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The original of tliis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924013464494 PEOSE EEMAINS OF ARTHUE HUGH CLOUGH PKOSE EEMAINS AETHUE HUGH CLOUGH WITH A SELECTION FEOM HIB LETTEES AND A MEMOIE EDITED BY HIS WIFE Hontron MACMILLAN AND CO. AND NEW YORK 1888 The right of translation is reserved If /I zos^^'ir^ LL COr UNIV iSiT V PRINTED BY SPOTIISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STBEET SQUAKB lONDOK CONTENTS. PAGK Memoir op Akthue Hugh CLotraH . . .1 Letters prom 1839 to 1836. Bugby . . 57 Letters prom 1836 to 1849. Oxpoed 75 Letters prom 1849 to 1852. London . 141 Letters prom 1852 to IS.'^S. America . 187 Letters from 1853 to 1861. London . . 216 A Consideration of Objections against the Re- trenchment Association at Oxford during the Irish Famine in 1847 .283 Lecture on the Poetry of Wordsworth . . 305 On the Formation of Classical English : An Extract from a Lecture on Deyden 325 Lecture on the Development op English Literature from Chaucer to Wordsworth . ... 333 Eevibw op some Poems by Alexander Smith and Matthew Arnold . 355 VI PROSE REMAINS OP ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH PAGE Lbttees of Paebpidbmus ... . 381 A Passage upon Oxfoed Studies : Exteacted feom a Eeview of the Oxfoed Univeesitt Commissionees' Rbpoet, 18.')2 . . . . . 399 BXTEACTS feom A REVIEW OF A WOEK ENTITLED ' CON- sideeations on some Recent Social Thbokies' 405 Notes on the Religious Teadition . . . . 415 MEMOIE OF AETHUE HUGH CLOUGH Arthue Hugh Clough was born at Liverpool, January 1, 1819. He was the second son of James Butler Clough. His father belonged to an old Welsh family, who trace themselves back to Sir Eichard Clough, known as agent at Antwerp to Sir Thomas Gresham. His mother's name was Anne Perfect. She was the daughter of John Perfect, a banker at Pontefract in Yorkshire, of a respectable family long established in that place. Sir Eichard Clough, we are told, was related on his mother's side to John Calvin. In his own county of Den- bigh he was evidently a man of considerable position. He built two houses, PMs Clough and Bachegraig, about the year 1527. He married first a Dutch lady, by whom he had a son, Richard, who carried on the name, and to whom he bequeathed Pl§,s Clough. He married, secondly, Kath- arine Tudor, heiress of Berain, and descendant of March- weithian, lord of the Welsh tribe of Is-aled. She was a relation and ward of Queen Elizabeth, being great-grand- daughter of Henry VII. ; and the Queen's consent is mentioned as having been required for her marriage. Sir Richard Clough was her second husband ; and the story is ' B a LIFE OF AETHUB HUGH CLOUGH told that he, as well as Morris Wynn of Gwydir, accom- panied her to her first husband's funeral, and that Morris Wynn when leading her out of church requested the favour of her hand in marriage, to which she answered that she had already promised it as she went in to Sir Richard Clough ; but added that should there be any other occasion she would remember him. After the death of Sir Richard, accordingly, she did marry him, and afterwards married, fourthly, Edward Thelwall, of Plas-y-Ward. She is said however, to have preferred Sir R. Clough to her other husbands ; and a curious picture of her exists, a companion to a somewhat remarkable one of Richard Clough, holding a locket containing his ashes in one hand, and resting the other on his scull. By this lady. Sir R. Clough had only two daughters, one of whom married a Wynn, and was the ancestress of the family of Lord Newborough, which still possesses May- nau Abbey, given to her by Sir R. Clough. The second daughter, Katherine, married Roger Salusbury, and received from Sir Richard the house and property of Bachegraig, which afterwards came into the possession of Mrs. Thrale, her lineal descendant. His son Richard inherited Plas Clough, where his de- scendants continued to reside. In the beginning of the eighteenth century, the family was represented by a Hugh Clough, who had thirteen children, one of whom, called also Hugh, was Tellow of King's College, Cambridge, and is buried there : he was a friend of Cowper the poet, and is said to have been something of a poet himself. Hugh died unmarried ; but three sons and one daughter of the first Hugh married, and left large families. One son, Roger, thirteenth child of Hugh Clough, married Ann Jemima Butler, a lady possessed of considerable estates in Sussex, to which she was co-heiress with her sister, who married Roger Clough's elder brother Richard. He did not, how- LIFE AT CHAKLESTOK' 3 ever, leave much to his children, for he was of a liberal and profuse turn, and he had ten children, of whom James Butler Clough was the third. This son was the first of his family to leave the neighbourhood of their old house in Wales. He removed to Liverpool, where he settled and went into business as a cotton merchant, and where his four children were bom. When Arthur was about four years old, his father migrated to Charleston, in the United States, where he passed several years, and this was the home of Arthur's childhood till he went to school. We give here a few recollections furnished by his sister, the next to him in age in the'family, which bring before us the scenes in which his childhood was passed, and the influences which even then began to tell strongly upon him. ' The first distinct remembrance,' she says, ' that I have of my brother is of his going with me in a carriage to the vessel which was to take us to America. This must have been in the winter of 1822-23, when he was not quite four years old. My next recollection is of our home at Charles- ton, a large, ugly red brick house near the sea. The lower storey was my father's office, and it was close by a wharf where from our windows we could see the vessels lying by and amuse ourselves with watching their movements. ' In the summer of this year (1823) we went to the North, and stayed some time in a boarding-house at New York, and afterwards with some friends who lived on the banks of the Hudson, and had a large and pleasant garden. It was here, I have heard, that Arthur learned to read. In the autumn we returned to Charleston, having made the passage there and back by sea. 'The two following summers (1824 and 1825) we again visited the North ; both times we went to New York, and the first year on to Albany and Lebanon Springs, and the second time as far as Newport. After our return to Charleston in the autumn my father was obliged to go to B2, 4 LIFE OF ARTHUE HUGH CLOUGH England, and he took witli him my eldest brother Charles, who was old enough to go to school. Arthur and I and my youngest brother George remained in the red brick house at Charleston with my mother and a faithful old nurse. My father was absent eleven months. Then Arthur became my mother's constant companion. Though then only just seven, he was already considered as the genius of our family. He was a beautiful boy, with soft silky, almost black hail', and shining dark eyes, and a small delicate mouth, which our old nurse was so afraid of spoiling, when he was a baby, that she insisted on getting a tiny spoon for his special use. ' As I said, Arthur was constantly with my mother, and she poured out the fulness of her heart on him. They read much together, histories, ancient and modern, stories of the Greek heroes, parts of Pope's " Odyssey " and " Iliad," and much out of Walter Scott's novels. She talked to him about England, and he learnt to be fond of his own country, and delighted to flourish about a little English flag he had possessed himself of. He also made good progress in French. He was sometimes passionate as a child, though not easily roused ; and he was said to be very determined and obstinate. One trait I distinctly remember, that he would always do things from his own choice, and not merely copy what others were doing. ' In the summer we went down to Sullivan's Island, and lived in a sort of cottage built upon piles. Here we could walk on the shore and gather shells, and we also had a garden. We amused ourselves by watching the steamers and sailing-vessels that came over from Charleston. Some- times we had visits from friends of my father, often bring- ing over letters for my mother ; but, on the whole, we lived very quietly, learning our lessons, and looking forward joyfully to the time of our father's return from England. We went back to Charleston in the autumn. This was a weary time for our dear mother, who was continually CHILDHOOD 5 expecting and longing for our father's return. We, too, were always on the watch for the first sight of the ship on the bay. One November morning, while we were at our laaeons with our mother, there came a hasty ring at the bell. We wanted to look out and see if visitors were coming. We were not fond of visitors, and generally used to run off to our nursery at sight of them, but our mother would not let us peep this time ; we must attend to our lessons, she said ; she was sure it was only a negro man with a message. And then the door opened and our father was in the room, catching up our mother in his arms, for she was nearly fainting, while we skipped about for joy, and shouted to our mother that she had called our father a negro man. Then came the unpacking of trunks, and all the presents sent to us by our relations in England, and the news of our brother Charles. ' After my father's return it was a very happy time for Arthur. He still went on reading history and poetry with our mother. About this time, I believe, he read with her some of Robertson's " Charles V.," and the struggle in the Netherlands in Watson's " Philip II. " ; also the lives of Columbus, Cortez, and Pizarro. He used also to say the Latin grammar to my father in the early morning, and do sums in the office, lying on the piled-up pieces of cotton' bagging which were waiting there to be made into sacks for cotton. Here, too, we used to play and tumble about upon the cotton heaps. One of our games was playing at the Swiss Family Robinson, in which I remember Arthur was always Ernest, because Ernest liked reading and knew so much. In hot weather, Arthur used to lie on his bed in the afternoon, reading the " Universal Traveller " and " Captain. Cook's Travels," in the purchase of which he had one day expended all his savings. They were both full of pictures, and he used to tell us that he dreamt of the places he had been reading about. He also used to go out with my father 6 LIFE OF ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH when he had business to do on the wharves and on board the ships, and sat with him and my mother in the evenings and saw the occasional visitors who came in, such as the captains of the merchantmen with whom he had dealings, and heard their stories. ' In the summer of 1827, we again went to Sullivan's Island. It was a pleasant time, especially as we now had our father with us. We lived in a large rambling house, with a pleasant verandah in which we had a swing, and a large garden fenced in with a hedge of yuccas, called there Spanish bayonets. The house had once been an inn, and was built in two parts. My father and mother slept in a room over a great billiard-room, only reached by an open staircase or by a little open path across a roof; and when great storms arose, as often happened, my father used to carry us in his arms, back over the open space into the more protected part of the house. ' The walks on the sand were delightful to us children. It was the finest white soft sand without a vestige of shingle on which we used to play ; and I remember that Arthur even then was too fastidious to take off his shoes and stockings and paddle about as we did. The whole island was like a great sandbank, with little growing naturally on it but a few palmettos and low woods of myrtle. Our walks along the sea often took us as far as Fort Moultrie, which in our time was a red brick fort with a dry ditch round it, without the earthworks which have since become famous. A high bank of sand lay between it and the sea ; and, after crossing this, we came to a few desolate houses half buried in sand, which here lay in great heaps. Here and there grew a few palmettos, which the high tides or autumn storms too often carried away, and when we came to look for a favourite tree, to our great grief, we found it gone. These sands were the haunt of innumerable curlews whose wild screams seemed to make the shore more lonely DESCRIPTION OF CHAKLESTON 7 still. A beautiful grove of myrtles rose farther along the shore. ' The other end of the island was the inhabited part. There was the pier busy with its arrivals and departures of steamers, and sailing boats going to and fro between the island and the city, and covered with numerous carriages, old-fashioned gigs and waggons, mostly with hoods or some sort of protection from the sun, and a seat for the negro boy behind. The bay was gay, too, with many fishing-boats belonging to the gentlemen who had a fishing club, which met at a house among the myrtles ; and many rowing,-boats also, chiefly rowed by negroes. Arthur often went out with my father on the water. ' Six miles ofi" lay Charleston, on a peninsula, between its two rivers, the Cooper and the Ashley. The first sight of it showed a long line of wharves made of palmetto logs fastened together into a sort of wall, stretching perhaps half a mile along the bay, and lined with the ships and smaller craft that frequented the port. As you approached from the water you heard the songs of the negroes at work on the vessels. Beyond the wharves was a battery or public walk, supported against the sea by a substantial very white wall formed of oyster shells beaten fine and hard. This species of pier extended nearly a mile along the sea, and was a favourite resort both for walking and driving in the summer. It was all roughly done, as most things were in the South, but the sunshine and clear skies made it bright and cheerful. The city was not regularly built like the Northern towns. In the lower part indeed the houses were mostly built close together in rows ; but in the upper part, where the wealthier people lived, it was full of villas mostly standing in gardens, all built with verandahs, and many with two, an upper and a lower one. In the gardens grew many flowering trees, such as the almond, occasionally the orange, the fringe tree, a gay shrub with a very abundant 8 LIFE OF ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH ■white flower, and the fig ; and these hung over the garden walls into the streets. The streets, too, which were for the most part unpaved, were often planted with trees for the sake of shade. Here and there one came on a large old- fashioned mansion, that at once showed it belonged to the times before the Revolution. ' From Charleston, Sullivan's Island was to be seen in the distance, beyond the battery, and on the right James Island, marked by a long low line of wood. Between these two islands, commanding the entrance. Fort Sumter was afterwards built, not far from James Island. On the left was Fort Pinckney, built on a small island or sandbank near the city. ' In 1828 we all returned to England. We sailed from Charleston early in June. We greatly enjoyed the voyage ; being the only children on board, we were exceedingly petted, and the unusual sights impressed our imagination. I re- member very well the sea-weed floating in quantities on the Gulf Stream ; also we saw a waterspout, and grander still — but happily for us only in the distance — an iceberg. When at last we came in sight of the South of Ireland, we were met by the Irish fishermen coming out to sell us their fresh fish. Then came the slow creeping up the Channel against a head-wind, and then a calm, till one night the wind' sprang up, and in the morning we found ourselves in Liverpool. ' We then went to stay with an uncle in the country, where we met my eldest brother, and found ourselves among nine or ten cousins of difierent ages. This was quite a new experience to us. Arthur could not enter into the boys' rough games and amusements, and missed the constant companionship of his father. We travelled however for some months from one relation's house to another, and by degrees Arthur became more sociable. ' In October Arthur went to school at Chester, and my CHAEACTERS OF HIS FATHEB AND MOTHER 9 father, mother, George and I sailed again to Charleston. This was practically the end of Arthur's childhood. ' Our father was most affectionate, loving, and watchful over his children. It was from him that we received many of the smaller cares which usually come from a mother, especially on the long voyages, during which my mother suffered greatly, when he took the care of us almost entirely, and comforted us in rough storms. This watchful and tender care for the feelings of others Arthur inherited in the largest degree from his father. My father was very lively, and fond of society and amusement. He liked life and change, and did not care much for reading. He had a high sense of honour, but was venturesome and over sanguine, and when once his mind was set on anything, he was not to be turned from it, nor was he given to counting conse- ■ quences. My mother was very different. She cared little for general society, but had a few fast friends to whom she was strongly attached. In her tastes and habits she was rigidly simple ; this harmonised with the stern integrity which was the foundation of her character. She was very fond of reading, especially works on religious subjects, poetry and history ; and she greatly enjoyed beautiful scenery, and visiting places which had any historical associa- tions. She loved what was grand, noble, and enterprising, and was truly religious. She early taught us about God and duty, and having such a loving earthly father, it was not difficult to look up to a Heavenly one. She loved to dwell on all that was stern and noble. Leonidas at Thermopylae, and Epaminondas accepting the lowliest offices and doing them as a duty to his country ; the sufferings of the martyrs, and the struggles of the Protestants, were among her favourite subjects. There was an enthusiasm about her that took hold of us, and made us see vividly the things that she taught us. But with this love of the terrible and grand she was altogether a woman clinging to and 10 LIFE OF ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH leaning on our father. When he left us Arthur became her pet and her companion. I cannot but think that her love, her influence, and her teaching had much to do with forming his character.' From Charleston, as appears from what precedes, Arthur Clough went, in November 1828, to school at Chester ; and, in the summer of 1829, he was removed to Rugby. His eldest brother, Charles, was with him at both schools, but Charles left Rugby before him, as early as the year 1831. During these first years he was a somewhat grave and studious boy, not without tastes for walking, shooting, and sight-seeing, but with little capacity for play and for mix- ing with others, and with more of varied intellectual interest than usual with boys. He seems to have had a fondness for drawing ; and he was perpetually writing verses, not remarkable except for a certain ease of expression and for a power of running on, not common at that early age. The influence of Dr. Arnold on his character was powerful, and continued to increase. We find him mounting rapidly through the lower forms and beginning to get prizes. It is also clear that, besides this application to his actual work, he exerted himself with great energy in the endeavour to improve the school and to influence his companions for good. This remarkable interest in Rugby matters is partly to be explained by the fact that he had no near home interests to distract his attention ; partly it must be referred to that strong sense of moral responsibility which Arnold, first among schoolmasters, seems to have impressed upon his pupils. Too early a strain seems to have been put upon him, especially as he had not till 1836 any home to go to in his holidays. Of kind and afiectionate relations, who received him hospitably, there were plenty. His uncles, the Rev. Charles Clough, then Vicar of Mold, and the Rev. Alfred SCHOOL LIFE AT EUGBY 11 Clough, then Fellow of Jesus College, Oxford, always showed him the greatest kindness ; and he had a large con- nection of friendly cousins, his visits among whom gave him many opportunities for journeys into Yorkshire and in different parts of Wales. How lively a recollection he retained of this period of his life, and of the incidents of his holiday excursions, may be gathered from the picture he has painted in ' Primitise,' the first tale of ' Mari Magno.' He did thus enjoy much variety, but he lacked rest ; and his family instincts and affections were so strong, that he evidently suffered greatly through his separation from those nearest and dearest to him. That a great strain and sense of repression were upon him at this time is clear from a letter written after the interval of twenty years. The self- reliance and self-adaptation which most men acquire in mature life were, by the circumstances of his family, forced upon him in his early youth. In July 1831, his father and mother, sister, and youngest brother, came over for a visit from Charleston, and he spent his holidays with them ; after which he went back to school, this time without his eldest brother. His sister remembers how their stay was unexpectedly prolonged till the beginning of the following Christmas holidays, by a delay in finding a ship, and how Arthur, hearing this, rushed off to Liverpool to spend their last two or three days together, bringing his new prize, Johnson's ' Lives of the Poets,' in his bag, to show his mother, to whom it was his greatest enjoyment to pour himself out. His mother suffered greatly from the voyages, and from the uprooting consequent on such great changes ; and she resolved never again to come to England till it should be her home. His fiather paid one more visit to England, alone, in 1833, when he took his three sons to London and over to Paris. At school Arthur continued to prosper. He gained a scholarship, open to the whole school under fourteen, the. 12 LIFE OF AETHUE HUGH CLOUGH only one which then existed. He was at the head of the fifth form at fifteen ; and as sixteen was the earliest age at which boys were then admitted into the sixth, he had to wait a whole year for this. It was probably a mis- fortune to him that this rule prevented his advance through the school, and his proceeding at once to Oxford, as he was much exhausted by the intense interest and labour he ex- pended on his moral work among the boys, and also on the ' Rugby Magazine.' This was a periodical which absorbed much of the writing powers of the cleverer boys, and to which he contributed constantly, chiefly poetry. For a con- siderable time he was also its editor. Besides this he took an active part in some of the school games, and his name is handed down in William Arnold's ' Rules of Football ' as the best goal-keeper on record. He was also one of the first swimmers in the school, and was a very good runner, in spite of a weakness in his ankles, which prevented his attaining proficiency in many games. He made at this time several close and intimate friendships, and gained a very high character among his schoolfellows in general ; a sign of which is given by the story told by some of them at the time, that, when he left school for college, almost every boy at Rugby contrived to shake hands with him at parting. ' The grace of his character when he was a boy,' says one of his friends, ' can be estimated by nothing so well as by the force with which he attracted the attachment of some, and the jealousy or encroachment of others.' Another says : ' I always said that his face was quite an- other thing from any of those of our own generation ; the mixture of width and sweetness was then quite as marked as it was later.' Dr. Arnold also regarded him with in- creasing interest and satisfaction ; and, as another friend describes, at the yearly speeches, in the last year of Clough's residence, he broke the rule of silence to which he almost invariably adhered in the delivery of prizes, and congratu- UNDEEGHADUATE LIFE AT OXFOED 13 lated him on having gained every honour which Rugby- could bestow, and done the highest credit to his school at the University. This was in allusion to his having just gained the Balliol scholarship, then and now the highest honour which a schoolboy could obtain. Some months previous to this (in July 1836), his father, mother, and sister came over from America, to settle in Liverpool ; and thenceforth Arthur was no longer without a home in Eng- land. His sister describes him as she then saw him, after an interval of five years, as a blooming youth of seventeen, with an abundance of dark soft hair, a fresh complexion, much colour, and shining eyes full of animation. Though kind and affectionate as ever in his family, they now found him changed in mind ; eager and interested in many fresh subjects ; full of growing force, and of the fervour of youth- ful conviction. With boyish vehemence he stood forth on all occasions as the devoted disciple of his beloved master. Dr. Arnold, and the exponent of his various theories of church government and politics. In November 1836 he had gained the Balliol scholarship, and the October following he went into residence at Oxford, There he soon made friends with 'some of those with whom he became afterwards intimate — Mr. Ward, Sir B. Brodie, and Professor Jowett ; — a little later, with Dr. Temple and Professor Shairp ; and, later still, with Mr. T. Walrond and the two eldest sons of Dr. Arnold, whose names fre- quently occur in his correspondence. Now came the time which we regard as essentially the turning-point of his life. He began his residence at Oxford when the University was stirred to its depths by the great Tractarian movement. Dr. Newman was in the fulness of his popularity, preaching at St. Mary's, and in pamphlets, reviews, and verses continually pouring forth eloquent appeals to every kind of motive that could in- fluence men's minds. Mr. Ward one of Clough's first friends 14 LIFE OF AETHUE HUGH CLOUGH at Oxford, was, as is well knnwn, among the foremost 6i the party ; and thus, at the very entrance into his new life, he was at once thrown into the very vortex of discus- sion. Something of the same fate which, as a young boy, forced on him a too early self-reliance and independence in matters of conduct, followed him here ; and the accident of his passing from the Rugby of Arnold to the Oxford of Newman and Ward, drove him, while he ought to have been devoting himself to the ordinary work of an under- graduate reading for honours, and before he had attained his full intellectual development, to examine and in some degree draw conclusions concerning the deepest subjects that can occupy the human mind. This must be felt to have been a serious disadvantage. As his friend Mr. Ward himself says with much feeling, when looking back on that time after many years, ' What was before all things to have been desired for him, was that during his under- graduate career he should have given himself up thoroughly to his classical and mathematical studies, and kept himself from plunging prematurely iato the theological controversies then so rife at Oxford. Thus he would have been saved from all injury to the gradual and healthy growth of bis mind and character. It is my own. very strong impression that, had this been permitted, his future course of thought and speculation would have been essentially different from what it was in fact. Drawn as it were peremptorily, when a young man just coming up to college, into a decision upon questions the most important that can occupy the mind, the result was not surprising. After this premature forcing of Clough's mind, there came a reaction. His intellectual perplexity preyed heavily on his spirits, and grievously interfered with his studies.' Another cause, also, which rendered him less able to endure the various demands made upon him in his new life was, that the strain of his school-work and TIME OF GEOWTH AND CHANGE 15 interests at Rugby had evidently considerably exhausted him. Any reader of that marvellously vivid book, the ' Apo- logia ' of Dr. Newman, will understand the trouble of spirit into which an impressionable nature must have been thrown by the storm that was raging round him, and by contact with such powerful leaders. The appeals made at once to the imagination, to all the tenderer parts of human nature, and to the reason, combined to render this struggle peculiarly intense. For a time Clough was carried away, how far it is impossible with any approach to certainty to say, in the direction of the new opinions. He himself said afterwards, that for two years he had been ' like a straw drawn up the draught of a chimney.' Yet in his mind the disturbance was but temporary. His own nature before long reasserted itself, proving, by the strength of its re- action, how wholly impossible it was for such a character to accept any merely external system of authority. Still, when the torrent had subsided, he found that not only had it swept away the new views which had been presented to him by the leaders of the Romanising movement, but also that it had shaken the whole foundations of his early faith, and had forced him to rely upon his own endeavours in the search after that truth which he still firmly believed in'. This spirit of doubt and struggle, yet of unshaken as- surance in the final conquest of truth and good, comes out strongly in the poems written about this time, and contrasts markedly with the boyish effusions of the Rugby period. It is this which forms the very essence of the scepticism of which he is accused, the truth of which charge, in a certain sense, we do not attempt to deny — nay, we believe that in this quality of mind lay his chief power of helping his generation. But his scepticism was of no mere negative quality — not a mere rejection of tradition and denial of authority, but was the expression of a pure reverence foj 10 LIFE OF ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH the inner light of the spirit, and of entire submission to its guidance. It was the loyalty to truth as the supreme good of the intellect, and as the only sure foundation of moral character. He was absolutely truthful towards his own soul. The experiences he had gone through forced him to look religious questions full in the face, and he could no longer take any dogmatic teaching on trust. He ignored no difficulties, he accepted nothing because it was pleasant — he could retain faith in nothing but his own soul. But that he did retain this faith — faith in the intuitions which he regarded as revelations of God to him, in absolute faithfulness to duty, strict adherence to intellectual and moral truthfulness, single-minded practice of all social and domestic virtues — is not only true of his outward life, but is shown, as far as concerns his moral and intellectual convictions, even in the poems which most strongly testify to the struggle and the darkness in which he often found himself. In illustration of this point we may mention in particular the ' Summum Pulchrum,' ' Qui laborat orat,' and the ' New Sinai.' The often- quoted lines in ' In Memoriam ' might almost be supposed to have been written for him : — Perplext in faith, but pure in deeds. At last he beat his music out. Such scepticism — scepticism which consists in reverent waiting for light not yet given, in respect for the truth so absolute, that nothing doubtful can be accepted as truth because it is pleasant to the soul — was his from this time forth to the end of his life. Some truths he doubtless con- ceived himself to have learnt to know, in the course of his life, but his attitude was always chiefly that of a learner. The best key for those who care to know his later thought is to be found in the fragment on the ' Religious Tradition ' contained in the present volume. But the scepticism which TIME OF GROWTH AND CHANGE 17 assumes a negative position from intellectual pleasure in destructive arguments, which does not feel the want of spiritual support, or realise the existence of spiritual truth, which mocks at the grief of others, and refuses to accept . their honest experiences as real, was never his. He never denied the reality of much that he himself could not use as Spiritual nutriment. He believed that God spoke differ- ently to different ages and different minds. Not therefore could he lay aside his own duty of seeking and waiting. Through good report and through evil report, this he felt to be his own personal duty, and from it he never flinched. To return to dough's early days. It would not, we think, be true to say that he abandoned all his early belief ; he still, no doubt, preserved much of his old feeling, and was in no sense hostile to existing institutions ; but certainty as to anything resting on personal or traditional authority was gone for him. The result of this disturbance of mind was naturally to distract his attention from his immediate studies, and to make his labour less productive. Yet he did read hard, even more so, perhaps, than most men of his time ; and one of his friends records that the only bet he ever remembers making in his life was seven to one that Clough would get a first. His habits are said to have been at this time of Spartan simplicity : he had very cold rooms in Balliol on the ground floor, in which he passed a whole winter without a fire ; and he used to say that, now that he was working in good earnest, this was an excellent plan for keeping out visitors, as nobody else could stand it for more than a few minutes. He disclosed but little to any one of the mental struggle within him, but his family were aware that some great change was going on in him, and were anxious about his health, which evidently sufiered ; one sign of which was the falling ofi" of his thick brown hair. He is described c 18 LIFE OF ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH by his friends at this time as 'a most noble-looking youth.' One of them says, ' I remember well the first time I saw hiiji, just after he got the Balliol. I had no acquaintance with him for years afterwards, but I never lost the impression of the beautiful eyes which I saw opposite to me at dinner in Balliol Hall.' He had, as we are told, a very high reputation as an undergraduate ; and among his contemporaries and those immediately succeeding him, many were found to say that they owed more to him than to any other man. We quote, again, some passages from the affectionate remem- brances of Mr. "Ward : ' Certainly I hardly met any one during my whole Oxford life to whom I was so strongly drawn. Among the many qualities which so greatly at- tracted me were his unusual conscientiousness and high- mindedness and public spirit. As regarded himself, his main desire (so far as I could see) was to do what he felt to be right ; and as regarded others, to stand up for the cause of God and of right principle. This latter view — the duty of making a stand in society for good principles — was one especial characteristic of Dr. Arnold's pupils. Many think that he impressed it on them too prominently, so as to expose them to a real danger of becoming priggish and self-sufficient; but certainly I never saw in Clough the faintest trace of such qualities as these. Closely connected with this were his unselfishness and unworldHness. The notion of preparing himself for success in a worldly career was so far from prominent in his mind, that he might with some plausibility have been accused of not thinking about it enough. But his one idea seemed always to be, that he should to-day do to-day's duty, and for the rest leave him- self in God's hands. And as to unselfishness, his self- abnegating consideration for others may be called, in the best sense, feminine. Then his singular sweetness of dis- position : I doubt if I have anywhere seen this exceeded. I have known him under circumstances which must have ME. WARDS EECOLLECTIONS 19 given him great vexation and annoyance, but I never saw in him the faintest approach to loss of temper. ' Intellectually he struck me as possessing very unusual independence, and (if I may so express myself) straight- forwardness of thought. He was never taken in with shams, pretences, and traditions, but saw at once below the surface. On the other hand, he was perhaps less remarkable for logical consecutiveness. But at that time the Oriel fellow- ship was universally accounted, I think, the best test in Oxford of intellectual power ; and he obtained that fellow- ship the first time he stood for it. I took part myself in examiniiig him for the Balliol fellowship, and I do not remember to have seen so much power displayed in any examination within my experience. ' As regards his ordinary habits at the time, since I was a fellow and he only an undergraduate, I cannot speak with perfect certainty ; but my impression is that from the first he very much abstained from general society. Ihis was undoubtedly the case at a later period, when his intellectual perplexity had hold of him ; but I think it began earlier. I remember in particular that every day he used to return to his solitary room immediately after dinner ; and when I asked him the reason for this, he told me that his pecuniary circumstances incapacitated him from giving wine parties, and that therefore he did not like to wine with others. I think also there was a certain fastidiousness of taste and judgment about him which prevented him from enjoying general society. ' The opinion both of tutors and undergraduates un- doubtedly was, that there was an unusual degree of reserve in his demeanour which prevented them from understand- ing him ; but they all — certainly all the tutors, and I believe all the undergraduates — greatly appreciated his singularly high principle and his exemplary spotlessness of life.' c2 20 LIFE OF AETHUK HUGH CLOUGH We give another sketch of him during his undergraduate period, furnished by Principal Shairp. ' It was towards the end of 18i0 that I first saw A. H. Clough. As a freshman I looked with respect approaching to awe on the senior scholar of whom I had heard so much, stepping out on Sunday mornings to read the first lesson in Balliol Chapel. How clearly I remember his massive figure, in scholar's surplice, standing before the brass eagle, and his deep feeling tones as he read some chapter from the Hebrew prophets. At that time he was the eldest and every way the first of a remarkable band of scholars. The yotinger undergraduates felt towards him a distant reverence, as a lofty and profound nature quite above themselves whom they could not quite make out, but who was sure to be some day great. Profaner spirits, nearer his own standing, sometimes made a joke of his then exceeding silence and reserve, and of his unworldly ways. But as he was out of college rooms and reading hard for his degree, we freshmen only heard of his repu- tation from a distance, and seldom came in contact with him. ' It must have been early in 1841 that he first asked me to breakfast with him. He was then living in a small cottage, or cottage-like house, standing by itseK, a little apart from Holywell. There he used to bathe every morning all the winter through, in the cold Holywell baths, and read liard all day. There were one or two other freshmen there at breakfast. If I remember right, none of the party were very talkative. ' I have heard that about that time he wrote one day in fun an oracle, in the style of Herodotus, to his brother scholar, who was reading like himself for the Schools. The Greek I forget ; the translation he sent with it ran some- thing like this : — ' Whereas of Lancashire Shall in the Schools preside, ORIEL FELLOWSHIP 21 And Wynter' to St. Mary's go With the pokers by his side ; Two scholars there of Balliol, Who on double firsts had reckoned, Between them two shall with much ado Scarce get a double second. ' This turned out only too true an oracle. Since the beginning of class-lists, the succession of firsts among Balliol scholars was unbroken. And few Balliol scholars had equalled, none ever surpassed, Clough's reputation. I well remember going, towards the end of May or beginning of June, with one of the scholars of my own standing, to the School quadrangle to hear the class list read out, the first time I had heard it. What was our surprise when the list was read out, and neither of our scholars appeared in the first class. We rushed to Balliol and announced it to the younger Fellows who were standing at their open window. Many causes were assigned at the time for this failure — some in the examiners, some in Clough's then state of spirits ; but whatever the cause, I think the result for some years shook faith in firsts among Clough's contem- . poraries. It made a great impression upon others ; on himself I fancy it made but little. I never heard him afterwards allude to it as a thing of any consequence. He once told me he was sick of contentions for prizes and honours before he left Rugby.' Thus he missed his first class, of which perhaps the worst result was that for the time it seriously distressed his parents and his friends, especially Dr. Arnold, who had looked forward to his achieving great distinction, and whose well-known dislike of the Tractarian movement made him doubly grieve at what he regarded as indirectly one of its consequences. Clough himself seems always to have felt a solid confidence in his own powers, and perhaps to have too ' Head of St. John's, and at that time Yioe-chancellor. 22 LIFK OF AETHUE HUGH CLOUGH little regarded the ojitward means of displaying them. Perhaps, too, he was sonaewhat conscious of that inaptitude to put himself forward to the best advantage, which many of his friends have noticed, and accepted it with his usual stoic philosophy. At any rate his failure did not long produce the effects he most feared, of want of pupils ; for through Dr. Arnold's kindness he was soon provided with profitable employment in teaching a number of Rugby boys who were kept at home at Liverpool by the breaking out of fever in the school. During this time he stayed at home with his family. In the autumn he returned to Oxford, and tried for a fellowship at Balliol. In this he was unsuccess- ful. He continued, however, to reside at Oxford, and supported himself on the exhibition and scholarship which he still held. In the spring of 1842 he was elected fellow of Oriel, which was in every way a great and cheering success to him. It healed the disappointment which his former failure and the judgment of others on it had caused, and seemed to give him a new life. It is clear by this de- termination of his to abide by Oxford and to seek his career and his living there, that he had as yet formed no definite views at variance with the principles of the Church. He had come, we believe, to see the unimportance of many things commonly insisted on ; his intellect could no longer sfccept the ordinary formulas of religious opinion ; but he was not provided with any other scheme to set up ; his habits and his affections all clung to the old ways ; then and many years afterwards he continued to feel that real liberality, width of view, and mental and moral cultivation were more commonly found among those nursed in the Anglican Church than in any exclusive sect, and probably the idea of any violent move, of quitting the home in which he had been reared, had never yet crossed his mind. His pleasure in his success in obtaining the fellowship was much enhanced by the satisfaction which it gave to Dr. Arnold, ELECTED FELLOW OP OKIEL 23 and in a practical way it was doubly valuable, because more troubles were now thickening round him and his family. Money difficulties pressed hard on his parents at this time ; his help was much needed, and was unsparingly given. For some sketches of this period and a little later we will again quote Mr. Shairp's words. ' In the November of the same year he tried for a Balliol fellowship, but was not successful. Tait,' however, was strong in his favour, and, I believe, some other of the Fellows. T remember one of them telling me at the time that a character of Saul which Clough wrote in tliat ex- amination was, I think he said, the best, most original thing he had ever seen written in any examination. But Oriel had at that time a way of finding out original genius better than either Balliol or the Schools. In the spring of 1842, Arthur Hugh Clough was elected fellow of Oriel, the last examination I believe in which Newman took part. The announcement of that success I remember well. It was on the Friday morning of the Easter week of that year. The examination was finished on the Thursda.y evening. I had asked Clough and another friend, who was a candidate at the same time, to breakfast with me on the Friday morning, as their work was just over. Most of the scholars of the College were staying up and came to breakfast too. The party consisted of about a dozen. We had little notion that anything about the examination would be known so soon, and were all sitting quietly, having just finished break- fast, but not yet risen from the table. The door opened wide ; entered a fellow of another college, and, drawing himself up to his full height, he addressed the other candi- date : " I am sorry to say you have not got it." Then, " Clough, you have ; " and stepping forward into the middle of the room, held Out his hand, with "Allow me to con- ' Afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury, at that time fellow and tutor of Balliol College. 24 LIFE OF AETHUE HUGH CLOUGH gratulate you." We were all so little thinking of the fellow- ship, and so taken aback by this formal announcement, that it was some little time before we knew what it was all about. The first thing that recalled my presence of mind was seeing the delight on the face of Clough's younger brother, who was present. 'In the summer of 1842, while I was reading in a retired part of Wales with two or three others, Clough, then wandering through the Welsh mountains, one morning looked in on us. I took a walk with him, and he at once led me up Moel Wyn, the highest mountain within reach. Two things I remember that day : one, that he spoke a good deal (for him) of Dr. Arnold, whose death had happened only a few weeks before : another, that a storm came down upon the mountain when we were half-way up. In the midst of it we lay for some time close above a small mountain tarn, and watched the storm-wind working on the face of the lake, tearing and torturing the water into most fantastic, almost ghostly shapes, the like of which I never saw before or since. These mountain sights, though he did not say much, he used to eye most observantly. ' Early in the autumn of 1843, Clough came to Grasmere to read with a Balliol reading-party, of which I was one. He was with us about six weeks, I think staying till towards the end of September. This was his earliest long vacation party, all things on a smaller scale than his later ones by Loch Ness, or on Dee-side, but still very pleasant. He lived in a small lodging immediately to the west of Gras- mere church ; we in a farm-house on the lake. During these weeks I read the Greek tragedians with him, and did Latin prose. His manner of translating, especially the Greek choruses, was quite peculiar ; a quaint archaic style of lan- guage, keeping rigidly to the Greek order of the words, and so bringing out their expression better, more forcibly and poetically, than any other translations I had heard. When READING PARTY AT GRASMERE 25 ■work was done we used to walk in the afternoon with him all over that delightful country. His " eye to country " was wonderful. He knew the whole lie of the different dales relatively to each other ; every tarn, beck, and bend in them. He used, if I remember right, to draw pen-and-ink maps, showing us the whole lineaments of the district. Without any obtrusive enthusiasm, but in his own quiet manly way, he seemed as if he never could get too much of it — never walk too far or too often over it. Bathing too formed one of his daily occupations up in a retired pool of the stream that afterwards becomes the Rotha, as it comes out of Easedale. One walk, our longest, was on a Saturday, up Easedale, over the Raise by Greenup, Borrowdale, Honister Crag, under the starlight, to Buttermere. In the small inn there we stayed all Sunday. Early on Monday morning we walked, by two mountain passes, to a farm at the head of Wastwater to breakfast. On the way we crossed Enner- dale, and up the pass close under the nearly prependicular precipices of the Pillar — a tall mountain, which is the scene of Wordsworth's pastoral of "The Brothers.'' From the head of Wastwater, up past the great gorge of the Mickle- door, to the top of Scawfell, then down past the east side of Bowf ell towards Langdale Pikes, and so home to Grasmere. As we passed under Bowfell a beautiful autumn afternoon, we lay a long time by the side of the lovely Angle Tarn. The sun, just before he sunk beside Bowfell, was showering down his light, which dimpled the smooth face of the tarn like heavy drops of sun-rain. Every now and then a slight breeze would come and scatter the rays broadcast over the little loch, as if some unseen hand was sowing it with golden grain. It was as memorable an appearance as that different one we had seen a year ago on Moel Wyn. These things, though Clough observed closely, and took pleasure in, he did not speak often about, much less indulge in raptures. ' Some of our party were very good hill-men. One daiyy 2S LIFE OF AETHUK HUGH CLOUGH five or six in all set out on a race from our door by Grasmere Lake to the top of Fairfield. He was the second to reach the summit. His action uphill was peculiar ; he used to lay himself forward almost horizontally towards the slope, and take very long strides which carried him quickly over the ground. Few men, so stout as he then was, could have matched him up a mountain. ' Shortly after this time at Oxford, somewhere that is between 1843 and 1845, I remember to have heard him speak at a small debating society called the Decade, in which were discussed often graver subjects, and in a less popular way, than in the Union. Having been an unfrequent attender, I heard him only twice. But both times, what he said and the way he said it, were so marked and weighty as to have stuck to memory when almost everything else then spoken has been forgotten. The first time was in Oriel Common-room ; the subject proposed — " That Tenny- son was a greater poet than Wordsworth." This was one of the earliest expressions of that popularity — since become nearly universal —which I remember. Clough spoke against the proposition, and stood up for Wordsworth's greatness with singular wisdom and moderation. He granted fully that Wordsworth was often prosy, that whole pages of the " Excursion " had better have been written in prose ; but still, when he was at his best, he was much greater than any other modern English poet, saying his best things without knowing they were so good, and then drawling on into pro- saic tediousness, without being aware where the inspiration failed and the prose began. In this kind of unconsciousness, I think he said, lay much of his power. One of the only other times I heard him speak was, about the same time, when a meeting of the Decade was held in Balliol Common- room. The subject of debate was — " That the character of a gentleman was in the present day made too much of." To understand the drift of this would, require one to know SPEECHES AT THE DECADE 27 how highly pleasant manners and a good exterior are rated in Oxford at all times, and to understand something of the peculiar mental atmosphere of Oxford at that time. Clough spoke neither for nor against the proposition ; but for an hour and a half — well on two hours — he went into the origin of the ideal, historically tracing from mediseval times how much was implied originally in the notion of a " gentle knight " — truthfulness, consideration for others (even self-sacrifice), courtesy, and the power of giving out- ward expression to these moral qualities. From this high standard he traced the deterioration into the modern Brum- magem pattern which gets the name. These truly gentle- men of old time had invented for themselves a whole economy of manners, which gave true expression to what was really in them, to the ideal in which they lived. These manners, true in them, became false when adopted tradi- tionally and copied from without by modern men placed in quite different circumstances, and living different lives. When the same qualities are in the hearts of men now, as truly as in the best of old time, they will fashion for them- selves a new expression, a new economy of manners suitable to their place and time. But many men now, wholly devoid of the inward reality, yet catching at the reputa- tion of it, adopt these old traditional ways of speaking and of bearing themselves, though they express nothing that is really in them. ' One expression I remember he used, to illustrate the truth that where the true gentle spirit exists, it will express itself in its own rather than in the traditional way. " I have known peasant men and women in the humblest places in whom dwelt these qualities as truly as they ever did in the best of lords and ladies, and who had invented for themselves a whole economy of manners to express them, who were very ' poets of courtesy.' " ' His manner of speaking was very characteristic, slow 28 LIFE OF AETHUR HUGH CLOUGH and deliberate, never attempting rhetorical flow, stopping at times to think the right thing, or to feel for the exactly fitting word, but with a depth of suggestiveness, a hold of reality, a poetry of thought, not found combined in any other Oxonian of our time. ' It must have been in the autumn of 1845 that Clough and I first met in Scotland. One visit there to Walrond's family at Calder Park I especially remember. On a fine morning early in September, we started from Calder Park to drive to the Falls of Clyde. We were to spend the day at Milton Lockhart, and go on to Lanark in the evening. Besides Walrond and Clough, there were T. Arnold, E. Arnold, and myself. It was one of the loveliest September mornings that ever shone, and the drive lay through one of the most lovely regions in south Scotland, known as " the Trough of Clyde." The sky was bright blue, fleeced- with whitest clouds. From Hamilton to Milton Lockhart, about ten miles, the road keeps down in the hollow of the trough, near the water, the banks covered with orchards, full of heavy-laden apple and other fruit trees bending down till they touched the yellow corn that grew among them. There is a succession of fine country houses, with lawns that slope towards Ume trees that bend over the river. It was the first time any of us but Walrond had been that way, and in such a drive, under such a sky, you may believe we were happy enough. We reached Milton Lockhart, a beautiful place, built on a high grassy headland, beneath and round which winds the Clyde. Sir Walter Scott, I believe, chose the site, and none could be more beauti- fully chosen. It looks both ways, up and down the lovely vale. ' As we drove up, near ten o'clock, we found the late Mr. J. G. Lockhart (Scott's biographer) walking on the green terrace that looks over the river. The laird himself being from home, his brother was our host. Soon after we SCOTCH WANDERINGS 29 arrived, his daughter, then very young, afterwards Mrs. Hope Scott, came out on the terrace to say that breakfast was ready. After breakfast she sang, with great spirit and sweetness, several of her grandfather's songs, copied into her mother's books by herself, when they were still newly com- posed. After listening to these for some time, her brother, Walter Scott Lockhart, then a youth of nineteen or so, and with a great likeness to the portraits of Sir Walter when a young man, was our guide to an old castle, situated on a bank of one of the small glens that come down to the Clyde from the west. It was the original of Scott's Tillietudlem in " Old Mortality." A beautiful walk thither ; the castle large, roof- less and green with herbage and leafage. We stayed some time roaming over the green deserted place, then returned to a lunch, which was our dinner ; more songs, and then drove off late in the afternoon to the Falls of Clyde and Lanark for the night. It was a pleasant day. Clough enjoyed it much in his own quiet way — quietly, yet so humanly in- terested in all he met. Many a joke he used to make about that day afterwards. Not he only, but all our entertainers of that day, Mr. J. G. Lockhart, his son and daughter, are now gone. ' In the summer of 1847, Clough had a reading party at Drumnadrochet, in Glen Urquhart, about two miles north from Loch Ness, where, about the beginning of August, I, along with T. Arnold and Walrond, paid him a visit. Some of the incidents and characters in " The Bothie " were taken from that reading party, though its main scenes and in- cidents lay in Braemar. One anecdote I specially remember connected with that visit. On our way to Drumnadrochet, T.- Arnold and I had made a solitary walk together from the west end of Loch Rannoch, up by Loch Ericht, one of the wildest, most unfrequented lochs in the Highlands. All day we saw only one house, till, late at night, we reached another on the side of the loch, about six miles from Dal- 30 LIFE OF AETHUE HUGH CLOUGH whinnie. It was one of the loveliest, most primitive places I ever saw even in the most out-of-the-way parts of the Highlands. We told Clough of it, and when his reading party was over, later in the autumn, he went on our track. He spent a night at the inn at the west end of Loch Ran- noch, called Tighnalyne, where he met with some of the incidents which appeared in " The Bothie." He also visited the house by the side of Loch Ericht, a small heather- thatched hut, occupied by one of the foresters of the Ben Aulder forest. He found one of the children lying sick of a fever, the father I think from home, and the mother without any medicines or other aid for her child. He immediately set oflf and walked to Fort William, about two days' journey from the place, but the nearest place where medicines and other supplies were to be had. These he got at Fort William, and returned on his two days' journey, and left them with the mother. He had four days' walk, over a rough country, to bring medicines to this little child, and the people did not even know his name. On these occa- sions in Scotland, he told me that he used to' tell the people he was a " Teacher,'' and they were at once at ease with him then. I doubt whether he ever mentioned this to any one but myself, and to me it only came out casually. ' If I am not mistaken, it was from this place that he took the original name of what is now Tober-na-Vuolich. In this year he visited the West Highlands, and went through " Lochaber, anon in Locheil, in Knoydart, Moy- dart, Morrer, Ardgower, and Ardnamurchan." In the first edition this line was — " Knoydart, Moydart, Croydart, Morrer, and Ardnamurchan." But he discovered afterwards that Croydart was only the way that the Gael pronounce what is spelt Knoydart. During this wander he saw all the country about Ben Nevis, westward to the Atlantic — ' Where the great peaks look abroad over Skye to the westermost Islands, VISITS THE WEST HIGHLANDS 31 He walked " where pines are grand in Glen-Mally," and saw all the country which in a few lines here and there he has pictured so powerfully in " The Bothie.'' The expres- sion about Ben Nevis, with the morning sprinkling of snow on his shoulders, is absolutely true to reality. ' In this expedition he came to Glenfinnan, at the head of Loch Shiel, the place where Prince Charles met the Highland clans, and unfurled his standard. Here there used to stand a nice quiet little-frequented inn, where one could live for weeks undisturbed. But at the time when plough reached it, a great gathering was being held there. The Queen had gone to Loch Laggan, and the ships that escorted her to Fort William were lying at the head of Loch Linnhe. McDonald of Glen Aladale had invited all the officers of these ships to have a day's deer-stalking on his property of Glen Aladale, down the side of Loch Shiel, and to have a ball at the Glenfinnan Inn after their day's sport. Clough came in for the ball. It was a strange gather- ing — the English sailors, officers, a few Highland lairds. High- land farmers and shepherds, with their wives and daughters, were all met altogether at the ball. Clough and one of his reading party were invited to join the dance, and they danced Highland reels, and went through all the festivities like natives. The uproar was immense, and the ludicrous scenes not few. He often used to speak of it afterwards, as one of the motliest, drollest gatherings he had ever fallen in with. ' Often afterwards he used to speak of his Scotch ad- ventures with great heartiness. There was much in the ways of life he saw there that suited the simplicity of his nature. Even when Englishmen would laugh at the bald- ness of our Presbyterian services, he would defend them as better than English ritualism and formality.' To these reminiscences of Principal Shairp's may be added some notes supplied by Professor Conington, of his re- 92 LIFE OF ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH collections of the speeches made by Clough in the debates of it society at Oxford, called the Decade. Mr. Conington was himself the secretary of the society at the time of which he speaks. ' The first occasion of my meeting Mr. Clough at the Decade,' lie says, ' was on February 14, 1846, when I myself brought forward the subject for discussion. The subject was — " That means ought to be adopted by the Legislature for recognising formally the social and political importance of the manufacturing interest." Sir Robert Peel's change of policy about the corn laws had just been announced, and those of us who were on the movement side were naturally more or less enthusiastic in favour of the manufacturers, who appeared to us as the winners of a great social victory. My proposal, if I remember rightly, was to the effect that they ought to be made peers, just as great landowners were. In this the bulk of the members present at that meeting do not seem to have concurred with me ; but I . had Mr. Clough's support. I do not recollect thoroughly a single sentence of his speech, but I can recall his com- manding manner, and the stately serene tones in which he delivered a kind of prophecy of the new era which in a few days was to be inaugurated, and told us that " these men " (the manufacturers) "were the real rulers of England." The next occasion was some months afterwards, on June 9, 1846, when the question for debate was — " That any system of moral science, distinct from a consideration of Christi- anity, is essentially imperfect." Mr. Clough is reported as having spoken for this motion in part. He eventually moved a rider, which, with the motion, was unanimously accepted — " But the existence of moral science is recognised and presupposed by the idea of a revelation." The only point which remains on my mind is an application by him of the text " comparing spiritual things with spiritual ; " " that is," said he, " comparing the spiritual things in a revelation with the spiritual things in one's own mind," SPEECHES AT THE ' DECADE 33 'I see there were five other occasions, in 1847 and the early part of 1848, on -which Mr. Clough appeared at the Decade during my membership. One dwells in my memory ■with tolerable distinctness — -a speech made in a debate on March 6, 1847, the subject being— "That the study of philosophy is more important for the formation of opinion than that of history.'' I see that he made five speeches on that evening. I have entered him as supporting the motion " with qualifications," a common mode of registering opinion in our debates : but I remember that, as the debate grew warm, his qualifications seemed to disappear, and in the speech which T happen to recollect, few if any of them were visible. " What is it to me," he said, " to know the fact of the battle of Marathon, or the fact of the existence of Cromwell ? I have it all within me." Correcting him- self afterwards, he said, " I do not mean that it is of no importance to me that there should have been such a battle or such a person ; it is of a great deal : but it is of no importance that I should know it." ' The only other occasion when I recollect anything of Mr. Clough which seems worth recording was a conversa- tion which I had with him in the autumn of 1848. He had given up his fellowship, and was living for a few weeks in small cheap lodgings in Holywell Street, Oxford, where I remember finding him without a fire on a cold day. His " Bothie " was just about to be published, and he gave me some account of it, particularly of the metre. He repeated, in his melodious way, several lines, intended to show me how a verse might be read so that one syllable should take up the time of two, or, conversely, two of one. The line which he instanced (altered, I think, from " Evangeline ") was this : — White I naked | feet on the | gleaming' | floor of her | chamber. This was new to me, as I had not risen beyond the common D 34 LIFE OF ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH notion of spondees, dactyls, and the rest. So I asked for more explanation. He bade me scan the first line of the " Paradise Lost." I began, '" Of man's :' iambus." "Yes." " ' First dis-' " There I was puzzled. It did not seem an iambus or a spondee : it was nearly a trochee, but not quite one. He then explained to me his conception of the rhythm. The two feet " first disobe-" took up the time of four syllables, two iambic feet : the voice rested awhile on the word " first," then passed swiftly over " diso-," then rested again on " be-," so as to recover the previous hurry. I think he went on to explain that in the next foot, " dience and," both syllables were short, but that the loss of time was made up for by the pause required by the sense after the former of the two, and that finally the voice rested on the full- sounded word " fruit." Possibly this last impres- sion may really be the result of my own subsequent use of the clue which he then gave me. But a clue it was in the fullest sense of the term : it gave me an insight into rhythm which I had not before, and which has constantly been my guide since both in reading and writing.' In June 1842 occurred the death of Dr. Arnold, which was a severe shock as well as a great grief to Clough from its suddenness as well as from the intense reverence and afiection he felt for him. ' He was for a long time more than a father to me,' were his own words, and no doubt the sensitive boy, exiled from his own family in his childhood, clung with even more of filial feeling than is common to the teacher to whom he owed so much. He heard the news at Oxford, and came home immediately, seeming, as his sister describes him, completely stunned by the blow, in- capable of realising or speaking of what had happened, and unable to rest. He soon left home, and wandered away among the "Welsh hills, where Mr. Shairp tells us of their meeting. Later in the summer he had some pupils in Ireland, but DEATH OF HIS FATHER 35 left them to come over to bid farewell to his brother George, who sailed for America in October 1842. He was deeply attached to this his youngest brother, whose lively spirits combined with most affectionate devotion to him had done a great deal to cheer him even in his darkest moments. And this was, as it proved, their last meeting. The poor young fellow, only just twenty-two, was struck down by fever at Charleston, when away from all his own family, and died there, after a very few days' illness. His father had sailed for America, intending to join him, before the news of his illness reached England, and arrived in Boston only to hear that all was over. The shock was a dreadful one to the unhappy father, and came with a double force, because he relied on his son's help at this moment in a period of great anxiety concerning business. He never recovered the blow, and in the following summer, in 1843, he returned home much shaken by grief and very ill in health, and after lingering on for a few months, during which time he was most tenderly nursed by all his family, including Arthur, he also died. During his father's illness, and the years that immedi- ately followed, Arthur spent much of his time with his own family ; and when he was*away from them, he always took an active part in all plans and arrangements for their comfort and happiness. He had never become estranged in any way from his home, as is often the case with sons and brothers whose calling separates them from their families. Essentially tender and domestic in his feelings, and full of consideration for others, it always seemed natural to him to enter into their interests, and to under- take trouble and responsibility for their sakes. In 1843 he had been appointed tutor as well as fellow of Oriel, and he is spoken of as being remarkably effective in this capacity. ' A most excellent tutor, and exceedingly beloved by the undergraduates,' one of those who best knew d2 36 LIFE OF AETHUE HUGH CLOUGH has called him. But little need be said of this period. He led a quiet, hardworking, uneventful tutor's life, diversified with the reading parties, which have been commemorated in the ' Bothie.' This was the time when most of the poems in the little volume called ' Ambarvalia ' were written. He took a warm and increasing interest in all social questions, and in every way he seems to have been full of spirit and vigour. To his younger friends and pupils he especially endeared himself. Mr. Walrond says : ' My Oxford days seem all coloured with the recollection of happy and most instructive walks and talks with him. We used to meet every day almost, though at different colleges ; and it was my regular Sunday holiday to breakfast with him, and then take a long ramble over Cumnor Hurst or Bagley Wood. When I recall those days, the one thing that comes back upon me most, even more than the wisdom and loftiness and suggestiveness of his conversation, is his unselfishness and tender kindness. Many must have told you what a gift he had for making people personally fond of him ; I can use no other word. Por myself, I owe him more than I can ever tell, for the seed of just and noble thoughts sown, for the pure and lofty type of character set before me ; but the feeling of personal attachment is the strongest of all.' Another friend of this period says : ' In him I felt I had an example of a nobleness and tenderness of nature most rare, and one, too, who, since I was an undergraduate, had always given me not only sincere love, but wise and sincere counsel in many difficulties. What he would think on any doubtful point was indeed often in the mind of many others with me. Often, too, I have remembered that, by his taste, I was first led to read and take pleasure in Wordsworth.' Thus his life passed on with much of cheerful and active interest and work. Yet it would seem, from his letters, that he was living at Oxford under a sense of intellectual LIFE AS TUTOR 87 repression. He appears at one time to have doubted about undertaking the tutor's work, but to have overcome the doubt. He evidently regarded teaching as his natural vocation, and he had great enjoyment in it ; but the sense of being bound by his position to silence on many important subjects probably oppressed him. At intervals he expresses vague inclinations to leave Oxford, and seek work else- where ; but the difficulty of finding this, and the undefined nature of his objections, appear to have hindered him. At this time, in order to secure the comfort of a near relative, he entered into a pecuniary arrangement, by which he bound himself to pay 100?. a year, on condition of receiving a con- siderable sum at the death of one of the parties to the negotiation. This was looked on as an event certain to occur very soon, but, in fact, it did not come to pass for fifteen years ; and this liability, very easily borne while his circumstances were prosperous, became a drag upon him when he had no longer any assured income. Thus, though everything in his outward circumstances combined to make it desirable for him to remain in his present position, yet by degrees his dissatisfaction with it became too strong to be endured. His was a nature ' which moveth all together, if it move at all ; ' and, once entered upon the course of free inquiry, nothing could stop the expansion of his thought in that direction. His absolute conscientiousness and intense unworldliness prevented the usual influences which slacken men's movements from telling upon his. It is not very obvious what eventually decided him to quit Oxford at the precise moment when he did so. In the year 1847 he was powerfully stirred by th^ distress in Ireland at the time of the potato famine, as may be seen from the pamphlet on ' Retrenchment ' ; and the general ferment of his nature, as well as the ripening of opinions in his own mind, probably tended to make him more open to change. Emerson also visited England in this year. Clough 38 LIFE OF ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH qeoame intimate with him, and his influence must have tended to urge him on in the direction in which he was already moving. With another friend, also, whose general dissatisfaction with European life was strong, he was at this time very familiar. We are, therefore, disposed to think that it was some half accidental confirmation of his own doubts as to the honesty and usefulness of his own course, which brought him at last almost suddenly face to face with the question whether he ought to resign his tutor- ship. After a correspondence with the head of his college — in speaking of whom he always expressed a strong sense of the uniform kindness which he had received from him under these trying circumstances — he eventually gave up his tutor- ship in 1848 ; and this done, though his fellowship had not yet expired, he began to feel his whole position hoUow ; and six months later (in October 1848) he resigned this likewise, and thus left himself unprovided with any present means of making a livelihood, and with the burden of the annuity to which we have alluded still hanging on him. The sacrifice was greater to him than to many men, because he had no natural aptitude for making money. His power of literary production was always uncertain, and very little within his own control. His conscientious scruples inter- fered with his writing casually, as many would have done ; for instance, we are told that he would not contribute to any paper or review with whose general principles he did not agree. He was, therefore, constrained to look out for some definite post in the line of education ; and from the best chances in this department he had cut himself adrift by resigning his fellowship. He did, nevertheless, take this step, apparently with a certain lightness of heart and buoyancy, in singular contrast with what might be expected to be the feeling of a man taking a decision so important to his future life. It is clear that he 'broke away with delight ' HIS FIEST POEM 39 from what he felt to be the thraldom of his position in Oxford. Immediately after laying down his tutorship, he made use of his leisure to go to Paris, in company with Emerson, where he spent a month in seeing the sights of the Revolu- tion. It was in September of this year (1848), when staying at home with his mother and sister in Liverpool, that he wrote his first long poem, the 'Bothie of Tober-na-Vuolich.' This was his utterance to the world on quitting Oxford, and not the theological pamphlet which was expected from him. In later days he would often speak of the amusement it had been to him to think of the disappointment which the appearance of these lively verses would produce among those who looked for a serious vindication of his conduct. Some further explanation of his feeling will be furnished by an unpublished letter, which we subjoin : — ' My objection in Kmine to subscription would be, that it is a painful restraint on speculation ; but beyond this, to examine myself in detail on the Thirty-nine Articles, and say how far my thoughts upon them had passed the limit of speculation and begun to assume the form of concretion, would be not only difficult and distasteful to me, but absolutely impossible. I could not do it with any approxi- mation to accuracy ; and I have no wish to be hurried into precipitate declarations which, after all, might misrepresent my mind. It is fair to say that the points in question with me would not be subordinate matters ; but at the same time I feel no call to the study of theology, and for the present certainly should leave these controversies to them- selves, were they not in some measure 'forced upon my notice. Of joining any sect I have not the most distant intention.' 40 LIFE OF ABTHUE HUGH CLOUGH This year he spent chiefly at home ; and, in the winter of 1848, he received an invitation to take the Headship of University Hall, London, an institution professing entirely unsectarian principles, founded for the purpose of receiving students attending the lectures at University College. His tenure of office was to date from October 1849, and he determined before this to take his first long holiday of travel, and to go to Rome. Thus his visit coincided accidentally with the siege of Rome by the French ; and this, though it deprived him of many opportunities of travel and sight-seeing, was historically and politically of very great interest to him. This was the scene and the time during which he wrote his second long poem, the ' Amours de Voyage.' In October 1849 he returned to enter on his duties at University Hall. His new circumstances were, of course, very different from those of his Oxford Hfe, and the change was in many respects painful to him. The step he had taken in resigning his fellowship isolated him greatly ; many of his old friends looked coldly on him, and the new acquaintances among whom he was thrown were often uncongenial to him. The transition from the intinlate and highly refined society of Oxford to the bustling miscel- laneous external Hfe of London, to one not well furnished with friends, and without a home of his own, could hardly fail to be depressing. He had hoped for liberty of thought and action ; he had found solitude, but not perfect freedom. Though not bound by any verbal obligations, he found him- self expected to express agreement with the opinions of the new set among whom he had fallen, and this was no more possible to him here than it had been at Oxford. His old prestige at Oxford availed him little in London ; it has been remarked by his friends that he often failed to show him- self to the best advantage, and this was doubly the case when he felt himself not understood. This was without doubt LIFE AT UJS^IVEKSITY HALL 41 the dreariest, loneliest period of his life, and he became com- pressed and reserved to a degree quite unusual with him, both before and afterwards. He shut himself up, and went through his life in silence. Yet here too he gradually formed some new and valuable friendships. Among these, his acquaintance with Mr. Carlyle was one of the most important ; and to the end of his life he continued to entertain the warmest feeling for that great man. It was part of the sensitiveness of his cha- racter to shrink from going back on old impressions ; and though he always retained his affection for his early friends, yet intercourse with fresh minds was often easier to him than with those to whom his former phases of life and thought were more familiar. In the autumn of 1850 he took ad- vantage of his vacation to make a hasty journey to Venice, and during this interval he began his third long poem of ' Dipsychus,' which bears the mark of Venice in all its framework and its local colouring. We have now mentioned, at the dates at which they were composed, all his longest works — the 'Bothie,' the ' Amours de Voyage,' and ' Dipsychus.' No other long work of his remains except the ' Mari Magno,' which is pro- perly a collection of short poems, more or less united by one central idea, and bound together by their setting, as a series of tales related to each other by a party of companions on a sea voyage. The ' Ambarvalia,' poems written between 1840 and 1847, chiefly at Oxford, though without any set- ting at all, have something of the same inward coherence. They are all poems of the inner life, while the ' Mari Magno ' poems deal with social problems, and the questions of love and marriage. His voyage to America, again, pro- duced a cluster of little sea poems, closely linked together by one or two main thoughts. It has often been a subject of surprise, that with such evident powers and even facility of production, Clough 42 LIFE OP AKTHUE HUGH CLOUGH should have left so little behind him, even considering the shortness of his life, and that for such long periods he should have been entirely silent. We think the best explanation is to be found in his peculiar temper of mind, and we might say physical conformation of brain, which could not work unless under a combination of favourable circumstances. His brain, though powerful, was slow to concentrate itself, and could not carry on several occupations at once. Solitude and repose were necessary for production. This, combined with a certain inertia, a certain slowness of movement, con- stantly made it hard for him to get over the initial diffi- culties of self-expression, and would often, no doubt, cause him to delay too long and lose the passing inspiration or opportunity. But, once started, his very weight carried him on, as it did in the ' Bothie,' ' Amours,' and ' Dipsychus,' and ' Mari Magno.' Besides this, much in the very quality of his poetry will explain this scantiness of production. His absolute sin- cerity of thought, his intense feeling of reality, rendered it impossible for him to produce anything superficial, and therefore actually curtailed the amount of his creations. His excessive conscientiousness winnowed away so much as to leave often a sense of baldness. His peculiar habits of thought also, his sense of being constantly at variance with the ordinary sentiments of those who surrounded him, his incapability of treating the common themes of poetry in the usual manner, his want of interest in any poetry which did not touch some deep question, some vital feel- ing in human nature (always excepting his love for the simple beauty of nature), all combined to diminish his range of subjects. He had to enter on a new line, to create a new treatment of old subjects, to turn them over and bring them out in the new light of his critical but kindly philosophy. This, in ' Mari Magno,' he had begun to do, and the rapid production of these last poems makes us believe that this HABITS OF WEITIIfG 43 new vein would have continued had he lived, and that we should have received a further expression of his views about the daily problems of social life. Looking now to the facts of his life, we see that there were in it very few intervals during which he enjoyed the combination of favourable circumstances necessary to enable him to write. He never was free, except during those short intervals, from the pressure of constant hard practical work. He was constantly under the necessity of using his power of work for the purpose of immediately making a living. His conscientious efforts, first to relieve his parents from the burden of his education, and then to assist them, have been related before. As fellow and tutor his earnings were freely contributed, and no doubt the desire of doing this was one great reason for undertaking the tutor's work at Oriel. It is true that this was a time of comparative wealth, but it was earned by hard labour of a practical kind, and it has been already shown that during this period he made a pecuniary engagement which burdened him for many years after. Thus his duty to others never allowed him for any interval to cast himself on his fortune, and run risks for a while for the sake of freedom and opportunities. To many men this burden would have been lighter, but he was a heavy moving vessel ; he could not turn and set his sails to catch light favouring winds. He could not use spare half-hours to write well-paid reviews or popular articles, or even poetry. The demand for his wares seemed to spoil the supply. That it should be profitable, seemed to make it impossible to him to write. Thus he was driven to harder, less congenial work, simply because it was positive and certain. Nothing, for instance, would have been more grateful to him than after leaving Oxford to be free for a few years to roam about the world before settling to a new vocation, but this was never to be thought of. No doubt there is another side to the picture ; the real acquaintance 44 LIFE OF ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH with life and men, which this entire acceptance of various positions taught him, not only gave him valuable training, but furnished him with materials which in a mind of his calibre would, we doubt not, have come out in some literary form. But for the time they simply choked his power of production, and no doubt prevented the utterance of many thoughts on religious and other subjects. After two years at University Hall, the founding of a new college at Sydney induced him to seek a change, and he presented himself as a candidate for its principalship, a post which Dr. WooUey eventually obtained. This would have brought him a safe income, and one on which he could afford to marry. He had great hopes of success, and this tempted him to engage himself to be married. But very soon after he had done this the appointment was decided against him, and he was at the same time obliged to give up University Hall. His prospects were thus less hopeful than ever. Yet the stimulus which he had received sup- ported him in the struggle to obtain some kind of position in which he might gain a livelihood. His friends en- deavoured to procure an appointment for him in the Education Office ; but the downfall of the Liberal Ministry destroyed all his chances for the time. Then, after much deliberation and inward hesitation, he resolved to go out to America, and try what opening he might find there, as a teacher or a literary man. But to leave England, to make a new beginning in life, and to pull himself up again, as it were, by the roots, was not an easy matter to one of his tenacious temperament. Some expression of the feelings which possessed him comes out in the poems written on shipboard. Eventually he sailed, in October 1852, and settled at Cambridge, Massachusetts. There he was wel- comed with remarkable cordiality, and formed many friend- ships which lasted to the end of his life. Still his position was too solitary to be cheerful, but he appreciated very EXAMINER IN THE EDUCATION OFFICE 45 highly the hopefulness and the moral healthiness of the new country, and he always retained warm feelings of admiration and affection for its citizens. At Cambridge he remained some time without much employment, but by degrees he gathered a certain number of pupils. He also wrote several articles at this time in the ' North American Review,' and in ' Putnam's Magazine,' and other magazines, and before long undertook a revision of the translation, known as Dryden's, of Plutarch's ' Lives,' for an American publisher. Thus he carried on a great deal of work, and was gradually making himself an assured position ; and he would probably have felt no difficulty in settling down in America as his home, had not the offer of an examinership in the Education Office, which his friends obtained for him, come to draw him homewards again. The certainty of a permanent, though small income, the pro- spects of immediate marriage, and his natural affection for his own country, decided him to accept the place, and give up his chances in America, not without some regret, after he had gradually brought his mind to the idea of adopting a new country. His genuine democratic feeling rejoiced in the wider diffusion of prosperity and substantial comforts which he found in America ; at the same time he would doubtless have suffered greatly from the expatriation, and would probably have always regretted his exclusion from what he calls ' the deeper waters of ancient knowledge and experience ' to be found in the old country. In July 1853 he returned to England, and at once entered on the duties of his office. Henceforth his career was decided for him. He was freed from perplexing ques- tions as to choice of occupation. His business life was simple, straightforward, and hard-working : but it was made up of little beyond official drudgery, and the fact of his entering the public service so late diminished his pro- spect of reaching higher posts. His immediate objects, 46 LIFE OF ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH however, were answered ; and in June 1854 he married. For the next seven years he lived quietly at home ; and during this time three children were born to him, who formed his chief and unfailing delight. No events of any moment marked this period ; but it was one of real rest and contentment. It is hard to speak of happiness which has vanished from the earth ; yet what comfort remains lies chiefly in the thought that now at last his life did reach a sort of culmination, that a great-hearted man did for a short time find his natural repose in the pleasures of a home, and that he was able, for a short space at least, to devote his great faculties freely to the service of others. Up to this date we may almost say that he had been too free from active and absorbing employment for his own happiness. Circumstances had forced him to try different schemes and to engage in various undertakings with very moderate suc- cess, and the want of definite and continuous occupation left his mind free to deal restlessly with the great insoluble problems of the world, which had for him so true a vitality that he could not dismiss them from his thoughts. After his marriage there was none of this enforced and painful communing with self alone. He had plenty to do ; and the close relations into which he was brought with various members of his wife's family kept him actively employed, and tasked his sympathies to the full. All the new duties and interests of domestic life grew up and occupied his daily thoughts. The humour which in solitude had been inclined to take the hue of irony and sarcasm, now found its natural and healthy outlet. The practical wisdom and insight into life, for which he was distinguished, were con- stantly exercised in the service of his friends ; and the new experience which he was daily gathering at home made many perplexed questions, both social and religious, clear and simple to his mind. In this way, though he did not cease to think about the problems which hitherto had MAREIED LIFE 47 occupied his leisure, he thought about them in a different way, and was able, so to speak, to test them by the facts of actual life, and by the intuitions and experience of those whose character he valued, instead of submitting them only to the crucible of his own reflection. The close and constant contact with another mind gave him a fresh insight into his own, and developed a new understanding of the wants of other people, so that the results of many years of medita- tion grew distinct and solid. Having thus passed from the speculative to the constructive phase of thought, it is quite certain, from little things which he was in the habit of saying, that, had he been permibted, he would have ex- pressed his mature convictions in works of a more positive and substantial kind. But, unfortunately, he was too wUling and too anxious to take work of every sort, and to spend himself for others. Therefore he soon became in- volved in labours too exciting for a constitution already somewhat overtasked, nor was he ever able to yield himself wholly to the healthful indolence of private life. To a period of wasting thought and solitude succeeded one of over-strenuous exertion ; bracing indeed, but, for a man of his sympathetic temperament and laborious past life, too absorbing and engrossing. What, however, must always be remembered is, that Clough was happy in his work, and happy in his home life. It would be easy, were it necessary, to show from his poems how strong in him was the sense of family feeling, how tenderly and delicately he appreciated the family relations, how fond he was of children and young people, how naturally he enjoyed domestic life. Nor can any one doubt that in work itself he found full satisfaction, especially in such work as made him helpful to others, and brought him into vivid human contact with his fellow- workers. Both of these sources of satisfaction, home life and congenial work, had hitherto been denied him. Now they were largely given to him, and, had his strength 48 LIFE OF ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH been equal to the demands which were made upon it, a long life of happiness and usefulness was clearly open to him. Besides the work of the office, the translation of Plutarch, begun in America, absorbed a great part of his scanty leisure during five years after his return from America. In the spring of 1856 he was appointed secretary to a com- mission for examining the scientific military schools on the Continent. He visited, in consequence, the great schools for artillery and engineers in France, Prussia, and Austria. The travelling lasted about three months, and besides being very interesting and agreeable, it afibrded him much occu- pation during a considerable time afterwards. Another employment, which frequently fell to him, was the examin- ing of candidates in his own special subject of English literature, sometimes for Woolwich, sometimes in his own office. But the work in which he took the deepest interest was that of his friend and relation, Miss Nightingale. He watched over every step in her various undertakings, afibrding her assistance not merely with advice, and little in his life gave him greater satisfaction than to be her active and trusted friend. We see that his life, though uneventful, was full of work, and we can also understand why this period of his life produced no poetical result. The conditions under which he could create were at this time wholly wanting. He had not time or strength or leisure of mind to spend on his natural gift of writing ; and to his friends it must ever be a source of sorrow that his natural vocation, what he himself felt as such, was unfulfilled. He himself always looked forward to some time when greater opportunity might be granted him, when the various experiences of later Hfe, the results of his later thought, might ' assort themselves upon the brain,' and be given out in some definite form. In the meantime he waited, not impatiently or unwillingly, for he was slow to draw conclusions, as he PERSONAL CHAEACTEE AND INFLUENCE 49 ■was also patient in hearing the views of others, and ready in his appreciation of them. Yet his mind did not fail to exercise a powerful influence upon others. All who knew him well will bear witness to the strong impression left by his character, and by the force and originality of his in- tellect. He was not prompt to give out distinct opinions or answers to theoretical questions, but he seldom failed to find a practical solution to any immediate difficulty, whether mental or practical. His mind turned more and more to action as its natural relief ; and in his family circle his gentle wisdom and patience and great tenderness of feeling caused him to be constantly appealed to in all difficulties. It was indeed only in the intimacy of daily Uf e that the full charm and grace of his nature was felt, the intense lovable- ness of it, the tender unselfishness, and the manly courage with which he met the difficulties of Hfe, and helped others through them. His was a character not easy to describe, whose charm was so personal that it seems to evaporate when translated into words. He was a singular combina- tion of enthusiasm and calmness, of thoughtfulness and imagination, of speech and silence, of seriousness and humour. Ordinarily somewhat slow of utterance, he often seemed, as a friend said of him, ' to be choked by his own fulness.' His own words in the ' Bothie ' not unaptly described him — Author forgotten and silent of currentest phrases and fancies ; Mute and exuberant by turns, a fountain at intervals playing ; Mute and abstracted, or strong and abundant as rain in the tropics. On special occasions he would pour out the accumulation of his mind, but most often the stream remained hid, and only came to the surface in his poetry, or in little incisive phrases, most apt to engrave themselves sharply on the minds of his hearers. He had a strong sense of humour, and was always ready to look on this side of the daily incidents of life ; and E 50 LIFE OF ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH his friends will long remember his genial smile, and his hearty, almost boyish, laugh. This brightness, and the sunny sweetness of his temper, gave cheerfulness to what might otherwise have been too serious a temperament, for though not specially anxious in personal things, yet the habit of his mind, his high-wrought conscientiousness and suscepti- • bility of feeling, rendered him liable to be deeply impressed by the sad things of the world, the great difficulties especially of modern social life, which were in truth to him ' a heavy and a weary weight.' It has been remarked that in his later poems there is no distinct expression of the peace he had attained. It is true we find in them rather a freedom from disturbance than a positive expression of belief. But his peace was not the result of a crisis, of a sudden conversion, which often pours itself out in words ; it was the fruit of years of patient thought and action, it was a temper of mind. He felt no impulse to speak of it. He turned his mind to the practical questions of the world, as appears in these later poems, which instantly began to flow forth as soon as his brain was relieved from the constant pressure of work. With so much of inward peace, absolutely free from envj or jealousy, not depressed by the want of outward success, given in so much larger measure to many of his contemporaries, capable of looking at outward things from a truly philosophic height, gifted with genuine humour, and open in his soul to all kindly natural feelings, endowed with a rare power of inspiring unclouded affection, he could not but enjoy a high degree of happiness. It has been called a Droken Ufe. Broken indeed it was, by death, too soon for the work he might have done, too soon for any full comprehension of him by the public, or by any but his near friends, too soon for those who loved him and de- pended on him. But not too soon for the realisation of a great and manly character, for the achievement in himself. FAILING HEALTH 51 of the highest and purest peace ; not too soon to give to a few who really knew him the strongest sense of what he was in himself. It was easiest to describe him by negatives, yet perhaps no one ever made a more concrete positive impress sion on those who knew him. As one of his friends said, ' I always /eZi his presence ; ' and truly he was above all a power, a warm supporting presence. His poems tell us of his perplexities, his divided thoughts, his uncertainties ; those who remember him will think rather of his simple directness of speech and action, the clearness of his judg- ment on any moot point ; above all, it is remarkable how unanimous all those who knew him are in expressing their feeling of his entire nobleness, his utter purity of character. It seems impossible to speak of him without using these words. But now this happy and peaceful though laborious life was approaching a too early close. There was never to be any complete opportunity given here for showing to the full what his best friends believed to be in him, and what his poems partly reveal. Probably ever since very early youth he had been subjected to a too severe moral and in- tellectual strain. His health, though good, had never been strong, and after 1859 it began to cause anxiety to his family, when a series of small illnesses and accidents com- bined to weaken his constitution. In the summer of 1860, he also suffered the loss of his mother. After a lingering illness of several years, she died of paralysis, a disease to which several of the family had succumbed, and which was so soon after to strike down her son. His usual autumn holiday, this time spent chiefly in Scotland, failed of its usual good effect in reviving him, and finding himself seriously out of health, he obtained six months' leave from the Council Office. He then underwent several weeks' treatment at Malvern, which appeared to improve his health. Afterwards, in February 1861, he E 2 82 LIFE OF ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH removed to Freshwater, in the Isle of "Wight, and here, though at first in a suffering state, he soon improved and regained his spirits, and for the last time really enjoyed his family life with his wife and children. He was naturally fond of children, and to his own little ones he was a most tender and devoted father ; he never tired of strolUng about with them, carrying them on his back along the country lanes, and listening to their just beginning talk. The pleasures of the country had always had a strong hold upon him, and the opening spring in that sweet spot brought many pleasant sights ; many walks among daffodil and snowdrop beds, and discoveries of ferns in sheltered nooks. He always rose early, and was often seen strolling over the downs before breakfast. At this time he returned to his old employment of translating Homer, the only form of versification which he had not laid aside altogether during his office work. This became now a great pleasure to him. At this time too he wrote two or three of the miscellaneous poems. Here also it was a source of great enjoyment to him to be near friends whom he especially valued, and whose society gave him just the intellectual stimulus he needed for enjoyment. But this pleasant time came too soon to an end. Though himself unwUlLng to move from a place where he felt happy, and where he had experienced an improvement in his health, he was warned that the good would soon be ex- hausted, and that the climate was too relaxing for warmer weather. Further change of air, and still more change of scene, were ordered, and in the middle of April he went alone to Greece and Constantinople. Apparently he greatly enjoyed this journey, and no sooner was he again at leisure and in solitude than the old fountain of verse, so long dry within him, reopened afresh. During this journey he wrote the first and perhaps the second of the Mari Magno stories. In June he returned for a few weeks to England • he JOURNEYS TO AUVEEGNB AND THE PYEENEES 53 seemed unable to bear any protracted absence, and to long for his home ; yet he consented to quit it again in July and go to Auvergne and the Pyrenees. There he was fortunate enough to join, though but for a short time, his friends Mr. and Mrs. Tennyson, whose companionship made his solitary wanderings pleasant, and to it he owed probably more than pleasure, some of the stimiulus which produced the poems which were his last creations. While travelliag in Auvergne and the Pyrenees he composed all the remain- ing Mari Magno tales, except the last, which was conceived and written entirely during his last illness. In the south of France he remained till the middle of September, when he went to Paris to join his wife. Their three little children had been left in England ; he had very much wished to come home and see them before starting on a further journey, but in the present state of his nerves it was considered desirable to avoid any unnecessary emotion, and he unwillingly yielded this point. He felt the privation very keenly, though he shrank from any words, and he could hardly endure to hear about the children whom he had not been allowed to revisit. In this way it unfortunately came to pass that he never even saw his youngest chUd, a little girl who was bom after he left England the second time. In Paris he spent a few days and then set out to travel through Switzerland to the Italian lakes, intending to stay some time at Florence, and reach Rome before the winter. He was then able to enjoy much, though he could bear but little fatigue. They stopped at Dijon to see the beautiful Puits de Moyse and the sculptures in the Museum by the same hand ; and then crossed the Jura from Salines to PontarUer and Neufch&tel. Between Salines and Pontarlier was then still a beautiful drive in the diligence over low grassy hUls crowned with pine woods. At Pontarlier .they rejoined the railway; a striking line, seen as they saw it by moonlight, a ' chemin tr^s accidente,' 54 LIFE OF ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH keeping half-way up the liill-side, equally steep whether looking up or down, and continually darting in and out through numerous tunnels. After this came three pleasant vetturino days over the Simplon, one spent in the long drive up the Valais, monotonous but pleasant, with occa- sional walks and halts to gather the deep blue gentians and mountain pinks on the wayside. The next day, on which they crossed the pass, a sudden deep snow came on, unusual so early in the year as September ; many little avalanches fell, and it was with some difficulty they reached the crest. Then on descending the slope of the great alpine wall, into the country of the sun, everything changed suddenly, the snow disappeared, and all seemed bursting into rich vege- tation. Arthur enjoyed this part of the journey excessively ; first the beautiful Pass of Gondo, full of waterfalls and cas- cades, then the descent lower down on Domo d'Ossola, among walnut and chestnut trees. The sense of southern beauty and richness seemed to penetrate him with enjoy- ment. The third day's drive to Stresa on Lago Maggiore was also full of pleasure. At Stresa they rested a few days and made expeditions to Isola Bella, Orta, and Magadino ; but here he became slightly unwell, and hurried on to Milan, thinking it would be more bracing. He did apparently improve, and took pleasure in visiting the pictures and churches, but never recovered himself ; and they continued their painful journey, during which he grew gradually worse, to Florence, where they expected to meet friends, and where they found good medical help. Some days were better than others, and at Parma he spent a few hours among the pictures of Correggio with great enjoyment. The last day before entering Florence they had a drive of several hours over the Apennines, coming down on Pistoia. It was a lovely sunny day ; the hills were covered with young chest- nuts and flowering arbutus ; the air was fresh and soothing, and he seemed to revive on the heights, but looked with HIS DEATH AT FLOEENCE 65 dread on the valley lying beneath, with its white towns shining hot in the sun. They reached Florence early in the day of October 10. That afternoon Arthur went to the Boboli Gardens, and to look at the grand arches of Orcagna in the Piazza del Granduca. The next day too he attempted to walk as far as the Cathedral and the Baptistery, which were close to the hotel. But on the 12th, when a permanent lodging had been found, he went to bed, unable longer to resist the fever. He had suffered much rheumatic pain, in the liead^ but it very soon gave way to treatment, and after this he did not suffer much. The fever, a sort of malaria, had its course, and appeared to give way. During the first three weeks he seemed perpetually occupied with a poem he was writing, the last in the volume of his poems ; and when he began apparently to recover, and was able to sit up for several hours in the day, he insisted on trying to write it out, and when this proved too great an effort he begged to dictate it. But he broke down before it was finished, and returned to bed never to leave it again. A few days before his death he begged for a pencil and contrived to write down two verses, and quite to the end his thoughts kept hold of his poem. Fortunately it had all been completed and written out in pencil in the first stage of his illness, and was found after his death in his notebook. It seemed a comfort to him to have his mind preoccupied and relieved from the weight of illness and anxiety by this creative in- stinct. The fever left him worn out, and then paralysis, with which he had been threatened, struck him down. On the 13th of November he died, in his forty-third year. Three days before his death his sister reached him from Engla.nd. He knew her, and was glad to see her near him, but he was too weak to realise the parting that was coming. He lies buried in the little Protestant cemetery, just 66 LIFE OP ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH outside the walls of Florence, looking towards Fiesole and the hills which he loved and which he had gazed on as he entered Florence, little thinking he should leave it no more. ' Tall cypresses wave over the graves, and the beautiful hills keep guard around ; ' nowhere could there be a lovelier resting-place. The memory of Arthur Clough will be safe ia the hearts of his friends. Few beyond his friends have known him at all ; his writings may not reach beyond a small circle ; but those who have received his image into their hearts know that something has been given them which no time can take away, and to them we think no words will seem fitter than those of the poet, happily also his friend, which have cherished the memory of another beautiful soul : — So, dearest, now thy brows are cold. We see thee as thou art, and know Thy likeness to the wise below. Thy kindred with the great of old. KUGBY LETTERS. FROM 1829 TO 1836. RUGBY. To his Sister. Chester : May 15, 1829. Dear Anne, — I received your kind letter by the barque ' Melantho,' after an extrenaely long voyage. Charles received one on the same day from uncle Charles, intimating that we were to spend our vacation at Easter with him at the vicarage. During the Easter holidays, which we spent very pleasantly at Mold, I had plenty of leisure for drawing. Two men were hung here lately for robbing an old clergy- man. We have bought a book entitled 'The Newtonian System of Philosophy,' which treats chiefly of the power and weight of air ; the cause of volcanoes, earthquakes, and other phenomena of nature, such as lightning, the aurora borealis ; also a description of the sun, planets, their moons or satellites, constellations, comets, and other heavenly bodies ; likewise of air-guns, balloons, air-pumps ; also a very pleasing one of snow, hail, and vapours. It also describes electricity and magnetism, and gives a brief account of minerals, vegetables, and animals. The summer vacation is now just approaching, after which time we shall be conducted either by uncle Alfred or uncle Charles to Rugby, which is not far from Leaming- ton, at which place cousin Eliza is at school. Were you not grieved to hear that magnificent building 58 LETTERS OF AETHDE HUGH CLOUGH York Minster had been partly destroyed through the de structive means of fire 1 To his Mother. Eugby : May 15, 1830. Deae Mamma,- — I am glad to tell you that both Charles and myself have been removed out of the third form into the lower fourth ; we enjoyed uncle Alfred's company (he was steward to the Easter Meeting at Rugby) and also the speeches and holidays very much. There were four prizes. There was also a prize for boys in the fifth form, which was gained by Stanley for an English essay ' On Sicily and its Revolutions.' These were all recited by their different writers on Wednesday in Easter week. After the four first had repeated their poems and read their essays, Stanley came forth and read his essay. Unfortunately the prizes had not arrived, and therefore Dr. Arnold was obliged to postpone the delivery of them. One morning, however, at prayers, we saw a great many books in extremely handsome bindings ; and after prayers, Dr. Arnold gave them to those for whom they were intended. School House, Eugby : May 28, 1833. .J.I have gained one place in the form by this ex- amination, and I shall certainly be in the sixth form next half-year. I am now seventh, and ten at least of the Prseposters leave either now or at Lawrence Sheriffe.' To his Brother George. School House, Eugby : October 13, 1834. My dear Georgt, — ^You say you do not like your school even so well as you did last year. I believe that it is worse ' Meaning the day of Lawrence Sheriffe, which is the foundation day of the school. RUGBY 69 than many places, but even here at Rugby, the best of all public schools, which are the best kind of schools, even here there is a vast deal of bad. It was but a few nights- ago that a little fellow, not more than thirteen at the very most, was quite drunk, and that for the second time in the last year. I do not know that there is here much of the low mean spirit (which I fear you have so much of), but it must be remembered that Rugby is far better off in this way than most schools. To his Mother. Jesus College, Oxford : July 9, 1835. The exhibitioners this year are Lake, Penrose, and Gell. We had an extremely pleasant time up at Rugby at the examination, as the Oxford vacation was just beginning, and we had six or seven old Rugbeians down, and in so busy and exciting a time their company was a great relief. I had not been very well after Easter all along, but I believe that time did more to make me well than all the physic, which has lengthened the doctor's bill to a most boa-con- strictor-like size. I have been in one continued state of excitement for at least the last three years, and now comes the time of exhaustion. When you all come over next year, and I get home at last, I do think this will end. I must send you our ' Rugby Magazine,' which I beg you wUl patronise with all your might, though I suppose your canvassing materials in America are rather small. To his Brother George. School House, Eugby : September 13, 1835. . . . Only remember — don't be indolent, George ; you recollect what I told you about that family failing. Idle, I do not think you will be ; but take care you never say, ' It is too much trouble,' ' I can't be bothered,' which are 60 LETTEKS OF ABTHUE HUGH CLOUGH tolerably old favourites of yours, and, indeed, of all who have any Perfect blood in them. . . . No doubt you will feel very much the loss of any one to talk to about religion, but let this, my dear George, only make you keep more close to God ; and i still — for I know that our weakness does often want more direct and visible aid than this, and ttiat our minds are too imperfectly brought to righteousness and goodness to be continually talking even with our kiad Pather God, just as you would wish to talk to those of your own age sometimes, and not always to those above you only, however much you might love them — if you do still want some one to talk to, you have only to write to me, and I shall be sure to answer you within a week or two. Remember, too, that if the school is bad, it is no reason, no excuse for you to do as they do. Remember, they are not many, and Jesus said that a little leaven leavens the whole lump : now, do not think that I am telling you to put yourself forward as a kind of apostle or missionary to them. Only go on without fearing or shrinking in any point from your duty ; do not mind their knowing that you are trying to serve God. The magazine prospers ; it will probably be out on the 1st October. ' Egmont' will appear, and one or two other things of mine. I assure you I have enough to do. I sometimes think of giving up fagging hard here, and doing all my extra work in the holidays, so as to have my time here free for these two objects — 1st. The improvement of the school ; 2nd. The publication and telling abroad of the merits of the school by means of the magazine. 5'o the same. School House, Bugby : October 11, 1835. Simpkinson left me last Monday for Cambridge, and his absence has made me head of the school house, which is an KUGBT 61 ofiB.ce of considerable trust and great difl&culty. Indeed, you could not do better than try to win the liking and esteem of your schoolfellows by being as kind to them as you can. T hope I am tryiag earnestly to do the same. But there is one danger in this occupation which assails me, at least, very often ; and that is, the danger of carrying our wish too far. And remember always, that to be liked is not the thing we should wish for on its own account, but only because it will make it more easy for us to do good to those who like us. Try, my dear George, to be as active in this good work as you can be ; only take care that you have a few moments to yourself with God every day, so that you do not forget Him in your more active employments ; if you do these two things I do not think you will be likely to fall into any more stupors, as you call those states of mind, which I very well know and have often experienced. As soon as you feel anything of the kind coming on, go and do something, no matter what, which will employ you actively. Perhaps, if you do some kindness to a schoolfellow, or resist him in some evil practice, you will feel this go down very rapidly. You never told us how your school-work is getting on ; do you do any Euclid now ? I have not heard from America lately ; the last letter I had was from my father, dated at Saratoga. Tell me when you write all about No. II. of the ' Rugby Magazine.' It is very much liked here, better than the first, and we have had intelligence of its being thought very well of in the literary circles in London. I only hope it will not decay under my hands ; for I have got the management of it almost entirely by myself. To his Sister. School House, Rugby : October 10, 1835. My oldest and only friend, Simpkinson, is just gone to Cambridge, and there are also two or three more gone whom 62 LETTERS OF AETHUE HU&H CLOUGH I knew and loved better than the rest ; so that I am now quite alone, and am doomed so to remain for two long years. I see, however, quite plainly that this is far better for me, for now I shall not fag so much, as being of necessity thrown much more with other fellows, and wishing now most earnestly to know as many as possible ; for there is a deal of evil springing up in the school, and it is to be feared that the tares will choke much of the wheat. There is a great deal of good in* the top of the school, but then it is what may be called disagreeable good, having much evil mixed with it ; especially in little' matters. So that from these persons good is disliked. I am trying, if possible, to show them that good is not necessarily disagreeable, and that a Christian may be, and is likely to be, a gentleman. Monday, October 12. The nights (that is, after locking-up time) are getting very long, beginning as they do now from a quarter-past six ; so that I have a great deal of time in my study, and am almost more by myself than I wish. Sometimes, when I am thus alone, I long very much indeed to have you all over here ; for before Simpkinson left, Rugby was almost like a home to me, and now I feel the want of a home far more than I ever did before ; so that I cannot tell you how welcome next summer will be to me. Even the holidays without you seem a thing to be looked forward to very much, which they never did before, except last half-year, when I was unable to work. I am very tolerably well now, and think I have recovered altogether, though I verily believe I shall not be able ever again to fag so much ; indeed, I shall never wish to do so in the same way. You will understand a good deal of the way ia which fagging hard is so frequently ruiaous both to body and mind, from an article in the ' Rugby Magazine,' No. III., which I hope you will like as much as the people on this side the Atlantic EUGBT . 63 (I mean the article entitled ' A Schoolboy's Story ') ; I think you will see a good deal in that to explain it. By this time, I suppose, you are back in Charleston, and ere long I shall have heard the full account of your trip to Lake George. I had a great deal of pleasant travelling myself in the summer, particularly in that part of my journey which took me from Oxford through Cheltenham and Shrewsbury, to Beaumaris. I met a very curious animal in the coffee-room at the Shrewsbury inn, a German merchant's son from Bremen. He was very ignorant and very intelligent, so that he was also very amusing. At one time he made me think him half an idiot, at another he seemed quite clever. Probably he had never been out of a counting-house in his life before ; at any rate, his observa- tion must have been very limited, for I went to show him Lord Hill's column, and as we were walking up to it he said, ' Well, that is very beautiful, very big,' and a moment or two after, ' and it gets bigger as we come nearer ! ' To J. P. Gell, Esq. School House, Rugby: October 24, 1835. I do wish that I could be acquainted and intimate with a great many fellows, but I really have not time; and here is another advantage on the side of evil, that bad characters are also idle, whereas good characters are industrious, so that when a fellow wants a companion he is much more likely to pitch on a bad than on a good one. I am afraid that writing or thinking much about these things does me harm. I only wish you would write to me about it, for your letters always put me more on my legs. Do you remember what Arnold says (Sermons, vol. iii. Introduc- tion) about the enduring value of the ancient philosophical and historical works ? Well, I really think that letters from 64 LETTEES OF ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH fellows who have left act much in the same way, keeping one's mind ' fresh and comprehensive.' So spare not pen and paper when you can spare time. To the same. School House, Rugby : November 9, 1835. ... I have to take care lest the excitement should carry me away ; for though assuredly there is no Simpkin- son here, nor Vaughan, nor Burbidge, yet it is most easy to find excitement, on the one hand, fagging, and on the other, in associating with fellows for their good, which is a more dangerous employment than I looked for ; there is such an excess of acquaintance and such a lack of friends here ; nobody to look up to in one's common school-dealings, and so much to look up to at times in Arnold, that it is no easy matter to ' keep a level temper,' as young used to say. Sometimes all seems so very bright, the little good one has done seems so great, and the good one hopes to do so certain, that one gets quite elevated ; then there soon follows the exhaustion, and I think it is no use trjdng ; and in the meantime copies, &c., have been accumulating and I am obliged to set to, though the true cure of such a state is forcing oneself to try even against hope. Besides, there are all the letters from Oxford and Cambridge, than which more exciting things were never created, I don't know which to think the greatest, the blessing of being under Arnold, or the curse of being without a home. To his Mother. Finch House, near Liverpool : December 1835. To-day is Monday, and during the last eight or nine days I have had as many changes of place and companions as I ever remember, and have had a right busy and exciting time EUGBT 65 of it. On Friday evening before last our great examination closed, and I was not a little disappointed, thinking that I ought to have done better. Then on Saturday one of my Oxford friends came down (Lake), and this of course made a great change, and raised my spirits as high as before they had been low. In the evening the class-paper came out and I found I had got all I had hoped for, and also that I was head of the form in composition marks, thus securing two prizes ; then I dined at Arnold's, and had a very pleasant evening. Then followed all the misery of the last night — noise, noise, noise of preparing, and wishing good-bye, &c., till twelve o'clock and after ; followed at two o'clock by the still greater noise of going. After my two hours' sleep, I had a busy morning of breakfasting with my tutor, of paying off window-bills, &c. &c., packing up, &c. &c. ; and so on till twelve o'clock, when I dined out, and returned to the school at three o'clock calling-over, wished the fellows good-bye, and waited for the coach till four in the school field. In a short time your old friend the Oxford and Leicester Regulator — ^vulgarly termed the Pig — transported me to Leicester, and here I found myself in a completely new world, at a house I was strange to, with my old school- fellow Burbidge correcting the proofs of No. III. of the, ' Rugby Magazine.' Next day at 10 p.m. we were joined for an hour by two more Cantabrigians (Vaughau and Gell), which was very delightful indeed. Well, not to trouble you with a further account of what we did at Leicester, on Friday night after walking for two and a half hours along Leicester streets (for the coach should have started at half-past ten and did not till one o'clock), I began a long journey to Liverpool. After one of the coldest and bitterest nights I ever remember, and a day not much less so, I found myself about 3 P.M. at the end of the lane by the fifth milestone. I must go a little further and tell you what we are going to do these holidays. George is now in Chester ; he is 66 LETTERS OP ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH going to Mold on Thursday, the 24th inst., -where I shall join him the same day. Hence after a few days we shall proceed to Min-y-don ' for ten days, and thence again he will return here, and I shall probably go to Chester. I suppose we shall have a regular rambling time of it, which I dare say will be pleasant enough in its way ; but I cannot tell you how very, very much I long for next summer, even on this ground only, that then we shall have done' with this way of living. I am quite well now, and shall be, I hope. I have not been so hard at work this last half-year, and that may have something to do with it. But I think it is a good deal owing to my having to go about with other fellows more than I used to do, and this will be the case for sometime now. I have, however, to look for- ward to a very busy half-year ; but as it will not be my last half-year, I need not be very anxious about it or ex- cited in it. I shall have another Easter and another Exhi bition time after this ; but I must do my best to be ready for next November, when I shall go up for the Balliol scholarship. At any rate, my dear mother, it is no long time now before July comes, and time passes very quickly, at least I find it does to me now. It seems now that there is nothing wanting to make my earthly happiness complete, so far as it can be complete, that will not be given me next summer, though indeed even now I can see some flaws in it. But there will be so many and such friends at Cam ■ bridge and Oxford, and so happy a situation at school where I know that I am loved by many, and where I am ever living under and gathering wisdom from a great and good man. Such a prospect makes one tremble, for it seems to be too fair for earth : at least it makes one resolve to do all to fix one's affections on things above, lest God should see that such fortune was too great for one, and that one could not bear it. ' Near Conway, a house on the seashore belonging to an uncle. EU6BT 67 To his Sister. Mold Vicarage : December 30, 1835. I have some difficulty in prevailiiig on George to do what he does not like {i.e. read) for an hour and a half in the day. But I hope and believe he is much better at school than he is in the holidays : indeed I think it is very natural' he should be so. And it is -wonderful what a degree of kind and affectionate feeling he has ; only fancy, for six or seven years he has been treasuring up his money in the savings' bank, and now it is all spent to buy me a watch. On Christmas day I found a little paper box on my plate at breakfast, and on opening it first came a quantity of brown paper, then a note, then the ribbon, and at the bottom a gola watch. The examination went off very well for me last half- year. In regular work four first-classes, in composition, divinity, classics and history ; I might have got two more in modem languages and mathematics. In extras I got two first-classes, which was all I tried for, and which will give me a prize. I shall also get a prize for being among the four first in the composition of the half-year in the sixth ; which means the Latin, prose and verse ; Greek, prose and verse ; English, prose and verse, which we have done in the half-year. To J. N. Simpkinson, Esq. Stanley Street, Chester : January 18, 1836. I am most utterly busy now at Niebuhr for November, which time is very much in my thoughts. The bare idea of missing is horrible, and I have not done a page for the magazine as yet, though I have great hopes of writing a good deal. As to Q., you know he invited me to his house 68 LETTEKS OP AKTHUK HUGH CLOUGH this winter, so I suppose he has taken a great fancy to me. He is disagreeable sometimes, and is rather narrow-minded, or rather narrow-notioned ; and having said so much 'con,' I might say a great many ' pros,' but it is this very nar- rowness of ideas which prevents one loving him. Such people have no idea that it is anything approaching to a duty to make oneself agreeable ; they have a great deal too much of the itch to become martyrs and undergo persecu- tion. Even two or three years under Arnold have not wholly eradicated this notion in Q. himself ; but if he goes, as I believe he does, to Balliol, he will, I trust, soon lose it, as I think he is sure to be admitted into the High Arnold set that is just germinating at Balliol under the auspices of Stanley and Lake. . . . You know how differently a boy regards home when he has once been to school. The kind of passive and almost apathetic feeling (to indulge in a bull) which he before had becomes high, steady and active feeling and principle. I will not say that my feelings towards him are so personal as they are to some others, because they are so closely connected with Arnold, but I am very much at- tached to him. ... I verily believe my whole being is soaked through with the wishing and hoping and striving to do the school good, or rather to keep it up and hinder it from fall- ing in this, I do think, very critical time, so that all my cares and affections and conversations, thoughts, words and deeds, look to that involuntarily. I am afraid you will be inclined to think this ' cant,' and I am conscious that even one's truest feelings, if very frequently put out in the light, do make a bad and disagreeable appearance ; but this how- ever is true, and even if I am carrying it too far, I do not think it has made me really forgetful of my personal friends, such as, in particular, Gell and Burbidge and Walrond, and yourself, my dear Simpkinson. RUGBY 69 To the same. School House, Rugby : February 13, 1836, ... I am sure this constant writing of letters is not really a waste of time. Everyone of us has much he needs to receive, and there are few who have nothing to give ; and I, for one, cannot speak too highly of the good I have got from others in this way ; it is such a constant correction of each other's wild and foolish tendencies of mind, opinion, &c. I wish I could have come to Cambridge very much ; but I do not agree at all in your second reason, viz. that it would make me discontented with the Balliol prospect. If I do get the sfcholarship, I shall not long one bit for Cam- bridge ; no, nor do I think I shall do so if I don't get it. It is the very thing for which you uphold Cambridge which makes me prefer Oxford. At Oxford we only form part of a large set, and there is more hope there that a little leaven will leaven the whole lump, which is, I think, more useful than your scheme. To be sure, there will only be Stanley, Lake, Fox, Arnold, and myself ; but then there are a great number of very nice men, with whom, I hope, we shall get more acquent, and this will be better. Do not think I under- rate the blessing of Rugby friends ; I am only anxious to give others that blessing. I have a great deal more to say, but I must go to. the Be Corond, i.e. first lesson, so good-night. Combe's' shop is delicious. So is the new Irish Title BUI — atuitore Lord John Russell — at least I am told so. So also is the fact that, malgri scandal, libels and lies, ' Morning Herald,' ' Times,' and ' John Bull,' the school is above 300. So also, I doubt not, will be the reading of ' Knight's Quarterly,' which I have just got. So also (this is indeed a climax) will be Easter. ' The Rugby bookseller. 70 LETTERS OF AKTHCJE HUGH CLOUGH To his Mother. School House, Rugby : March 1836. . . At last the prizes are over, and the last haK-sheet of the Magazine, No. IV., is also sent off, I believe ; and you can hardly fancy the feeling of this freedom, most unusual indeed to me. As for the prizes, I have this Easter got one, the Latin verse ; and a second for each of the others, viz. the Latin prose and the Greek verse, so that I shall still have two to try for next year ; so that, of course, I am very well satisfied. I have been very well, too, on the whole ; indeed I may say exceedingly well, not withstanding all the hard work, and happy too, though sometimes in rather low spirits, for I stand much alone in the school now, and I am afraid it is anjrfching but good for me to be alone ; but I hope I am conquering these fits, and I do not think they come nearly so frequently or so strongly as they used to do ; and when you are come over and settled, I think they may cease altogether ; if they do not, it will not be my own fault. Dr. Arnold, I am afraid, you know too little about yet to give him and his concerns much interest for you. Only if any rumours of ill-conduct as head-master here have crossed the Atlantic (I believe they have got a great way through the ' Times ' and ' John BuU ' newspapers), I might as well teU you that the Trustees of the School met last week in London, all being present except three of the twelve, and wrote a letter to the Doctor, saying that they had the most complete confidence in him ; that the school was going on as well as could be expected, and that the discipline was perfectly humane. Lord Aylesford, one of the absentees, wrote still more complimentarily to him. It is, indeed, a marvel how any one could think of circulating such utter falsehoods and absurdities as have been sprea RUGBY 71 about by different papers for the last three months. The school is certainly at this moment not at its very highest state of excellence, such as it was in two or three years ago, but there is a very great deal of goodness and talent springing up, I hope and believe. From some cause or other, immense numbers left last Midsummer, and wiU again this coming one ; and the sudden elevation this causes of a large number into the place of trust and authority renders the spirit of the high- est class more childish and less sensible and manly than it used to be. These are things which no one can calculate on, though of the most material consequence to the well- being of the school, and only show the extreme difficulty of education. Only fancy, out of the thirty-two first in the school I suppose just half (if not more) will go ; and thus a full half of the sixth will be new and quite inexperienced, many of them quite young. Perhaps I let these things grow too much into everything else. Yet it is very fine and striking to see many of the best and cleverest Oxford and Cambridge men stiU watching with great interest all the little changes in the school, and still helping those that remain with their experience and wisdom. I shall not be sorry to go to Oxford now, for I find Stanley and Lake like it very much ; and I dare say Dr. Arnold will be a bishop before long. I only hope it may not be just yet. I must, however, do my best to go there as I wish, viz. with a Balliol scholarship ; and that not only for the honour's sake, though the honour is the greatest part of it, but for the 301. per annum which, with an exhibition, will, I trust, all but pay my way at Oxford, as Balliol is 20Z. or 301. cheaper than any other college, I under- stand. What may come after this I know not ; this is enough to look to as yet. And I mean, if possible, to have a quiet month for reading at Finch House before you come over. 72 LETTERS OF AETHUE HUGH CLOUGH Our Easter time is just beginning. Two of our Uni- versity people are down already, Burbidge and Lake, and Gell and Simpkinson are to be here next Wednesday. From ttat day to its namesake of the first week after Easter, I suppose there will be little or nothing done but walking and talking. To J. N. Simpkinson, Esq Eugby: 1836. You must not be angry at my turning back from the turnpike. I don't understand Arnold's saying what he did to Vaughan, for surely, at that rate, C. or S. (I don't mean to be invidious on either university) might, if they ever came here, take fellows over by wholesale, without asking leave, for of course they are in the same position, relatively to schoolboys, as you or Vaughan. And I was thinking of a good deal of mischief that D. and others had done at Easter among the fellows by taking advantage of their being ' gentlemen at large,' so that on the whole you may see that I had something more like reason, at any rate, than mere scrupulousness about the letter of the law ; though, indeed, the letter of the law is a very good thing, as the spirit is apt to vary with the interpreters, but what is written is written. I assure you I should have liked no- thing better than to have gone with you to Dunchurch, and I reproached myself very much for not having asked Arnold, as I had meant to do, at first lesson. Do you know that to-morrow the most liberal, or rather radical, measure is to be brought forward, of throwing open the Island to the fags 1 I am not quite so liberal as to vote for that, but I am afraid it will succeed. The reason of the attempt to open it is the establishment of these new gymnastic afiairs — swings, vaulting-poles, and all- EUGBY 73 kinds of monkey-trick instruments, which excite a great desire in the fags for this privilege. To the same. Liverpool : July 16, 1836. Do you know I believe I am become quite a convert to the Cambridge set's superiority, though, after all, Cambridge can never be equal to Oxford in the grandness of the idea of it ? One may fancy Cambridge a very excellent and useful big place of education, but Oxford is the place for the education of statesmen and great political men ; and the influences of Oxford and its place in relation to the commonwealth is far higher for good or for evil. Suppose Oxford became truly good and truly wise, would it not be far more important, and a far greater blessing than Cam- bridge in the same condition 1 And in this consists the superiority I used to stick up for of the Balliol set, because I believed them truly wise, and withal full of the Oxford public and political and national feeling. But to live in, and among, and as mere society, you are doubtless better and more delightful. August 8. What a delightful thing it must be, being so near Fox How ! I cannot, indeed, conceive any one calling ' the Dr.' Tom, even at Fox How. Eugby : September 23, 1836. We are all getting on very pleasantly this half-year, and the school looks remarkably harmless, and everybody inclined to do their best and behave well, which is very delicious. We are not, however, by any means full — not more than 286, which will probably be raised to the full complement next half. Of course, we have quite a new 74 LETTERS OE AETHUR HUGH CLOUGH sixth, and certainly an improvement. The night-fagging is at last abolished totally, except half an hour at the begin- ning. We have our supper in the most gentlemanly fashion, in the room together, on a tray with plates and knives, and we buy very good cheeses ourselves, and make a very sociable meal of it. And at last the dream of former days is becoming a reality : the Sixth Form Room is to be furnished ; Arnold gives us 51., and the Trustees advance the rest, except a small sum raised by immediate subscrip- tion. Also, at last, the new window is put up, and looks, I think, very beautiful. I am very happy and comfort- able, and working pretty well. OXFORD 75 LETTERS. FHOM 1836 TO 1849. OXFORD. To his Father. Oxford : November 26, 1836. I HAVE just come out from Balliol, of which college I am now a scholar. The examination concluded this morning about twelve o'clock, and it has just been given out I have got the head one, which also includes an exhibition added to it to make it more valuable, as of themselves the scholarships are not worth much. We have had a long and laborious examination, but I am quite well, and not much tired, at least I do not feel so at present. I stay up here till next Wednesday, as the inauguration is on Tuesday evening. To J. N. SimpMnson, Esq. Rugby : December 9, 1836. I am sitting in Arnold's drawing-room, of all places in the world, for my nine days at Oxford have so tired me, that after vainly trying yesterday to return to regular work, to-day I have resolved to stay out and rest myself ; and as there are to be, I believe, half a score fellows in the sick-room, Mrs. Arnold kindly took me in here. The examination was on the whole, I think, neither very favourable nor yet un- favourable to me, and it pleased God that I should be in 70 LETTERS OF AETHUR HUGH CLOUGH health and strength and good spirits, and not much excited during the days of the work. I could not but feel, from what I heard and saw, that I had a very good chance among them, and that in one or two things I had the advantage. To his Sister. BaUiol College : October 16, 1837. Behold, I am in Oxford, safe and sound, capped and gowned : have attended chapel twice, once with and once without surplice ; have been to HaU (signifying dinner in Hall) ; also twice to a wine party ; also to call on the Master, and to the University Sermon this morning ; so that by to-morrow evening, when, I hope, my books will be arrived and arranged on my shelves, and when also, I trust, I shall be furnished with a kettle and set of tea-things (for as yet I have been dependent on the bountiful hospitality of my friends), I shall be pretty completely settled. I came up with Stanley and with two other Rugbeians on Friday evening, and got established in my rooms that night. They consist of one small and one smaller room, both, however, considerably larger than my study at Rugby, in the attics of No. 4 Staircase, Outer Quadrangle. To J. P. Gell, Esq. Hope Street, Liverpool : January 16, 1838. Did the intelligence arrive in your parts of Arnold's wonderful victory in the Senate of London University ? i.e. the introduction of an examination in the Gospels and Acts into the Degree Examination, which must seem a strange novelty in that godless place. It must have been a very grand thing to see him get up among all those people and declare that they must do something to show that they OXFORD 77 were Christians and that it was a Christian University. I do not know what would become of the various shades of Whigs now existing in the University if Hawkins were to be made a Bishop. These people, however, have done a vast deal of good at Oxford, where anything so ' ungentlemanly ■" .and ' coarse ' and in such bad taste as Evangelicalism would never be able to make very much way. It seems just the sort of religious activity and zeal which one would expect to develop itself in an age of activity and shaking up in such a place as the University of Oxford. I am great friends with Brodie, and still more so, I think, with Ward, whom I like very much. I have seen more of him and of Lake than of any one else. To the same. Oxford, BaUiol College: Aprils, 1838. Do you not envy me my idleness ? you, who, I suppose, are in the miseries of entering the Trinity College Examina- tion. I have got through all my trouble, and am now fully at liberty to lie in bed, go to the newsroom, read reviews and novels, learn to skiff, and finally to insult you and Simpkinson. It is supposed that but for this Hertford, which has turned out so iU for us, all knowledge of Latin in the Uni- versity of Oxford would have been by this time quite extinct, except as surviving in College graces and University oaths,; those also not understood. I wish that you were at Oxford ; it is, I am sure, so much better a place than Cambridge, and you would have the great advantage of a good chance of becoming a disciple of o /teyos NeavSpos, whom I Hke much better than I did, and admire in many points exceedingly. 78 LETTERS OP ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH To the same. BalUol : May 8, 1838. One thing, I suppose, is clear — that one must leave the discussion of Tct NcavSpcoTriKa, k.t.X., all snug and quiet for after one's degree. And it is no harm, but rather good, to give oneself up a little to learning Oxford people, and admiring their good points, -which lie, I suppose, principally in all they hold in opposition to the Evangelical portion of society — the benefit and beauty and necessity of forms — the ugliness of feelings put on unnaturally soon, and conse- quently kept up by artificial means, ever strained and never sober. I should think very likely, too, their anti-Calvinistic views of justification were, if not just, at least very useful to lead us to the truth. I should be very sorry ever to be brought to believe their further views of matter acting on morals as a charm of sacramentaUsm, and the succession- notion so closely connected with it. All this and their way of reading and considering Scripture — such a contrast to the German fashions — rests, I suppose, entirely on their belief in the infallibility of the Church down to a certain period, to which they are led by a strong sense of the necessity of some infallible authority united with a feeling of the insuffi- ciency of the New Testament. Indeed, I think a good deal of what they say as to this latter point is stronger than anything I ever heard against it. Newman is now giving lectures on the Mystical Power of the Sacraments, and seems to have stated the objection t6 it Scripturally in a very fair and candid manner. If I had said a quarter of this to , he would have set me down at once for a thorough-going convert ad Newmanismum. But you will not be so rash ; and you remember that you asked me to write about it. It is very striking that there is a German divine among the large assortment living and thinking here, who has come to a mystical view which is no less difficult than Newman's, OXFORD 79 though not in form the same. Olshausenis his name. His notion is of a mysterious union of our bodies with our Lord's, though not by the bread and wine. To the same. Bugby : September 1838. Arnold is coming with Bunsen to Cambridge next Christ- mas holidays ; about the time, I suppose, of your going up for your degree. He is quite well again, being restored by Bunsen's visit. I think, for myself, I would give two years of my life to come to have back the last one I spent at Rugby. Many of the big, unruly fellows who are troubling the school so much now, and were in my time only showing the beginnings of their badnesses, quite haunt me at times ; but that cannot be helped, so one can only hope earnestly fer Theodore, who seems indeed very brave and manly. One sees very little of Arnold here, and indeed to talk with him almost nothing. Balliol: November 18, 1838. You must know when you modestly requested me to answer your letter by return of post, that I was then in the midst of preparations for my little-go, which fiery ordeal I have passed through now nearly three weeks. Also that Congreve and I have come to the conclusion that time in fee simple does not exist in Oxford, but only on credit, and that with heavy interest. Stanley was as much delighted as you were with Whately, and was greatly rejoiced too at finding you so unusually (for a Cambridge man) like an Oxford man. There is, I suppose, no doubt much more interest in such matters (theo- logical, ecclesiastical, political, &c.) here, than with you ; though the society sees is much the most inquiring, at 80 LETTERS OF AETHUK HUGH CLOUGH any rate, on them, than any in Oxford, and it is not a very large set. The Newmanistic undergraduates mostly shut their ears and call it blasphemy, but not quite universally, and of course they, though they will not Hsten to anything else, have a scheme of church government, &c., which they uphold, not to say anything about understanding or appre- ciating it. If you were to come here (as I hope you will after your degree is done with), you would at once have Ward at you, asking you your opinions on every possible subject of this kind you can enumerate ; beginning with Co vent Garden and Macready, and certainly not ending tUl you got to the question of the moral sense and deontology. I don't quite like hearing so much of these matters as I do, but I suppose if one can only keep steadily to one's work (which I wish I did), and quite resolve to forget all the words one has heard, and to theorise only for amusement, there is no harm in it. Hawkins, Provost of Oriel, in a very good University Sermon last Sunday, on the Duty of Private Judgment as opposed to the Right, seemed to say that undergraduates were to mind their Latin and Greek and nothing else ; or nearly so. And many people here speak of the Union as an institution of very doubtful usefulness. To the same. Oxford: 1838. We have been up here just a month and a day, enjoying for the last week of it most glorious weather, greatly to the increase of hunting and boating, and to the decrease of reading. Among other incidents I have had the pleasure of twice meeting the heresiarch airoTaTos, namely, John Henry Newman, once at a dinner-party, and once at a small and select breakfast. I was introduced, and had the honour of drinking wine with him ; on the strength of all OXFORD 81 which of course, as is one's bounden duty, I must turn Newmanist. As a first step in which process, I should rebuke you for the heresy of your last letter, dated (more shame to me) Nov. 22. I hoped very much you would come here after your degree was done, but if you continue to rest on Milton's Christian Doctrines for one leg, and Calvin's Institutes for the other, I recommend you to walk away on them as fast as you can from this seat and citadel of orthodoxy. It is difficult here even to obtain assent to Milton's greatness as a poet ; quite impossible, I should think, if you are unable to say that you ' do not know anything about his prose writings.' Also you must be ready to give up that ' irreverent ' third book. Were it not for the happy notion that a man's poetry is not at all affected by his opinions, or indeed character and mind altogether, I fear the ' Paradise Lost ' would be utterly unsaleable, except for waste paper, in the University. Concerning the Newmanitish phantasm, as some people term the Church, I do not know very much ; but perhaps you may be enlightened a little, and even softened, by the knowledge that Newman (I believe, decidedly in words, and certainly his real notion is such) holds the supremacy of the avrrj KaB' avrtjv elXiKpin^s Sidvoia, but says that submission to a divinely-appointed body of teachers and governors, to wit, bishops and presbyters and deacons, is the course that is pointed out to us by the aforesaid etXiKptvrjis SiAvoia : inasr much as it is evident to the reason from the circumstances of the case, &c., that the preponderance of probabilities is for this view, viz. that Christian privileges and covenanted salvation have been attached to the use of certain forms and sacraments whose only qualified administrators are the Apostles' successors, the clergy ; and that these gifts and graces cannot be obtained except through the medium of these divinely-appointed priests. All persons, therefore, who wilfuUy refuse to receive God's blessings through this G 82 LETTERS OP ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH channel are guilty of very great sin, and put out of the covenanted privileges of Christians. ' Are not Abana and Pharpar, rivers of Damascus, better than all the rivers of Judah ? may I not wash in them and be clean ?- ' Such is, I believe, the doctrine which, they say, is but a proper carry- ing out of the argument of Butler's Analogy. I think its proper answer must be in the lives of good men out of the influence of any such ordinances, though when any one speaks of such they at once cry ' name,' which it is perhaps difficult to do. As for Milton, he is rejected altogether because of his divorce notions and his neglect of devotions, as stated in Johnson's Kfe of him. Doddridge is often mentioned, but I believe there is some charge against him also. This disquisition, counting the Greek, must, I think, make this letter a due member of the proportion proposed in your last — viz. : — As your letter : a repartee : : this : something digestible. To the same. Oxford: April 18, 1839. I found that at Rugby I had been quite set down among theological gossips as a Newmanist, but the impression was pretty well removed by the time I came away. P , as usual, flowed with a continuous stream of German divinity and Biblical philology. Whit-Sunday, May 30. June 12th is Commemoration Day ; I hope we shall have one Rugby prize between the five attempts made by Stanley, Lake, and myself ; and indeed I believe Congreve and Arnold have also made one apiece ; but the English poems are this year fifty in number, and better than usual in quality, according to Keble, and as mine was rather worse than usual I have but little hope of proving a prize OXFORD 83 gooseberry ; indeed I am afraid I possess none of the necessary qualifications you enumerate. I have been reading five books of Plato's Republic, and ■wish to examine you in return as to whether you be a Platonist. 1st. Do you believe that iracra jota^i/o-is dm/yinyo-t? ecTTt ? 2ndly. Do you agree to dividing human nature into TO i\6crotfiov, TO iTTiOv/xoaSis, and to iTriOvixrjTiKov 1 3rdly. Do you believe that all wickedness is olkovo-iov and 8i' ayvoiav 1 4thly. Do you agree to this assertion, ' That the world will never be happy till philosophers are kings, or kings philosophers ' 1 5thly. Do you think it would be advisable to turn H.M.'s colony of Van Diemen's Land into a Platonic Republic ? the <^uXaKts whereof should be educated at College ? (the blanks you must fill up yourself ; Queen's College, Vandiemensville, is what I conjecture). If you have not hitherto studied this wondrous book I recommend you to cast aside those heterodox and heretical authors, Calvin and Milton, and immediately commence upon it. Plato, not being a Christian, is quite orthodox ; in fact, Sewell says that his Republic is realised in, and indeed is a sort of prophecy of, the Catholic Church ; Coleridge meanwhile declaring it the most wonderful antici- pation of Protestant Christianity. You must really come to Oxford, overcoming circumstances and cacoethes and everything else ; as otherwise I have no prospect whatever of seeing you. It is also advisable that you should see the Arch-Oxford-Tractator before you leave this part of the world, that you may not be ignorant on a topic doubtless interesting even to the remote barbarians in Yan Diemen's Land. It is said that Romanists are increasing, Newman- ists increasing, Socinians also, and Rationalists increasing, but all other kinds of men rapidly decreasing ; so that on your return to England perhaps you will find Newman Archbishop of Canterbury and Father Confessor to the g2 84 LETTERS OF ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH Queen ; Lord Melbourne (if not burnt) excommunicated, and philosophers in the persons of the Apostles' apostolically ordained successors fairly and Platonically established as kings. The seeds of which contingent revolutions it is requisite that you should come and contemplate in Oxford. You will also have the opportunity of seeing Conybeare Pater issuing fulminatory condemnations of the Fathers at the heads of astonished Newmanists from St. Mary's pulpit ; himself in shape, conformation, and gestures most like one of his own ichthyosauri, and his voice evidently proceeding from lungs of a fossil character. Again, you wiU see Chevalier Bunsen, Poet Wordsworth, and Astronomer Herschel metamorphosed into doctors of civil law ; a sight worthy, especially in the second case, of all contemplation. Furthermore, there will be boat-races, with much shouting and beer-drinking ; a psychological study of great interest. Cum multis aliis, quae nunc describere longum est. Nil mihi rescribas, attamen ipse veni. May 2, 1839. I hope you will carry out with you, or send home for, a good Germanised Cambridge scholar or historian, as that (next to Paley's ' Horse Paulinse ' and ' Rationalistic Divinity ') is the great bulwark against Newmanism. And I have to tell you that Bishop Broughton, your diocesan to be, has lately been sending to Oxford to beg for contribu- tions of spare books, /iaXia-Ta fniv new, but if not, old, to set up a clerical library in Australia. Such opportunities of disseminating Patristical and Ecclesiastical views are never missed by the ardent Newmanistic spirits, old and young, specially the latter. Whereby, unless the convict Clerisy be slower than their convict parishioners in their intellec- tual development, Newmanism is not improbably already founded in the far East on the foundation of Kerr and Bramhall, St. Ignatius, St. BasU, and the Oxford tracts. OXFOED 85 Pray come ; and write and let me know. I said in my last — Nil mihi rescribas, attamen ipse veni. But Latin is of course to be taken rhetorically and figuratively, and ' nil mihi rescribas ' means only — Come, if you can, before your letter. To J. N. Simphinson, Esq. Oxford : Die Celeberrimi Laurentii Sheriffii, 1839. I wish you would recommend me some book to give Gell ■ before he goes to Tasmania. I should not like to give him anything ephemera], which is a fault attaching itself, I suppose, even to ' Carlyle's Essays,' which are just published though I admire him extremely in general, and these essays even more than the ' Revolution.' Has he got a ' Boswell's Johnson ' ? I suppose so. Carlyle says Johnson is the last of the English Tories ; all since him have been but Toryish men. He has got an article on Boswell which is extremely beautiful ; likewise on Burns, which is so too. He is cer- tainly, however, somewhat heathenish ; but that, it seems to me, is the case with all literature, old and new, English and foreign, worth calling literature, which comes in one's way. I truly hope to escape the vortex of philosophism and discussion (whereof Ward is the centre), as it is the most exhausting exercise in the world ; and I assure you I quite makarise you at Cambridge for your liberty from it. To the samie. Tuesday, December 21, 1839. Q 's Newmanistic tendencies are, I am afraid, as certain if not as strong as you represent. He is so deter- mined on having a conscious system that these tendencies 86 LETTERS OF AKTHUR HUGH CLOUGH are, I think, not unnatural. I hope you do not think me much perverted. The resistance, when there is occasion for it, against proselytisers is of the most vague unsystematic kind, resting in the most unstable way on intuitions, idealities, &c. they remained and attended a highland-reel party in a shoemaker's hut at Loch Ard, and after staying up dancing and drinking milk and whisky till half-past two, rose at half-past four, walked eleven miles to a hasty breakfast with me, and then took steam down to the foot of Loch Lomond, and so by Dumbarton we came home, dirty, and dusty, and bankrupt. Loch Katrine and Loch Lomond are both like Ullswater ; the former less beautiful the latter, I think, more so. Both are less cultivated ; Loch Katrine quite wild, and the little landlocked lakelet at its foot, cut off by the Lady's Island and one or two promontories, is exceedingly beautiful. The heather also is a great accession to the Highlands. So endeth my story. At present there are staying here young Walter Scott Lockhart, who is just leaving Cambridge to join the army in his uncle Sir Walter's regiment ; also his sister. Young Walter is thought a good deal like his grandfather, but, though far from dull, he is anything but literary, and is going out to join his uncle's regiment in India, rather against his father's wish, as he is heir to Abbotsford and to Milton Lockhart, where his father's elder brother lives, and where they are now staying. September 5. On Wednesday morning we started for the Falls of Clyde. We breakfasted at Milton Lockhart, lionised Craignethan Castle, the original of Tillietudlem, returned 102- LETTERS OP AETHUE HUGH CLOUGH to luncheon, and to songs from Miss Lockhart, and after this went on to see Stonebyres, Cora Linn, and Bonnyton, the three falls, which are all very fine — nothing new in feature, but remarkable for size. "We slept at Lanark, and came back to breakfast here. The ' Quarterly ' was at Milton Lockhart, and I had some conversation with him ; he spoke of the prevalence of in- fidelity, even among the country folk of Scotland, saying, that all the small farmers in that neighbourhood were avowed unbelievers. He ascribed it greatly to Burns. Chalmers, he said, was once in a factory at Glasgow, and began to talk to some of the workpeople in his way, when he was interrupted by an old woman, who told him that he ' needna go oa ; there are nae Christians in this ward, Doctor.' In Monday's ' Times ' appeared a letter written by Ward to the ' Oxford Herald,' announcing his intention of leaving the English Church at last ; and implying the like on Newman's part, that indeed being his own ground for changing his opinion. His defence of his position in the English Church had rested, he said, on the facts — 1st. That the said Church allowed Romanist teaching. — 2nd. That Romanisers (like Newman) found themselves feel con- tinually better satisfied with the resolution of remaining in the English communion. The late decision of the Eccle- siastical Courts had, he said, destroyed the former ground, and Newman's change the latter. To the same. Calder Park : September 11, 1845. We went to Edinburgh on Tuesday ; saw the Castle and Holyrood, including Queen Mary's apartments and Rizzio's blood, the Calton Hill, and Flaxman's statue of Burns, which I admired much. We went to dine and sleep at Houston, the house of OXFOED 103 Shairp, and lionised the grounds of Hopetoun next day, which lie on the Forth, over against Dunfermline gray, &c. &c. I liked the place very much ; it is a tall, perpendicular house, four storeys and attics ; such peep-hole windows in thick stone walls ; all manner of useless little rooms on all manner of unequally disposed levels ; a stone staircase from bottom to top. Wainscotted partition walls, and old folks by the dozen looking down on you therefrom ; among the rest, Archbishop Sharpe, who seems to have been of the family, but is hardly acknowledged, as they are now Pres- byterians. And the second flower of Yarrow, really a beautiful face, though in the picture rather faded, who lived at Houston with her sister, who had married its owner. The garden, moreover, of flowers and kitchenry without distinction, with high hedges of beech and yew, &c., run- ning hither and thither about it, was very pleasant. To Rev. J. P. Gell. Liverpool : September 21, 1845. Is it news to you that Ward has at last gone over to Rome, wife and all ; is at this present moment at St. Mary's College, Oscott, having just received confirmation ? New- man, it is said, will not go over finally till Christmas, but his intention to do so is definitely announced. It is thought that his immediate followers will not be many ; ten or twelve subordinates and Oakeley is large allowance. But a great many will be rendered uneasy by his departure, and one may look out for changes in one way or other : it will be ' dropping weather ' in the Romanising line for some time to come, I dare say. Newman's Apologia, entitled ' Notes of the Church,' is expected to appear soon. So also the volumes of the reprint of Arnold's Lives, in the ' Encyclopaedia Metropolitana.' The miscellaneous volume, including the Church Reform and Catholic Emancipation pamphlets 104 LETTERS OF ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH the Sheffield and Hertford letters and other minora, has been out for a month. The Catholic Emancipation I had never read till to-day ; to-day I did so with great delight. My last reading before that was (strong meat) the ' Life of Blanco White ' : almost wholly from his own papers ; a very striking production, which has called out a review from Gladstone in the 'Quarterly,' and a more powerful one by Mozley in the ' Christian Remembrancer ' (Puseyitic extreme). For me, almost it persuaded me to turn Unitarian, that is, for the moment ; and even now I feel no common attraction towards the book and the party who have brought it out, viz. the high Unitarians, such as Miss Martineau's brother, a preacher here ; Mr. Thorn, his colleague, the editor of book, &c., and others. They have a review, the ' Prospec- tive,' ' Aspice, Respice, Prospice ' (sic) being the motto, in each of the eight numbers of which Arnold's volume, the Life, the Fragment on the Church, and the last miscellaneous volume have received an article ; and in their particular section of the people they are, I should think, doing a great deal of good. I renewed my acquaintance at the Lakes this year with Hartley Coleridge. The only thing worth recording from his lips is a saying which he repeated as his father's, that etymology is in danger of death from a plethora of prob- abilities. To Rev. T. Burhidge. Liverpool: September 23, 1845. I have been reading 'The Improvisatore,' a Danish novel translated by Mary Howitt. You know I hate Corinne. This is in the Corinne high beauty-beatification style, Italy, art, and love k I'sesth^tique ; but the thing is rendered truth- ful and sober in Dano-Gothic colouring. But this kind of book makes me long for genuine live-and-act story, such as the ' Rose of Tistelon,' which I recommend you. OXFOED 105 Item. — I have bought a Cowley, rather a scrubby 18mo, but the first edition after his death. I think Co-wley has been Wordsworth's model in many of his rhythms, and some of his curious felicities. I told you, perhaps, that I had some thoughts of laying down my toga tutoria and going abroad for a year with a pupil ; nor has the plan evaporated wholly as yet. Oxford : September 28. I went to Rugby on my way. The school is in number 490. They have built a new schoolroom at the back of the fives court, between the chapel and the stables.' Jowett comes hither, having been Stanley's companion in Germany. They saw Schelling, who spoke to them of Coleridge with high praise, saying that it was an utter shame to talk of his having plagiarised from him, Schelling. To Ms Sister. Oriel : October 1845. What shall be done in the summer ? Shall we go to Switzerland together, see the Italianlakes and Milan, taking the Seine and Paris one way, and the Rhine and Belgium the other ? Alas ! I fear there will be no money to spare. Potatoes and all ' bread-stuffs ' are like to be terribly dear ; and we shall have to live on butcher's meat for lack of cheaper food. Or have you laid in a stock of rice ? Govern- ment, it seems, will not open the ports for foreign corn : the free-traders are outvoted in Privy Council, and for the present, at any rate, we must let our neighbours buy for themselves without any interference of ours. Moreover, I think it very likely I may give up this tutorship (quod tamen tu tacere debes), and as private tutor I could not, without more work than I should like, 108 LETTERS OF AKTHUE HUGH CLOUGH make the same sum per annum which I now receive from the College. To Bev. T. Burhidge. Oxford: October 19, 1845. There is a good article (a portent) in the ' Quarterly,' pronounced to be MUman's, on the ' Relation of Clergy to People,' against priestcraft and authority, and extolling marriage ; it is really very well done. There is also (a portentous portent) another article not at all to be despised, on the ' Moral Discipline of the Army,' specially in regard of Chaplains ; in a postscript to which announcement is made that certain improvements have just been ordered by Government, as for instance the building' of chapels for barracks. The poet Faber, men say, will go, but the ultra-Puseyites in general seem inclined not to take headers a la Ward, but to sneak in and duck their heads till they are out of their depth. Liddell, it appears, is standing for the Moral Philosophy chair. I hope he will get it ; he is a man who will work, and who will be listened to. October 28. I have, however, in the last three days found time to read 'Jeanne, par George Sand,' the most cleanly French novel I ever read, and not cleanly only, but pure. If I knew French well enough, and was not a college tutor, I would translate it, and I believe it would take ; for one thing, the hero is an Englishman, and by no means a com mon, but a very veritable hero. 31st. Liddell, thank Heaven, is elected Professor of Moral philosophy. The election brought Vaughan up, and we OXFORD 107 had the pleasure of seeing him. He is very agreeable, converses very weU, and I wish sincerely he was up here always. November 1. Potato-disease, and abolition of corn-laws — at any rate, immediate opening of ports for foreign com, which ports it may be found somewhat hard to close again ; panic in the railway market gradually dispelled again, not unlikely how- beit to reappear ; such is the news of the week. Cobden sounds a note of triumph at Manchester, and dubs Hudson with the title of ' King of Spades,' in joint allusion to his innumerable army of navigators and his gifts at shuffling and card-tricks. O'Connell, called upon by the Saxon press to do something more for his starving countrymen than vapour- ing at the Conciliation Hall, comes out with a 10 per cent, tax on all landowners, and 50 per cent, on absentees. London, meantime, fearless of lack of funds, proposes to adorn itself with a grand verandah system — at least for all shopping streets. A very desirable plan, I think. I have often wondered that the hint of Chester rows had not been taken long ago. To his Sister. Oriel : November 23, 1845. Another convert is gone over to Rome — Faber, the poet, who used to excite admiration when preaching some seven years ago at Ambleside ; and at Cambridge a flitting from the Camden is expected. The Irish Colleges are to be, I believe, at Belfast, and certainly at Cork and Galway. This last would be wholly Roman Catholic, I suppose, otherwise I should like it, for the country near it is very beautiful. There is a great lake, some forty mUes long, Lough Corrib, the upper part of which they say is like Wastwater. 108 LETTERS OF ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH Belfast would be chiefly Presbyterian ; at any rate, Protestant. Cork is to be under a Dr. Kane, a chemist and I fancy a very able and sensible man. I think it possible I may some day find myself at one of these places. I don't much mind which. But they won't be ready for two years, I should think. To the same. Kugby: December 23, 1845. I hope you will forgive me. I am not coming home before Monday. It appears that P. Newman (Newman's brother) is coming here on Friday ; and 1 am very desirous to see him, and my hosts urge me to stay. F. Newman, by-the-by, is the author of the paper in the ' Prospective Review,' on Arnold's Miscellaneous Works. I really think I ought not to miss this opportunity of seeing him ; so I trust you and mother will forgive my truancy for once, though I fear that you will have but a meagre Christ- mas party. To Rev. T. Bwrhidge. Liverpool : January 19, 1846. Price has been writing a letter or two in the ' Balance,' a newspaper set up on principles which may be described as Amoldite out of Evangelical, a somewhat mongrel progeny, perhaps, with more of profession than fervour ; and the paper is certainly weak, though certainly at the same time well meaning. It wishes to become a sort of Sunday newspaper for all sorts of people, gentle and simple, nobleman, and serving man, and working man. Gurney, I believe, is editor ; Lord Robert Grosvenor and some others have promised to pay the piper for a while. Gurney puts poems into it. I wrote a letter myself which is to appear in its columns next week. Another newspaper, ' The Daily News,' is placarding itself for issue on the 21st, the literary OXFORD 109 department under the direction of Charles Dickens. Is ' Bo2 ' proposing to reform the press 1 to combat, a printer's ink St. Michael, the Dragon immorality of the ' Times ' 1 It is open to conjecture. But perhaps it is only a quiet little job in the money-making way. Half a dozen new newspapers are commencing their career ; it is almost like a railway mania. An evening or two after I wrote I met Martineau accidentally. I liked him greatly. He talked simply, courteously, and ably, and has a forehead with a good deal of that rough-hewn mountainous strength which one used to look at when at lesson in the library at Rugby not without trembling. To his Sister. Oxford : February 1846. I have only just time to sign my name. My lectures go on from ten till two these days. Just at this time, too, there are numerous parties — breakfasts, namely, and dinners — which cut me out of the usual odds and ends that do for letter-writing. I have been very gay this week ; there is always a sort of carnival at Oxford, and this year it hap- pens to coincide with the end of the Rugby holidays. We had several Rugby masters up — Tait, Arnold, Congreve, and Bradley, &c . ; and on Tuesday there was a Rugby dinner, which was very successful and pleasant. Concerning marriage, what you say is true enough, but to fall in love without knowledge is foolery ; to obtain knowledge without time and opportunity and something like intimate acquaintance is, for the most part, impossible ; and to obtain time and opportunity is just the thing. Then, again, there comes the question of reconciling marriage with one's work, which for me is a problem of considerable difficulty. It is not every one who would like to be a helpmate in the business I am likely to have. IJO LETTERS OF ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH To the same. Castleton Braemar : i August 9, 1846. Our house is very comfortable, and affords us two sitting- rooms, one of which is conceded to my special use. The other has a nice look out up the Glen of Clunie, a little stream which dashes through the granite just beside us, and gives us a pool to bathe in. But the country in general is not what I require for full delight. The hills are round, and somewhat tame, though beautifully clad with heather. The Dee, which is the great river of the district, into which the Clunie runs, is very pretty, and indeed beautiful, three miles higher up. And the mountain excursions still farther off, in the region of Benmacdhui and Cairngorm, will I dare say prove satisfactory. The kirk to which we went this morning is fairly administered, but not very much attended. I fancy more go to the Free Kirk ; and there is also a Roman Catholic Chapel in the village, and a good many of the poorer folks are Papists. I have given up the idea of the school at Birmingham, having settled to stay out my time at Oxford. You must remember what a great advantage for inter- course with the poor is given by any sort of cultivation^ music, drawing, dancing, German, French, e(TOTr(oXeiov is, or a KairvoiruiXeiov, or finally, a Trvev/ji,aTOTnaXelov 1 there are a great many in Athens, but there are even more Katfxjitvtia. 264 LETTERS OF AETHUK HUGH CLOUGH You know of course a woSTy/iaraTrotos, but what is a pairTijs ? and should you know an omnibus as a Xeux^opdiov 1 Saturday, May 11. I dined yesterday at the Hills', at three, meeting Miss Bremer, who has been living here three years. She is a little shrunk old lady, very quiet. In the evening I went to a mixed soiree, consisting chiefly of Greeks, from nine to near twelve ; music, with two professionals, Italians. I talked a little to Miss Bremer, and to a Mr. and Mrs. and Miss Dragoumi. Mrs. and Miss Dragoumi had come with us in the boat : he conducts a Greek review. The music was good, I think ; they get pianos from Vienna, and have some good masters. They say the Greek girls marry at seven- teen ; they learn French and music very well. Everybody learns French ; a good many, English, to read ; everybody, old Greek, to read a little. Thursday, May 16. I have got back, a little tired, but no worse. We had a beautiful sail by steamer to Nauplia on Sunday ; it is a iilthy place, and we left it gladly at six on Monday, on horseback ; saw the ruins of Tiryns, TipvvOd re T€i)(i6£cr(rav, and stopped half an hour at Argos, after a ride of seven miles. It was by this time nine o'clock, and very hot ; and we didn't go up the Acropolis, but rode off, and in about an hour and a half reached our halting-place below Mycenae, remains of walls on some bare rocky ground a mile above being visible as we rode up. We lunched under a tree, almost the only tree visible, and then went up, ridiag. The Tomb,' or Treasury, is extremely remarkable, so also are the other ruins, the Gate and the Wall. Thence back by another course to the road, and shortly into a pass, the tptjtos, which became wooded, with shrubs, and had a pleasant stream. So into a fine upland among hills, then down into an open ' With wonder in the spacious gloom Stood of the Myoensean tomb. — M(wi Magna. LONDON 265 valley, or plain among hills, where we saw the three columns of Nemea ; then down to them, and back over the hill-side, lower down to our former line, and so down a water-course to another little plain, to four houses among some willows — one a small barrack for some ten soldiers ; one a little cook and coffee shop ; one, I suppose, a little farm, and a sort of granary place behind the shop, with a room fitted up over one part of the granary for strangers. Here we lodged, and next day went on to Corinth ; but here rain came on, and we saw no view. We slept at Kalamaki on the east side of the Isthmus, and came on yesterday. I go to-day to Con- stantinople, and shall return on the 31st. To the same, Constantinople : Sunday, May 19, 10 A.M. We arrived here this morning at half -past four, and landed between six and seven ; it was raining all the time, so that the far-famed first view was nil for us. But our voyage otherwise was prosperous, fair and fine all the way ; the moon and stars bright over the isles of Marmora when we went to bed last night. Ths steamer only left Piraeus at 3 p.m. on Friday. We passed under Cape Colonna, and saw the temple very well about 5.30 p.m. ; passed then through the strait between the southern point of Euboea and the northern point of Andros : the former is known as Capo d'Oro, i.e. Caphareus, where Minerva drowned Ajax the Lesser. Night fell as we left Euboea ; and when I came on deck at 6.30 a.m. yes- terday, we had Lesbos, a long range of mountains, on the immediate right ; and the coast of Asia, south of the Troad, on the right bow. An aged modern Greek pointed out to me a small thing on the horizon, almost straight ahead, a little to the left of our course, which he said was Tenetho, ' bello paese, buon vino, buon' e forte.' Some little after 266 LETTERS OF AETHUE HUGH CLOUGH we passed it, and several French savans began to quote, ' Est in conspectu,' rather reminding one of ' As in prsesenti.' We went in between Tenedos or Tenetho (a desert-looking island still, but with one little corner occupied by a little town, with a fort and three minarets) and the Troadj and at this crisis were summoned to breakfast, but recovered (most of us) the deck in time to see the actual plain of Troy, and the entrance of the Dardanelles. There should have appeared three tumuli at the turn, but I could not well make them out. The embouchure of the Simois, just above the town, lets you look up into the plaia, backed, many miles off, by Mount Ida. And so up the Dardanelles, which were crowded with vessels taking advantage of the south wind, and so to Dar- danelles (the Turkish town so called), where we stop, to obtain permission to go on. Here are the castles and the con- suls, and H.M.S. 'Melpomene,' having just, as I now learn, brought Lord Dufferin from Beyrout ; and one hears that the Sultan is very ill and likely to die, which on arriving here one learns is all a lie. Then past Sestos and Abydos, and the strait gradually widens till at Gallipoli, where the French and English armies encamped, it opens into the Sea of Ma,rmora. Lampsacus is on the right, a little before Gallipoli on the left, ^gospotami I couldn't quite make out. The Sea of Marmora, also, was full of shipping, most in full sail for Constantinople, some also beating down,, out- ward bound. May 20. Another wet day ! Was there ever such a disaster ? We are to have the firman to see St. Sophia on Wednesday ; to-morrow we are to do the walls ; Thursday, Scutari ; Fri^ day. Sweet- Waters ; Saturday, the Bosphorus. But the place is one requiring blue sky and bright sun, and there is no promise of either. The hotel is costly, but comfortable in its way, if one only had not to stay in it altogether. LONDON 267 May 21, 6.30 P.M. We waited because of heavy clouds this morning for more than an hour, and then mounted our horses, and set out just in time for a heavy shower, but before getting quite wet we were across the bridge of boats, and under shelter in the bazaar, through whose covered arcades we paced on horseback, between silks and shawls, &c., with great imperturbability. When we got to the end, the shower was over, and passing the Mosque of Sultan Bajazet, and under the Seraskierat tower, we went right ahead through strange Turkish lanes with pavements worse than execrable, and in about two hours from starting reached the ancient citadel of the Seven Towers, still all entire. There, under some trees, we dismounted, and with some trouble got admittance into the court, full of trees and shrubs of natural growth. The trees are here more northern than in Greece — ashes, a sort of lime, planes not abundant, wild figs, and the cypresses, which 1 suppose are almost all planted; the cemeteries, of course, are perfect forests of them. So up to the parapet, and up a tower for the view ; the Sea of Marmora here, the city there- — a very fine view 4 then out and along the outside of the ancient walls, for a long way, to a caf ^ at the Adrianople gate ; then inside to Belisarius's castle, and on foot through a, house full of Jews (seven or eight girls puUing at us for baksheesh) to a parapet, for another view of the Golden Horn. Thence through a hor- rible Jews' quarter, and a not much better Greek quarter, across to the Patriarchal Church, and so along the Golden Horn shore, but separated from it by houses, to our former bridge, and so across to Pera a,nd home, 11 a.m. to 6 p.m. May 23. Yesterday, with some rain and some fatigue, we did the SeragHo (French engravings and French gout). Kiosk of Amurath .II. (better), St. Irene, St. Sophia, the Mosque of 268 LETTEKS OF AKTHUE HUGH OLOUGH Ahmed (all -white, except some blue China tiles, beautiful courtyard and fountains), the Hippodrome, and a Tomb of Sultan Mahmoud — all this under the protection of the firman, and in a party of nearly twenty strangers. Sultan Mah- moud's is a sort of conservatory tomb — large windows all round, with white curtains, light and airy, and high-domed roof. The Sultan is buried there, with his wife, sister, and four daughters. The Seraglio was a good deal below one's expectations ; St. Sophia certainly beyond mine. The amplitude of the dome is very impressive ; it is a sort of Pantheon exalted into a Monotheon. Michael Angelo ought to have seen it. How many times in the course of the day's work we had to pull off boots and shoes and put on slippers, I can't dare to say. The weather is still unsettled. The Bithynian Olympus is one long range of snow-covered Alp. Till yes- terday we had a fire in the sitting-room, and yesterday we missed it. I have found great solace from a terrace on the roof, which gives a tolerable view of the Strait, and the Seraglio point, and Scutari, and the hills across the end of the Sea of Marmora, and the snowy Olympus overtopping them. May 24, 10 A.M. This, you know, is the Mahometan Sunday, and the Sultan goes to mosque, and we are to go and stare at him on his way. Mosque is at twelve o'clock, and we start at eleven. I dined yesterday with Dr. Beretta, who is a most amiable kind man, but first I went with him to see Elizabeth Kondaxaky, the Cretan sibyl, who prophesies, fortunately in English, as well as Greek, and other tongues, whereof she has the gift. I have not exactly summed up the result of her prophecies, but she seems to be for Eng- land and Turkey — the latter as ' a necessary evil,' and the former as the natural protector of necessary evils. LONDOJ!^ 269 May 26. On Friday we went to see the Sultan go to mosque, which he did in his caique of twenty oars or more. We were received into the house of HalU Bey, a profane Frank- mannered Turk, with windows looking, some upon the Bosphorus, where the caique passed by, and some upon the court of the mosque, where the Sultan disembarked, so we saw the poor creature admirably ; he looks quite ' the sick man.' When he got on shore, a sort of chant was set up, inter- preted to us, as ' Sultan ! trust not in yourself ; there is God above, who is greater than you,' which was not say- ing very much. Then I left my companions and went back to the hotel, and then over to Scutari with Dr. Pincoff, and saw all Scutari, Barrack and General Hospitals, and F. N.'s own tower, and rooms, and everything, of which you shall hear when I return. We went by steamer up the Bosphorus, to Buyukdere, and up a hill to see the Black Sea. Sunday, 5 p.m. We have been to see the dancing dervishes, really not an unedifying spectacle in the way of a divine service. ' God, what a wonderful Creator Thou art ! Thou hast made so many thousand human beings, black and white ; and whom Thou pleasest, black or white. Thou canst raise to be distinguished.' To such words and other such, chanted with musical instruments accompanying, twenty men, in presence of their chief, in solemn silence, go twirling about with extended arms and spinning long petticoats. ' O God what a wonderful Creator Thou art ! ' &c., &c. Adieu. To C. E. Norton, Esq. London: July 4, 1861. On coming back from abroad ten days ago I received two letters from you, one of which I had received by copy 270 LETTERS OF AETHUE HUGH CLOUGH from my wife at Athens. Many thanks for them ; they were very interesting, and I hope you will not be discouraged by my brief acknowledgments from writing further. I am still invalided, and am to go abroad again the day after to- morrow. I have achieved a good deal already, having seen Athens and Constantinople. I was half tempted to come over to pay you the visit you so kindly proposed, but I should have had to return early in September, and I hope some year to spend a September on your side. I have just made a call on a former acquaintance in America, Miss E. H., of Concord, who brought me a letter from Emerson moreover. She tells me that in New England, she believes, people do not expect that the Southern States will ever be brought back into the Union, and that it is not the object simply to make them return ; it being indeed hardly possible that the States, North and South, should ever again live together in union, but that the war is rather in vindication of the North and its rights, which have been trampled upon by the South. Is this true, in your judgment 1 Certainly it does seem hardly conceivable that South Carolina should ever return. On what terms then would the North be willing to make peace, and what conditions would it require in limine before entering upon the question of separation ? As for the feeUng here, you must always expect states- men to be cold in their language, and the newspapers impertinent and often brutal. Beyond this,, I think people here had been led to suppose at the outset that the Northern feeling was strong against civil war (and so it was, I suppose), and that the principle of separation was conceded ; the indignation being merely at the mode adopted for obtaining it. And the attack on Fort Sumter, which caused so sudden a revulsion of feeling with you, was naturally attended with no such change here. But coexisting with all this, I believe there is a great amount of strong feeling in favour of the North. ' • ' LONDON 271 Technically we are wrong, I suppose, and as a matter of feeling, we are guilty of an outrage in recognising the South as a belligerent power, but as a matter of convenience between your Government and ours, I suppose the thing is best as it is. Miss H. will take to Emerson four photographs of Rowse's picture of me ; one for you : it may be better than nothing. My nervous energy is pretty well spent for to-day, so I must come to a stop. I have leave till November, and by that time I hope I shall be strong again for another good spell of work. Lord Campbell's death is rather the characteristic death of the English political man. In the cabinet, on the bench, and at a dinner party, busy, animated, and full of effort to- day, and in the early morning a vessel has burst. It is a wonder they last so long. I shall resign if it proves much of a strain to me to go on at this official work. Farewell. To Ms Wife Mont Dore-les-Bains, Auvergne : July 16, 1861, This is a queer place, a French watering-place, a village, scarcely even a village, metamorphosed by having a square of hotels on three sides and a bath establishment on one side, with a sort of terrace or esplanade stuck down into it. The place is some 3,000 feet above the sea, a green Swiss-like valley, right in the mountains, with fir-trees standing out from the green mountain sides, just as in Switzerland. There is a hot spring, or rather a quantity of hot springs, issuing from the volcanic rock, known and used by the Romans, and re-discovered or re-established for use under the first Napoleon, to whose time the buildings seem to belong. They are about sufficient for the 500 or 600 people who come. We were fifty, I think, at dinner yesterday, in one of the hotels. The journey here in the diligence was agreeable, right 272 LETTBKS OF ARTHUK HUGH CLOUGH over the chain of hills, of which Puy de D6me is the highest, from the valley of the Allier (flowing to the Loire) to the valley here flowing to the Gironde. We mounted to about 3,300 or 3,400 feet above the sea, and descended 300 or 400 to this place ; the high land was a green pastoral district with rounded hUls mostly ; no very distinct craters on the route ; a lake a little way off was one, I suppose. This is really an odd enough place to be in ; dejeuner at ten, dinner at half -past five ; two tables of about twenty-five people, all French ; we also have a drawing-room where we meet before meals, and sit generally (only I don't) ; gentle- men unbeknown to ladies give their arms to ladies aforesaid, to conduct them into dinner, and occasionally out from dinner. I sit near some pleasant people at dinner, a Parisian of the Parisians on one hand, and a Marseilles opulent-seem- ing seeming-merchant with a wife, a sister and some children, on the other. Last night, from eight to half -past nine, was a soiree magicale, things coming out of hats, &c., followed by a divertissement of a poet and improvisatore, who did hout- rime. The company supplied him for his last ipreuve with about fourteen or sixteen words, rhymes mascuKne and feminine, mitraUle, canaille, volcan, enoan, ending with baigneur and bonheur, which gave him the opportunity (the subject by the way being also given him after the rhymes, viz. vin de champagne) to wish in conclusion to chaque aimdble haigneur I don't know how much bonheur, which of course drew the house. The poet's face was a great round simple-looking piece of countenance, and he was fat but alert, and knew more tricks than one, I dare say. July 19. Went to Lac Gu&y and the Plateau with Jean. Wages three francs a day, and for harvest three francs and victuals : the same as at Marseilles. The schoolmaster has 600 francs. LONDON 273 July 20. Talked with M. Chabuy. He is percepteur of all taxes. They are imperial, ddpartemental, communal. (There are three classes of percepteurs, the third, viz. of communes de canton, is named by the prdfet.) He is bound within a certain time to pay all to the tresor. His accounts are verified by the prefecture, and inspectors come every now and then — one every year into each department — who have the right of looking into the accounts, examining the caisse communale. It would not do to leave it to the conseil and maire. There is very little malversation. The church pay- ments for chaires, burials, &c., are regulated by the bishop. Government pays all the ministers — Catholic, Protestant, and Jews. If a place of worship of any kind is to be built, the commune pays, and everybody is contribuable, of what- ever religion. To the same. Mont Dore-les-Bains : July 21. My plans are changed. This morning about 8. 30, going across the place to the caf^ whom should I see but Tennyson. They are all here. They go to the Pyrenees, and I am to follow them. I want to come home in September, and see no sufficient reason yet for not returning to work in No- vember. I don't at all want to spend a winter abroad away from the children, and were I to be brought to do so, I should want to come home first. Coming home did me good. I now propose to go to some place in the Pyrenees and ride about. Bagnferes de Luchon will be the first trial, as the Tennysons will be there. To the same. Bagnferes de Luchon, Pyrfnfies : July 30. I came on here yesterday ; a ten hours' drive in the banquette of a diligence, but it was a fine day and not T 274 LETTERS OF AETHUK HUGH CLOUGH excessively hot. The place is exceedingly crowded, a sort of mountain Brighton. This Franco-Gallo-cockney-Chamouni is, however, not unbearable, if taken in the right way. It is in a rich valley, an almost perfect level here of com^ maize especially, and vegetables, running in like an estuary among the mountains. At the head of it, between sides of wooded mountains, you see the rocky peaks with snow in their clefts, filling up the gap. But there are no Alpine eternal-snowy peaks visible here. August 4. On Friday I went in a sort of public conveyance some six or eight miles up the valley to the Hospice, and thence walked with my fellow-passengers up the Port de Venasque into Spain. You see the whole Maladetta, and it's the principal thing to do here. Yesterday I went up into the Valine de Lys, full of waterfalls ; and to-day I have been a longish ride, starting at 6 a.m., to the Lac d'Oo, really a very beautiful mountain lake, the lowest of four or five ; the others are a good way higher up. August 6. I have been my ride, five hours over hills, looking out upon the glaciers of the main chain ; these hills are called the Super Bagnferes, and rise right above here. Then down about eleven o'clock to the chalet of the Valine de Lys, where I stayed about three hours, breakfasting, going up to some waterfalls, and sheltering from a brief storm, and so home. August 8. Providence overruled my mind not to go out riding to- day as I had intended, so I got the letter telling of the new little daughter in good time. I think you must call the little girl Blanche Athena. The Tennysons are at Bigorre. I am very glad to have the prospect of joining them, for it is rather too solitary work going about Pyreneeing with a horse and a guide, or even say two horses and a guide. However, the two men I have LONDON- 275 had here have been good company in their way — two cousins, both having served as soldiers, one six years, the other eight or nine. One was in the Crimea, and all through the campaign in Italy, and means to be a soldier again. He had just finished his time when his brother was drawn in the conscription. His brother had just married, so he said he would serve two years for him, and when the two years were ended and he came home, somehow or other the brother was let off. Eighteen went from Luchon to the Crimea, ten or twelve of them cousins ; thirteen came back, and they are, I think, all here as baigneurs, guides, &c. This fine young fellow was a hussar, and went out straight to Algiers, where he set to work and ate so many figs and oranges that he had a fever at once, and was in the hospital for three months. He was wounded just at the end of the Crimean war, a fortnight before the peace, and was in hospital at Constantinople for three months. He made' great friends with the English, apparently. So much for Pierre Redonnet, with whom I rode on Tuesday over Super Bagnferes to the Valine de Lys. The day before I had his cousin Jean, who is a family man, and unambitious of military service. I have seen here a certain Comte de , an Italian, a Tuscan, who knew some friends of yours at Rome. He is a Confederation man, and declaims against this premature attempt at a united Italy. I met him at the Lac d'Oo. He has just been here, and all but embraced me in his obscurantist arms, and has bidden me adieu, 'God bless you.' He talks English, which he mixes a little with German, and I mix my English with a little Italian. Who can he be ? and why has he so nearly embraced me ? Luchon is a very Parisian place ; people flaunt about, and wear strange Parisian mountain-costumes, ' tours-de- t6te ' of all kinds. The French upper classes seem to me to be strongly possessed with the feeling that the Italian king- t2 276 LETTERS OF AETHUB HUGH CLOUGH dom is very much against French interests ; and partly also with the feeling that the Emperor is driven into it by England, who knows it to be bad for France. Sardinia would pacify them, no doubt. But after Rioasoli's declara- tion, can he, and after Lord John's speech, can he, assent ? All things perhaps are possible. August 9. To-day comes a note to say that the Tennysons are all coming here this evening, and I have already taken my place for Luz, vid Bigorre ! Go I must, and start early to-morrow morning. To the same. Luz, St. Sauveur: August 13. This (Luz) is the place where all the Barfeges things are made. The old women are all busy with distaff and spincfle. The things are made not at Barfeges, but here and at Bigorre. The old women go about ia scarlet hoods ; the men all wear light-blue caps ; the younger women handker- chiefs, brown, with yellow stripes. I have nothing to relate, so I send you some verses made this morning, called ' Currente Calamo.'' August 17. I have been laid up for some days, but am well again, and this morning walked up to Barfeges, four miles up a high valley east of this. It is a regular pool of Bethesda, only the diseased and impotent people seem to have learnt to play at cards ; a desolate place with a staring ^tablisse- inent and a soldiers' hospital, and everybody on crutches, and the only apparent enjoyment playing at cards in shabby cafds. A high road with electric telegraph leads up to it and ends with it. August 18. To-day, as soon as I got the letters, I set off for Gavarnie ; the horses were waiting at the door for the ' Ma/i-i Magna : My Tale. LONDON 277 postman. We got away at 7.20 A.M., and riding up the Gave, or riverside, reached Gavarnie village in two hours ; here there is a hotel of a quiet kind. Soon after passing through this, you come in fair sight of the Cirque. The ground is mostly level, except a rise at the end, which brings you to the platform of the Cirque itself, and to the cottage which is the end of the riding. A little beyond it there is snow, forming a bridge over the stream, and you have the vast cascade in full sight, but far off. One waits tUl noon for the sun to get on the cascade and turn it into a white cloud. It is the finest thing, certainly, that I have seen in the Pyrenees. August 19. Yesterday was very hot, cloudless, though not without air. To-day there is a ' brouillard sec ' all over the hUl-tops, a north wind blowing, and no sunshine. August 20. To-day again is the blessed brouillard, keeping all the world cool, but preventing the ascent of hUls. August 23. I have been to Cauterets by diligence two days ago. Yesterday at 6 a.m. went to Lac de Gaube, which is very good, returned to Cauterets and lounged about the rest of the day, and this morning at 6.30 came back on horseback over the hills and got here at eleven. Cauterets is certainly beautiful, more beautiful than this, only it is a busyish water-place, which this is not ; the water-place here, St. Sauveur, being a mile off, and very little frequented. Cauterets is right in the real granite, and the stream is absolutely clear, which no other large stream yet seen by me in these parts is. August .31. I have been over to Luchon to see the Tennysons, whom I found very comfortably established in pleasant lodgings out of the town, in maize fields, not far from the river. 278 LETTERS OF ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH These places are beginning to lose their beau monde. It was a two days' journey. I rode on Saturday through Bareges, up to the Tourmalet Pass, and down to Grip, up again to Col d'Aspin, and so down to Arreau. Next day left Arreau at 6.30 a.m., and came up a long valley to the top of another col, and so down to Luchon before half -past eleven. It was agreeable enough to be worth doing twice, so I came back on horseback the same way, leaving Luchon on Tuesday. I rode to Arreau in the afternoon, then reascended the Col d'Aspin, when the view, this time was complete and much finer ; from Maladetta east to the Pic du Midi de Bigorre west ; saw, with a slight haze in the air, Maladetta and Port de Venasque perfectly, the glaciers about the Valine de Lys, the Lac d'Oo, the Pic du Midi, and the Barfeges mountains, all quite clear. I reached Luz about six on Wednesday. I did one new thing yesterday, and went up the Pic des Bergons, whence there is really a fine view of Pic du Midi on the one hand, and Mont Perdu and Breche de Roland on the other. I send you another Pyrenean fragment : — She fed her cows, the mountain-peaks between.^ September 1. The Tennysons arrived at 6.30 yesterday. Tennyson was here, with Arthur HaUam, thirty-one years ago, and really finds great pleasure in the place ; they stayed here and at Cauterets. ' ^none,' he said, was written on the inspiration of the Pyrenees, which stood for Ida. September 6. Yesterday we went up the Pic du Midi, which proved fully equal to all expectations, though there was haze over the plain and over the remoter ends of the chain. It is a very complete view of the chain as we saw it, only from the ' Mari Magna : My Tale. LONDON 279 Maladetta to the Pic du Midi d'Ossau ; our Pic du Midi lying detached, or only tacked-to by the thin Col de Tour- malet, some way to the north. Tennyson and have walked on to Cauterets, and I and the family follow in a calfeche at two. Cauterets : September 7. To-day is heavy brouillard down to the feet, or at any rate ankles, of the hUls, and Httle to be done. I have been out for a walk with A. T. to a sort of island between two waterfalls, with pines on it, of which he retained a recollec- tion from his visit of thirty-one years ago, and which, moreover, furnished a simile to ' The Princess.' He is very fond of this place, evidently, and it is more in the mountains than any other, and so far superior. A CONSIDEEATION OF OBJECTIONS AGAINST THE EETEENCHMENT ASSOCIATION. . OXFOED 1847. A CONSIDERATION OF OBJECTIONS AGAIKST THE EETRENCHMENT ASSOCIATION AT OXFORD DURING THE IRISH FAMINE IN 1847. The first obvious, and, if sound, obviously fatal, objection to this Association, is directed not against the intention, but against the means employed. Why associate 1 Cannot we be temperate without joining a temperance society ? cannot we give ahns without printing our names ? To those who think and speak thus, may it not be said. If you think thus, and speak thus, then do thus ? It is by no means the object to form a great joint-stock charity- doing monopoly : the more numerous and the more active those are whose names do not appear, the better satisfied, I am sure, will be those whose names do appear. If you do not like charity by association, see that private charity is energetic ; and those you complain of will not complain of you. But I think they wUl flatter themselves that at the same time your private efibrts will be powerfully seconded by the organisation you dislike. Will it not be easier for you to retrench now that retrenchment is not likely to be mis- taken 1 Breakfast parties, and wine parties, &c., &c., are as it were the currency of hospitality : you cannot alter this ' coin of the realm ' of entertainments without coming 284 PROSE REMAINS OP ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH to some common understanding. And to come to that com- mon understanding some degree of undesirable publicity- may surely be endured. A second objection, of a different kind, rests upon the statement that a great number of undergraduates receive no fixed allowance from home : what they do not spend, they do not receive. Of course in those cases, where all that can be saved -is welcome at home, nothing further can be said : no retrenchment can be urged, because it is pre- sumed no retrenchment can be made. In all others may it not be asked, Is it true that you have not, in point of fact, what comes to the same thing as an allowance ? a sum of money which you are expected to call for, beyond which you are expected not to go, and up to which you would think yourself justified in spending for your own gratification ? The sum which last year the paternal purse would have freely given for ices, will it this year refuse for almsgiving ? What with a safe conscience you would have asked for then, will not your conscience suffer you to petition for now ? But be this as it may — for economy is a duty towards friends and parents sadly enough neglected in Oxford — one thing may and must be said. Do not, in the name of common sense, first refuse to give, because the money is not yours, and then go and spend on yourself, because it is your father's. You are not called upon, you think, to be your father's almoner : he is his own almoner : let it be so. But may it not be at this season permitted you to strengthen his hands in this capacity 1 Will not the money which your economy here will leave at his disposal, find its way, think you, into the hands and mouths and hungry stomachs, if not of Irish, yet of English labourers ? We shall find, I think, soon, some reason to believe that for the sake of all it is at this present time most incumbent on all, if not to give, at any rate not to consume. Why are operatives out of work in ON RBTRENCHMENX AT OXFOKD 285 Yorkshire and Lancashire 1 Why are farm labourers receiving in these midland and southern counties wages at all times small, at this time and with these prices of corn, barely enough to keep soul and body together ? why is not work, more and more than enough, provided, as was ex- pected, by railways 1 Pendent opera interrupta. Why — why is it, or how ? Not because there is no useful work to be done ; no orders from abroad for cotton goods ; no agri- cultural improvements possible ; no lines of railway worth the making. No. Why indeed, or how, but because there is not money to pay the expenses of the working ; to buy cotton for the operatives to turn into calicoes ; to buy tUes for draining ; or iron and bricks and mortar for railways. God, by a sudden visitation, has withdrawn from the income He yearly sends us in the fruits of His earth, sixteen mil- lions sterling. Withdrawn it, and from whom ? On whom falls the loss ? Not on the rich and luxurious, but on those whose labour makes the rich man rich and gives the luxuri- ous his luxury. Shall not we then, the aflBuent and indul- gent, spare somewhat of our affluence, curtail somewhat of our indulgence, that these (for our wealth too and our indulgence in the end) may have food while they work, and have work to gain them food ? He who at this moment saves money (I say not to send to Skibbereen, but) to lay out in some profitable investment, to lend to master manu- facturers for buying cotton, or landlords for draining, or railway companies for excavating — yes, he who but buys into the funds, does more a great deal — yea, more, as some- thing is more than nothing, as plus is more than minus, than he who spends, albeit for the benefit of the trade, in wines, and ices, and waistcoats. So is it, as a general rule, and must be ; he who eats his cake cannot have it ; he who saves it may change it for bread, and that bread may maintain men at work. So is it as a general rule : yet there are surely modifications. 286 PROSE REMAINS OF ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH And here we come to the great objection, ' the tradesman's ' objection I may call it, which is the most important by far of all that have been urged against this system of re- trenchment. You are taking the bread out of the mouths not of ' wealthy tradesmen ' only, but ' wealthy tradesmen's' far-from-wealthy work-people. Do you think all that tailor- ing, and man-millinery making, that cooking, and that horse-tending, that serving and waiting was done by nobody? Will nobody stand idle and hungry, because you have changed your mind ? Had you not, as it were, rung your bell for them, and now when they wait your commands have you nothing to say 1 Had you not, in point of fact, engaged their service, and now do you, without warning, dismiss them 1 If they suffer by it, are you not in the wrong 1 If they starve, is not yours the guilt ? Doubtless, indeed, if in this country any man in any place starve, a verdict of guilt, less or greater, must I fear be brought, not, as in Irish juries, against Lord John Russell, but against the wealthy and luxurious of this wealthy and luxurious land. 'We are verily guilty concerning our brother, in that we saw the anguish of his soul when he besought us and we would not hear.' Their suffering is on our heads. But the question is. Who had best suffer ? those who are working to bring things right, or those whom we could not save from suffering without crippling our means for all ? Which must be put on shortest allowance, the able soldier or the camp-follower ? Which must be dismissed, in this household that must be reduced, the farm labourers or the valets and lady's-maids ? Surely Irish newspapers long ere this should have made us see how reproductive labour differs from unreproductive. Most true it is that the indulgences of Members of this Uni- versity are the means of providing a livelihood for a large staff of shopkeepers and shopkeepers' work-people, tailors and confectioners, ostlers and waiters. Most true it is. Yet ON EETRENCHMENT AT OXFORD 287 except for the mere enjoyment so received by us, the cus- tomers, our money is a mere waste. We are employing for our enjoyments men who might, by devoting their skill and their strength to the farm, tjie factory, the ship, and the railway, increase our stock of food, and our facilities for ob- taining and transmitting it. Or, ultimately, if useful em- ployment fail here, we should have money in our hands for removing superfluous labourers to a field where not labourers but land is superfluous. At no time whatever, I believe, can our large expenditure upon objects of luxury be justified : at a time like this, when we know that wages paid to those who work in the farm and the factory will bring us corn, while wages paid to Oxford tradesmen will only increase our own useless con- sumption, I see not how any doubt can be felt; The ship is stranded and short of provisions, but a port full of supplies is at hand ; and they who control the matter will not victual the boat's crew that should go to obtain them, because forsooth it would straiten the allowance of their cabin boys, and cooks, and waiters. And that these forsooth may earn their food, and their masters have an excuse for feeding them, these masters bid them continue their functions — consume precious flour in pies and pasties — precious meats in wasteful made dishes — for their own over-eating. Alas, that mutato nomine de nobis fahula na/rratur. You will say, I am pleading the cause not of Irish peasants, but of English factory people and excavators. I am pleading the cause of both. Is it not English labour that has this year kept Ireland alive 1 What is to do the kind office in the next year ? Mainly, I fear, English labour again. Yet may we not hope, too, that if we keep alive Irishmen in their wretched Skibbereens, we shall preserve not only hungry mouths, but also strong hands that in the end will do work ? But it is true ; I plead for both. 288 PROSE REilAIxVS OF ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH And for the tradesmen and the tradesmen's work-people, what can be done 1 Surely it is idle to keep up an unnatural and vicious demand which finds no better means of feeding one set of men than wasting food on another. We are guilty, I think, in having brought this state of things upon our- selves, that many families depend for their present sus- tenance on the continuance of such a system. One thing however there is, which will relieve at any rate the trades- men, and through them perhaps do something for their dependants : and that is, paying bills. I for my part urge no man to give alms at this time, till he has paid his debts. It is not, I think, due to the tradesmen to go on spending ; but to pay for what has been received, I think is due. Here then we come to another objection, the soundness of which I have at once admitted. It is said. If I save at all, I must save to pay my debts ; we must be just before we are generous. It is said, and said most fairly. But is it never added (how fairly I will not ask), I will there- fore not save at all ? Why should I, this year more than last year ? My savings wiU not go to the Irish ; why need I have savings at all? And therefore while others starve I will surfeit ; whUe others cry out for husks, and submit if they cannot have them, I, no less loudly, will clamour for a new pleasure, and be indignant if it is not found me. And therefore if this affliction should be, as in some degree it surely will be, continued into another year, or extended, no unlikely event, in some form or other into England itself, I shall still be helpless, still have the same ready plea for doing nothing, the same happy excuse for self-indulgence. Verily it is to be feared there are some who, with money in their pockets, will refuse to give to the Irish, because they owe sums to tradesmen ; neglect to pay their tradesmen, because paying tradesmen is not giving to Ireland • and so in the end will do neither, will let their bills go on increasing, and spend their ready money on extra amuse- ON RETRENCHMENT AT OXFORD 289 ments not to be had without it. It is not impossible there are men who will say, What money I have I owe to Bennett, or Bickerstaff ; however, as Bennett and BickerstaflF are not famishing, they may as well wait ; and then I shall have my money to take me up to town, to carry me to the opera, to pay my way in my long vacation continental excursion. What then ! truly, indeed, if Bennett and Bickerstaff are not famishing and may as well wait, why you may as well not go to the opera, and pay your opera's price to keep your countrymen alive. But do not suppose it is I who so advise. Pay your debts by all means. Surprise Bennett with bank-notes, and gratify Bickerstaff with gold. There is need, as we saw just now. I ask you not to be generous before you are just ; I only bid you make haste and be just that you may be generous the sooner. I only beseech you not to say (they are indeed ' vain words ') I cannot be generous, and as for being just, that will do a year hence. Pay if you can ; if you cannot, why, cripple not at any rate your means for generosity alike and justice in years to come. In any case and every case, let not the sky which in Ireland looks upon famishment and fever, see us here at Oxford in the midst of health and strength over-eating, over-drinking, and over-enjoying. Let us not scoff at eternal justice with our champagne and our claret, our break- fasts and suppers, our club-dinners, and desserts, wasteful even to the worst taste, luxurious even to unwholesomeness • — or yet again by our silly and fantastic frippery of dandyism, in the hazardous elaboration of which the hundred who fail are sneered at, and the one who succeeds is smiled at. I know not if there be any who venture on the bold declaration, The money is mine, and I will have the good of it ; I have got, and I will spend ; the Irish have not and they must do without. Something however too much approaching to this feeling undoubtedly does exist. In the 290 PEOSE EEMAISTS OF AETHUE HUGH CLOUGH ravelled and tangled skein, of which is constituted the content and quietness of conscience enjoyed by us, the purse-aristocracy of England, this thread, I think, may here and there be detected even by unskilful fingers. To these sticklers for the rights of property it is worth while putting one question. If you had been wrecked the other day in the ' Tweed ' steamer, and had been successful in reaching the place of safety in the rocks, would you, if the articles of food secured there from the waters had happened to belong to your own peculiar private stores — would you, I ask, have entertained a thought that to you exclusively belonged the right to enjoy them ? This barrel of biscuits is marked with my letters, and was always known to be mine ; did I not pay for it ! mine has come, aU the better for me, yours has not, all the worse for you. O ye, bom to be rich, or at least born not to be poor ; ye young men of Oxford, who gallop your horses over Bulling- don, and ventilate your fopperies arm-in-arm up the High Street, abuse if you will to the full that other plea of the spirits and thoughtlessness of youth, but let me advise you to hesitate ere you venture the question. May I not do what I like with my own 1 ere you meddle with such edge-tools as the subject of property. Some one, I fear, might be found to look up your title-deeds, and to quote inconvenient Scriptures. The Institution of Property, he might urge, is all well enough as a human expedient to secure its reward to industry, and protect the provident labourer against the careless and idle. But for half-miUion-per-annum fortunes, fifty-mile-long estates, and may-I-not-do-what-I-please- with-my-own proprietors, some other justification, it would seem, must be sought. Sought and found. Found it must be by owners, or looked for it will be by others. For consider it, he might say, a little more closely. How come you to have money ? It comes from your father. ON EETRENCHMEKT AT OXPOKD 291 Then your father or your father's father, we hope — (for by begging, stealing, or serving, all men live, said Mirabeau) — your ancestor, we hope, in time past, did service to receive it ; worked for it ; earned it. And who gave him that work to do 1 Many a strong man have we known in our days begging for work, no matter what, to save him from starv- ing. The will to work, plain enough, is not all : Archimedes must have his ttoS otG' : the workman his somewhat to work at : man labours not 'as one that beateth the air.' Who was it then, who, when your father or father's father asked for work, gave it him ? Ultimately you most likely will find it was He who gave us the earth. Ultimately it is the earth that forms our wealth and our subsistence. Philo- sophers and merchants, poets and shopkeepers, soldiers, sailors, tinkers, tailors — in our most spiritual, as in our most material productions, we all alike start in this, in the earth have our ttoS cttS and TroOev i, our work to work at. And ' the earth hath He given to the children of men.' Not, says the Scripture, to the children of the rich, or of the noble, or of those who have had it hitherto ; not to the well-bred and weU-educated^rather, it might seem, to the children of those by the sweat of whose brow it is subdued. So might some one put it. And far more near to the truth do I deem it would be to declare, that whoever is bom into the world has a just claim to demand therein and therefrom work and wages for work ; is bound to do his part in the labour, and entitled to expect his proportion in the fruits ; even as in some Alacran shipwreck ; each new- comer, scevis^ projeetus ab wndis (it is the old Lucretian image), may be called upon to share in the toils, and may demand to share in the food ; and no old citizen of the rocks shall dare to say. We may monopolise the work alike and the pay ; we have hands enough for the work, and we wiU have no new mouth for the victuals ; — far truer, though not the whole truth, I think would this be than the fairest U2 292 PEOSE REMAINS OF AETHUB, HUGH CLOUGH human-law theory of sacred indefeasible monopoly vested in hereditary lords of creation. We have heard of the old oppression of ' the lord's mill.' Even so, if a capitalist now should buy all the cotton factories of the land, and then say, ' I have you in my power, and you must pay me what price I will,' would modem society bear it 1 How much more when, not for cotton-twist, but for meat and drink and all things, there is one sole machine, not made with hands, not capable of duplication, this terraqueous globe that moves incommunicably tied to one unchanging orbit ? Nor need we fear to acknowledge this principle freely. There is enough sense of fairness in the world to let the sacred institution of property find itself a basis secure and unassaUed in that other great principle, ' If a man will not work, neither let him eat.' Let that apostolic limitation of that primitive- Christian state of things where ' they had all things common ' be our guide and interpreter. Let us find in it the Christian exposition of the old covenant eighth commandment. So far, as without encouraging present idleness and improvidence, without encroaching unduly on provisions for posterity, it were possible to equalise the distribution; of labour, so far were that equalisation a duty. And, as it is, when we punish the starving man who steals the loaf, it is not because either the baker or we have an exclusive right to it, but because society at all hazards must avoid putting a premium on laziness. It is of course utterly foreign to my meaning to do anything but find a secure basis for the rights of property ; to impugn them were idle. But as legal justice must be corrected by equity, so must justice as administered by the laws of property be modified by the equity of a higher though less definite rule ; and as the distinction between legal and equitable justice was considered worthy of obser- vation, so too let not this be despised. Let it be fairly felt that what we call bounty and charity is not, as we fain ON EETKENCHMEMT AT OXFORD 293 ' would persuade ourselves, a matter of gratuitous uncalled- for condescension — as of God to men, or men to meaner animals, as of children feeding the robins, or ladies watering their flowers, but on the contrary a supplementary but integral part of fair dealing ; the payment of a debt of honour. Let however this conviction be treated as it may, it cannot at least be denied that in great calamities a higher law, ' a law within the law,' steps in to supersede that of property. What we should feel to be right on an Alacran reef is, in its measure, applicable to a Skibbereen famine ; to appropriate is to steal. As a matter of pure justice and not of generosity, England is bound to share her last crust with Ireland, and the rich men to fare as the poor. Some things perhaps might be found to modify this : of that anon : meantime have we not a nearer objection in the fact of Irish idleness and Irish improvidence 1 To this I shall only answer that the failure of the potato crop was surely a matter beyond the province of human foresight, and that with respect to the labouring classes it may be greatly questioned whether they have ever yet been anything like fairly tried. And now then some one will tell us — that society has higher objects than the preservation of the lives of indi- vidual members. A great heritage of civilisation, of law, and thought, and religion has come to our hands : shame upon this generation, if for the sake of prolonging to some wretched and short-lived beings their brief tenure of misery, we sacrifice our father's hard- won gains. Better that many perish than that the nation lose a Bacon, a Burke, or a Shakspeare. There are things worse than starving. True indeed it is, and in this, or something like this, is founded the justification of inequality of ranks. True indeed, and truly well worth the knowing. As ignorant and unrefined parents stint themselves io secure knowledge and refinement for their children, so the laborious poor of the land support, 294 PEOSE REMAINS OF AETHUR HUGH CLOUGH at their painful cost, the aristocracy of the rich and educated. And so long as it is indeed an aristocracy — forgetful though it may be and unfilial too — they do it, and do it with joy, as of a parent. But if cultivation be so great a thing, has it no such ingredients as mercy and justice ? Enjoyment is good ; and refined enjoyment better than coarse. Wine is better than gin ; and the ale- house inferior to the opera : villus argentum est auro, but also virtutihus aurum. As it is the pure service of God, so may it not be also the true cultivation of man, ' to visit the orphans and widows in their affliction, and to keep himself unspotted from the world ' ? If there are things worse than starving, there are also things better than eating and drink- ing. And as this our English aristocracy draws its recruits almost exclusively from the newly rich, what, may we ask, is the most fitting lesson it should inculcate upon them, what discipKne and what drill should it place them under ? Shall it meet them half-way with the precept of. Expense and ostentation ? Shall it say, Your business as a member of the best part of the English nation is to entertain, to give good dinners, and see the world, to have houses larger than you want, servants more than you want, carriages more than you use, horses more than you have work for ? Is this to be the talismanic tradition handed down from chivalrous days to the new generation ; is this the torch of wisdom and honour which our feudal aristocracy transmits to the new one that succeeds it ? Is this all which they can give us whose boast it is to belong to the historic being of England — to be the conducting medium through which the past sends its electric power into the present. Eating and drinking, and (we must remember that, I suppose) a dash of gentlemanly manner ? To what result then do we come ? To something like this. ON EETEENCHMBNT AT OXFORD 295 First of all, that the welfare of the nation does un- doubtedly require the existence of a class free for the most part to follow their own devices ; that it is right that there should be men with time at their disposal, and money in their purses, and large liberty in public opinion ; men who, though thousands and tens of thousands perish by starvation, stoically meanwhile in books and in study, in reading, and thinking, and travelling, and — ^it would seem too, enjoying, in hunting, videlicet, and shooting, in duets, and dancing, by ball-going and grousing, by dejeuners and deer-stalking, by foie-gras and Johannisberger, by February strawberries and December green peas, by turbot, and turtle, and venison, should pioneer the route of the armies of mankind ; should, an intrepid forlorn hope, lead the way up the breach of human destiny to the citadel of truth ; and, devoted priests and prophets, solve some more than ' Asian mystery ' by pilgrimage to the Palestine of Cockaigne ! But that how- ever essential be these higher classes, still there remains the question. Is there not a holier land than Cockaigne ; is not temperance as efficient a sapper and miner as wine of Bur- gundy ; is not labour better than enjoyment ; is it not higher cultivation ' to do justice and mercy, and walk humbly,' thaja to ' eat and drink and be drunken ' ; and though thought and study be glorious, may we not combine ' plain Kving and high thinking ' ; though science, and art, and philosophy be divine, is not charity 'yet a more excellent way ' ? In the second place, looking backward through our dis- cussion, we recur to the thought that property is scarcely, by law or gospel, that inalienable personal, individual thing, which we that have it would believe it to be. As in the dangers and distresses of society great characters are for the first time seen, and as soon as seen are recognised, while rank, and wealth, and titles are forgotten ; even so in calamities and horrors the old laws of meum and tuum 296 PEOSE EEMAINS OF ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH shrink to nothing, while a loftier principle reveals itself and no man gainsays it. The sons of deceased public servants — yea, the living workers themselves — possess no indefeasible title to those lands, and goods, and monies, which they call their earnings. Their lands come to them saddled with indefinite rent-charges, reservations, and reversional interests — the poor and the needy that are, and that shall be, have a lien on their monies and their chattels. Beyond the reach of all statutes of limitation there are .bills that must be liquidated, creditors that must not be deferred. Many yet shall come in from the highways and hedges, and join in the meal with us that came early : a posthumous brother is yet to be born, to share and share alike in our father's bequests. Terraque mandpio nvUi datur, omnibus usu. He from whom came man's primal raw material — that Pharaoh, who fed while the harvest yet was lacking ; He retains, and to those whom He shall send is due, in their proportion, that which hath come of it. Without Him we could not have laboured : that which His gift was to us, it is His will our labour should be found to others. ' The earth hath He given to the children of men.' No such thing can there be as a right to do what you will with your own. The property is not your own : scarcely your own at any time ; during times of calamity in no wise, except to do good with and distribute. Neither again can you plead the good it does you : who made thee to differ ? you cannot even plead the good which your cultivation, so obtained, does the nation ; that cultivation could be better obtained without it. Nor yet that you are patronising arts and sciences ; genius, and skill, and knowledge. You are so, no doubt — but the thing could be done as well and better if you employed painters and architects — engravers and jewellers — ^builders and engineers — not upop ON RETRENCHMENT AT OXFORD 297 your own dining-rooms and drawing-rooms ; but upon churches, and schools, and hospitals, public works and public institutions. And that patronage would be as superior to the present as the patronage of painting, properly so called, to that of the painting of portraits. Yet even for that higher kind this is hardly the season. Neither, again, can you defend yourselves on the ground of the ' benefit of trade.' Bum your candles, if you please, at both ends — to make your blanket longer cut off from the top to piece on at the bottom : but this is too serious a matter for playing with transparent fallacies. But I am running into idle repetitions, and- telling a twicetold tale : what is it then that I call upon you to do ? Join the Association ? Not I. Do as you please about that. But about one thing you must not do as you please. You must not insult God alike and man with the spectacle of your sublime indifference. The angels of heaven, one might believe, as they pass above those devoted shores, in gazing on that ordained destruction let fall untasted from their immortal lips the morsel of ambrosial sustenance. If we, as they, were nurtured on other food than our brothers, if no gift of ours could help to allay those pangs of famine, stUl methinks this undisturbed, unrestrained fruition were not wholly free of guilt. How much more when every crumb we touch is abstracted from that common stock, which in the eternal registers is set down, I fear, as scarcely less theirs than ours ? If then it is really the case that past extravagance has brought upon you present helplessness, if aU you have and aU you can this year expect is forfeit, ere it come to your hands, to the purveyors of past indulgence, wherefore, I beseech you, go on in that same foolish course 1 You need not, you ought not, you must not. Pay if you can ^ it is the tradesman's due ; he too has his difficulties, he too has his duties of charity :. pay if you can ; if you cannot 298 PROSE REMAINS OF ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH retrench in anywise ; let no childish fear of alarming suspi- cions, of awakening unpleasant importunities, withhold you; in the end it will surely be the best for creditor alike and debtor. Let not duns or imagination of duns frighten you into folly redoubled. Join, if you please, the Association : it professes no more than retrenchment for the sake of the Irish : you need not, in my judgment, pay one farthing to the box, you are serving its purposes otherwise. And it may perhapsbe some assistance to your purposes of economy, it may give you a sort of vantage-ground of joint recognition, to place your name, either in manuscript or print, among its members. But about this I profess a most supreme in- curiousness. Only, for Ireland's sake, and England's, and your own — abstain, be temperate, and save. Will you tell me that the little we can do is too little to be worth doing at aU? Surely for our own satisfaction simply it should be done. But further : do you not know that through increase of consumption in the year before last, the returns of customs and duties were raised by hundreds of thousands of pounds ? I say, the mere customs and duties upon the increase. What is true of increase in the one way, will I think be admitted true of decrease in the other. If by the mere tax on our increased eating and drinking the exchequer filled so fast, will the total decrease amount to so very small a trifle ? Will you tell me finally that all this is the hot fume of a distempered imagination ? that I am rather letting my fancy rest on what one saw in Oxford during last summer term, than looking steadily on what is occurring in this ? that I am haunted by the ghosts of forgotten champagne bottles, the spectra of long- worn-out waistcoats, the simu- lacra of the fruits and the ices of Whitsuntide '46 1 The shopkeepers, I ajn told, profess to feel a difference. ■Surely they did not count on exactly the same thing again ! I trust indeed there is a difference. But then the weather ON RETRENCHMENT AT OXFORD 299 has been so bad. Who wants ices with the wind N.N.E.; who likes Nuneham or Godstowe in the rain ? When all the watering-pots of heaven are playing upon High Street, there wiU hardly be a quorum for examining one's toilet. I only wish one could feel any sort of security that five or six fine warm suns would not make a great difierence the other way ; would not provoke the same exuberance of ex- travagant pleasure-hunting which shot up with such rank vegetation in. the heats of last June. With the roses and the May will come out, I greatly fear, the champagne and the claret. For my own part, if the corn could only ripen in it, I could wish for rain and cold to the end of the chapter. Or will you say this is all rhetoric and declamation ? There is, I dare say, something too much in that kind. What with criticising style and correcting exercises, we college tutors perhaps may be likely, in the heat of com- position, to lose sight of realities, and pass into the limbo of the factitious. Especially when the thing must be done at odd times, in any case, and if at all, quickly. The term is half over ; while I write, the barometer rises ; ere I correct the proof sheet, the hot weather may be here. But if I have been obliged to write hurriedly, believe me, I have obliged myself to think not hastily. And believe me too, though I have desired to succeed in putting vividly and forcibly that which vividly and forcibly I felt and saw, still the graces and splendours of composition were thoughts far less present to my mind than Irish poor men's miseries, English poor men's hardships, and your unthinking indiffer- ence. Shocking enough the first and the second, almost more shocking the third. One word more. Nothing that is said here is intended to go against enjoyment, as such. It is perhaps scarcely natural for young men to feel strongly that which they do not see. • It were absurd to affect a gloom which does not exist. But it is not absurd to avoid in our enjoyments that 300 PEOSE EEMAIJS'S OF ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH "which a little reflection can show us to be wrong, to be hurtful or unfitting : it is not absurd to lay down a few rules beforehand which will keep up in our minds the general impression that those unseen miseries are, though unseen, not unreal : it is not absurd to do, with or without sensation and sentiment, those acts which tend to their alleviation ; to avoid, simply because it has been shown to be the right course, expensive and ostentatious grati- fications. And simple enjoyments are, if not the most voluptuous and delicately refined, assuredly the manliest and healthiest, the most honest and rational and perma- nent. I may as well end by copying a document which shows that an example has been set for us in high places. It is an order issued by the Lord Steward of the Queen's house- hold. ' Board of Green Cloth, May 12, 1847. ' Her Majesty, taking into consideration the present high and increasing price of provisions, and especially of all kinds of bread and flour, has been graciously pleased to command that from the date of the order, no description of flour except seconds shall be used for any purpose in her Majesty's household ; and that the daily allowance of bread shall be restricted to one pound per head for every person dieted in the palace. ' By her Majesty's command, Fortesctje.' It may simplify the subject of ' benefit of trade,' to observe the following distinctions. If I buy old books or pictures from a friend, the money is merely transferred : the country suffers no loss, and may indeed be the gainer, if my friend is more economical and a better distributer than I. If I give a man a shilling for holding my ON EETEENCHMENT AT OXFOED SOI horse, the country suffers in case the man could have been doing something else ; for instance, if I have called him off from mowing or reaping. Thirdly, if I give a confectioner half a crown for sweet- meats, which I could have done without, I have wasted the substance of the country, certainly in one way, by consuming without requiring it ; perhaps in two, that is, if the confectioner's work could have been spent upon somebody who did require it. All that is gone into my stomach is a pure waste, and the paltry percentage which goes to the vendor as profit is very likely waste also. He might have got the same for doing what was really wanted. LECTUEE ON THE POETEY OF WOEDSWOETH. 805 LECTUEE POETRY OP WORDSWORTH. William Wordsworth was born in April 1770, at Cocker- mouth, in Cumberland ; his father, of a family which came originally from Yorkshire, was a solicitor in the town. Left an orphan early in life, his recollections attach themselves less to his home than to the neighbourhood in which he was placed at school. Hawkshead, an antique village, the centre of one of the large straggling parishes of the North country, possessing an ancient and once famous grammar foundation, stands a little way from the west side of Windermere, beside a small lake of its own. Here, lodged in a country cottage, he spent most of his time from 1778 to 1787 — nine years. His reminiscences of this period and this locality form the most beautiful part of his biographical poem, ' The Pre- lude ' ; and a considerable number of his most pleasing minor poems refer to the same years and place. It was then and there, beyond a doubt, that the substantive Wordsworth was formed ; it was then and there that the tall rock and sounding cataract became his passion and his appetite, and his genius and whole being united and identified itself with external nature. From this provincial, primitive seclusion, he passed, in, October 1787, to St. John's College, Cambridge, where his three years of academical residence, not much improved by X 306 PEOSE EBMAINS OF AETHUR HUGH CLOUGH attention to the studies of the place, were happily broken for him by visits to his own country, to Hawkshead, amongst his mother's relations, and more remarkably by a bold pedestrian tour (almost wholly and literally pedestrian) through France, Switzerland, and the districts of the Italian lakes — regions which the revolutionary wars almost imme- diately afterwards closed to all English, and which were before comparatively unknown. The account of the journey is again one of the fine points of ' The Prelude,' and in particular the description of the passage of the Simplon, and of night on the shores of Lago Maggiore. Taking his degree at Cambridge in January 1791, he again went over to France, led, it would seem, by enthusiasm for the political changes then at work there. He remained there, at Orleans and at Paris, about fifteen months, dur- ing which he was a witness of the culmination of the revolutionary tumult, and beheld the commencement of its period of bloodshed and terror. It gives a feeling of strange contrast to the after tranquillity of his life, to hear him speaking of the desire he then felt to enter him- self as an actor into that terrible arena, and seriously seem- ing to consider it a thing, at the time, likely enough to happen, and from which chance, rather than his own wish, diverted him. Chance, however, carried him back to England. Sympa- thising strongly with the original revolutionary movement, and continuing long, in spite of its crimes and horrors, to cling to republican feelings, he showed, to the mortification of his friends, no disposition to carry out their views by taking orders in the Church. He loitered, living in a desultory manner, partly alone in London, partly among his friends in the country, and was, at one time, on the point of engaging in the drudgery of writing for the newspapers. At last, in 1795, his twenty-sixth year, he found himself made what he considered to be independent, by a bequest ON THE POETRY OP WORDSWOETH 807 of 900Z., left him by a young friend in the faith of his vocation to literary achievement. He now settled down into domesticity with his sister in a country place in Somersetshire. This sister was one of the two persons wh9se minds, he said, had been most operative upon his. The other was Coleridge, whom he met for the first time in June 1797. Coleridge, youngest son of a clergyman and schoolmaster at Ottery St. Mary, Devon, born two years after Words- worth, bred up at Christ's Hospital and at Cambridge — which Wordsworth, when he came up, was just quitting — had for the last three years been engaged with Southey, a young Oxford student, in wild schemes for a Pantisocratic settlement on the banks of the Susquehanna (a situation selected for the sweetness of the sound) ; had been publish- ing poems, lecturing and neglecting to lecture, preaching in a blue coat and yellow waistcoat, here and there and every- where, especially at Bristol. Finally he had run into the most imprudent of marriages, and had settled himself at the village of Nether Stowey. Here, during more than a year, Wordsworth had continual intercourse with him, residing at a beautiful spot not far from it — Allf oxden. Some years before 1793 he had published verses, not particularly promising, written in the established metre and manner — that of Pope and Dryden. But if Hawkshead had made the inner Wordsworth, AUfoxden, Coleridge, and his own sister gave us the expressed Wordsworth. The effect of this time on Coleridge was remarkable : his high poetic period is just this of his intercourse with Words- worth ; but to Wordsworth it was more distinctly an epoch. His first characteristic poems were published, together with Coleridge's ' Ancient Mariner,' under the title of ' Lyrical Ballads,' in 1798. They obtained considerable notice, and made his name well known ; but that notice 308 PEOSE REMAINS OF ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH was not favourable, and his name -was known rather for ridicule and censure than praise. The following winter he spent in Germany, where Coleridge was proceeding to lose himself in metaphysics ; Wordsworth returned, and, after some little wandering in Yorkshire, he and his sister finally settled, with their petty income, in a cottage at Grasmere, in December 1799. In 1800, a new volume of Lyrical Ballads, containing some of his best poems, was published. Quite undaunted by their want of popularity and the adverse judgment of the highest critics, relying on his own feelings and percep- tions, he worked in his mountain retirement steadily on, devoting himself chiefly at this time to the biographical poem which, with the name of ' The Prelude,' was published, for the first time, after his death in July 1850. So ends his story before he was thirty years old. After his settlement at Grasmere we do not imagine that his mind or genius developed or grew at all. It grew perhaps in bulk, we may say, but never altered its form or character, attaining merely more and more what he himself calls 'the monumental pomp of age.' In 1803 he made a tour in Scotland, of which a very pleasing record remains, not only in the occasional poems suggested by its incidents, but in the journal of his companion — his sister. Returning south- ward, they paid a visit, on September 17, to Mr. and Mrs. Scott, at their cottage at Lasswade, near Edinburgh. They received a promise that their host would join them agaiu at Melrose, and, stopping on their way thither at the inn of Clovenford, were assured by the landlady that Mr. Scott was a very clever man. At Melrose they met and spent the evening together. The landlady here, says Miss Words- worth, made some difficulty about beds, and refused to settle anything till she ascertained from the sheriff himself, i.e. Scott, that he had no objection to sleeping in the same room with William, i.e. Wordsworth. ON THE POETRY OP WOBDSWOETH 309 Mr. Scott was already known in the literary world as a translator of German, and an editor of Scottish ballad poetry. But he had published nothing original ; and it was not till two years after this, that (as it stands recorded) nothing in the history of British poetry ever equalled the demand for the ' Lay of the Last Minstrel,' the first four cantos of which Wordsworth and his sister had heard their author read during their visit at the cottage of Lasswade. In the same year, 1803, Wordsworth married, without, however, any great internal or domestic revolution. In 1832 Scott died. This is also the date of the collected edition, in four volumes, of ' Wordsworth's Poems,' includ- ing ' The Excursion,' which, under general unpopularity, he had steadily gone on writing and publishing. In 1839, in the theatre at Oxford, he received an hono- rary degree with unusual acclamation. In 1840, on the death of Southey, he was, with a general feeling that it was his due, made Poet Laureate : 1850 conveyed his body to the quiet churchyard of Gras- mere. We have presented this bare biographical outline as preliminary to all remark and criticism. But this meagre chronological table is not to be dismissed without some attention. The array of mere names and figures, dry as they may look, are really full of curious significance, and pregnant with many thoughts and conjectures. Let us consider, for example, upon what sort of reading the youthful period of Wordworth's life was cast. The English literature of the then closing eighteenth century, as deficient, perhaps, in force and fertility as it is remark- able for justness and propriety and elegance of diction, was attaining its completion in Cowper, who, born in 1731, and dying in 1800, published his one great poem, ' The Task,' in 1785. As we now read Scott's novels and poems, Byron, and 310 PEOSE EEMAINS OF ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH Southey, and Wordsworth, so they in Wordsworth's boy- hood read the series from Pope to Johnson, read Fielding, and Richardson, and Sterne, and Gray, and Collias, and Goldsmith. What effect upon the minds of young men of this time had Burns — or, to turn to foreign literature, the works of Rousseau ? To proceed lower down. The curious meeting of Words- worth, Coleridge, and Southey deserves special notice. In proximity to Wordsworth, Coleridge blazed forth in a stream o'i poetic brilliancy, which his after years never, in any sort or kind, repeated ; in no after moments did he ever create an ' Ancient Mariner ' or a ' Christabel.' Wordsworth, also, was elevated and enkindled by the more vivid and radiatiag genius of Coleridge. Notice again how completely anterior, and antecedent to Scott, and Moore, and Byron, are those Lake Poets, whose nascent influence and popularity they so completely overpowered. But without ' Christabel ' the ' Lay of the Last Minstrel ' would never have been written. Without Scott's stories we should scarcely have had Byron's ; without Wordsworth's, and the reminiscences of Hawkshead village-school, we should never have had the third and fourth cantos of ' Childe Harold ' ; we should have lost, very pro- bably, half the beauty of Byron alike and Scott. Like the runners in the torch race, they hand along the flame. Who shall say, in these spiritual and subtle ex- changes and interchanges. This is mine, and that is thine ? We cannot indeed, I think, assert that Wordsworth derived anything directly from Byron, or even from Scott (the ' White Doe of Rylstone,' so far as it follows Scott at all, so far is a failure) ; but without that antagonism, and without the severe lessons their popularity taught him, he probably would not either have escaped his natural faults, nor exerted his natural strength. Out of Wordsworth and Byron came forth Shelley ; nor ON THE POETRY OF "WOEDSWOETH 311 is Keats (there is no such thing) an independent genius. We may remark also how, as the brief career of Byron en- closes within itself the yet briefer life of Shelley, and Keats's briefest of all, so is Byron himself included in the larger arc of Scott, and the yet larger arc of Wordsworth. Words- worth, gradually working his way to reputation, was displaced by the sudden glory of Scott. Scott, as a poet, pre- sently has to resign the field to Byron, and to compete against his Corsairs and Beppos with the new phenomenon of the ' Waverley ' novels. When Byron had died in early man- hood, and Scott in premature age ; when the furor for the poet had passed away, and the charm of the novelist had begun to decline, Wordsworth first tasted the sweets of popular acceptance, and received in his turn, at the end of his laborious and honourable life, the reward which his rivals had almost outlived. It is a curious and yet an undeniable fact that Words- worth, who began his poetical course with what was, at any rate, understood by most readers to be a disclaimer and entire repudiation of the ornament of style and poetic dic- tion, really derives from his style and his diction his chief and special charm. I shall not venture categorically to as- sert that his practice is in positive opposition to the doctrine he maintains in the prefaces, and supplementary remarks, which accompanied his Lyrical Ballads, and which, calling down upon him and them the hostility of reviews and the ridicule of satirists, made him notorious as one Who both by precept and example shows That prose is verse, and verse is merely prose. Certain it is, however, that he did bestow infinite toil and labour upon his poetic style ; that in the nice and ex- quisite felicities of poetic diction he specially surpassed his contemporaries ; that his scrupulous and painstaking spirit, in this particular, constitutes one of his special virtues as a 312 PROSE REMAINS, OF ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH poet. The moving accident, as he says, was not his trade ; of event and of action his compositions are perfectly destitute ; a lyrical and didactic almost exclusively, scarcely ever in any sense a dramatic writer, it is upon beauty of expression that by the very necessity of his position he has to depend. Scott and Byron are mere negligent schoolboys compared with him. The anecdote has often been told that Words- worth said to Mr. Landor, or Mr. Landor to Wordsworth, that there was but one good line in aU Scott. To which assertion of the one the other at once assented, and said that there was no doubt which it was : — As the wind waved his garment, how oft did he start. Wordsworth's practice, in all probability, was far more just than his theory. Has theory, indeed, as directed not against style in general, but against the then prevalent vices of style, was a very tolerably justifiable and useful theory, but his practice was extremely meritorious ; his patience and conscientious labour deserve all praise. He has not, indeed (Nature had not bestowed on him), the vigour and heartiness of Scott, or the force and the sweep and the fervour of Byron ; but his poems do more perfectly and exquisitely and unintermittedly express his real meaning and significance and character than do the poems of either Scott or Byron. Lyrical verse is by its nature more fugi- tive than drama and story ; yet I incHne to believe that there are passages of Wordsworth which, from the mere perfection of their language, will survive when the Mar- mions and the Laras are deep in dust. As writers for their age, as orators, so to say, as addressing themselves person- ally to their contemporaries, Byron and Scott, one carmot hesitate to say, were far more influential men, are far greater names. They had more, it may be, to say to their fellows ; they entered deeper, perhaps, into the feelings and life of their time ; they received a larger and livelier recognition, ON THE POETET OF WORDSWORTH 313 and a more immediate and tangible reward of popular en- thusiasm and praise. It may be, too, that they had some- thing not for their own generation only, but for all ages, which quite as well deserved a permanent record as any- thing in the mind of Wordsworth. But that permanent beauty of expression, that harmony between thought and word, which is the condition of ' im- mortal verse,' they did not, I think — and Wordsworth did — ^take pains to attain. There is hardly anything in Byron and Scott which in another generation people will not think they can say over again quite as well, and miore agreeably and familiarly for themselves ; there is nothing which, it wiU be plain, has, in Scott's or Byron's way of putting it, at- tained the one form which of aU others truly belongs to it ; which any new attempt will, at the very utmost, merely successfully repeat. For poetry, like science, has its final precision ; and there are expressions of poetic knowledge which can no more be rewritten than could the elements of geometry. There are pieces of poetic language which, try as men will, they will simply have to recur to, and confess that it has been done before them. I do not say that there is in Wordsworth anything like the same quantity of this supreme result which you find in Shakspeare or in Virgil ; there is far less of the highest poetry than in Shakspeare, there is far more admixture of the unpoetic than in Virgil. But there is in him a good deal more truly complete and finished poetic attainment than in his other English con- temporaries. And this is no light thing. People talk about style as if it were a mere accessory, the unneeded but pleasing orna- ment, the mere put-on dress of the substantial being, who without it is much the same as with it. Yet is it "not intelligible that by a change of intonation, accent, or it may be mere accompanying gesture, the same words may be made to bear most different meanings ? What is the 814 PEOSE EEMAINS OF ARTHUE HUGH CLOUGH difference between good and bad acting but style 1 and yet how different good acting is from bad. On the contrary, it may really be affirmed that some of the highest truths are only expressible to us by style, only appreciable as indicated by manner. That Raphael paints a Yirgin and Child is not a very significant fact : half a thousand other painters have painted the same ; but painted as Raphael- — not one. It is as though you should suppose that to each poetic thought some particular geometric figure, or curve, it might be, specially appertained : just as to a particular definition the circle appertains, and no figure but the circle. Those who write ill draw the figures half -right, half-^ wrong, imperfectly and incorrectly ; their circle is not a true circle, not a circle all round ; its radii would, many of them, be equal, but not all ; no one will dare therefore to keep it as the model and pattern. To draw the figure which may truly stand as the model and the pattern, the unmis- leading, safe representative — this is the gift and the excel- lence of style. In Milton, the gems of pure poetry lie embedded in the rock of scholastic pomp. And in Wordsworth, you must traverse waste acres of dull verse, that had better far have been, if anything, plain prose, to seek out the rich felicitous spots of fragrance and pure beauty. There is no doubt, I think, that he wrote over much. Posterity, we must hope, "will have an instinct to cast away the dross and keep the good metal, and judiciously to reduce his seven volumes to one. Setting himself laboriously and painstakingly to work, and being by nature, moreover, a little cumbrous and heavy, he sometimes measured his result, we cannot doubt it, by quantity, and fell into the not unnatural mistake of count- ing a great deal of silver to be worth a great deal more than one quarter the quantity of gold. Where a man has him- self at once to produce and to judge of his production, it is certainly natural, it may be even desirable, that the judg- ON THE POETKT OF WORDSWORTH 315 ment should not be exact ; it cannot, perhaps, well be so without the accompanying evil of an excessive and vitiating introspection and self-consideration. Had Wordsworth been more capable of discerning his bad from his good, there would, it is likely enough, have been far less of the bad ; but the good, perhaps, would have been very far less good. The consequence is, however, that to prove him a true poet, you have to hunt down a bit here and a bit there, a few lines in a book of the ' Prelude on the Excursion,' one sonnet, perhaps, amongst eighty or ninety, one stanza in a series of Memorials of Tours in Scotland, or on the Continent ; only very occasionally finding the reward of a complete poem, good throughout, and good as a whole. What is meant when people complain of him as mawkish is a difierent matter. It is, I believe, that instead of look- ing directly at an object, and oonsiderrag it as a thing in itself, and allowing it to operate upon him as a fact in itself, he takes the sentiment produced by it in his own mind as the thing, as the important and really real fact. The real things cease to be real ; the world no longer exists ; all that exists is the feeling, somehow generated in the poet's sensibility. This sentimentalising over sentiment, this sensibility about sensibility, has been carried, I grant, by the Wordsworthians to a far more than Wordsworthian excess. But he has something of it surely. He is apt to wind up his short pieces with reflections upon the way in which, hereafter, he expects to reflect upon his pre- sent reflections. Nevertheless, this is not by any means attributable to all his writings. Here then, even in this defect, is indicated one great praise attaching to Wordsworth, alike as a poet and as a man. He set himself manfully and courageously to his work, and through good report and evil, especially the latter, patiently and perseveringly kept to it, reminding one, with his hardy, unflinching, north-country spirit, of the 316 PEOSE REMAINS OF AKTHUK HUGH CLOUGH story told of the Lancashire workman, who, when the easy looker-on took occasion to observe that he had a hard day's work, simply rejoined that he was paid for a hard day's work. Paid, I dare say, . however, not very largely, any more than, till late in life, was Wordsworth. Wordsworth, we have said, succeeded beyond the other poets of the time in giving a perfect expression to his meaning, in making his verse permanently true to his genius and his moral frame. Let us now proceed to inquire the worth of that genius and moral frame, the sum of the real significance of his character and view of life. Unless above himself he can Erect himself, how poor a thing is Man, are words which he himself adopts from the Elizabethan poet Daniel, translated by him from Seneca, and intro- duces into that part of ' The Excursion ' which gives us what I might call his creed, the statement of those sub- stantive enduring convictions upon which after a certain amount of fluctuation and tossing about in the world he found himself or got himself anchored. A certain elevation and fixity characterise Wordsworth everywhere. You wiU not find, as in Byron, an ebuUient overflowing life, refusing all existing restrictions, and seek- ing in vain to create any for itself, to own in itself any permanent law or rule. To have attained a law, to exercise a lordship by right divine over passions and desires — ^this is Wordsworth's pre-eminence. Nor do we find, as in Scott, a free vigorous animal nature ready to accept whatever things earth has to offer, eating and drinking and enjoying heartily ; like charity, hopiag all things, belie-\Tng all things, and never failing ; a certain withdrawal and separation, a moral and almost religious selectiveness, a rigid refusal and a nice picking and choosing, are essential to Wordsworth's being. It has ON THE POETET OF WOEDSWORTH 317 been not inaptly said by a French critic that you may trace in him, as in Addison, Richardson, Cowper, a spiritual descent from the Puritans. Into what Byron might have remade himself in that new and more hopeful era of his life upon which, when death cut him down at Missolonghi, he appeared to be entering, it would be over bold to conjecture. But assuredly (without passing judgment on a human soul simply accord- ing to the errors of those thirty-six years which may claim perhaps the name and palliation of an unusually protracted youth) — assuredly, to be whirled away by the force of mere arbitrary will, whose only law was its own wilfulness, to follow passion for passion's sake, and be capricious for the love of one's own caprice — this is not the honour or the excellence of a being breathing thoughtful breath, looking before and after. The profounder tones of Walter Scott's soul were never truly sounded until adversity and grief fell upon his latter days, and those old enjoyments in which he seemed to live, and move, and have his being, his natural and as it were predestined vocation, fell from him and were no more. The constancy, courage, and clear manly sense which, amid broken fortunes, severed ties, and failing health, spirits, and intellect, the extracts from his journals given in Mr. Lock- hart's life evince, constitute a picture, I think, far more afifecting than any to be found in ' Kenil worth ' or the ' Bride of Lammermoor.' But the sports and amusements of Abbotsford, the riding and coursing and fishing, and feast- ing, and entertaining of guests, &o. &c., these, it appears to me, a little disappoint, dissatisfy, displease us ; and make us really thankful, while we read, for the foreknowledge that so strong and capable a soul was ere the end to have some nobler work allotted it, if not in the way of action, at any rate in that of endurance. More rational certainly, either than Byron's hot career 318 PROSE EEMAIIfS OF ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH of wilfulness, or Scott's active but easy existence amidst animal spirits and out-of-door enjoyments, more dignified, elevated, serious, significant, and truly human, was Words- worth's homely and frugal life in the cottage at Grasmere. While wandering with his dear waggoners round his dearer lakes, talking with shepherds, watching hUls and stars, studying the poets, and fashioning verses, amidst all this there was really something higher than either wildly crying out to have things as one chose, or cheerfully taking the world's good things as one found them, working to gain the means and the relish for amusement. He did not, it is true, sweep away with him the exulting hearts of youth, ' o'er the glad waters of the dark blue sea ' ; he did not win the eager and attentive ear of high and low, at home and abroad, with the entertainment of immortal Waverley novels ; but to strive not unsuccessfully to build the lofty rhyme, to lay slowly the ponderous foundations of pillars to sustain man's moral fabric, to fix a centre around which the chaotic elements of human impulse and desire might take solid form and move in their ordered ellipses, to originate a spiritual vitality, this was perhaps greater than sweeping over glad blue waters or inditing immortal novels. Unless above himself lie can Erect himself, how poor a thing is Man. Unless above himself, how poor a thing ; yet, if beyond and outside of his world, how useless and purposeless a thing. This also must be remembered. And I cannot help think- ing that there is in Wordsworth's poems something of a spirit of withdrawal and seclusion from, and even evasion of, the actual world. In his own quiet rural sphere it is true he did fairly enough look at things as they were ; he did not belie his own senses, nor pretend to recognise in outward things what really was not in them. But his sphere was a small one ; the objects he lived among unimpor- ON THE POETEY OF WORDSWORTH . 319 tant and petty. Retiring early from all conflict and even contact with the busy world, he shut himself from the elements which it was his business to encounter and to master. This gives to his writings, compared with those of Scott and of Byron, an appearance of sterility and unreality. He cannot, indeed, be said, like Cowper, to be an indoors poet ; but he is a poet rather of a country-house or a picturesque tour, not of life and business, action and fact. This also sadly lessens the value which we must put oh that high moral tone which we have been hitherto extolling. To live in a quiet village, out of the road of all trouble and temptation, in a pure, elevated, high moral sort of manner, is after all no such very great a feat. It is something, indeed, anywhere. But I fear it cannot quite truly be said of him, as he has himself finely said of Burns — In busiest street and loneliest glen Are felt the flashes of his pen ; He lives 'mid winter snows, and when Bees fill their hives ; Deep in the general heart of men His power survives. People in busy streets are inclined, I fear, a little to con- temn the mild precepts of the rural moralist. They will tell you that he rather reminds them of the achievements of that celebrated French sea-captain, Who fled full soon On the first of June, But bade the rest keep fighting. Perhaps it is only those that are themselves engaged in the thick of the struggle and conflict that rightly can cheer on, or fitly can admonish, their fellows, or to any good purpose assume the high moral tone. Yet it must be confessed that even in a country village it still is something. Nor was Wordsworth in the earlier years of his life by 320 PROSE REMAINS OF ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH any means of a timid or valetudinarian virtue. A man who was in Paris in the heat of the first Revolution was not without experiences. And the poems, it may be observed, which foUow closest upon this youthful period of living experience, are of far higher value than the later ones, which ensued upon his prolonged and unbroken retirement. There may be, moreover, a further fault in Wordsworth's high morality, consequent on this same evil of premature seclusion, which I shall characterise by the name of false or arbitrary positiveness. There is such a thing in morals, as well as in science, as drawing your conclusion before you have properly got your premises. It is desirable to attain a fixed point ; but it is essential that the fixed point be a right one. We ought to hold fast by what is true ; but because we hold wilfully fast, it does not follow that what we hold fast to is true. If you have got the truth, be as positive as you please ; but because you choose to be positive, do not therefore be sure you have the truth. Another evil consequence is the triviality in many places of his imagery, and the mawkishness, as people say, of his sentiment. I cannot myself heartily sympathise with the ' Ode to the Smaller Celandine,' or repeated poems to the daisy. I find inyself a little recoil frona the statement that — To me the meanest flower that blows doth give Thoughts that do often lie too deep for tears. These phenomena of external nature, which in the old and great poets come forward simply as analogies and simili- tudes of what is truly great — namely, human nature, and as expressions of curious and wonderful relations, are in Wordsworth themselves the truly great, all-important, and pre-eminently wonderful things of the universe. Blue sky and white clouds, larks and linnets, daisies and celandines — these it appears are ' the proper subject of mankind ' ; ON THE POETRY OF WORDSWORTH 321 not, as we used to think, the wrath of Achilles, the guilt and remorse of Macbeth, the love and despair of Othello. This tendency to exaggerate the importance of flowers and fields, lakes, waterfalls, and scenery, I remember myself, when a boy of eighteen, to have heard, not without a shock of mUd surprise, the venerable poet correct. People come to the lakes, he said, and are charmed with a par- ticular spot, and buUd a house, and find themselves discon- tented, forgetting that these things are only the sauce and garnish of life. Nevertheless, we fear that the exclusive student of Wordsworth may go away with the strange persuasion that it is his business to walk about this world of life and action, and, avoiding life and action, have his gentle thoughts excited by flowers and running waters and shadows on mountain-sides. This we conceive is a grievous inherent error in Words- worth. The poet of Nature he may perhaps be ; but this sort of writing does justice to the proper worth and dignity neither of man nor of Nature. ON THE FORMATION OP CLASSICAL ENGLISH; AN EXTBAOT TBOM A LECTURE ON DRYDEN. T 2 ON THE FORMATION OF CLASSICAL ENGLISH : AN EXTEACT FBOM. A LECTURE ON DRYDEN. Deyden, a true litterateur, simply reflects his epoch ; the revolution he was intent upon, and -which we are especially- bound to consider, was that of English verse composition. While Newton was balancing the earth, and Locke weigh- ing the intellect, Dryden was measuring syllables. While Penn and Locke were venturing experiments in government, he was making them in prosody. Political movements and agitations — the plot and the new plot — dissolutions and elections — falls of ministries and impeachments and deaths were to him chiefly of interest because he must mould the subject of his verse accordingly. To please the King as laureate he is in duty bound ; and to serve his cause with rhyme to the purpose. Also prose. Yet what side should a litterateur of real excellence take if not that of the King and the court ? who certainly had the best taste, were the most judicious critics as well as the most likely paymasters. Settle and Shadwell might suit the Aldermen and the Exclusionists, who knew no better. And nothing, I imagine, more completely suited Dryden, more exactly met his feelings, and gave freer scope to his talents, than the revolution in literature which the new King and court sought to naturalise in England. To 326 PROSE EEMAmS OF ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH guide the process of that change and to elevate a matter of mere passing court fashion into a permanent reformation of English literature ; to dignify a mere slipslop aversion of pedantry by converting it into an appreciation of elegance and propriety of writing — this was his vocation. He devoted himself to it for forty years vdth infinite zeal and perseverance, laborious study, and patient carefulness. And certainly with some considerable success. During the whole of the next century I suppose it was considered that our language first was written, so to speak, by him. For models of composition no one was recom- mended anterior to him. In English poetry he is for them the earliest name. Into Johnson's collection Cowley and Butler, and one or two others coeval with Dryden, are admitted, but not Spenser. So too in prose it is only in our time that people have begun to talk of Jeremy Taylor and Milton as legitimate standards of English prose com- position. Dryden was supposed to have commenced in the two kinds of writing what Pope and Addison made perfect. For style Shakespeare was dangerous and Hooker pernicious reading ; Ben Jonson's wit was ponderous and the wisdom of Bacon pedantic ; the mirth of Fletcher was rude and vulgar, the elegance of Sidney formal and factitious. Maxims of this kind prevailed from the days of Dryden to those of Byron and Scott. There are circles where they are still current, and there are possibilities of their again fimding a more general acceptation. I incline to believe that there is a great deal of truth in them. Our language before the Restoration certainly was for the most part bookish, academical, and stiflT. You perceive that our writers have first learnt to compose in Latin ; and you feel as if they were now doing so in English. Their composition is not a harmonious development of spoken words, but a copy of written words. We are set to study ornate and learned periods ; but we are not charmed by finding our 327 ordinary everyday speech rounded into grace and smoothed into polish, chastened to simplicity and brevity without losing its expressiveness, and raised into dignity and force without ceasing to be familiar ; saying once for all what we in our rambliag talk try over and over in vain to say ; and saying it simply and fully, exactly and perfectly. This scholastic and constrained manner of men who had read more than they talked, and had (of necessity) read more Latin than English ; of men who passed from the study to the pulpit, and from the pulpit back to the study — this elevated and elaborated diction of learned and religious men was doomed at the Restoration. Its learning was pedantry, and its elevation pretence. It was no way suited to the wants of the court, nor the wishes of the people. It was not likely that the courtiers would impede the free motions of their limbs with the folds of the cum- brous theological vesture ; and the nation in general was rather weary of being preached to. The royalist party, crowding back from French banishment, brought their Prench tastes and distastes. James I. loved Latin and even Greek, but Charles II. liked French better even than English. In one of Dryden's plays is a famous scene, in which he ridicules the fashionable jargon of the day, which seems to have been a sort of slipshod English, continually helped out with the newest French phrases. Dry den then has the merit of converting this corruption and dissolution of our old language into a new birth and renovation. And not only must we thank him for making the best of the inevitable circumstances and tendencies of the time, but also praise him absolutely for definitely improving our language. It is true that he sacrificed a great deal of the old beauty of English writing, but that sacrifice was inevitable ; he retained all that it was practic- able to save, and he added at the same time all the new excellence of which the time was capable. 328 PEOSE EEMAINS OF AETHUK HUGH CLOUGH You may' call it, if you please, a democratic movement in the language. It was easier henceforth both to write and to read. To understand written English, it was not necessary first to understand Latin ; and yet written English was little less instructive than it had been, or if it was less elevating, it was on the other hand more refining. For the first time, you may say, people found themselves reading words easy at once and graceful ; fluent, yet digni- fied ■ familiar, yet full of meaning. To have organised the dissolving and separating elements of our tongue into a new and living instrument, perfectly adapted to the require- ments and more than meeting the desires and aspirations of the age, this is our author's praise. But it is not fully expressed until you add that this same instrument was found, with no very material modification, sufficient for the wants and purposes of the English people for more than a century. The new diction conquered, which the old one had never done, Scotland and Ireland, and called out American England into articulation. Hume and Robertson learnt it ; Allan Ramsay and Burns studied it ; Grattan spoke it ; Franklin wrote it. You will observe that our most popular works in prose belong to it. So do our greatest orators. A new taste and a new feeling for the classics grew up with it. It translated, to the satisfaction of its time. Homer and Virgil. Our present tongue, so far as it differs from this, cannot profess to have done nearly so much. Homer and Virgil no longer content us in Pope and Dryden, but we have not been able to get anything to content us. The English dic- tion of the nineteenth century has no Burke or Chatham to boast of, nor any Hume or Johnson. There may be some superiority in matter. We have had a good deal of new experience, both in study and in action — new books and new events have come before us. But we have not yet in England, I imagine, had any one to give us ON DEYDENS ENGLISH 829 a manner suitable to our new matter. There has been a kind of dissolution of English, but no one writer has come to re-unite and re-vivify the escaping components. "We have something new to say, but do not know how to say it. The language has been popularised, but has not yet vindi- cated itself from being vulgarised: A democratic revolution is effecting itself in it, without that aristocratic reconstruc- tion which pertains to every good democratic revolution. Everybody can write, and nobody writes well. We can all speak, and none of us know how. We have forgotten or rejected the old diction of our grandfathers, and shall leave, it seems likely, no new diction for our grandchildren. With some difficulty we make each other understand what we mean, but, unassisted by personal explanations and comment, it is to be feared our mere words will not go far. Our grandfathers read and wrote books : our fathers re- views : and we newspapers ; will our children and grand- children read our old newspapers ? Have we any one who speaks for our day as justly and appropriately as Dryden did for his ? Have we anything that will stand wear and tear, and will be as bright and un-obsolete a hundred and fifty years hence, as ' Alexander's Feast ' is to-day ? LECTUEE ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF ENGLISH LITERA.TUEE FEOM CHAUCEE TO WOEDSWOETH. (1852.) LECTURE OS THE DEVELOPMENT OF ENGLISH LITERATURE FKOM CHAUCER TO WORDSWORTH. The subject of my lecture is the Development of English Literature. It were idle for me to attempt, and would be foolish in me to desire, to say anything strikingly new upon it. Anything strikingly original could be striking only because incorrect ; and would in the end most likely be found not even original. Some novelty indeed there would be — the novelty of a rarely attained success — could I, while passing in review the literature of our country, treat of every part in proper place and due proportion, without undervaluing, without overcolouring, without either omission or exaggeration. Something interesting too, if not striking, there might be, could I, in following the development of English litera- ture, indicate to you truly its connection with the develop- ment of English character, point out correctly why it was natural at particular epochs that particular things should be said ; how the times affected the writers, and the writers express the times ; and what sequence of changing words and deeds has brought down the England of history to the modem England of our own times in the East and in the West. In commencing such a conspectus, I can have no hesita- 334 PROSE REMAINS OF ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH tion in selecting the first name : English literature begins with Chaucer. The most substantive and dominant ele- ment in our blood and in our language is, it may be per- fectly true, the Anglo-Saxon. But it cannot be said that either in our blood or language this element had estab- lished its permanent relations to other — to Celtic, Danish, Norman, immigrant, invasive, and rebellious elements — had taken amidst these and communicated to these a distinct direction of its own, before the era of King Edward III. and the close of the fourteenth century. The S8,me (and this is much more important) may be aiSrmed of the English national mind. In the age of Chaucer it may be said that the English people, such as ever since then it has been (and such never it had been till then), had, for good or for evil, or more truly for both, entered in Various ways — in religion, in morals, in domestic habits, in government, in social rela- tions, in relations to other members of the European body — upon a definite and positive course. The position which we still hold as a northern, part Scandinavian, part German people, ever resisting and yet ever submitting most largely to accept the subtle influences of Southern civilisation and refinement — our position, too, of antagonism, in particular to the other great mixed nation, England's immediate neighbour, was ours jn the era of the first French wars. And the picture of all that pertains to those first exhibi- tions (for good or for evil, or for both) of our English genius and temper you may see surviving unfaded in the lively colouring of the ' Canterbury Tales ' ; exhibitions, I have said, of genius and temper ; of dispositions, inclinations, tendencies, it is true, rather than of any formed and rigidly fixed determination. It is our boyhood ; but the man in looking back to it is conscious that that boyhood was his : — folded and compressed within the bud we detect the petals of the coming flower, the rudiment of the future fruit. What, for example, can be truer to permanent English DEVELOPMENT OF ENGLISH LITERATURE 335 likings and dislikings, what more exact to the nation's habitual views and preferences in life, than these lines in the description of the monk ? Let me premise that St. Maure, and St. Benett or Benedict, St. Austin or Augustin, are the great monastic legislators : that wood, as in Scotch, still means crazy, and stvink, as in Shakespeare, toil : — The rule of Saint Maure and of Saint Benett Because that it was old and some deal straight, This UkS monk let old6 thinges pace, And held after the news world the trace. He gave not for that text a pulled hen. That saith that hunters he not holy men. And I say his opinion was good. What should he studie and make himselven wood, Upon a book in cloistre alway to pore, Or swinken with his handes and laboure. As Austin bid ? Mow shall the world be served ? Let Austin have his swink to him reserved. I do not think that our countrymen in this generation have lost their distaste to devout seclusion and associate task -work, or their passion for individual enterprise ; the hearty acceptance, so only indeed they do exist, of all exist- ing things, good, bad, and indifferent ; the desire to grapple with common facts, and the feeling, that some way or other the question — How shall the world be served ? must receive an answer. Certainly we may still find in Old England ladies — I quote Chaucer — paining themselves to counterfeit cheer of court, and be estately of manere, and to be held worthy of reverence ; busy or busy-seeming lawyers : — No where so busy a man as he, as he there n'was, And yet he seemed busier than he was ; country gentlemen, great at the sessions, and greater at the dinner table ; the tried soldier, silent and unpretending ; 336 PROSE REMAEs^S OF ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH the young soldier, much the reverse ; the merchant, so dis- creet and stedfast. There wistS no man that he was in debt ; religious and laborious parish-clergymen, and church digni- taries, not very religious, and not at all laborious. Such is the picture given by Chaucer of his fellow-travellers on the highway from London to Canterbury in the year 1383, as the old tradition of the Tabard Inn in Southwark records, as it might be any present Englishman's description of his in the year 1852. From boyhood we step to early manhood ; from Chaucer pass to Shakespeare, and behold now, not temper, and tendency, and disposition, but thought, contemplation, doubt. In language less easy far and natural, but infinitely more pregnant, significant, and profound, in a style abound- ing in faults as in beauties, we hear, not, as from Chaucer, all that Englishmen in his time were like, but all that man in all times may be. As on the mount of vision, from whose secret summit were seen the kingdoms of the world and the glory thereof, so on the elevation of his own poised intellect stood the spirit of the Elizabethan dramatist, sweeping slowly the horizon of human will and action — all the possible varieties of which were delivered into its power, ' to be or not to be.' So shone concentrated in the being of one man, as into the form of some irradiant star, the col- lective intelligence of centuries gone by, — the prophetic soal Of the great world dreaming o'er things to come. Into details of critical remark on Shakespeare I do not now purpose to carry you. Let me but mark one point. It is impossible, I should suppose, for any reader who does not come to the plays of Shakespeare with a lud^fment overborne by the weight of authority or the force of general sentiment DEVELOPMENT OF ENGLISH LITEEATDEE 337 —it is impossible, I should imagine, for any ingenuous, dis- passionate reader not to find himself surprised, checked, disappointed, shocked, even revolted, by -what in any other author — in an author of modern times — he would call gross defects in point of plot, flagrant inconsistencies of character. In ' As You Like It,' for example, who is not astounded to meet in Act V. the unnatural brother of Act I., by the rehabilitation of a most cursory Deus-ex-machind sort of penitence, or shall I call it regret, qualified for the love, wedlock, and happiness which honest people had been work- ing up to through the whole long drama ? Whom does the marriage of Angelo and Mariana leave quite easy in his mind ? Whose moral sensibilities are not a little rufiled by a strange phantasmagoria of good people becoming bad of a sudden, and all of a sudden good again ; good and happy, too, after every sort of misconduct, after the wickedest and foulest actions, with one touch of the wand all made right j guilt converted to innocence, with not a stain left behind — long-suffering virtue shall wed quick repentant vice — and all, it would seem, simply to bring the play to a happy ending ? For the explanation of these apparent blemishes — these obvious incongruities in the comedies (for that is their region) of our great poet, I might refer you to M. Guizot's criticism on Shakespeare. One element in it consists in the fact, which we are pretty safe in assuming, that with the story Shakespeare had little or nothing to do ; he simply took what was given him, and made of it what he could — what he had occasion or time for. And yet that the taste of the time, and that he himself should acquiesce in such a repre- sentation, is a matter, I think, in some degree appertaining to that balanced, speculative character which I attempted but now to describe, natural to the age and characteristic of the writer. free and serene in youth, newly emancipated from z 338 PEOSE EEMAINS OF ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH teachers and directors, unfettered any longer by precept or injunction of others, unbound as yet by any self-imposed restriction, or even any formed determination — in the rich- ness of a reflectiveness which even now is all but a malady, in the fulness of an almost premature maturity of thought — in a distant preconception or presentiment wandering un- decided in the garden of the infinite choices ; free as yet to select, loving much rather as yet to forbear ; with a tran- quil wistfulness, with a far-sighted consciousness, looking down those unnumbered, diverging, far-reaching avenues of future actuality, each one of which, but, if any one, then not any other, he may follow — such I venture to picture to myself the second poet of the English series — the second and the greatest — the creator of Othello and of Falstaflf, of Hotspur and of Hamlet. Not uncompromised, not uncommitted any longer, self- committed, strongly, deliberately, seriously, irreversibly com- mitted ; walking as in the sight of God, as in the profound, almost rigid conviction that this one, and no other of all those many paths is, or can be, for the just and upright spirit possible, self -predestined as it were, of his own will and foreknowledge, to a single moral and religious aim — such, I think, are we to imagine the writer of ' Paradise Lost ' and of ' Samson Agonistes,' the third of the English poets. To what purpose these myriad phenomena, entering and traversing the field of that mighty object-glass of the speculative intellect ? Is it life to observe ? Is it a man's service to know ? As if it was a thing possible for us to forbear to act ; as though there were not in God's world, amidst ten thousand wrongs, one right, amidst the false choices that offend Him, the one that is His will. And yet, though in 1623, when the players put out the first collected edition, the first folio of the tragedies, comedies, and histories of William Shakespeare, Milton, aged sixteen, was trans- lating psalms, to the second of these folios, in 1632, were DEVELOPMENT OF ENGLISH LITEKATUEE 339 prefixed the verses by John Milton, 'What needs my Shakespeare.' And among the productions of that pure protracted youth, ending, we may say, only in his thirty- third year, and devoted to books and letters, — though ' Comus,' it is true, seems prophetic of the stern and reli- gious virtues of the after-manhood and old age — ' L' Allegro meantime, ' H Penseroso,' and parts of ' Comus ' itself show lineaments of a gentler and less positive, more natural and less merely moral character. Is there not here in these earlier poems, lingering stUl, and as yet undismissed, a little of that poetic hesitance, that meditative reluctance to take a part which I attributed but now as his characteristic to Shakespeare 1 Does not the youthful Milton, while in this immature period, pondering, examining, testing, as it were, upon his spiritual palate the viands of life, approxi- mate, I will not determine how closely, to that personal un- dramatic Shakespeare, who sadly and almost remorsefully could say of himself 1 — ^ Alas 1 'tis true, I have gone here and there, And made myself a motley to the view. Gored my own thoughts, sold cheap what is most dear. Or again, — Oh ! for my sake, do you with fortune chide, The guilty goddess of my harmful deeds. Or in a graver tone still, — Poor soul, the centre of my sinful Earth, Pooled by those rebel powers that thee array. Upon the broad brows and in the deep eyes of Shake- speare I could believe myseK to see, during the inditing of records such as this, a mournful expression which might pass with ease into the fixed pure look of Milton, and could identify, under circumstances of no violent transmutation, the Hps which uttered, ' What ! because thou art virtuous, z2 340 PEOSE REMAINS OP AETHUK HUGH CLOUGH , shall there be no cakes and ale ? aye, and ginger be hot in the mouth ? ' with those of him who closed his drama with the sentence that If virtue feeble were, Heaven itself would stoop to her. But such a fleeting similarity of transition, if there were, in the thoughtful countenance of the youthful Milton, was soon and totally effaced. He is a man of far diflferent genius and character whom we see in the seventeen succeed- ing years of his prime, from his thirty-third to his fiftieth, teaching scholars and reforming education ; married, and deserted, and propounding a new doctrine of divorce ; taking a side in the great Civil War, joining in controversy with bishops and archbishops, acting as secretary to a republican government, and — In Liberty's defence, my noble task, With which all Europe rings from side to side^ justifying the death of kings. Or he again, who, blind and anon impoverished, neglected, imprisoned, persecuted in another and concluding space of seventeen years, bated nevertheless not one jot of heart and hope, and On evil days though fallen, and evil tongues, In darkness and with danger compassed roxmd, found in his lowest estate his highest inspiration, and con- verted his season of endurance and afiliction into his period of most perfect and permanent achievement. The spirit of Milton, no less than the spirit of Shake- speare, still lives and breathes in our native air ; we imbibe it in the earliest and commonest influences that environ us ; it has entered, for good, for evU, or for both, into the con- stituents of our national character. Nevertheless, the proper manhood of the English DEVELOPMENT OF ENGLISH LITEEATUEE 341 nation dates, I believe, from the generation which rejected Milton. The Counter- Revolution of 1660 and the final Revolution of 1688 are the two critical convulsions which restored us to our proper natural course. It is impossible, after all, not to recognise in those seemingly senseless accla- mations which welcomed back the exiled Stuart a real and important significance. It is impossible not to sympathise with the joy and exultation of people at throwing off the yoke of an iron system of morals, proved by experience not coextensive with facts, not true to the necessary exigencies and experiences of life. Fain to return to that larger range from which for a while we had remained self-excluded, but incapable any longer of sustaining ourselves upon the unsupported eleva- tion of speculative vision ; eager again to see what in Shakespeare we had viewed, to feel ourselves again within the circle of those infinitely various relations, but too far engaged in actual things to be competent now of seeing merely, of feeling only ; eager, were it possible — which it no longer is — to find satisfaction to adult impulses in the grati- fication of those old boyish instincts, dispositions, tempers, tendencies, left behind so far away as Chaucer ; resolute, however, in any case, come what would or might, to face and confront, to acknowledge and accept the facts of that living palpable world which cannot for any long time be dis- owned or evaded, with the vision of the universe departed, with innocence and the untroubled conscience forfeited, behold us here at the close of the seventeenth century, embarking, in whose name we know not, and profess to ourselves that we care not, upon the seas of actual and positive existence. You will observe that in the period commencing with the Restoration and continuing through the eighteenth century, literature, though gaining infinitely in variety, loses in eleva- tion ; its predominant and characteristic form is not, as hitherto, the highest, the poetical. What poetry does exist is 342 PROSE EEMAINS OF AETHUK HUGH CLOUGH by no means of the highest order, nor aims at the highest objects ; it is rather as a source of elegant amusement, as an efficacious means towards refinement and polish, as an ally and auxiliary of carriage and high breeding, as an emollient of manners and antidote to brutality, that we are taught to regard it. What indeed the really instructive, the serious and significant form of literature is, were hard to say : it seems even doubtful at times whether it possesses at all any form deserving any such high-sounding epithets ; at times we cannot refrain from the belief that the whole energy, moral, intellectual, and vital, of the nation has passed off into the common business, the ordinary hard work of individual everyday life ; that what we see in the name of literature is but a mere dead and mechanical repetition, an aimless and meaningless observance of traditional habits. At times again, on the other hand, the abundance, and the variety, and the broad substantive character of what the Englishmen of this period wrote and have left for us, fill us with admiration while we contrast it with the poverty, narrowness, and uniformity of our preceding literature. The complexity of the picture is enhanced, and the embarrassment and doubt of our judgments and feelings aggravated, while we further observe how our national mind and literature begin to enter more now than ever before into intimate relations with the other great personal, national forces which have in the last hundred years sprung up into life and vigour on the Continent. Chaucer, it is true • — and it is his praise — gave the final completion, by copious admissions of Norman-French vocables and phrases, to the transformation, shall I say, or new creation, of our homely, meagre, inarticulate semi-Saxon into a civilised and living speech, fit for the harmonious repetition to English ears of graceful Italian or classic story, and the enduring utterance of native thought and sentiment. By Italian cadence and rhythm Spenser tuned his docile ear, and DEVELOPMENT OP ENGLISH LITEEATUEE 343 learnt to remodulate, after an age of disuse, the language in which Shakespeare was to delineate the traditions of Verona and Venice, and give immortality to Florentine romances. The soul of Milton had dieted on 'immortal notes and Tuscan airs,' and been imbued with Italian scenes and Italian friendships, and had learnt in that converse to Feed on thoughts that voluntary move Haxmonious numbers, ere he thought them worthy to arise ' to the height of that great argument.' Nevertheless, this culture in classic grace, and this schooling in the nice accomplishment of verse which the English poets had sought with submission and deference from the descendants of Livy and Virgil, cannot, in any sort, be paralleled with that encounter and fusion which is now to come to pass with a national mind, single and original as our own, proved, chastened, and fortified by a long course of thought, action, and sufiering. The Prencli nation, marked from its original development, shall we say, in the era of the first and second Crusades, by a peculiar and distinct character, mingling in a wonderful compound the fervour of the south and the vigour of the north, heirs direct of an older civilisation, scene of the earliest resuscita- tion of thought, taking, in the later ages of religious con- tention, a separate and special position between the old, as in. Italy and Spain, and the new, as in England and North Germany ; with a readier understanding, with a more rapid and more immediate and seizing intellect > work- ing out, by a logic of its own, conclusions, distinct from those of ojny, yet iu relation to those of every European community ; free-thinkiag from the first in Montaigne, sceptically devout in Pascal, embellishing the ancient faith in Bossuet, and scaling the summit of the latest doubt in Descartes, the French nation obviously had much to com- 344 PKOSE REMAINS OF ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH municate to its insular neighbours — the Puritan, or ail-but Puritan, English people. Yet on the other hand, to pass into the region of mere imitation, to sit at the feet even of writers as great as Racine and Molifere, to owe fealty to the dicta of Boileau, to fit on the literary court-costume of Louis XIV., and pick up the fine language of the Regency, would appear to carry somewhat of indignity to men that Speak the tongue That Shatspeare spoke ; the faith and morals hold That Milton held. From this dangerous communion it may be said that the English mind returned with little loss of originality, a;nd with a large accession of ideas and perceptions ; it had offered as freely, if not as copiously, as it had taken ; in the mass of imitation the native genius is still to be discerned, surviving and subsisting ; in the prostration of ancient tenets and habits the old character remains upright, un- overthrown and unsubdued, One could really believe that we might have consented to learn yet more and got no harm by it. And, reappearing strangely disguised and meta morphosed, we shall still find the spirit of the Elizabethan age and of the Puritan ; the high functions which Shakespeare and Milton performed will be performed in the new era less splendidly but more effectually by smaller men and humbler agencies. Dryden, born in 1631 and dying in 1700, and Cowper, born and dying in the correspondiag years of the following century, we may make the limits of our new period. After the age of Shakespeare, Milton, and the translation of the Bible, that of Addison, Swift, and the translations of Homer and Virgil may seem degenerate. Dryden, who heads the list, after commencing panegyrist under Oliver Cromwell, and showing his good- will in the same DEVELOPMENT OF ENGLISH LITERATURE S46 capacity under the restored Charles II., presently pro- ceeds as playwright, political satirist, theological con- troversialist, critical essayist, classical translator. We may take him as an earnest of what is to follow. Playwrights, in Dryden and Otway, Congreve, Vanbrugh, Farquhar, assume first the pre-eminence. Classical translation, and almost at the same time the Essay, aspire next to supremacy, and claim Augustan honours in Pope and Addison. From 1740 to 1770 may be called the culmination of the novel- ists : from 1750 to 1790 is the period of the historians. The last decade of the century finds us restored to other and different poetry in Cowper and in Burns. The items in the list may appear somewhat trivial. Yet you cannot fail to observe that they consist of names extremely well known ; well known not there only or here, but wherever the English language is spoken or studied. It is to these that foreigners desirous of learning our language most naturally recur. They constitute our ordinary standard literature, and for models in English writing the tradition, not yet obsolete, of our fathers refers us imperatively hither. We cannot, with any safety, follow examples anterior to them ; nor easily find any amongst their successors. Our own age is notorious for slovenly or misdirected habits of composition, while the seventeenth century wasted itself in the excesses of scholastic effort. English prose, before the age of Dryden, was in the hands, for the most part, of men who read and preached more than they talked, and had learnt to compose Latin before they set themselves to write the vernacular. But Latin is, by the inherent nature of its grammar and construction, a language singularly alien to the genius of a natural Eng- lish style. French, which was the chief reading of the English writers after the Restoration, both as a living and as a modern language, was a far more useful auxiliary. And at their coffee-houses and clubs, the wits of our Augustan 346 PEOSB EBMAINS OF AETHUR HUGH CLOUGH age were, even Addison included, fairly accustomed to lively conversation. And the study of French tended to save from vulgarity and meanness diction which conversa- tional habits made thoroughly idiomatic. For manner, and for the subtle and potent impressions conveyed by manner, you may assuredly consult with great benefit the majority of these unpretending items. I may further raise your estimate of these names if I remind you of their connection, at least in time, with work- ings of the human intellect not exactly included in the name of literature. The period of discoveries in Natural Philosophy begins with the reign of that restored Stuart whose picture looks down still, if I mistake not, with the title of founder on the meetings of the Royal Society. Newton's ' Principia ' is not, perhaps, a book pertaining to Belles Lettres ; yet Newton and his fellow-discoverers have a good deal to do with the character of the age of Dryden. If I introduce, by the side of the translation of Virgil, the name of Locke on the ' Human Understanding,' I shall add, I suppose, some specific gravity to the close of the de- generate seventeenth century ; and it will not be without some effect that I intercalate between Thomson's ' Seasons ' and Richardson's 'Pamela,' at the date 1736, the title of Butler's ' Analogy of Religion.' The advance of the century which presents us with the great histories of Hume, Robertson, and Gibbon, gains additional seriousness also from Hume's philosophical as from Johnson's moral writing. And certainly, though the apparent results were less brilliant, our respect and attention are claimed quite as strongly by the mental and moral as by the natural or physical philosophy of this age. The subject belongs properly to profounder lecturers ; I shall merely touch upon it in connection with that literature which it serves more than could anything else to explain. It was our mental philosophy which, far more than our ordi- DEVELOrMENT OF EBTGLISH LITEEATUEE 347 nary Belles Lettres, drew upon us the attention of Europe in general. Voltaire was indeed acquainted with Pope, Dryden, and Swift, but he declared himself openly the student of Newton and the pupil of Locke ; and professed the mission of an apostle to his countrymen of the doctrines of the English philosophy ; and in that philosophy only we can expect to find the fundamental convictions upon which, when the worst came to the worst. Englishmen of that age conceived they could retreat : it therefore must be con- sidered as the substantial reality upon which the fleeting phenomena of plays, poetry, and novels are sustained. Its temper was, I suppose, narrow and material : bent upon the examination of phenomena, it admitted only such as present themselves to the lower and grosser senses ; to the notices of the higher and purer it peremptorily refused its attention. We cannot live without the impalpable air which we breathe, any more than without the solid earth which we tread upon ; the intimations of a spiritual world of which we cannot be rigidly, and, as it were, by all our senses, certified, constitute for our inner life an element as essential as the plain matter of fact without which nothing can be done. But it is certain also that without that matter of fact nothing can be done, and, moreover, very little can be thought : palpable things, by divine right, by inevitable necessity, and intelligent ordinance, claim our habitual attention ; we are more concerned with our steps upon the ground than our inhalation of the atmosphere ; stories of the apparition of ghosts may very likely be true, but even if they are it matters extremely little. This austere love of truth ; this righteous abhorrence of illusion ; this rigorous, uncompromising rejection of the vague, the untestified, the merely probable ; this stern con- scientious determination without paltering and prevarica- tion to admit, if things are bad, that they are so ; this resolute, upright . purpose, as of some transcendental man 848 PKOSE REMAINS OF ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH of business, to go thoroughly into the accounts of the world and make out once for all how they stand : such a spirit as this, I may say, I think, claims more than our attention — claims our reverence. We must not lose it — we must hold fast by it, precious to us as Shakespeare's intellectual or Milton's moral sub- limities ; while our eyes look up with them, our feet must stay themselves firmly here. Such, I believe, is the strong feeling of the English nation ; the spirit of Newton and of Locke possesses us at least in as full measure as that of any one of their predecessors. To trace that spirit working in the minds and morals of our fathers of the last century would be curiously instruc- tive. Pure intellectual action is apt, no doubt, to be for the time so absorbing as to draw to itself all the agencies of our nature, as to suspend the just and fitting exercise of other, and it may be nobler, functions. Philosophers are frequently dim of sight for the phenomena of everyday life, a little hard of hearing for the calls of plain humanity. Let that moral purpose which should first embark, and through the whole voyage should accompany, the true philosopher be his justification. It is a special service that he undertakes, and he may be excused if, to execute it, he does not act wholly as others do, or as in itself would be best. Such a pervading moral purpose is in England exhibited by the chief philosophers of the eighteenth century. Such a moral purpose, perhaps, we may claim for the century itself in general ; admitting, however, at the same time, whether it be the fault of philosophy or of that particular style of philosophy which then prevailed, that, at any rate amongst the upper and more educated classes, both morality and religion seem to have held disadvantageous and pre- carious ground, to have maintained or struggled to maintain themselves in a position only just tenable. The maxim of DEVELOPMENT OF ENGLISH LITEEATUEE 349 the time appears to be that it is man's duty to sustain him- self upon a minimum of moral assumption ; in point of fact, to strive to solve the problem of habituation to living on nothing. Morality survives, we know not well how, in Hume. Religion appears to be driven to its inmost line of defences, to be fighting from its encincture of fortification, in Butler's analogical argument. And Johnson, in the last resort, can but confute Hume, as Berkeley — with a stamp upon the ground. Of what dubious cogency, compared with ancient doc- trine, is the morality implied in the summary of character with which Mary Queen of Scots is dismissed from the English History How different from the idea of a religion meeting all the otherwise disappointed hopes, fulfilling all the profoundest and most secret needs of our spiritual nature, is the great argument of the ' Analogy,' which, nakedly stated, would seem to run, that we have no right to claim a religion according to our own fancies, that as the world of ordinary facts is full of difficulties, so also it is to be expected will be religion also. How matter-of-fact, and, as good people now would say, how low is the morality of Johnson ; how indiscriminate, moreover, he is obliged, in his extreme need, to be in his religious faith and devotional observances. Nevertheless, there is a cogency in this resting upon only the lowest grounds ; the winter- vitality of the moral convictions of Hume is worth more than any summer exuberance of sentiment. Butler's argument does hold water : Johnson's character does prove something. But by this time we are seeming to hear a sound as of very different voices, and it is well that we should begin to break off. Religious enthusiasm, wholly unconscious that amongst the upper classes it had been proved a chimera, awakening in aU the extravagant force of youth at the touch of Wesley and Whitfield, had this long time, amongst 350 PEOSE REMAINS OF AKTHUR HUGH CLOUGH the despised and neglected, been extending its dominions and augmenting its powers. Methodism, long plebeian, is attaining its literary patriciate in Cowper. "We must listen, too, while in homely Scots vernacular we are told by an Ayrshire ploughman authentic tidings of living instincts, of spontaneous belief, which not all the philosophy in the brain of the intellectual can banish from the breast of the human being. In France, also, even Parisian dilettanti are neglecting the persiflage of Voltaire for the sentiment of Rousseau, and the common people are ' hearing him gladly.' As men after long abstraction or too careful self-intro- spection need some sudden change to replace them in their ordinary attitude of life and action ; or, as in the ancient Roman Empire, when the old civilisation, with its laws, its government, its intellectual superiority, its literary upper classes, was gradually sinking more and more into a sort of paralytic incapacity, the emergence from below of a plebeian, unintellectual, unrefined religion, and the inroad from with- out of Northern barbarian races, gave back life to the world — even so in England from the elements representable by Wesley and Burns, in Prance from what spoke by the mouth of the watchmaker's son of Geneva, came strange renovation. You observe, upon referring to a table of chronology, how as the stars, whose courses we have been contemplat- ing, begin to disappear below, so already above the horizon there may be seen showing themselves the lights of a new generation. Before Johnson had left the world you see Coleridge, Wordsworth, Scott, Southey already entered upon it ; entering it much about the time that Hume and Goldsmith quit it. Gibbon sees that last volume, which in his garden at Lausanne he rejoiced to lay down completed, issue from the press ; and Byron is already born. The men whom we ourselves have seen, some of whom still survive DEVJiLOPMENT OF ENGLISH LITERATURE 351 — the men of whose careers some in this room may have been immediate witnesses, the impress from whose spirit is more immediately set upon us all, are already alive and even at work. Were I to pass over the momentous barrier of the great French Revolution, and look into the last decade of the eighteenth century, we should see there, while the light of Burns suddenly goes out, and the feeble spark which testifies to the existence of Cowper expires sadly with the expiring centenary, we should see there Coleridge and Wordsworth and Southey busy, and before the public, Coleridge and Southey planning as in a dream a Pantiso- cratic community on the banks of the smooth-sounding Susquehanna, Coleridge and Wordsworth presently writing in country seclusion , together poems which the former never, the latter scarcely ever, improved upon. But I shall be doing wrong, I feel and see, in overstep- ping this magic limit of the century. I am leading you unawares from a gallery of portraits of the dead through a door that opens upon a meeting of living, moving, and acting men. From history I am seducing you to self- observation ; from the ripe and gathered sheaves I am diverting you to the field where good and bad, by no rash hand to be sundered, must grow together to an harvest which is not yet. Of the characteristics of this new epoch, of its purport and significance, let us not dream of seeking any analysis or giving any representation. Twenty years hence, when the hot blood of Byron shall have cooled in the veins of the generation he addressed, and when Scott's mountain excursions, shall seem an exploded amusement, and Wordsworth's evening walks a faded reverie, twenty years hence it will be time enough to meet together and discuss our past selves and the literature of the commencement of the nineteenth century. EEVIEW OF SOME POEMS BY ALEXANDER SMITH and MATTHEW AENOLD. (Published in the ' North American Eeview.' for July 1853, Yol. Ixxvii., No. 160.) A A 355 REVIEW OF SOME POEMS BY ALEXANDER SMITH AND MATTHEW ARNOLD. Poems by Alexander Smith, a volume recently published in London, and by this time reprinted in Boston, deserve atten- tion. They have obtained in England a good deal more notice than is usually accorded there to first volumes of verse ; nor is this by any means to be ascribed to the mere fact that the writer is, as we are told, a mechanic ; though undoubtedly that does add to their external interest, and perhaps also enhances their intrinsic merit. It is to this, perhaps, that they owe a force of purpose and character which makes them a grateful contrast- to the ordinary languid collectanea published by young men of literary habits ; and which, on the whole, may be accepted as more than compensation for many imperfections of style and taste. The models whom this young poet has followed have been, it would appear, predominantly, if not exclusively, the writers of his own immediate time, plus Shakspeare. The antecedents of the ' Life-Drama,' the one long poem which occupies almost the whole of his volume, are to be found in the ' Princess,' in parts of Mrs. Browning, in the love of Keats, and the habit of Shakspeare. There is no Pope, or Dryden,' or even Milton ; no Wordsworth, Scott, ' The word spoom, which Dryden uses as the verb of the substantive npume, occurs also in ' Beaumont and Fletcher.' Has Keats employed it ? It seems hardly to deserve reimpatria- tion. A A 2 356 PROSE REMAINS OF ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH or even Byron to speak of. We have before us, we may say, the latest disciple of the school of Keats, who was indeed no well of English undefiled, though doubtless the fountain-head of a true poetic stream. Alexander Smith is young enough to free himself from his present manner, which does not seem his simple and natural own. He has given us, so to say, his Endymion ; it is certainly as imperfect, and as mere a promise of something wholly different, as was that of the master he has followed. We are not sorry, in the meantime, that this Endymion is not upon Mount Latmos. The natural man does pant within us alter flumina silvasque ; yet really, and truth to tell, is it not, upon the whole, an easy matter to sit under a green tree by a purling brook, and indite pleasing stanzas on the beauties of Nature and fresh air ? Or is it, we incline to ask, so very great an exploit to wander out into the pleasant field of Greek or Latin mythology, and repro- duce, with more or less of modern adaptation — the shadows Faded and pale, yet immortal, of Faunus, the Nymphs, and the Graces ? Studies of the literature of any distant age or country ; all the imitations and g'wcisi-translations which help to bring together into a, single focus the scattered rays of human intelligence ; poems after classical models, poems from Oriental sources, and the like, have undoubtedly a great literary value. Yet there is no question, it is plain and patent enough, that people much prefer ' Yanity Fair ' and ' Bleak House.' Why so ? Is it simply because we have grown prudent and prosaic, and should not welcome, as our fathers did, the Marmions and the Rokebys, the Childe Harolds and the Corsairs ? Or is it, that to be widely popular, to gain the ear of multitudes, to shake the hearts REVIEW OF SOME MODEKN POEMS 357 of men, poetry should deal, more than at present it usually does, with general wants, ordinary feelings, the obvious rather than the rare facts of human nature ? Could it not attempt to convert into beauty and thankfulness, or at least into some form and shape, some feeling, at any rate, of content — the actual, palpable things with which our every-day life is concerned ; introduce into business and weary task-work a character and a soul of purpose and reality ; intimate to us relations which, in our unchosen, peremptorily appointed posts, in our grievously narrow and limited spheres of action, we still, in and through all, retain to some central, celestial fact ? Could it not console us with a sense of significance, if not of dignity, in that often dirty, or at least dingy, work which it is the lot of so many of us to have to do, and which some one or other, after all, must do 1 Might it not divinely condescend to all infirmi- ties ; be in all points tempted as we are ; exclude nothing, least of all guilt and distress, from its. wide fraternisation ; not content itself merely with talking of what may be better elsewhere, but seek also to deal with what is here t We could each one of us, alas, be so much that somehow we find we are not ; we have all of us fallen away from so much that we still long to call ours. Cannot the Divine Song in some way indicate to us our unity, though from a great way off, with those happier things ; inform us, and prove to us, that though we are what we are, we may yet, in some way, even in our abasement, even by and through our daily work, be related to the purer existence 1 The modern novel is preferred to the modern poem, because we do here feel an attempt to include these indis- pensable latest addenda — these phenomena which, if we forget on Sunday, we must remember on Monday — these positive matters of fact, which people, who are not verse- writers, are obliged to have to do with. 358 PEOSE EEMAINS OF ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH Et fortasse cupressmn Scis simulare ; quid hoc, si fractis enatat exspes Navibus, ssre dato qui pingitur 1 The novelist does try to build us a real house to be lived in ; and this common builder, with no notion of the orders, is more to our purpose than the student of ancient art who proposes to lodge us under an Ionic portico. We are, unhappily, not gods, nor even marble statues. While the poets, like the architects, are — a good thing enough in its way — studying ancient art, comparing, thinking, theorising, the common novelist tells a plain tale, often trivial enough, about this, that, and the other, and obtains one reading at any rate ; is thrown away indeed to-morrow, but is devoured to-day. We do not at all mean to prepare the reader for finding the great poetic desideratum in this present Life-Drama. But it has at least the advantage, such as it is, of not show- ing much of the litterateur or connoisseur, or indeed the student; nor is it, as we have said, mere pastoral sweet piping from the country. These poems were not written among books and busts, nor yet By shallow rivers, to whose falls Melodious birds sing madrigals. They have something substantive and lifelike, immediate and first-hand, about them. There is a charm, for example, in finding, as we do, continual images drawn from the busy seats of industry ; it seems to satisfy a want that we have long been conscious of, when we see the black streams that welter out of factories, the dreary lengths of urban and suburban dustiness. The squares and streets, And the faces that one meets, irradiated with a gleam of divine purity. REVIEW OP SOME MODERN POEMS 359 There are moods when one is prone to believe that, in these last days, no longer by ' clear spring or shady grove, no more upon any Pindus or Parnassus, or by the side of any Castaly, are the true and lawful haunts of the poetic powers ; but, we could believe it, if anywhere, in the blank and desolate streets, and upon the solitary bridges of the midnight city, where Guilt is, and wild Temptation, and the dire Compulsion of what has once been done — there, with these tragic sisters around him, and with pity also, and pure Compassion, and pale Hope, that looks like despair, and Faith in the garb of doubt, there walks the discrowned Apollo, with unstrung lyre ; nay, and could he sound it, those mournful Muses would scarcely be able, as of old, to respond and ' sing in turn with their beautiful voices.' To such moods, and in such states of feeling, this ' Life Drama ' will be an acceptable poem. Under the guise of a different story, a story unskilful enough in its construction, we have seemed continually to recognise the ingenious, yet passionate, youthful spirit, struggling after something like right and purity amidst the unnumbered difficulties, con- tradictions, and corruptions of the heated and crowded, busy, vicious, and inhuman town. Eager for action, incapable of action without some support, yet knowing not on what arm to dare to lean ; not untainted ; hard pressed ; in some sort, at times, overcome — still we seem to see the young combatant, half combatant, half martyr, resolute to fight it out, and not to quit this for some easier field of battle — one way or other to make something of it. The story, such as we have it, is inartificial enough. Walter, a boy of poetic temperament and endowment, has, it appears, in the society of a poet friend now deceased, grown up with the ambition of achieving something great in the highest form of human speech. Unable to find or make a way, he is diverted from his lofty purposes by a romantic love-adventure, obscurely told, with a ' Lady ' who 360 PEOSE EEMAINS OF ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH finds him asleep, Endymion-like, under a tree. The fervour and force of youth wastes itself here in vain ; a quick dis- appointment — for the lady is betrothed to another — sends him back enfeebled, exhausted, and embittered, to essay once again his task. Disappointed affections, and baffled ambition, contending henceforward in unequal strife with the temptations of scepticism, indifference, apathetic sub- mission, base indulgence, and the like ; the sickened and defeated, yet only too strong, too powerful man, turning desperately off, and recklessly at last plunging in mid-un- belief into joys to which only belief and moral purpose can give reality ; out of horror-stricken guilt, the new birth of clearer and surer, though humbler, conviction, trust, resolu- tion ; these happy changes met, perhaps a little prematurely and almost morb than half-way, by success in the aims of a purified ambition, and crowned too, at last, by the blessings of a regenerate affection — such is the argument of the latter half of the poem ; and there is something of a current and tide, so to say, of poetic intention in it, which carries on the reader (after the first few scenes), perforce, in spite of criti- cism and himself, through faulty imagery, turgid periods, occasional bad versification and even grammar, to the close. Certainly, there is something of a real flesh-aijd-blood heart and soul in the case, or this could not be so. We quote from the later portion, when Walter returns to the home of his childhood : — 'Twas here I spent my youth, as far removed Prom the great heavings, hopes, and fears of man, As unknown isle asleep in unknown seas. Gone my pure heart, and with it happy days ; No manna falls around me from on high, Barely from off the desert of my life I gather patience and severe content. God is a worker. He has thickly strewn Infinity with grandeur. God is Love ; He yet shall wipe away creation's tears. REVIEW OF SOME MODERlvr POEMS 361 And all the worlds shall summer in his smile. Why work I not. The veriest mote that sports Its one-day life within the svinny beam Has its stem duties. Wherefore have I none 1 I win throw off this dead and useless past. As a strong runner, straining for his life. Unclasps a mantle to the hungry winds. A mighty purpose rises large and slow From out the fluctuations of my soul. As ghostlike from the dim and trembling sea Starts the completed moon. Here, in this determination, he writes his poem — attains in this spirit the object which had formerly been his ambi- tion. And here, in the last scene, we find him happy, or peaceful at least, with Yiolet : — Thou noble soul, Teach me, if thou art nearer God than I ! My life was one long dream ; when I awoke, Duty stood like an angel in my path. And seemed so terrible, I could have turned Into my yesterdays, and wandered back To distant childhood, and gone out to God By the gate of birth, not death. Lift, lift me up By thy sweet inspiration, as the tide Lifts'up a stranded boat upon the beach. I will go forth 'mong men, not mailed in scorn. But in the armour of a pure intent, Great duties are before me, and great songs, And whether crowned or crownless, when I fall, It matters not, so as God's work is done. I've learned to prize the quiet lightning deed, Not the applauding thunder at its heels. Which men call Fame. Our night is past ; We stand in precious sunrise ; and beyond, A long day stretches to the very end. So be it, young Poet ; Poet, perhaps it is early to affirm ; but so be it, at any rate, O young man. While you go 862 PROSE REMAIN'S OF ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH forth in that ' armour of pure intent,' the hearts of some readers, be assured, will go with you. ' Empedocles on Etna, and other Poems,' with its earlier companion volume, 'The Strayed Reveller, and other Poems,' are, it would seem, the productions (as is, or was, the English phrase) of a scholar and a gentleman ; a man who has received a refined education, seen refined ' society,' and been more, we dare say, in the world, which is called the world, than in all likelihood has a Glasgow mechanic. More refined, therefore, and more highly educated sensi- bilities — too delicate, are they, for common service ? — a calmer judgment also, a more poised and steady intellect, the siacum hmien of the soul ; a finer and rarer aim, perhaps, and certainly a keener sense of difficulty, in life — these are the characteristics of him whom we areto call ' A.' Empedocles, the sublime Sicilian philosopher, the fragments of whose moral and philosophic poems testify to his genius and character — Empedocles, in the poem before us, weary of misdirected effort, weary of imperfect thought, impatient of a life which appears to him a miserable failure, and incapable, as he conceives, of doing anythiag that shall be true to that proper interior self — Being one with which we are one with the whole world, wandering forth, with no determined purpose, iato the mountain solitudes, followed for a whUe by Pausanias, the eager and laborious physician, and at a distance by CalUcles, the boy-musician, flings himself at last, upon a sudden im- pulse and apparent inspiration of the intellect, into the boil- ing crater of Etna ; rejoins there the elements. The music of the boy Callicles, to which he chants his happy mythic stories somewhat frigidly perhaps, relieves, as it sounds in the distance, the gloomy catastrophe. Tristram and Iseult (these names form the title of the next and only other considerable poem) are, in the old EEVIEW OF SOME MODEKN POEMS 363 romantic cycle of North-France and Germany, the hero and the heroine of a mournful tale. Tristram of Lyonness, the famed companion of King Arthur, received in youth a com- mission to bring from across the sea the Princess Iseult of Ireland, the destined bride of the King of Cornwall. The mother of the beautiful princess gave her, as a parting gift, a cup of a magic wine, which she and her royal husband should drink together on their marriage-day in their palace at Tyntagil ; so they should love each other perfectly and for ever. On the dreamy seas it so befell, that Iseult and Tristram drank together of the golden cup. Tristram, therefore, and Iseult should love each other perfectly and for ever. Yet nothing the less for this must Iseult be wedded to the King of Cornwall ; and Tristram, vainly lingering, fly and go forth upon his way. But it so chanced that, after long and weary years of passion vainly contended with, years of travel and hard fighting, Tristram, lying wounded in Brittany, was tended by another, a youthful, innocent Iseult, in whose face he seemed to see the look of that Iseult of the past, that was, and yet could not be, his. Weary, and in his sad despon- dency, Tristram wedded Iseult of Brittany, whose heart, in his stately deep distress, he had moved to a sweet and tender aflFection. The modern poem opens with the wedded knight come home again, after other long years, and other wars, in which he had fought at King Arthur's side with the Roman emperor, and subdued the heathen Saxons on the Rhine, lying once more sick and sad at heart, upon what ere long he feels shall be his death-bed. Ere he die, he would see, once yet again, her with whom in his youth he drank of that fatal cup : — ■ Tristram. Is she not come 1 the messenger was sure. Prop me upon the pillows once again — 364 PKOSE REMAINS OP ARTHUE HUGH CLOUGH Raise me, my page : this cannot long endure. Christ I whal a night I how the sleet whips the pane I What lights will those out to the northward be ? . Ike Page. The lanterns of the fishing-boats at sea. And so through the whole of Part I. of our poem lies the sick and weary knight upon his' bed, reviewing sadly, while sadly near him stands his timid and loving younger Iseult, reviewing, half sleeping, half awake, those old times, that hapless voyage, and all that thence ensued ; and still in all his thought recurring to the proud Cornish Queen, who, it seems, will let him die unsolaced. He speaks again, now broad awake : — Is my page here ? Come, turn me to the fire. Upon the window panes the moon shines bright ; The wind is down ; but she'll not come to-night. Ah no, — she is asleep in Tyntagil My princess, art thou there ? Sweet, 'tis too late. To bed and sleep ; my fever is gone by ; To-night my page shall keep me company. Where do the children sleep ? Kiss them for me. Poor child, thou art almost as pale as I ; This comes of nursing long and watching late. To bed — good night. And so (our poet passing without notice from Tristram's semidramatic musings and talkings to his own not more coherent narrative") — coherent narrative) — She left the gleam-lit fireplace. She came to the bed-side ; She took his hands in hers ; her tears Down on her slender fingers rained. She raised her eyes upon his face — Not with a look of wounded pride — A look as if the heart complained ; Her look was like a sad embrace ; The gaze of one who can divine A grief, and sympathise. KEVIEW OF SOME MODERN POEMS 365 Sweet flower, thy children's eyes Are not more innocent than thine. Sleeping -witli her little ones, and, it may be, dreaming too, though less happily than they, lies Iseult of Brittany. And now — What voices are those on the clear night air ? What lights in the courts 1 what steps on the stair ? PAET II. Tristra/m. Baise the light, my page, that I may see her. — Thou art come at last, then, haughty Queen I Long I've waited, long have fought my fever, Late thou comest, cruel thou hast been. Iseult. Blame me not, poor sufEerer, that I tarried. I was bound ; I could not break the band. Chide not with the past, but feel the present ; I am here — we meet — I hold thy hand. Yes, the Queen Iseult of Cornwall, Iseult that was of Ireland, of the ship upon the dreamy seas long since, has crossed these stormy seas to-night, is here, holds his hand. And so proceeds, through some six or seven pages of Part II., the fine colloquy of the two sad, world-worn, late-reunited lovers. When we open upon Part III., A year had flown, and in the chapel old Lay Tristram and Queen Iseult dead and cold. Beautiful, simple, old mediseval story ! We have followed it, led on as much by its own intrinsic charm as by the form and colouring — beautiful too, but indistinct — which our modem poet has given it. He is obscure at times, and hesitates and falters in it ; the knights and dames, we fear, of old North-France and Western Germany would have been grievously put to it to make him out. Only upon a fourth re-reading, and by the grace of a happy moment, did we satisfy our critical conscience that, when the two lovers have sunk together in death, the knight on his pillows, and 366 PROSE REMAINS OF ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH Queen Iseult kneeling at his side, the poet, after passing to the Cornish court where she was yesternight, returns to address himself to a hunter with his dogs, worked in the tapestry of the chamber here, whom he conceives to be pausing in the pictured chase, and staring, with eyes of wonder, on the real scene of the pale knight on the pillows and the kneeling lady fair. But Cheer, cheer thy dogs into the brake, Oh hunter ! and without a fear Thy golden-tasselled bugle blow. And through the glade thy pastime take For thou wilt rouse no sleepers here, For these thou seest are unmoved ; Cold, cold as those who lived and loved A thousand years ago. Fortunately, indeed, with the commencement of Part III., the most matter-of-fact Quarterly conscience may feel itself pretty well set at ease by the unusually explicit statements that A year had fled ; and in the chapel old Lay Tristram and Queen Iseult dead and cold. The young surviving Iseult, one bright day Had wandered forth ; her children were at play In a green circular hollow in the heath Which borders the sea shore ; a country path Creeps over it from the tilled fields behind. Yet anon, again and thicker now perhaps than ever, the mist of more than poetic dubiousness closes over and around us. And as he sings to us about the widowed lady Iseult, sitting upon the sea-banks of Brittany, watching her bright-eyed children, talking with them and telling them old Breton stories, while still, in all her talk and her story, her own dreamy memories of the past, and perplexed thought of the present, mournfully mingle, it is really all but impossible to ascertain her, or rather his, real meanings. We listen indeed, not quite unpleased, to a sort of faint musical REVIEW OF SOME MODERN POEMS 367 mumble, conveying at times a kind of subdued half-sense, or intimating, perhaps a three-quarters-implied question ; is anything real 1 — is love anything 1 — what is anything 1 — is there substance enough even in sorrow to mark the lapse of time ? — ^is not passion a diseased unrest 1 — did not the fairy Vivian, when the wise Merlin forgot his craft to fall in love with her, wave her wimple over her sleeping adorer 1 Nine times she waved the fluttering ■wimple round, And made a little plot of magic ground ; And in that daisied circle, as men say, Is Merlin prisoner to the judgment-day, But she herself whither she will can rove. For she was passing weary of his love. Why or wherefore, or with what purport, who will venture exactly to say ? — but such, however, was the tale which, while Tristram and his first Iseult lay in their graves, the second Iseult, on the sea-banks of Brittany, told her little ones. And yet, dim and faint as is the sound of it, we still prefer this dreamy patience, the soft submissive endurance of the Breton lady, and the human passions and sorrows of the Knight and the Queen, to the high, and shall we say, pseudo Greek inflation of the philosopher musing above the crater, and the boy Callicles singing myths upon the moun- tain. Does the reader require morals and meanings to these stories ? What shall they be, then ?— the deceitfulness of knowledge and the illusiveness of the aflfections, the hard- ness and roughness and contrariousness of the world, the difficulty of living at all, the impossibility of doing anything — voila tout ? A charitable and patient reader, we believe (such as is the present reviewer), will find in the minor poems that accompany these pieces, intimations — what more can reader or reviewer ask ? — of some better and further 368 PEOSE EEMAINS OF ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH thing than these ; some approximations to a kind of confi- dence ; some incipiences of a degree of hope ; some roots, retaining some vitality, of conviction and moral purpose : — And though we wear out life, alas, Distracted as a homeless wind. In beating where we must not pass. And seeking what we shall not find, Yet shall we one day gain, life past. Clear prospect o'er our being's whole. Shall see ourselves, and learn at last Our true affinities of soul. We shall not then deny a course To every thought the mass ignore. We shall not then call hardness force. Nor lightness wisdom any more. In the future, it seems, there is something for us ; and for the present also, -which is more germane to our matter, we have discovered some precepts about ' hope, light, and per- siste')tce,' which we intend to make the most of. Meantime, it is one promising point in our author of the initial, that his second is certainly on the whole an improvement upon his first' volume. There is less obvious study of effect ; upon the whole, a plainer and simpler and less factitious manner and method of treatment. This, he niay be sure, is the only safe course. Not by turning and twisting his eyes, in the hope of seeing things as Homer, Sophocles, Virgil, or Milton saw them ; but by seeing them, by accept- ing them as he sees them, and faithfully depicting accord- ingly, will he attain the object he desires. In the earlier volume, one of the most generally admired pieces was ' The Forsaken Merman.' Come, dear children, let us away Down, and away below, says the Merman, standing upon the sea-shore, whither he REVIEW OF SOME MODEEN POEMS 369 and his children came up to call back the human Margaret, their mother, who had left them to go, for one day — for Easter-day — to say her prayers with her kinsfolk in the little gray church on the shore : — 'T will be Easter-time in the world — ah me, And I lose my poor soul, Merman, here with thee. And when she stayed, and stayed on, and it seemed a long while, and the little ones began to moan, at last, up went the Merman with the little ones to the shore, and so on into the town, and to the little gray church, and there looked in through the small leaded panes of the window. There she sits in the aisle ; but she does not look up, her eyes are fixed upon the holy page ; it is in vain we try to catch her attention : — Come away, children, call no more, Come away, come down, call no more. Down, down to the depths of the sea. She will live up there and be happy, among the things she had known before. Yet sometimes a thought will come across her; there will be times when she will Steal to the window and look at the sand ; And over the sand at the sea ; And anon there breaks a sigh, And anon there drops a tear, From a sorrow-clouded eye. And a heart sorrow-laden, A long, long sigh, For the cold strange eyes of a little mermaiden. And the gleam of her golden hair. Come away, children, come down. We will be happy in our bright home under the sea — happy, though the cruel one leaves us lonely for ever. Yet we too, sometimes at midnight, when winds blow softly, and the moonlight falls clear, B B 370 PEOSE REMAINS OF AETHUK HUGH CLOUGH ' Up the still glistemng beaches. Up the creeks we will hie, Over banks of bright sea-weed The ebb-tide leaves dry. We will gaze from the sand hills At the white sleeping town, At the church on the hill-side ; And then come back down, — Singing, ' There dwells a loved one, But cruel is she, She left lonely for ever The Kings of the sea.' It is a beautiful poem, certainly ; and deserves to have been given at full length. 'The Strayed Reveller' itself is more ambitious, perhaps a little strained. It is a pleasing and significant imagination, however, to present to us Circe and Ulysses in colloquy with a stray youth from the train of Bacchus, who drinks eagerly the cup of the enchantress, not as did the sailors of the Ithacan king, for gross pleasure, but for the sake of the glorious and superhuman vision and knowledge it imparts : — But I, Ulysses, Sitting on the warm steps, Looking over the valley, All day long have seen, Without pain, without labour, Sometimes a wild-haired m^nad, Sometimes a Faun with torches. But now, we are fain to ask, where are we, and whither are we unconsciously come 1 Were we not going forth to battle in the armour of a righteous purpose, with our first friend, with Alexander Smith ? How is it we find ourselves here, reflecting, pondering, hesitating, musing, complaining, with 'A'? As the wanderer at night, standing under a stormy sky, listening to the wild harmonies of winds, and EEVIEW OF SOME MODERN POEMS 371 watching the wild movements of the clouds, the tree-tops, or possibly the waves, may, with a few steps, very likely, pass into a lighted sitting-room, and a family circle, with pictures and books, and literary leisure, and ornaments, and elegant small employments — a scene how dissimilar to that other, and yet how entirely natural also — so it often happens too with books. You have been reading Burns, and you take up Cowper. You feel at home, how strangely ! in both of them. Can both be the true thing 1 and if so, in what new form can we express the relation, the harmony, between them ? Such a discrepancy there certainly does exist between the two books that have been before us here. We close the one and open the other, and feel ourselves moving to and fro between two totally different, repugnant, and hostile theories of life. Are we to try and reconcile them, or judge between them 1 May we escape from all the difficulty by a mere quota- tion, and pronounce with the shepherd of Virgil, Non nostrum inter vos tantas componere lites : Et vitul^ tu dignus, et Mo. Or will the reader be content to bow down with us in this place, and acknowledge the presence of that highest object of worship among the modem Germans, an antinomy ? (That is, O unlearned reader, ignorant, not impossibly, of Kant and the modern German religion — in brief, a con- tradiction in terms, the ordinary phenomenal form of a nowmenal Verity ; as, for example, the world must have had a beginning, and, the world cannot have had a beginning, in the transcendental fusion or confusion of which consists the InteUigible or umntelligible truth.) WUl you be content, O reader, to plod in German manner over miles of a straight road, that seems to lead somewhere, with the prospect of arriving at last at some point where it will divide at equal B B 2 S72 PKOSB EEMAINS OF ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH angles, and lead equally in two opposite directions, where you may therefore safely pause, and thankfully set up your rest, and adore in sacred doubt the Supreme Bifurcation ? Or do you hold, with Yoltaire, who said (A propos of the question then debated among the French wits, whether there were or were not a God) that ' after all, one must take a side ? ' With all respect for the Antinomies and Germans, and ' most distinguished consideration ' for Voltaire and Parisian persiflage, still, it may not be quite necessary for us, on the present occasion, either to stand still in transcendental doubt, or toss up, as it were, for our side. Individuals differ in character, capacity, and positions ; and, according to their circumstances, wUl combine, in every possible variety of degree, the two elements of thoughtful discriminating selection and rejection, and frank and bold acceptance of what lies around them. Between the extremes of ascetic and timid self-culture, and of unquestioning, unhesitating confidence, we may consent to see and tolerate every kind and gradation of intermixture. Nevertheless, upon the whole, for the present age, the lessons of reflectiveness and the maxims of caution do not appear to be more needful or more appropriate than exhortations to steady courage and calls to action. There is something certainly of an over-educated weakness of purpose in Western Europe — not in Germany only, or France, but also in more busy England. There is a disposition to press too far the finer and subtler intellectual and moral susceptibilities ; to insist upon following out, as they say, to their logical consequences, the notices of some organ of the spiritual nature ; a proceeding which perhaps is hardly more sensible in the grown man than it would be in the infant to refuse to correct the sensations of sight by those of the touch. Upon the whole, we are disposed to follow out, if we must follow out at all, the analogy of the bodily senses ; we are inclined to accept rather than investi- REVIEW OP SOME MODERN POEMS 373 gate ; and to put our confidence less in arithmetic and antinomies than in A few stroDg instincts and a few plain rules. Let us remark also in the minor Poems, which accompany ' Empedocles/ a disposition, perhaps, to assign too high a place to what is caUed Nature. It may indeed be true, as the astronomers say, though after all it is no very great piece of knowledge, that the heavenly bodies describe eUipses ; and go on, from and to all the ages, performing that self-repeating, unattaining curve. But does it, there- fore, of necessity follow that human souls do something analogous in the spiritual spaces ? Number is a wonderful thing, and the laws of Nature sublime ; nevertheless, have we not a sort of intuition of the existence, even in our own poor human selves, of something akin to a Power superior to, and transcending, all manifestations of Nature, all intel- ligible forms of Number and Law 1 We quote one set of verses, entitled ' Morality,' in which our author does appear to have escaped for once from the dismal cycle of his rehabilitated Hindoo-Greek theosophy : — MOEALTTT. We cannot kindle when we will The fire that in the heart resides, The spirit bloweth and is stiU, In mystery our soul abides ; — But tasks, in hours of insight willed, Can be through hours of gloom fulfilled. With aching hands and bleeding feet We dig and heap, lay stone on stone ; We bear the burden and the heat Of the long day, and wish 'twere done. Not till the hours of light return, All we have built do we discern. Then when the clouds are off the soul. When thou dost lonk in Nature's eye, 374 PKOSE KBMAINS OF AETHUK HUGH CLOUGH Ask how she viewed thy self-control, Thy strnggling tasked morality — Nature whose free, light, cheerful air, Oft made thee, in thy gloom, despair. And she, whose censure thou dost dread. Whose eye thou wert afraid to seek, — See, on her face a glow is spread, A strong emotion on her cheek. ' Ah child,' she cries, ' that strife divine Whence was it, for it is not mine ? There is no effort on my brow — I do not strive, I do not weep ; I rush with the swift spheres, and glow In joy, and when I will, I sleep, — Yet that severe, that earnest air, I saw, I felt it once, but where ? I knew not yet the gauge of Time, Nor wore the manacles of space, — I felt it in some other clime, I saw it in some other place. 'Twas when the heavenly house I trod, And lay upon the breast of God. It is wonderful what stores of really valuable thought may lie neglected in a book, simply because they are not put in that form which serves our present occasions. But if we have been inclined to yield to a preference for the picture of simple, strong, and certain, rather than of subtle, shifting, and dubious feelings, and in point of tone and matter to go along with the young mechanic, in point of diction and manner, we must certainly assign the palm to ' A,' in spite of a straining after the rounded Greek form, such as, to some extent, vitiates even the style of Milton. Alexander Smith lies open to much graver critical carping. He writes, it would almost seem, under the impression that the one business of the poet is to coin metaphors and similes. He tells them out as a clerk might sovereigns at the Bank REVIEW OF SOME MODEKN POEIIS 375 of England. So many comparisons, so much poetry ; it is the sterling currency of the realm. Yet he is most pleased, perhaps, when he can double or treble a similitude ; speak- ing of A, he will call it a B, which is, as it were, the C of a D. By some maturer effort we may expect to be thus conducted even to Z. But simile within simile, after the manner of Chinese boxes, are more curious than beautiful ; nor is it the true aim of the poet, as of the Italian boy in the street, to poise upon his head, for public exhibition, a board crowded as thick as they can stand with images, big and little, black and white, of anybody and everybody, in any possible order of disorder, as they happen to pack. Tanquam scopulum, insolens verbtim, says the precept of ancient taste, which our author seems to accept freely, with the modem comment of — In youth from rock to rook I went With pleasure high and turbulent, — Most pleased when most uneasy. The movement of his poem is indeed rapid enough ; there is a sufficient impetus to carry us over a good deal of rough and ' rocky ' ground ; there is a real continuity of poetic purpose ;-^but it is so perpetually presumed upon ; the attention, which the reader desires to devote to the pursuit of the main drift of what calls itself a single poem, simplex et unum, is so incessantly called off to look at this and look at that ; when, for example, we would fain follow the thought and feeling of Violet and of Walter, we are with such peremptory and frequent eagerness summoned to observe how like the sky is to x and the stars are to y, that on the whole, though there is a real continuity of purpose, we cannot be surprised that the critic of the 'London Examiner ' failed to detect it. Keats and Shelley, and Coleridge, perhaps, before them, with their extravagant love for Elizabethan phraseology, have led to this mischief. 876 PEOSE REMAINS OF ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH Has not Tennyson followed a little too much in their train 1 Coleridge, vre suppose, would have maintained it to be an excellence in the ' myriad-minded ' dramatist, that he so often diverts us from the natural course of thought, feeling, and narrative, to see how curiously two trifles resemble each other, or that, in a passage of deep pathos, he still finds time to apprise us of a paronomasia. But faults which disfigure Shakspeare are not beauties in a modern volume. I rot upon the waters when my prow Should grate the golden isles, may be a very Elizabethan, but is certainly rather a vicious expression. Force and condensation are good, but it is pos- sible to combine them with purity of phrase. One of the • most successful delineations in the whole poem is contained in the following passage, which introduces Scene VII. : — -{A balcony overlooldng the sea."] The lark is singing in the blinding sky, — Hedges are white with May. The bridegroom sea Is toying with the shore, his wedded bride, And in the fulness of his marriage joy, He decorates her tawny front with shells — Retires a space to see how fair she looks, Then proud, runs up to kiss her. All is fair, — All glad, from grass to sun. Yet more I love Than this, the shrinking day that sometimes comes In winter's front, so fair 'mongst its dark peers, . It seems a straggler from the files of June, Which in its wanderings had lost its wits, And half its beauty, and when it returned, Finding its old companions gone away, It joined November's troop, then marching past ; And so the frail thing comes, and greets the world With a thin crazy smile, then bursts in tears — ■ And all the while it holds within its hand A few half -withered flowers ; — I love and pity it. EEVIEW OF SOME MODERN POEMS 377 It may be the fault of our point of view ; but certainly we do not find even here that happy, unimpeded sequence which is the charm of really good writers. Is there not something incongruous in the effect of the immediate juxtaposition of these two images 1 We have lost, it may be, that impetuosity, that elan, which lifts the young reader over hedge and ditch at flying leaps, across country, or we should not perhaps entertain any offence, or even surprise, at being transferred per saltum from the one field to the other. But we could almost ask, was the passage, so beau- tiful, though perhaps a little prolonged, about the June day in November, written consecutively, and in one flow with the previous, and also beautiful, one about ocean and his bride ? We dare say it was : but it does not read, some- how, in the same straight line with it — Tantum series juncturaque pollet. We venture, too, to record a perhaps hypercritical objection to ' the blinding sky ' in this particular collocation. Perhaps in the first line of a scene, while the reader has not yet warmed to his duty, simplicity should be especially observed — a single image, without any repeated reflection, so to speak, in a second mirror, should suffice. The following, which open Scene XI., are better : — Snmnier hath murmured witli her leafy lips Around my home, and I have heard her not ; I've missed the process of three several years From shaking wind flowers to the tarnished gold That rustles sere on Autumn's aged limbs. Except the two last lines. Our author will not keep his eye steady upon the thing before him ; he goes ofi", and dis- tracts us, and breaks the impression he had begun to succeed in giving, by bidding us look now at something else. Some simpler epithets than shaking, and some plainer language than tarnished gold or aged limi)s, would have done the work 378 PEOSE REMAINS OP ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH better. We are quite prepared to believe that these faults and these disagreeables have personally been necessities to the writer, are awkwardnesses of growth, of which the full stature may show no trace. He should be assured, however, that though the rude vigour of the style of his Life-Drama may attract upon the first reading, yet in any case, it is not the sort of writing which people recur to with pleasure and fall back upon with satisfaction. It may be a groundless fancy, yet we do fancy, that there is a whole hemisphere, so to say, of the English language which he has left unvisited. His diction feels to us as if between Milton and Bums he had not read, and between Shakspeare and Keats had seldom admired. Certainly there is but little inspiration in the compositions of the last century ; yet English was really best and most naturally written when there was, perhaps, least to write about. To obtain a real command of the language, some familiarity with the prose writers, at any rate, of that period, is almost essential ; and to write out, as a mere daily task, passages, for example, of Gold- smith, would do a verse-oomposer of the nineteenth century as much good, we believe, as the study of Beaumont and Fletcher. TWO LETTEES PAEEPIDEMU8. (Published in ' Putnam's Monthly,' New York, for July and August 1853.) 381 LETTEES OP PAREPIDEMUS I. My dear Sir, — I left this country as nearly as possible (next June, I believe, ■will complete it) one quarter of a century back, to go to school. I was sent ' home,' as they called it — ^that is, away from home, to the land which my parents, and, I presume, yours also, long ago belonged to — • to be educated. Does one get educated in twenty-five years, I wonder 1 The wisest of the seven wise men of Greece describes to us how that he Each day grew older and learnt something new. And, since the something new may possibly contradict, and will assuredly modify, the everything not so new before it, at what age may one consider oneself entitled, for example, to write letters in print to the editor of a magazine ? At what figure does one attain one's real majority and right of speech ? How soon may one venture to affirm any- thing which everybody else does not already know and believe 1 And, in the meantime, is there any good in talk- ing merely to be assented to 1 Is it so agreeable an exercise on the part of the reader to express mentally to himself that assent 1 If agreeable, is it therefore useful ? ' Were it not better done as others use ? ' to follow the plough or the 382 PEOSE REMAINS OF ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH ledger, to fiiad a Nesera in agriculture, or an Amaryllis in commerce 1 ' What boots it, -with incessant care, to tend the slighted ' bookmaker's trade, ' and strictly meditate the thankless muse ' of magazines ? Will posterity know any- thing of our miserably imperfect, impotent fugitive verses, or contemporaneity be none the worse for them ? Are we not most likely corrupting the pure taste which would other- wise turn with a natural appetite to Shakspeare and Milton, to Addison and Goldsmith, to Virgil and Homer 1 Goethe, I have heard, said not long before his death, that had he known ere he began writing how many good books there were in the world before, he would never have written a word. There is one thing, indeed, I think one might do, could one only believe that one could. No so certain a way of learning the merit of a great picture as an attempt to copy it or represent something like it. And as we, if we look to it and take pains, may by our indifferent writing learn to appreciate the worth and merit of great writers, whom before we thought but little of, so it is also possible that our faithful, though small attempts, may help people to appreciate the great originals. Every new age has something new in it — takes up a new position ; the view presented by the writers of an anterior age is not readily seized, or adopted by those born in a later century. It may, I think, be one good work attainable to the efforts of the humble, modern litter atewr, to elevate and direct to the noblest objects the tastes and enjoyments of his contemporaries. He holds a position common with them : he may avail himself of this for their edification. As the traveller who knows the country will show his less experienced companion at each new stage, each further remove, under changed aspects, the high mountain points they are retiruig from ; will point out the Mont Blanc whose shadow they stood in at Chamouni, in its full mag- LETTERS OF PAREPIDEMUS 383 nifioent outline at Sallanches, and again, far distant, yet not less rose-tinged, at sunset from Geneva, so the writers (that is, or should be, the more instructed readers) of each new century may successively restore each successive genera- tion to connection with the teachers of the past. Such is a possible function for a writer. Do twenty-five years edu- cate one, I wonder, for this — twenty-five years .of the uni- versal slovenly habits of writing, speaking, hearing, think- ing, remembering, which pervade our time ? ' Twenty-five years have I spent in learning,' said the young man to the old. ' Return,' said the sage, ' and spend another twenty- five in unlearning.' ' Each day grow older and wnlearn something ' — is this to be our other reading of Solon's maxim ? Alas ! it would seem there is need of it. We submit ourselves for instruction to teachers, and they teach us (or is it our awkwardness that we learn from them ?) their faults and mistakes. Each new age and each new year has its new direction ; and we go to the well-informed of the season before ours, to be put by them in the direction which, because right for their time, is therefore not quite right for ours. Upon the water in a boat, I sit and sketch as there we float ; The scene is fair, the stream is strong, I sketch it as we float along. The stream is strong, and as I sit And view the picture that we quit, It flows and flows, and bears the boat, And I sit sketching as we float. Still as we go, the things I see, E'en as I see thein, cease to be. The angles shift, and with the boat The whole perspective seems to float. Each pointed height, each wavy line, To new and other forms combine ; 334 PEOSE EEMAIXS OF AETHUE HUGH CLOUGH Proportions change and colours fade, And all the landscape is remade. Depicted — neither far nor near, And larger there and smaller here. And partly old, and partly new. E'en I can hardly think it true. Yet still I look, and stUl I sit, Adjusting, shaping, altering it ; And still the current bears the boat And me, stUl sketching as we float. Did I really read or only dream somewhere that anec- dote of an elderly painter, who, going over one day, with a friend of his youth, who had known him in his prime and promise, a series of his popular and most admired pieces, said mournfully, ' All these poor, unmeaning, ill-designed, half-executed things, I have made to earn bread and time to do ihat^ pointing to a chaotic, unfinished canvas at the end of the room, ' and that, after all, is as bad as any of them.' ' This also,' saith the Preacher, ' is a sore evil that I have seen under the sun.' To grow old, therefore, learning and unlearning, is such the conclusion ? Conclusion or no conclusion, such, alas ! appears to be our inevitable lot, the fixed ordinance of the life we live. The cruel king Tarchetius gave his daughters a web to weave, upon the completion of which he said they should get married; and what these involuntary Penelopes did in the daytime, servants by his orders undid at night. A hopeless and a weary work, indeed, especially for young people desirous to get married. Weaving and unweaving, learning and unlearning, learn- ing painfully, painfully unlearning, under the orders of the cruel king Tarchetius, behold — are we to say, ' our life ' ? ' Every new lesson,' saith the Oriental proverb, ' is another grey hair ; and time will pluck out this also.' And what LETTERS OF PAEEPIDEMUS 385 saith the Preacher ? ' I, the Preacher, was King over Israel in Jerusalem. And I gave my heart to seek and search out by wisdom concerning all things that are done under the heavens ; this sore travail hath God given to the sons of men to be exercised therewith.' Ferchk pensa ? Pensando s'invec- chia,' said the young, unthinking Italian to the grave Ger- naan sitting by him in the diligence, whose name was Goethe. Is it true ? To spend uncounted years of pain Again, again, and yet again, In working out in heart and brain The problem of our being here ; To gather facts from far and near ; Upon the mind to hold them clear, And, knowing more may yet appear. Unto one's latest breath to fear The premature result to draw, — Is this the object, end, and law And purpose of our being here ? Nevertheless, to say something, to talk to one's fellow- creatures, to relieve oneself by a little exchange of ideas, is there no good, is there no harm, in that ? Prove to the utmost the imperfection of our views, our thoughts, our conclusions ; yet you will not have established the useless- ness of writing. Most true, indeed, by writing we relieve ourselves, we unlearn ; it is the one best recipe for facilitating that need- ful process. Each day write something, and unlearn it so. Most true, indeed ! The observations that we can make nothing of, the maxims that have ceased to be serviceable to us, our spent theories, our discarded hypotheses, the wit that has become stale to us, the wisdom that has grown fusty with us, the imaginations that molest us, the ill- c c 386 PEOSE KEMAINS OF AETHUE HUGH CLOUGH humours that fret us, our follies, fancies, falsities ; oh, happy relief ! — away with them to the magazine ! Yes, methinks I see it so, through the long series of awes. The ' Iliad ' is but the scum of the mind of Homer, and Plato's dialogues the refuse of his thought. Who that reads the ' Odyssey ' perceives not that it is an act of penitence for the ' Iliad,' and feels not that, had the poet lived, the ' Odyssey ' also would have had its Palinode ? In the divine eloquence of Plato there are intonations in which I hear him saying to me, ' You know I don't quite mean all this.' Alas I 'tis true I have gone here and there, And made myself a motley to the view, is the Great Dramatist's profoundest feeling about himself, his doings, his sayings, his writings. Virgil bade his ' .^neid ' be burnt ; and what we read as his is not his delibe rate word, but that of Varius and Tucca. As Rousseau, it is said, in his old age, smiled sadly at the fervent disciples of the ' Social Contract,' the ' Emile,' and the 'Julie ' ; so, doubt it not, did greater than Rousseau. So felt Raphael of his paintings, and Phidias of his sculptures ; Michael Angelo, also, of his Pantheon suspended in the heavens. Dante, from some strange region of the spiritual spaces, looks down, half scorn, half remorse, on the worshippers of the Divine Comedy of his human spleen and bitterness. Cervantes laughs aloud to hear philosophers discriminate the pure reason in Don Quixote and the understanding in Sancho ; and Montaigne, with open eyes of more than mortal wonder, repeats his ' Que sgais~je ? ' at the sight of grave worshippers of his levities. May it not be true that when I quote from Milton, a shade of severe vexation darkens his spiritual features, and when I repeat the wisdom of Ecclesiastes, an ethereal frown contracts the immortal forehead of the Preacher 1 You are feeding, oh you students of Greek and lovers LETTERS OF PAREPIDEMUS 387 of Latin, you that add to your German, French, and to your French, Italian and Spanish, you inquirers afar off into Persian and Sanscrit, you devotees of Chaucer and votaries of Shakspeare and Milton — you are feeding upon that, precisely, which was tried by these wise men of old and found wanting. You stand picking up the dross where those before you have carried away the gold ; you are swallowing as truth what they put away from them — expressed, because it was false or insufficient. Or is this, peradventure, confined to our own weaker selves, our more impatient, irretentive, unthoughtful age ? For, certainly, my dear sir, what you and I and the young people read in any modern page is, in the manner afore stated, ' the thing that is not.' Each striking new novel does but reveal a theory of life and action which its writer is anxious to be rid of ; each enthusiastic address or oration is but that which its speaker is just beginning to feel dis- gusted with. Oh ! happy and happy again, and thrice happy relief to the writer ; but to the reader 1 Said the Tree to the Children, ' How can you go. and pick up those dirty dead leaves I have thrown away ? ' Said the Children to the Tree, ' Will you grow- us any better next year 1 ' Said the Tree to the Children, ' What ! are you positively going to put into your mouths those horrid things (fruit, do you call it ?) that have fallen from my branches ? ' Said the Children to the Tree, ' Why, they are very nice.' Said the Tree then to itself, ' Suppose I were to restrain myself next spring, and not grow any leaves, and to suppress, ascetically, all tendencies to blossom ? Should I not then produce something better 1 By all that is wise and moral I will try.' Said the Springtime six months after to the Tree, ' My dear Tree, that is out of the ques- tion.' The Children came again the next fall, and the Tree made no remark. An illustration, however, is not the same thing as an cc2 888 PEOSE REMAINS OF ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH argument ; though sometimes, indeed, it may be better. It is a game, in any case, for two to play at. For it is also told of the Phoenix, that, having reached its term of years it proceeded to Arabia, and built up carefully its pyre of odoriferous combustibles, and sat down to expect the new birth. But when the fire began to kindle, and the odori- ferous sticks crackled, the odours indeed were beautiful (ornithologists, however, are uncertain whether the Phoenix has any sense of smell), the flame meantime was most undoubtedly painful in the extreme when it got within the feathers (the Phoenix, there is no question, has the sense of touch). The Phoenix started up and exclaimed to itself, ' Oh ! surely, surely, I am young again now ! ' 'Sit still, sit stUl, poor Phoenix ; not till pain has deprived thee of the very sense of pain, not until thought and self-conscious- ness are burnt out and out of thee — not, by many pangs, yet — is the new creature bom in thee ! ' with which exliortation the story concludes. And with which illustration, upon which side, my dear sir, is the truth, or the most of the truth ? ' As the leaves are, so are the lives of men ; ' and so also their writings ? Shall we yield to the promptings of nature, and let the eager sap aspire forth in germination, and the leaflets open out, and display themselves, to fall from us dead and uncomely in November 1 Or shall we burn slowly, in silence, that here- after something better may be born of us ? Quien sahe ? Was it the silence or the speech of previous ages that formed the more perfect writers ? Was Perugino necessary to Raphael, or had Eaphael been more himself without him 1 Some function, indeed, higher than that of mere seK- relief, we must conceive of for the writer. To sum up the large experience of ages, to lay the flnger on yet unobserved, or un- discovered, phenomena of the inner universe, something we can detect of these in the spheric architecture of St. Peter's, in the creative touches of the ' Tempest.' LETTERS OF PAKEPIDEMUS 389 Imperfect, no doubt, both this and that is ; short of the better thing to come — the real thing that is. Yet not impotent, not wholly unavailing. In conclusion, will you let me offer you the last ' modern, invocation ' to the poet — shall we say in modern phrase — of the future ? ' Come, poet, come ' — no, I will trouble you only with a few verses at the end : — In vain I seem to call, and yet Think not the living years forget : Ages of heroes fought and fell, That Homer, in the end, might tell ; O'er grovelling generations past The Doric column rose at last. A thousand hearts on thousand years Had wasted labour, hopes, and fears. Knells, laughters, and unmeaning tears, Ere England Shakspeare saw, or Rome, The pure perfection of her dome. Others, I doubt not, if not we. The issue of our toils shall see ; Young children gather as their own The harvest that the dead have sown — The dead, forgotten and unknown. ' Let me sign myself, my dear sir (as we are all ' strangers and pilgrims,' so myself in an especial sense), Your faithful and obliged Paeepidemus. 11. My dear Sir, — Do people in general, upon this side of the great water, read Homer ? Virgil, I know, in some parts of the Union, is a lady's book ; nor is there, I think, any ancient author that better deserves the honour. But the man's book, Homer ? It is not every boy that learns Greek ; and not all who learn Greek read through th^ 390 PEOSE REMAINS OP AKTHUfi HUGH CLOUGH whole forty-eight books of the 'Iliad' and the 'Odyssey.' Is Pope much studied 1 I should fancy not : and, indeed, though one is glad to hear any one say that he has, in the past tense, read that ingenious composition, it is not easy to bid any one, in the future, go and read it. And, if not Pope, whom can we recommend ? Chapman is barbarous, dissonant, obsolete, incorrect. In Hobbes there are two good lines, well known, but they cannot be repeated too often — And like a star upon her bosom, lay His beantifal and shining golden head. (They are of Astyanax in the arms of his mother ; and how that first of English prosaists was inspired with them remains a problem to all generations.) Cowper, who could read, however much enjoined to it 1 In short there neither is, nor has been, nor in all probability ever will be, anything like a translation. And the whole Anglo-Saxon world of the future will, it is greatly to be feared, go forth upon its way, clearing forests, building clippers, weaving calicoes, and annexing Mexicos, accomplishing its natural manifest destiny, and subsiding into its primitive aboriginal ignorance. Accomplishing our manifest destiny ! to be, that is, the ' hewers of wood and drawers of water ' to the human race in general ; and then, peradventure, when the wood has all been hewn, and the water drawn, to cease to exist, to be effaced from the earth we have subdued — Fear no more the heat of the sun, Nor the furious winter's rages, Thou thine earthly task bast done, Homeward gone, and ta'en thy wages. To cease to exist, to vanish, to give place, in short, to some nobler kind of men, in whose melodious and flexible form of speech the old Homer will have a chance of reappearing LETTERS OF PAEEPIDEMUS 391 unimpaired, or possibly some new Homer singing the wrath of another Achilles and the wanderings of a wiser Ulysses. Fiat voluntas ! Let us go forward to our manifest destiny with content, or at least resignation, and bravely fill up the trench, which our nobler successors may thus be able to pass. In the meantime, various attempts in ' Blackwood's Magazine,' and elsewhere, have been made in the last few years at rendering Homer in modern English hexameter verse. We venture to pronounce them unsuccessful. It is not an easy thiag to make readable English hexameters at all ; not an easy thing even in the freedom of original composition, but a very hard one, indeed, amid the restric- tions of faithful translation. Mr. Longfellow has gained, and has charmed, has instructed in some degree, and attuned the ears of his countrymen and countrywomen (in literature we may be allowed to say), upon both sides of the Atlantic, to the flow and cadence of this hitherto unaccept- able measure. Yet the success of ' Evangeline ' was owing not more, we think, to the author's practised skill in ver- sification than to his judgment in the choice of his material. Even his powers, we believe, would fail to obtain a wide popularity for a translation even from a language so nearly akin to our own as the German. In Greek, where grammar, inflection, intonation, idiom, habit, character, and genius are all most alien, the task is very much more hopeless. Moreover, in another point, it may be right to turn the ' Louise ' of Voss and the ' Herman and Dorothea ' of Goethe into correspondiug modern so-called hexameters. If the verse is clumsy in our rendering, so was it to begin with in the original. If no high degree of elegance is attained, no high degree of elegance was there to be lost. But in Greek there seems really hardly a reason for selecting this in preference to some readier, more native, and popular form of verse. Certainly the easy flowing 392 PROSE EEMAmS OP ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH couplets of Chaucer, the tnelodious blank verse of Shak- apeare, or some improved variety of ballad metre, such as Mr. Frere used in translating the ' Cid,' would be, on the ■whole, not less like the original music of the ' Hiad ' and ' Odyssey ' than that which we listen to with pleasure in ' Evangeline,' and read without much trouble in the ' Herman and Dorothea.' Homer's rounded line, and Virgil's smooth verse, were both of them (after more puzzling about it than the matter deserves, I have convinced myself) totally unlike those lengthy, straggling, irregular, uncertain slips of prose mestiree which. we find it so hard to measure, so easy to read in half a dozen ways, without any assurance of the right one, and which, since the days of Voss, the Gothic nations consider analogous to classic hexameter. Lend me, if you can spare them for a moment or two my dear sir, your ears, and tell me, honour bright, is Conticuere omnes, intentique ora tenebant the same thing as Hab' ich den Markt und die Strasse doch nicht so einsam gesehec Were I to interpolate in a smooth passage of ' Evan- geline ' a verse from the ' Georgics ' or the ' .^neid,' would they go together ? Is the following a metrical sequence ? Thus, in the ancient time the smooth Virgilian verses Fell on the listening ear of the Roman princes and people. Ut belli signum Laurenti Turnus ab arce. There is one line, one example of the smooth Virgilian verses, which perhaps Mr. Longfellow would have allowed himself to use, and his readers consented to accept, as a real hexameter. Spargens bnmida meUa soporiferumque papaver, jnight, perhaps have been no more objected to than LETTERS OF PAEEPIDEMUS 393 Tous les Bourgeois de Chartres et le carillon de Dunkerque. Yet even this most exceptionable form, with its special aim at expressing, by an adaptation of sound to sense, the Scattering of liquid honeys and soporif erous poppy, is a model of condensation, brevity, smoothness, and nettete, compared with that sprawling bit of rhythmical prose into which I have turned it. But we are going to be learned, my dear sir ; so I release your kind ears, and beg you will no longer trouble either yourself or them — but, some one, I foresee, of the numerous well-instructed future readers of this private correspondence will interpose with his or her objection, and will tell me. You read your Latin verse wrongly, you don't put the stress upon the ictus — you should pronounce Virgil like Evangeline, Evangeline is the true hexameter ; in Virgil the colloquial accent which you follow was lost in the accent of verse. The Romans of old read it, not TJt bfelli signum Laurenti Ttirnus ab dree. but Ut belli signflm. O dear ! and can you, courteous and well-instructed reader^ positively read your ' Georgics ' or ' ^neid ' in that way ? Do you, as a habit, scan as you go along ? Do you not feel it very awkward, must not the Romans also have felt it rather awkward, to pass so continually and violently from the ordinary to the sing-song accentuation 1 And if, as I think you must allow, there was some awkwardness in it, why is it that Virgil, and the other good versifiers, so constantly prefer that form of verse in which this awkwardness most appears ? Why is Spdrgens hiiinida mella, soporifgrdinque papAver, where there is no such difficulty, a rare form, and ' Ut b^Ui signum,' where there is, a common and favourite one 1 Do 894 PKOSE EEMAINS OF AETHUB HUGH CLOUGH you know, I shall venture to assert, that in the Latin lan- guage the system of accentuation was this, which enjoined the awkwardness you complain of ; the separation, ia gene- ral, of the colloquial and the metrical accent, the very opposite of that which we observe, who, unless the two coincide, think the verse bad. Enough of this, however. Return, Alpheus, the dread voice is past — come back, my dear sir, we will talk no more prosody — only just allow me to recite to you a few verses of metaphrase, as they used to say, from the ' Odyssey '; constructed as nearly as may be upon the ancient principle ; quantity, so far as, in our for- ward-rushing, consonant-crushing, Anglo-savage enuncia- tion — long and short can in any kind be detected, quantity attended to in the first place, and care also bestowed, in the second, to have the natural accents very frequently laid upon syllables which the metrical reading depresses. The aged Nestor, sitting among his sons at Pylos, is telling Telemachus, who has come from Ithaca to ask tidings of hia father, how, after the taking of Troy, the insolence and violence of the Achseans called down upon them the dis. pleasure of the Father of the Gods and the stern blue-eyed virgin, his daughter. Agamemnon and Menelaus, flushed with wine, quarrelled openly in an assembly held at sunset, which broke up in disorder and tumult ; the leaders, some of them, staying, behind to please Agamemnon ; others, drawing down their ships without delay and sailing oflf with Ulysses, came as far as Tenedos, and then turned again back. But I, says Nestor — But I, with my ships in a body, the whole that obeyed me, Fled, well perceiving that wrath was rising against us ; Tydides also fled with me, his company calling ; Later, upon our track followed the yellow Menelaus ; In Lesbos found us, debating there of the long voyage. Were we to sail, to wit, by this side of rocky Chios, Making for Psyrie-isle, Chios being kept to the larboard. Or to the far side Chios along by the windy Mimante. LETTERS OF PAREPIDEMUS 395 Will this sort of thing please the modern ear 1 It is to be feared not. It is too late a day in this nineteenth cen- tury to introduce a new principle, however good, into modern European verse. W& must be content, perhaps, in this, as in other and higher matters, to take things as we find them, and make the best we can of them. You, I dare say^ my dear sir, though perhaps no great lover of hexameters at all, will prefer to my laboured Homerics the rough-and- ready Anglo-savage lines that follow. They render the prayer of Achilles when he is sending out Patroclus with the Myrmidons to check the victory of the Trojans. Dodonean, Pelasgican Zeus, up in heaven above us, King of Dodona, the stormy and cold, where thy Selli attend thee. Barefoot, . that wash not their feet, whose bed is the earth, thy expounders — Once when I prayed thee before, thou gavest me all my petition, Gavest me honour, and greatly afflicted the host of Achaia ; Even so now too, Zeus, fulfil my prayer and petition ; I am myself staying here, alone in the midst of my vessels. But I am sending my friend, and the Myrmidon people about him, Into the battle : Zeus, "Wide-Seer, accord to him honour, Strengthen, embolden the heart in his breast ; that Hector to-day may See whether my companion has skill of his own for the battle, Or is invincible only, when I too enter the onset. And when the might of his hand shall have driven the war from the galleys. Then let him come back safe to me by the side of my vessels. Unhurt bringing me home my arms and all my companions. So in his prayer he spoke ; and the Zeus, the Counsellor, heard him: Granted him half his desire ; but half the Father denied him ; Granted him that his friend should drive the war and the onset Back from the galleys ; denied him his safe return from the battle. Here, in a milder mood, the poet, for the conclusion of his first book, describes the ' easy living ' gods : — 396 PROSE REMAINS OF ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH So the live-long day they thus were unto the sunset Feasting ; neither did heart lack ever a portion of banquet, Nor lack ever the lyre, sweet-toned, in the hand of Apollo, Nor the muses, in turn singing sweetly with beautiful voices. But as soon as the shining light of the sun had descended, They, to lay them down, went every one to his chamber, Where for each one a house the far-famed Worker with both hands, Even Hephoestus, had made with the skill of his understanding. Zeus also to his bed, the Olympian flasher of lightning. Where he was wont before, when slumber sweet came upon him — Thither gone-up was sleeping, the white-armed Heera beside him. The best translations of Homer into this verse which I am acquainted with are those by Mr. Lockhart and Dr. Hawtrey, in the little oblong-quarto collection of English Hexameters. Yet, after all ! At any rate — My dear sir, here is a chapter, which, be it for better or worse is From beginning to end about hexameter verses ; Could they but jingle a little, 'twere better, perhaps ; but the trouble Really is endless, of hunting for rhymes that have aU to be double. Adieu, till the next time, when either in prose or in rhyme I Haply may find something better to gossip about in a letter. In the meanwhile, my dear sir, till writing again may beseem us, I am, your faithful, obliged, and obedient, Pakbpidbmus. A PASSAGE UPON OXFOED STUDIES; EXTRACTED FKOM A EEVIEW OF THE OXFOED UNIVEESITY COMMISSIONEES' EEPOET, 1852. (Published in the ' North American Eeview ' for April 1853,. Vol. Ixxvi., No 159.) 399 A PASSAGE UPON OXFORD STUDIES : EXTRACTED FROM A REVIEW OE THE OXFORD UNIVERSITY COMMISSIONERS' REPORT, 1852. ' I WENT to Oxford from the sixth form (the highest class) of a public school. I had at that time read all Thucydides, except the sixth and seventh books ; the six first books of Herodotus ; the early books of each author I had done at least three times over. I had read five plays, I think, of Sophocles, four of ^schylus^ — several of these two or three times over ; four, perhaps, or five, of Euripides ; consider- able portions of Aristophanes ; nearly all the " Odyssey " ; only about a third of the " Iliad," but that several times over ; one or two dialogues of Plato — the " Phaedo," I remember, was one ; not quite all Virgil ; all Horace ; a good deal of Livy and Tacitus ; a considerable portion of Aristotle's " Rhetoric," and two or three books of his " Ethics " ; besides, of course, other things. I mention these, because they have to do with Oxford. I had been used to do my very best in translating in the class. We were not marked ; but expressions of approbation, graduated carefully, and invariably given by the rule so formed, were quite sure to let every boy know how he had done his part. The more diligent used to listen with eagerness for note and comment ; the idlest amongst us were considerably afraid of reprimand. We were wont, moreover, to do three long original exercises every week, out of school. These were looked over with us singly, and marked by a regular scale. To fall below 26 I used to consider latterly a dis- 400 PROSE EKMAINS OF ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH grace ; to attain 28, a very great piece of honour. I knew perfectly well when I did ill, and when I did well. ' No words, not even those of Mr. Lowe, can express the amount of the change which I experienced on entering the lecture-rooms of my college — though confessedly one of the very best in Oxford — and on embarking upon the course of University study. Had I not read pretty nearly all the books 1 Was I to go on, keeping up my Latin prose writers, for three years more 1 Logic and Ethics had some little novelty ; there was a little extra scholarship to be obtained in some of the college lectures. But that was the utmost. I should have wished to take to Mathematics, which I had hitherto rather neglected ; but Mathematics alone would not lead to a Fellowship, and I did not feel any certainty that I could stand the strain of work for a "Double-First." Ihad been pretty well sated of distinctions and competitions at school ; I would gladly have dispensed with anything more of success in this kind, always excepting the 200L a year of the Fellowship. What I wanted was to sit down to happy, unimpeded prosecution of some new subject or subjects ; surely, there was more in the domain of knowledge than that Latin and Greek which I had been wandering about in for the last ten years. Surely, there were other accomplishments to be mastered, besides the composition of Iambics and Ciceronian prose. If there were, however, they existed not for me. There were the daily lectures in the morning, which I did not like to miss (and, indeed, could hardly have missed to any profitable extent) ; nor yet, if I attended them, to neglect to prepare for them. The daily lectures now, and the weary re- examination in classics three years ahead ! An infinite lassitude and impatience, which I saw reflected in the faces of others, quickly began to infect me. Qtwusque Latin prose ? Though we should gain by it prizes and honours academical, beyond all . academical example, it would not OXFORD STUDIES 401 the less certainly be a mere shame and waste of strength to make the effort. I did go on, for duty's sake, and foi- discipline and docility, sadly doing Latin prose ; but, except in docility, profiting but little. Could I only have hoped to get through the whole business in a year or a year and a half's time, and then to be free to do what, before that is over, one never does, study ! Some pleasure, too, there would have been, even in that old Greek and Latin, could one but have been free to pasture freely, following a natural instinct, upon its fairly extensive field. But no ; if one did anything, one must " get up " the books for the schools, and they were — three years ahead. Even the present alteration in the statute, by which the suffering pilgrim is allowed to lay down a portion of his classical burden at the feet of the examiners, at the end of the second year, appears to me insufficient ; ever so much classics and theology still remain behind, to be carried on, as before, to the end of the third year. No proper emancipa- tion, no true admission to the rights of manly reading, is given, until the moment when, for most, it comes too late. ' The masters of the public schools have, it is true, been in fault ; they have pushed on their pupils too hastily ; have prepared them prematurely for the ultimate honours of the degree ; have neglected the " ^neid " and the " Iliad " for the sake of Aristophanes and the Ethics. Yet it is true, nevertheless, that this very examination in Ethics, &c., used to be passed, not so many years ago, by young men not a bit older than the boys at the top of the public schools. Arnold took his First at nineteen, Peel his " Double-First " at twenty. Surely, after the age of nine- teen or twenty, it is really time that this schoolboy love of racing, this empty competition, should be checked. There is less, a great deal, at Oxford than at Cambridge ; but there is a great deal too much at Oxford. For the prelimi- nary discipline of boys, I grant it to be needful ; to carry it D D 402 PROSE EEMAINS OF AETHUE HUGH CLOUGH forward into the very years of legal manhood, appears to me a most foolish and ill-advised innovation. The existing change I cannot account sufficient ; every one, as before, must do his Uteres humaniores. Still, if four substantia] departments were once really and fairly established for the third year, I am happy in the belief that no one would think so very much of high honours in any one of them. Examinations are useful things, and the stricter they are the better ; and the results, I suppose, can hardly be made public without some honour attending them. But by the great principle, " divide et impera," we shall, I hope, over- power much of this pernicious distinction. We shall be able to prove to young men whether they really know what they think they know, without declaring them {di Tneliora !), to themselves and all the world, to be the cleverest men in Oxford. Examinations, I repeat, are essential ; but no examinations will do much good unless there be, independent and irrespective of them, a real inward taste, and liking, and passion, shall I say, not for competitive effort and distinction, but for study, and the subjects themselves of study. Examinations are sadly apt to impair this spring of happy spontaneity ; honos, indeed, alit artes, but not that honour which attends the success of the race-horse ; which testifies to a mere personal and comparative superiority. Far more grateful and of far higher value than any such popular plaudit, is to the faithful student, the strictly plain and severely true ascertainment, not of whom he has beat, but of what he has done : the real desideratum for him is the exact and well-considered verdict of an accomplished judge of details ; to details and separate branches, therefore — not to aggregates of studies, but to distinct studies — should exami- nations be applied. Quot homines, tot studia ; quot studia, tot examinationes : Have as many as you please ; the more they are in number, the less imposing they are singly ; multiply them indefinitely. Only, of all Senior "Wranglers, Medallists, and even " Double First," let us be fairly and finally rid.' EXTEACTS FEOM A EEVIBW or A WOEK ENTITLED ' CONSIDEEATIONS ON SOME EECENT SOCIAL THEOEIES.' (Published in the ' North American Eeview ' for July 1853, Vol. Ixxvii., No. 160.) D D 2 405 EXTEACTS FROM A REVIEW OF A WOEK ENTITLED 'CONSIDERATIONS ON SOME RECENT SOCIAL THEORIES.' Our author begins with the vague declamations, rather than positions, which have lately been current in Europe — ' Lib- erty, Equality, and Fraternity,' ' God and the People,' ' Direct Popular Government,' ' The Universal Republic,' and the like. Several of these he sums up in the old formula. Vox populi vox Dei, and devotes his first chapter to the question of its correctness. The high doctrine proclaimed by the fervid Italian leader, of the supreme ' authority of the people as the collective perpetual interpreter of the will of God,' finds but little favour with him. Who and what, he asks, is this ' Royal priesthood,' this ' Peculiar people ' ? We cannot, indeed, any more than our author, soar to the high modem Mazzinian acceptation of the ancient maxim. Those who use it should, at any rate, we think, temper it in application by the rule. Nee deus intersit nisi dignus vindice nodus ; and may, perhaps, find their advantage in collating it with another significant dictum which tells us that at times Sua cuique deus fit dira cupido ; a people can be the slave of cupidity and resentment ; a people can be pusillanimous, dastardly, and base ; a people 406 PEOSE KEMAIlSrS OF ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH can be also fiendishly inhuman ; the fears and passions of a people, when once excited, are more hopelessly irrational, more wildly uncontrollable, more extensively ruinous, more appallingly terrible, than those of councils and kings. Never- theless, depravation and barbarism apart, in an average state of society, a state such as we hope and believe in for the future, it may be true that the common impulses and plain feelings of the people may be expected to be honest and good. Great questions, that must go back for their solution to natural instincts and unconscious first principles, may refer themselves to the popular voice. In such cases the love of routine, the narrow and rigid views, the personal interest, ambition, or indolence of officials and representa- tives, are likely enough to impede and retard, to mislead, pervert, and corrupt the national action. In executive de- tails, meantime, what choice have we but to trust to indi- viduals ? A crowd of voters cannot easily study, cannot readily appreciate, the subtle and intricate circumstances which embarrass the application of principles. A complex question in arithmetic is better submitted to the com putation of an accountant than to the suffrage of a town ■meeting. Accountants and auditors may combine to de- ceive, but the chances of their telling the truth are greater than those of our carrying it by acclamation. A people also, we conceive, however generous and well-meaning, is apt to be a little too rough-handed to deal properly with nice points of fairness and honour and delicate questions of feeling. A second chapter, on Liberty, the supposed principle, is followed by a third, on the projected perfect practice of it in the Urdversal Republic. The writer urges, with reason, that the existence of government at all presupposes a cer- tain surrender of some portion of their freedom to do what- ever they please, upon the part of those who live under it. Upon any other theory, how strange and anomalous, for example, is that constraint which, in the freest of all poKtics, RECENT SOCIAL THEORIES 407 restricts the freewill of the citizen, by requiring his submis- sion to the vote of a majority. This regulation, he argues, all political regulations, all institutions and constitutions whatever, are not in themselves principles ; they are, at their very best, extremely imperfect human expedients for attaining, in a rough way, some amount, often a very small one, of practicable common benefit. Universal suffrage is one social method, monarchy is another ; as the former is sometimes best, so also sometimes is the latter. Universal suffrage would hardly do on shipboard, the rule of one is unsuitable for a club. There are times when a state is very much like a club ; there are occasions when it may fitly be compared to a ship. Before quitting these chapters we must add a few words on Liberty. The dream and aspiration of the ardent and generous spirits of our time is for a certain royal road to human happiness. Disappointed a thousand times, they still per- sist in their exalted creed that there must and will be here on earth, if not now, in some future and approaching time, a state of social arrangement in which the spontaneous action and free development of each individual constituent member will combine to form 'a vastand solemn harmony,'the ultimate perfect movement of collective humanity. There beautiful thoughts will distil as the dew, and fair actions spring up as the green herb ; there, without constraint, we shall all be good, and without trouble, happy ; there, what in its imperfect form is vice, shall gently and naturally flower out into virtue ; there contention and contest, con- trol and commandment, will be the obsolete terms of a dead language, with no modern equivalents to explain them. A divine interior instinct will intimate to each single human being his fittest and highest vocation, and will prompt and inspire and guide him to fulfil it ; while in the pursuit of his own free choice and in the fulfilment of his own strongest desires, he will, by the blessing of the presiding 408 PEOSE REMAINS OF AKTHUE HUGH CLOUGH genius of humanity, best serve the true interests of society and the race. Was it thus not long ago ? For, Ante etiam sceptrum Dictsei regis, et ante Impia quam cssis gens est epulata jnvencis. Aureus banc vitam in terris Satumus agebat. O blessed ages of pure, spontaneous, unconscious, unthink- ing, unreasoning life and action, to you, either in the past or the future, the human heart is still fain to recur — still must dream, even though it be but a dream, of how sweet it were to grow as the green herb, and bloom as the spring flowers, to be good because we cannot be otherwise, and happy because we cannot help it. O blessed ages, indeed ! But have such, since men were men, ever been ? Or are such, while men are men, ever likely to come ? Alas, the rude earth itself affords us admonition — Pater ipse colendi Hand facilem esse viam voluit, primusque per artem, Movit agros, curis acuens mortalia corda. Nee torpere gram passns sua regna veterno. And, strange as it may seem — how charming soever be spontaneity, still those who have endured coercion find a good deal also to say in favour of it. life ! without tliy chequered scene Of right and wrong, of weal and woe, Success and failure — could a ground For magnanimity be found, For faith, mid ruined hopes serene ? Or whence could virtue flow 1 There are many, surely, who, looking back into their past lives, feel most thankful for those acts which came least from their own mere natural volition — can see that what did them most good was what they themselves would least RECENT SOCIAL THEOKIBS 409 have chosen ; that things which, in fact, they were forced to, were, after all, the best things that ever happened to them. There are some,, surely, who have had reason to bless a wholesome compulsion ; there are some who prefer doing right under a master to doing nothing but enjoy themselves as their own masters; who, rather than be left to their own unaided feebleness, hesitation, and indolence, would voluntarily, for their own and the common good, enter a condition of what thenceforth would be 'involuntary servitude.' The mature freewill of the grown man looks back, undoubtedly, with some little regret, but also with no little scorn, upon the bygone puerile spontaneities of the time when he did as he liked. There are periods, it is true, in the life of the individual human being, and perhaps of the collective human race, when expansion is the first of necessities. Such, it is possible, may be the present. But because we would be rid of existing restrictions, it does not follow that restriction of all kiuds is an evil ; because our present house is too small for us, it is not to be inferred that we shall live henceforth in the open air. As a general rule of life and conduct, we see as yet no reason to believe that liberty, if this be its meaning, is •better than service. It does not seem to be established that the system on which the things we live amongst were arranged, is that of spontaneous development, rather than of coercion met by a mixture of resistance and submission. The latter hypothesis seems intrinsically as much more elevating as the other does more agreeable. Meantime, as a matter of language, we should be inclined to reject alto- wether this modern sense of our old-estabHshed word o Liberty. If the new theory wants a name, let it find a new one. It will but perplex and cheat us by claiming one already otherwise appropriated. When we hear people de- manding liberty, we shall consider them to express their 410 PEOSE REMAINS OF AETHUR HUGH CLOUGH desire, not for the golden age, but either for release from some particular form of restriction, or, it may be, for a less degree of restriction in general. Liberty for us wiU mean either Tnore liberty — ^just as, in the Black Hole of Calcutta, ' air ' meant ' more air ' — or distinct emancipation, for example, from personal slavery, or from foreign rule. Liberty in itself is but the power of doing what we please ; a power which, for all human beings, has its natural limits. We may easily, indeed, have too much or too little of it ; we can only have it in degree, but without some degree of it we cannot exist. The crying evil, as it appears to us, of the present system of unrestricted competition, is not so much the dis- tress of the workmen as the extreme slovenliness and bad- ness of their work. The joy and satisfaction of making really good things is destroyed by the criminal eagerness to make them to suit the market. The love of art, which, quite as much as virtue, is its own reward, used in the old times to penetrate down as far as to the meanest manufac- ture, of kettles, for example, and pots. With us, on the contrary, the miserable truckling to the bad taste of the multitude has gradually stolen up to the very regions of" the highest art — into architecture, sculpture, painting, music, literature. Nay, has it not infected even morality and religion ? And do we never hear spiritual advice, which in fact bids us do as little good, and get as much applause for it, as we can ; and, above all things, know the state of the market ? So far as co-operative societies or guilds would remove this evil, they would be of great use. But let it not be for- gotten that the object of human society is not the mere ' culinary ' one of securing equal apportionments of meat and drink to aU its members. Men combine for some RECENT SOCIAL THEORIES 411 higher object ; and to that higher object it is, in their social capacity, the privilege and real happiness of individuals to sacrifice themselves. The highest political watchword is not Liberty, Equality, Fraternity, nor yet Solidarity, but Service. The true comfort to the soldiers, serving in the great industrial army of arts, commerce, and manufactures, is neither to tell them, with the Utopians, that a good time is coming, when they will have plenty of victuals and not so much to do ; nor yet, with the Economists, to hold out to them the prospect of making their fortune ; but to show them that what they are now doing is good and useful service to the community ; to call upon them to do it well and thoroughly ; and to teach them how they may ; and all this quite irrespectively of any prospects either of making a fortune or living on into a good time. We are not sure that our author would quite coincide with us in a comparative disregard of physical discom- fort, privation, and suffering. Yet we think he would join us in the belief that the real want of the present time is, above all things, the distinct recognition and steady observance of a few plain, and not wholly modern, rules of morality. It is very fine, perhaps not very difficult, to do every now and then some noble or generous act. But what is wanted of us is to do no wrong ones. It may be, for instance, in many eyes, a laudable thing to amass a colossal fortune by acts not in all cases of quite unimpeachable in- tegrity, and then to expend it in magnificent benevolence. But the really good thing is . not to make the fortune. Thorough honesty and plain undeviating integrity — these are our real needs ; on these substructions only can the fabric of individual or national well-being safely be reared. ' Other foundation can no man lay.' Common men, who, in their petty daily acts, maintain these ordinary unosten- 412 PEOSE KEMAIJSrS OF AKTHUE HUGH CLOIJGH tatious truths, are the real benefactors of mankind, the real pillars of the State, are the apostles and champions of — something not to be named within a few pages of Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity, the Solidarity of the Peoples, and the Universal Republic. c NOTES THE EELIGIOUS TEADITION. 415 NOTES ON THE EELIGIOUS TRADITION.' It is impossible for any scholar to have read, and studied, and reflected -without forming a strong impression of the entire uncertainty of history in general, and of the history of Christianity in particular. It is equally impossible for any man to live, act, and reflect without feeling the significance and depth of the moral and religious teaching which passes amongst us by the name of Christianity. The more a man feels the value, the true import of this, the more will he hesitate to base it upon those foundations which as a scholar he feels to be unstable. Manuscripts are doubtful, records may be unauthentic, criticism is feeble, historical facts must be left uncertain. Even in like manner my own personal experience is most limited, perhaps even most delusive : what have I seen, what do I know ? Nor is my personal judgment a thing which I feel any great satisfaction in trusting. My reasoning powers are weak ; my memory doubtful and con- fused ; my conscience, it may be, callous or vitiated. I see not how it is possible for a man disinclined to adopt arbitrarily the watchword of a party to the sacrifice of truth — indisposed to set up for himself, and vehemently ' In the MS. Mr. Clough has written the first five stanzas of the poem entitled ' Through a Glass darkly ' (ii. 93), at the head of the fragment. Though there is no date to the MS., it may with safety be referred to the last period of his life. 416 PROSE REMAINS OP ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH urge some one point — I see not what other alternative any sane and humble-minded man can have but to throw him- self upon the great religious tradition. But Iseenot either how any upright and strict dealer with himself — how any man not merely a slave to spiritual appetites, affections, and wants — any man of intellectual as well as moral honesty — and without the former the latter is but a vain thing — I see not how any one who will not tell lies to himself, can dare to affirm that the narrative of the four Gospels is an essential integral part of that tradition. I do not see that it is a great and noble thing, a very needful or very worthy service, to go about proclaiming that Mark is inconsistent with Luke, that the first Gospel is not really Matthew's, nor the last with any certainty John's, that Paul is not Jesus, ^ A New Edition. 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