and had given him employment. 
 
 As the great trial drew toward its close popular interest in 
 the proceedings increased. The Criminal Court building was 
 crowded with people daily long before the hour for opening 
 court arrived, and many times the number who gained admiss- 
 ion were turned away. On the day of the closing argument by 
 the prosecution, and while the jury were deliberating over their 
 verdict, extra precautions were taken to protect the administra- 
 tors of the law. A cordon of police and deputy sheriffs sur- 
 rounded the building, and no one was allowed to enter who 
 could not be properly identified. 
 
100 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 ARGUMENTS FOR THE PBOSECUTIOir AND DEFENSE. 
 
 Assistant State's -Attorney Frank Walker began the open- 
 ing argument for the prosecution Wednesday, August 11. The 
 speaker said: 
 
 " We stand in the temple of justice to exercise the law, 
 where all men stand equal. No matter what may have been 
 the deep turpitude of the crime, no matter what may have been 
 the design, though it aim even at the overthrow of the law itself, 
 no man ought to be conHeted of the crime charged until proven 
 guilty beyond all reasonable doubt. These men were presumed 
 innocent at the outset until the proof presented by the State es- 
 tablished theii- guilt. The defendants were charged with mur- 
 der. Murder was defined to be the unlawful killing of a person 
 in the peace of the people. An accessory was he who stands 
 by and aids or abets or advises the deed, or who, not standing 
 by, aids or abets or advises the deed, and such persons are to be 
 considered as principals and punished. Whether the principals 
 are punished or not, they are equally as guilty as the principals. 
 When a number of persons conspire together to do a certain 
 act, and when, in furtherance of this design, some one is killed, 
 all those in the conspiracy are guilty of murder before the fact. 
 The defendant's counsel have told you these men conspired to 
 precipitate the social revolution, and though that conspiracy 
 cost Matthias J. Degan his life, yet you are told these defend- 
 ants are guilty only of murder. Was Luther Payne or Mrs. 
 Surratt held guilty when in the execution of a conspiracy Pres- 
 ident Lincoln was killed? Neither Payne nor Surratt com- 
 mitted the dee4, yet they were held guilty. There was a 
 
^^o.^J^^ic^Hft^ 
 
 COUNSEL FOR THE STATE. 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY, 101 
 
 conspiracj' ; it was designed to bring about another revolution. 
 Booth killed President Lincoln, but all who participated in the 
 conspiracy had to forfeit their lives. 
 
 "If a body of men, inflamed with resentment, proceed to 
 pull do\vn a building, or to remove an objectionable obstruc- 
 tion and death to some one ensues, each one of these men io individ- 
 ually res])onsible for the killing. Nobody knew this better than 
 August Spies, the author of the ' Re\enge ' circular. Suppose 
 that a body of men undertake to pull down a building; there 
 is a common design to demolish that building, and a stone is 
 thrown, not at any individual but at the building, and some 
 one is struck by this stone and killed, all of those engaged in 
 the execution of that common design are responsable for the 
 killing of this one person. When there is an intent grievously 
 to hurt and death is occasioned, then the offense is murder. 
 "Was this man [pointing to Fischer] in this conspiracy for mur- 
 der? This man with his revolver a foot long and his file dag- 
 ger with a groove? What is this groove for? It is for prussic 
 acid. Was this man in the conspiracy? 
 
 Mr. Walker then read a passage from Host's " Revolution- 
 ary Warfare" telling how prussic-acid can be applied to 
 groov d daggers, making them the more deadly. " This is the 
 test: Was the bomb thro\vn in furtherance of the common 
 design ? If it was it makes no difference whether it was thrown 
 by one of these conspirators here or not. Nobody had been 
 advocating the use of dynamite but Socialists. Was there any- 
 body who would throw a bomb except a Socialist? We have 
 proved that Lingg made the bomb in furtherance of the com- 
 mon design. ' You have done this, Louis Lingg,' said Huebner, 
 
102 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 and Lingg went away and complained that he was blamed for 
 doing the good work." 
 
 Mr. Walker reiterated that every one of the 3,000 men said 
 by Spies to have participated in the conspiracy were equally 
 guilty of the murder of Officer Degan. All the members of 
 the Lehr und Wehr Verein were included in this charge. He 
 pointed out the fact that nearly all of the AAdtnesses for tlie de- 
 fense are members of Anarchist bodies; that their sympathies 
 are with the prisoners, and that it has been abundantly shown 
 by their cross-examination that they M'ould not hesitate to 
 pervert the truth in order to shield their confederates from 
 the consequences of their acts. 
 
 MR. ZEISLEK FOR THE DEFENSE. 
 
 Mr. Zeisler, of the counsel for the defense, set to work at 
 once to tear Mr. Walker's address to pieces. He accused the 
 assistant State's Attorney of distorting the facts in the case, 
 and attempting to bring about a conviction by working on the 
 prejudices and suspicions of the jury. Mr. Walker impugned 
 the motives and the characters of the defenses' witnesses. 
 Mr. Zeisler continued: 
 
 " Who are their principal mtnesses? The policemen who 
 were at the Haymarket. And before we get through we will 
 show that these men were not heroes, but knaves, led on by 
 the most cowardly knave who ever held a public position. It 
 has been proved that most of these policemen who went on 
 the stand had been at one time or another members of the 
 detective force, and the Supreme Court tells us that a detec- 
 tive is a liar 1 " 
 
 The speaker went on to attack the other State witnesses. 
 
RISE AND FALLOF ANARCHY. 103 
 
 Detectives are taken from the criminal classes. Harry L. Gil- 
 mer, he said, is constitutional liar, and the only witness who has 
 been impeached. Some of the reporters, he acknowledges, tell 
 the truth, and on their statements the defense will partially rely 
 to show the innocence of the prisoners. 
 
 " Nobody understands why the police came down to break 
 up the meeting. Detectives have sworn here that after Mr. 
 Parsons suggested that the meeting adjourn to Zephf's hall, and 
 the sky clouded up, the crowd dwindled down to two hundred 
 or three hundred men, and then came this army of 1 80 police- 
 men, armed with clubs and revolvers, headed by this hero, Bon- 
 field, the savior of his country, to break up this meeting of 
 peaceable and unarmed citizens. Was this courageous, or was 
 it cowardly? It was an assault in the eyes of the l.aw. The 
 counsel for the-State have attempted to make you believe that 
 these disciples of Hen* Most took a match and lighted a bomb 
 which Most says should have a fuse not longer than two inches. 
 Doesn't it seem very probable that they would have lighted "with 
 a match this fuse, which would burn out in a few seconds, when 
 they could have carried a lighted cigar to do it with? We 
 have the testimony of a numbei- of witnesses that Spies was not 
 out of the wagon till the trouble began ; and if Mr. Grinnell had 
 had more sense in the prosecution of this case; if he had not 
 been blinded by malice and prejudice; if he had not been in- 
 fluenced by the police conspiracy to send these men to the gal- 
 lows, he would have seen the uselessness of attempting to secure 
 a conviction by such teotimony as that of Gilmer." 
 
 MR. INGHAM FOR THE PROSECUTION. 
 
 Mr. George Ingham addressed the jury for the prosecution. 
 
104 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 He told them that there are verdicts which make history, and 
 that theirs will be a history-making verdict. On the night of 
 May 4, at 10 o'clock, Matthias , J. Degan marched out of the 
 Desplaines street station, full of life, and was soon afterward 
 struck down by the hands of these defendants, not one of whom 
 he had ever injured. The speaker told the jury again what 
 " reasonable doubt " means. He said that the grand jury might 
 have indicted 300 men instead of eight, but they saw fit to pick 
 out the eight whom they deemed the leaders of the conspiracy 
 against law and human life. There had been a good deal of 
 talk, he said, about the constitutional nght of free speech. The 
 Constitution gave the people the right to meet and petition, but 
 not to advise other people to commit murder. This right was 
 based upon the old English common law, and in England was 
 also found a definition of what constitutes incitement to murder. 
 The case he was going to quote had also had another connection 
 with the present one. It was brought in London in 1881 against 
 Johann Most, who was then publishing his sheet, the Freiheit, 
 in that city. It was shortly after the assassination of the Czar 
 of Russia. He there advocated the assassination of all the heads 
 of States, from Constantinople to Washington, and was convic- 
 ted of inciting to murder. Mr. Ingham read the proceedings in 
 the English court, the article upon which he was tried, and 
 Lord Coleridge's decision. Then he said : " It is shown that 
 these defendants — Spies, Parsons, Schwab and Fischer — were 
 engaged in the publication of articles in which they advised the 
 destruction of the police by force, in which they advised work- 
 ing men to arm themselves with dynamite and be ready when- 
 ever the conflict should come to destroy the police force. For 
 the publication of any one of these articles the defendants could 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 105 
 
 have been convicted of a misdemeanor. And when Fielden 
 that night told the people that war had been declared and that 
 they must arm themselves to resist what had never taken place, 
 he was guilty of a misdemeanor, and for that reason, if for no 
 other, the police had a right to disperse the meeting. The treat- 
 ment that Herr Most received in London shows you that the 
 only salvation of a community is to enforce the letter of the law 
 ■without sentiment, that bloodshed may be avoided. Herr Most 
 Avas convicted for the publication of that article, and no English 
 policemen have been blown up -with dynamite. He came to 
 this country, and the policemen who have been blown up are 
 the American officers right here in this city. If we have not 
 enforced the law it is high time that we enforce it now." 
 
 Mr. Ingham then showed that the Haymartet meeting was 
 a trap for the police designed for the purpose of leading them 
 into a dark, dangerous place, the speeches being the bait, art- 
 fully increased until the police came to the alley and the bomb 
 could be thrown. "Now who made the bomb? It is in evi- 
 dence that Louis Lingg had been making bombs of a certain 
 construction which Spies had said were superior, being of com- 
 posite metal. It is in evidence that Lingg all the morning of 
 May 4 was away from his house ; that he upbraided Seliger for 
 having made but one bomb. During the afternoon he was busy 
 making bombs, and men came and went and worked at the 
 bombs in his house. There is a story of a man who that day 
 received bombs and dynamite from Lingg, showing that he dis- 
 tributed them." Mr. Ingham read to the jury the chemical 
 analysis of the bombs furnished by Drs. Haines and Delafon- 
 taine. What is the answer to all this? That the bomb was 
 not thrown from the alley, but from thirty-eight feet south of 
 
106 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 the alley. And if they had satisfied you of that, was it not 
 still thrown by one of the Anarchists — one of the conspirators? 
 The bomb came from the conspiracy. And the moment it re- 
 sulted in the death of Degan the crime of conspiracy was 
 merged into the crime of murder. 
 
 "AVhen Sumter was fired on, when the flag was insulted, 
 Avhen the attempt was made to destroy the Government, it was 
 an attempt merely to change the form of government. When 
 the bomb in this war was thrown it was the opening shot of a 
 war which should destroy all government, destroy all law, 
 leave men free to live as they see fit, and leave nothing to 
 guide but the strong arm. I believe for myself that humanity 
 — ^not merely our people, not merely we of America, but that 
 humanity the wide world over — has no hope or no safety save 
 the law. Law is the very shield that guards the progression 
 of the race; it is the palladium of the liberty and lives of all 
 people. Law which does not punish murder breeds dtath. 
 Jurors who from the merciful instincts of their hearts hesitate 
 to convict the guilty, are, in reality, mercilesss as the grave, 
 for by their verdict they people graves with the innocent vic- 
 tims of midnight assassination and fill the mind with deeds of 
 blood. Innocent blood from the days of Abel till now cries 
 to Heaven for vengeance ; innocent blood that contaminates 
 the gi'ound upon which it falls, and from it spring up dragon's 
 teeth. And now if you believe these men guilty, if you are 
 satisfied beyond a reasonable doubt, as you cannot help but be, 
 that these men were a party to a conspiracy unlawful in its 
 nature, and that from that conspiracy a human life was taken, 
 that they are murderers under that law, see to it that the maj- 
 esty of the law of the state of Illinois is vindicated, and its 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 107 
 
 penalties enforced. That is the demana upon you this day and 
 this hour, not only of the people of the state of Illinois, but of 
 humanity itself ; for humanity, with all its fears, with all its 
 hopes for future years, is hanging breathless on your fate." 
 
 MK. FOSTER FOR THE DEFENSE. 
 
 Mr. Foster, who followed for the defense, had not lived 
 long in Chicago. He came in March from Davenport., Iowa, 
 near which city he was born about forty years ago. He is of 
 medium height a,nd square build. His features are refined 
 and intellectual. An abundant gro^vth of rich auburn hair 
 adorns his shapely head. Mr. Foster obtained considerable 
 fame as a lawyer in his native state, took an active part in pol- 
 itics, and was one of the Blaine Electors in 1884, and was very 
 active in the campg,ign of that year. After having made an 
 energetic and finely-eloquent plea to the jury to cast aside all 
 prejudice arising from hatred of the principles of the Anar- 
 chists, love of and loyalty to the land, inherent patriotism, and 
 the teachings of the popular press, Mr. Foster proceeded, 
 in order to set himself right, to tear down without apology the 
 theory of the defense set up by Messrs. Salomon & Zeisler. He 
 had no defense to make for Socialism — it is dangerous; Com- 
 munism is pernicious, and Anarchism is damnable. Lingg had 
 manufactured bombs, and he ought to be punished therefor; but 
 he was on trial for throwing, not manufacturing bombs. Spies, 
 Schwab and Fischer had no business to preach social revolution 
 in America. If they were not satisfied with the state of things 
 here they ought to have gone back to Germany and tried to re- 
 form things there. Mr. Fielden might have found occupation 
 in teaching his brother Englishmen to be just to Ireland. Par- 
 
108 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 sons he rebuked in an eloquent passage for his lack of patriot- 
 ism. Having thus skillfully set himself right with the jurors, 
 Mr. Foster proceeded to define the issue of the trial as he under- 
 stood it, and as he wished the jury to understand it. He 
 admitted the moral responsibility of some of the prisoners for 
 the crime. He denied their legal responsibility. 
 
 " Our law knows no citizenship when a defendant is brought 
 to the bar of justice. Our law is grand enough, our law is 
 broad enough, the principles upon wliich our Government is 
 founded are such that it matters not whether he be French, Ger- 
 man, Irish, Italian, or wherever his birthplace may be. All 
 men are equal before the law. They are all citizens of the 
 United States except Louis Lingg. I believe the testimony 
 shows that he has been in the country two years. I think that 
 Spies said he came here in infancy. I know as a matter of fact 
 that Neebe, born in the state of Pennsylvania, never was a for- 
 eigner. Schwab has been in this country long enough to be a 
 citizen. Whether he is or not is entirely immaterial for the 
 purposes of this case. I know that Fielden has been here more 
 than twenty years. I know that Fischer has been in Chicago 
 for the last ten to twelve years, and Engel for fifteen or twenty 
 years. What is the importance of the suggestion that they are 
 foreigners, and Germans, except that it is important to wring 
 from you a verdict grounded on prejudice. * * * It was 
 an open secret that the defendants were indicted for murder, 
 conspiracy and riot, but I will only argue the question of con- 
 spiracy so far as it relates to the crime of murder. The question 
 of Socialism was of no importance unless it was connected with 
 the murder of Degan, and the defendants were not being tried 
 for any offense but that of conspira,cy which resulted in the 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 10!) 
 
 muraer of Degan. The prosecution had oeen trying to toie the 
 defendants out into the underbrush and assassinate them on im- 
 material issues; but the defendants' counsel were too smart to 
 be seduced by the song of the siren. Suppose Spies et. al. did 
 conspire to overthrow society and their conspiracy stopped 
 there, then there was nothing to argue. A verdict rendered 
 upon anything else than a conspiracy directly connected with 
 the outrage perpetrated at the Haymarket, would fall to the 
 ground and amount to nothing." 
 
 Referring to the popular clamor against the Socialists, Mr. 
 Foster said: " Outside of you twelve gentlemen, the judge upon 
 the bench, and counsel on either side, there is not a man in Chi- 
 cago who has a right to say he has an opinion founded upon the 
 facts in this case. If these men are to be tried on general prin- 
 ciples for advocating doctrines opposed to our ideas of propriety, 
 there is no use for me to argue the case. Let the Sheriff go and 
 erect the scaffold; let him bring eight ropes with dangling nooses 
 at the ends ; let him pass them around the necks of these eight 
 men ; and let us stop this farce now, if the verdict and convic- 
 tion is to be upon prejudice and general principles. We boast 
 of our courts of justice, of our equitable law, but if the time has 
 come, when men are to be prejudged before the trial and convic- 
 ted upon general principles, all that is grand, sacred, noble and 
 praiseworthy in our temples of justice will be destroyed. Con- 
 sidering the experience of us all in relation to this Haymarket 
 tragedy, considering the facts that we know to be true, do you 
 blame me for saying I am afraid of your passions ? I am afraid 
 of your prejudices." Holding up the Czar bomb, Mr. Foster 
 exclaimed in a loud voice : "Hang Spies, and Neebe, and 
 Schwab, and Parsons, and Fielden, and Fischer, and Lingg, and 
 
110 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 Engel I " Taking up a tin dynamite can he continued: "Among 
 other things, three tin cans were found under a sidewalk in the 
 city. Strangle them to death, in part because these three cans 
 were found I When were they in possession of any of the de- 
 fendants? Never, so far as the testimony is concerned. When 
 were they prepared and filled at the house of any of the defend- 
 ants, or any of their associates? Never, so far as the testimony 
 is concerned. And yet they are not only introduced in evidence, 
 their contents examined and sworn to, but you are expected to 
 smell them; you are asked to examine them at the risk of a 
 headache, and they want your noses near to their tops. Why? 
 Because they were found in the city of Chicago. And that is 
 part of the testimony upon which the lives of these eight men 
 are to be destroyed. But it is all in a lifetime ; it is all part of 
 the grand combination ; it is all in the great conspiracy, because 
 counsel tell us it is. Such evidence was never introduced in any 
 court of justice in the civilized world without objection. It 
 was said Herr Most described such things in his book on * Rev- 
 olutionary Warfare.' There is not a word of testimony that 
 any of the defendants ever read that book. But that does not 
 make any difference. They are Socialists — ^hang them. That 
 does not make any difference. They are Communists — hang 
 them; they are Anarchists — hang them. I always supposed 
 that the lowest creature that possessed life was entitled to some 
 consideration. I supposed there was not a thing in existence 
 so low, 80 poor or loathsome, but had some rights, and I do not 
 believe it now, except it be a Socialist, Communist or Anar 
 chist. That puts them beyond the pale of civilization ; it puts 
 them beyond the protection of the law; it convicts them of 
 itself." 
 
W. p. IJLACK AND WIFE. 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. Ill 
 
 OAPTArN "W. P. BLACK FOR THE DEFENSE, 
 
 On Tuesday, August 17, the fif tietli aay of the trial. Cap- 
 tain W. P. Black, fhe leading counsel for the defense, made his 
 plea. He said: 
 
 " May it please the Court, and Gentlemen of the jury : On 
 the morning of May 5, 1886, the good people of Chicago were 
 startled at the event which happened at the Haymarket. 
 Fear is the mother of cruelty, and perhaps that will account in 
 some measiu"e for the bitterness with which the State has pros- 
 ecuted this case. The serious question which confronts us, 
 however, is to what extent, you, gentlemen, in your delibera- 
 tions, may be influenced by passion or by prejudice. On the 
 night of May 4 a dynamite bomb was thro^vn at the Haymarket 
 in this city and exploded. It caused widespread havoc and loss 
 of human life. But the moral responsibility for dynamite does 
 not rest upon the Socialists. This explosive was given to the 
 world by science. We might well stand appalled at the dread 
 results this terrible agent is capable of producing. When a 
 man is charged, or sought to be charged, with a crime, as in this 
 case, the people must show who threw the bomb — who did the 
 deed — and must show that these defendants were connected 
 directly with the guilty man." 
 
 The speaker said that counsel for the State were wrong 
 when one of them advised the jury that upon them it depended 
 to maintain the law and government, because these defendants 
 plotted against the state. They were revolutionists, it was said, 
 but that was not true. There can be no revolution, though, ex- 
 cept when the heart of the people rise to redress some great 
 wrong. 
 
112 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 " As to the witnesses for the State, the testimony of two of 
 them, Gilmer and Thompson, who swore to having seen Schnau- 
 belt throw the bomb, was impeached. Gilmer's story was ut- 
 terly improbable in itself; the rational mind rejected it. Is it 
 credible? Mr. Ingham has said Spies was the brainiest man 
 among the Anarchists, and the greatest coward. The witness 
 Gilmer testified that he saw Spies get down from the wagon and 
 go into the alley with Schnaubelt; saw him strike the light, fire 
 the bomb, and give it to Schnaubelt, who hurled it among the 
 police. Is that credible ? Remember, Spies, a man of brains, 
 of more than average brains ; would he light the match that fired 
 that bomb, and the police almost upon him? Is that credible? 
 It was also said Spies was a great coward. Then, if that were 
 true, would he run the risk of lighting the bomb ? The counter- 
 proof was abundant. A half a dozen reputable citizens stand- 
 ing in the mouth of the alley had testified that they did not see 
 Spies leave the wagon, and that he did not enter the alley before 
 the bomb exploded. This was negative testimony, it was true, 
 but considering the narrow space and how unlikely it was that 
 Spies, whom they all knew, could enter the alley without being 
 seen by the witnesses, it was conclusive. Again, two or three 
 witnesses testified that Schnaubelt went home early in the even- 
 ing, disappointed because there was no German speaking, and 
 was not at the Haymarket when the explosion took place." 
 
 The circumstantial evidence presented by the State, and by 
 which it was sought to enmesh the defendants, was next consid- 
 ered. The case of the state was substantially this . The meet • 
 ing at the Haymarket May 4 was an incident in the carrying out 
 of an organized scheme. August Spies was there to precipitate 
 a conflict with the police. He put Parsons on the stand, who 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 113 
 
 made a long harangue, but the police did not appear. Then 
 Fielden was put up to speak. The police came, and the act was 
 accomplished. But who called this meeting? Not Spies, not 
 Neebe, not Parsons, not Schwab, nor Engel, nor Lingg, nor 
 Fischer, as an individual act. It was the result of another meet- 
 ing, held the night before at 54 West Lake street, and about 
 which Spies knew nothing. 
 
 " Again, the State wished it to be understood that Spies, m 
 order to get the men ripe for revolt, went out to McCormick's 
 May 3, and forced himself on a meeting there. Then, having 
 worked up his auditors to a pitch of excitement and inflamed 
 them to attack the non-union men, he came down town and 
 wrote the 'Revenge' circular, calling for the Hay market meet- 
 ing. But did he encourage the men at McCormick's to violence i 
 The testimony, and it was not controverted, proved that he 
 counseled peace ; that he told the men to stand firm and to trust 
 to concerted action for the attainment of their ends. The fur- 
 ther circumstance proving that no violence was contemplated 
 that night consisted in this, that when the black cloud came up 
 and rain was threatened, an adjournment was proposed. Fiel- 
 den had the stand at that time, but he, simple soul, begged a 
 few minutes' delay, saying he had but little more to say, and 
 then in all simplicity went on to say it. All this was in the 
 line going to prove that Spies had no connection with the al- 
 leged conspiracy. The circular calling for the Tuesday night 
 meeting referred to a specific object. Do not the circumstan- 
 ces," continued Captain Black, "prove that August Spies was 
 not aware of the meeting held May 3 ? Do they not prove that 
 he could have no share in the design of that meeting, of which 
 the one at Haymarket, with its result, was an incident in the 
 
114 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 general conspiracy ? As to the Haymarket meeting, was it not 
 a lawful assemblage ? Who first broke the laws ? That meet- 
 ing was called by a circular. It was called to denounce a griev- 
 ance. Perhaps there was no real grievance, but if the projec- 
 tors of the meeting thought there was they had the right to 
 assemble. The Constitution given us by our forefathers who 
 made the name of revolutionists glorious, gave us that right. 
 That right was incorporated in the fundamental laws of the 
 nation. One clause in the Constitution allows the people to as- 
 semble together in a peaceable manner to discuss their griev- 
 ances, another provides that the people have the right to 
 assemble together in a peaceable manner to discuss measures for 
 their common good, and to instruct their representatives. I am 
 not here to defend Socialism, nor do I contend that Anarchy 
 has in it the elements of true refonn, but I am here to defend 
 these men. They are Socialists. That system centuries ago 
 had the sanction of St. Augustine. John Stuart Mill is one of 
 a great host of philosophers who have subscribed in fealty to 
 Socialism. 
 
 "These defendants have the right to discuss the great 
 wrongs of the working people. They have the right to try 
 their remedy. They say that private property is robbery. That 
 may be false. There is not a Catholic organization that is not 
 founded on the idea of common co-operation. It was Plato's 
 dream that the means of existence should be the common prop- 
 erty of all. The Anarchist or Socialist was said to believe 
 that every law of man was a bone of contention, intended for 
 the benefit of one class only. The fact that these defendants 
 are Anarchists is not a fact which would justify the jury in 
 
JULIUS S. GRINNELL. 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY 115 
 
 taking their lives. These men are not the lazy fellows pic- 
 tured by the state." 
 
 state's attorney JULIUS S. GEINNELL FOR THE PROSECUTION. 
 
 State's Attorney Grinnell closed for the State, and he be- 
 gan his remarks by criticising counsel for the defense for mak- 
 ing heroes of the prisoners. The Anarchists were compared 
 to the fathers of our country ; they were pictured as martyrs, 
 as men who sacrificed themselves for the welfare of human 
 kind. If that "be so, songs of praise should be sung, and the 
 Anarchists ought to be garlanded with flowers. Captain Black 
 had said that society was discriminating against the poor ; that 
 the struggle for existence was daily becoming hai'der. That 
 was not true, for civil liberty was never before as widespread 
 as it is at present, Mr. Grinnell said the case had received his 
 entire attention since May 5. Government was on trial. Mur- 
 der had been committed. It was sought to kuow who wa-s 
 responsible. For a few days after the Haymarket riot it was 
 not thought it was more far-reaching than the results of the 
 inflammatory speech-making. It was not until after the mag- 
 nificent eflforts of Captain Schaack that a conspiracy was devel- 
 oped. Then ^chnaubelt was discovered. It wag. not until after 
 Spies was arrested that it became apparent that a man was 
 capable of the hellish act in which he was concerned. A mis- 
 take had been made. It was said the State Mould show who 
 the bomb thrower was. This had not been done, owing to the 
 inability of certain witnesses to make good on the stand the 
 statements they had before made to the officers. These men 
 were not Socialists, but Anarchists, and their creed is no gov- 
 ernment, no law. Until placed on the stand these men never 
 
116 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 hedged on that definition. It was sought to be shown that the 
 defendants were barking dogs that would not bite. These men 
 were on trial, la^v was on trial, Anarchy was on trial for trea- 
 son. The penalty of treason is death. A man can commit an 
 overt act of tieason, and not kill anybody. Is it any the less 
 treason because seven men are killed and sixty wounded? 
 There is no statute of limitation for threats, when repeated 
 threats resulted in the commission of the deed. For years past, 
 on the Lake front and at the different so-called Socialistic halls 
 in the city, these men had preached the use of dynamite, poison 
 and daggers as a means of effecting the social revolution. The 
 thing should have been stopped long ago. But that was foreign 
 to the case. The men were here now on trial for murder. 
 Their threats had been carried out. It did not matter whether 
 any i)olice officers had overstepped their duty; the jury had 
 nothing at all to do with that. The accused were on trial for 
 murder. 
 
 On the Lake front the Anarchists were wont to assemble 
 imder the red flag, which they described as the emblem of un- 
 iversal liberty. But there was but one flag of liberty — ^that 
 was the Stars and Stripes; and it would always remain such if 
 the gentlemen of the jury had the courage to uphold the law. 
 Threats had been mouthed, dire vaporings were spread from one 
 group to another to fill the people with terror, so that the social 
 revolution might the more easily be accomplished. Mr. Grinnell 
 holds that Spies wrote the " Revenge" circular premeditatedly. 
 He reads it to the jury commenting on various passages con- 
 tained therein, and makes it plain to the jury that Spies had an 
 ulterior and sinister purpose in view when he penned the fam- 
 ous dodger. There were only two officers at McCormicks when 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 117 
 
 the mob Spies was addressing broke loose and attacked the 
 non-union men. The police were called, but why ? To protect 
 the MeCormick property and the two officers from the fury of 
 the mob as well as to save the non-union men from being killed. 
 It was this sight' — the coming of additional police — that made 
 the blood of the valorous Spies boil. Knowing that no fatali- 
 ties had taken place, or not knowing that any had occured. 
 Spies posted down town, and the "Revenge" circular was 
 written by him and in the hands of the printer before 5 o'clock 
 that same afternoon. Balthazar Rau's name was mentioned every 
 day, time and time again by the defense, but he was not called 
 as a witness. They were afraid to put him on the stand. It 
 was Rau who invited Spies to address the Haymarket meeting, 
 and he was present when Spies made his speech. That was a 
 kind of Marc Antony address, and to be understood one must 
 read it between the lines. It was artfully calculated to inflame. 
 It was a significant opening. The working men were told to 
 come armed. "Waller did come armed. The police should have 
 bi'oken up the meeting in its incipiency. If Bonfield had not 
 gone down there at the time he did the riot would have been 
 general. The reason more bombs were not thro«Ti was that 
 the other fellows in the conspiracy had not time to reach the 
 scene. The man who threw the bomb obtained it from Lingg 
 or Spies, and hurled it according to directions received from one 
 or other of these men. Did Fielden ^hoot that night? For 
 years past he has called the police bloodhounds ; he said he 
 would march down Michigan avenue with the red flag or the 
 black flag, and preached " death to the capitalists and the pol- 
 ice, our despoilers." This must be understood above all things; 
 that the bomb was thrown in furtherance of the common design. 
 
118 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 no matter who threw it. Gilmer 8aid Spies handed the bomb 
 to Schnaubelt Is that improbable? For years he preached 
 the throwing of bombs. An article over his own signature is 
 in evidence, and in this he gives directions as to the manner in 
 which bombs should be ignited and hurled at the enemy. Who 
 was Schnaubelt? Schwab's brother-in-law. He is the man 
 who was arrested before the conspiracy was known and let go, 
 then shaved off his whiskers, and has not been seen since. A 
 peculiar circumstance, and the most significant of the case, was 
 that when Spies was arrested he left the traces of his crime in 
 his office. Bonfield arrested him. Spies said he went over to 
 the Central station unsuspectingly. Had he known what was 
 going to have happened he would have destroyed the " Ruhe " 
 manuscript. It was the little mistakes that brought the crim- 
 inal to justice, and there never was a criminal, big or little, that 
 did not leave traces of his crime behind him. 
 
 Mr. Grinnell concluded by saying his labor was over; the 
 jury's was just begun. They had the power to exact the lives 
 of some of the prisoners, to others they might give a term of 
 years in the penitentiary, and some again they might acquit. 
 He would not ask the jury to take the life of Oscar Neebe. He 
 would not ask the jury to do what he would not do himself. 
 The proof was not sufficient to convict Neebe, but some of them, 
 Spies, Fischer, Lingg, Engel, Fielden, Parsons and Schwab, 
 ought to have the extreme penalty administered to them. 
 
 " Personally," said Mr. Grinnell, " I have not a word to say 
 against these men. But the law demands that they be punished. 
 They have violated the law, and you, gentlemen of the jury, 
 stand between the living and the dead. Do your duty. Do 
 not disagree. If you think that some of them do not deserve 
 
JOS. E. GARY. 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 119 
 
 the death penalty give them a life sentence, out do not disagree. 
 Gentlemen, this is no pleasant task for me, but it is my duty; 
 do yours." 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 THE INSTRUCTIONS OF THE COURT. 
 
 In his instructions to the jury Judge Gary said; " The Court 
 instructs the jury that whoever is guilty of murder shall suffer 
 the punishment of death, or imiDrisonment in the penitentiary 
 for his natui-al life, or for a term of not less than fomteen years. 
 If the accused are found guilty by a jury they shall fix the pun 
 ishment by their verdict. 
 
 "The Court instructs the jury as a matter of law that, in 
 considering the case, the jury are not to go beyond the evidence 
 to hunt up doubts, nor must they entertain such doubts as ai-e 
 merely chimerical or conjectural. A doubt to justify an ac- 
 quittal must be reasonable, and must arise from a candid and 
 impartial investigation of all the evidence in the case, and unless 
 it is such that, were the same kind of doubt interposed in the 
 gi-aver transactions of life, it would cause a reasonable and pru- 
 dent man to hesitate and pause, it is sufficient to authorize a 
 verdict of not guilty. If, after considering all the evidence, you 
 can say you have an abiding conviction of the truth of the 
 charge, you are satisfied beyond a reasonable doubt. 
 
 " If it does so prove, then your duty to the State requires 
 you to convict whosoever is found guilty. The case of each of 
 the defendants should be considered with the same care and 
 scrutiny as if he alone were on trial. If a conspiracy having 
 violence and murder as its object is fully proved, then the acts 
 and declarations of each one of the conspirators, before or after 
 
120 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 May 4, which are merely narrative as to what had been or would 
 be done, and not made to aid in carrying into effect the object 
 of the conspiracy, are only evidence against the person who 
 made them. What are the facts and what is the truth the jury 
 must determine from the evidence, and from that alone. If 
 there are any unguarded expressions in any of the instructions 
 which seem to assume the existence of any facts, or to be any 
 intimation as to what is proved, all such expressions must be 
 discouraged and the evidence only looked to, to determine the 
 facts. 
 
 " The Court instructs the jury as a matter of law that an 
 accessory is he who stands by and aids, abets, or assists, or who, 
 not being present, aiding, abetting, or assisting, has advised, en- 
 couraged, aided or abetted the perpetration of that caime. He 
 who thus aids, abets, assists, advises or encourages shall be con- 
 sidered as a principal and punished accordingly. Every such 
 accessory when a crime is committed within or without this 
 state by his aid or procurement in this state, may be indicted 
 and convicted at the same time as the principal, or before or 
 after his conviction, and whether the principal is convicted or 
 amenable to justice or not, and punished as principal. 
 
 " If the defendants attempted to overthrow the law by force 
 and threw the bomb, then the defendants who were in the con- 
 spiracy were guilty of murder. If there was an Anarchistic 
 conspiracy, and the defendants were parties to it, they are guilty 
 of murder, though the date of the culmination of the conspiracy 
 was not fixed. If any of the defendants conspired to excite by 
 advice people to riot and- murder, such defendants are guilty if 
 such murder was done in pursuance of said conspiracy ; the im- 
 practicalness of the aim of the defendants is immaterial. 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 121 
 
 " Circumstantial evidence is competent to prove guilt, and 
 if defendants conspired to overthrow the law and Degan was 
 killed in consequence, the parties are guilty, and it is not neces- 
 sary that any of the defendants were present at the killing. 
 
 " All parties to the conspiracy are equally guilty. Circum- 
 stantial evidence must satisfy the Jury beyond reasonable doubt. 
 In such case the jury may find defendants guilty. When defen- 
 dants testified in the case they stood on the same ground as 
 other witnesses." 
 
 THE VERDICT. 
 
 The jury retired at 2 :50 o'clock Thursday, August 19. The 
 first intimation that an agreement had been reached was when 
 word was sent to the Revere house to prepare supper for the 
 jury, it having been understood that unless a decision as to the 
 fate of the prisoners was reached before 10 o'clock, supper 
 would not be served at that time. Friday morning the excite- 
 ment of the crowd in front of the Criminal Court building was 
 something intense while the verdict was being awaited. There 
 was none of the joking and laughing that is heard on the only 
 other occasion that brings a mob to stand mthout those dreary 
 walls — the execution of a convicted criminal. Such conversa- 
 tions as were held were in a low tone, and related solely to the 
 one topic — the probable conviction of the eight prisoners who 
 were waiting for the hour which was to mean life or death to 
 them. Both sides of the street were lined with people who 
 awaited anxiously for some tidings from the court within. An 
 army of bailiffs and policemen guarded the big doors, an4 the 
 surging masses were only kept back by sheer force. The lim- 
 ited number who obtained admission to courtroom were the 
 
122 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 reporters and the immediate friends and relatives of the defen- 
 dants. The gaily-dressed women who had attended the trial 
 since the start were not there. The court officials decided that 
 the relatives of the prisoners should be allowed in the court- 
 room, and at 9:15 o'clock the sister of Spies, with another young 
 woman, made her appearance. Shortly afterward the mother 
 of Spies, accompanied by a younger son, also entered the court- 
 room and took a seat on the back benches. At 9:20 Mrs. Par- 
 sons entered the court room, accompanied by a woman who 
 attended her throughout the trial. She was given a seat be- 
 tween two policemen. The row of seats farthest removed from 
 the judge were occupied by a force of police officers. Next be- 
 low, seated in the order named, were Henry Spies; Mrs. Spies, 
 the prisoner's mother; Miss Spies; Chris Spies, and a young 
 lady friend. Next below was Mrs. Martin. The ladies looked 
 anxious. Mrs. and Miss Spies and Mrs. Parsons looked worn 
 out, though the latter tried to appear unconcerned, and occu- 
 pied her time in reading newspapers. It was 9:50 o'clock when 
 the Judge came in. He looked nervous and excited. He was 
 barely seated when Captain Black entered. The Captain took 
 a seat near his wife. He had just paid a visit to his clients. 
 
 "Are they prepared for the worst?" asked Mrs. Black, 
 anxiously. 
 
 "Prepared!" repeated the Captain. "Yes; fully prepared 
 to laugh at death. They talk about the matter much more 
 coolly than I can." 
 
 A moment or two later the prisoners were brought in. 
 They were not given their usual seats, but placed in a row on 
 a bench against the wall at the Judge's left, in the narrow aisle 
 leading to the passage way to the jaU. They sat in the same 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 123 
 
 old order. Spies was at the head, next to the judge. All 
 looked haggared and excited. Even the nsually stocial face of 
 Lingg wore an expression of anxiety. Fischer was deathly pale 
 and trembled visibly. These pale and trembling wretches 
 were the braggarts who a few short weeks before were boldly 
 proclaiming the doctrines of Socialism and Auarcliy ou the Lake 
 front, in Zephf's hall and the beer saloons of the North and 
 West sides. They were the men who were advocating force 
 and the use of dynamite, and the total annihilation of law and 
 order, the theft of property, and murder of citizens. Their 
 vapid mouthings were thrust upon assemblages of decent work- 
 ingmen, their policy was Communism, their banner was the 
 banner of blood, and their teachings were death and destruction. 
 Bold and fearless as lions they appeared when indulging in 
 flights of incendiary oratory. Like dumb, obedient beasts they 
 bowed in submission before the most powerful scourge the law 
 can wield — ^the death verdict. 
 
 The jurymen filed in and took their seats in the jury box. 
 They looked determined and resolute. There was a death-like 
 silence in the court. In a low voice the Judge asked: '' Gen- 
 tlemen, have you agreed?" F. E. Osborne, the foreman, rose 
 and replied: " We have, your honor." Taking out two sheets 
 of foolscap from his side coat-pocket, he handed them to Clerk 
 Doyle, who glanced at them and handed them to the Judge, 
 who slipped them apart, trembling so that the leaves shook 
 violently. A whispered consultation between the Judge and 
 the Clerk followed, and the document was returned to Mr. 
 Doyle, who read: 
 
 " We, the jury, find the defendants, August Spies, Michael 
 Schwab, Samuel Fielden, Albert R. Parsons, Adolph Fischer, 
 
124 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 George Engel and Louis Lingg, guilty of murder, as charged 
 in the indictment, and fix the penalty at death. 
 
 " We find the defendant, Oscar Neebe, guilty of murder in 
 manner and form as charged in the indictment, and fix the pen- 
 alty at imprisonment in the penitentiary for a term of fifteen 
 years." 
 
 Not a sound came from the spectators. For a moment the 
 courtroom was silent as the tomb. The prisoners were struck 
 with horror. Spies' face blanched white as the paper on which 
 his death sentence was Avritten. His lips quivered, and he me- 
 chanically tapped the floor with his foot and nervously stroked 
 his moustache. Neebe was completely stunned. The blood 
 rushed to his face, and the perspiration stood out on his fore- 
 head in great drops. Schwab's yellow face seemed to look into 
 vacancy, and he had a wandering, stupid stare. Parsons was 
 visibly aflfected, but he kept himself up better than the rest, and 
 maintained a certain air of nonchalance. He made an effort to 
 flaunt a red handkerchief out of the window at the crowd on 
 the outside, but was promptly checked by a bailiff. Fielden 
 fairly quaked. He shook like an aspen leaf, and in every way 
 showed his great fear. Fischer was ghastly. "V\Tien the verdict 
 was first being read he held a half-consumed cigar in his mouth, 
 but when the death penalty was reached the weed fell from his 
 lips to the floor. Lingg appeared sullen and stoical, but when 
 the sentence was read his face flushed, and he was seen to trem- 
 ble. Engel betrayed no emotion. When the verdict became 
 known to the thousands assembled outside a great cheer rent 
 the air. 
 
 Captain Black asked that the jury be polled. The jury- 
 men answered with firm voices. Captain Black said he would 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 125 
 
 desire to make a motion for a new trial. State's Attorney 
 Grinnell said it would be impossible to dispose of the motion 
 during the present term, but by agreement, the motion could be 
 argued at the September term. This was agreed to by the 
 defense. 
 
 The Court. — " Let the motion be entered and continued 
 until the next term, and let the defendants be taken back to 
 jail." Judge Gary then arose and addressed the jury as fol- 
 lows: 
 
 " Gentlemen of the Jury : — You have finished this long 
 and very arduous trial, which has required a very considerable 
 sacrifice of time, and some hardship. I hope that everything 
 has been done that could possibly be done to make those sac- 
 rifices and hardships as mild as might be permitted. It does 
 not become me to say anything in regard to the case that you 
 have tried, or the verdict you have rendered; but men compul- 
 sorily serving as jurors, as you have done, deserve some recog- 
 nition of the service you have performed besides the meager 
 compensation you have received." 
 
 The Foreman of the jury said: " The jury have deputed to 
 me the only agreeable duty, that it is in our province to perform, 
 and that is to thank the Court and the counsel for the defense 
 and for the prosecution, for your kindly care to make us as com- 
 fortable as possible during our confinement. We thank you." 
 
 The jury then filed out, and scarcely had they left the room 
 when a shrill voice was heard, and Mrs. Schwab fell heavily to 
 the floor. She was taken out into the fresh air by policemen, 
 and soon revived. Mrs. Spies followed up this scene by going 
 into hysterics, and also had to be assisted from the room. The 
 other women kept their nerves, and after the first shock main- 
 
126 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 tained composure. In tte meantime the crowd had closed in 
 on the prisoners, and were examining them from head to foot. 
 The bailiffs, however, promptly put a stop to this, and led the 
 condemned men away to their cells. 
 
 THE JURORS. 
 
 The twelve good men and true, who sat in judgment for so 
 many long and weary days, are all Americans by birth. Frank 
 S. Osborne, foreman of the jury, is a widower of thirty-nine, 
 and the father of three sons. He is head salesman of the car- 
 pet department of Marshall Field's retail store, and came here 
 from Columbus, Ohio. He is an Episcopalian. 
 
 Major James H. Cole, of Lawndale, the first juror accepted 
 by both sides, was born at Utica, N. Y., forty-three years ago, 
 and served throughout the Rebellion in the Forty-first Ohio In- 
 fantry. He came to Chicago from Chattanooga, Tennessee, six 
 years ago, and though a bookkeeper by profession, is at present 
 out of employment. 
 
 J. H. Brayton, principal of Webster Schoool, lives at Engel- 
 wood with his family, although a native of Lyons, N. Y. He 
 had arranged a hunting and fishing excursion for the summer, 
 which was ruined. 
 
 A. H. Reed is of the firm of Reed & Sons, of Reed's Tem- 
 ple of Music, 136 State street. He was bom in Boston forty- 
 nine years ago, but has been in the music business here for 
 twenty-three years, living with his wife at 3242 G-roveland 
 Park. Mr. Reed is a Freethinker, but not an Atheist. 
 
 Andrew Hamilton, dealer in hardware, has lived in Chicago 
 twenty years of the forty-one he has been on earth, and now 
 lives with his wife at 1521 Fortj'^-first street. 
 
THE JURY. 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 127 
 
 C. B. Todd, forty-seven years old, was born in Elmira, N. 
 Y., lived in Minnesota for sixteen years after the war, but is 
 now a salesman in the Putnam Clothing House. He served in 
 the Sixth New York Heavy Artillery. Mr. Todd lives at 1013 
 West Polk street. 
 
 H. T. Sanford is but twenty-four years old, and is a son of 
 the late Lawyer Sanford, compiler of the Superior Court reports 
 of New York. For fifteen months past he has been ^^oucher 
 clerk for the Chicago & Northwestern, but before coming to 
 Chicago he was a petroleum broker at New York. He and his 
 wife live at Oak Park. 
 
 S. C. Randall, the youngest man on the jury, was bom m 
 Erie county, Pennsylvania, in 1864, and in the three years he 
 has been in Chicago he has been a hotel waiter, a milk peddler, 
 and is now a salesman for J. C. Vaughan & Co., seedsmen, 45 
 La Salle street. 
 
 Theodore Denker, shipping clerk for H. H. King & Co., is 
 twenty-seven years old, and lives at Woodlawn Park. He has 
 lived in Chicago twenty-five years, and is not married. 
 
 Charles A. Ludwig is also twenty- seven years old, single, 
 and is a clerk in the wood mantel shop of Charles L. Page <fe Co. 
 
 John B. Greiner is a clerk in the freight department of the 
 Chicago & Northwestern Road, and lives at Humboldt Park. 
 He is twenty-five years old, and single. 
 
 G. W. Adams, twenty-seven years old, travels in Michigan, 
 selling paint for a Clinton street firm. He is a pa'inter by trade, 
 and lives with his brother at Evanston. 
 
 The following is the official Police Department report ol 
 casualties at the Haymarket: 
 
128 
 
 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 THE CONSPIRACY AND MASSACRE. NAMES AND NUMBER OF KILLED 
 
 AND "WOUNDED. UNEARTHING THE PLOT. OFFICERS AT 
 
 WORK AND CROWNED WITH SUCCESS. REPORT 
 
 OF GRAND JURY. 
 
 NAME OF OFFICES. 
 
 August C. Killer 
 
 Thomas McHenry.. 
 
 John E.Doyle 
 
 John A. King 
 
 Nicholas Shannon.. 
 
 Michael Sheahan. 
 
 James Conway 
 
 Patrick Hartford... 
 
 Patrick Nash 
 
 Arthur Conolly 
 
 Lou78 Johnson 
 
 M. M. Cardln 
 
 Adam Barber 
 
 Henry F. Smith 
 
 Frank Tyrell 
 
 James A. Brady 
 
 John Ried 
 
 Geobob Muller 
 
 Patrick McLaughlin 
 
 Frank Murphy 
 
 Lawrence Murphy.. 
 
 NATURE OF WOUNDS AND CIRCUMSTANCEB. 
 
 Shell wound in right side, and ball wound in 
 left side. Wife and five children. 
 
 Shell wound in left kneee and three shell wounds 
 in left hip. Single ; has sister and blind 
 mother to support. 
 
 Bullet wound in back and calves of both legs ; 
 serious. Wife and one child. 
 
 Jaw bone fractured by shell, and two bullet 
 wounds in right leg below the knee; serious. 
 Single. 
 
 Thirteen shell wounds on right side and five 
 shell wounds on left side, also right foot and 
 back; serious. Wife and three children. 
 
 Died May 9. Single. 
 
 Bullet wound in right leg. Single. 
 
 Shell wound right ankle, two toes on left foot 
 amputated, bullet wound in left side. Wife 
 and four children. 
 
 Bruise on left shoulder by club. Single. 
 
 Two shell wounds in left leg, bones slightly frac- 
 tured. Wife. 
 
 Shell wound in left leg. Wife and four chil- 
 dren. 
 
 Bullet wound in calf of both legs. Wife and 
 two children. 
 
 Shell wound left leg, bullet wound in right heel, 
 bullet not extracted. Wife and one child. 
 
 Bullet wound on right shoulder; quite serious. 
 Wife and two children in California. 
 
 Bullet in right hip near the spine; bullet not re- 
 moved. Single. 
 
 Shell wound in left leg, slight; injury to toes 
 left foot and shell wounds in left thigh. 
 Wife and two children; wife very sick at 
 County Hospital. 
 
 Shell wound in left leg; bullet wound in right 
 knee, not removed. Single. 
 
 Died Mat 6, at County Hospital. Single. 
 
 Bruise on right side, leg and hip ; slight. Wife 
 and three children. 
 
 Trampled on, three ribs broken. Wife and two 
 children. 
 
 Shell wounds left side of neck and left knee; 
 part of left foot amputated. Wife and 
 three children. 
 
130 
 
 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 MAUE OF OFFICBX. 
 
 Alexander Halrerson. 
 
 Carl £. Johnion 
 
 Peter McCormick 
 
 Christopher Gaynor. . 
 Timothy Flavin 
 
 Nils Hansen 
 
 B.J. Weineke 
 
 Patrick McNnlty. 
 
 Samuel Hilgo 
 
 Herman Krueger. 
 Joseph A. Oilso. 
 
 Edward Barrett.. 
 
 Fruman Steele 
 
 James T. Johnson 
 
 Benjamin F. Snell... 
 James H. Willson 
 
 Daniel Hogaa. 
 M. O'Brien 
 
 Frederick A. Andrew 
 Jacob Ebingcr 
 
 John J. Kelly 
 
 Patrick Flavin 
 
 Third Precinct. 
 
 Fourth 
 
 Central Detail. 
 
 NATURE OE WOUNDS AND CIRCnMBTANCES. 
 
 ehot in both legs, ball not extracted. Single, 
 hot in left elbow. Wife and two children. 
 Slight shot wound in left arm. Wife. 
 Slight bruise on left knee. Wife. 
 Died from wounds. Mat 8. Wife and three 
 
 children. 
 Died June 14, at County Hospital. Shot in 
 
 body^ arms and legs, fingers paralyzed. 
 
 Wife and six children. 
 Shot in iett side of bead, ball not found; serious. 
 
 Wife and two children. 
 Shot in right leg and both hips; dangerous. 
 
 Wife and three children. 
 Shot in right leg; not serious. Single. 
 Shot in right knee. Wife and two children. 
 Slightly injured in leg and back. Wife and 
 
 six children. 
 Shot in right leg; quite serious. Wife and six 
 
 six children. 
 Slightly wounded in back ; not serious. Single. 
 Right knee sprained; not serious. Wife and 
 
 three children. 
 Shot in right leg; at hospital. Single. 
 Seriously injured in abdomen by shell, and in 
 
 left hand; very serious. Wife and five chil- 
 dren. 
 Shot in calf of right leg and in left hand. Wife 
 
 and daughter. 
 Shell wound in left thigh. Wife and two chil- 
 dren. 
 Wounded in leg; not serious. Married. 
 Shell wound on back of left hand. Wife and 
 
 three children. 
 Slight wound by shell, left hand. Wife and 
 
 three children. 
 Finger hurt by shell. Married. 
 
 Total number of wounded officers, 67. Deaths, 7. 
 
 " Behold how great a matter a little fire kindleth I " 
 The explosion at the Haymarket made 3 widows, 14 orphans, 
 and left 119 children dependent upon public charity, pending 
 the recovery of their wounded, or perhaps permanently maimed 
 and crippled fathere. ■ 
 
 The business men of the city and railroad corporations 
 promptly gave over $50,000 for the relief of the families of the 
 officers who were killed and wounded. 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 131 
 
 THE CONSPIRACY. 
 
 The search for, and the capture of the primef-actors in the 
 Haymarket tragedy was at once commenced in earnest. The 
 well organized and efficient force ox brave men, under command 
 of cool headed and well skilled officers, was sure to succeed. 
 Captain F. Schaack, with six detectives, kept the entire North- 
 west group under the survilance of their argus eyes. Thielen 
 turned informer and communicated important information 
 which fitted exactly to supply a perfect chain of evidence. The 
 YipsilcTh and Rwlie signals wei'o significant evidence tow^ard 
 proving conspiracy along with the other daily developments in 
 in the case. Several officers and detectives were detailed to 
 make a search of several houses on Sedgwick street, among which, 
 one Seliger's, at No. 442. As the officers were ncaring the 
 house, Louis Lingg and one, Oppenheimer, were watching them 
 with much interest and discussing the practicability of making 
 a rush for their arms and kill the officers rather than have the 
 arsenal of the Anarchist, with its appliances for the manufac- 
 ture of infernal machines for the consumation of conspiracy and 
 treason, fall into the hands of the officers of the law. But the 
 ever vigilant officers secured possession of the house and re- 
 moved all suspicious ai-ticles to the station. Lingg went imme- 
 diately into hiding, but was on the 14 of May Arrested in a little 
 cottage on Ambrose street. Seliger was arrested in Meyer's 
 carpenter shop, and Thielen coming to see what Seliger was 
 arrested for was also taken into custody. Lingg became reck- 
 less and defiant. Many of the conspirators were run to earth 
 by those six men and arrested. Assistant State's Attornej' 
 Furthman interviewed the prisoners in their native tongue and 
 made a record of their statements. 
 
\3'2 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 EUDOLPH 8CHNAUBELT. 
 
 who it is now believed was the man who threw the dynamite 
 bomb with such deadly effect, was once arrested, but on tem- 
 poi'ary release decamped at once, which suspicious action led to 
 a further investigation. But two weeks having elapsed since 
 his release, he made good his escape from the country no doubt. 
 About forty Socialists were arrested and discharged again. 
 Neebe was once discharged and re-arrested as the case devel- 
 oped. Gilmer's evidence some days after the riot tended very 
 much to strengthen the belief that Schnaubelt was the party 
 who threw the bomb, and that it was thrown under the imme- 
 diate supervision and by the direction of August Spies, which 
 is in keeping M-ith his public speech and the secret teachings 
 by which he was endeavoring to establish, that system of rev- 
 olutionary warfare supplemented by the organization known as 
 the Ijehr und Wehr Verin, which is synonymous with armed 
 protection, or teaching secretly the use of weapons for the pur- 
 pose of defense. 
 
 THE GEAlfD JUEY. 
 
 The following is an abstract of their report: 
 
 To THE Hon. Judge John G. Rogees: In presenting the 
 bills of indictments which we have the honor heremth to sub- 
 mit, in what are known as the " Anarchist cases," we deem it 
 proper to accompany the same with a few words of explanation. 
 We have endeavored in our deliberations and in our findings to 
 be guided strictly by the instructions delivered to us by the Court 
 in regard to the liability of a citizen under the law for the 
 abuse of the privilege of free speech. We have in this connec- 
 tion, upon the evidence adduced, found tme bills only against 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 133 
 
 such persona as had, in their abuse of this right, been more or 
 less instrumental in causing the riot and bloodshed at Haymar- 
 ket square, the particulars of which we were called upon to 
 investigate. We have in some cases refused to find bills for 
 the reason that persons against whom evidence was presented 
 seemed to be the weak and ignorant tools of designing men, and 
 that it was our belief should they continue their evil associations 
 and practices after this calamity shall have shown them to what 
 it leads, that some future grand jury would give their cases 
 proper attention. So far as we are informed this is the first 
 appearance of dynamite as a factor in the criminal annals of this 
 state, and this is also the first organized conspiracy for the de- 
 struction of human life, and the overthrow of law in any part 
 of this country that has employed this new and dangerous 
 agency. It is not surprising that the fatal and appalling success 
 which has attended this, its first introduction, should have in- 
 spired terror in this community. 
 
 We find that the attack on the police on May 4 was the re- 
 sult of a deliberate conspiracy, the full details of which are now 
 in the possession of the ofiicers of the law, and will be brought 
 out when the cases shall be reached in court. We find that 
 this force of disorganizers had a very perfect force of organizers 
 of its own, and that it was chiefly under the control of the coterie 
 of men who were connected with the publication of their En- 
 glish and German newspaper organs, the Alarm ajid Arbeiter 
 Zeitung. The evidence has shown conclusively to us that these 
 men were manipulating this agitation from base and selfish 
 motives, for the power and influence which it gave them, and 
 for the money which they could make out of it ; that the large 
 majority of their followers were simply their dupes, and they 
 
134 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 have collected in this way large sums of money from those fol- 
 lowers, and from the working men of this city. That their plan 
 "was to involve, so far as they could, not only the Socialist and 
 Communist organizations, with whom they claim some kindred, 
 but also the labor societios and trades unions, to the end that 
 in the midst of the excitement they were erf ating they could not 
 only rely upon them as a source of revenue, but also have them 
 to fall back upon in the event of their finally being made amen- 
 able to the'law. Witnesses have come bcfoi-e us under protest 
 and with fear and trembling lest their appearance before this 
 jury should draw down upon them or upon their families the 
 secret vengeance of this unknown enemy. Branches of industry 
 in the city have remained paralyzed after all causes of disagree- 
 ment between the employer and the employed had been ad- 
 justed, by the same fear inspired among the workmen, coupled 
 with the feeling that the law is administered was impotent to 
 afford protection to a man ready and willing to work for the 
 supjjort of 'his family. So exaggerated has been the popular 
 notion as to the magnitude (>f this force that politicians have 
 cringed before it, and political parties have catered to its vote. 
 Processions have been tolei-ated upon our public streets carry- 
 ing banners and inscriptions which were a shame and a disgrace 
 to our city, and an affront to every law-abiding citizen. Public 
 harangues have been permitted that were an open menace to 
 law and order, and Avhich in logical sequence have reached their 
 culmination in the bloody outrage known as the Haymarket 
 massacre. We believe that a proper enforcement of the law, 
 as expounded by your Honor in the charge made to this Grand 
 Jury at the beginning of its session, would restore confidence, 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 135 
 
 correct existing evils, preserve the peace, and protect ttis com- 
 munity fi'om the recurrence of a like disorder. 
 
 In conclusion, we desire, as citizens and as members of this 
 Grand Jury, in this public way to express our most grateful ac- 
 knowledgments of the debt owing to the officers and men of the 
 police force of Chicago. By their heroic bravery and their con- 
 scientiousness and devotion to duty we believe that they have 
 saved this city from a scene of bloodshed and devastation equal 
 to, or perhaps greater than that witnessed during the Commune 
 in Paris. We wish further, from the evidence that has been 
 placed before us, to express our fullest confidence that the same 
 force that has protected us by its bravery in the face of the en- 
 emy, aided by the skill and legal ability of our Prosecuting 
 Attorney and his assistants, is quite competent to hunt these 
 public enemies down, and to bring them before our courts of 
 law with sufficient evidence of guilt to insure what they so 
 richly deserve. 
 
 Wednesday, May 19, there appeared before the grand jury 
 as a vdtness one Krendl, who is in the service of the City Water 
 Department. This witness, it was said, testified that he saw a 
 machinest, whose name was withheld, talking with Spies and 
 Schwab at the Haymarket the evening of the tragedy. The 
 witness watched the trio closely and saw them go toward Hal- 
 sted street and then return to the wagon so frequently referred 
 to in connection with the massacre. Upon their return the 
 witness noticed that the machinist had something in his right 
 coat-pocket which fiUed it up as an apple or base-ball might. 
 His attention was directed to this fact because of the persistent 
 manner in which the machinist kept guard over the mouth of 
 the pocket with his hand. 
 
136 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 M. M. Thompson followed the above witness, and described 
 a certain person who was with Schwab and Spies during the 
 early part of the evening, and this, in connection with Krendl's 
 testimony, was considered important by the jury. It was stated 
 at the time that Krendl was able to give the machinist's name, 
 from having once been a Socialist. 
 
 It was afterward discovered that Schnaubelt was the ma- 
 chinist referred to. Fred. P. Rosbeck, a manufacturer of light 
 machinery at No. 224 East Washington street, stated that 
 Schnaubelt had been in his employ about five weeks previous 
 to the Haymarket riot. He was a good workman, but a pro- 
 nounced Socialist and Anarchist, and his rabid utterences had 
 many others in the shop to incline to his views. Schnaubelt 
 had a companion, August Lambrecht by name, who came to 
 work for Rosbeck about the same time he did. They were very 
 intimate, going and coming together, and carrying on a close 
 relationship. Tuesday, May 4, Schnaubelt asked his employer 
 for the day, saying he had some important business to attend 
 to. He was granted a leave of absence, but returned to work 
 promptly Wednesday morning. Seeking to enlist him in con- 
 versation, Mr. Rosbeck said: 
 
 "Rudolph, they had a big time at the Haymarket last night." 
 
 " Yes," said Schnaubelt, " a devil of a time." 
 
 Intending to further draw him out, the employer continued : 
 
 " You Anarchists didn't half do your job, though. Why 
 didn't you use more bombs ? " 
 
 " Because," he answered, " they didn't get up with them in 
 time." 
 
 That evening Rosbeck told this story to a friend, who in- 
 formed the detective, and the arrest was made Thursday morn- 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 137 
 
 ing. Wednesday Schnaubelt had a heavy beard and moustache. 
 At the time of his arrest Thursday he had no beard and his 
 moustache had been trimmed close to his lip. After his release 
 by the police Schnaubelt returned to the shop and resumed 
 work, but that Thursday night he informed Rosbeck that he 
 might not return the next day. He said that he feared the 
 detectives might search his house and then arrest him. He said 
 Mrs. Schwab was his sister, and he was ofben at her house. If 
 they searched Schwab's house it might lead to his (Schnaubelt's) 
 arrest. He has not been seen since that Thursday night. His 
 tools and clothes remained in the shop, as also did his unpaid 
 wages. Rosbeck thought Lambrecht had knowledge of his 
 friend's whereabouts. About the middle of May Lambrecht 
 informed Rosbeck that Schuaubelt had instructed him to draw 
 his salary and take possession of his clothes. 
 
 In his evidence before the jury M M. Thompson declared 
 that he saw either Spies or Schwab — and he felt almost certain 
 it w^as the latter — hand Schnaubelt the bomb while the trio 
 were about fifteen feet from the wagon. Schnaubelt, he said, 
 was in waiting for them when they came from Halsted street. 
 Krendl testified that in his opinion Schnaubelt could not have 
 been handed the bomb at the place designated, because he saw 
 him go to Halsted street with the speakers, and return. He ad- 
 mitted, however, that Schnaubelt had something in his outside 
 pocket when near the wagon. 
 
 Schnaubelt, when aiTested by Detective Palmer, admitted 
 to Lieutenant Shea that he was with Schwab that Tuesday 
 night, but insisted that he left the wagon on which they were 
 standing when it commenced to rain. 
 
 Various rumors as to Schnaubelt's whereabouts were re- 
 
138 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 ceived. A letter, said to be in the fugitive's handwriting, was 
 received by the police some weeks after the riot, from Portland, 
 Oregon. The writer poked fun at the chief and said that the 
 fact that he was so far away was due to the stupidity of the 
 detective force and Lieut. Shea's gullibility. 
 
 Subsequently the body of a man was found in the canal at 
 Erie, Pa., which in features and in the clothes upon it corres- 
 ponded to the description of Schnaubelt, and it was thought he 
 had lefl Chicago as a stowaway in a vessel and had been 
 drowned in trpng to get ashore at Erie at night. The author- 
 ities, however, became convinced that this was not Schnaubelt. 
 Some of the police have always believed that Schnaubelt left 
 the city with Parsons the night after the bomb throwing, and 
 after remaining in hiding with the latter near Omaha until Par- 
 sons decided to appear and stand trial, continued his flight 
 South or West, September 15, 1886, H. F. SchafEer, a con- 
 ductor on the Mexican Central Railroad, on his way to his home 
 in Ohio, called on Chief of Police Ebersold and informed him 
 that from a picture of Schnaubelt in the Police News, he 
 thought he had identified the fugitive in the person of a jeweler 
 in the City of Mexico, who spoke English with a German ac- 
 cent. Mr. Schaffer and a companion visited the jeweler fre- 
 quently and endeavored to draw him out upon the subject of 
 the Haymarket massacre, but the suspected person would not 
 talk about the Anarchists. It is understood the police took 
 measures to investigate this supposed clue. 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 139 
 
 CHAPTER Vni. 
 
 COST OF ANAE0HI8T TRIAL. EXTRACTS FROM ZEITtTNG. MOTION 
 FOR NEW TRIAL. MOTION OVERRULED 
 
 COST OF THE ANARCHIST TRIALS. 
 
 It is estimated that the trials of the Anarchist conspirators 
 for connection with the Hay market massacre has cost Cook 
 county and Chicago about $100,000. A calculation made by 
 county officials at the close of the murder trial in August, 
 placed the average cost since the night of the bomb throwing 
 at $24,800 per month. Another estimate itemizes the daily 
 expenses as follows : 
 State's-Attorney's office, stenographers, messengers, tele- ■ 
 
 grams, interpreters, extra legal help (Mr. Ingham) . $200 
 SherifiTs office, bailiflfs, jury fees, hotel bills for jury, etc. 150 
 Court Costs, Judge's salary, miscellaneous items , . 100 
 
 Detectives, policemen, witness fees 150 
 
 Criminal Court Clerk's office and other expenses . 100 
 
 This makes a total of $700 a day, or $70,000 for the 100 
 days which the trial covered. The trials of the twenty-six 
 persons indicted for conspiracy in connection with the murders 
 bring the total cost up to $100,000. 
 
 In an interview Chief of Police Ebersold praised the brave 
 and steady action of the police at the Haymarket, but for quick 
 and active fighting gave the palm to the six officers who held a 
 mob of two or three thousand men at bay at the McCormick 
 works the day before the Haymarket affair. A mob tried to 
 hang Officer Casey to a lamp-post, and he fought hand to hand 
 
140 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 against gread odds until rescued. Vaclav Dejnek, Frank Broda 
 and a young man named Hess were indicted for this affair, and 
 Dejnek was sentenced to serve one year in state's prison. 
 
 THE ARBEITER ZEITUNG. 
 
 The Arbeiter Zeitung, which was suppressed the morning 
 after the riot, was re-issued almost immediately, and in one issue 
 had the following comments on the trial: 
 
 "Has it come to this, in the land of Washington, Franklin 
 and Jefferson? It is the Iron Must of historic development. 
 Only those men who are economically independent can be truly 
 free. Where there are poor and rich political freedom is a 
 wretched lie. Mammon, the powerful idol, lowers freedom to 
 a kitchen wench. As in Rome at the time of its decay Praetor- 
 ian-bands of foreigners upheld the rule of the Caesars, so now 
 the chief support of the money kings is the police force of the 
 lai'ge American cities, which consists mainly of foreigners. The 
 down-fall of the Republic is nigh. It will fall like all coun- 
 tries whose foundations crumble away in the course of time. 
 All the weeping and wailing cannot delay catastrophe. The 
 present is without hope, so we must strengthen ourselves by 
 looking at the future. A new life will bloom from the ruins 
 of the present social order. The society of the future will 
 bridge over the abysses which open to-day before our eyes. All 
 men will be equal. They will remember with a shudder the 
 time when Praetorian bands could plot the massacre of thous- 
 ands. Mammon will be cast down from his usurped throne, 
 and Freedom will take the place with conquering power, to 
 dwell with happy humanity forever and ever." 
 
 After the verdict was rendered Mr. Grinnell, in behalf of 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY, 141 
 
 the State, sent word to the new publishers of the Arbeiter Zei- 
 tung, that care must be taken by them that no attacks either on 
 the jury or Judge Gary should appear in their paper, notifying 
 them that if any such article should appear, the managers of 
 the paper would be prosecuted for contempt of court. 
 The following was the result of the warning; 
 
 " OUTRAGEOUS I 
 
 (( 
 
 SFVETif OF THE DEFENDANTS SENTENCED TO DEATH, AITD NEEBE 
 GETS FIFTEEN YEARS. 
 
 " A Motion for a New Trial Made ! 
 
 " The jury, through Osborne, its foreman, presented their 
 verdict to Judge Gary this morning. When the result became 
 known the detectives, who mingled freely with the crowd on 
 the street, set up a loud cheering, and the judge became very 
 pale — he did not expect such a demonstration. Grinnell, on 
 the other hand, evidently expected such a verdict, and presum- 
 ably with cause. Marshall Field and men of his stripe have 
 entirely too much money. What do the people say to this ver- 
 dict ? They will look upon it as being impossible — incredible. 
 We were not inclined to believe it at first, but we soon became 
 convinced. Captain Black instantly made a motion for a new 
 trial, which Grinnell did not oppose, and Judge Gary will hear 
 this motion next term. If he overrules the motion, an appeal 
 will be taken. We are not in a proper frame of mind to say 
 more to-day." 
 
 THE VERDICT 
 
 fell like a bolt of lightning into the midst of Socialistic and 
 
142 KISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 Anarchistic circles, believing as they did, that punishment could 
 only be inflicted upon the perpetrator of the act of hurling the 
 bomb. No wonder that consternation sat darkly upon each 
 sullen brow like the pall of impending doom, as slowly from the 
 jury came those words of fearful import which set them face to 
 face \vith death, the verdict was applauded by the foreign and 
 American press. Twenty-five representatives of reputable labor 
 unions pact condemning the action of the Socialists and thereby 
 endorsing the verdict of the jury. 
 
 The Socialists of New York held indignation meetings de- 
 nouncing the verdict and expressing sympathy with their unfor- 
 tunate brethren of Chicago. Mrs. Black, in a letter dated Sept. 
 22, prophesied that in case the sentence was executed wide- 
 spread revolution and destruction of property and life would 
 immediately be inaugurated. On the 27th Capt. Black served 
 a notice upon State's Attorney Grinnell for a new trial, on the 
 ground that the verdict was not in keeping with the law ; also 
 that the court had allowed improper testimony, and had erred 
 in his instructions. 1,191 men were called to serve as iurors in 
 the case before the twelve elligable men were secured, and even 
 then it was claimed by the defense that only ten of the twelve 
 were competent. 
 
 On Friday, Oct. 1st, the Attorneys for the defense began 
 their arguments for a new trial, drawing largely upon their im- 
 aginations to supply evidence in the case. They endeavored to 
 introduce false affidavits from one Orrin Blossom, of No. 2,961 
 Wentworth Avenue, and A. Love, of La Grange, to impeach the 
 testimony-^of Gilmer. But the wary State's Attorney Grinnell 
 had one move to make which blocked their game. He had 
 counter affidavits from Orrin Blossom and Love proving that 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 143 
 
 Love was not in the city on the night of the Haymarket riot 
 after six o'clock, and that he never saw Harry Gilmer. 
 
 Three days wei"e spent by the defense in argueing their 
 claims for a new trial, and on October 7th Judge Gary rendered 
 his decision in the case in the following language : 
 
 THE SIOTION FOR A NEW TRIAL OVERRULED. 
 
 Judge Gary said : 
 
 In passing uj^on this motion for a new trial the case is so 
 voluminous, there is such a mass of evidence, that it is impossi- 
 ble, within anything like reasonable limits, to give a synopsis 
 or epitome. I do not understand that either upon the trial be- 
 fore the jury or upon the arguments of this motion before me 
 there have been any arguments tending or intended to deny 
 that all of the defendants, except Neebe, were parties to what- 
 ever purpose or object there was in view — that the other seven 
 were combined for some purpose. I, of course, do not wish to 
 attribute to the defendants' counsel any admissions which they 
 have not made, but my impression is that there has been no ar- 
 gument tending or intending to deny that all the other seven, 
 except Neebe, were engaged in the pursuit of some object. 
 What it is, the counsel have debated before the jury and before 
 me. Now, it is important to know what that object was, 
 whether it was as counsel for defense have stated — merely to 
 encourage working men to resist, if unlawful attacks were 
 made upon them — or whether it was something else. There 
 is no better way to ascertain what the object was, than to read 
 what they have spoken and written as the object, while the 
 events were transpiring. Now, from the files of their newspa- 
 pers, which go back a good way, a good deal can be taken, 
 
144 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 whicli must of necessity be taken as the truth of what their ob- 
 ject was. I have not had time and opportunity to arrange 
 either the translations of the Arbeiter Zeitung or the files of the 
 Alarm^ and pick out those which in the fullest shape show 
 what they were proposing to do. These translations from the 
 Arbeiter Zeitung now come to my hands for the first time. I 
 have here a translation of the Arbeiter Zeitung, January 11, 
 1885, headed "To Arms." 
 
 The Court proceeded to read numerous and lengthy extracts 
 from translations ofEered in evidence of articles in the Arbeiter 
 Zeitung, in which revolution by force was advised, and the ap- 
 proaching revolution, it was declared, would be greater than 
 that of the last century. Among the extracts read were the 
 following: 
 
 " Dynamite ! Of all stuff, this is the stuff." 
 " The day draws near when the working people of America, 
 in an outburst of passion and ungovernable rage, will revolt 
 and demand the total abolition of the existing state of things 
 which brings to the working classes so much misery and death. 
 Have you all prepared yourselves with knives, pistols, guns and 
 dynamite for the unavoidable conflict between labor and cap- 
 ital?" 
 
 " It was decided at the last mass-meeting at No. 54 "West 
 Lake street that the next meeting will be devoted to the con- 
 sideration of the military laws and necessity of using force in 
 the warfare between capital and labor." 
 
 •' Each working man ought to have been armed long ago. 
 Daggers, revolvers and explosives are cheap, and can be easily 
 obtained." 
 
 " Those who want to talk to capitalists in earnest must be 
 
146 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 undertook to prevent that force, then kill the police. It is im- 
 possible for an instant to support any such principle as that. 
 The members of this combination publicly announce that they 
 had no hope of winning the majority over t(^ their side by ar- 
 gument, and no hope of attaining their object by getting rid of 
 this majority by violence. There is no doubt that seven of the 
 defendants were in the combination formed for that purpose. 
 As to Neebe's part, there is the evidence of witnesses that he 
 presided at meetings called by the class of people from whom 
 this combination was drawn, and that he called meetings of the 
 people who were engaged in the movement. There is evidence 
 that he marched in the Board of Trade procession, the object of 
 which was said to be the demolition of that building." 
 
 The Court proceeded to discuss all the evidence against 
 Neebe, wliich tended to show that he was associated with the 
 re:5t of the defendants in the encouragement of the movement 
 wliich had for its object the destruction of the government. 
 The Court resumed: 
 
 " On the question of the instructions whether these defend- 
 ants, or any of them, did anticipate or expect the throwing of 
 the bomb on the night of the 4th of May, is not a question 
 which I need to consider, because the instructions did not go 
 upon that ground. The jury were not instructed to find them 
 guilty if they believed that they participated in the throwing of 
 the bomb, or encouraged or advised the throwing of that bomb, 
 or had knowledge that it was to be thrown, or anything of that 
 sort. The conviction has not gone upon the ground that they 
 did have any actual participation in the act which caused the 
 death of Deegan, but upon the ground, under the instructions, 
 that they had generally by speech and print advised a large 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 147 
 
 class to commit murder, and liad left the occasiou, time and 
 place to the individual will, whim and caprice of the individu- 
 als so advised, and that in consequence of that advice, and in 
 pursuance of it, and influenced by it, somebody not known did 
 throw the bomb that caused Deegan's death. 
 
 " There is no example in the law books of a case of this sort. 
 No such occurance has ever happened before in the history of 
 the world. I suppose that in the Lord George Gordon riots we 
 might find something like this. Lord George Gordon was in- 
 dicted for treason, and the government failed in its proof upon 
 the trial as to what he had done. Very likely they did not 
 want to prove it very strongly against him; I do not know; it 
 is none of my business. If the bomb was thrown in pursuance 
 of the prisoners' advice, the instruction as to the law of access- 
 ories before the fact applied to the case, and the instruction to 
 the jury was proper. If the radical Prohibitionists should 
 make up their minds that the only way to stop the liquor traffic 
 was by destroying the saloons and killing the saloon-keepers, 
 and if some crank should blow up a saloon with a bomb for 
 whose manufacture the radicals had furnished specific directions, 
 and in the explosion a saloon-keeper was killed, there could be 
 no question but that the radical temperance men were guilty of 
 murder. But there was ho question that when some one said 
 ' Hang McCormick,' or 'Hang Gould,' the reply was given to 
 make no idle threats, but when they got ready to do anything, 
 to do it." 
 
 The shorthand report of the speeches of Spies, Parsons and 
 Fielden at the Haymarket meeting was then read, after which 
 the Court said: 
 
 " Now, the general advice throughout was to each individual- 
 
148 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 man — I mean the general teachings on this subject of associated 
 revolution — was to each individual-man to do it himself, with- 
 out combination; that men working together in deeds of violence 
 were to be avoided; that they were to go alone where one man 
 only was required to accomplish the work, and where more than 
 one man was required, as few as was necessary should be taken. 
 Now, under these circumstances, in the inflamed state of the 
 public mind at the time, each of these orators was still more in- 
 flaming the public mind when he advised the people to use 
 force, and some man — I do not say identified, but unidentified — 
 some man in that crowd, when the police approached, with a 
 bomb of Lingg's manufacture, killed Deegan ; all who have ad- 
 vised such action are guilty of his murder. If anything can be 
 , proved by circumstantial evidence, that is proved; that he threw 
 that bomb in consequence of the influence of these teachings, 
 this advise by speech and printing over a course of two years ; 
 that the man who threw that bomb had been educated up to it 
 by the teachings of these defendants. The case, as I said be- 
 fore, is unprecedented. There is no example of any such crime 
 having been committed ; there is no precedent of any case like 
 this having become the subject of judicial investigation ; but the 
 principle of law is well fixed. It is the boast of people who 
 profess to admire the common law, that it adapts itself to human 
 events, and that no situation or no new form of industry can 
 arise but the common law has principles which may be applied." 
 The prisoners spoke in their own behalf before sentence 
 was passed. The courtroom was crowded as usual. The police 
 department was represented by Chief Ebersold, Capt. Schaack, 
 and twenty officers. The prisoners wore a look of even greater 
 anxiety than at the morning session. Parsons appeared partic- 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 149 
 
 ularly thoughtful and gloomy. The greater part of the session 
 he sat with his cheek resting in his hand and taking less note 
 of the proceedings than usual. Spies was laboring under great 
 excitement. Before he began his speech Judge Gary repeated 
 the caution he had before given the auditors to refrain from any 
 demonstration of approbation or disapprobation during the ses- 
 sion. He insisted that every one in the court should be seated, 
 and seeing two men at the rear of the room seated on a table he 
 compelled them to take chairs or sit on the floor. Everything 
 was quiet as the grave when Spies began his address. During 
 the impassioned passages he raised his voice and indulged in 
 violent gesticulation. Neebe's utterance was quite rapid, and 
 he spoke like one at home before an audience. His speech 
 would have produced an impression on any jury. His voice is 
 clear and resonant, and he has a better presence than any of the 
 other defendants. Fischer spoke hesitatingly, and would prob- 
 ably not have spoken at all but for an uncontrollable desire to 
 express his opinion of the State's Attorney and all representa- 
 tives of the law. Lingg's rather handsome face was flushed, 
 and his eyes flashed as he poured out his denunciation of Messrs. 
 Grinnell and Bonfield. When he took his seat his face was 
 covered with perspiration. He made the walls ring, and as 
 each sentence had to be translated by Prof. Ficke, he had am- 
 ple opportunity to deliver each sentence with renewed emphasis. 
 Schwab read his speech in a clear, resonant voice, and it had 
 been evidently prepared with much care. 
 
160 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 REASONS WHY THE SENTENCE OF THE LAW SHOULD NOT BE EX- 
 ECUTED UPON THEM. SPEECHES BT THE ANARCHISTS. 
 
 AUGUST SPIES. 
 
 " In addressing this Court I speak as the representative of 
 one class to the representative of another. I will begin with 
 the words uttered five hundred years ago on a similai* occasion 
 by the Venetian Doge Faliero, who, addressing the court, said : 
 ' My defense is your accusation ; the causes of my alleged crime, 
 your history.' I have been indicted under the charge of mur- 
 der as an accomplice of accessory. Upon this indictment I have 
 been convicted. There was no evidence produced by the State 
 to show or even indicate that I had any knowledge of the man 
 who threw the bomb, or that I myself had anything to do with 
 the throwing of the missile unless, of course, you weigh the tes- 
 timony of the accomplices of the State's Attorney and Bonfield, 
 the testimony of Thompson and Gilmer, by the price they were 
 paid for it, If there was no evidence to show that I was legally 
 responsible for the deed, then my conviction and the execution 
 of the sentence are nothing less than a willful, malicious and 
 deliberate murder — as foul a murder as may be found in the 
 annals of religious, political, or any other sort of persecution. 
 Judicial murders have in many cases been committed where the 
 representatives of the state were acting in good faith, believing 
 their victims to be guilty of the charge or accusation. In this 
 case the representatives of the state cannot justify themselves 
 
AUG. SPIES. 
 
JtlSK AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 151 
 
 by a similar excuse, for they themselves have fabricated most of 
 the testimony which was used as a pretense to convict us — con- 
 vict us by a jury picked to convict before this Court and before 
 the public, -which is supposed to be the State. I charge the 
 State's Attorney and Bonfield with a heinous conspiracy to com- 
 mit murder. 
 
 " I will now state a little incident which will throw lisxht 
 upon this charge. On the evening on which the praetorian co- 
 horts of tlu'. Citizens' Association, the Bankers' Association, the 
 Bar Association, and raili-oad princes attacked the meeting of 
 working-men at the Haymarket with murderous intent — on that 
 evening about 8 o'clock, I met a young man, Legner by name. 
 My brother was with me at the same time, and never left me 
 on that evening untD I jumped from the wagon a few seconds 
 before the explosion came. Legner knew that 1 had not seen 
 Schwab that evening. He knew that 1 had no such conversa- 
 tion with anybody, as Marshall Field's protege, Thompson has 
 testified to. He knew that I did not jump from the wagon and 
 strike a match and hand it to the man who threw the bomb. 
 He is not a Socialist. Why didn't we bring him on the stand ? 
 Because the honorable representatives of the State, Grinnell and 
 Bonfield, spirited him away. These honorable gentlemen knew 
 everything about Legner, They knew that his testimony would 
 prove the perjury of Thompson and Gilmer beyond any reason- 
 able doubt. Legner's name was on the list of witnesses for the 
 State. He was not called, however, for obvious reasons. First, 
 as he stated to a number of friends, he had been offered $500 
 if he would leave the city, and threatened with direful things 
 if he should remain here and appear as a witness for the de- 
 fense. He replied that he could neither be bought nor bull- 
 
152 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 dozed to serve such a foul, damnable, dastardly plot. But when 
 we wanted Legner he could not be found. Mr. Grinnell said — 
 and Mr. Grinnell is an honorable man — that he himself had 
 been searching for the young man, but had not been able to find 
 him. About three weeks later I learned that the very same 
 young man had been kidnapped and taken to Buffalo, N. Y., by 
 two of the illustrious guardians of the law, two Chicago detec- 
 tives. Let Mr. Grinnell, let the Citizens' Association, his em- 
 ployer, let them answer for themselves, and let the people — let 
 the public — sit in judgment upon these would-be assassins. No, 
 I reply, the Prosecution has not established our legal guilt, not- 
 withstanding the purchased and perjured testimony of some, 
 and notwithstanding the originality of the proceedings of the 
 trial. And as long as this has not been done, and you pro- 
 nounce the sentence of the appointed viligante committee acting 
 as a jury, I say that you, the alleged servant and high priests of 
 the law, are the real and only law-breakers, and in this case you 
 go to the extent of murder. It is well that the people know 
 this. And when I speak of the people I do not mean the few 
 conspirators of Grinnell, the noble patricians who are murderers 
 of those whom they please to oppress. Those citizens may con- 
 stitute the state. They may control the state ; they may have 
 their Grinnells, Bonfields, and their hirelings. No, when I 
 speak of the people, I speak of the great mass of working beasts, 
 who unfortunately are not yet conscious of the rascalities that 
 are perpetrated in the name of the people — in their name. They 
 condemn the murder of eight men whose only crime is that they 
 have dared to speak the truth. This murder may open the eyes 
 of these suffering millions, may wake them up indeed. I have 
 noticed that our conviction has worked miracles in this direction 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 153 
 
 already. The class that clamors for our lives, the good and devout 
 Chris tians, have attempted in every way, through their newspa- 
 pers and otherwise, to conceal the true and only issue in this case, 
 by designating the defendants Anarchists and picturing them 
 as a newly-discovered tribe or species of cannibles, by inventing 
 shocking and horrifying stories of their conspiracies. 
 
 " I believe with Buckle, with Paine, with Jefferson, with 
 Emerson, with Spencer, and with many other great thinkers of 
 this century, that the state of caste and classes, the state where 
 one class dominates and lives upon the labor of another class 
 and calls it order, should be abolished. Yes, I believe that this 
 barbaric form of social organization, with its legalized thunder 
 and murder, is doomed to die and make room for free society — 
 volunteer associations if you like — universal brotherhood. You 
 may pronounce your sentence upon me, honorable judge, but 
 let the world know that in the year A. D. 1886, in the state of 
 Illinois, eight men were sentenced to death because they had 
 not lost their faith in the ultimate victory of liberty and justice. 
 Kead the history of Greece and Rome; read that of Venice. 
 Look over the dark pages of the church and follow the thorny 
 path of science. No change ! No change ! 
 
 " You would destroy society and civilization, as ever, upon 
 the cry of the ruling classes. They are so comfortably situated 
 under the prevailing system that they naturally abhor and fear 
 even the slightest changes. Their privileges are as dear to them 
 as life itself, and every change threatens these privileges. But 
 civilization is a record whose steps are monuments of such 
 changes. Without these social changes, always brought about 
 against the will and against the force of the ruling classes, there 
 would be no civilization. As to the destruction of society, 
 
154 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 which we have been accused of seeking, it sounds like one of 
 ^sop's. fables — ^like the cunning of the fox. We, who have 
 jeopardized our lives to save society from the fiend that has 
 grasped her by the throat, that seeks her life-blood and devoui'S 
 her substance: we, who would heal her bleeding wounds, who 
 would free her from the fetters you have wrought around her, 
 from the misery you have brought upon her — we are enemies. 
 We have preached dynamite, it is said, and avc have predicted 
 from the lessons history has taught us, that the ruling class of 
 to day would no more listen to the voice of reason than did 
 their predecessors. They would attempt by brute force to stay 
 the march of progress. Was it a lie, or was it the truth that we 
 stated? * * * I have been a citizen of this city fully as 
 long as Mr. Grinnell, and am probably as good a citizen as 
 Grinnell. At least I should not wish to be compared to him. 
 Grinnell has appealed time and again, as has been stated by 
 our attorneys, to the patriotism of the jury. To that I reply, 
 and I will simply use the words of an English literateur, 'Pa- 
 triotism is the last resort of the scoundrel.' My friends' agita- 
 tion in behalf of the disinherited and disfranchised millions, 
 and my agitation in this direction, the popularization of the 
 economic teachings in favor of the education of wage-workers, 
 is declared to be a conspiracy against society. The word ' so- 
 ciety ' is here wisely substituted for state, as represented by the 
 patricians of to-day. It has always been the opinion of the rul- 
 ing classes that the people must be kept in ignorance. They 
 lose their sevility, modesty, and obedience to the arbitrary pow- 
 ers that be, as their intelligence grows. The education of a 
 blackman, a quarter of a century ago was a criminal oflfense. 
 Why ? Because the intelligent slave would throw ofE his shack- 
 
RISE AND FAI.L OF ANARCHY. 155 
 
 les at whatever cost, my Christian gentlemen. Why is the ed- 
 ucation of the working classes to-day looked upon by a certain 
 class as treason against the State ? For the same reason ! The 
 State, however, wisely avoided this point in the prosecution of the 
 case. From their testimony one would really conclude that ^\^c 
 had in our speeches and publications preached nothing else but 
 destruction and dynamite. * * * You, gentlemen, are the 
 revolutionists. You rebel against the effects of social condi- 
 tions which have tossed you by fortune's hand into a magnifi- 
 cent paradise. Without inquiring, you imagine that no one 
 else has a right in that place. You insist that you are the 
 chosen ones, the sole proprietors of forces that tossed you into 
 the paradise. The industrial forces are still at work. They are 
 growing more active and intense from day to day. There tend- 
 ency is to elevate all mankind to the same level ; to have all hu- 
 manity share in the paradise you now monopolize. Can you 
 roll back the incoming tide or angry waves of old ocean by for- 
 bidding it to dash upon the shore ? So you can no more frighten 
 back the rising waves of intelligence and progress into their un- 
 fathomable depths by erecting a few gallows in the perspective. 
 You, who oppose the natural forces of things, you are the real 
 revolutionists. You, and you alone, are the conspirators and 
 destructionists." 
 
 ADOLPH FISCHER. 
 
 "Your Honor, you asked me why the sentence of death 
 should not be passed upon me. I will not talk much. I will 
 only say a few words, and that is that I protest against my be- 
 ing sentenced to death, because I committed no crime. I was 
 tried here in this room for murder and I was convicted of An- 
 
166 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 archy. I protest against being sentenced to death, because I 
 have not been found guilty of murder. I have been tried for 
 murder, but I have been convicted because I am an Anarchist. 
 Although being one of the parties who were at the Haymarket 
 meeting, I had no more to do with the throwing of that bomb, 
 I had no more connection with it than State's Attorney Grin- 
 nell had perhaps. 
 
 " As 1 said, it is a fact, and I do not deny that I was one of 
 the parties who called at the Haymarket meeting, but that 
 meeting — (At this point Mr. Salomon stepped up and spoke to 
 Fischer in a low tone, but Fischer waived him off and said : 
 Mr. Salomon, be so kind. I know what I am talking about.) 
 Now, that Hajrmarket meeting was not called for the purpose 
 of committing violence and crime. No ; but the meeting was 
 called for the purpose of protesting against the outrages and 
 against the crimes of the police committed on the day previous 
 out at McCormick's. The next day I went to Wehrer &, Klein 
 and had twenty-five thousand copies of the hand bills printed, 
 and I invited Spies to speak at Haymarket meeting. It is the 
 fact, and I don't deny it, in the original of the ' copy ' I had the 
 line ' Working men, arm ! ' and I had my reasons, too, for put- 
 ting those lines in, because I didn't want the working men to 
 be shot down in that meeting as on other occasions. But as 
 those circulars were printed and brought over to the Arbeitei' 
 Zeitung office, my comrade, Spies, saw one of those circulars. I 
 had invited him to speak before that. He showed the circular 
 and said : ' Well. Fischer, if those circulars are distributed I 
 won't speak.' And I admitted it would be better to take those 
 lines out ; and Mi-. Spies spoke. And that is all I had to do with 
 that meeting. I feel that I am sentenced, or will be sentenced 
 
ADOLPH FISCHER. 
 
KISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 167 
 
 to death because I am an Anarchist, and not because 1 am a 
 murderer. I have never been a murderer. I have never com- 
 mitted any crime in my life yet ; but I know a certain man who 
 is on the way to becoming a murderer, an assassin, and that 
 man is Grinnell — the State's Attorney Grinnell — because he 
 brought men on the witness stand whom he knew would swear 
 falsely ; and I publicly denounce Mr. Grinnell as being a mur- 
 derer and an assassin if I should be executed. But, if the rul- 
 ing classes think that by hanging us, hanging a few Anarchists i 
 they can crush out Anarchy, they will be badly mistaken, be- 
 cause the Anarchist loves his principles more than his life. An 
 Anarchist is always ready to die for his principles." 
 
 MICHAEL SCHWAB. 
 
 " It is not much I have to say, and I would say nothing at 
 all if keeping silence did not look like a cowardly approval of 
 what has been done here. To those, the proceedings of a trial 
 of justice would be a sneer. Justice has not been done. More 
 than that, could not be done. If one class is arraigned against 
 the other class it is idle and hypocritical to talk about justice 
 and fairness. Anarchy was on trial, as the State's Attorney 
 put it in his closing speech. A doctrine, an opinion hostile to 
 brute force, hostile to our present murderous system of produc- 
 tion and distribution. I am condemned to die for writing news- 
 paper articles and making speeches. The State''s Attorney 
 knows as well as I do that the alleged conversation between 
 Mr. Spies and me never took place. He knows a good deal 
 more than that. He knows all the beautiful works of his or- 
 ganizer, Furthmann. When I was before the Coroner's jury 
 two or three witnesses swore very positively to having seen me 
 
158 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 at the Haymarket when Mr. Parsons finished his speech. I 
 suppose they wanted at that time to fix the bomb-throwing on 
 me, for the first dispatches to Europe said that M. Schwab had 
 thrown several bombs at the police. Later on they found that 
 would not do, and then Schnaubelt was the man. Anarchy 
 was on trial. Little did it matter who the persons were to be 
 honored by the prosecution. * * * 
 
 " As soon as the word is applied to us and to our doctrine 
 it carries with it a meaning that we Anarchists see fit to give. 
 ' Anarchy ' is Greek, and means, verbatim, that we are not be- 
 ing ruled. According to our vocabulary Anarchy is a state of 
 society in which the only government is reason ; a state of so- 
 ciety in which all human beings do right for the simple reason 
 that it is right, and hate wrong because it is wrong. In such 
 a society no compulsion will be necessary. The Attorney of 
 the State was wrong when he exclaimed ' Anarchy is dead 1' 
 Anarchy up to the present time existed only as a doctrine, and 
 Grinnell has not the power to kill any doctrine whatever. An- 
 archy, as defined by us, is called an idle dream, but that dream 
 was called by God a divine blessing. One of the three great 
 German poets and a celebrated German critic of the last cen- 
 tury has also defined it. If Anarchy was the thing the State's 
 Attorney makes it out to be, how could it be that such eminent 
 scholars as Prince Krapotkine should say what he has said 
 about it? Anarchy is a dream, but only in the present. It 
 will be realized, for reason will grow in spite of all obstacles. 
 Who is the man that has the cheek to tell us that human de- 
 velopment has already reached its culminating point? I know 
 our ideal will not be accomplished this year or next year, but 
 I know it wall be accomplished as soon as possible, some day in 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 159 
 
 the future. It is entirely wrong to use the word Anarchy as 
 synonymous with violence. Violence is something, and An- 
 archy is another. Tn the present state of society violence is 
 used on all sides, and therefore we advocated the use of vio- 
 lence against violence, but against violence only as a necessary 
 means of defense. I have never read Herr Host's book simply 
 because I don't find time to read it; and if I had read it, what 
 of it? I am an agnostic, but I like to read the Bible, neverthe- 
 less. I have not the slightest id»'a who threw the bomb at the 
 Haymarket, and had no knowledge of any conspiracy to use 
 violence that or any other night." 
 
 OSCAR NEEBE. 
 
 "Your Honor: I have found out during the last few days 
 what law is. Before I didn't know it. I did not know that I 
 was convicted because I knew Spies and Fielden and Parsons. 
 I have met these gentlemen. I have presided at a meeting, as 
 the evidence against me shows, in the Turner hall, to which 
 meeting your Honor was invited. The judges, the preachers, 
 the newspaper men, and everybody was invited to appear at 
 that meeting for the purpose of discussing Anarchism and So- 
 cialism. I was at that hall. I am well known among the 
 working men of the city, and I was the one elected chairman 
 of that meeting. Nobody appeared to speak, to discuss the 
 question of Labor and Anarchism or Socialism with laboring 
 men. No, they couldn't stand it. I was chairman of that meet- 
 ing; I don't deny it. I had the honor to be marshal of a labor 
 demonstration in this city, and I never saw as respectable a lot 
 of men as I saw that day. 
 
 " They marched like soldiers, and I was proud that I was 
 
160 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 marshal of those men. They were the toilers and the working 
 men of this city. The men marched through the city of Chicago 
 to protest against the wrongs of society, and I was marshal of 
 them. If that is a crime, I have found out — as a born Ameri- 
 can — what I am guilty of. I always thought I had a right to 
 express my opinion, to be chairman of a peaceable meeting, and 
 to be marshal of a demonstration. My friends, the labor agi- 
 tators, and the marshals of a demonstration — was it a crime to 
 be marshal of a demonstration? I am convicted of that. I 
 suppose Grinnell thought after Oscar Neebe was indicted for 
 murder the Arheiter Zeitung would go down. But it didn't 
 happen that way. And Mr. Furthmann, too — he is a scoundrel, 
 and I can tell it to you to your face. There is only one man 
 that acted as a lawyer, and he is Mr. Ingham, but you three 
 fellows have not. 
 
 I established the paper and issued it to the working men 
 of the city of Chicago, and inside of two weeks I had enough 
 money from the toilers — from hired girls, from men who would 
 take the last cent out of their pocket to establish the paper — to 
 buy a press. I could not publish the paper because the honor- 
 able detectives and Mr. Grinnell followed us up, and no print- 
 ing house would print our paper, and we had to have our own 
 press. We published our own paper after we had a press, 
 bought by the money of the working men of the city. That is 
 the crime I have committed — getting men to try and establish 
 a working-man's paper that will stand to-day, and I am proud 
 of it. They have not got one press — they have got two presses 
 to-day, and they belong to the working men of this city. When 
 the first issue came out, from that day up to the day now, your 
 Honor, we have gained. 4,000 subscribers. There are the gen- 
 
LOUIS LIN'GG. 
 
KlSK AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 161 
 
 tlemen sitting over there from the Freie Presse and Stoats Zei- 
 tung — they know it. The Germans of this city are condemaing 
 these actions. They would not read our paper. There is the 
 crime of the Germans. I say it is a verdict against Germans, 
 and I, as an American, must say that I never saw anything like 
 that. 
 
 " Those are the crimes I have committed after the ith of 
 May. Before the 4th of May I committed some crimes. I or- 
 ganized trades unions. I was for the reduction of the hours of 
 labor and the education of laboring men and the re-establish- 
 ment of the Arheiter Zeitung. There is no evidence to show 
 that I was connected with the bomb throwing, that I was 
 near it or anything of that kind. So I am only sorry, 
 your Honor, if you can stop it or help it, I will ask you to do 
 it — that is, to hang me, too ; and I think it is more honor to die 
 certainly than to be killed by inches. 1 have a family and 
 children, and if they know their father is dead they will bury 
 him. They can go to the grave and kneel down in front of it ; 
 but they can't go to Joliet and see their father convicted of a 
 crime that he hasn't anything to do with. That is all I have 
 got to say. Your Honor, I am sorry I do not get hung with 
 the rest of the men." 
 
 LOUIS LINGG. 
 
 [Translated by Prof. H. H. Fick.] 
 
 "Court of Justice: With the same contempt with which I 
 have tried to live humanely upon this American soil, I am now 
 granted the privilege to speak. If I do take the word I do it 
 because injustice and indignities have been heaped upon me 
 right here. I have been accused of murder. What proofs have 
 
162 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 been brought in support of it ? It has been proved that I as- 
 sisted some man by the name of Seliger in manufacturing bombs. 
 It has been furthermore stated that with the assistance of some- 
 body else I have taken those bombs to 58 Clybourn avenue, but 
 although one of these assistants has been produced as a State 
 witness it has not been shown that one of these bombs was 
 taken to the Haymarket. * * * * What is Anarchy ? * 
 * * The points that we are driving at have been carefully 
 withheld by the State. * * * But it has not been said that 
 by their superior force we are driven to our course. Contempt 
 of court has been charged against us. We have been treated 
 as opponents of public order. What is this order ? Such order 
 as represented by police and detectives? On the slightest oc- 
 casion the representatives of this public order have forced them- 
 selves into our midst. The same police that aim to give pro- 
 tection to property embraces thieves in its ranks. * * * j 
 have told Capt. Schaack that I was at a meeting of carpenters 
 at Zephf s hall on May 3. He has stated that I admitted to 
 him that I learned the fabrication of bombs from Host's book, 
 'Science of Warfare.' That is perjury. * * * It has been 
 proved that Grinnell has used Gilmer for his purpose intention- 
 ally. There are points which prove that. * * * j g^y that 
 these seven persons here, of which I am one, are murdered pur- 
 posely by Grinnell. * * * Grinnell has the courage to call 
 me a coward, right here in this court of justice, and Grinnell is 
 a person who has connived with miserable subjects to go against 
 me, to get testimony against me, to kill me. * * * Is life 
 worth living? What are their purposes in thus murdering 
 these men ? Low egotism, which finds its reward in a higher 
 position, and which yields a return of money. * * * But 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 163 
 
 it has been said that the International association of working 
 men was in itself a conspiracy, and that I was a member of this 
 association. My colleague, Spies, has already stated to you how 
 we were connected. * * * And that is the conspiracy that 
 has been proved against me, and for that I am to end my life 
 upon the gallows — an instrument which you consider a disgrace 
 to me. I declare here openly that I do not acklowledge these 
 laws, and less so the sentence of the Court. * * * j would 
 not say a word if I was really guilty according to this foolish 
 law, but even according to these laws that would not be re- 
 spected by a schoolboy, not even these laws have been carried 
 out to the full extent when I was found guilty. * * * You 
 smile. You perhaps think I will not use bombs any more, but 
 I tell you I die gladly upon the gallows in the sure hope that 
 hundreds and thousands of people to whom I have spoken will 
 now recognize and make use of dynamite. In this hope I de- 
 spise you, and I despise your laws. Hang me for it." 
 
 GEORGE ENGEL. 
 
 [Translated by Mr. Gauss.] 
 
 "When I left Germany m the year 1872 it was by reason 
 of my recognition of the fact that I could not support myself in 
 the future as it was the duty of a man to do. I recognized that 
 I could not make my living in Germany because the machinery 
 and the guilds of old no longer furnished me a guarantee to 
 live. I resolved to emigrate from Germany to the United 
 States, praised by many so highly. When I landed at Phila- 
 delphia, on the 8th of January, 1873, my heart and my bosom 
 expanded with the expectation of living hereafter in that free 
 country which had been so often praised to me by so many em- 
 
164 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 igrants, and I resolved to be a good citizen of this country ; and 
 I congratulated myself on having broken A\'ith Germany, where 
 I could have no longer made my living, and I think that my 
 past vpill show that, that, which I resolved I intended to 
 keep faithfully. For the first time I stand before an American 
 court, and at that to be at once condemned to death. And 
 what are the causes that have preceded it, and have brought 
 me into this court ? They are the same things • that preceded 
 my leaving Germany, and the same causes that made me leave. 
 I have seen with my own eyes that in this free country, in this 
 richest country of the world, so to say, there are existing pro- 
 letarians who are pushed out of the order of society." 
 
 After explaining how his dissatisfaction with the existing 
 order of things led him to become a Socialist, Engel continued : 
 
 " I resolved to study Socialism with all my power. In the 
 year 1878 I came from Philadelphia to Chicago, and took pains 
 to eke out my existence here in Chicago, and believed that it 
 would be an easier task to live here, than in Philadelphia, where 
 I had previously in vain exerted my powers to live. I found 
 that, that also was in vain. There was no difference for a pro- 
 letariat, whether he lived in New York, or Philadelphia, or 
 Chicago. * * * To make further investigations I tried to 
 buy, from the money that I and my family earned, scientific 
 books on those questions. I bought the works of Ferdinand 
 LaSalle, Karl Marx and Henry George. AJter investigating 
 these works I recognized these reasons why a proletariat could 
 not exist, even in this country, as free as it is. I thought about 
 the means by which that could be corrected. They praised to 
 me this country where every man and every working man had 
 a right to go to the ballot-box and choose his own officers. I 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 165 
 
 scarcely believed that any citizen of the United States conld 
 have meant so honestly and well as I, when I turned my atten- 
 tion to politics, and took part in them. But even in this regard 
 of freedom of the ballot-box I found myself mistaken. I learned 
 to see that the working man was not free in his opinion, that 
 he was not free in vote. It was in vain that the Socialistic 
 party took pains in former times, honest pains, to elect honest 
 oflBcers. After a few vain attempts I found that it was impos- 
 sible for a working man to free himself by means of the ballot- 
 box, and to secure those things which were necessary for his 
 existence. * * * In this city corruption even entered the 
 ranks of the Social Democracy. I also obtained the conviction 
 that through those men who put themselves over us as leaders, 
 and occupied themselves with compromises, this was brought 
 about, and then I left the ranks of the Social Democracy and 
 gave myself over to the International which was then organiz- 
 ing; and what these men wanted, and what these men through 
 their exertions sought to bring about was nothing more or less 
 than the conviction that the freeing of the ruling classes could 
 only be brought about by force, as have all revolutions been 
 throughout histoiy. This conviction, before I went over to 
 those people, was obtained through study of the history of all 
 lands. The history of all lands showed me that all advantages 
 in a political, in a religious, and in a material direction, were al- 
 ways obtained only by the use of force ; and if I confine myself to 
 the history of this country where I am convicted, I take into con- 
 sideration that the first emmigrants into this country and the 
 first colonists, only freed themselves by force from the power of 
 England. I afterward obtained the conviction that the slavery 
 existing in this country, to the shame of the Republic, could 
 
166 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 only be put aside by force. And what does this history teach 
 us? The man that spoke against existing slavery in this coun- 
 try was hanged, as it is intended that we should be hanged, to- 
 day. In the course of time I became convinced that all those 
 who spoke in favor of the ruling classes must hang. And what 
 are the reasons for it ? This Republic does not exist through, 
 and its affairs are not conducted by, those persons who come 
 into office by an honest ballot. * * * Under these condi- 
 tions it is certainly not a wonder that there were men, noble 
 men, noble scientific men, who have tried to find ways and 
 means to bring back humanity to its original condition. And 
 this is the social science to which I confess myself with joy. 
 The State's Attorney said here ' Anarchism is on trial.' Anar- 
 chism and Socialism are, according to my opinion, as like as one 
 egg is to another. Only the tactics are different. Anarchism 
 has abandoned the ways pointed out by Socialism to free man- 
 mankind, and has resolved no longer to bear the yoke of slavery, 
 and, therefore, I say to the working classes, do not believe any 
 longer in the ballot-box and in those ways and means that are 
 left open to you ; but rather think about ways and means when 
 the time comes, when the burden of the people becomes intoler- 
 able. And that is our crime. Because we have named to the 
 people the ways and means by which they could free themselves 
 in the fight against Capitalism, by reason of that. Anarchism is 
 hated and persecuted in every state. In spite of that and again 
 in spite of it Anarchism will exist, and if not in public it will 
 exist in secret, because the powers force it to act in secret. If 
 the State's Attorney declares or thinks that after he has hanged 
 these seven men and sent the other one to the penitentiary for 
 fifteen years he has then killed Anarchism, I say, that will not 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 167 
 
 be SO. Only the tactics will be changed, and that will be all. 
 No power in the world will tear from the working man his 
 knowledge and his skill or opportunity in making bombs. I 
 am convinced that Anarchism cannot be routed out, — if that 
 was the case it would have been routed out in other countries 
 long ago — in the least by our murdering the Anarchists. That 
 evening when the first bomb in this country was thrown, I was 
 sitting in my room ; did not know anything about the conspir- 
 acy; did not know anything about that deed; did not know 
 anything about the bomb ; did not know anything about the 
 conspiracy which the State's Attorney had brought about here. 
 * * * Can you have respect for a government that only 
 gives rights to the privileged classes, but to the working men 
 not at all, although there are conspiracies in all classes and con- 
 nections of the capitalistic class. Although we have only re- 
 cently experienced that the coal barons came together, put up 
 the price of coal arbitrarily while they paid less wages to their 
 working men, and wherever those coal workers, those miners 
 have come together to consider the bettering their conditions, 
 their demands have always been very modest on the whole, 
 then the militia appears at once upon the scene and helps those 
 people, while they are feeding the miners with powder and lead. 
 For such a government I have no respect, and can have no re- 
 spect in spite of all their followers, in spite of all their police, 
 in spite of all their spies. 
 
 " I am not a man who hates a single capitalist. I am not 
 the man who at all hates the person of the capitalist. I hate 
 the system and all privileges, and my greatest desire is that the 
 working classes will at last recognize who are theii* friends and 
 
168 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 who are their enemies. Against the condemnation of myself 
 by the capitalistic influence I have no word to say." 
 
 SAM FIELDEN. 
 
 Fielden prefaced his plea by reciteing a poem called " Rev- 
 olution,' written by Freilegrath. a Gei-man poet: 
 
 " And tho' ye caught your noble prey within your hangman's sordid thrall, 
 And tho' your captive was led forth beneath your city's rampart wall; 
 And tho' the grass lies o'er her green, where at the morning's early red 
 The peasant girl brings funeral wreaths — I tell you still — she is not deadi 
 
 * * • * 
 
 "You see me only in your cells; ye see me only in the grave; 
 Ye see me only wandering lone, beside the exile's sullen wave — 
 Ye fools ! Do I not live where you have tried to pierce in vain ? 
 Rests not a nook for me to dwell, in every heart, and every brain ? 
 
 " 'Tis therefore I will be — and lead the peoples yet your hosts to meet. 
 And on your necks, your heads, your crowns, will plant my strong, resistless 
 
 feet! 
 It is no boast— it is no threat — thus history's iron law decrees — 
 The day grows hot, oh, Babylon ! 'Tia cool beneath thy willow trees ! " 
 
 Fielden continued: "It makes a great deal of difference, 
 perhaps, what kind of a revolutionist a man is. The men who 
 have been on trial here for Anarchy have been asked the ques- 
 tion on the witness stand if they were revolutionists. It is not 
 generally considered to be a crime among intellectual people to 
 be a revolutionist, but it may be made a crime if a revolutionist 
 happens to be poor. * * * If I had known that I was be- 
 ing tried for Anarchy I could have answered that charge. I 
 could have justified it under the constitutional right of every 
 citizen of this country, and more than the right which any con- 
 stitution can give, the natm-al right of the human mind to draw 
 its conclusion from whatever information it can gain, but I had 
 no opportunities to show why I was an Anarchist. I was told 
 
bAM'L i-lKLDJiN. 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 169 
 
 that I was to be hung for being an Anarchist, after I had got 
 through defending myself on the charge of murder." 
 
 Fielden related that he was born in Lancashire; that his first 
 speech was made to starving operatives in the streets of his na- 
 tive town ; that it was here he began to hate kings and queens ; 
 his first speech was in support of the operatives of Lancashire 
 as against the sympathizers with the South in the American re- 
 bellion ; he came to the United States iu 18G8 and was a Meth- 
 odist exhorter in Ohio, and came to Chicago in 1869. Fielden 
 detailed how he had come to be a Socialist and Anarchist ; re- 
 viewing the various speeches he had made at meetings in Chi- 
 cago ; attacking the veracity of witnesses who had testified 
 against him, and declaring himself the victim of illegal prose- 
 cution. He continued: 
 
 " From the time I became a Socialist I learned more and 
 more what it was. I knew that I had found the right thing ; 
 that I had found the medicine that was calculated to cure the 
 ills of society. Having found it, I believed it, and I had a 
 right to advocate it, and I did. The_ Constitution of the United 
 States, when it says: 'The right of free speech shall not be 
 abridged,' gives every man the right to speak. I have advo- 
 cated the principles of Socialism and social equality, and for 
 that and no other reason am I here, and sentence of death i*? U; 
 be pronounced upon me. What is Socialism ? Taking some- 
 body else's property ? That is what Socialism is in the common 
 acceptation of the term. No ; but if I were to answer it as 
 shortly and as curtly as it is answered by its enemies, I woidd 
 say it is preventing somebody else from taking your property. 
 But Socialism is equality. Socialism recognizes the fact that no 
 man in society is responsible for what he is ; that all the ills 
 
170 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 that are in society are the production of poverty ; and scientific 
 Socialism says that you must go to the root of the evil. There 
 is no criminal statistician in the world but will acknowledge 
 that all the crime, when traced to its origin, is the product of 
 poverty. * * * If I am to be convicted — hanged for tell- 
 ing the truth, the little child that kneels by its mother's side 
 on the West side to-day and tells its mother that he wants his 
 papa to come home, and to whom I had intended as soon as its 
 prattling tongue should begin to talk, to teach that beautiful 
 sentiment — that child had better never be taught to read ; had 
 better never be taught that sentiment to love truth. If 
 they are to be convicted of murder because they dare tell what 
 they think is the truth, then it would be better that every one 
 of your schoolhouses were reduced to the ground and one stone 
 not left upon another. If you teach your children to read they 
 will acquire curiosity from what they read. They will think, 
 and then will search for the meaning of this and that They 
 will arrive at conclusions. And then if they love the truth, 
 they must tell to each other what is truth or what they think 
 is the truth. That is the sum of my ofEending. * * * The 
 private property system then, in my opinion, being a system 
 that only subserves the interests of a few, and can only subserve 
 the interests of the few, has no mercy. It cannot stop for the 
 consideration of such a sentiment. Naturally it cannot. So 
 you ought not to have mercy upon the private property system, 
 because it is well known that there are many people in the com- 
 munity with prejudices in their minds. They have grown up 
 under certain social regulations, and they believe that those 
 social regulations are right, just as Mr. Grinnell believes that 
 everything in America is right, because he happened to be born 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 171 
 
 here. And they have such a prejudice against any one who 
 attacks those systems. Now, I say they ought not to have an}" 
 mercy upon systems that do nor subserve their interests. They 
 ought not to have any respect for them that would interfere 
 with their abolishing them." 
 
 Fielden maintained that the throwing of the bomb at the 
 Haymarket was a complete surprise to him ; that he felt that he 
 would be held in some respect, at least responsible, yet he re- 
 solved not to attempt flight ; continuing : " I have said here 
 that I thought when the representatives of the State had in- 
 (juired by means of their policemen as to my connection with it, 
 I should have been released. And I say now, in view of all the 
 authorities that have been read on the law and accessory, that 
 there is nothing iu evidence that has been introduced to connect 
 me with that affair. * * * The great Socialist who lived in 
 this world nearly 1,900 years ago, Jesus Christ, has left these 
 words, and there are no gi-ander words in which the principles 
 of justice and right are conveyed in any language. He said : 
 ' Better that ninety-nine guilty men should go unpunished than 
 that one innocent man should suffer.' Mr. Grinnell, I should 
 judge from his statements here, is a Christian. I would ask him 
 to apply that statement of the Great Teacher to the different 
 testimony that has been given here, and the direct contrary in 
 other places in the investigation of this case. Your Honor, we 
 claim that this is a class verdict. We claim that the foulest 
 criminal that could have been picked up in the slums of any 
 city in Christendom, or outside of it, would never have been 
 convicted on such testimony as has been brought in here if he 
 had not been a dangerous man in the opinion of the privileged 
 classes. * * * If my life is to be taken for advocating the 
 
172 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 principles of Socialism and Anarchy, as I have understood them 
 and honestly believe them to be in the interests of humanity, I 
 say to you that I gladly give it up ; and the price is very small 
 for the result that is gained. * * * We claim that so far 
 as we have been able to find out in trying to find a cure for the 
 ills of society, we have not found out anything that has seemed 
 to fit the particular diseases which society in our opinion is af- 
 flicted with to-day, better than the principles of Socialism. And 
 your Honor, Socialism, when it is thoroughly understood in 
 this community and in the world, as it is by us, I believe that 
 the world, which is generally honest, prejudiced though it may 
 be, will not be slow to adopt its principles. And it will be a 
 good time, a grand day for the world; it will be a grand day 
 for humanity; it will never have taken a step so far onward to- 
 ward perfection, if it can ever reach that goal, as it will when 
 it adopts the principles of Socialism. * * * To-day, as the 
 beautiful autumn sun kisses with balmy breeze the cheek of 
 every free man, I stand here never to bathe my head in its rays 
 again. I have loved my fellow men as I have loved myself. I 
 have hated trickery, dishonesty and injustice. The nineteenth 
 century commits the crime of killing its best friend. It will 
 live to repent of it. But, as I have said before, if it will do any 
 good, I freely give myself up. I trust the time will come when 
 there will be a better understanding, more intelligence, and 
 above the mountains of iniquity, wrong and corruption, I hope 
 the sun of righteousness and truth and justice will come to 
 bathe in its balmy light an emancipated world. I thank your 
 Honor for your attention." 
 
 A, R. PARSONS. 
 
 Parsons made a speech addressed in the main to working 
 
A. R. PARSOxNS. 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 173 
 
 men, starting out with the recital of a poem by George Heinig, 
 entitled " Bread is Freedom." He continued: 
 
 '' Your Honor, if there is one distinguishing characteristic 
 which has made itself prominent in the conduct of this trial it 
 has been the passion, the heat, and the anger, the violence both 
 to sentiment and to feeling, of everything connected with this 
 case. You ask me why sentence of death should not be pro- 
 nounced upon me, or, what is tantamount to the same thing, 
 you ask me why you should give me a new trial in order that I 
 might establish my innocence and the ends of justice be sub- 
 served. I answer you, your Honor, and say that this verdict is 
 the verdict of passion, born in passion, nurtured in passion, and 
 is the sum totality of the organized passion of the city of Chi- 
 cago. For this reason I ask your suspension of the sentence, 
 and a new trial. This is one among the many reasons which 1 
 hope to present to your Honor before I conclude. Now, your 
 Honor, what is passion ? Passion is the suspension of reason ; 
 in a mob upon the streets, in the broils of the saloon, in the 
 quarrels on the sidewalk, where men throw aside their reason 
 and resort to feelings of exasperation, we have passion. There 
 is a suspension of the elements of judgment, of calmness, of dis- 
 crimination requisite to arrive at the truth and the establish- 
 ment of justice. I hold, your Honor, that you can not dispute 
 the proposition that I make that this trial has been submerged, 
 immerced in passion from its inception to its close, and even at 
 this hour, standing hei'e upon the scaffold as I do with the hang- 
 man awaiting me with his halter, there are those who claim to 
 represent public sentiment in the city, and I now speak of the 
 capitalistic press — that vile and infamous organ and monopoly 
 of hired liars, the people's oppressors." Parsons claimed to 
 
174 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 have been tor thirty years identified with labor interests, and 
 said : " And in what I say upon this subject relating to the la- 
 bor movement or to myself as connected in this trial or before 
 -this bar, I will speak the truth, though my tongue should be 
 torn from my mouth and my throat cut from ear to ear, so help 
 me God." The speaker then went into statistics, claiming that 
 9,000,000 out of the 12,000,000 voters in the United States 
 were actual wage workers. He attacked the citizens' Associa- 
 tion as an organization of millionaires, and claimed that the 
 Court should stand between the accused and their persecuters. 
 'Where," he asked, "are the ends of justice observed, and 
 where is truth found in hurrying seven human beings at the 
 rate of express speed upon a fast train to the scaffold, and an 
 ignominious death ? Why, if your Honor please, the very method 
 of our extermination, the deep damnation of its taking off, ap- 
 peals to your Honor's sense of justice, of rectitude, and of honor. 
 A judge may also be an unjust man. Such things have been 
 known. We have in our histories heard of Lord Jeffreys. It 
 need not follow that because a man is a judge he is also just. 
 
 * * * Now, I hold that our execution, as the matter stands 
 just now, would be judicial murder, and judicial murder is far 
 worse than lynch law — ^far worse. But, your Honor, bear in 
 mind please, this trial was conducted by a mob, prosecuted by 
 a mob, by the shrieks and the howls of a mob, an organized 
 powerful mob. The trial is over. Now, your Honor, you sit 
 there judicially, calmly, quietly, and it is now for you to look at 
 this thing from the standpoint of reason and from common sense. 
 
 * * * Now, the money-makers, the business men, those 
 people who deal in stocks and bonds, the speculators and em- 
 ployers, all that class of men known as the money-making class, 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 175 
 
 they have no conception of this labor question ; they don't un- 
 derstand what it means. To use the street parlance, with many 
 of them it is a difficult matter for them to ' catch onto ' it, and 
 they are perverse also ; they will have no knowledge of it. 
 They don't want to know anything about it, and they won't 
 hear anything about it, and they propose to club, lock up, and 
 if necessary strangle those who insist on their hearing this ques- 
 tion. Now, your Honor, can you deny that there is such a 
 thing in the world as the labor question ? I am an Anarchist. 
 Now strike ! But hear me before you strike. What is Social- 
 ism, brieily stated ? It is the right of the toiler to the free and 
 equal use of the tools of production, and the right of the pro- 
 ducer to their product. That is Socialism. The history of 
 mankind is one of growth. It has been evolutionary and rev- 
 olutionary." 
 
 Parsons went into an explanation of the wage question and 
 the relations of capital and labor, asserting that employers in 
 owning capital and leaving nothing to the wage slave but the 
 price of his work, had produced a conflict which would inten- 
 sify as the power of the priviledged classes over the non-pos- 
 session of property classes increased. He continued: "We 
 were told by the Prosecution that law is on trial ; that govern- 
 ment is on trial. That is what the gentlemen on the other side 
 have stated to the jury. The law is on trial, and govern- 
 ment is on trial. Well, up to the conclusion of this trial we, 
 the defendants, supposed that we were indicted and being tried 
 for murder. Now, if the law is on trial, and the government is 
 on trial, who has placed it upon trial? And I leave it to the 
 people of America whether the prosecution in this case have 
 made out a case ; and I charge it here now, frankly, that in or- 
 
1V6 RKE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 der to bring about this conviction the Prosecution, the repre- 
 sentatives of the State, the sworn officers of the law — ^those 
 whose duty it is to the people to obey the law and preserve or- 
 der — I charge upon them a willful, a malicious, a purposed 
 violation of every law which guarantees every right to every 
 American citizen. They have violated free speech. In the 
 prosecution of this case they have violated a free press. They 
 have violated the right of public assembly. Yea, they have 
 even violated and denounced the right of self-defense. I charge 
 the crime home to them. * * * My own deliberate opinion 
 concerning this Haymarket affair is that the death-dealing mis- 
 sile was the work, the deliberate work of monopoly — ^the act 
 of those who themselves charge us with the deed. I am not 
 alone in this view of this matter, What are the real facts of 
 that Haymarket tragedy? Mayor Harrison of Chicago has 
 caused to be published his opinion, in which he says : " I did 
 not believe that there was any intention on the part of Spies 
 and those men to have bombs thrown at the Haymarket.' He 
 knows more about this thing than the jury that sat in this room, 
 for he knows — I suspect that the Mayor knows — of some of the 
 methods by which somo of this evidence and testimony might 
 have been manufactured. I don't charge it, your Honor, but 
 possibly he has had some intimation of it, and if he has he 
 knows more about this case and the merits of this case than did 
 the jury who sat here. * * * Before the trial began, dur- 
 ing its prosecution, and since its close, a Satanic press has 
 shrieked and howled itself wild, like ravenous hyenas, for the 
 blood of these eight working men. Now, this subsidized press, 
 in the pay of the monopoly and of laborers and slavers, com- 
 manded this Court and commanded this jury and this Frosecu- 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 177 
 
 tion to convict US. As a fitting climax to this damnable con- 
 spiracy against our lives and liberty, what follows ? O hide 
 your eye now ! hide it! hide it ! As a fitting climax to this dam- 
 nable conspiracy against our lives and liberty some of Chicago's 
 millionaires proposed to raise a purse of $100,000 and present 
 it to the juiy for their verdict of guilty against us. This was 
 done, as everybody knows, in the last days of the trial, and since 
 the verdict so far as anybody knows to the contrary, this blood 
 money has been paid over to that juiy. * * * Condemned 
 to death! Perhaps you think I do not know what for? Or 
 maybe you think the people do not understand your motives? 
 You are mistaken. I am here, standing in this spot awaiting 
 your sentence, because I hate and loathe authority in eveiy 
 form. I am doomed by you to suffer an ignominious death be- 
 cause I am the outspoken enemy of coercion, of privilege, of 
 force, of authority. It is for this you make me suffer. Think 
 you the people are blind, are asleep, are indifferent ? You de- 
 ceive yourselves. I tell you, as a man of the people, and I 
 speak for them, that your every word and act and thoughts are 
 recorded. You are being weighed in the balance. The people 
 are conscious of your power — your stolen power. They know 
 you; that while you masquerade as their servants you are in 
 reality playing the role of master. The people — the common 
 working people — know full well that all your wealth, your ease 
 and splendor, have been stolen from them by the exercise of 
 your authority in the guise of law and order. I, a working 
 man, stand here and to your face, in your stronghold of op- 
 pression, and denounce to you your crimes against humanity. It is 
 for this I die, but my death will not have been in vain. I guess 
 
 I have finished. I don't know as I have anything more to say. 
 u 
 
178 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 Your Honor knows all I know about this case. I have taken 
 your Honor's time up that I might be able to lay this thing, the 
 whole thing, before you, reserving nothing; opening my mind 
 and heart, telling you the truth, the truth, and the whole truth. 
 I am innocent of this offense. I had no connection with that 
 Haymarket tragedy. I know nothing of it. I am not respon- 
 sible for it. I leave the case in the hands of your Honor," 
 
 SENTENCE PRONOUNCED. 
 
 Parsons spoke altogether nearly nine hours, and the ad- 
 dresses of all the prisoners occupied three days. Thousands of 
 people were turned away during the closing days, and 
 the scene in the courtroom -when sentence was pronounced 
 was peculiarly impressive. At the close of Parsons' remarks 
 Judge Gary delivered the following remarks, and pronounced 
 the death sentence: 
 
 "I am quite well aware that what you have said, although 
 addressed to me, has been said to the world ; yet nothing has 
 been said which weakens the force of the proof or the conclu- 
 sions therefrom upon which the verdict is based. You are all 
 men of intelligence, and know that if the verdict stands, it must 
 be executed. The reasons why it shall stand I have already 
 sufficiently stated in deciding the motion for a new trial. I am 
 sorry beyond any power of expression for your unhappy condi- 
 tion and for the terrible events that have brought it about. I 
 shall address to you neither reproaches nor exhortation. What 
 I shall say, shall be said in the faint hope that a few words from 
 a place where the people of the State of Illinois have delegated 
 the authority to declare the penalty of a violation of their laws, 
 and spoken upon an occasion solemn and awful as this, may 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 179 
 
 come to the knowledge of and be heeded by the ignorant, de- 
 luded and misguided men who have listened to your counsels 
 and followed your advice. I say in the faint hope ; for if men 
 are persuaded that because of business diiferences, whether 
 about labor or anything else, they may destroy property and 
 assault and beat other men, and kill the police, if they, in the 
 discharge of their duty, interfere to preserve the peace, there is 
 little ground to hope that they will listen to any warning. It 
 is not the least among the hardships of the peaceable, frugal and 
 laborious poor to endure the tyranny of mobs, who, with law- 
 less force, dictate to them, under penalty of peril to limb and 
 life, where, when and upon what terms they may earn a liveli- 
 hood for themselves and their families. Any government that 
 is worthy of the name will strenuously endeavor to secure to all 
 within its jurisdiction freedom to follow the lawful avocations 
 and safety for their property and their persons, while obeying 
 the law, and the law is common sense. It holds each man re- 
 sponsible for the natural and probable consequences of his own 
 acts. It holds that whoever advises murder is himself guilty 
 of the murder that is committed pursuant to his advice, and if 
 men band together for a forcible resistance to the execution of 
 the law and advise murder as a means of making such resistance 
 efEoctual, whether such advice be to one man to murder another, 
 or to a numerous class to murder men of another class, all who 
 are so banded together are guilty of any murder that is com- 
 mitted in pursuance of such advice. The people of this coun- 
 try love their institutions, they love their homes, they love their 
 property. They will never consent, that by violence and mur- 
 der, those institutions shall be broken down, their homes de- 
 spoiled, and their property destroyed. And the people are 
 
180 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 strong enough to protect and sustain their institutions and to 
 punish all offenders against their laws ; and those who threaten 
 danger to civil society, if the law is enforced, are leading to de- 
 struction whoever may attempt to execute such threats. The 
 existing order of society can be changied only by the will of the 
 majority. Each man has the full right to entertain and advo- 
 cate by speech and print such opinions as suits himself, and the 
 great body of the people will usually care little what he says. 
 But if he proposes murder as a means of enforcing he puts his 
 own life at stake. And no clamor about free speech or the evils 
 to be cured or the wrongs to be redressed, will shield him from 
 the consequences of his crime. His liberty is not a license to 
 destroy. The toleration that he enjoys he must extend to oth- 
 ers, and not arrogantly assume that the great majority are wrong 
 and may rightfully be coerced by terror, or removed by dyna- 
 mite. It ouly remains that for the crime you have committed, 
 and of which you have been convicted after a trial unexampled 
 in the patience with which an outraged people have extended 
 to you every protection and privilege of the law which you de- 
 rided and defied, that the sentence of that law be now given. 
 In form and detail that sentence will appear upon the records 
 of the Court. In substance and effect it is that the defendant 
 Neebe be imprisoned in the State Penitentiary at Joliet at hard 
 labor for the term of fifteen years. And that each of the other 
 defendants, between the hours of ten o'clock in the forenoon 
 and two o'clock in the afternoon of the third day of December 
 next, in the manner provided by the statute of this state, be 
 hung by the neck until he is dead. Eemove the prisoners." 
 
 Stay of sentence in the case of Neebe was granted until De- 
 cember 3, the date set for the execution of the other principles ; 
 
MRS. PARSONS. 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 181 
 
 and the counsel for the condemued Anarchists announced that 
 they should file a bill of exceptions before the Illinois Supreme 
 Court, and petition for a supersedeas. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 inSCELLANEOUS MATTER. ARBEITEK ZEITUNQ. MK8. LUCY PARSONS. 
 
 HER ARREST IN OHIO. lIElt AJ4REST IN CmCAGO. HERR MOST 
 
 ENDORSING THE BOMB-THROWING. THE PANIC HE COULD 
 
 CREATE IN A BIG CITY IN THIRTY MINUTES WITH 
 
 3000 BOMBS IN THE HANDS OF 500 
 
 REVOLUTIONISTS. 
 
 As the trial progressed many new and sensational develop- 
 ments were made. Dr. Ernst Schmidt was constituted chairman 
 of the committee of an organization, taking charge of matters 
 pertaining to raising money for the defense. F. Bielefeld be- 
 came business manager of the Arheiter Zeitung. In all the im- 
 portant cities meetings were held in the interests of the con- 
 demned men. Mrs. Lucy Parsons, wife of the condemned 
 anarchist, went on a lecturing tour to replenish the exchequer 
 of the defendants, but public opinion in many places was against 
 her, and she found it difficult in many places to obtain halls in 
 which to speak. At Akron, Ohio, she was arrested for holding 
 a meeting in defiance of the order of the mayor of that city. 
 She has for years been an active anarchistic agitator, and her 
 proclivities for public speech -making has brought her often be- 
 fore the public. She was arrested September 23 for a violation 
 of the ordinance prohibiting the distribution of circulars on the 
 
182 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 Street of Chicago. In New York, Herr Most, through his pa- 
 per, the Freiheit^ indorsed the bomb-throwing, saying: "Its 
 work was thorough. Such bombs can be made by anybody 
 without much trouble, of an evening. Think of 500 revolution- 
 ists provided, say, each with six of these things, working in con- 
 cert, so that, for example, in the wide range of a great cosmo- 
 politan city within half an hour the fragments were to go flying 
 in various suitable places, who will gainsay that by this means 
 such a panic could be created that a comparatively small num- 
 ber of determined men might get possession of all commanding 
 points in the place in a giffy ? Nobody. The bomb in Chicago 
 was legally justified, and, in a military sense, excellent. All 
 honor to him who produced and made use of it." 
 
 For this, and similar incendiary utterances, Most was arrested 
 and sentenced to serve a year in Sing Sing prison. He was 
 living with Lena Fischer, alias Mary Georges, at 198 Allen 
 street, under the name of West, and when (saptured was found 
 in hiding under the woman's bed. The woman was thought to 
 be a sister of Adolf Fischer, one of the condemned Chicago an- 
 archists, but this was denied. 
 
 who has constituted herself the heroine of Anarchistic no- 
 toriety by developing a tender passion for the notorious Spies, 
 is a young lady of eighteen years of age, Avith a fine form and a 
 fair share of personal attractions; neither a pronounced blonde, 
 nor yet a brunette, but seemingly occupying the middle ground, 
 between. Nina is the daughter of the superintendant of the 
 great Kirk soap factory of Chicago, and the heiress apparent to 
 quite a fortune. She is of a dashing romantic disposition; fond 
 

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 ■•l^.;: 
 
 Xv 
 
 
 
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 '*>«iihl-. 
 
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RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 183 
 
 of flowers, birds and dogs. She fell a victim to the ardent 
 glances of the humorous editor as the sequence of having made 
 his acquaintance while inserting an advertisement in the Zeitung 
 to recover her lost pug, to whom she was much attached. 
 Through the efforts of Spies she recovered her pet canine, and 
 Avhile performing the duty of expressing her gratitude to the 
 editor she was smitten, and yielded passively to her fate. She 
 became so infatuated in her attachment and attentions to Spies 
 that in February, 1887, a marriage license was procured for the 
 purpose of becoming his wife in the jail, but the sheriff forbade 
 the ceremony as illegal and unprecedented. It was then de- 
 termined that the ceremony should take place by proxy. Spies' 
 brother became the proxy, and the ceremony took place before 
 Justice Englehardt in the town of Jefferson. Justice Engle- 
 hardt made returns of the marriage to the county clerk, who re- 
 fused to recognize the return, pronouncing the ceremony illegal- 
 This wife, in name only, was placed on exhibition in wax in one 
 of the dime museums, when the cheeky manager was served 
 vdth an injunction ; but this young would-be wife compromised 
 the matter, it is thought, on condition that part of the emmolu- 
 ments went into a fund for the benefit of her condemned lord. 
 
 MES. OSCAR NEEBE 
 
 died quite suddenly in March, 1887. Neebe, under guard of 
 Jailor Folz, visited the bedside of his dying wife and by official 
 clemency remained some time with his children, and everything 
 was done for the condemned men that could be done in the name 
 of humanity under the circumstances. 
 
184 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 SUPERSEDEAS GRANTED. UNITED STATES SUPREME COURT's DECIS- 
 ION SUSTAINING THE ORIGINAL VERDICT. PARSONS' LETTER 
 TO GOVENOR OGLESBY. LINGO DEFIANT. THEY REFUSE 
 TO SIGN A PETITION ASKING FOR EXECUTIVE CLEM- 
 ENCY. THEIR IMPERTINENT LETTERS TO GOV- 
 ERNOR OGLESBY. 
 
 THE SUPERSEDEAS GRANTED. 
 
 There was no doubt from the beginning that the supersedeas 
 asked for in behalf of the condemned anarchists would be 
 granted. Capt. W. P. Black and Hon. Leonard Swett, who had 
 been retained to present the petition and make the argument for 
 a new trial, met Chief Justice Scott at Bloomington by appoint- 
 ment, Nov. 25, 1886, and he directed the writ of error to issue. 
 The only thing of substance which Justice Scott said at the 
 entering of the order was to call attention to the following lan- 
 guage in Mooney vs. The People, CXI. Illinois, page 388 — 
 an opinion by the full court : 
 
 Recognizing to the fullest extent the rule of law that the 
 jury in their deliberations are judges of the facts ard the weight 
 of the evidence in criminal cases, yet the law has imposed on 
 the court the solemn and responsible duty to see to it that no 
 injustice is done by hasty action, passion, or prejudice, or from 
 any other cause on the part of the jury. This duty the court 
 may not omit in any case. 
 
 It is almost needless to state that the anarchists were well 
 

 RICHARD OGLESBY. 
 
 Corerfior of Illinois. 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 185 
 
 pleased with their temporary reprieve, and opportunity to have 
 their able counsel argue for a rehearing of their case. The 
 arguments were finished March 18, 1887, before the Supreme 
 Court at Ottawa, States Attorney Grinnell and Attorney-general 
 Hunt appearing for the State. The decision was rendered 
 Wednesday, September 14, before the full bench of Supreme 
 justices, being read by Judge Magruder, of Chicago. It will 
 thus be seen that the Supreme Court gave the questions at issue 
 full and ample consideration during a period of nearly six 
 months. The court- room was crowded by an expectant throng, 
 and the announcement of the decision was foreshadowed by 
 impressive solemnity. In a condensed review like this it would 
 be manifestly impossible to give a decision comprising upwards 
 of 60,000 words, and covering every point and detail of the 
 case. It is sufficient to state that the decision was unanimous 
 on the part of the Justices. Eveu Justice Mulkey, who was 
 thought to lean toward a new trial, declared that, after having 
 fully examined the record and given the questions arising on it 
 his very best thought, with an earnest and conscientious desire 
 to faithfully discharge his whole duty, he was fully satisfied that 
 the opinion reached vindicates the law and does complete jus- 
 tice between the people and the defendants, fully warranted by 
 the law and evidence. 
 
 Chief Justice Sheldon made the following announcement : 
 "In this case the court orders that the sentence of the Criminal 
 Court of Cook county on the defendants in the indictment of 
 August Spies, Michael Schwab, Samuel Fielden, Albert 11. Par- 
 sons, Adolph Fischer, George Engel, and Louis Lingg, be carried 
 into effect by the sheriff of Cook county on Friday, November 
 
186 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 11 next, between tlie hours of 10 o'clock in the forenoon and 4 
 o'clock in the afternoon of that day." 
 
 The formal order for the execution of the anarchists was 
 received by Sheriff Matson, of Cook county, Monday, September 
 26. The guards inside and patrol outside the jail had been 
 doubled upon receipt of the news that the Supreme Court had 
 sustained the verdict. Monday night Oscai- Neebe Avas quietly 
 removed from the jail in a carriage and taken to Joliet by train 
 by Deputy Sheriffs Gleason and Spear, Neebe being hand- 
 cuffed securely to the latter officer. Neebe's companions and 
 outside sympathizers did not know of his removal. Neebe said 
 to a reporter of the News that he had abandoned all hope. He 
 said he would rather step upon the gallows with his companions 
 than to go to prison ; related what he had accomplished for 
 employees of Chicago breweries and the grocery clerks, in get- 
 ting their hours shortened ; was unrepentant of his part in the 
 conspiracy, and said : " ^Vhat I have done I would do again, 
 and the time will come when the blood of the martyrs about to 
 be sacrificed will cry aloud for vengeance, and that cry will be 
 heard, aye, and that, too, before many years elapse." 
 
 EFFORTS TO SAVE THE ANARCHISTS HAD FAILED. 
 
 Upon receipt of the news of the affirmation of the sentence 
 by the Supreme Court, A. R. Parsons sent to the newspapers an 
 appeal, "To the American People," in which he maintained his 
 innocence ; declared that his speeches were lawful ; condemned 
 the evidence of detectives ; refused executive clemency, con- 
 cluding in the words of Patrick Henry, " I know not what course 
 others may take, but as for me, give me liberty or give me 
 death." 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 187 
 
 A. E,. Parsons's open letter to the American people in which 
 he justifies his actions, maintains his innocence, and refuses 
 executive clemency, ran as follows, under date of September 22, 
 1887: 
 
 " To THE American People — Fellow Citizens : As all the 
 world knows, I have been convicted and sentenced to die for the 
 crime of murder, the most heinous oflfense that can be com- 
 mitted. Under the form of law two courts — viz: the Criminal 
 and Supreme courts of the State of Illinois — have sentenced 
 me to death as an accessory before the fact to the murder of 
 Officer Degan on May 4, 1886. Nevertheless, I am innocent of 
 the crime charged, and to a candid and unprejudiced world I 
 submit the proof : 
 
 PARSONS MAINTAINS HIS INNOCENCE. 
 
 " In the decision affirming the sentence of death upon me 
 the Supreme Court of the State of Illinois says : ' It is undis- 
 puted that the bomb was thi'own that caused the death of 
 Degan. It is conceded that no one of the defendants threw the 
 bomb with his own hands. Plaintiffs in error are charged with 
 being accessories before the fact.' If I did not throw the bomb, 
 myself it becomes necessary to prove that I aided, encouraged,, 
 and advised the person who did throw it. Is that fact proved? 
 The Supreme Court says it is. The record says it is not. I 
 appeal to the American people to Judge between them. 
 
 "The Supreme Court quotes articles from the Alarm, the 
 paper edited by me, and from my speeches running back three 
 years before the Haymarket tragedy of May 4, 1886. Upon 
 said articles and speeches the court affirms my sentence of death 
 as an accessory. The court says, ' The articles in the Alarm 
 
188 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 were most of them wiitten by the defendant Parsons, and some 
 of them by the defendant Spies,' and then proceeds to quote 
 these articles. I refer to the record to prove that of all the 
 articles qiioted only one was shown to have been written by me. 
 I wrote, of course, a great many articles foi- my paper, the 
 AlaTm^ but the record will show that only one of these many 
 quoted by the Supreme Court to prove my guilt as an accessory 
 was written by me. This article appeared in the Alai^m Decem- 
 ber 6, 1884, one year and a half before theHaymarket meeting. 
 As to Mr. Spies, the record will show that during the three 
 years I was editor of the Alarm he did not write for the paper 
 half a dozen articles. For proof as to this I appeal to the 
 record. 
 
 " The Alarm was a labor paper, and, as is well known, a 
 labor paper is conducted as a medium through which working 
 people can make known their grievances. The Alarm was no 
 exception to this rule. I not only did not write ' most of the 
 articles,' but wrote comparatively few of them. This the record 
 will also show. 
 
 " In referring to my Haymarket speech the court says : 
 ' To the men then listening to him he had addressed the incen- 
 diary appeals that had been appearing in the Alarm for two 
 years. The court then quotes the incendiary article which I 
 did write, and which is as follows : ' One dynamite bomb 
 properly placed will destroy a regiment of soldiers, a weapon 
 easily made, and carried with perfect safety in the pockets of 
 one's clothing.' " 
 
 SIMPLY A QUOTATION FROM GENERAL SHERIDAN. 
 
 " The record will show by referring to the Alarm that this 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 189 
 
 18 a garbled extract taken from a statement made by Gen. Philip 
 Sheridan in his annual report to Congress. It was simply a 
 reiteration of General Sheridan's statement that dynamite was 
 easily made, perfectly safe to handle, and a very destructive 
 weapon of warfare. The article in full as it appeared in the 
 Alarm, is as follows : ' Dynamite — The protection of the poor 
 against the armies of the rich — in submitting his annual report, 
 November 10, 1884, Gen. Philip Sheridan, commander of the 
 United States army, says : " This nation is growing so rapidly 
 that there are signs of other troubles, which I hope will not occur 
 and which will probably not come upon us if both capital and 
 labor will only be conservative. Still, it should be remembered, 
 destructive explosives are easily made, and that banks. United 
 States sub-treasuries, and large mercantile houses can be readily 
 demolished and the commerce of entire cities destroyed by an 
 infuriated people with means carried with perfect safety to 
 themselves in the pockets of their clothing.'" ' 
 
 "The editorial comment upon the above as it appeared in 
 the Alarm is as follows : ' A hint to the wise is sufficient. Of 
 course General Sheridan is too modest to tell us that himself 
 and army will be powerless in the coming revolution between 
 the propertied and the propertyless classes. Only in foreign 
 wars can the usual weapons of warfare be used to any advan- 
 tage. One dynamite bomb properly placed will destroy a 
 regiment of soldiers ; a weapon easily made and carried with 
 perfect safety in the pockets of one's clothing. The First reg- 
 iment may as well disband, for if it should ever level its guns 
 upon the workingmen of Chicago it can be totally annihilated. 
 
 " Again the court says: ' He (Parsons) had said to them 
 (referring to the people assembled at the Haymarket) Saturday, 
 
190 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 April 24, 1886, just ten days before May 4, in the Alarm that 
 had appeared: " Workingmen, to arms! War to the palace, 
 peace to the cottage, and death to luxurious idleness ! The 
 wage system is the only cause of the world's misery. It is 
 supported by the rich classes, and to destroy it they must be 
 either made work or die. One pound of dynamite is better 
 than a bushel of ballots ! Make youi- demand for eight hours 
 with weapons in your hands to meet the capitalist bloodhounds 
 — police and militia — in the proper manner." ' 
 
 " The record will show that this article was not written by 
 me, but was published as a news item. By referring to the col- 
 umns of the Alarm the following comment appears, attached to 
 the above article, viz : ' The above hand-bill was sent to us 
 from Indianapolis, Ind., having been posted all over that city 
 last week. Our correspondent says that the j)olice tore them 
 down wherever they found them.' 
 
 " The court continuing, says : ' At the close of another 
 article iu the same issue he said : " The social war has come, 
 and whoever is not with us is against us." ' Assistant State's 
 Attorney Walker read this article to the jury, and at its con- 
 clusion stated that it bore my initials and was my article. It is 
 a matter within the knowledge of every one present that I inter- 
 rupted him and called his attention to the fact that the article 
 did not bear my initials, and that I was not its author. Mr. 
 Walker corrected his mistake to the jury. 
 
 " Now these are the three articles quoted by the Supreme 
 Court as proof of my guilt as an accessory in a conspiracy to 
 murder Officer Degan. The record will prove what I say. 
 
 HIS SPEECHES WERE ALL EIGHT. 
 
 " Now as to my speeches — all of them, with one exception 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 191 
 
 purporting to be my utterances at the Haymarket, are given 
 from the excited imaginations and preverted memories of news- 
 paper reporters. Mr. English, who alone took shorthand notes 
 and swore to their correctness, reports me as saying . ' It is time 
 to raise a note of warning. There is nothing in the eight- hour 
 movement to excite the capitalist. Don't you know that the 
 militia are under arms and a gatling gun is ready to mow you 
 down ? Was this Germany, or Russia, or Spain ? [A voice : 
 " It looks like it."] Whenever you make a demand for eight 
 hours' pay or increase of pay the militia and the deputy sheriffs 
 and the Pinkerton men are called out and you are shot and club- 
 bed and murdered in the streets. I am not here for the purpose 
 of exciting anybody, but to speak out, to tell the facts as they 
 exist even though it shall cost me my life before morning ! ' 
 Mr. English continuing, said : ' There is another part of it (the 
 speech) right here It behooves you, as you love your vnfe and 
 children, if you don't want to see them perish with hunger, 
 killed, or cut down like dogs on the street — Americans, in the 
 interest of your liberty and your independence, to arms ; arm 
 yourselves ! ' 
 
 " This, be it remembered, is a garbled extract, and it is a mat- 
 ter of record that Reporter English testified that he was 
 instructed by the proprietor of his paper to report only the 
 inflammatory portions of the speeches made at the meeting. 
 
 THE MAYOR HEARD THE SPEECH. 
 
 " Mayor Harrison, who was present and heard this speech, 
 testified before the jury that it was simply 'a violent and political 
 harangue ' and did not call for his interference as a peace oflBcer. 
 The speech delivered by me at the Haymarket, and which I 
 
192 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 repeated before the jury is a matter of record and undisputed, 
 and I challenge any one to show therein that I incited any one 
 to acts of violence. The extract reported by Mr. English, when 
 taken in connection with what preceded and what followed, can- 
 not be construed by the wildest imagination as incitement to 
 violence. Extracts from three other speeches alleged to have 
 been delivered by me were made more than one year prior to May 
 4, 1886, are given. Two of these speeches were reported from 
 the memory of thePinkerton detective Johnson. These are the 
 speeches quoted by the court as proof of my guilt as accessory 
 to the murder of Degan. Where, then, is the connection 
 between these speeches and the murder of Degan ? I am bold 
 to declare that such connection is imperceptible to the eye of a 
 fair and unprejudiced mind. But the honorable body, the 
 Supreme Court of Illinois, has condemned me to death for 
 speeches I never made, a'nd for articles I never wrote. In the 
 affirmation of the death sentence the court has ' assumed,' ' sup- 
 posed,' ' guessed ' ' surmised,' and ' presumed ' that I can and did 
 'so and so.' This the record fully proves. 
 
 " The court says : ' Spies, Schwab, Parsons and Engel were 
 responsible for the articles written and published by them, as 
 above sho^vn ; Spies, Schwab, Fielden, Parsons and Engel were 
 responsible for the speeches made by them respectively, and 
 there is evidence in the same record tending to show that the 
 death of Degan occurred during the prosecution of a co.ispiracy 
 planned by the members of the international groups who read 
 these articles and heard these speeches.' 
 
 OBJECTS TO THE PINKEKTON MEN. 
 
 " Now, I defy any one to show from the record the proof 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 193 
 
 that I wrote more than one of the many articles alleged to have 
 been written by me. Yet the Supreme Court says that I wrote 
 and am responsible for all of them. Again — concerning the 
 alleged speeches — they were reported by the Pinkerton detect- 
 ive Johnson, who was, as the record shows, employed by Lyman 
 Gage, president of the First National Bank, as the agent of the 
 Citizens' Association, an organization composed of the million- 
 aire employers of Chicago. 
 
 " I submit to a candid world if this hired spy would not 
 make false reports to earn blood-money. Thus, it is for 
 speeches I did not make, and articles I did not ^v^■ite I am sen- 
 tenced to die, because the court 'assumes' that these articles 
 influenced some unknown and still unidentified person to throw 
 the bomb that killed Degan. Is this law ? Is this justice ? 
 
 " The Supreme Court, in affirming the sentence of death 
 upon me, proceeds to give further reasons, as follows: 'Two 
 circumstances are to be noted. First, it can hardly be said that 
 Parsons was absent from the Haymarket meeting when he went 
 to Zepf 's Hall. It has already been stated that the latter place 
 was only a few steps north of the speakers' wagon and in sight 
 from it. We do not think that the defendant Parsons could 
 escape his share of the responsibility for the explosions at the 
 Haymarket because he stepped into a neighboring saloon and 
 looked at the explosion through a window. While he \\"as 
 speaking men stood aiound him with arms in their hands. Miiiiy 
 of these were members of the armed sections of the intonni- 
 tional groups. Among them were men who belonged to the 
 International Rifles, an armed organization in which he himself 
 was an officer, and with which he had been dnlling in prepara- 
 tion for the events then transpii-ing.' 
 
194 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 " The records of the trial will show that not one of the fore- 
 going allegations is true. The facts are these : Zepf 's Hall is on 
 the northeast corner of Lake and Desplaines streets, just one 
 block north of the speakers' wagon. The court says ' it was only 
 a few steps north of the speakers' wagon.' The court says 
 further that ' it can hardly be said that Parsons was absent from 
 the Haymarket meeting when he was at Zepf 's Hall.' If this is 
 correct logic, then I was at two different places a block apart at 
 the same instant. Truly the day of miracles has not yet passed. 
 Again, the record will show that I did not ' step into a neigh- 
 boring saloon and look at the explosion through a window.' It 
 will show that I went to Zepf 's Hall, one block distant, and 
 across Lake street, accompanied by my wife and another lady, 
 and my two children (a girl of five and a boy of seven years of 
 age), they having sat upon a wagon about ten feet from the 
 speakers' wagon throughout my speech ; that it looked like rain ; 
 that we had started home and went into Zepf s Hall to wait for 
 the meeting to adjourn, and walked home in company with a lot 
 of friends who lived in that direction. Zepf's building is on 
 the corner and opens on the street with a triangular door six 
 feet wide. Myself and ladies and children were just inside the 
 door. Here, while waiting for our friends and looking toward 
 the meeting, I had a fair view of the explosion. All this the 
 record will show. 
 
 ABOUT THE BOMB. 
 
 "It would seem that, according to circumstances, a block is 
 at one time ' a few steps ' or a ' few steps ' is more than a block, 
 as the case may suit. The logical as well as the imaginative 
 faculties of the Supi-eme Court are further illustrated in a 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 195 
 
 most striking manner by the credence of the court to the ' yarn ' 
 of a ' reporter,' who testified that Spies liad described to him the 
 Czar' bomb, and the men who were to use them as follows. 
 ' He spoke of a body of tall, strong men in their organization 
 who could throw bombs weighing five pounds 1 50 paces. He 
 stated that the bombs in question were to be used in case of 
 conflict with the police or the militia.' 
 
 " The court gives this sort of testimony as proof of the exist- 
 ence of a conspiracy to murder Degan. Wonderful credulity. 
 To throw a five-pound bomb 150 paces or yards is to throw it 
 450 feet or a quarter of a mile. 
 
 " Gulliver, in his travels among the Brobdingnag race, tells 
 us of the giants he met, and we have also heard of the giants 
 of Patagonia. But we did not know until now that they were 
 mere Lilliputians as compared with the ' anarchist Swedes ' of 
 Chicago. 
 
 " The court proceeds to say, " While he (Parsons) was 
 speaking, men stood around him with arms in their hands.' The 
 record as quoted by the court shows that only one man flour- 
 ished a pistol, not a number of men Again, the court says, 
 ' Most of the men were members of the armed sections of the 
 " International groups," ' thus making it appear that many of 
 these men (when there was only one who was even alleged to 
 have exhibited a pistol) were armed. 
 
 " The court says : 'Among them were men who belonged to 
 the " International Rifles," an armed organization in which he 
 himself was an officer, and in which he had been drilling in 
 preparation for the events then transpiring.' 
 
 "Now I Challenge the Supreme Court or any other honor- 
 able gentleman to prove from the record that there ever existed 
 
.186 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 such an organization as the armed section of the American 
 group, known as the ' International Rifles.' It cannot be done. 
 The record shows that some members of the American group 
 did organize the ' International Rifles,' which never met but four 
 or five times; was never armed with rifles or any other weapons, 
 and was disbanded nearly a year before the 4th of May, 1886. 
 
 " The Pinkerton man Johnson says that dynamite bombs 
 were exhibited ' in the presence of the " International Rifles." ' 
 It will take corroborative testimony before the American people 
 will credit the statements of such a man engaged for such a pur 
 pose; and it is well known that Supreme courts have decided 
 that the testimony of detectives should be taken with great 
 caution. 
 
 HE APPEALS TO THE PEOPLE. 
 
 " I appeal to the American people, to their love of justice 
 and fair play. I submit that the record does not show my gilt 
 of the crime of murder, but on the contrary it proves my inno- 
 cence. 
 
 " Against me in this trial all the rules of law and evidence 
 have been reversed in that I have been held as guilty until I 
 proved my innocence I have been tried ostensibly for murder, 
 but in reality for anarchy. I have been proved guilty of being 
 an anarchist and condemned to die for that reason. The State's 
 attorney said in his statement before the court and jury in the 
 beginning of the trial: 'These defendants were picked out 
 and indicted by the grand jury. They are no more guilty than 
 the thousands who follow them. They are picked out because 
 they are leaders. Convict them and our society is safe,' and in their 
 last appeal to the jury the prosecution said: 'Anarchy is on 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 197 
 
 trial. Hang these eight men and save our institutions. These 
 are the leaders. Make examples of them.' This is a matter of 
 record. 
 
 A WORD FOR HIS COMRADES. 
 
 " So far as I have had time to examine the records I find 
 the same fabrication and perversion of testimony against all my 
 comrades as exists against myself. I therefore again appeal to 
 to the American people to avert the crime of judicial murder. 
 And this appeal I have faith w^ill not be in vain. 
 
 " My ancestors partook of all the hardships incident to the 
 establishment of this Republic. They fought, bled, and some 
 -of them died that the Declaration of Independence might live 
 and the American flag might wave in triumph over those who 
 claim the ' divine right of kings to rule.' Shall the flag now, 
 after a century's triumph, trail in the mire of oppression and 
 protect the perpetration of outrages and oppressions that would 
 put the older despotisms of Europe to shame ? 
 
 " Knowing myself innocent of crime I came forward and 
 gave myself up for Jtrial. I felt that it was my duty to 
 take my chances with the rest of my comrades. I sought a fair 
 and impartial trial before a jury of my peers, and knew that 
 before any fair-minded jury I could with little difficulty be 
 cleared. I preferred to be tried and take the chances of an 
 acquittal with my friends to being hunted as a felon. Have I 
 had a fair trial ? 
 
 PARSONS REFUSES EXECUTIVE CLEMENCY. 
 
 " The lovers of justice and fair play are assiduously engaged 
 in an effort to thwart the consummation of judicial murder by 
 
198 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 a commutation of sentence to prison. I speak for myself alone 
 wlien I say that for this I thank them and appreciate their 
 efforts. But I am an innocent man. I have violated no law ; I 
 have committed no offense against any one's rights. I am sim- 
 ply the victim of the malice of those whose anger has been 
 aroused by the growth, strength and independence of the labor 
 organizations of America. I am a sacrifice to those who say: 
 ' These men may be innocent. No matter. They are anarchists. 
 We must hang them anyway.' 
 
 " My counsel informs me that every effort will be made to 
 take this case before the highest tribunal in the land, and that 
 there is strong hope of a hearing there. But I am also reliably 
 informed that from three to five years will elapse before the 
 Supreme Court of the United States can hear and adjudge the 
 case. 
 
 " Since surrendering myself to the authorities, I have been 
 locked up in close confinement twenty-one hours out of every 
 twenty-four for six days, and from Saturday afternoon till Mon- 
 day morning (thirty -eight hours) each week in a noisome cell, 
 without a ray of sunlight or a breath of pure air. To be com- 
 pelled to bear this for five or even three years would be to 
 suffer a lingering death, and it is only a matter of serious con- 
 sideration with me whether 1 ought to accept the verdict as it 
 stands rather than die by inches under such conditions. I am 
 prepared to die. I am ready, if needs be, to lay down my life 
 for my rights and the rights of my fellow-men. But I object 
 to being killed on false and unproved accusations. Therefore 
 I cannot countenance or accept the efforts of those who would 
 endeavor to procure a commutation of my sentence to an impris- 
 onment in the penitentiary. Neither do I approve of any 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 199 
 
 further appeals to the courts of law. I believe them to be all 
 alike — ^the agency of the privileged classes to perpetuate their 
 power, to oppress and plunder the toiling masses. As between 
 capital and its legal rights, and labor and its legal rights, the 
 courts of law must side with the capitalistic class. To appeal 
 to them is in vain. It is the appeal of the wage slave to his 
 capitalistic master for liberty. The answer is curses, blows, 
 imprisonment, and death. 
 
 " If I had never been an anarchist before, my experience 
 with courts and the laws of the governing class would make an 
 anarchist of me now. What is anarchy ? It is a state of society 
 without any central or governing power. Upon this subject the 
 court, in its affirmation of the death sentence, defines the object 
 of the International Working Peoples' Association as follows : 
 
 " 'It is designed to bring about a social revolution. Social 
 revolution means the destruction of the right of private owner- 
 ship of property, or of the right of the individual to own prop- 
 erty. It means of the bringing about of a state of society in 
 which all property should be held in common.' 
 
 HE REFERS TO THE SCRIPl'URES. 
 
 " If this definition is right, then it is very similar to that 
 advocated by Jesus Christ, for proof of which I refer to the 
 fourth and fifth chapters of the Acts of the Apostles ; also 
 Matthew xxi., 10 to 14, and Mark xi., 15 to 19. 
 
 " No, I am not guilty. I have not been proved guilty. I 
 leave it to you to decide from the record itself as to my guilt or 
 innocence. I cannot, therefore, accept a commutation to impris- 
 onment. I appeal — not for mercy, but for justice. As for me, 
 the utterance of Patrick Henry is so appropos that I cannot do 
 better than let him speak : 
 
200 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY 
 
 " ' Is life SO dear and peace so sweet as to be purchased at 
 the price of chains and slavery ? Forbid it, Almighty God ! I 
 know not what course others may take, but, as for me, give me 
 liberty or give me death,' A. R. Parsons, 
 
 "Prison Cell 29, Chicago, 111., Sept. 21, 1887." 
 
 THE CASE BEFORE THE FEDERAL SUPREME COURT. 
 
 The anarchists were not lacking in funds to secure every 
 chance of reprieve or commutation, as contributions had poured 
 into their coffers swelling the sum total over $50,000. Every 
 opportunity was accorded to the condemned men to place their 
 case in as favorable a light as possible before the Federal Court. 
 But the flagrant and far-reaching character of their crime gave 
 little hope to the imbiased that the judges composing that hon- 
 orable body would interfere. Following our readers will find 
 Attorney Grinnell's argument before the United States Supreme 
 Court. Also General Butler's defense for the impenitent yet 
 doomed men. 
 
 grinnell's ARGUMENT BEFORE THE UNITED STATES SUPRElfE COURT. 
 
 Mr. Grinnell, addressing the court, said that it had not been 
 his intention to take part in the oral argument, and that he 
 came here primarily for the purpose of assisting Mr. Hunt by 
 means of his familiarity with the record in this case. He 
 thought that by the presentation of the law and the facts yes- 
 terday it was clearly shown that there was no federal question 
 involved, and that the court was without jurisdidtion to grant 
 the writ of error. The assignments of error in the lower court, 
 and the parts of the record relating to the jurors Denker and 
 Sanf ord had been printed and were in the court's hands. In all 
 
RISE AND FAI,L OF ANARCHY. 201 
 
 the twenty- eight assignments of error there was no reference 
 directly or indii-ectly to the constitution of the United States or 
 any of its amendmentis. There were some things, he said, which 
 were here generally conceded, and one of them was that the 
 constitution itself confers no rights which need be here consid- 
 ered. It is simply a limitation of the rights of the legislative 
 power in dealing with the rights of citizens. 
 
 THE QUESTION OF JURISDICTION. 
 
 The constitution of the State of Illinois contains almost all 
 the provisions which are embraced in the constitution of the 
 United States. This court had settled, he believed, the question 
 of jurisdiction as far as the first ten amendments are concerned, 
 and also, he thought, under the fourteenth amendment. The 
 only clause of the latter which could figure here was that " no 
 State shall deprive any person of life, liberty, or property with- 
 out due process of law." Whatever affects liberty and life is 
 made by this clause to aflEect also property. If the court has 
 jurisdiction of this case under this provision of the amendment 
 then every State question lelating to property, such as special 
 assessments, the condemnation of property, etc., might be 
 brought to this court for review. 
 
 The Chief Justice — " Because they take property without 
 valuation by a jury." 
 
 Mr. GrinneD — " Yes, your honor, in some cases they do, 
 especially in the matter of drainage, where the proceedings may 
 be before a justice of the peace." 
 
 PEREMPTORY CHALLENGES. 
 
 Mr. Grinnell said he thought it to be conceded that a State 
 
202 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 Legislature had a right to prescribe how many peremptory chal- 
 lenges should be allowed in the formation of a jury. The 
 common law of Illinois had been radically changed in this 
 respect, and both prosecution and defendant now stt)od on an 
 equal footing. Each defendant was entitled to t\venty peremp- 
 tory challenges, and as the eight defendants in this case acted 
 in concert and were all consulted, each of them had practically 
 160 peremptory challenges. The State had a like number. 
 The defendants exhausted all of their IGO peremptory chal- 
 lenges before a jury was obtained and the State availed itself of 
 its priviledge to the extent of fifty-two challenges He main- 
 tained, however, that no federal question would be involved 
 even if the State allowed only one peremptory challenge to one 
 side and 160 to the other. It was the State's right. In this 
 case there were 931 men called into the jury box and examined 
 in order to obtain twelve jurors. 
 
 .TUROES SANFORD AND DENKEE. 
 
 No objection was raised to any one of the twelve jurors 
 with the single exception of Sanford. Denker was challenged 
 for cause after a brief examination; the challenge was over- 
 ruled and the defense accepted, but they then proceeded with a 
 further and more elaborate examination of him, and it is shown 
 by the record that after this second examination they desired to. 
 keep him, that they did keep him, and that they did make no 
 further exception. When Denker was taken the defense had 
 left 142 peremptory challenges and they could have used one of 
 these challenges to get rid of him if they had been very deirs- 
 ous of so doing. They had forty-three peremptory challenges 
 left after eleven jurors had been sworn. These forty-three 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 203 
 
 challenges they frittered away frivolously for the purpose of 
 taking some possible advantage. Their peremptory challenges 
 were then exhausted, and they had to either take a juror or 
 show cause why he should be rejected. 
 
 The examination of Sanford, the last juror, clearly demon- 
 strated, Mr. Grinnell said, that the defense were more I'eady to 
 take him than the State was. Not a single juror was put upon 
 the defense to exhaust their peremptory challenges. Wlienever 
 a man said that he had talked with a witness or any one ^vh^) 
 was present at the Haymarket meeting, or that he had attended 
 the coroner's inquest he was rejected for cause. 
 
 EULOGIZIilG THE JURY. 
 
 Speaking of the jury as a whole, Mr. Grinnell said : "I 
 wish and am constrained to pay one tribute to that jury. It 
 exemplified American citizenship in this countiy more than any 
 jury that was ever looked upon. It embraced all walks of life. 
 Three of them earned their living by manual work. They came 
 from all parts of the country and one of them was born on for- 
 eign soil. They were not a class jury. They were honest 
 citizens with the solemn duty devolving upon them of determ- 
 ining what should be done with those men. No judge could 
 look in the faces of that jury without saying: ' They are intel- 
 ligent ; they represent American citizenship ; they are fit to be 
 trusted with the rights of freemen under our constitution.' 
 There was not a capitalist on that jury. They were all com- 
 mon-place small dealers and intelligent men." 
 
 Mr. Grinnell said he would challenge any one to show that 
 a single member of that jury was not a competent juror, not 
 only under the jury law of Illinois, but under the common law. 
 
204 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 " Congress," he said, " had recognized the right of States to 
 make their own Jury laws." 
 
 Section 800 of the Revised Statutes provides that " jurors 
 to serve in the courts of the United States in each State respect- 
 ively shall have the the same qualifications and be entitled to 
 the same exemptions as jurors of the highest court of law in 
 such State may have and be entitled to at the time when such 
 jurors for service in the courts of the United State are sum- 
 moned."' 
 
 Almost every State in the North, he said, now had its new 
 jury law, and these laws have been sustained by the highest 
 State courts. 
 
 THE SEIZURE OF SPIEs' PAPERS. 
 
 Proceeding to the question of "unreasonable search and 
 seizure " in Spies' oflfice, he said it did not strike him as being 
 any part of this case. He was not here to offer any apologies 
 for his own conduct. He then recited at some length the cir- 
 cumstances of the bomb-throwing in the Haymarket, the search 
 of the Arheiter Zeitung ojfice, the prying open of Spies' desk, 
 the finding of dynamite and letters there, the breaking open of 
 Lingg's domicile, and the finding in his trunk of dynamite 
 bombs precisely like the one thrown. Mr. Grinnell was inter- 
 rupted at this point by General Butler, who said he should want 
 to cross-examine him if it was competent for him to do so. 
 lilr. Grinnell — " You shall have that privilege, General." 
 Mr. Grinnell, resuming, said that such seizure was not a 
 thing which this court could regulate. It had said in the Ker 
 kidnaping case that it was not for the court to determine how 
 he (the prisoner) got here. The court simply said : '' You are 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY; 205 
 
 here." The things seized in the search of these prisoners' prem- 
 ises "were there," and it was for the court to determine whether 
 they were legally there. The only question was, "Are these 
 things testimony ?" and that was not an inquiry for the court. 
 
 SIMPLY EVIDENCE. 
 
 Forgery, murder, and othei- crimes had to be proved, Mr. 
 Grinnell said, by such evidence. " The pistol found in the 
 hand of the assassin Guiteau was forcibly taken from him, and 
 his papers, if I remember rightly, were overhauled. They were 
 'there' (that is, in the court), and it was nobody's business 
 how they got there. That the search and seizure in this case 
 was an unreasonable search and seizure from the point of view 
 of the defendants I have no doubt." 
 
 In conclusion Mr. Grinnell said : " It strikes us from our 
 standpoint that the foundation of the constitution is less likely 
 to be impaired by refusing to grant this writ than by grant- 
 ing it." 
 
 THE general's INDIVIDUALITY, 
 
 After a great deal of rambling talk about the composition 
 of the Jury, dissatisfaction with the record, lack of time for 
 preparation, the sentencing of the prisoners in their absence and 
 that of their counsel, the injustice done them by "unreasonable 
 search and seizure," etc.. General Butler said that if all these 
 things could be done the question was to be debated whether 
 this government would not be a little better if it were over- 
 turned into an anarchy than if it were to be carried on in this 
 fashion. 
 
 " I have no fear," he said, " of being misunderstood upon 
 
206 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 this question. I have the individuality of being the only man 
 in the United States that condemned and executed men for 
 uudeilaking to overturn the law. There were thousands of 
 them. And for that act, please your honors, a price was set on 
 my head as though I were a wolf, and $25,000 was offered to 
 any man that could capture me, to murder me, by Jefferson 
 Davis and his associates, and who, if they were here at your 
 bar, trying to ascertain whether they should have an honest and 
 a fair trial for their great crimes, and they called upon me — 
 their lives in danger — I should hold it to be my duty to stand 
 here and do all that I might to defend them. That is the chiv- 
 alry of the law, if I understand it, and if I don't it is of not 
 much consequence, for I am quite easily and quickly passing 
 away." 
 
 INHERENT RIGHTS OF CITIZENS 
 
 After some further talk General Butler said he agreed fully 
 that the first ten amendments to the constitution were limita- 
 tions of federal power and not restrictions of the rights of the 
 States. The " privileges and immunities " however, claimed by 
 these prisoners were privileges inherent in each one of the citi- 
 zens of the several States of the United Statos", because in vast 
 majority we were British subjects and had certain privileges 
 and immunities inherited under the common law and magna 
 charta, and among them, and the most thoroughly known and 
 defined were the trial by Jury for all high crimes, exemption 
 from search and seizure without warrant of law, protection from 
 self- accusation when a witness, and not to be deprived of life, 
 liberty, or property without due process of law. We claim that 
 all the rights, privileges, and immunities that belonged to a 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 207 
 
 British subject under magna charta belong to each citizen of the 
 United States; and that as new citizens of the United States 
 were made, not citizens of States, by naturalization, these rights, 
 priviliges, and immunities came to them as citizens of the 
 United States. The effect of the fourteenth amendment was to 
 guarantee these rights, privileges, and immunities to the citi- 
 zens of all the States. 
 
 The words " due process of law " as contained in the four- 
 teenth amendment, and as used to define one of these guaran- 
 teed lights, mean " by the laM'^ of the land," not the law of a 
 county, a province, or a State, but the law of the country — the 
 whole country. That is the law of the land, and was so under- 
 stood by our forefathers as due process of law. Any other 
 meaning given to "due process of law " as it is used in the four- 
 teenth amendment would make it simply ridiculous and frivolous, 
 because any State may enact a " due process of law " according 
 to that State, by which a man's life may be taken and from 
 which not a single right or immunity of citizenship can protect 
 him. Any law a State may make after the passage of this 
 amendment for dealing with the rights of a citizen of the United 
 States becomes wholly inoperative, because the " law of the 
 land " must forever remain fixed aa at that moment, not to be 
 changed in regard to its citizens vnthout a change of organic 
 law, and for some purposes not to be even so changed. 
 
 THE CASES OF FIELIJEN AND SPIES. 
 
 General Butler then proceeded to a consideration of the 
 Bpecial and peculiar questions raised by the cases of Fielden 
 
208 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 and Spies who aie foreigners. He contended that treaties were 
 the supreme law of the land, and that these prisoners were 
 entitled, by virtue of treaties with Germany and Great Britain, 
 to all the rights and privileges of American citizens at the time 
 such treaties were made. A State had no power to try these 
 men by one of its own laws which was not the law of the land 
 at the time the treaties were ratified. He did not mean, he said, 
 that a foreigner could come into a State and break its laws with 
 impunity and that the State could not touch him. But he did 
 mean that the State could only try him in accordance with the 
 law of the land — the whole land — at the time the treaty with 
 his government was made. This, he said, was an important 
 question to every American citizen, because in return for the 
 concession made by this government in the treaty with Great 
 Britain the government of that country had made similar con- 
 cessions to us. Suppose that a citizen of the United States 
 should go to Ireland and should make some remarks about the 
 advantages of a republican form of government, and should be 
 arrested and tried by the crimes act in violation of the treaty. 
 Would we not stand up and say that this man must be tried by 
 a fair and impartial jury? lie must be tried as an Englishman 
 would have been tried at the time the treaty was made, and he 
 cannot be dealt with in a more summary way under a later law. 
 
 GENKKAL BUTLEr's ARGUMENT. 
 
 If this should happen, General Butler said, he hoped that 
 the English authorities would not be able to hold up to him a 
 decision of the United States Supreme Court sustaining the 
 right to try an Englishman by the local law of a State which 
 was nothing but a swamp and a howling wilderness at the time 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 209 
 
 the treaty was ratified. 
 
 Returning to the rights of States, General Butler said that 
 he was not prepared to deny that a State might change its 
 organic laws with the consent of all its citizens, but such change 
 would not bind a citizen of another State who had not assented 
 to them. 
 
 IMPARTIAL JUBIES AND NEWSPAPER LIES. 
 
 After some desultory remarks about the i-ecord and the 
 necessity of laymg it before the court, and another reference to 
 breaking open safes and desks, General Butlei-said : " There is 
 no doubt that the prisoners were entitled to u trial by an impar- 
 tial jury — a stupid jury, if you please — because 1 don''t think a 
 man who reads newspapers is any more competent to tiy a case 
 — ^rather worse if he pays any attention to their lies." As 
 enunciated by chief justices of the Supreme Court an impartial 
 juror, he said, is one who "stands in freedom of mind, without 
 bias or prejudice, and is indifferent." The petitioners were not 
 tried by such a jury and are entitled to protection under the 
 federal constitution. 
 
 " If " he said, " the court is to give me juroi's as prejudiced 
 as some of those in this case 1 had better go to a land of Hot- 
 tentots, for they would not allow me to be stolen and taken back 
 into Illinois." General Butler's allusion is to the kidnaping of 
 Ker, referred to by counsel on the other side in defending their 
 search and seizure. 
 
 In reply to Mr. Griunell's statement that the records would 
 show that the defense were more ready to take the last juror 
 (Sanford) than the State was, General Butler said that they were 
 compelled to accept the last j uror. Their peremptory challenges 
 
210 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 were exhausted and they could do nothing else. Under these 
 circumstances they talked to him and coaxed him, and tried to 
 get him into a state of mind as favorable to their side as they 
 could. That was what the parts of the record referred to by 
 Mr. Grinnell would show, and nothing more. 
 
 NO WAIVER OF RIGHTS IN CAPITAL CASES. 
 
 General Butler then referred to the assertion of coimsel on 
 the other side that the petitioners had waved some of their 
 rights through not insisting upon them by exception or objec- 
 tion at the proper time, and that therefore, they were estopped 
 from asserting these rights now in this court. He contended, 
 however, that when a man was on trial for his life there was no 
 such thing as a waiver or estoppal. In capital offences a pris- 
 onei- cannot waive Avittingly or unwittingly anything that will 
 affect the issue. In support of this contention he cited the 
 opinion of Chief Justice Shaw in the case of Dr. Webster. The 
 prisoners, he maintained, could not now be barred out because 
 they had not raised sufficiently formal objections. 
 
 General Butlei- then returned again to the " unreasonable 
 searches and seizures " complained of by the petitioners, and 
 said his associate, Mr. Tucker, had characterized the proceeding 
 as a " subpceijifi duces tecum." executed by a locksmith. " Why 
 your honors,'' he exclaimed, "they searched under a burglary, 
 headed by the State's attorney on his own admission — no miser- 
 able policeman or half-witted constable, but the State's prose- 
 cuting attoi-ney does the burglary, steals the papers, and says 
 you can't help that. He puts it with a sort of triumph, and 
 yet we are told that our immunities and privileges are not 
 invaded, and our remedy is to sue for trespass. W^hat a beau- 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 211 
 
 tif 111 remedy ! Sue the State's attorney and be tried by such a 
 jury as the laws of Illinois would give. Better be in a place 
 not to be named for comfort.'' 
 
 PRISONERS ABSENT WHEN SENTENCED. 
 
 As a final reason why the writ should be granted, General 
 Butler urged that the prisoners had been sentenced to death in 
 their absence, and without being asked whether they had any 
 reason to give why sentence of death should not be pronounced 
 upon them. The record, he said, did not show that they were 
 absent when sentenced, but they could prove it. The record 
 showed that they were present, but they could prove by half 
 Chicago that this was a mistake. 
 
 In conclusion, General Butler said: '-May I, in closing, 
 make one observation ? If men's lives can be taken in this way, 
 as you have seen exhibited here to-day, better anarchy, better 
 be without law, than with any such law." General Butler then 
 thanked the court for its indulgence and took his seat. 
 
 UNITED STATES SUPREME COURT's DECISION NOVEMBER 2, 1887 
 
 Is as follows : 
 
 The court holds in brief : First, that the first ten amend - 
 ments to the constitution are limitations upon federal and not 
 upon State action : second, that the jury law of Illinois is upon 
 its face valid and constitutional, and that it is similar in its pro- 
 visions to the statute of Utah, which was sustained in this court 
 in the case of Hopt vs. The Territory of Utah; third, that it 
 does not appear in the record that upon the evidence the trial 
 court should have declared the juror Sanford incompetent; 
 fourth, that the objection to the admission of the Johann Most 
 
212 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 letter and the cross-examination of Spies, which counsel for the 
 prisoners maintained virtually compelled them to testify against 
 themselves, were not objected to in the trial court, and that 
 therefore no foundation was laid for the exercise of this court's 
 jurisdiction, and fifth, that the questions raised by General But- 
 ler in the cases of Spies and Fielden upon the basis of their 
 foi'eign nationality were neither raised nor decided in the State 
 courts, and therefore cannot be considered. 
 
 The writ of error prayed for was consequently denied. 
 
 There was no dissenting opinion. 
 
 The above decision of the Supreme Court was received by 
 the condemned anarchists with coolness amounting to indiffer- 
 ence. A. R. Parsons then handed the copy of a letter sent to 
 Governor Oglesby to the Daily News for publication, as follows: 
 " To His Excellency Richard J. Ogleshy, Govenwr of the Slate 
 of Illinois — Deak Sir: I am aware that petitions are being 
 signed by hundreds of thousands of persons addressed to you, 
 beseeching you to inter2)ose your perogative and commute the 
 sentences of myself and comrades from death to imprisonment 
 in the penitentiary. You are, I am told a good consti;utional 
 lawyer and a sincere man. I therefore beg of you to examine 
 the i-ecord of the trial, and then conscientiously decide for your- 
 self as to my guilt or innocence. I know that as a just man 
 you will decide in accordance with the facts, the truth, and the 
 justice of this case. But I ^vrite to reiterate the declaration 
 made in my published aj)peal to the people of America Septem- 
 ber 21, 1887. I am guilty or I am innocent of the charge for 
 which I have been condemned to die. If guilty, then I prefer 
 death rather than to go * like the quarry slave at night scourged 
 to his dungeon. If innocent then I am entitled to and will 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 213 
 
 accept nothing less than liberty. The records of the trial made 
 in Judge Gary's court prove my innocence of the crime of mur- 
 der. But there exists a conspiracy to judicially murder myself 
 and imprisoned companions in the name and by virtue of the 
 authority of the State. History records every despotic, arbi- 
 trary deed of the people's rulers as having been done in the 
 name of the people, even to the destruction of the liberties of 
 the people. 
 
 " I am a helpless prisoner, completely in the power of the 
 authorities, but I strongly protest against being taken from my 
 cell and carried to the penitentiaiy as a felon. Therefore, in 
 the name of the people, who^e liberty is being destroyed ; in 
 the name of peace and justice, I protest against the consumma- 
 tion of this judicial murder, this proposed strangulation of 
 freedom on American soil. I speak for myself, I know not 
 what course others may pursue, but for myself I reject the peti- 
 tion for my imprisonment. I am innocent, and I say to you that 
 under no circumstances will I accept a commutation to impris- 
 onment. In the name of the American people I demand my 
 right — my lawful, constitutional, natural, inalienable right to 
 liberty. Respectfully yours, 
 
 " A. R. Parsons, Prison Cell 29." 
 
 On receipt of the decision of the Federal Court not to 
 interfere in the anarchists case, the doomed men were sullen. 
 Louis Lingg, the bomb-maker, was blatant and defiant, and said 
 to his attendants, " I will never die on the scaffold," he contin- 
 ued, " I hate and defy you all." A week before the execution 
 Lingg said : " I approach my last moment cheerfully, but I will 
 not go alone." This was significant language, and no doubt was 
 an allusion to the fact that he intended to use the bombs, after- 
 
214 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 wards found in his cell for the purpose of producing an explos- 
 ion in the jail that might have resulted in the death of scorea 
 of victims. Lingg, Engle, Fischer and Parsons refused abso- 
 lutely and persistently to sign any petition to His Excellency, 
 Governor Oglesby, for executive clemency in the commutation 
 of their sentence to imprisonment. The following is a copy of 
 letters from Lingg, Engle and Fischer to Governor Oglesby. 
 They demand liberty or death : 
 
 Cook County Jail, November 1. — An open letter to Mr. R. 
 J. Oglesby, Governor of the State of Illinois. 
 
 Dear Sir: I am aware that petitions are being circulated 
 and signed by the general public, asking you to commute the 
 sentence of death which was inflicted upon me by a criminal 
 court of this State. Anent- the action of a sympathizing and 
 well-meaning portion of the people, I solemnly declare that it 
 has not my sanction. As a man of honor, as a man of con- 
 science, and as a man of principle, I cannot accept mercy. I 
 
 am not guilty of the charge in the indictment of murder. 
 
 / am no murderer, and cannot apologize for an action of which 
 I hnow I am innocent. And should I ask " mercy " on account 
 of my principles, which I honorably believe to be true and 
 noble ! No ! I am no hypocrite, and have, therefore, no excuses 
 to offer with regard to being an anarchist, because the experi- 
 ences of the past eighteen months have only strengthened my 
 convictions. The question is: Am I responsible for the death 
 of the policemen at the Haymarhet ? and I s.iy no, unless you 
 assent that every abolitionist could have been responsible for the 
 deeds of John Brown. Therefore I could not ask or accept 
 "mercy " without lowering myself in luy self -estimation. If I 
 cannot obtain judice from the authorities and be restored to my 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 215 
 
 family, then I prefer that the verdict should be carried out as it 
 stands. Every informed person must, I should think, admit 
 that this verdict is solely due to class hatred, prejudice, the 
 inflaming of public opinion by the malicious newspaper frater- 
 nity, and a desire on the part of the privileged classes to check 
 the progressive labor movement. The interested parties, of 
 course, deny this, but it is nevertheless true, and I am sure that 
 coming ages will look upon our trial, conviction, and execution 
 as the people of the ninteeuth century regard the barbarities of 
 past generations — as the outcome of intolerance and prejudice 
 against advanced ideas. Histoiy repeats itself. As the powers 
 that be have at all times thought that they could stem the 
 progressive tide by exterminating a few " kickers," so do the 
 ruling classes of to-day imagine that they can put a stop to the 
 movement of labor emancipation by hanging a few of its advo- 
 cates Progress in its victorious march has had to overcome 
 many obstacles which seemed invincible, and many of its apos- 
 tles have died the death of martyrs. The obstacles which bar 
 the road to progress to-day seem to be invincible, too; but they 
 will be overcome, nevertheless. At all times when the condition 
 of society had become such, that a large portion of the people 
 complained of the existing injustice, the ruling classes have 
 denied the truth of these complaints, and have said that the dis- 
 content of the portion of the people in question was due only 
 to thtf " pernicious influence " of " malicious agitators." To-day, 
 
 again, some people assert that the " d d agitators " are the 
 
 cause of the immense dissatisfaction among the working peo- 
 ple ! Oh, you people who speak thus, can you not, or will you 
 not, read the signs of the time \ Do you not see that the clouds 
 on the social flrmament are thickening? Are you not, for 
 
216 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 instance, aware that the control of industry and the means of 
 transportation, etc., is constantly concentrating in fewer hands; 
 that the monopolists, i. c., the sharks among the capitalists, 
 swallow the little ones among them; that " trusts," "pools," and 
 other combinations are being formed in order to more thor- 
 oughly and systematically fleece the people; that under the 
 pj-esent system the development of technic and machinery is 
 from year to year throwing moi-e workingmen on the wayside ; 
 that in some parts of this great and fertile land a majority' of 
 the farmers are obliged to mortgage their homes in order to 
 satisfy the greed of monstrous coi-poratious ; that, in short, the 
 rich are constantly growing richer, and the poor poorer ? Yes ? 
 And do you not comprehend that all these evils liud theii' origin 
 in the present institution of society which allows one portion of 
 the human race to build fortunes upon the misfortunes of others; 
 to enslave their fellow men^ Instead of trying to remedy 
 these evils, and instead of ascertaining just what the cause of 
 the widening dissatisfaction is, the ruling classes, through their 
 mouth-pieces, press, pulpit, etc. — defame and misrepresent the 
 charactei', teachiugw, and motives of the advocates of social 
 reconstruction, and use the rifle and the club on them, and, if 
 opportunity is favoi'able, send them to the gallows and prisons. 
 Will this do any good i As an answer 1 may as well quote the 
 follovviug words with which Benjamin Franklin closed his satir- 
 ical essay, " Rules for Reducing a Great Empiie to a Small One,' 
 which he dedicated to the English government in 177G; " Sup- 
 pose all their (the 'kickers') complaints to be inverted, and 
 promoted by a few factious demagogues, whom if you could 
 catch and hang, all would be quiet. Catch and hang a few 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 217 
 
 accordingly ; and the blood of the martyrs shall work miracles 
 in favor of your purpose " (i. e., your own ruin). 
 
 tSo, I say, society may hang a number of disciples of progress 
 who have disinterestedly served the cause of the sons of toil 
 which is the cause of humanity, but their blood will work 
 miracles in bringing about the downfall of modem society, and 
 in hastening the birth of a new era of civilization. Magna est 
 Veritas et prevalebet ! Adolph Fisciiek. 
 
 A LETTER TO GOVERNOR OGLESBY. 
 
 Dear Sir — I, George Engel, citizen of the United States and 
 of Chicago, and condemned to death, learu that thousands of 
 citizens petition you as the highest executive officer of the State 
 of Illinois, to commute my sentence from death to imprisonment. 
 I protest emphatically against this on the following grounds : 
 I am not aware of having violated any laws of this country. In 
 my firm belief in the constitution which the founders of this 
 republic bequeathed to this people and which remains unaltered, 
 I have exercised the right of fi-ee speech, free press, free thought 
 and free assemblage, as guaranteed by the constitution, and have 
 ci'iticised the existing condition of societ}', and succored my 
 fellow-citizeiis with my advice, which I regard as tlie right of 
 every honest citizen. The experience which 1 have had in this 
 country, during the fifteen years that 1 have lived here, con- 
 cerning the ballot and the administration of our public function- 
 aries who have become totally corrupt, have eradicated my 
 belief in the existence of equal rights of poor and rich, and the 
 action of the public officers, police and militia have produced 
 the firm belief in me that these conditions cannot last long. In 
 accordance with this belief I have taught and advised. This I 
 
218 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 have done in good faith of the rights which are guaranteed by 
 the constitution, and, not being conscious of ray guilt, the " pow- 
 ers that be " may murder me, but they cannot legally punish 
 me. I protest against a commutation of my sentence and 
 demand either liberty or death. I renounce any kind of mercy. 
 Respectfully, George Engel. 
 
 AN OPEN LETTER. 
 
 To Mr. R. J. Oglesby, Governor of Illinois: Ancnt the 
 fact that the progressive and liberty -loving portion of the Amer- 
 ican people are endeavoring to prevail upon you to interpose 
 prerogative in my case, I feel impelled to declare, with my friend 
 and comrade Parsons, that I demand either liberty or death. If 
 you are really a servant of the people according to the consti- 
 tution of the country, then you will, by virtue of your oflSce 
 unconditionally release me. 
 
 Referring to the general and inalienable rights "of men. I 
 have called upon the disinherited and .oppressed masses to 
 oppose the force of their oppressors — exercised by armed 
 enforcement of infamous laws, enacted in the interest of capital 
 — with force, in order to attain a dignified and manly existence 
 by securing the full returns of their labor. This — and only 
 this — is the " crime '" which was proved against me, notwith 
 standing the employment of perjured testimony on the part of 
 the State, And this crime is guaranteed not only as a right, 
 but as a duty, by the American constitution, the representative 
 of which you are supposed to be in the State of Illinois. But 
 if you are not the representative of the constitution, like the 
 great majority of officeholders, a mere tool of the monopolists 
 or a specific political clique, you will not encroach upon the 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 219 
 
 tlirist for blood displayed by the executioner, because a mere 
 mitigation of the verdict would be cowardice, and a proof that 
 the ruling classes which you represent are themselves abashed 
 at the monstrosity of my condemnation, and consequently, of 
 their own violation of the most sacred rights of the people. 
 
 Your decision in that event will not only judge me, but also 
 yourself and those whom you represent. Judge then ! 
 
 Cook County Jail, 30, 10, '87. Louis Linng. 
 
 P. S. — In order to be sure that this letter will come to your 
 official notice, I will send you the original manuscript as a reg- 
 istered letter. L. L. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 FIELDEN PENITENT. HIS LETTER TO THE GOVERNOR. SPIES' LAST 
 
 LETTER TO HIS EXCELLENCY. WILLING TO 
 
 DIE FOR HIS COMRADES. 
 
 FIELDEN SUES FOR MERCY. 
 
 Fielden's letter is as follows: 
 
 Chicago, 111., Nov. 5, 1887. — 2he Hon. Richard J. Ogleshy, 
 Governor State of Illinois — Sir : I Samuel Fielden, a prisoner 
 under sentence of death, and charged with complicity in the 
 conspiracy to bring about the Haymarket massacre, pray your 
 
 (excellency for relief from the death sentence and respectfully 
 beg your consideration of the following statement of facts : 
 
 " I was born in England in humble circumstances, and had 
 little early education. For some years I devoted my life to 
 religious work, being an authorized lay preacher in the Metho- 
 dist denomination. I came to this country and settled in Chi- 
 
220 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 cago. At all times I was obedient to the law and conducted 
 myself as a good citizen. I was a teamster and ^vol•ked hard 
 for my daily bread. My personal conduct and my domestic life 
 were beyond reproach. 
 
 " Some three years or more ago I was deeply stii'red by the 
 condition of the working classes, and sought to do what I cou.d 
 for their bettennent. I did this honestly, and with no sinister 
 motive. I never sought any personal advantage out of the 
 agitation in which I was engaged. I was gifted, as I was flat- 
 tered and led to believe, with the faculty of stirring an audience 
 ■with my words, and it was said that I was eloquent. I began 
 delivering addresses to assemblages of the working classes, and 
 spoke of their wrongs as I saw them. None of my speeches 
 were prepared nor in any sense studied, and often they were born 
 in an hour of intense excitement. It is true that I have said 
 things in such heat that in calmer moments I should not have 
 said. I made violent speeches. I suggested the use of force as 
 a means for righting the wrongs which seemed to me to be 
 apparent. 
 
 " I cannot admit that I used all of the words imputed to me 
 by the State, nor can I pretend to remember the actual phrases 
 I did utter. I am conscious, however, as I have said, that 1 was 
 frequently aroused to a pitch of excitement which made me in 
 a sense irresponsible. I was intoxicated with .the applause of 
 my hearers, and the more violent ray language the more 
 applause I received. My audience and myself mutually excited 
 each other. I think, however, it is true that, for sensational or 
 other purposes, words were put into my mouth and charged to 
 me which I never uttered ; but, whether this be true or not, I 
 say now that I no longer believe it proper that any class of 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 221 
 
 society should attempt to right its own wrongs by violence. I 
 can now see that much that I said under excitement was unwise, 
 and all this I regret. It is not true, however, that I ever con- 
 sciously attempted to incite any man to the commission of crime. 
 Although I do admit that I belonged to an organization which 
 which was engaged at one time in preparing for a social revolu- 
 tion, I was not engaged in any conspiracy to manufacture 
 or throw bombs. I never owned or carried a revolver in my life 
 and did not fire one at the Haymarket. I had not the slighest 
 idea that the meeting at the Haymarket would be other than a 
 peaceable and orderly one, such as I had often addressed in this 
 city, and was utterly astounded at its bloody outcome, and have 
 always felt keenly the loss of life and suflFering there occasioned. 
 " In vieM'- of these facts I respectfully submit that, while I 
 confess with regret the use of extravagant and unjustifiable 
 words, I am not a murderer. I never had any murderous intent, 
 and I humbly pray relief from the murderer's doom. That 
 these statements are true I do again solemnly affirm by every 
 tie that I hold sacred, and I hope that your excellency will give 
 a considerate hearing to the merits of my case, and also to those 
 of my imprisoned companions who have been sentenced with me. 
 " I remain, very respectfully, S. Fielden." 
 
 The above letter to the Governor by Samuel Fielden was 
 endorsed by Judge Gary and States Attorney Grinnell. 
 
 spies' last letter to the governor. 
 
 " Chicago, 111., Nov. 6. — Gov. Oglesby^ Springfield, III. — Sir: 
 The fact that some of us have appealed to you for justice — 
 under the pardoning prerogative — while others have not, should 
 not enter into consideration in the decision of our case. Some 
 
222 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 of my friends have asked you for an absolute pardon. They 
 feel the injustice done them so intensely that they cannot con- 
 ciliate the idea of a commutation of sentence with the conscious- 
 ness of innocence. The others (among them myself), while 
 possessed of the same feeling of indignation, can perhaps more 
 calmly and dispassionately look upon the matter as it stands. 
 They do not disregard the fact that through a systematic courae 
 of lying, perverting, distorting, inventing, slandering, the press 
 has succeeded in creating a sentiment of bitterness and hatred 
 among a great portion of the populace that one man, no matter 
 how powerful, how courageous, and just he be, cannot possibly 
 overcome. They hold that to overcome that sentiment or the 
 influence thereof would almost be a physiological impossibility. 
 Not wishing, therefore, to place your excellency in a still more 
 embarrassing position between the blind fanaticism or a misin- 
 formed public on one hand and justice on the other they con- 
 cluded to submit their case to you unconditionally. 
 
 WILLING TO DIE FOR HIS COMKADES. 
 
 I implore you not to let this difference of action have any 
 weight with you in determining our fate. During our trial the 
 desire of the prosecutor to slaughter me, and to let my co-de- 
 fendants off with milder punishment was quite apparent and 
 manifest. It seemed to me then, and a great many of others, 
 that the persecutors would be satisfied with one life — namely, 
 mine. Grinnell, in his argument, intimated this very plainly. 
 I care not to protest my innocence of any crime, and of the one 
 I am accused of in particular. I have done that and leave the 
 rest to the judgment of history. But to you I wish to address 
 myself now as the alleged arch-conspirator (leaving the fact 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 223 
 
 that I never have belonged to any kind of a conspiracy out of 
 the question altogether). If a sacrifice of life there must be, 
 will not ray life suffice? The State's attorney of Cook county 
 asked for no more. Take this, then ! Take my life ! I offer it 
 to you so that you may satisfy the fury of a semi- barbaric mob, 
 and save that of my comrades. I know that eveiy one of my 
 comrades is as willing to die, and perhaps more so than I am. 
 It is not for their sake that I make this offer, but in the name of 
 humanity and progress, in the interest of a peaceable — if possi- 
 ble — development of the social forces that are destined to lift 
 our race upon a higher and better plane of civilization In the 
 name of the traditions of our country I b-*g you to prevent a 
 seven-fold murder upon men whose only crime is that they are 
 ide-alists, that they long for a better future for all If legal 
 murder there must be, let one, let mine, suffice. 
 
 " A. Spies." 
 
 CHAPTER XIIl. 
 
 LIXOO SUICIDES. DR. BOLTON WITH THE PRISONERS. THEY DECLINE 
 SPIRITUAL COMFORT. THE LAST NIGHT OF THE DOOMED 
 MEN. PARSONS SINGS IN HIS CELL. TELE- 
 GRAMS FOR PARSONS. HIS 
 LAST LETTER. 
 
 LINGG CO.\IMITS SUICIDE. 
 
 His Excellency, the Governor of Illinois, took action in the 
 anarchists' case on November 10, commuting to imprisonment 
 for life the sentence of Samuel Fielden and Michael Schwab, 
 sending the death warrant of the remaining four to Sheriff Mat- 
 son by his son, Robert Oglesby, who arrived early on the morn- 
 
224 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 ing of the 11th of November. Prior to the Governor making 
 known his decision, Louis Lingg anticipating what his fate 
 ■would be, and in keeping with his threat, had by some process 
 unknown to the keepers, secm-ed a fulminating cap such as is 
 used in exploding dynamite, which he coolly placed in his mouth, 
 and igniting the fuse which protruded from his mouth a short 
 distance, calmly awaited the end. A terrific report sounded in 
 the jail about 9 o'clock on the morning of the day previous to 
 the day set for the execution. The deputies hastened in the 
 direction of the sound of the explosion and beheld clouds of 
 bluish -white smoke curling out from between the bars of the 
 door of Liugg's cell. On entering the cell Lingg was lying 
 upon his face. On turning him over he presented a ghastly 
 sight, the entire lower jaw was blown away, and the features 
 mutilated beyond recognition, only the stump of his tongue was 
 remaining, Avhich fell back into the larynx and made respiration 
 difiicult. He died in great agony at 2 :45 of the same day. He 
 had eluded the disgrace of the hangman's noose and the igno- 
 miny of a public execution. 
 
 During the ensuing night the gallows was erected in the 
 north corridor of the jail, and tested by heavy bags of sand to 
 make sure that eveiything was in working order. 
 
 THE CONDEMNED MEN'S LAST NIGHT. 
 
 SPIES AND DR. BOLTON. 
 
 THE EX-EDITOR OF THE " ARBEITER ZEITUNG " REFUSES THE MINIS- 
 TER'S SYMPATHY. 
 
 Not long after the death watch had been set the Rev. Dr. 
 Bolton, pastor of the First Methodist Episcopal church, called 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 225 
 
 upon the prisoners. The reverend gentleman visited the whole 
 four unfortunates, and his reception was almost the same in every 
 case. 
 
 Spies received him quietly and with a smile. " I have called 
 on you, Mr. Spies," said the clergyman, " to help you to prepare 
 for the awful end which is now but a few short hours away." 
 
 Spies smiled again, l)ut shook his head slowly. " There is no 
 use praying for me," he said in a meloncholy tone ; " I need them 
 not; you should reserve your prayers for those who need them." 
 
 The two men then discussed matters of religion and social 
 economy, and Sj^ies waxed warm in his defense of the doctrines 
 of socialism as it looked to him. The conversation was a long 
 and somewhat rambling one, and finally Mr. Bolton arose, bade 
 Spies adieu, and left him. 
 
 When he had gone the latter turned to the two deputies 
 (Quirk and Josephson) who kept watch over him, and with a 
 short laugh exclaimed: " Now, what can you do with men like 
 that? One doesn't like to insult them, and yet one finds it hard 
 to endure their unlooked-for attentions." 
 
 Spies then waxed talkative and aired his opinion freely to 
 his death watch, Deputy John B. Hartke. Speaking of the 
 anarchists' trial, he said that its conduct and the finding were 
 without precedence in the history of this country. 
 
 " Why, don't you know," said he, " that when the jury 
 brought in the verdict they were all so badly frightened that 
 they trembled, and the Judge himself, when he pronounced the 
 sentence, shook like a leaf." 
 
 This, he said, looked bad. 
 
 " The anarchists had no reason to be afraid, but the judge 
 and the jury had good reason to be afraid." 
 
226 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 "I told him," said Deputy Hartke, "that I had heard that 
 Fischer had signed a petition to the Governor asking for mercy, 
 and added that I had heard he had done the same thing." 
 
 " That is not true," he responded. "I said in my letter to 
 the Governor that if one was to be murdered, I v/as the one. 
 That is the kind of a document I signed." 
 
 "I'll tell you," he continued, "in five or six years from now 
 the people will see the error of hanging us, if they do not see 
 it sooner." 
 
 With this Sj)ies, who had been lying on his back with his 
 hands above his head, removed them and turned on his side with 
 his face to the wall. 
 
 The anarchist editor then lay down on the bed, and with his 
 white face upturned, talked continuously with Deputy Hartke 
 about mutual acquaintances and things and events of days gone 
 by. He never referred to to-morrow, and seemed desirious of 
 keeping the thoughts of his approaching execution as far as 
 possible from his mind. 
 
 Engel grew a little more serious as the night wore on, aiid 
 when he canie to be more familiar with the death watch (Depu- 
 ties Bombgarten and Hastige) he talked with them about the 
 cause for Avhich he was about to die. He protested his inno- 
 cence over and over again, and told the story of the Haymarket 
 riot, and all he knew of it. 
 
 The Rev. Mr. Bolton called on Engel as he did on the others, 
 but with the same unsatisfactory result. The wretched Engel 
 dwelt with bitter emphasis upon the fact that it was the informer 
 Waller, who afterward swore his life away, that first informed 
 him of the massacre. " I was drinking beer and playing cards 
 with my neighl)()rs when Wallei- callt'd and taunted me with not 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 227 
 
 being down in the Haymarket fight," said Engel, as a big lump 
 seemed to rise in his throat," " and he afterward swore my life 
 away, but I die fur a just cause." Engel slept none until about 
 1 o'clock, but at that hour, just as the death watch was being 
 removed, he turned round in his couch and dropped into a light 
 slumber. 
 
 FISCHER AND PARSONS. 
 
 BOTH KEFUSE SPIRITUAL COMFORT AND PARSONS SING8 "ANNIE 
 
 LAURIE." 
 
 Fischer's last night was quietly spent. He talked but little, 
 but was restless. His death -watch. Deputies Healy and Shom- 
 berg, said though he did not sleep much, he appeared to take 
 the terrible ordeal put upon him with gi-eat composure — almost 
 indifference. He, too, coldly repulsed Dr. Bolton's jaroffered 
 spiritual aid. Though his sleepless eyes stai-ed vacantly at the wall 
 of his cell, he talked but little. No sign of nervousness or fear 
 could be traced on the hard, clear-cut features. He was evi- 
 dently prepared to meet his fate unflinchingly and to die boldly. 
 "Annie Laurie," sung in a fairly good tenor voice, broke the 
 the silence. It was approaching 12 o'clock. A dread silence 
 overhung all. All along the anarchists' corridor not a sound 
 was to be heard. The absence of any noise might be likened to 
 the stillness of the grave. Criminals wei'e asleep. The indi- 
 cations were that the anarchists were asleep too. 
 
 But hardly so. Parsons was awake, and the spirit of his 
 wakeful hours urged him to sing " Annie Laurie." Soldiers in 
 a foreign clime have shed tears at the strains of this song. It is 
 a passport to the emotions the world wide. And almost within 
 
228 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 the shadow of the gallows tree, when life was to be registered 
 by hours, Parsons' striking up this song seemed certainly sug- 
 gestive of the fate he felt to be close at hand. There was in 
 his tone a lonesome melancholy as he sung the first stanza, then 
 on the second one his voice wavered and finally broke. He was 
 cast down. The memory of his wife and little ones seemed to 
 rise before him, a sob, full of pathetic despair served as a period 
 to his further recitation. Once stopped singing, Parsons was in 
 tears. He cried within the quietness of his cell, not through 
 fear of hU approaching death, so far as his demeanor indicated. 
 Rather it was due to recollection busy with scenes of the man's 
 early life. His boyhood came back to him as he sung that old 
 song. He could not do else than break down. 
 
 When Dr. Bolton called upon Parsons he was received with 
 the same courtesy which has always distinguished that erudite 
 anarchist. The condemned man, however, did not seem to take 
 kindly to the proffered ministrations of the clergyman. 
 
 " You are welcome. Dr. Bolton," he said ; " pray, what can I 
 do for you ?" 
 
 The reverend visitor explained his mission, and the old 
 cynical expression stole over Parsons' face. " Preachers are all 
 Pharisees," he sneered, "and you know what Jesus Christ's 
 opinion of the Pharisees was. He called them a generation of 
 vipers, and likened them to whited sepulchers. I don't desire to 
 have anything to do with either." 
 
 Dr. Bolton remonstrated a little, and finally Parsons appeared 
 to be relenting somewhat. 
 
 " Well, well," he said, " I will say that while I do not abso- 
 lutely refuse your kind attentions, I will impress on you the 
 fact that I did not want you." 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 229 
 
 A desultory conversation ensued, and the missionary, on leav- 
 ing, told Parsons that he would pray earnestly for him during 
 the night. 
 
 The anarchist's hard gray eye grew moist, and he marmered 
 hoarsely: "Thank you," but added: "Don't forget, though, 
 I didn't send for you." 
 
 SINGING THE MARSELLAISE. 
 
 PARSONS TALKS FREELY TO THE DEATH WATCH AND SINGS FOR THEM. 
 
 Parsons slept little but kept heart marvelously well. He 
 chatted with the guards on the death watch and furnished them 
 «ach with his autograph in this form : 
 " Cook County Jail, 
 
 • " Cell No. 4. 
 
 " A. JR. Parsons. 
 
 "Nov. 11, 1887." 
 
 With Bailiffs Rooney and Jones he calmly discussed the out 
 look, touched without emotion upon his pending death, and 
 dwelt with satisfaction upon his assurance of his wife's ability 
 to maintain herself. When told by the guards that Spies was 
 deeply affected by the parting with his wife and complained that 
 of all the incidents of the unnerving time, it most deeply moved 
 him; that Fischer, though reckless of himself, bemoaned the 
 destitution of his young and feeble wife. Parsons feebly 
 expressed his sympathy for his companions and rejoiced that he 
 left behind a lion-heai-ted wife, and children too young to 
 keenly feel bereavement. Then he commented upon social con- 
 ditions both here and abroad. 
 
 " I will sing you a song," he said about 1 o'clock, " a song 
 
230 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 born as a battle-cry in France, and now accepted as the hymn 
 of revolution the world over." 
 
 In a low voice he then sang a paraphrased translation of "La 
 Marsellaise," which the guards commended as both inspiring and 
 well performed. 
 
 TELEGRAMS TO PARSONS. 
 
 A COtrPLE OF CHEERING MISSIVES RECEIVED THIS MORNING. 
 
 Following are copies of the two dispatches received by A. 
 R. Parsons a short time before his execution this morning ; 
 
 " Boston, Nov. 11. — Albert R. Parsons, Cook County Jail: 
 Not good- by, but hail brothers. From the gallows-trap the 
 march Avill be taken up. I will listen for the beating of the 
 drum. . Josephine Tilton." 
 
 "St. Louis, Mo., Nov. 11. — Albert R. Parsons, Prisoner: 
 Glorious martyr, in the name of social progress bravely meet 
 your fate. C. R. Davis." 
 
 To the sender of the first telegram Parsons desired that his 
 red-silk handkerchief be sent. 
 
 PARSONS LAST LETTER. 
 
 A COPY OF the document SENT TO A NEW YORK PAPER. 
 
 New York, Nov. 1 2. — The letter which Parsons wrote yes- 
 terday morning was addressed to a resident of this city, and 
 appears in the Herald to-day, as follows: 
 
 " County Jail, Nov. 11, 8 o'clock a. m. — My Dear Com- 
 rades : The guard has just awakened me I have washed my 
 face and drank a cup of coffee. The doctor asked me if I 
 wanted stimulants. I said no. The dear boys, Engel, Fischer, 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 231 
 
 and Spies, saluted me witli firm voices. Please see Sheriff Mat- 
 son and take charge of my papers and letters. Please have my 
 book on " Anarchism: Its Philosophy and Scientific Basis," put 
 into good shape. There are millions of Americans wlio will 
 want to read it. Well, my dear old comrade, the hour draws 
 near. Caesar kept me awake till late last night with the noise, 
 music of hammei- and saw erecting his throne, my scaffold — 
 I'efiuement, civilization. Matsou, the sheriff, tells me he refused 
 to let Caesar — the State — secrete my body, and he has just got 
 my wife's address from me to send her my remains. Magnani- 
 mous Caesar ! Good-by. Hail the social revolution ! Saluta- 
 tions to all. A. R. Parsons, 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 DISCRIPTION OF THE EXECUTION. THREATNINO LETTERS. PITTY- 
 
 ING JUSTICE. OUTRAGED LAW VINDICATED. MERCY TO THE 
 
 GUILTY IS CRUELTY TO THE INNOCENT. THE UNCHANGED 
 
 EVERLASTING WILL GIVE TO EACH MAN HIS RIGHT. 
 
 ABUSE OF FREE SPEECH. THE MILLS OF GOD 
 
 GRIND SLOW BUT EXCEEDING FINE. CAPTAIN 
 
 BLACK AT THE ANARCHISTS' FUNERAL. 
 
 The following description of the execution is copied from 
 the Daily News: 
 
 August Spies, Adolph Fischer, George Engle, and A. R. 
 Parsons, the four anarchists who were tried a year ago, and found 
 guilty of the murder of Mathias A. Degan in the Haymarket 
 square on May 4, 1886, were to-day hanged in the Cook county 
 jail and paid the penalty of their crime with their lives. The 
 drop fell at 11 :53 and the four men died with Avords of defiance 
 
232 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY, 
 
 and scorn upon their lips. .Parsons' last word was actually 
 strangled in his throat by the hangman's noose. Seldom, if ever, 
 have four men died more gamely and defiantly than the four 
 who were strangled to-day. 
 
 When the word passed around, about 11 o'clock, that the 
 final hour had indeed arrived, men's faces grew pale and the hum 
 of excitement passed through the crowd. They were quickly 
 marshaled and marched down in a line to the gallows corridor. 
 
 At 10:55 fully two hundred and fifty newspaper men, local 
 politicians, and others, among them the twelve jurors to view 
 the bodies after execution, had passed through the dark passage 
 under the gallows and began seating themselves. The bailiff 
 said a few words to the journalists, begging them to make no 
 rush when the drop fell, but to wait decently and in order. 
 
 Parsons was given a cup of coffee a few minutes before the 
 march to the scaffold was begun. 
 
 The rattling of chairs, tables and benches continued for 
 several minutes, but by 10:05 there began to fall a hush, and 
 conversation among the crowd sank almost to a whisper. The 
 bare, whitewashed walls formed a painful contrast with the dark- 
 brown gallows, with its four noosed ropes hanging ominously 
 near the floor. 
 
 It was exactly 11:50 o'clock when Chief Bailiff Cahill entered 
 the corridor and stood beneath the gallows. He requested in 
 solemn tones that the gentlemen present would remove their 
 hats. Instantly every head was bared. Then the tramp, tramp 
 of many footsteps was heard resounding from the central cor- 
 ridor, and the crowd in front of the gallows knew that the con- 
 demned men had begun the march of death. The slow, steady 
 march sounded nearer and nearer. The anarchists were within 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 233 
 
 a few feet of the scaffold. There was a pause. The condemned 
 men were about to mount the stairway leading to the last plat- 
 form from which they would ever speak. Step by step, steadily 
 they mounted the stairway, and again there was another slight 
 pause. Every eye was bent upon the metallic angle around 
 which the four wretched victims were expected to make their 
 appearance. A moment later their curiosity was rewarded. With 
 steady, unfaltering step a white-robed figure stepped out from 
 behind the protecting metallic screen and stood upon the drop. 
 It was August Spies. It was evident that his hands were firmly 
 bound behind him underneath his snowy shroud. 
 
 He walked with a firm, almost stately tread across the plat- 
 form and took his stand under the left-hand noose at the corner 
 of the scaffold farthest from the side at which he had entered. 
 Very pale was the expressive face, and a solemn, far-away light 
 shone in his blue eyes. His tawny hair was brushed back in 
 the usual crisp waves from the big white forehead. Nothing 
 could be imagined more melancholy, and at the same time dig- 
 nified, than the expression which sat upon the face of August 
 Spies at that moment The chin was covered with a freshly bud- 
 ding beard and partially concealed the expression of the firmly- 
 cut mouth. The lines were a little hardly drawn around the 
 corners, however, and bespoke great internal tension. He stood 
 directly behind the still noose, which reached down almost to' 
 his breast, and, having first cast a momentary glance upward at 
 the rope, let his eyes fall upon the 200 faces that were upturned 
 toward him. Never a muscle did he move, however; no sign 
 of flinching or fear could be discerned in the white face — white 
 almost as the shroud which it surmounted. 
 
 Spies had scarcely taken his place when he was followed by 
 
234 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 Fischer. He, too, was clad in a long white shroud that was 
 gathered in at the ankles. His tall figure towered several inches 
 over that of Spies, and as he stationed himself behind his par- 
 ticular noose his face was very pale, but a faint smile rested upon 
 his lips. Like Spies, the white robe set off to advantage the 
 rather pleasing features of Fischer, and as the man stood thei-e 
 waiting for his last moment his pale face was as calm as if he 
 were asleep, Next came George Engel. There was a ruddy 
 glow upon the rugged countenance of the old anarchist, and 
 when he ranged liimself alongside Fischer he raised himself to 
 his full height, while his burly form seemed to expand with the 
 feelings that were within him. Last came Parsons. His face 
 looked actually handsome, though it was very pale. When he 
 stepped upon the gallows he turned jjartially sideways to the 
 dangling noose and regarded it with a fixed, stony gaze — one of 
 mingled surprise and curiosity. Then he straightened himself 
 under the fourth noose, and, as he did so, he turned his big gray 
 eyes upon the crowd below with such a look of awful reproach 
 and sadness as could not fail to strike the innermost chord of 
 the hardest heart there. It was a look never to be forgotten. 
 There Avas an expression almost of inspiration on the white, 
 calm face, and the great, stony eyes seemed to burn into men's 
 hearts and ask: " What have I done? " 
 
 There they stood upon the scaflfold, four white robed figures, 
 with set, stoical faces, to which it would seem no influence could 
 bring a tremor of fear. 
 
 And now a bailifi" approaches, and, seizing Parsons' robe, pass- 
 ed a leathern strap around his ankles. In a moment they were 
 closely pinioned together. Engel's legs were next strapped 
 together, and when the official approached Fischer, the latter 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 235 
 
 straightened up his tall figure to its full height and placed his 
 ankles close together to facilitate the operation. Spies was the 
 last, but he was the first around whose neck the fatal cord was 
 placed. One of the attendant bailiffs seized the noose in front 
 of Spies and passed it deftly over the doomed man's head. It 
 caught over his right ear, but Spies, with a shake of his head, 
 cast it down around his neck, and then the bailiff tightened it 
 till it touched the warm flesh, and carefully placed the noose 
 beneath the left ear. 
 
 When the officer aj)proached Fischer threw back his head 
 and bared his long, muscular throat by the movement. 
 
 Fischer's neck was very long and the noose nestled snugly 
 around it. When it was tightened around his windpipe Fischer 
 turned around to Spies and laughingly whisj)ered something in 
 Spies' ear. But the latter either did not liear him or else was 
 too much occupied with other thoughts to pay attention. Engel 
 smiled down at the crowd, and then turning to Deputy Peters, 
 who guarded him, he smiled gi'atefully toward him and whis- 
 pered something to the officer that seemed to affect him. It 
 looked at first as if Engel were about to salute his guard with a 
 kiss, but he evidently satisfied himself with some word of peace. 
 Parson's face never moved as the noose dropped over his head, 
 but the same terrible, fixed look was on his face. 
 
 And now people were expecting that the speeches for which 
 the four doomed ones craved twenty minutes each this morning 
 would be delivered, but to every one's surprise the officer who 
 had adjusted the noose proceeded to fit on the white cap without 
 delay. It was first placed on Spies' head, completely hiding 
 his head and face. Just before the cap was pulled over Fischer's 
 head Deputy Spears turned his eyes up to meet those of the 
 
236 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 tall young anarchist. Fischer smiled down on his guard just 
 as pleasantly as Engel did on his, and he seemed to be whis- 
 pering some words of forgiveness, but it may have been other- 
 wise, as not even the faintest echo reached the men in the 
 corridor below. Engel and Parsons soon donned their white 
 'caps after this, and now the four men stood upon the scaffold 
 clad from top to toe in pure white. 
 
 All was ready now for the signal to let the drop fall. In 
 the little -box at the back of the stage and fastened to the wall 
 tbeinvisible executioner stood with axe poised, ready to cut the 
 cord that held them between earth and heaven. The men had 
 not noticed this but they knew the end was near. 
 
 For an instant there was a dead silence, and then a mournful 
 solemn voice sounded from behind the first right-hand mask, 
 and cut the air like a wail of sorrow and warning. Spies was 
 speaking from behind his shroud. 
 
 The words seemed to drop into the cold, silent air like pellets 
 of fii'e. Here Is what he said : " It is not meet that I should 
 speak heie, where my silence is more terrible than my utter- 
 ances." 
 
 Then a deeper, stronger voice came out with a muffled, mys- 
 terious cadence from behind the white pall that hid the face of 
 Fischer. He only spoke eight words : " This is the happiest 
 moment of my life." 
 
 But the next voice that catches up the refrain is a difEerent 
 one. It is firm, but the melancholy wail was not in it. It was 
 harsh, loud, exultant. Engel was cheering for anarchy. "Hur- 
 rah for anarchy ! Hurrah ! " were the last words and the last 
 cheer of George Engel. 
 
 But now the weird and ghastly scene was brought to a 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 237 
 
 climax. Parsons alone remained to speak. Out from behind 
 his mask his voice sounded more sad, and there was a more 
 dreary, reproachful tone in it than even in Spies. " May I be 
 allowed to speak? Oh, men of America !" he cried, "may I 
 be allowed the privilege of speech even at the last moment? 
 Haeken to the voice op the people " 
 
 There was a sudden pause. Parsons never spoke a word 
 more. A sharp, creaking noise, a crash, a sickening, cracking 
 sound, and Spies, Parsons, Fischer, and Engel were no more. 
 
 When the pulse-beats of all became imperceptible, which 
 was about 12:10 o'clock, the physicians sat down and the bodies 
 swung back and forth, while the deputies stood above them. 
 There was a continual shifting of seats after the physicians left 
 the bodies, and nearly all who could get away wanted to be 
 allowed to do so. The sheriff opened a door at the west side of 
 the building and a great many of the spectators left. 
 
 At 12:20 Spies' body was let down and placed in a coffin, 
 while the doctor examined him and found that the neck was not 
 broken. He wore a dark-gray flannel shirt and dark panta- 
 loons, but no coat. His arms were confined by a strap, as were 
 those of all the others. 
 
 Fischer was next cut down. His neck was not broken. He 
 wore a blue flannel shirt and gray trousers. 
 
 Engel came next. He had a blue flannel shirt and wore a col- 
 lar. His neck was broken, but the spinal cord was not severed. 
 
 Parsons was the last to be taken down. He was clad in a 
 neat black suit, but had only an undershirt on. 
 
 When all the bodies had been arranged in the coffins the 
 physicians made another examination, and then the lids were 
 placed on the cofllns, and the work was done. 
 
238 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 The condemned men directed that their bodies be turned 
 over to their wives, except Spies, who wanted his body given to 
 his mother. Their wishes were respected, and Coroner Hertz 
 has directed that the body of Lingg be given to Mrs. Engel and 
 the Carpenters' Union, in accordance with Lingg's request, so 
 that they may all be buried together. 
 
 Since the conviction and condemnation of the anarchists of 
 Haymarket notoriety in 1886, the whole world has stood with 
 breathless anxiety watching for the vdtimate,and no other avenue 
 was left open but to inflict the penalty commensurate with their 
 crime. Officers of the law frequently received letters threat- 
 ning to wreak a summary vengeance upon them providing the 
 sentence was carried out. The condemned maintained a bold 
 and belligerent attitude, while every means to intimidate and 
 thwart justice which the machinations of the nefarious Herr 
 Most could devise, and his minions could hurl life flaming brands 
 broadcast amid a peace-loving and contented people have been 
 resorted to. But pitying justice wept with drooping head o'er 
 the stern necessity which called for the interposition of her iron 
 hand having discarded the scepter for the rod. When the hand 
 of outraged law and justice is raised the blow must fall in order 
 to vindicate the majesty of the law. America has set the foot 
 of the Goddess of Liberty upon the neck of anarchy and 
 crushed the serpent brood. 
 
 AFTER THE EXECUTION. 
 
 Two hours after the terrible and disagreeable duty of Sheriff 
 Matson had been performed, in the name, and for the peace of 
 the State of Illinois, in the execution of the four condemned 
 anarchists, their bodies had been delivered to theu* friends, the 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 239 
 
 gallows bad been taken down and stowed in its accustomed 
 place, and not one vestige of the awful punishment which had 
 just been inflicted remained to tell that anything out of the 
 ordinary had transpired. 
 
 Every good citizen and right-thinking American will join 
 with me in extending to their afflicted widows and orphan 
 children sincere and heart-felt commiseration for the calamity 
 which has befallen them. While the law inflicts punishment 
 for its violation, it does it for the public good. Mercy was not 
 to be considered longer in their case. " Mercy to the guilty is 
 cruelty to the innocent." The great book of law is prefaced 
 with these words. Justice is the unchanged everlasting will to 
 give each man his right. The right to free speech had been 
 accorded to these men, and it had been abused. Under the dia- 
 bolical teachings of Herr Most, anarchy promised soon to become 
 the ruling power. But they have, we trust, ascertained that 
 America is a poor and barren soil in which to cause anarchy to 
 grow and flourish. They have found that though the mills of 
 God grind slow, yet they grind exceeding fine. 
 
 We shall forever be surprised beyond expression at the 
 words made use of at the funeral of the anarchists on Sunday, 
 November 13, by Captain Black, in his oration over the bodies 
 of these outlaws. He was said to have used the following words: 
 "For the love of truth they died," said the orator. "They 
 fought for a cause, believing themselves in the right, and in the 
 years to come they will be loved and revered." 
 
 Captain Black was followed by other speakers who made 
 use of language very expressive and forcible. 
 
 T. J. Morgan followed with a speech in which he dwelt on 
 the last words of the men before the drop fell. The immense 
 
240 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 thrbng at the grave became excited and frequently interrupted 
 him. 
 
 " Let the voice of the people be heard," he cried, in Parson's 
 last words. When he spoke of the majesty of the law a voice 
 cried: "Throttle the law!" When he asked: "Shall we be 
 revenged on Bonfield, Grinnell, Gary, and Oglesby?" voices 
 cried: "Yes, yes! Hang them!" Albert Cuniin, formerly 
 of the Arheiter Zeitung, spoke in German and called the labor- 
 ing men cowards for permitting the •' five-fold murder." 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 A DESCRIPTION OF HEER MOST's SANCTUM. A DEN WHERE ANARCHY 
 WAS BEGOTTEN. THE ANARCHIST CHIEF's MUSEtJM OF 
 
 weapons and infernal machines. easy les- 
 sons in the art of assassination. 
 
 New York, Nov. 4, 1887. 
 
 Since Johann Host's release I had often resolved to visit his 
 editorial sanctum and see some of his surroundings, but I never 
 had the opportunity until a few days ago, when I sought Will- 
 iam street and paused a moment before 167. This is the place 
 where undiluted anarchy presents itself through the medium of 
 the Freiheit, which has succeeded so well that it has been 
 enlarged to double its former size. On the ground floor a lager- 
 beer saloon is doing a thriving business, and the old saying that 
 Teutonic journalism always manifests an inclination to take up 
 its abode in proximity to a place where honors are paid to King 
 Gambrinus is borne out in this instance, even when the journ- 
 alists wage war on all other monarchs. 
 
 Entering the hallway you will notice, as soon as your eyes 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 241 
 
 are able to penetrate the darkness, a large red banner on the 
 wall bearing the inscription, " Vive la Commune." A cast-iron 
 letter-box, marked " John Most," attracts one's attention for a 
 moment, and then we ascend two flights of narrow, creaky stairs, 
 and step into a large, dilapidated room, extending over the 
 entire top floor of the building. Here the Freilieit is written, 
 put into type, and, after being printed elsewhere, mailed to sub- 
 scribers. There is hardly a country on the globe vrhich has not 
 the honor of giving shelter to some anarchist subscriber. A 
 perfect deluge of revolutionary pamphlets issues from this for- 
 lorn-looking loft. 
 
 About a dozen men were engaged in folding and wrapping 
 the latest number of the Freiheit. In order to keep up their 
 spirits at this hard work a goodly quantity of the favorite Ger- 
 man beverage is consumed, cigars and short pipes emit big 
 clouds of smoke, and a noisy debate is carried on all the time. 
 Every one of these savage-looking specimens of humanity strives 
 to assume an air that suggests his merely waiting for a favorable 
 opportunity to slaughter all monarchs and capitalists on the face 
 of the earth. There are Germans, Frenchmen, Russians, Bohe- 
 mians, and a Dane in the group. Regular employment is a 
 notion too conservative and utterly foreign to their minds. They 
 are here folding papers to serve the revolutionary cause, and 
 receive no other recompense than the consciousness of having 
 performed their duty. 
 
 OVEBAWING THE VISITORS. 
 
 One of the heroes, who evidently desires to overawe us, 
 takes a small quantity of gun cotton out of his pocket, another 
 produces a sample of dynamite, and each asserts that the stuff 
 
242 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 he carries is an excellent agent to further the grand idea of uni- 
 versal anarchy. All join in a dispute concerning the most 
 effective methods for blowing up public institutions, and the 
 folding business is meanwhile neglected. The anarchist chief, 
 Herr Most, has been conversing with a good-looking young 
 female anarchist, who came over for the purpose of paying her 
 respects to the great dynamiter; but now his attention is directed 
 to his hot-headed disciples. 
 
 " Get through your work," he shouts; "you may babble all 
 you want afterward." 
 
 The admonition is heeded only for a few moments. The 
 folders have a theme demanding urgent action. The sentence 
 of the Chicago anarchists has excited the wrath and of every 
 anarchist and frenzied cries of threatened vengeance burst forth 
 from all sides. Herr Most again commands silence, and his 
 announcement that a mass-meeting would be held on Sunday, at 
 which both English and German speakers would be present, is 
 hailtd with tumultuous applause. The presence of strangers 
 seems to be totally ignored for the moment. The anarchists 
 fully understand that they are at liberty here to run the revolu 
 tionary machine at their own sweet pleasure, so long as the 
 struggle is confined to the tongue. I conclude to invest 5 cents, 
 and a copy of the Freilieit is handed to me. The editor reflects 
 upon the propriety of a national thanksgiving. His language 
 is not choice, but rather painfully harsh. Here is a goodly 
 specimen: 
 
 " Our army of the unemployed, probably, will give thanks 
 that the capitalists are so very prosperous. Poor, haggard 
 women will give thanks over their weak tea and dry baker's 
 bread that they have been allowed to lay up wealth for their 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 243 
 
 employers. Factory children, who never see anything "but the 
 grim shop walls by daylight, will give thanks that they have 
 been brought into this beautiful world, and hard-working day 
 laborers lucky enough to have any kind of a Job wiil give thanks 
 that the cormorants of society have not taken the last mouthful 
 away from them." 
 
 Another article deals with the anti-Chinese movement on the 
 Pacific coast, and urges the white workingmen to expel every 
 greedy monopolist instead of persecuting the poor celestial. 
 
 ANARCHISTIC LITERATURE AND WEAPONS. 
 
 Before I proceed to inspect the curiously decorated walls my 
 attention is called to an assortment of anarchistic literature 
 spread on a large table. The most extraordinary productions of 
 fever-brained revolutionists from all countries are here exj30sed 
 for sale. The works of Herr Most occu2)y the most consjfjicu- 
 ous place, and titles like "Gottespect und Religrionsenche," 
 " Eigenthumsbestie," and " Elements of Revolutionary War- 
 fare " embelish the title pages. I open the last book at hap- 
 hazard and read : 
 
 " The best of all preparations to be used for poisoning is 
 curari. 
 
 " By heating a dagger and then tempering it in oil of olean- 
 der, the infliction of a light wound would be sufficient to pro- 
 duce blood-poisoning and death. 
 
 " The cheapest and least expensive way is to apply a mixture 
 of red phosphorus and gum arabicum to the dagger, cartridge, 
 etc. 
 
 " This precious stuff (dynamite), which is able to blast a 
 mass of solid rock, might also do good service at an assembly of 
 
244 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 royal or aristocratic personages, or at an entertainment patron- 
 ized by monopolists." 
 
 Herr Most, who had eyed me sharply, asked at last : "Would 
 you like to join our circle, or perhaps it is only a few of your 
 private enemies you contemplate doing up? All necessary 
 information can be had by studying my ' Kriegswissencraft.' " 
 The hint was a broad one, and I thought it the safest plan to 
 spend a dime on the " murder pamphlet," thus propitiating the 
 tiger in his den. 
 
 The room might be considered at first glance an armory. 
 There are revolvers of all constructions, daggers, rifles, infernal 
 machines, and a big saber with a rusty scabbard. I could 
 scarcely repress a laugh at this relic of the great French revo- 
 lution, or some equally remote historic event. 
 
 " You make a mistake by laughing," said Most, unsheathing 
 the sword. " You will observe the blade is as sharp as a razor, 
 and," he added with a certain pride, " the point is, by way of 
 experiment, coated with a solution of cyanide of potassium." 
 
 The majority of the rifles are breech-loaders, formerly used 
 in the United Slates army, and bought by Most in large lots at 
 auction for retailing among his followers. On a shelf above the 
 editor's desk a variety of the most dangerous poisons, liquid and 
 solid, are openly exposed. The anarchist chief remarked, with 
 a grim smile, that he seriously contemplated breeding cholera 
 and yellow-fever germs for the purpose of exterminating man- 
 kind, rather than suffer the present condition of society to per- 
 petuate itself. 
 
 WALL DECORATIONS. 
 
 The walls of the room are almost totally covered with pict- 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 245 
 
 ures, portraits, newspaper headings, etc. In crazy-quilt fashion 
 is arranged Lieske, Shakspere, Hoedel, Rousseau, Karl Marx, 
 Feurbach, Stuart Mill, Thomas Paine, Richard Wagner, Marat, 
 Hans Sachs, St. Simon, LaSalle, Proud hon, Anton Kammerer, 
 Stallmacher, the Irish patriots, Bmdy, Kelly, Curley, Tynan, 
 Wilson, Gallagher, and Normann a life-size picture of Louise 
 Michel, an excellent photograph of prince Krapotkine, pictures 
 from Puck, Punch, Fleigende Blatter, sketches from George 
 Eber's " Egypt " — a queer collection indeed. 
 
 Herr Most takes especial pride in a gibbet traced in red 
 lines on the whitewashed wall and bearing portraits of the fol- 
 lowing persons: The emperors of Germany, Russia, and Austria, 
 Queen Victoria, President Grevey, King Humbert, King Chris- 
 tian of Denmark and his premier, Estrup; the Shah of Persha; 
 the Sultan, the Emperors of China, Japan, and Brazil, and Pres- 
 ident Cleveland. As an illustration of the bitter feeling pre- 
 vailing between the anarchists and socialists was a caricature of 
 Alexander Jonas, the socialist politician, playing a flute to the 
 inspiring tune, " Wait Till the Clouds Roll By." 
 
 The German Chancellor, Prince Bismarck, is caricatured a 
 dozen different ways, and blood-thirsty sentiments are written 
 beneath the pictures. A large picture presents the famous Rus- 
 conspirators against Alexander II.; another recalls the trial of 
 Reinsdorf and comrades, charged with high treason; then fol- 
 low some scenes from the Paris commune in 1871, and next to 
 these sanguinary sketches an elegant fan is suspended, uncon- 
 scious of its strange surroundings. Anarchistic papers from 
 every quarter of the world are pasted fi-om ceiling to floor, and 
 we learn the existence of obscure journals like Ni Dieu, Ni 
 Maitre, Fackel, Le Cri du Peuple, Alarm, Lucifer, Revoke, La 
 
246 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 Question Sociale, the Roumelian periodical Revista Sociale, II 
 Fascio Operairo, Der Arme Teufel, and Proletaren. Italians 
 who stray into this nest have an opportunity of studying a 
 " Programma Socialista, Anarchico, Revoluzionario del Giuppo 
 Italiano." 
 
 Perhaps the master of this queer den will soon view the 
 world once more through prison bars. 
 
 CoMTNs Rat. 
 
 CHAPTEE XVI. 
 
 BIOGUAPUT OF HERn MOST. lUS PAST CAREER AND EARLY TRAIN- 
 ING. HIS IMPRISONMENT IN THE BASTILE AND RED TOWER FOR 
 PKEACIIING HIS GOSPEL OF BLOOD^ EXTRACTS FROM 
 HIS INFLAMMATORY UTTERANCES. WHET YOUR 
 DAGGERS. LET EVERY PRINCE FIND A 
 BRUTUS BY HIS THRONE. 
 
 THE PAST CAREER OF HERR MOST. 
 
 That practice has now become obsolete of predicting the 
 future of a child by consulting the aspect of the planet under 
 which it was born at the day and hour of birth. At the advent 
 of Herr Most uj^on this mundane sphere, who, looking through 
 the horroscope of his future, but could in the interests of human- 
 ity, have wished that the feeble spark of life in the frail teni- 
 ment might have become extinguished, or that it had never 
 existed. 
 
 In the city of Augsburg on the River Lech, which is a trib- 
 utary of the blue rolling Danube in Bavaria in Germany, in 
 the year 1846, and on the 5th day of February Herr Most first 
 saw the light of day. A long period of sickness while yet an 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 247 
 
 infant served to render his features hideous by some malignant 
 disease eating away a portion of his cheek, but hie record goes 
 to prove conclusively that he still retained enough to render 
 himself obnoxious to every lover of law and order. 
 
 Endowed by [nature with procivities to resist all rule and law, 
 gained from an unloving stepmother much harsh treatment. He 
 became apprenticed to a book-binder when a mere lad, and the 
 cruel treatment received at the hands of his employer failed to 
 change the bent of his inclinations. He had a passion for the 
 stage which he gratified by striking an attitude and reciting in 
 tragic style with dramatic eifect any occurrence which attracted 
 his attention to the infinite amusement of boys, and pedestrians 
 on the street would stop to listen to his native eloquence and 
 behold his crude dramatic gestures. We find him in Switzer- 
 land in 1867, endeavoring to establish anarchy with a zeal 
 worthy of a better cause. We next find him in Vienna where 
 in one of his scathing speeches he characterized Liberalism as 
 a swindle ; the priests as deceivers. For this speech he received 
 a jail sentence of four weeks. Shortly after his release, he was 
 again sentenced to five years' imprisonment for high treason. 
 However, after having served six months of the term, through 
 some ministerial change, he was released. A half an hour later 
 he was again on the platform firing hot shot and shell into the 
 ranks of the government with all the force of his burning 
 invective. His ability to sway the masses alarmed the new gov- 
 ernment, and they took measures to have him banished. He 
 went to Chemnitz where he became popular as an agitator, and 
 successful in establishing his doctrine of anarchy as the gospel 
 of blood, for which he was incarcerated temporarily in the red. 
 tower, a very unpopular jail. September 3, 1872, while return- 
 
248 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY 
 
 mg from Mayence, where he had attended a socialistic congress, 
 he was again arrested, and a few days later was sentenced to 
 eight months in prison. In 1874, for some expressions used in 
 favor of the commune of Paris, although a member of Parlia- 
 ment, he was given eighteen months in the German bastile. At 
 the expiration of his sentence he became identified with the Ber- 
 lin Free Press, and for his freedom of speech he was again sen- 
 tenced to six months in jail, having served his sentence he 
 crossed out of his native land to London where he took charge 
 of the new journal, the Freiheit, and while occupying this posi- 
 tion he received a pressing invitation to come to Chicago and 
 take charge of the Arbeitei' Zeitung, which he declined, believ- 
 ing as he did that the era of the mad misrule of anarchy was on 
 the eve of being inaugurated. He visited Paris, and during his 
 stay directed a speech full of burning hatred against the German 
 Emperor, for which he was accorded two years in jail. On his 
 release he hastened to put the channel between him and that 
 hated country. In 1880 he was again in Switzerland, scattering 
 the seeds of anarchy, and forging thunderbolts for his enemies, 
 and many of his publications found their way throughout the 
 length and breadth of Europe. 
 
 In one of his effusions he said. 
 
 " Science has put in our possession instruments with which 
 beasts of society may be removed. Princes, ministers, states- 
 men, bishops, prelates and other officials, civil and clerical, 
 journalists and lawyers, representatives of the aristocracy and 
 middle classes, must have their heads broken." 
 
 "When Alexander II. of Russia was murdered, " Triumph ! 
 triumph!" he wrote; "the monster has been executed," etc., and 
 yet this "monster " ( ?) was the man who had struck the mana- 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 249 
 
 cles from the feet of Russia's serfs ; had lifted millions of a 
 degraded people to citizenship. His outburst on this occasion 
 gained him sixteen months in an English prison. In December 
 of 1882 he was en route for New York, where he met with a 
 most enthusiastic reception. 
 
 The anarchists have now eleven regular organs in circula- 
 tion. Five of these appear in English, five in German, and one 
 in the French language. A few extracts we herein embody will 
 serve to demonstrate the savage nature of these agitators. He 
 says; 
 
 " If each member of the anarchist party some fine morning 
 would seek out some hated tyrant and pick a quarrel ; if only 
 each man would carry a private supply of some destructive 
 agency in his pocket and would either stab, poison, or with 
 powder, lead, or dynamite do to death our enemies, wherever 
 found, in house, office, bureau, shop, or factory; if that could 
 only be done in fifty places at the same moment ; if fires could 
 only be started in fifty different places at the same time ; if only 
 special parties detailed for the purpose would cut the telephone 
 and telegraph wires — must not a general panic result? Would 
 not society be wild with fright? And would not the rabble as 
 if by magic be inflamed with revolutionary passion?" 
 
 Can anything be more diabolical ? But Host's paper, from 
 which I have quoted, is mild compared with the Rebell. This 
 sheet is the organ of Peukert. At present both papers vie with 
 each other in disseminating anarchism among the farming pop- 
 ulation. In 1884 Most said: "To find a way for getting 
 $100,000,000 would do the cause more good than to dash the 
 brains out of ten kings. Gold — money — is wanted. 
 
 " Lay hold where and when you can," he continues. " The 
 
250 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 less noise you make in laying and carrying out your plans the 
 less danger and the better success. The revolver is good in 
 extreme cases, dynamite in great movements, but, generally 
 speaking, the dagger and poison are the best means of propaga- 
 tion. Yes, tremble, ye canaille, ye bloodsuckers, ye ravishers 
 maidens, murderers, and hangmen, the day of reckoning and 
 revenge is near. The fight has begun along the picket line. 
 A girdle of dynamite encircles the world, not only the old but 
 the new. The bloody band of tyrants are dancing on the surface 
 of a volcano. There is dynamite in England, France, Germany, 
 Kussia, Italy, Spain, New York, and Canada. It will be hot on 
 the day of action, and yet the brood will shudder in the sight 
 of death and gnash their teeth. Set fire to the houses, put 
 poison in all kinds of food, put poisoned nails on the chairs 
 occupied by om* enemies, dig mines and fill them with explosives, 
 whet your daggers, load your revolvers, cap them, fill bombs and 
 have them ready. Hurl the priest from the altar ; shoot him 
 down ! Let each prince find a Brutus by his throne." 
 
 The foregoing language is calculated to tend toward subver- 
 sion of law and justice, and is revolutionary and treasonable in 
 its nature, teachings of this nature from Reinsdorf and Most, 
 are the direct cause of our Haymarket massacre. The authori- 
 ties are responsible largely for the commission of crime which 
 they may prevent even by resorting to extreme measui'es in 
 enforcing the law. While we desire peace in all our borders, 
 yet we believe that transgressors of the law should be made to 
 feel that "God reigns, and the government at Washington 
 still lives." 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 251 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 BIOGRAPHIES OF SPIES AND THE OTHER SEVEN CONDEMNED MEN. 
 THEIR BIRTHPLACE, EDUCATION AND PRIVATE LIFE. PAR- 
 SONS' LETTER TO THE " DAILY NEWS " AFTER 
 THE EXPLOSION, WHILE A FUGITIVE 
 FROM JUSTICE. 
 
 AUGUST SPIES. 
 
 August Vincent Theodore Spies was bom in Landeck, Hesse 
 in 1855. His father was a ranger. Spies came to America in 
 1872, and to Chicago in 1873, where for a number of years he 
 worked as an upholsterer. He first became interested in social- 
 istic theories in 1875, and two years later joined the socialistic 
 labor party, and the Lehr und Wehr verein. He became con- 
 nected with the Arbeiter Zeitung in 1880. He succeeded Paul 
 Grottkau as editor-in-chief in 1884. From that time onward he 
 was looked up to as one of the .ablest and most influential 
 anarchist leaders. He was educated by a private tutor during 
 his early boyhood days. He afterward studied at a Polytechnic 
 institute. 
 
 ALBERT PARSONS. 
 
 Albert R. Parsons was born in Montgomery, Ala., in 1848. 
 His parents died when he was young, and his rearing fell to the 
 lot of his elder brother, W. R. Parsons, who was a general in 
 the Confederate army. In 1855 he removed to Johnson county, 
 Texas, taking Albert with him. The latter received some 
 
252 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 schooling at Waco, and subsequently became a printer on the 
 Galveston News. When tlie war broke out he ran away from 
 home and became a "powder monkey "in a company of confed- 
 erate artillery. Subsequently he served successively under the 
 command of his brothers, Richard and William H. Parsons, 
 After the war he edited the Spectator, a weekly paper, at Waco. 
 Much to the disgust of his brothers, he became a Republican, 
 and something of a politician. As such he held one or two sub- 
 ordinate federal offices at Austin, and at one time was secretary 
 of the State Senate. Coming to Chicago he worked for a time 
 in various printing offices, and then became a professional labor 
 agitator. He was at one time Master Workman of District 
 Assembly 24, Knights of Labor, and president of the Trades 
 Assembly for three years. In 1879 he was nominated by the 
 Socialistic Labor pai-ty as a candidate for their President of the 
 United States, but declined, as he was not then thirty-five years 
 old. In 1883, at Pittsburg, he helped to frame the platform of 
 the International Working People's Association. He was put 
 forward by the socialists as a candidate for city clerk in 1883. 
 He became editor of the Ala/rm, the organ of the " American 
 ■ group" of anarchists in Chicago in 1884, which position he held 
 up to the time of the Haymarket riot in May 1886, but on the 
 morning following the explosion, A. R. Parsons was not found in 
 his accustomed place as editor of the Alarm. He had decamped, 
 but many believed he was hiding in Chicago, as on the evening 
 of the 7th of May a letter posted in Chicago at 7:30 was 
 received by the editor of the Daily News, which ran thus : 
 * Mr. M. E. Stone, Editor Daily News: 
 
 " Dear Sik — I want to speak a word through you to my fel- 
 low-workers, just to let them know that I am still in the land of 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 263 
 
 the living and looking out for their interests. 
 
 " And further, give a few hints to some of the fellows who 
 desire to live on anarchists, that may be for their welfare. In 
 the first place, I am watching the papers and also the knowing 
 chaps who give the pointers as to my whereabouts, some of 
 whom will make good subjects for the coroner's inquest one of 
 these days should they persist in their present course. To the 
 public I desire to say that the devil is never so black as you can 
 paint him, I vrill in due time turn up and answer for myself 
 for anything I may have said or done. I have no regrets for 
 past conduct and no pledges for the future if there is to be 
 nothing but blood and death for the toilers of America. When- 
 ever the public decide to use reason and justice m dealing with 
 the producing class, just at that time will you see me. But, 
 should the decision be to continue the present course of death 
 and slavery just so long will I wage relentless war on all organ- 
 ized force, and all endeavor to find me will be fruitless. Watch- 
 ing my wife and her kind friends is of no use. I am dead to 
 them already. I count my life already sacrificed for daring to 
 stand between tyrants and slaves. 
 
 " To show you how well I am kept posted, I know who was 
 sent to LaGrange for me to-day. I was not there. I know who 
 put you on the track of Glasgow, and just where to find him. 
 Just say to that man for me that his day of reckoning will come 
 soon. I read all the papers to-day, and will see the liines, Inter- 
 Ocean^ and Hesing later. 
 
 "Now, as to what must be done to satisfy the anarchists is 
 to stop all these demands for blood and show a spirit of reason 
 and a disposition to put down the oppressors of the people, and 
 enforce laws against rich thieves as readily as you do against 
 
254 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 the poor. Grant every fair demand of labor. Give those poor 
 creatures enough to satisfy their hunger, and I will guarantee a 
 quiet period in which all the great questions of land and wages, 
 and rights can be put in operation without further bloodshed. 
 But if not, I am already sacrificed as a martyr for the cause. I 
 have thousands of brethren who will sell their lives just as dearly 
 as I will mine, and at just as great cost to our enemies. 
 
 " I shall wait as long as I think necessary for the public to 
 take warning, and then you decide your own fate. 
 
 " It must be liberty for the people or death for capitalists. 
 I am not choosing more. It is your choice and your last. I love 
 humanity, and therefore die for it. No one can do more. Every 
 drop of my blood shall count an avenger, and woe to America 
 when these are in arms. 
 
 " I have not slept, nor shall I sleep until I sleep the sleep of 
 death, or my fellow-men are on the road to liberty. 
 
 «'A. R Parsons." 
 
 SAMTTEL FIELDEN. 
 
 Samuel Fielden was born in Todmorden, Lancashire, Eng- 
 land, in 1847, and spent thirteen years of his boyhood working 
 in a cotton mill. In early manhood he became a Methodist min- 
 ister and Sunday-school superintendent in his native place. In 
 1868 he came to New York, worked for a few months in a cot- 
 ton mill, and in the following year came to Chicago. For the 
 greater portion of the time since he has worked as a laborer. 
 He joined the liberal league in 1880, where he met Spies and 
 Parsons. He became a socialist in 1883, and has spent much 
 time as a traveling agitator of the International Working Peo- 
 ple's association. 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 265 
 
 We feel sure that Samuel Fielden is to-day serving out a 
 life sentence as the result of forming associations through which 
 he was led to mingle with agitators anarchistic, whose teachings 
 were treasonable. Though not endowed by nature with procliv- 
 ities whose tendencies were toward violence and bloodshed, yet 
 being full of vanity and of a vacillating nature was led to make 
 speeches of an incendiary and revolutionary character which 
 indentifled him with those responsible for the result of the fatal 
 bomb, and doomed him to a life of unrequited toil and of penal 
 servitude. 
 
 ADOLPH FISCHER. 
 
 Adolph Fischer, who was about thirty years old, came to 
 this country from Germany when a boy, and learned the print- 
 er's trade with his brother, who was editor of a German weekly 
 at Nashville, Tenn. For several years Fischer was editor and 
 proprietor of the Little Rock (Ark.) Stoats Zeitung. This he 
 sold in 1881, after which he worked at his trade in St. Louis and 
 Chicago. After coming to Chicago he became a most rabid 
 anarchist, and often accused Spies and Schwab of being half- 
 hearted, and of not having the courage to express their convic- 
 tions. He, like Engel, believed they were not radical enough. 
 At one time he, with Engel and Fehling, started De Anarchist, 
 a fire-eating weekly, designed to supplant the Arbeiter Zeitung, 
 
 He entered with all his possible energy into the spirit of 
 socialism and anarchy, so much so, that it became his only theme 
 and the source of happiness to him which he fully expressed in 
 his last words upon the gallows, viz : " This is the happiest 
 moment of my life." If that were the case, what an unendur- 
 able life were his, and the prospect of dissolution offered a rest 
 
256 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 from the self-inflicted torment of continuing to live. 
 
 GEORGE ENGEL. 
 
 George Engel was born in Cassel, Germany, in 1836. He 
 received a common school education and learned the printer's 
 trade. He came to America in 1873, and a year later to Chicago, 
 where he became a convert to socialism, and later a rabid 
 anarchist, He founded the famous "Northwest group" in 1883. 
 
 He spoke English very imperfectly, and with great difficulty, 
 he manifested no desire to make progress in anything except in 
 anarchy. The sinister expression of his countenance indicated 
 a dogged stubborn and^cruel nature, full of malice and hatred 
 which led him to use this latest breath in a "huiTah for 
 anarchy " upon the gallows. Such men behold nothing beauti- 
 ful in nature, nor anything to admire in well organized society, 
 under the mad misrule of anarchy controlled by such an element, 
 society would soon lapse back to the days of primitive barbar- 
 ism and superstition. 
 
 MICHAEL SCHWAB. 
 
 Michael Schwab was bom near Mannheim, Germany, in 1853, 
 and was educated in a convent. For several years he worked 
 at the book-binding trade in various cities. He came to Amer- 
 ica in 1879. 
 
 He was a co-adjutor with August Spies in connection with 
 the Arbeiter Zeitung. He was a pronounced socialist, though of 
 a milder type than Spies, Parsons or Fischer. He was vacil- 
 lating in his nature, and not calculated for a leader, but capable 
 of being led. Had he chosen for his companions loyal and 
 patriotic associates, he doubtless would have become a trusted 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY, 257 
 
 citizen and a champion of American institutions instead of a 
 propagator of anarchy which cost him the price of his liberty. 
 
 AUTOBIOGRAPHY, 
 
 Oscar W. Neebe was born in New York city on the 12th day 
 of July in the year 1850. His parents were German, and in 
 order to give their children an education in German they 
 removed from New York to Germany when Oscar was but a 
 child. His boyhood and school days were spent in Hesse Cas- 
 sel. But at the age of fourteen years he returned to New York 
 and as he expresses himself, was glad to set foot once more upon 
 the land of the free, where all men were equal regardless of 
 color or nationality, for the war had just closed which had 
 stricken the chains and festering fetters from the limbs of the 
 African slave, which meant the unbarring of the dungeon of 
 the mind, giving them the right to acquire an education which 
 before was denied them, and making them heir to the inalienable 
 rights of citizenship. He says " I saw the sun-browned soldiers 
 of the federal aimy returning from the South where they had 
 fought for liberty and freedom, and learned to love them as 
 brothers when I heard them say: 'There is now no more 
 slavery.'" 
 
 Catching the inspiration of these words of Horace Greely : 
 " Go West young man," he accordingly came to Chicago at the 
 age of sixteen years, but returned to New York again where he 
 learned the trade of tinsmith and cornice-maker. But New 
 York, with all its fascinations, failed to constitute him contented 
 and happy, and in February, 1877, we find him again in Chicago 
 where he commenced work for the Adams and Westlake Man- 
 ufacturing Company, He states that he was discharged July 1, 
 
 16 
 
258 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 for daring to champion the working man, and at times was 
 reduced to poverty and almost starvation because of his avowed 
 proclivities as an agitator. 
 
 He had become identified with the socialistic agitators in 
 1877, and the active part and interest manifested by him in the 
 socialists was largely responsible for his lack of success in 
 obtaining and holding a situation. In 1878 he obtained a situ- 
 ation as salesman for the Riversdale Distillery Company, selling 
 their compressed yeast. 
 
 His financial embarrassment threw him largely among the 
 agitators of the Labor party, and in 1886, after the Haymarket 
 riot, he was arrested and tried for murder or for complicity in 
 the conspiracy which led to the massacre for which he received 
 a sentence of fifteen years in the penitentiary. 
 
 LOUIS LINGG 
 
 was only twenty-one years old, and was the youngest of the 
 doomed anarchists. He was born in Baden, Germany, in 1864. 
 He secured a common school education in Germany. He left 
 his native country when veiy young and went to Switzerland 
 where he remained several years. He came to America in 1885, 
 working at the carpenter trade, at the same time availing him- 
 self of every opportunity for the development of his anarchistic 
 proclivities, which seemed to be the heighth of his ambition. 
 He wrote his autobiography after having received the death 
 sentence, which we decline to publish in consequence of its rabid 
 and treasonable type of anarchy, sufficient in itself to prove his 
 complicity in the foul conspiracy. He was one of the most arch 
 plotters of dark and tragic history. 
 
JNO. BONFIELD. 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 269 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD OF JOHN BONFIELD, INSPECTOR AND SEC- 
 RETARY OF POLICE DEPARTMENT. BIOGRAPHIES OF SHER- 
 IFF MAT80N, JUDGE GARY, JUDGE GRINELL. 
 TRIBUTE TO CAPTAIN SCIIAAOK. 
 
 BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD 
 
 of John Bonfield, Esq., inspector and secretary of Police Depart- 
 ment. 
 
 He was born in the year 1836, at Bathurst, New Brunswick. 
 His father was a thriving farmer, but in order to give his child- 
 ren the advantages of superior facilities for education, removed 
 to Buffalo, N. Y., in 1842, and in 1844 he came with his family 
 to Chicago. 
 
 John Bonfield, after finishing his education, and by his 
 natural talent and shrewdness having obtained a large stock of 
 general knowledge from the ordinary pursuits of life in which 
 he had engaged, became identified with the police force of Chi- 
 cago in the year 1878 as patrolman. But he was destined to 
 occupy a subordinate position for only a brief period, as in 1879 
 he was placed upon the staff of detectives. 
 
 His true nobility of character, noble bearing, and faithful 
 discharge of his duties won for him the confidence of all, and 
 in 1880 he gained one more step in the golden ladder of fame, 
 being raised to the rank of lieutenant. He was next appointed 
 captain of the Third precint, and in 1885 was made inspector 
 of the entire police force. 
 
260 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 Owing to the brave and gallant bearing of Inspector Bon- 
 field in relation to the faithful discharge of his every duty dur- 
 ing his past career, (thereby winning the confidence of superior 
 officers relative to his ability,) he was entrusted with the entire 
 command of the detachment who so bravely on the night of 
 May 4, 1886, turned back the tide of anarchy which threatened 
 to sweep like a tidal wave over the fairest heritage upon God's 
 gi-een earth, scattering death and debris all along its terrible 
 track. Tmly if brave deeds and noble acts, and honesty of 
 purpose, coupled with patriotism are worthy of note, the name 
 of John Bonfield and the brave oflScers under his command on 
 that terrible night of the Haymarket massacre, shall live for- 
 ever upon the brightest page of the historian. 
 
 CANUTE R. MATSON 
 
 was born in Norway in the year 1843. He emigrated with his 
 parents to America in 1848, and settled in Walworth county, 
 Wisconsin, but removed in a short time to Dane county, Wis- 
 consin, where in 1858 he entered Albion Academy, and as a 
 natural sequence of his insatiate thirst for knowledge he made 
 rapid progress maintaining ever a prominent place at the head of 
 his class. He was a student in Milton College at the opening of 
 the war. The inherent patriotism of a noble nature had been 
 fanned into a flame by the institutions of American freedom, 
 and he at once ofiered himself as a sacrifice, if need be, in the 
 defense of his adopted country, by enlisting in 1861 in the 
 Union army as a private soldier in Company K, Thirteenth Wis- 
 consin Infantry. In 1862 he was made commissary sergeant. 
 He was raised to lieutenant of Company G., in 1864, and was 
 acting regimental quartermaster at the close of the war in 1865, 
 
C. R. MATSON. 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 261 
 
 and received his honorable discharge bearing the untarnished 
 reputation of a brave soldier and a noble officer. 
 
 He afterward obtained a position in the postoffice where he 
 published the Postal Record, an official paper of the department. 
 
 In 1868 he was elected clerk of the Police Court. In 1871 
 he was accorded the power to appoint, and also the supervision 
 of the deputies. In 1875 he was appointed justice of the peace. 
 In 1878 he was admitted to the bar. He ran for sheriff in 1879 
 and was only defeated by a very small majority in favor of his 
 opponent. He served two years as coroner, being nominated 
 by acclammation when he satisfied all parties of his intent, and 
 ability to perform the duties of his office with credit to himself 
 and honor to those by whose effort he had been placed in so 
 responsible a position. 
 
 In 1882 he was again a candidate for the office of sheriff 
 through the importunities of his friends, and was barely 
 defeated by S. F. Hanchett, who in selecting a chief deputy 
 made the wise choice of C. R. Matson, which position he filled 
 to the close of the term, giving entire satisfaction to all parties 
 with whom he came in contact in connection with the discharge 
 of his official duties. 
 
 He has obtained all the honorable and responsible positions 
 which he has filled solely upon his merits, and has retained them 
 with the confidence of the public by the efficient and impartial 
 manner in which he has served the people of Cook county. 
 
 He was installed in the office of sheriff of Cook county Dec. 
 6, 1886, enjoying still the confidence of the people. He is a 
 man of great heart, broad and deep sympathies, yet unswerv- 
 ing in the administration of the law as a sacred obligation he 
 owes to the public, and in the years to come history replete with 
 
262 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 the sayings and doings of the great men of to-day will shed a 
 halo of glory forever upon the name of Canute R. Matson as a 
 brave, true and noble man, and the most prominent Scandina- 
 vian leader of the era in which he lived, having left an example 
 worthy of emulation by those who shall come after him. 
 
 JOSEPH E. GARY, 
 
 the presiding judge at the trial of the anarchists, was born at 
 Potsdam, New York, July 9, 1821, at which place he received a 
 common school education where he also spent his early boyhood 
 days until 1843, when he went to St. Louis, Mo., and read law, 
 opening his first law office at Springfield, Mo. But in 1849 he 
 removed to Las Vegas, N. M., where he learned to write well 
 and speak fluently the Spanish language. He removed to San 
 Francisco, Cal., where he practiced his chosen profession until 
 1856, when he returned to Chicago and formed a co-partnership 
 with Murray F. Tuley, now Judge Tuley of the bench. He 
 finally became a law partner with E. and A. Van Buren, which 
 continued until 1863, when he was elected to the bench. His 
 judicial mind and clear comprehensive sense of right places him 
 high among his compeers as a celebrity upon the technicalities 
 of law. He is esteemed by all who know him. 
 
 JULIUS S. GRINNELL 
 
 was born at Massena, St. Lawrence county. New York, in 1842. 
 He is of French- Welsh extraction, but it is not of his illustrious 
 ancestors we wish to speak in this sketch. Suffice it to say that 
 the Grinnell family are among the oldest and best families of the 
 Eastern and New England States. Jiilius S. Grinnell graduated 
 in the office of the Hon. William C. Brown in Ogdensburg, N. 
 
RISE AND FALL OF \NARCHY. 263 
 
 Y., in 1868. He came to Chicago in 1870 where he commenced 
 to struggle manfully toward the summit of fame. His eloquence 
 and oratory, along with the comprehensive grasp of a most 
 extraordinary mind has made his ascent rapid and sure. His 
 high aims and lofty aspirations have in early life been rewarded. 
 He can exclaim "Eureka," as at the age of forty-six years he 
 has been elected to the bench. 
 
 CAPTAIN 8CHAA0K, 
 
 of the Fifth precinct is deserving of great credit, not merely for 
 the assiduity with which he applied himself to the fatiguing 
 duties of unraveling the mysteries of anarchy in secret organi- 
 zation, but also for the tact and shrewdness coupled with the 
 fearless manner in which he discharged the dangerous duties 
 incident to his office during the reign of terror which succeeded 
 the Haymarket tragedy. It is a well known fact that Captain 
 Schaack was one of the most energetic workers, as well as one 
 of the principal factors in ferreting out and dragging to justice 
 the dangerous element of socialism and anarchy in the great 
 conspiracy. Chicago is indebted to Captain Schaack for a large 
 majority of the evidence which resulted in the conviction, con- 
 demnation, and execution of these lawless men whose object and. 
 aim was to sow the seeds of discord and confusion in the refined 
 and well -organized circles of society. The low-browed class of 
 ignorant men who stood around their leaders and in discordant 
 voices howled their praise, were, under this leadership capable 
 of the wildest onset, or the dark and patient vigil, of him who- 
 treasures up in heart of hatred an imaginary wrong. Every 
 step taken by Captain Schaack and his faithful band of tried 
 men was full of dangers. Over fifty bombs had been made 
 
264 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 and distributed throughout the city. One had fallen with deadly 
 effect, and any moment another might be expected to scatter 
 death and debris among the ranks of faithful officers, who when 
 detailed for service knew not but they were being led as sheep 
 to the slaughter. 
 
 In the ages to come when as a record of history this anarch- 
 istic conspiracy of 1886 is referred to, the bold acts of noble 
 daring, the skill, bravery and self-sacrificing spirit of Captain 
 Schaack in the suppression of anarchy will be remembered by 
 a grateful people as a monument to immortalize his name. 
 
 CHAPTEK XIX. 
 
 EULOGY TO THE POLICE. BOLDLY THEY FOUGHT AND WBLL. OOW- 
 
 THAST BETWEEN CAPITAL AND LABOR. THE ANAEOHISTS' 
 
 FATAL DELUSION. THE UNITED STATES 
 
 NATIONAL ANTHEM, 
 
 EULOGIZING THE POLICE. 
 
 What peace-loving citizen of Chicago desiring her commer- 
 cial prosperity and the perpetuity of American institutions, with 
 all it means of home and protection for free-born American citi- 
 zens to behold our starry banner still proudly floating from the 
 citadel of the most free country upon God's green earth, but 
 will with me thank God for the blessings of peace secured to us 
 by the prompt and steady action of our brave and noble police 
 on the night of May 4, 1886. When forgetful of their own personal 
 safety in their devotion to the cause of liberty, over the pros- 
 trate forms of mangled and dying comrades they charged this 
 treacherous band of alien outlaws, beating down the red hand 
 of anarchy which was reaching out its tentacles to usurp the 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 265 
 
 birthright of this nation bequeathed to it by our ancestors and 
 made sacred to every loyal heart by a baptism of the blood of 
 our sires and grandsires in 1776. 
 
 Not one ray of light from one single star upon our grand old 
 flag shall ever tarnish its glory or dim its radiance in the shadow 
 of the crimson flag of anarchy. 
 
 "With reference to that terrible night who will not with me 
 adopt the following language: 
 
 " When can their glory fade? " 
 It was to us a blood fought victory, and every officer who 
 poured out his life on that eventful night is deserving of a 
 monument in the hearts of a grateful people and a prominent 
 place among the wreath- crowned martyrs in the cause of libei-ty. 
 Chicago's entire force who respond so promptly to a call, dis- 
 charging their duty so faithfully, are worthy the name of heroes 
 as justly as those who have spilled rivers of blood upon the 
 ensanguined field of Marathon or Waterloo. 
 
 What matters it now to Officer Degan and his slaughtered 
 comrades that " boldly they fought and well." Their widowed 
 wives and orphan children tell the price they paid for the bless- 
 ings of peace we to-day enjoy. 
 
 The maimed and suffering officers we daily behold as the 
 result of that direful night speak plainly of what it cost them 
 in the protection of our blood-bought privileges of 1776. 
 
 Verily, a monument of marble should be erected to their 
 memory upon the spot where they fell, bearing the names of that 
 gallant band who so bravely turned back the incoming t'de, 
 whose black and seething waters threatened to wreck the foun- 
 dations of our social, civil and national institutions. 
 
266 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 CAPITAL AND LABOR. 
 
 Two young men from the same flourishing" little town, and 
 bosom friends graduate from the same school, each with aspira- 
 tions lofty as the pinnacle of fame. Each one chooses an art 
 or craft, or profession. Each man has the same chance to suc- 
 ceed. The avenues of trade and commerce ai-e open alike to 
 all. One of these young men well knowing that there is no 
 royal road to wealth and fame, and that his success depends 
 solely upon his economy and industry, wisely adopts a code of 
 laws by which his life is to be regulated and governed, and his 
 future of success or failure determined. He remembers that his 
 preceptor once remarked to him thus : " Raymond, remember 
 this ; If you ever expect to become wealthy, spend each day less 
 than you earn," and he had adopted it. He husbanded each 
 week, and month, and year a portion of his earnings; years pass 
 on and his coffers are filling with that yellow god which sways 
 the destinies of men and empires. He engages in manufacturing 
 enterprises or mercantile pursuits, and his happiness is complete 
 in his palatial home, with a lovely wife and children as a key- 
 stone crowning the arch which spans the dark and turbid stream 
 of life. 
 
 Let us follow the other young man who started in the race 
 at the same time and under the same auspicious circumstances. 
 He has taken a different course. He has not been idle but a 
 spendthrift, working during the week earning money to spend 
 among his boon companions during Sunday, and is always in 
 debt and trouble as he is spending more than he earns. He has 
 availed himself of the priArilege of rejoicing in the days of his 
 youth, walking in the ways of his heart and the sight . of his 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 267 
 
 eyes, forgetting that for all these things he will be brought into 
 judgment, as no law of our physical nature or social standing 
 can be violated with impunity, there is no appeal from the self- 
 inflicted punishment of an accusing conscience for extreme 
 prodigality and reckless expenditure in riotous living. To-night 
 he is standing upon the corner of the street shivering under the 
 biting blast which is sifting the early snow of winter amid his 
 prematurely grizzled hair. He is not at peace with himself or 
 the world. He hates himself for being poor and others for 
 being rich. At this juncture the elegantly equipped carriage of 
 his former classmate rolls past. Its owner is now a millionaire 
 by earnest, honest and persevering endeavor. He is a homeless 
 pauper and the self-constituted architect of his own misfortunes, 
 yet he is willing to oflfer himself as a representative of the ter- 
 rible contrast between capital and labor. 
 
 THE anarchist's FATAL DELUSION. 
 
 Under the fascination of rose-tinted delusion whose fatal 
 mists obscure the mental and moral realm of thought, many 
 become criminals, goaded on by blind infatuation which perse- 
 vered in becomes a passion all-absorbing in its nature. In the 
 blindness of their infatuation they seek to immortalize their 
 names by a bold and base attempt at the subversion of law and 
 order. 
 
 Having by the mad misrule of anarchy rendered themselves 
 amenable to law, and by crime forfeited not only their liberty 
 but their lives, they stubbornly refuse to ask for executive 
 clemency, choosing death in the error of their ways, and in the 
 language of Patrick Henry demanding unconditional "liberty or 
 death." These anarchists under the delusion that they were 
 
268 RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 
 
 becoming martyrs, courted death, and from the gallows raised 
 a defiant shout for the perpetuity and progress of anarchy which 
 they fondly hoped would go ringing down the corridors of time, 
 increased by tributaries until anarchy as a mighty torrent should 
 bear away law, oi-der and civilization by the fury of its resistless 
 force, until bombs, dynamite and treason should triumph. Under 
 the sophistry and insidious teachings of the nefarious Herr 
 Most, anarchy developed rapidly in Chicago, and his minions 
 wefe willing to offer up wives and children, liberty, even life if 
 necessary, in the interest of the cause they had espoused. They 
 raised their voice publicly in denouncing imaginary wrongs and 
 the plaudits of the admiring ignorant lower classes amounted 
 to an inspiration to them which urged them on to openly advo- 
 cate deeds of violence and blood. Herr Most has stated that 
 the gibbet upon which these anarchist murderers paid the pen- 
 alty for their crimes will in the ages to come be looked upon 
 with the same veneration that the cross is by the Christian. 
 
 Now, that the majesty of the law has been maintained in 
 their execution, their sympathizing followers seek to erect a mon- 
 ument to perpetuate their memory, the most fitting tablet over 
 their grave should be, " Here lies anarchy in her shameful 
 tomb." "Oh! Torquemada, from thy fiery jail," and thou 
 '' George JefEries, from underneath the altar which seeks with 
 Christian charity to hide thy hated bones," with the long line 
 of hideous cruel monsters from the dead, come and compare thy 
 deeds in contrast with thy lesser light and knowledge. 
 
 " Come seek thy equals here." 
 
RISE AND FALL OF ANARCHY. 269 
 
 UNITED STATES NATIONAL ANTHEM. 
 
 BY W. R. WALLACE. 
 
 'OD of the Free! upon Thy breath 
 Our Flag is for the Right unrolled, 
 
 As broad and brave as when its stars, 
 First lit the hallowed time of old. 
 
 For Duty still its folds shall fly; 
 
 For Honor still its glories burn, 
 Where Truth, Religion, Valor, guard 
 
 The patriot's sword and martyr's urn. 
 
 No tyrant's impious step is ours; 
 
 No lust of power on nations rolled; 
 Our Flag — for friends, a starry sky, 
 
 For traitors, storm in every fold. 
 
 O thus we'll keep our Nation's life, 
 Nor fear the bolt by despots hurled ; 
 
 The blood of all the world is here, 
 
 And they who strike us, strike the world. 
 
 God of the Free ! our Nation bless 
 In its strong manhood as its birth; 
 
 And make its life a star of hope 
 For all the struggling of the Earth. 
 
 Then shout beside thine Oak, O North! 
 
 O South! wave answer with thy palm; 
 And in our Union's heritage 
 
 Together sing the Nation's Psalm ! 
 
 The End. 
 
MSNELL UNtVEBSrrv LIBSABV 
 
 3 1924 062 284 462