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 ^*'miSSim,!^m°°'' °' ••!« Democratic 
 
 3 1924 011 450 263 
 
.'^'•-^ . 
 
X H e 
 
 ^.T, ff- 
 
 Campaign Text Book 
 
 OF THE 
 
 DEPCPC t PPTY 
 
 FOR tllK 
 
 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1892. 
 
 PKEPAUEI) BY AUTIIORITV OP THK 
 
 Democratic National Committee. 
 
 Price, 50 Cents, 
 
 
 1892- 
 
Democratic National Committee, 1892/^ 
 
 Headquarters: '^ 
 
 No. 139 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK.f,. 
 
 Western Branch Headquartebb : 
 
 UNITY BDILDING, No. 79 DEARBORN STREET, CHICAGO, ILL. 
 
 OFFICERS. 
 
 WILLIAM F. HAERITY, Chairman. 
 
 -SIMON P. SHEERIN, Secretary. 
 
 HOBEKT B. K009KVELT, Treasurer. 
 
 DON M. DICKINSON, ChcArmam C'ami>aign Cummittee. 
 
 B. B. SMALLEY, Chmrmam, Committee on Campaign SpeaJcers. 
 
 JOSIAH QUINCY, Chairman Vtmmitke on Campaign Liferatvre. 
 
 CAlWf'AIGN COMMITTEE. 
 
 DON M. DICKINSON, Chairman. B. B. SMALLEY, Secretar,/. 
 
 B. B. SMALLEY. 
 
 CALVIN S. BEICE, 
 A. P. GORMAN, 
 WILLIAM F. SHEEHAN 
 
 M. W. HANSOM, 
 B. T. CABLE, 
 E. C. WALL, 
 
 JOSIAH QUINCY, 
 WILLIAM F. HAREITT,-, 
 WILLIAM C. WHITNEY. 
 
 WESTERN CAMPAIGN COMMITTEE. 
 
 DON M. DICKINSON, Chairman, er-officio. 
 B. T. CABLE, of IlJinois. E. C. WALL, of Wif^consni. 
 
 EXECUTIVE COMMITTE 
 
 WILLIAM F. HAERITY, 
 M. F. TAEPEY, 
 CHARLES S. THOMAS, 
 CARLOS FRENCH, 
 SAMUEL PASCO, 
 CLARK HOWELL, ,Tr., 
 J, J. EICHAEDSON, 
 CHARLES W. BLAIE, 
 THOMAS H. SHERLK-i', 
 JAMES JEFFRIES, 
 
 Chairman. 
 
 ARTHUR SEWALL, 
 ARTHUR P. GOKMAN, 
 DANIEL J. CAMPAU, 
 MICHAEL DQRAN. 
 CHAELES B. HOWRY, 
 JOHN G. PRATKER. ' 
 ALVAH W. SULLOWAY, 
 MIJ.es ROSS, 
 
 E. 
 
 P. SHEERIN, Secretary. 
 WILLIAM P.SHEEHAN, 
 M. W. RANSOM, 
 CALVIN S. BEICE, 
 SAMUEL E. HONBY, 
 HOLMES CUMMINGS, 
 O. T. HOLT, ' • 
 
 BRADLEY B. SMALLEY,^. 
 BASIL B. GOBDON. 
 
 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL COMMITTEE. 
 
 State, ^ ' 
 
 Alabama ; 
 
 Arkansas 
 
 California 
 
 Colorado 
 
 Connecticut. . .. 
 
 Delaware 
 
 Florida 
 
 Georgia 
 
 Idaho 
 
 Illinois 
 
 Indiana 
 
 Iowa 
 
 Kansas 
 
 Kentucky 
 
 Louisiana 
 
 Maine 
 
 Maryland 
 
 Massachusetts. 
 
 Michigan 
 
 Minnesota .... 
 Mississippi . . . 
 
 Missouri 
 
 Montana 
 
 Nebraska 
 
 Nevada 
 
 N. Hampshirci 
 
 Name. 
 U. D. Clayton. 
 U. M. Eose . . . 
 .i\l. F. Tarpey . 
 C. S. Thoifias . 
 Carlos French . . 
 L.C.Vandegrift. . 
 Samuel Pasco . . . 
 C.Howell, Jr.... 
 
 F. W. Beane 
 
 Ben. T. Cable... 
 S. P. Sheerin ... 
 .J. J. Eichardson 
 Chas. W. Blair . 
 .T H. Shertoy.. 
 .Tames JefEriee . 
 . Arthur Sewall . 
 .A. P. Gorman. 
 .Josiah Quincy . 
 .D. J. Campan. . 
 '.Michael Doran. 
 . Qhas. B. Howry 
 ,,Tohn G. Prather. 
 A. J. Davidson 
 .Tobias Castor.. 
 .E. P. Keating.. 
 .A. W. Sulloway 
 
 Address. 
 Eufaula. 
 Little Rock. 
 Alameda. 
 Denver. 
 Seymour. 
 Wilmington. 
 Monticello. 
 . Atlanta. 
 BlacKfoot. 
 Eock Island. 
 LoganspOrt. 
 .Davenport. 
 Leavenworth. 
 Louisville. ' 
 Rapides. 
 Bath. 
 Laurel.' 
 Boston. 
 Detroit. 
 St. Paul. 
 Oxford. 
 '.St Louis. 
 Helena. 
 LincoljJ. 
 Virginia city. 
 Franklin. 
 
 State. 
 
 Name. 
 
 .\J)DRES.'.. 
 
 New Jersey. Miles Ross N. Brunswick 
 
 New York W. F. Sheehan Buffalo. 
 
 North Carolina, .M. W. E^nsom. .Wcldon. 
 North Dakota . . W. C. Lelstikow.Graf ton. 
 
 Ohio Calvin S. Brice .lima. 
 
 Oregon, E. D. McKee Portland. 
 
 Pennsylvania . . . Wm. F. Harrity.PhilaiJelphia. 
 Bhode Island . . .Sam. R. Honey. .Newport. 
 South Carolina. .M.L.Donaldsoii-Greenvillc. , 
 South Dakota ... Jas. M. Woods. .Rapid City.'.' ' . 
 
 Tennessee H. Cu minings ..Memphis.' ,- 
 
 Texas O. T. Holt Houston. *> 
 
 Vermont B. B. Smalley... Burlington. 
 
 Virginia Basil B. Gordon. Charlolte8vJJlc 
 
 Washington ... .11. C. Wallace. ..Tacoma. 
 West Virgii^a. John Sheridan.. Piedmont. 
 
 Wisconsin B. C. Wall .'..... Milwaukee. 
 
 Wyoming W.L.KuykendallSaratoga. 
 
 Tbbbitobt. 
 
 Alaska A. L. Delanev. ..Juneau. 
 
 Arizona CM. Shannon. . Clifton. 
 
 Dis. of Columbia. James L. Norris. Washint^ton. 
 New Mexico . . , .H. B. Ferguson. .Albuquerque. 
 
 Oklahoma T.M.Eichardsoii. Oklahoma City 
 
 Utah Sam. A. Merr.tt Salt Lake City. 
 
 Indian 
 
THE 
 
 Campaign Text Book 
 
 OF THE 
 
 DEPCBJTIC t PJRn 
 
 FOE THE 
 
 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1892. 
 
 FEEPAKED BY AUTHOEITT OF THE 
 
 Democratic National Committee. 
 
 
 Price, 50 Cents. 
 
 1892. 
 
-nrt^ 
 
 M. B. Bkown, Pbinter, 
 49 and 51 Park Place. 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 The Pakty Platform 5 
 
 The National Convention 10 
 
 Speeches oe Acceptance , 14 
 
 The Democratic Administbation 20 
 
 The Tariff 46 
 
 Tariff and Wages 76 
 
 Tariff and Raw Materials 90 
 
 The Tin-plate Humbug 103 
 
 Tariff Evolution 114 
 
 The Force Bill .• 137 
 
 Civil Service Reform ; 166 
 
 Republican Campaign Methods 303 
 
 The Currency Question 313 
 
 Harrisonian Diplomacy 230 
 
 Democracy and the Public Lands 348 
 
 Cleveland and Pensions 258 
 
 The Republican Reciprocity Sham 370 
 
 Marine Subsidies 378 
 
 Public Expenditures 388 
 
 Democracy and Labor 395 
 
 Election Figures 305 
 
The original of tiiis book is in 
 tine Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924011450263 
 
THE PARTY PLATFORM. 
 
 THE NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM AS 
 
 ADOPTED BY THE NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC 
 
 CONVENTION AT CHICAGO, ILL., 
 
 JUNE 22, 1892. 
 
 The representatives of the Democratic party of the United States, in 
 national convention assembled, do reaffirm- their allegiance to the principles 
 of the party as formulated by Jefferson and exemplified by the long 
 and illustrious line of his successors in Democratic leadership, from Madison to 
 Cleveland ; we believe the public welfare demands that these principles be ap- 
 plied to the conduct of the Federal Government through the accession to power 
 of the party that advocates them ; and we solemnly declare that the need of a 
 return to these fundamental principles of free popular government, based on 
 home rule and individual liberty, was never more urgent than now, when the 
 tendency to centralize all power at the Federal capital has become a menace 
 to the reserved rights of the States that strikes at the very roots of our Govern- 
 ment under the Constitution as framed by the fathers of the Republic. 
 
 We warn the people of our common country, jealous for the preservation 
 of their free institutions, that the policy of Federal control of elections 
 to which the Republican party has ■ committed itself is fraught with the 
 gravest dangers, scarcely less momentous than would result from a revolu- 
 tion practically establishing monarchy on the ruins of the Republic. It strikes 
 at the North as well as at the South, and injures the colored citizen even more 
 than the white ; it means a horde of deputy marshals at every polling place 
 armed with Federal power, returning boards appointed and controlled by 
 Federal authority, the outrage of the electoral rights of the people in the 
 several States, the subjugation of the colored people to the control of the party 
 power, and the revival of race antagonisms now happUy abated, of the utmost 
 peril to the safety and happiness of all ; a measure deliberately and justly 
 described by a leading Republican Senator as ' ' the most infamous bill that 
 ever crossed the threshold of the Senate." Such a policy, if sanctioned bylaw, 
 would mean the dominance of a self-porpetuating oligarchy of office holders, 
 and the party first intrusted with its machinery could be dislodged from power 
 only by an appeal to the reserved right of the people to resist oppression 
 which is inherent in all self-governing communities. Two years ago thig 
 revolutionary policy was emphatically condemned by the people at the polls. 
 
6 THE PARTY PLATFORM. 
 
 but in contempt of that verdict the Eepublican party has defiantly declared 
 in its latest authoritative utterance that its success In the coming elections will 
 mean the enactment of the Force bill, and the usurpation of despotic control 
 over elections in all the States. tt •+ ,q 
 
 Believing that the preservation of republican government in the Unitea 
 States is dependent upon the defeat of this policy of legalized force and fraud, 
 we invite the support of all citizens who desire to see the Constitution mam- 
 tained in its integrity with the laws pursuant thereto which have given our 
 country a hundred years of unexampled prosperity ; and we pledge the Demo- 
 cratic party, if it be intrusted with power, not only to the defeat of the Force 
 Bill, but also to relentless opposition to the Republican policy of profligate ex- 
 penditure which, in the short space of two years, squandered an enormous 
 surplus and emptied an overflowing treasury, after pUing new burdens of taxa- 
 tion upon the already over-taxed labor of the country. 
 
 We denounce Republican protection as a fraud ; a robbery of the great 
 majority of the Anierican people for the benefit of the few. We declare 
 it to be a fundamental principle of the Democratic party that the Federal 
 Government has no constitutional power to impose and collect tarLfE duties, 
 except for the purpose of revenue only, and we demand that the collection of 
 such taxes shall be limited to the necessities of the Government when honestly 
 and economically administered. 
 
 We denounce the McKinley tarifE law enacted by the fifty-first Congress as 
 the culminating atrocity of class legislation ; we indorse the efforts made by the 
 Democrats of the present Congress to modify its most oppressive features in 
 the direction of free raw materials and cheaper manufactured goods that enter 
 Into general consumption ; and we promise its repeal as one of the beneficent 
 results that will follow the action of the people in entrusting power to the 
 Democratic party. Since the McKinley tarifE went into operation there have 
 been ten reductions of the wages of laboring men to one increase. We 
 deny that there has been any increase of prosperity to the country since that 
 tarifE went into operation, and we point to the dullness and distress, the wage 
 reductions and strikes in the iron trade as the best possible evidence that no 
 such prosperity has resulted from the McKinley act. 
 
 We call the attention of thoughtful Americans to the fact that after thirty 
 years of restrictive taxes against the importation of foreign wealth in exchange 
 for our agricultural surplus, the homes and farms of the country have become 
 burdened with a real estate mortgage debt of over $3,500,000,000, exclusive of 
 all other forms of indebtedness ; that in one of the chief agricultural States of 
 the West there appears a real estate mortgage debt averaging $165 per capita of 
 the total population ; and that similar conditions and tendencies are shown to 
 exist in other agricultural exporting States. We denounce a policy which fos- 
 ters no industry so much as it does that of the sherifE. 
 
 Trade interchange on the basis of reciprocal advantages to the coun- 
 tries participating is a time-honored doctrine of the Democratic faith, but 
 we denounce the sham reciprocity which juggles with the people's desire for 
 enlarged foreign marliets and freer exchanges by pretending to establish closer 
 trade relations for a country whose articles of export are almost exclusively 
 agricultural products with other countries that are also agricultural, while erect- 
 
THE PARTY PLATFORM. 7 
 
 ing a custom house barrier of prohibitive tariff taxes against the richest 
 countries of the worid that stand ready to take our entire surplus of products 
 and to exchange therefor commodities which are necessaries and comforts of 
 life among our own people. 
 
 We recognize in the Trusts and Combinations which are designed to 
 enable capital to secure more than its just share of the joint product of Capital 
 and Labor a natural consequence of the prohibitive taxes which prevent the free 
 competition which is the life of honest trade, but believe their worst evils 
 can be abated by law, and we demand the rigid enforcement of the laws made 
 to prevent and control them, together with such further legislation in restraint 
 of their abuses as experience may show to be necessary. 
 
 The Republican party, while professing a policy of reserving the public 
 land for small holdings by actual settlers, has given away the people's 
 heritage, until now a few railroad and non-resident aliens, individual and 
 corporate, possess a larger area than that of all our farms between the two seas. 
 The last Democratic administration reversed the improvident and unwise 
 policy of the Republican party touching the public domain, and reclaimed 
 from corporations and syndicates, alien and domestic, and restored to the people 
 nearly one hundred million (100,000,000) acres of valuable land to be sacredly 
 held as homesteads for our citizens, and we pledge ourselves to continue this 
 policy until every acre of land so unlawfully held shall be reclaimed and 
 restored to the people. 
 
 We denounce the Republican legislation known as the Sherman act 
 of 1890, as a cowardly makeshift, fraught with possibilities of danger 
 in the future, which should make all of its supporters, as well as its author, 
 anxious for its speedy repeal. We hold to the use of both gold and silver as 
 the standard money of the country, and to the coinage of both gold and silver 
 without discriminating against either metal or charge for mintage, but the 
 dollar unit of coinage of both metals must be of equal intrinsic and exchange- 
 able value, or be adjusted through international agreement, or by such safe- 
 guards of legislation as shall insure the maintenance of the parity of the two 
 metals, and the equal power of every dollar at all times in the markets, and in 
 payment of debt ; and we demand that all paper currency shall be kept at 
 par with and redeemable in such coin. We insist upon this policy as especially 
 necessary for the protection of the farmers and laboring classes, the first and 
 most defenceless victims of unstable money and a fluctuating currency. 
 
 We recommend that the prohibitory ten per cent, tax on State bank issues 
 be repealed. 
 
 Public office is a public trust. We reaffirm the declaration of the 
 Democratic National Convention of 1876, for the reform of the civil service, 
 and we call for the honest enforcement of all laws regulating the same. The 
 nomination of a President as in the recent Republican Convention, by delega- 
 tions composed largely of his appointees, holding office at his pleasure, is a 
 scandalous satire upon free popular institutions, and a startling illustration of 
 the methods by which a president may gratify his ambition. We denounce a 
 policy under which the Federal office holders usurp control of party conven- 
 tions in the States, and we pledge the Democratic parly to reform these and all 
 other abuses which threaten individual liberty and local self-government. 
 
8 THE PARTY PLATFOBM. 
 
 The Democratic party is the only party that has ever given the country 
 a foreign policy consistent and vigorous, compelling respect abroad, and 
 inspiring confidence at home. While avoiding entangling alliances, it ha» 
 aimed to cultivate friendly relations with other nations, and especially with 
 our neighbors on the American continent, whose destiny is closely linked 
 with our own, and we view with alarm the tendency to a policy of irritation 
 and bluster which is liable at any time to confront us with the alternative of 
 humiliation or war . We favor the maintenance of a navy strong enough for all 
 purposes of national defence and to properly maintain the honor and dignity 
 of the country abroad. 
 
 This country has always been the refuge of the oppressed from every 
 land, — exiles for conscience sake, — and in the spirit of the foxmders of our 
 Government, we condemn the oppression practised by the Russian Govern- 
 ment upon its Lutheran and Jewish subjects, and we call upon our National 
 Government, in the interest of Justice and humanity, by all just and proper 
 means to use its prompt and best efforts to bring about a cessation of these cruel 
 persecutions in the dominions of the Czar and to secure to the oppressed equal 
 rights. 
 
 We tender our profound and earnest sympathy to those lovers of freedom 
 who are struggling for home rule and the great cause of local self-government 
 in Ireland. 
 
 We heartily approve all legitimate efforts to prevent the United States 
 from being used as the dumping-ground for the known criminals and professional 
 paupers of Europe ; and we demand the rigid enforcement of the laws against 
 Chinese immigration and the importation of foreign workmen under contract 
 to degrade American labor and lessen its wages, but we condemn and 
 denounce any and all attempts to restrict the immigration of the industrious 
 and worthy of foreign lands. 
 
 This convention hereby renews the expression of appreciation of the patriot- 
 ism of the soldiers and sailors of the Union in the war for its preservation, 
 and we favor just and liberal pensions for all disabled Union soldiers, their 
 vndows and dependents ; but we demand that the work of the Pension office 
 shall be done industriously, impartially and honestly. We denounce the present 
 administration of that office as incompetent, corrupt, disgraceful and dishonest. 
 
 The Federal Government should care for and improve the Jlississippi river 
 and other great waterways of the Republic so as to secure for the interior 
 States easy and cheap transportation to tide-water. When any waterway of 
 the Republic is of sufficient importance to demand aid of the Government 
 such aid should be extended upon a definite plan of continuous work until 
 permanent improvement is secured. 
 
 For purposes of National defence and tlie promotion of commerce between 
 the States, we recognize the early construction of the Nicaragua Canal and its 
 protection against foreign control as of great importance to the United States. 
 
 Recognizing the World's Columbian Exposition as a national undertakiuo- 
 of vast importance, in which the General Government has invited the 
 co-operation of all the Powers of the World, and appreciating the ac-cept- 
 ance by many of such Powers of the invitation so e.xtended and the broad and 
 liberal efforts being made by them to contribute to the grandeur of the un- 
 
THE PARTY PLATFORM. 9 
 
 dertaking, we are of opinion that Congress should make such necessary 
 financial provision as shall be requisite to the maintenance of the national 
 honor and public faith. 
 
 Popular education being the only safe basis of popular suffrage, we 
 recommend to the several States most liberal appropriations fo"r the public 
 schools. Free common schools are the nursery of good government, and they 
 have always received the fostering care of the Democratic party, which favors 
 every means of increasing intelligence. Freedom of education, being an essen- 
 tial of civil and religious liberty as well as a necessity of the development of 
 intelligence, must not be interfered with under any pretext whatever. We are 
 opposed to State interference with parental rights and rights of conscience in 
 the education of children as an infringement of the fundamental Democratic doc- 
 trine that the largest individual liberty consistent with the rights of others in- 
 sures the highest type of American citizenship and the best government. 
 
 We approve the action of the present House of Representatives in passing 
 bills for admitting into the Union as States, of the Territories of New 
 Mexico and Arizona, and we favor the early admission of all the Territories, 
 having the necessary population and resources to entitle them to state- 
 hood, and while they remain territories we hold that the officials appointed to 
 administer the government of any territory, together with the District of 
 Columbia and Alaska, should be bona fide residents of the territory or district 
 in which their duties are to be performed. The Democratic party believes in 
 home rule and the control of their own affairs by the people of the vicinage. 
 
 We favor legislation by Congress and State legislatures to protect 
 the lives and limbs of railway employees and those of other hazardous trans- 
 portation companies, and denounce the inactivity of the Republican party, and 
 particularly the Republican Senate for causing the defeat of measures beneficial 
 and protective to this class of wage workers. 
 
 We are in favor of the enactment by the States of laws for abolishing the 
 notorious sweating system, for abolishing contract convict labor, and for pro- 
 hibiting the employment in factories of children under fifteen years of age. 
 
 We are opposed to all sumptuary law as an interference with the individual 
 rights of the citizen. 
 
 Upon this statement of principles and policies the Democratic party asks 
 the intelligent judgment of the American people. It asks a change of admin- 
 istration and a change of party, in order that there may be a change of system 
 and a change of methods, thus assuring the maintenance unimpaired of 
 institutions under which the Republic has grown great and powerful. 
 
10 Bl'BECH OF HON. WILLIAJM. L. WILSOS 
 
 THE NATIONAL CONVENTION. 
 
 CHICAGO, ILL., JUNE 22, 1892. 
 
 Sj>eech of the Permanent Chairman, the Hon. William L. 
 Wilson, of West Virginia. 
 
 Gentlemen of the Convention — I thank you most heartily for this 
 honor. I shall try to meet the duties of the high position to which you call 
 me with the spirit of fairness and equality that is Democracy. This Con- 
 vention has a high and patriotic work to perform. We owe much to our party, 
 we owe more to our country. The mission of the Democratic party is to fight for 
 the under dog. When that party is out of power we may be sure there is an 
 under dog to fight for, and that the under dog is generally the American people. 
 When that party is out of power we may be sure that some party is in control 
 of our Government that represents a section and not the whole country, that 
 stands for a class and not the whole people. 
 
 Never was this truth brought home to us more defiantly than by the recent 
 convention at Minneapolis. We are not deceived as to the temper, we are 
 not in doubt as to the purpose of our opponents. Having taxed us for years 
 without excuse and without mercy, they now propose to disarm us of further 
 power to resist their exactions. Republican success in this campaign, whether 
 we look to the party platform, the party candidates, or the utterances of party 
 leaders, means that the people are to be stripped of their franchise through 
 force bills, in order that they may be stripped of their substance through. 
 tariff bills. 
 
 Free government is self-government. There is no self-government where 
 the people do not control their own elections and levy their own taxes. When 
 either of these rights is taken away or diminished a breach is made not in the 
 outer defences, but in the citadel of our freedom. For years we have been 
 struggling to recover the lost right of taxing ourselves, and now we are 
 threatened with the loss of the greater right of governing ourselves. The los8 
 of the one follows in necessary succession the loss of the other. When you 
 confer on government the power of dealing out wealth you unchain every 
 evil that can prey upon, and eventually destroy free institutions — excessive 
 
AT THE NATIONAL CONVENTION. 11 
 
 taxation, class legislation, billion dollar Congresses, a corrupt civil service, a 
 debauched ballot-box, and purchased elections. In every campaign the 
 privilege of taxing the people will be bartered for contributions to corrupt 
 them at the polls. After every victory there will be a new McKinley bill to 
 repay these contributions with taxea wrang from the people. 
 
 For every self-governing people there can be no more momentous 
 question than the question of taxation. It is the question, as Mr. Burke truly 
 said, around .which all the great battles of freedom have been fought. It is 
 the question out of which flow all the issues of government. Until we settle 
 this question wisely, permanently and justly, we build all other reforms on a 
 foundation of sand. We and the great party we represent are to-day for 
 tariff reform because it is the only gateway to genuine Democratic Govern- 
 ment. 
 
 The distinguished leader who presided over the Republican convention 
 boasted that he does not know what tariff reform is. Who ever said that he 
 did ? Let us hope, with that charity which beareth all things and believeth 
 all things, that he is truly as ignorant as he vaunts himself to be. Unfortun- 
 ately the people are not so ignorant of the meaning of protection, at least 
 of the protection which is dealt out to them in the bill that bears his name. 
 They see that meaning "writ large " to-day in a prostrated agriculture, in a 
 shackled commerce, in stricken industries, in the compulsory idleness of labor, 
 in law-made wealth, in the discontent of the workingman, and the despair of 
 the farmer. They know by hard experience that protection, as a system of 
 taxation, is but the old and crafty scheme by which the ric\ compel the poor 
 to pay the expenses of Government. They know by hard experience that 
 protection, as a system of tribute, is but the old and crafty scheme by which 
 the power of taxing all the people is made the private property of a few of the 
 people. 
 
 Tariff reform means to readjust this system of taxation and to purge away 
 this system of tribute. It means that we have not reached the goal of perfect 
 freedom so long as any citizen is forced by law to pay tribute to any other 
 citizen, and until all our taxes are proportioned to the ability and duty of the 
 taxpayer rather than to his ignorance, his weakness, and his i atience. 
 
 Gjvemor McKinley charges that the Democratic party believes in taxing 
 ourselves. I'm afraid, gentlemen, we mus admit this charge. What right or 
 excuse have we for taxing anybody else ? With a continent for a country, 
 with freedom and inlelligenceas the instruments for its development, we stand 
 disgraced in the eyes of mankind if we cannot and if we do not s ipport our 
 own Government. We can throw that support on other peoples only by beg- 
 gary or by force. If we use the one we are a pauper nation ; if we use the 
 other we are a pirate nation . 
 
 The Dfimocratic party does not intend that we shall be either. No more 
 does it intend that they shall call it taxing other people to transfer our 
 taxes from the possessions of those who own the property of the country to the 
 bellies and backs of those who do the work of the country. It believes that 
 frugality is an essential virtue of free governnient. It believes that the taxes 
 should be limited to public needs and be levied by the plain rule of judtice 
 and equality. 
 
12 SPEECH OF HON. 'WILLIAM L. WILSON 
 
 But, gentlemen, we are confronted with a new cry in this campaign. The 
 Republican party, says Mr, McKinley, now stands for protection and reci- 
 procity. He was for protection alone when he framed his bill in the House, or 
 rather permitted its beneficiaries to frame it for him, and firmly resisted all 
 efforts of the statesman from Maine to annex reciprocity to it. No wonder 
 that he favors the reciprocity added by the Senate. You may explore the 
 pages of burlesque literature in vain for anything more supremely ludicrous 
 than the so-called reciprocity of the McKinley bill. 
 
 It is not reciprocity at all. It is retaliation, and, worst of all, retaliation on 
 our own people. It punishes American citizens for the necessities or the folly 
 of other peoples. It says to a few small countries south of us : " If you arc 
 forced by your necessities or led by your folly to make bread higher and 
 scarcer to your people, we will make shoes and sugar higher and scarcer to our 
 people." 
 
 And now we are told that reciprocity is to be their battle-cry. Already we 
 are regaled with pictures of Benjamin Harrison clad in armor and going forth 
 to battle for reciprocity on a plumed steed. Simple Simon fishing for whales 
 in his mother's rain barrel, and in great triumph capturing an occasional 
 wiggle-waggle, is the only true, realistic picture of th3 reciprocity of the 
 McKinley bill. 
 
 We are for the 'rotection that protects, and for the reciprocity that recipro- 
 cates. We are in favor of protecting every man in the enjoyment of the fruits 
 of his labor, diminished only by his proper contribution to the support of the 
 Government, and we are for real reciprocity, not through dickering diplo- 
 macy and Presidential proclamations, but by laws of Congress, that remove all 
 unnecessary obstacles between the American producer and the markets he is 
 obliged to seek for his products. 
 
 But, gentlemen, I must not keep you from the work that is befo e you. Let 
 us take up that work as brothers, as patriots, as Democrats. In so large a con- 
 vention as this— larger in numbers than any previous gathering of our party, 
 and representing a larger constituency than ever before assembled in any con- 
 vention — it would be strange — ominously strange — if there were not some dif- 
 ferences of opinion on matters of policy and some differences of judgment or 
 of preference as to the choice of candidates. 
 
 It is the sign of a free Democracy that it is many-voiced and, within the 
 limits of true freedom, tumultuous. It wears no collars ; it serves no masters. 
 We cannot shut our eyes to the fact that many who have heretofore followed 
 our flag with enthusiasm are to-day calling, with excusable impatience, for 
 immediate relief from the evils that encompass them. Whatever can be done to 
 relieve their burdens, to restore, broaden and increase the prosperity of the 
 people and every part of them, within the limits and according to the principles 
 of free Government, the Democratic party dares to promise that it will do with 
 all its might. Whatever is beyond this, whatever is incompatible with free 
 Government and our historic liberty, it dares not promise to any one. Inveterate 
 evils in the body politic cannot be cured in a moment any more than inveterate 
 diseases in the human system. Whoever professes the power to do so is him- 
 self deceived or himself a deceiver. Our party is not a quack or a worker of 
 miracles. 
 
AT THE NATIONAL CONVENTION. 13 
 
 It is not for me, gentlemen, the impartial servant of you all, to attempt to 
 foreshadow what your choice will be or ought to be in the selection of your 
 candidates. You will make that selection under your own sense of responsi- 
 bility to the people you represent and to \ our country. , One thing only I ven- 
 ture to say, whoever may be your chosen leader in this campaign, no telegram 
 will flash across the sea from the castle of absentee tarifE lord to congratulate 
 him. But, from the home of labor, from the fireside of the toiler, from the 
 hearts of all who love justice and do equity, who wish and intend that our 
 matchless heritage of freedom shall be the common wealth of all our people, 
 and the common opportunity of all our youth, will come up prayers for his 
 success and recruits for the great Democratic host that must strike down the 
 beast of sectionalism and the moloch of monopoly, before we can have ever 
 again a people's GoYernment administered bj a people's faithful rejjresentatives. 
 
14 SPEECHES OF ACCEPTA3SCE. 
 
 SPEECHES OF ACCEPTANCE. 
 
 HON. WILLIAM L. WILSON'S ADDRESS OF NOTIFI- 
 CATION AND THE RESPONSES OF 
 THE CANDIDATES. 
 
 At Madison Square Garden, New York, July 20, 1892. 
 
 Mr. Wilson's Address. 
 
 Mr. Cleveland — We bring you to-night a message from the Democratic 
 party. We come as a committee froni its national convention, representing 
 every Democratic constituency in ihe country, to give you otficial notification 
 that you have been chosen as its candidate for the office of President of the 
 United States. We are also charged with the duty of presenting you the 
 platform of principles adopted by that convention. This platform contains a 
 full and explicit declaration of the position of the National Democratic party 
 on the great political issues of the day. But in all its utterances it is merely a 
 development of one great principle, that whatever governments and laws can 
 do i or a people must be done for 1.II the people, without precedence of section 
 or grades of citizenship. 
 
 We believe that a government administered in this spirit in such a country 
 as ours will secure a larger measure of freedom and prosperity to the people than 
 has heretofore been possible in the world, and that it will be an example and 
 an inspiration to all mankind. To make and keep ours such a government to 
 guard with jealous care the rights of equal citizenship — to bear our freedom 
 safely along the march of our material progress, unharmed by the mighty 
 agencies that mini.ster to that progress— this is the high and glorious duty of 
 the Democratic party ; a duty that commits it to a never ending warfare with 
 the strongest and most enduring forces of human nature, the lust of power and 
 the lust of greed. 
 
 These are the triumphant forces that in all other ages and in almost all other 
 lands have put down freedom and brought government under their control and 
 that are seeking in our own land to add a greater victory and a richer prize to 
 all the triumphs of the past. It is a dangerous thing for a political party to 
 continue its existence after the work which called it into being has been accom- 
 
SPEECHES OF ACCEPT AN CB. 15 
 
 plished. It ■will inevitaljly pass as the political organization against whicli we 
 contend has already passed into the service of the great special interests which 
 everywhere strive to secure political power for their own advantage. 
 
 Of the present policies of that party it may truly be said that they all tend 
 to the centralization of political power in the Federal Government and the 
 centralization of wealth in favored classes. Against both tendencies we fight 
 as against enemies of our freedom. We believe that the opportunities of ma- 
 terial prosperity which our country oflEers, as never before in human history, 
 are a part of that freedom, not to be staked on the issue of political battles or 
 made the booty of party victories. The wealth that all may gain is not a men. 
 ace but a strong buttress to free government. All men will protect what all 
 may hope to acquire as the open prizes of industry, thought, and intelligence. 
 
 But the wealth that comes from control and perversion of the power of 
 taxation that is gathered by unjust laws from the labor of the people is a source 
 of rightful discontent, and a growing peril to our freedom. As guardians of 
 that freedom we plant ourselves upon the principle that the necessities of gov- 
 ernment are the beginning, and the necessities of government are the ending 
 of just taxation. Whatever goes beyond this increases the power of govern- 
 ment at the expense of the liberties of the people. The government that is 
 carried on beneath its own eye, by its own chosen servants, and within reach 
 of its own regulating and punishing arm, that government can be kept its 
 servant. 
 
 Yet we have but recently and barely escaped a successful effort to strike 
 down the Government that stands nearest the citizen and to strip from the 
 people in the States that right, preservative of all other rights, the right of 
 holding their own elections and of choosing their own representatives. Buch, 
 sir, are some of the issues of the campaign in which we are about to enter. 
 They go to the foundations of our liberty. 
 
 In this great contest your party has summoned you to be its leader. Four 
 years ago in the mid-career of a service that well deserved the highest honors 
 your countrymen could bestow, as we feel sure that it will receive the highest 
 encomiums that history can award, you were struck down because as a Demo- 
 crat you could make no terms with those who wished to plunder the people's 
 Treasury, or those who sought to perpetuate the passions of civil strife. »Your 
 coimtrymen will right that wrong. ,They will do it not for your sake alone, 
 but for their own sake and the sake of the Republic. 
 
 They have seen the fruits of that defeat in many forms of misgovernment. 
 With an overflowing Treasury they have seen taxes increased on the necessaries 
 of life and the necessaries of labor, because private interests demanded it. 
 They have seen that overflowing Treasury emptied by extravagant expenditures 
 and tricks of bookkeeping resorted to to hide its emptiness from the people. 
 They have seen an attempt to turn the gratitude of a great nation into an 
 electioneering fund for a political party, and service to that party in the con- 
 flicts of peace count for more than service to the country in the conflicts of 
 war. They have seen every power of the Federal admiuistration pas- 
 sionately used to destroy free elections in the States. They have seen the 
 influence of our Government in its diplomatic and naval service thrown with. 
 out rebuke against freedom and in favor of despotism in a struggling sister re- 
 
1(5 SPEECHES OF ACCEPTANCE. 
 
 public. And seeing all this they have lost no opportunity in the past four 
 years to honor your administration by laying the heavy hand of punishment 
 upon those who have thus departed from its spirit and its policies. 
 
 And now, sir, we put into your hands the commission of which we are 
 bearers. It is the highest honor your party can bestow. It is the gravest caU 
 to duty your fellow-Democrats can make. But we believe we can assure you 
 that there are no "weak, weary, or despondent" Democrats in the ranks of our 
 party to-day, and that with the people's cause we doubt not you will lead us to 
 a victory in which the principles of our party shall gloriously triumph and the 
 welfare of our country shall be mightily promoted. 
 
 RESPONSES OF THE CANDIDATES TO THE FORMAL 
 NOTIFICATION OF THEIR NOMINATION. 
 
 Mr. Cleveland's Response. 
 
 Mk. Chairman and GrESfTLfiMBN— The message you deliver from the 
 Kational Democracy arouses within me emotions which would be well nigh 
 overwhelming if I did not recognize here assembled the representatives of a 
 great party who must share with me the responsibility your mission invites. I 
 find much relief in the reflection that I have been selected merely to stand for 
 the principles and purposes to which my party is pledged, and for the enforce- 
 ment and supremacy of which all who have any right to claim Democratic 
 feBowship must constantly and persistently labor. 
 
 Our party responsibility is indeed great. "We assume a momentous obliga- 
 tion to our countrymen when, in return for their trast and confidence, we 
 promise them a rectification of their wrongs and a better realization of the 
 advantages which are due to them under our free and beneficent institutions. 
 
 But, if our responsibility is great our party is strong. It is strong in its 
 sympathy with the needs of the people, in its insistence upon the exercise of 
 Governmental powers strictly within th^ Constitutional permission the people 
 have granted, and in its willingness to risk its life and hope upon the people's 
 intelligence and patriotism. 
 
 Never has a great party, intent upon the promotion of right and justice, 
 had a better incentive to effort than is now presented to us. 
 
 Turning our eyes to the plain people of the land, we see them burdened as 
 consumers with a tariff system that unjustly and relentlessly demands from them 
 in the purchase of the necessaries and comforts of life an amount scarcely met by 
 the wages of hard and steady toil — while the exactions thus wrung from them 
 build up and increase the fortunes of those for whose benefit this injustice is 
 perpetuated. 
 
 We see the farmer listening to a delusive story that fills his mind with 
 visions of advantage while his pocket is robbed by the stealthy hand of high 
 protection. 
 
SPEECHES OF ACCEPTANCE. 17 
 
 Our workingmen are still told the tale, oft repeated in spite of its demon- 
 strated falsity, that the existing protective tariff is a boon to them, and that 
 under its beneficent operation their wages must increase, while, as they listen, 
 scones are enacted in the very abiding place of high protection that mock the 
 hopes of toil and attest the tender mercy the workingman receives from those 
 made selfish and sordid by unjust Governmental favoritism. 
 
 We oppose earnestly and stubbornly the theory upon which our opponents 
 seek to justify and uphold existing tariff laws. We need not base our attack 
 upon (Questions of Constitutional permission or legislative power. We denounce 
 this theory upon the highest possible ground when we contend that, in present 
 conditions, its operation is unjust, and that the laws enacted in accordance with 
 it are inequitable and unfair. 
 
 Ours is not a destructive party. We are not at enmity with the rights of 
 any of our citizens. All are our countrymen. We are not recklessly heedless 
 of any American interests, nor will we abandon our regard for them, but in- 
 voking the love of fairness and justice which belongs to true Americanism, 
 and upon which our Constitution rests, we insist that no plan of tariff legisla- 
 tion shall be tolerated which has for its object and purpose a forced contribu- 
 tion from the earnings and incomes of the mass of our citizens to swell directly 
 the accumulations of a favored few ; nor will we permit a pretended solicitude 
 for American labor, or any other specious pretext of benevolent care for others, 
 to blind the eyes of the people to the selfish schemes of those who seek, through 
 the aid of unequal tariff laws, to gain unearned and unreasonable advantages at 
 the expense of their fellows. 
 
 We have also assumed in our covenant with those whose support we invite 
 the duty of opposing to the death another avowed scheme of our adversaries, 
 which, under the guise of protecting the suffrage, covers, but does not conceal, 
 a design thereby to perpetuate the power of a party afraid to trust its continu- 
 ance to the untrammeled and intelligent voters of the American people. 
 
 We are pledged to resist the legislation intended to complete this scheme 
 because we have not forgotten the saturnalia of theft and brutal control which 
 followed another Federal regulation of State suffrage ; because we know that 
 the managers of a party which did not scruple to rob the people of a President 
 would not hesitate to use the machinery created by such legislation to revive 
 corrupt instrumentalities for partisan purposes ; because an attempt to enforce 
 such legislation would rekindle animosities where peace and hopefulness now 
 prevail ; because such an attempt would replace prosperous activity with dis- 
 couragement and dread throughout a large section of our country, and would 
 menace, everywhere in the land, the rights reserved to the States and to the 
 people which underlie the safeguards of American liberty. 
 
 I snail not attempt to specify at this time other objects and aims of Demo- 
 cratic endeavor which add inspiration to our mission. True to its history and 
 its creed, our party will respond to the wants of the people within safe lines 
 and guided by enlightened statesmanship. To the troubled and impatient 
 within our membership we commend continued, unswerving allegiance to the 
 party whose principles, in all times past, have been found sufficient for them, 
 and whose aggregate wisdom and patriotism, their experience teaches, can 
 always be trusted. 
 
18 EPEBCHBS OF ACCEPTANCE. 
 
 In a tone of partisanship whicli befits the occasion let me say to yoii as- 
 equal partners in the campaign upon which we to-day enter, that the personal 
 fortunes of those to whom you have entrusted your banners are only important 
 as they are related to the fate of the principles they represent and to the party 
 which they lead. 
 
 I cannot, therefore, forbear reminding you and all those attached to the 
 Democratic Party or supporting the principles which we profess, that defeat in 
 the pending campaign, followed by the consummation of the legislative 
 schemes our opponents contemplate, and accompanied by such other incident* 
 of their success as might more firmly fix their power, would present a most 
 discouraging outlook for future Democratic supremacy and for the accomplish- 
 ment of the objects we have at heart. 
 
 Moreover, every sincere Democrat must believe that the interests of his 
 country are deeply involved in the victory of our party in the struggle that 
 awaits us. Thus patriotic solicitude exalts the hope of partisanship and 
 should intensify our determination to win success. 
 
 This success can only be achieved by systematic and intelligent effort on 
 the part of all enlisted in our cause. Let us tell the people plainly and 
 honestly what we believe and how we propose to serve the interests of the 
 entire country, and then let us, after the manner of true Democracy, rely 
 upon the thoughtfulness and patriotism of our fellow-countrymen. 
 
 It only remains for me to say to you, in advance of a more formal response 
 to your message, that I obey the command of my party and confidently antici- 
 pate that an intelligent and earnest presentation of our cause will insure a 
 popular indorsement of the action of the body you lepi e^eut. 
 
 Mr. Stevenson's Response. 
 
 Me. Chaikman and Gentlemen of the Committee — I cannot too earn- 
 estly express my appreciation of the honor conferred upon me by the great 
 delegated assembly which you officially represent. To have been selected by 
 the National Democratic Convention as its candidate for high ofl5ce is a 
 distinction of which any citizen might well be proud, I would do violence to 
 my own feelings, Sir, should I fail to express my gratitude for the courteous 
 terms in which you have advised me of the result of the deliberations of the 
 Convention. 
 
 Distrusting my capacity fully to meet the expectations of those who have 
 honored me by their confidence, I accept the nomination so generously tend- 
 ered. Should the action of the Chicago Convention receive the approval of 
 the people I shall, to the best of my humble ability, discharge with fidelity the 
 duties of the important trust confided to me. 
 
 Reference has been made in terms of commendation to the late Democratic 
 Administration. Identified in some measure in an important branch of the 
 public service with that Administration, I am gratified to know that it has, in 
 80 marked a degree, received the indorsement of the Democratic Party in its 
 National Convention. I am persuaded that intelligent discussion of the issues 
 
BPEECHBS OP ACCEPTANCE. 19 
 
 involved in the pending contest for political supremacy will result in victory 
 to tlie party which stands for honest methods in government, economy in 
 public expenditures, and relief to the people from the burdens of unjust 
 taxation. 
 
 I am not unmindful, Mr. Chairman, of the grave responsibilities which 
 attach to the great office for which I have been named. I may be pardoned 
 for quoting in this connection the words of the honored patriot, Thomas A. 
 Hendricks, when officially informed that he had been designated by his party 
 for the Vice-Presidency in 1884. He said : 
 
 '* I know that sometimes it is understood that this particular office does not involve much 
 rcBionsihility, and as a general rule that is so. But sometimes it comes to represent very great 
 responsibilities, and it may be so in the near future. The two parties in the Senate being so 
 nearly evenly divided, the Yice- President may have to decide upon questions of law by ttie 
 exercise of the casting voje. The responaibiiity would then become very great. It would not 
 then be the responsibilit/of representing a district or a State. It would be the responsibility 
 of representing the whole country, and the obligation would be to the judgment of the whole 
 coiintry. And that vote when thus cast should be in obedience to the just expectations and 
 reciuirements of the people of the United States." 
 
 Should it please my countrymen to call me to this offioe, the high apprecia- 
 tion of its dignity and of its responsibilities as expressed in the utterances and 
 illustrated in the public life of the eminent statesman whom I have mentioned 
 will be a light to my own pathway. 
 
 In the contest upon which we now enter we make no appeal to the passionfi, 
 but to the sober judgment of the people. We believe that the welfare of the 
 toiling millions of our countrymen is bound up in the success of the Demo- 
 cratic party. Recent occurrences in a neighboring State have sadly empha- 
 sized the fact that a high protective tariff affords no protection, and tends in 
 no way to better the condition of those who earn their bread by daily toil. 
 
 Believing in the right of every voter to cast his ballot unawed by power, 
 the Democratic party will steadily oppose all legislation which threatens to 
 imperil that right by the interposition of Federal bayonets at the polls. 
 
 In a more formal manner hereafter, Mr. Chairman, I will indicate by letter 
 my acceptance of the jiomination tendered me by the National Democratic 
 Convention, and will give expres.sion to my views touching the important 
 questions enunciated in its platform. 
 
20 THE DEMOCRATIC ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 THE 
 
 DEMOCRATIC ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 CONDUCT OF THE GOVERNMENT UNDER PRESI- 
 DENT CLEVELAND. 
 
 A RECORD OF HONEST, CAPABLE AND SUCCESSFUL 
 DISCHARGE OF PUBLIC RESPONSIBILITY. 
 
 Sketch of the Candidate for Vice-President. 
 
 When the Democratic Administration took possession of the Executive 
 Department of the Government in 1885, that department was found to be sub- 
 ject to conditions and limitations, many of which were extremely adverse to 
 the adoption of Democratic policies and to the application of Democratic prin- 
 ciples within its jurisdiction. The duties and functions of the Executive, so 
 far as they were not specifically prescribed by the Constitution, were, in the 
 main, the development of Republican legislation and of twenty-four years of 
 Bepublican administration ; and they had, therefore, taken a Republican direc- 
 tion, extending in some of their ramifications far beyond the limits set by the 
 Democratic party to the rightful exercise of Federal authority, and in others 
 stopping short of those limits. 
 
 A quarter of a century of Republican proscription had excluded Democrats 
 from office, and the public service was, therefore, full of subordinates who 
 were not in sympathy with the new Administration, and many of whom too often 
 forgot their public duties in their zeal for their party, thus rendering confi- 
 dential relations with their superior officers and a thorough and intimate knowl- 
 edge of the public business upon the part of the latter practically impossible. 
 
 Throughout the four years during which the Administration remained in 
 power, a Republican Senate stood ready to reject the President's nominations. 
 Moreover, the people had become so accustomed to the existing order of thino-s, 
 including its inefficiency and its abuses of power, so far as these were' known 
 to them, as lo regard it as almost a necessary part of the Federal establish- 
 ment ; and by a large proportion of the people, not wholly outside the Demo- 
 
THE DEMOCRATIC ADMINIBTBATION. 21 
 
 cratic party, any substantial change in method or policy was anticipated with 
 doubts, at least, of its expediency, without proper consideration of its prob- 
 able effect upon the public interests. 
 
 Under these circumstances, and recognizing that in itself the Democratic 
 party was on probation, the Administration, conservative in all things, yet con- 
 scious of the abuses which had crept into the Government, proceeded carefully 
 to the accomplishment of much in the way of reform, and that without dis- 
 turbing the country or any of its interests. In the brief term of its power, 
 the Administration went far to encourage the hope that, notwithstanding the 
 long reign of wastefulness, arrogance and corruption, the Government might 
 be brought back to the course (hat it pursued in the better days of the 
 republic, before its powers were perverted to the perpetuation of a .single 
 party's rule and to the promotion of outrageous taxation and profligate 
 expenditures. 
 
 Throughout the public service there was apparent the most exacting require- 
 ment of devotion to duty, and from this devotion resulted a performance which 
 was at once honest, business-like and economical. There were no bounties and 
 no subsidies granted to private interests, and there was no attempt to exercise 
 any authority of the Government to continue the Democratic party's supremacy 
 in the country. There was an earnest, and, in view of ihe many difficulties to 
 be overcome, a very successful endeavor to give to the country a plain, simple 
 and unostentatious government of the people, for the people and by the people. 
 
 And something of the measure of the success attained may be seen by a 
 more particular examination into the reforms that were conducted, 
 
 The Civil Sekvicb. 
 
 The Republican party, secure, as it thought, by fair means or foul, from the 
 reach of the people, had maintained for years a debauched civil service, the posi- 
 tions in which it had reserved as rewards for those who had done and were 
 willing to do, without question, the biddings of the party autocrats who con- 
 trolled the patronage. The service was full of these creatures, and the patron- 
 age-mongers ever had a supply of like kind to take the place of any recalcitrant 
 incumbent, and thus "the cohesive power of public plunder" operated to the 
 degradation of the service and the perpetuation of Republicanism. A Repub- 
 lican leader well indicated the condition of things when he said: "I have 
 heard in highest places the shameless doctrine avowed by men grown old in office, 
 that the true way by which power should be gained in this republic is to bribe 
 the people with the offices created for their service, and the true end for which 
 it should be used when gained is the promotion of selfish ambition and the 
 gratification of personal revenge." 
 
 Hundreds of persons were carried on the rolls without warrant of law. and 
 were dropped and others put into their places at the will of their superior 
 officers, while the salaries due to vacant places were allowed to accumulate into 
 what was called the "lapse fund," for distribution among those whose ser- 
 vices, official or political, were required for limited periods. The clerks and 
 other employees were, in each recurring campaign, placed under tribute to the 
 Bepublican committees. The scandals growing out of this state of affairs are 
 
22 THE DEMOCRATIC ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 too familiar to the public to require repetition, and, while the most flagrant 
 abuses antedate the Civil Service Law of July 16, 1883, there were many which 
 were sufficiently serious after that law went into operation. For there was 
 nothing more than a pretense of its enforcement until a short time after the 
 defeat of the Republican party in 1884, when, for the jjurpose of compelling 
 the Democratic Administration to retain the Republican employees, the law 
 was extended over a considerable number who had not previously been on the 
 classified lists, notably in the Navy Department, presided over by that some- 
 what notorious civil service reformer, the Hon. Wm. E. Chandler, now a 
 Senator from New Hampshire. 
 
 Taking up the task of purifying the service, the President extended the 
 application of the law, until in 1888 there were over 37,000 employees subject 
 to its provisions, or nearly twice as many as when the Administration took 
 charge, and the law was enforced in good faith. The Administration forbade 
 dictation by Federal office-holders in political affairs, cut off many useless em- 
 ployees, gave a sense of security to those who faithfully and efficiently per- 
 formed their duties, stopped the levying of black-mail, destroyed the office- 
 broker's trade, and aroused an ambition in the service such as was not possible 
 under the servile conditions that had prevailed when the rule that public office 
 is the reward of party service had been the only one recognized in making 
 appointments and in retaining the employees. 
 
 The Republican Senate early in the term of the Administration manifested 
 a disposition to retard the progress of reform, by demanding, through a reso- 
 lution, the transmission to it of the papers on file in the departments relating to 
 removals and appointments, thereby asserting the right to judge of the suf- 
 ficiency of the reasons upon which the President acted in making changes in 
 the service. The President refused, however, to accede to this demand, 
 stoutly maintaining the righls of the Executive in the premises ; and the demand 
 was allowed to fall into "innocuous desuetude" after the President had sent 
 to the Senate a message, the purport of which may be learned from these 
 vigorous sentences : 
 
 " The pledges I have made were made to the people, and to them I am 
 responsible for the manner in which they have been redeemed. I am not 
 responsible to the Senate, and I am unwilling tosubmit my actions and official 
 conduct to them for Judgment." 
 
 Thereafter the process of reform was much less impeded. 
 The process began at the top and worked its way throughout the public 
 service, as is shown in the general course of the Government as to all pub- 
 lic affairs, both foreign and domestic. A glance at the dep;.rtments will 
 reveal that course. 
 
 The State Department. 
 There was nothing sensational about the Democratic foreign policy, and 
 a sturdy patriotism characterized its eveiy act. In earlier days the Democratic 
 party had commanded and retained about all the respect for the United Statea 
 that ever existed among foreign powers, and Mr. Cleveland's Administration 
 adhered to the quiet, peaceful and dignified methods of its Democratic pre- 
 decessors, yielding nothing of honor and demanding nothing that was not 
 
THE DEMOCRATIC ADMINISTRATrON. 33 
 
 honorable. But the Government's foreign relations were not wi'„!iout incidents 
 requiring the assertion of a sturdy Americanism, and that asset tion was not 
 wanting when required. The rule announced by Jefferson, the father of 
 Democracy, "peace, commerce and honest friendship with all nations, 
 entangling alliances with none,'' was scrupulously observed. The menac- 
 ing power of the Government was not used to intimidate the weak among 
 the nations, and there was no truckling to the powerful. The State De- 
 partment was not made the collection agent of unscrupulous adventurers 
 with bogus and fraudulent claims against the Governments of South America, 
 and that malodorous system of commercial enterprise known as guano states- 
 manship was conspicuously absent from our international intercourse. On 
 the contrary, the claims urged by the philanthropic association, composed of 
 Secretary Blaine, one Shipherd, and the firm of Morton, Bliss & Co., of which 
 Vice-President Morton, then Minister to France, is a member, and by that com- 
 posed of Blaine, Elkins (now Secretary of War), and others, against South 
 American Governments for large amounts to which the claimants presented 
 not even a semblance of title, were promptly thrown out of the department 
 ■by Secretary Bayard. 
 
 Legitimate commercial interests, however, were faithfully guarded and 
 promoted through an improved consular service ; and the act providing for 
 the Congress of American Governments south of the United States, which met 
 at "Washington (and the credit of which the present Administration has endeav- 
 ored to appropriate to its own use) became a law during Mr. Cleveland's term 
 ■of office, and when Mr. Bayard was Secretary of State. 
 
 Shortly after Mr. Cleveland's inauguration in May, 1885, he appointed Mr. 
 Anthony M. Keiley, a citizen of Virginia and a gentleman of irreproachable 
 character, to represent the United States, as Minister, in Austria and Hungary. 
 The Austrian Government objected to receiving the new Minister, allegiiig as 
 a reason for its objection that his wife was a Jewess, and saying that " the posi- 
 tion of a foreign envoy wedded to a Jewess by civil marriage, would be un- 
 tenable," and even impossible in Vienna. 
 
 This raised an issue on the Democratic conception of religious liberty, 
 and on the Democratic interpretation of that clause of the Constitution which 
 declares that " No religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to 
 ■" any office or public trust under the United States," and the Administration 
 ■vigorously sustained the Democratic-American side of that issue. 
 
 Conceding the right of a foreign government to reject an envoy who is 
 persona non grata, the Secretary of State resented the assertion of a right upon 
 the part of any government to apply a religious test to an American represen- 
 tative either in his own person or through any member of his family, declaring 
 in an official letter to the Austrian Minister at Washington that "It is not 
 ■" believed by the President that a doctrine and practice so destructive of 
 ■" religious liberty and freedom of conscience, so devoid of catholicity, and so 
 ■" opposed to the spirit of the age in which we live can for a moment be ac- 
 ■" cepted by the great family of civilized nations or be allowed to control their 
 " diplomatic intercourse. 
 
 ' ' Certain it is, it will never, in my belief, be accepted by the people of the 
 " United States, nor by any Administration which represents their sentiments." 
 
24 THE DEMOCKATIC ADMIKISTllATION. 
 
 Nothwithstanding the position thus taken, and in spite of the fact that, as 
 Secretary Bayard pointed out in a letter addressed to Mr. Francis, then the 
 American Minister at Vienna, that the marriage between Mr. and Jlrs. Keiley 
 had been solemnized according to the rites of the Roman Catholic Church, 
 the Austrian Government finally rejected the new Minister. Mr. Francis waa 
 recalled, Mr. Keiley resigned, and the post was permitted to remain vacant for 
 a year, to emphasize the protest of a Democratic Administration against the- 
 application of race and religious tests to American representatives. 
 
 This incident is but an illustration of the Democratic party's uncompro- 
 mising antagonism to that bigotry and intolerance which breaks forth in Know- 
 nothingism and in alien and sedition laws in America, and in various oppres- 
 sions for opinion's sake in the countries of the old world. 
 
 Democratic Administrations from the earliest times have always stoutly 
 maintained the rights of American citizens in foreign lands and on the high 
 seas, having put a stop to the application of the European doctrine of " once 
 a subject always a subject," and the British practice of impressment of seamen, 
 as well as having established it as a principle of international law, that after a 
 formal declaration of intent to become a citizen of the United States the person 
 so declaring may return to the country of his previous residence and there be 
 entitled to the protection due an American citizen. 
 
 Carrying out the time-honored policy of the party, Mr. Cleveland's Admin- 
 istration performed its whole duty in the protection of Americans abroad. It 
 sent war vessels to the Isthmus of Panama in April, 1885, to protect our citi- 
 zens in their rights under the treaty of 1846 (with New Granada, now Colom- 
 bia), to "free and open transit" of the Isthmus, and thus preserved the lives 
 and property of those citizens from the turbulence of the Colombian insurgents. 
 
 At its instance Santos was released from unjust imprisonment in Ecuador 
 and in the case of Cutting it successfully resisted the attempt of Mexico to 
 punish the accused for a publication made in Texas. It protested, also, 
 against the claim of the Mexican Government that upon the failure of for- 
 eigners sojourning in Mexico to register, as provided by Mexican law, they 
 lost their right to protection from their own governments ; and in reply the 
 Administration was informed that the law was abolished. 
 
 In China and Turkey the Administration interfered in behalf of American 
 missionaries, and succeeded in securing for them in the latter country the 
 greatest privileges that were ever enjoyed there by ministers of the Christian 
 faith. 
 
 In the cases of Dr. Thomas Gallagher and John Curtin Kent, imprisoned •ir^ 
 Great Britain, which cases had never occupied the attention of the previous 
 Administration, though these citizens had been arrested in 1883, Mr. Cleveland 
 and Mr. Bayard took a great interest and urged clemency. 
 
 The facilities for that voluntary expatriation so much prized by those^ 
 criminals who seek refuge in foreign countries, there to "live with a Licrh 
 countenance of another man's goods," and their compeers in crime, became 
 painfully apparent long before Mr. Cleveland's inauguration, and he, in the- 
 performance of a plain duty to his countrymen, took steps to improve our 
 treaty relations with Great Britain, to the end that these fugitives from justice- 
 might be apprehended and subjected to punishment. 
 
THE DEMOCRATIC ADMIN fSTRATION. 25 
 
 The Webster-Ashburton treaty of 1843 provides for extradition in only 
 seven classes of crime, to wit : murder, assault -witli intent to commit murder, 
 piracy, arson, robbery, forgery and the utterance of forged paper. Nearly all 
 our treaties specify various other crimes, and, as Great Britain affords many 
 hospitable refuges, it was deemed necessary that others should be added to the 
 list included in our treaty with that country. Accordingly, the Phelps-Rose- 
 berry convention of June 25, 1886, was entered into and submitted to the Senate 
 for ratification. 
 
 This convention added these offenses to the list, viz. : manslaughter, em- 
 bezzlement or larceny of the value of |oO or upwards, burglary, malicious 
 injuries to property whereby the life of any person should be endangered, if 
 such injuries constitute a crime according to the laws of both countries. 
 
 This provision, also, was inserted, and it was to extend to the treaty of 1842 
 as well as to the new one : 
 
 " No fugitive criminal shall be Bnrrendered under the provisions of the said treaty (of 
 1S42), or of this convention, if the crime in respect of whicli his surrender is demanded he one 
 of a political character, or if he proves to the competent authority that the requisition for his 
 Burrender has in fact been made with the view to try or punish him for a crime of a political 
 character." 
 
 And through an abundance of caution, this was added : 
 
 " A fugitive criminal surrendered to either of the high contracting parties under the 
 provisions of the said treaty (1842), or of this convention, shall not, until he has had an 
 opportuniiy of returning to the State by which be has been surrendered, be detained or tried 
 for any crime committed pr'-or to his surrender other than the extradition crime proved by the 
 facts on which his surrender was granted." 
 
 The Committee on Foreign Relations in the Republican Senate took hold 
 of the new treaty and amended the clause relating to malicious injuries so that 
 it read as follows : 
 
 "Malicious injuries to persons or property by tfte use of explosives^ or malicious injuries or 
 obstructions to railways whereby the life of any person shall be endangered, if such injuries 
 constitute a crime according to the laws of both the high contracting parties, or according 
 to the laws of that political division of either country in which the offense shall have been com- 
 mitted^ and of thai political division of either country In which the offender shall be arrested" 
 
 The words of the amendment are in italics. 
 
 The clause in its original form is almost identical with clauses in other 
 treaties, with different countries, which had been ratified by the Senate, and 
 objection to its clear and safe language was not anticipated. But the Republi- 
 cans on the Committee evidently had in their minds a class of persons who have 
 manifested considerable antipathy to the British crown ; so they changed the 
 provision, making it include malicious injuries to persons or property by the 
 use of explosives, without regard to the damage done or to whether or not it 
 endangered life. 
 
 In spite of this performance, the Republican Senators and the Republican 
 press charged the Administration with disregarding the dictates of humanity, 
 and with about everything else that a malicious spirit could suggest, in pro- 
 posing this new convention. After juggling with the treaty for several months, 
 the Senate rejected it, leaving open the avenues of escape to the criminals that 
 could have been extradited under its provisions. 
 
26 THE DBMOOHATIC ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 The Northeastern fisheries question, a vexatious inheritance from the 
 Fathers of the Republic, was dealt with by the' Administration in a way that 
 would have resulted in its final settlement but for the narrow and partisan 
 action of the Republican Senate. 
 
 The history of the contention over the fisheries has been made familiar to 
 the country by frequent discussions in Congress and in the press, and its details 
 are too numerous to be gone over in this chapter. The treaty which was 
 entered into in February, 1887, and which was submitted to the Senate, was 
 one of reciprocal concession, by which there was secured to American fisher- 
 men every disputed right that they had considered of value, and more than 
 they had insisted upon, while it gave to Canada no right or privilege which 
 was not entirely fair or which could in anywise interfere with any American 
 interest. And accompanying the treaty was a protocol, containing the sub- 
 stance of the treaty's main provisions, which was to remain in force pending 
 ratification, or not exceeding two years. This, 'in view of the non-existence of 
 a satisfactory convention upon the subject of the fisheries, was a most important 
 ■document. 
 
 The Senate, ho.wever, pursuant to its determination to obstruct the Admin- 
 istration, rejected the treaty in August, 1888, and two days later the President 
 sent a message to Congress asking for power to retaliate upon Canada for 
 injuries to American fishermen. He recommended that he be given authority 
 to suspend, by procl.imation, all laws permitting the transit of goods, wares 
 and merchandise in bond across or over United States territory to or from 
 Canada, and that Canadian vessels and their cargoes be allowed precisely the 
 same advantages in American canals that American vessels' and their cargoes 
 were allowed in Canadian canals, and that the same be measured by exactly 
 the same rule of discrimination. 
 
 The House acted favorably upon this recommendation, but the Senate re- 
 fused to do so, the Republican majority insisting that the act of March 3. 
 1887, which provided that, in case any of our fishing vessels had been or should 
 he denied any of their legal rights, or denied certain privileges within 
 Canadian jurisdiction, the President might deny to Canadian vessels, crews, 
 cargoes and products entrance into the ports of the United States, was ample 
 for retaliatory purposes. 
 
 The President, in his message, avowed his purpose to enforce this act in all 
 proper cases, but declared it insufficient; and inasmuch as the Senate, when 
 It passed the act of 1887, had before it every complamt of injury that had 
 been lodged against Canada and yet failed to provide imperatively for retalia- 
 tion, it was palpable that its only purpose was to make political capital out 
 of our international complications, and that, too, by systematic misrepresen- 
 tation of the situation. 
 
 In regard to the seal fisheries, also, the Administration pursue i a course 
 which had brought it within sight of a final adjustment. Before Mr. Cleve- 
 land went out of office the British authorities exhibited to him an order in 
 council which made provision for the protection of the seals pending negotia- 
 tions, and had the question been treated by President Harrison along tne same 
 lines it would probably have been settled long ago. 
 
THE DEMOCRATIC ADMINISTBATION. 37 
 
 But at the end of three years Mr. Blaine, compelled to abandon his positions 
 that Behring Sea is mare elausum and that seal-catching by British fishermen is 
 ■contra bonos mores, found himself no nearer the end of the difficulty than he 
 ■was when he went into office. 
 
 A treaty with the Chinese Govenxment also was negotiated and submitted 
 to the Senate in March, 1888. By its provisions the Chinese, including those 
 who had been here, but who were then absent from the country with the ex- 
 pectation of returning, were to be excluded for twenty years. To this treaty 
 the Republican Senate made some immaterial amendments, which rendered 
 necessary its return to the Chinese Government for ratification. That 
 government failing to ratify the treaty, the Scott law was enacted to 
 enforce the President's policy, so far as its enforcement was possible through 
 Congressional enactment. 
 
 The conscientious and intelligent ttianagement which was shown in great 
 affairs within the jurisdiction of this department was likewise apparent in the 
 details of administration, and the result was an efficient and economical service 
 ^t home, while abroad the Government was represented by officers, in both the 
 ■aiplomatic and commercial branches, by men who faithfully looked after 
 American interests. 
 
 TiTE Tkeastjkt Department. 
 
 To this Department are intrusted the collection and disbursement of the 
 enormous revenues and the management of all the financial affairs of the 
 Government 
 
 Under President Cleveland, Hon. Daniel -Manning was the first head of the 
 department, and, yhen ill health compelled him to retire from office, Hon. 
 Charles S. Fairchild was made Secretary of the Treasury, and during their 
 administrations many reforms were instituted in both the conduct of the ordi- 
 inaiy business and the operations of the department. 
 
 The policy and methods of the Republican party, adopted in many par- 
 ticulars and in general scope to the promotion of other than public interests, 
 were changed or modified, so far as change or modification was possible with- 
 out legislative sanction, and the repeated refusals of Congress to consent to 
 alterations prevented the application of many more radical reforms. The 
 work done, however, was of substantial benefit to the cpuntry. 
 
 In the collection of the revenue, both Customs and Internal, the service was 
 honestly and rigidiy performed, every precaution against fraud being taken and 
 its perpetrators, when discovered, being punished. 
 
 For the years ending June 30, the amounts collected were as follows : 
 
 tHSS.. 
 
 l8Sn. . 
 18-7. . 
 188 *.. 
 188'J, . 
 
 Customs. 
 
 $181,471,939 34 
 193,H05,023 44 
 217,286,893 13 
 819,091,173 63 
 233,632,741 69 
 
 Inteknal Ebtenub. 
 
 S112,498,ras S4 
 116,806,936 48 
 118,823,391 S2 
 124,296,^71 98 
 130,881,613 92 
 
28 THE DEMOCRATIC ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 Tliroughout these years the peceutage of the cost of collection was decreas- 
 ing, and the following extract from the last report made by the Democratic 
 Commissioner of Internal Revenue, indicates the methods by which these 
 results were reached : 
 
 " At the close of the year ended June, 30, 1888, 193 officers, clerks and laborers were em- 
 ployed in this bureau, and the aggregate amount paid during the year for their salaries was 
 $352,637.16. 
 
 " Daring the year ended June 30, 1887, 198 persons were employed, and the aggregate pay- 
 ments on account of their salaries was $350, '02. 72. 
 
 "At the close of the year ended June 30, 1885, the number of persons so employed was '230, 
 and the aggregate amount paid for salaries during that year was $284,591.65. During the year 
 ended June 30, 1884, there were 241 persons employed, and the aggregate payments on account 
 of their salaries was $296,431.48. 
 
 A si xilar Statement concerning the other principal bureaus and otHces of 
 the department could be truthfully made, all showing improved methods, in- 
 creased business and reduced cost. On July 1, 1835, there were 3,747 persons 
 on the roll of the tepaitment in Washington ; en July 1, 1888, there were only 
 3,433. 
 
 But the improvements in the mere details of administration are important 
 mainly as indications of the application to public affairs cf the rules appl.ed by 
 business men to their private affairs. It was from the application of these rules 
 to the larger subjec s with which the department had to deal that the public 
 derived the greatest benefits. 
 
 The effoits put forth in behalf of a reduction of the revenues are fresh in 
 the public mind. Those efforts, from a mere tiscal standpoint, were rendered 
 necessary by the rapidly accumulating surplus in the treasury, which, by rea- 
 son of an annual excess of revenue over expenditures, threatened to draw 
 from the channels of trade a sufficient volume of the money of the country to 
 cause disaster to every business interest. The excess of revenue over pay- 
 ments for the years named, each ending June 30, was as follows : In 18So, 
 $63,463,771.27; 1886, 193,956,588.56; 1887, $103,471,097.69; 1888, $119,- 
 612 116.09. 
 
 This condition required a remedy, and it devolved upon the Treasury 
 Department to provide that remedy. The requirements of the Sinking Fund 
 offered to give some relief. Availing himself of this means. Secretary Fairchild 
 determined to make immediate purchases of bonds sufficient to meet those 
 requirements, instead of extending his purchases through the year, as in the 
 usual course of business. In August and September, 1887, he issued circu- 
 lars inviting the holders of unmatured bonds to tender their holdings for 
 redemption. The result was the purchase of bonds of the par value of 
 $24,844,650, at a cost of $27,843,337.10. 
 
 Having exhausted the possibilities of the Pinking Fund and doubtin"- its 
 authority to go into the market to purchase unmatured bonds at a premium 
 for any other purpose than that of supplying this fund, the Administration 
 procured from Congress an expression of opinion, by resolution in both 
 Houses, that this authority was conferred and existed by virtue of a clause in 
 the Appropriation Act of March 8, 1881. 
 
 The day following this expression by the Senate, April 17, 1888, the Secre- 
 tary issued another circular calling for bonds, and under it he purchased, prioi 
 
TB.E DEMOCRATIC ADMINISTRATION. 29 
 
 to March 4, 1889, the end of the term, bonds of the par value of $32,279,400, 
 making in all, in round figures, bonds of the par value of $57,125,000, at a cost 
 of about $63,250,000. 
 
 The purchase of these bonds before maturity made a reduction in the 
 Interest charge amounting to about $6;600,000, which amount represents the 
 saving to the treasury which resulted from a policy the main purpose and 
 effect of which was to keep the money of the country in circulation instead of 
 in the coffers of the Government. 
 
 A feature of the circulars issued was the invitation to the holders of 
 Becurities to deal directly with the Treasury, whereas the Republican adminis- 
 trations had always purchased bonds through the Sub-treasury, where a deposit 
 and other requirements operated to throw the negotiations into the hands of 
 brokers and large holders, the former of whom, of course, charged commis- 
 sions for their services. 
 
 During the interim between the purchases of bonds on account of the sink- 
 ing fund and those upon the general account, the Administration was compelled 
 to resort 1o another expedient to prevent a disastrous contraction of the circula- 
 tion, and this, like the purchase of the bonds, was severely criticized by the Re- 
 publicans, then out of power, and again, like the purchase of bonds, was the 
 resort of the Republican Administration, when for a brief period it had to deal 
 with a surplus instead of a deficit. 
 
 This expedient was the placing of a part of the surplus in public deposi- 
 tories throughout the country, where it was within the reach of the people. The 
 Democratic Administration did not regard this policy as one meritorious in itself, 
 but resorted to it as the best possible means of averting the disaster made im- 
 minent by the Republican Senate's persistent refusal to relieve the people from 
 the over-taxation which had filled the Treasury to overflowing. 
 
 In carrying out the policy, no favoritism was shown and no discrimination 
 was made on account of the politics of those interested in the banks, nor did 
 the officials of the Treasury discriminate in favor of or against any State or sec- 
 tion. The number of depositories was increased from 141 on July 1, 1885, to 
 294 on July 1, 1888, and the deposits rose from about $13,000,000 to about 
 $0,000,000 within the same time. These deposits were fairly distributed 
 over the country, and the deposits of bonds which the banks were required to 
 make in order to secure them, were more than ample to protect the Treasury 
 against loss, inasmuch as the security in cases of the deposit of 43^ per cents, 
 was equal at par value to the amounts in the banks, and in cases of deposits 
 of the four per cents, the par value of the bonds exceeded by ten per cent, the 
 amounts loaned upon them, while both classes of bonds were selling at high 
 premiums. 
 
 Notwithstanding the difficulties to be overcome, the department was suc- 
 cessful in increasing the circulation by nearly $87,500,000 between January 1, 
 1886, and June 30, 1888 ; and not the least of its accomplishments in this con- 
 nection was the keeping at par with each other the variegated and hetero- 
 geneous currencies for which the country is indebted to the Republican party. 
 This was due to the fact that neither kind of currency was discredited by the 
 officials, who succeeded in adding $177,769,194 of silver to the circulation 
 bet^yeen July 1, 1885, and July 1, 1889. 
 
30 
 
 THE DEMOCRATIC ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 The reduction of the interest-bearing public debt between March 1, 1885^ 
 and March 1, 1889, together with the premiums paid on bonds, is shown by 
 the following table : 
 
 Principal 
 
 Cost (amount paid),. 
 Premiums paid 
 
 Three per 
 cent, bonds. 
 
 $194.1!i0,SO0 00 
 1!I4,190,500 00 
 
 Four ptT 
 cent, bonds. 
 
 S.56,7SB,.'i50 00 
 7;i,654,8J0 28 
 
 Four and 
 one-half per 
 cent, bonds. 
 
 $87,157,8il0 00 
 94,419,251 77 
 
 Total. 
 
 $338, 074,8^0 OO' 
 
 861,264,643 05 
 
 23,189,792 05 
 
 The form of debt statement given to the public under Mr. Cleveland's 
 administration did not include among the available assets the fractional cur- 
 rency and the minor coin. The amount of money in the Treasury to redeem 
 the notes of National Banks which were in liquidation, or had surrendered 
 circulation, was deducted from the total cash, and the matured debt, interest 
 due and unpaid and accrued interest were also deducted. 
 
 Secretary Foster, when he found the cash in the Treasury running low, 
 changed the form of statement by including those items in order that it might 
 Dot show a deficit. The la^t debt statement issued by the Cleveland adminis- 
 tration, that of March 1, 1889, showed a cash balance of 
 
 $48,096,158 50 If, however, that statement had been made upon the samfr 
 basis as the statements of Secretary Foster it would have- 
 shown 
 
 10,838,553 91 matured debt and accrued interest. 
 
 82,500,000 00. National Bank Note Redemption Fund, about. 
 
 34,901,270 03 fractional silver currency and minor coin. 
 
 There was to the credit of disbursing ofBcers, March 1, 1889, 
 $58,295,127 63 while the statement of August 1, 1893, shows but 
 31,100,880 05 in the same accounts, being a difference of 
 
 $37,194,247 57 making a surplus as compared with statement of August 1, 
 — 1893, of 
 
 $193,520,329 01 If we deduct the cash assets shown by the statement of 
 August 1, 1892, viz. : 
 27,050,286 38 we find that there has been a reduction of cash since March 
 1, 1889, of 
 
 $166,469,942 63 
 
 On the other hand, if the statement of the first of August, 1893, was made 
 on the same basis as that of March 1, 1889, it would show the following 
 figures, about 
 
 $6,058,153 08 matured debt and accrued interest. 
 26,105,103 75 National Bank Note Redemption Fund. 
 14.670,437 10 fractional silver and minor coin. 
 
THE DEMOCRATIC ADMINISTRATION. 31 
 
 $27,194,247 57 diflference between credits of disbursing officers, March 1, 
 ■•889, and August 1, 1893. 
 
 $74,032,941 50 Total, from which dedcuct 
 37,050,386 38 the cash balance August 1, 1893, showing 
 
 $46,972,655 13 deficiency if the statement of August 1. 1892, was made on 
 =^^==^^==i tjjg game basis as the statement of March 1, 1889. 
 
 The Cleveland Administration found 
 $20,965,444 40 cash in the Treasury. It left 
 48,096,158 90 showing an inciease in the cash balance of 
 
 $37,131,714 50 
 
 Including the debt incurred for Pacific Railroads, Refunding 
 Certificates and the Navy Pension Fund, the Cleveland 
 Administration found an interest-bearing debt of 
 $1,360,772,563 00 It left 
 
 923,729,783 00 showing a reduction of interest-bearing debt by that admin- 
 
 istration of 
 
 $338,043,830 00 to which add the increase in cash balance of 
 27,131,714 50 and we have a total reduction of debt of 
 
 55,175,544 50 
 
 The Harrison Administration found 
 $922,729,732 00 interest-bearing debt. At present that debt is 
 663,653,892 00 showing a decrease of 
 
 $259,075,840 00 of interest-bearing debt from March 1, 1889, to August 1, 
 1893. It is impossible in the present condition of the 
 Treasury that there should be any further decrease of 
 the interest-bearing debt during Mr. Harrison's Adminis- 
 tration. But from this decrease of interest-bearing debt 
 should be deducted the deficiency in cash of the state- 
 ment of August 1, 1893, heretofore shown, namely, 
 46,973,635 13 Showing a total reduction of debt by the Harrison Adminis- 
 
 tration of only 
 
 $312,103,184 88 or 
 153,072,359 62 greater reduction of debt under Cleveland than under 
 ■ Harrison. 
 
 The Government receipts under Cleveland were about 
 $1,443,000,000 00 Under the Harrison Administration the total receipts on a 
 
 moderate estimate will be 
 1,543,000,000 00 or 
 
 $100,000,000 00 more than the receipts during the Cleveland Administration, 
 ^^^ showing $253,073,359.63 net to credit of the Cleveland 
 administration. 
 
33 THE DEMOCRATIC ADMINISTKATION. 
 
 But it must be further remembered that the Fifty-first Congress appropriated 
 $1,035,700,000 00 and that of this appropriation a vi'ry large part has not 
 been accounted for under the expenditures of 1891 and 
 1893. There is only a cash balance,- as heretofore shown, 
 of $37,000,000 with which to meet this great balance of 
 appropriations, with, of course, such surplus of revenue as 
 there may be over expenditure, consequently it is fair to 
 assume that there can be no further reduction of the public 
 debt for years to come, and certainly none during the Har- 
 rison Administration. Indeed, when the prudence, induced 
 by the coming election in November is over, we may look 
 for a rapid increase of the public debt and bankruptcy of 
 the Treasury unless Congress devises new sources of 
 revenue. 
 
 The Navy Dbpabtiient. 
 
 Between 1808 and the advent of the Democratic Administration, hundreds 
 of millions of dollars had been spent on a navy that did not exist, and when 
 Secretary Whitney was placed at the head of the department, there was not a 
 vessel in the service that could "either fight or run away." It was even said 
 by competent authority that the whole American navy would be at a great dis- 
 advantage in an engagement with a single one of the iron-clad vessels belonging 
 to the third-class powers of Europe. 
 
 Money had been squandered in futile and fraudulent equipment and repairs 
 of worthless vessels, and corruption and fraud had characterized almost every 
 expenditure made by some of Mr. Whitney's predecessors. 
 
 The following, from the Secretary's report for 1887, is given as illustrative 
 of Republican methods : 
 
 Among tie vessels dropped from the Navy Eegister and sold during the past year is the 
 " Tennessee." 
 
 The history of this vessel is quite interesting and most illustrative. She had a short life, 
 but, as a consumer of money, a brilliant one. Her hull was built and she was equipped in 
 the New York Navy-yard. Her machinery was designed and built nnder contract by the 
 eminent engineer, Mr. John Ericsson, costing $700,000. Her total original cost was 51,856,075.18. 
 Upon her trial trip, In January, 1867, she ran abont 1,000 miles. She attained a speed of 16 
 knots and made a run of 15 knots per hour for four hours. She encountered a perilous storm 
 described as a hurricane, which continued over twenty-four hours. The ship suffered con- 
 siderably. The report of her commander says : 
 
 The engines moved o£E finely and worked perfectly during all the storm. » » » 
 Her machinery is as perfect as it need to be. It has undergone the severest test and not once 
 found wanting. She is the fastest ship I have ever seen. 
 
 The chief Enginepr says : 
 
 n the strength and workmanship of the machinery cannot be depended upon, then no 
 reliance is to be placed upon the performance of any ateam machimry with which I am 
 actiuainted. 
 
 Two years afterward she underwent what was called " repairs," and the sum of $576,799.61 
 was spent upon her ; all but i|7S,000 of this was put on her hull and equipment. It was the full 
 price of a new wooden hull of her size at that time. This was from 1869 to 1871. 
 She then made a cruise of three months and went into the hands of John Roach to 
 enable ..iui to take out the machinery and hoilers of John Ericsson, and substitute others of 
 superior character. It was among oih -r things expected to give the ship a UJ^-knot speed 
 
THE DEMOCRATIC ADMINISTRATION. 83 
 
 for twenty-f onr honrs. When she had her trial of this new machinery in 1875 her maximum 
 speed was lOJ^ knots, and she had had put upon her an expense of $801,713.60 In addition 
 to the Talue of her machinery and boUers taken in trade by Mr. Eoach at $65,000. This 
 machinery had cost $700,000 ; had not been in actual service six months ; had never been sur- 
 veyed and condemned by a board of Government officers, nor Its value fixed by any Govern- 
 ment board, but it was sold to Mr. Boach as old iron. 
 
 That is to say, between 1869 and 1875 the " Tennessee " had had three months' service, and 
 had cost in lepairs and improvements $1,443,513.21. This was largely in excess of a fair price 
 for a new ship of her characteristics. 
 
 Twelve years afterwards (on April 4, 1887) she is condemned by the Statutory Board as 
 uneeawortby and not worth repairing, and ordered Bold, having had put upon her between 1875 
 and 1887 the additional sum of $577,716.17. She brought $34,525 at the auction sale. She had 
 cost the Government $3,800,000 in round numbers, and had done about ten years of active ser- 
 vice, outside of repair shops and navy-yards. 
 
 It is often the subject of wonder what has become of the $70,000,000 spent upon war 
 vessels since the close of the war, in view of the fact that there is now no bavy. This hit of 
 histoiy will serve as an Ulustration. 
 
 The abuses in contracts for supplies were amazing. Each bureau pur- 
 chased wherever, whenever and at whatever price it chose to pay, whatever it 
 desired, and that without regard to whether or not it had an adequate supply- 
 on hand. Notwithstanding the existence of a statute which required that sup- 
 plies should be purchased after advertisement, from the lowest bidder, it was 
 the constant practice to make open purchases. Secretary Thompson had made 
 an order that only "emergency supplies," and these not to exceed $500, should 
 be so purchased. Therfeupon the practice was changed ; supplies were then 
 purchased to be delivered in $500 lots, and the contracts were awarded to the 
 favorites and the henchmen of the purchasing officials. Different officers would 
 purchase the the same sort of supplies from the same persons on the same day 
 at different prices and many vouchers were issued for supplies that were never 
 delivered. Vessels would be ordered into the dock for repairs without investi- 
 gation into their condition, and the public money was treated as the private 
 property of the bureau chiefs. 
 
 Secretary Whitney's inventory of property on hand when he went into the 
 department disclosed an accumulation of stores and supplies amounting 
 to over $20,000,000, in appraised value, more than $3,000,000 of which was, by 
 reason of the articles being obsolete, absolutely wasted. Much of the property 
 was in closed navy yards, where its only service was to give occupation to per- 
 sons paid for taking care of it and for looking after Republican interests in the 
 elections. 
 
 Thus, the navy and the Navy Department were in the same condition, both 
 demoralized. 
 
 It was Mr. Whitney's undertaking to bring order out of chaos and to install 
 honesty and efficiency where dishonesty and inefficiency had held sway, and 
 in this undertaking his success was most gratifying. He effected many reforms 
 in the management of the department, stopped the fraud and waste and intro- 
 duced economy. Though in 1883 the ordinary expenditures of the depart- 
 ment were $6,560,701.67 and the deficiency in the appropriation was$121,859.38, 
 in 1887, the last full year of the Administration, these expenditures were only 
 $4,870,523.47, and there was a surplus of $280,310.78 left out of the appro- 
 priation, while the total savings in ordinary bureau expenses in the three years, 
 1886-7-8, comparing those years to 1882-3-4, was $4,301,388.39, the amount 
 
 3 
 
34 THE DEMOCRATIC ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 expended in the earlier series of years being $20,331,531.28, and in the later 
 $15,930,143.99. 
 
 In the matter of the navy itself, the change was radical. The old wooden 
 hulks were no longer used for the purpose of enriching favorite ship-builSera 
 or for giving occupation to political heelers and strikers. As consumer.? .of 
 money these ships had served long and well ; now they were to go out of com- 
 mission so far as that service was concerned, and they were fit for no other. 
 
 The navy was to be supplied with modern vessels. The " Atlanta, " the 
 "Boston," the "Chicago" and the "Dolphin" had beec in process of con- 
 struction for some time. The knowledge of ship-building and armament had 
 not. in this country, been kept up with the advance made elsewhere, and this 
 deficiency, together with the carelessness which had been encouraged by the ' 
 department, was apparent in the new vessels, which were found to be far be- 
 low the requirements of the specifications according to which they were to 
 have been constructed. The contractor had received large amounts of money 
 in excess of what were due him, and the Eepublican Administration having 
 relinquished every security under its contracts with him. Secretary Whitney, 
 in view of his insolvency, took the vessels off his hands and completed iheir 
 construction, this being the only way in which the Government could avoid a 
 loss of the whole amount expended. This condition of things was all a Repub- 
 lican legacy, 
 
 "When Mr. "Whitney began his reforms in naval construction, he found that 
 it was impossible to obtain some of the necessary materials in America ; but he 
 determined that the American navy should be of American construction. 
 Three manufactories necessary to the construction and armament of modem 
 vessels were lacking ; that of steel f orgings for the heavier guns, of armor for 
 ironclads, and that of the secondary batteries, or machine and rapid-firing 
 guns. In 1887, he was able to report that these manufactories were building 
 under contracts with the department, and, in his last report, he said that "it 
 is believed that, at the present time, the department has reached the point 
 where entire reliance can be placed upon it for the production of war vessels 
 equal in character to those of any other country." 
 
 In order to encourage the manufacture of armor and gun steel, the Secre- 
 tary advertised for one contract to include all such material, the purchase of 
 which had been authorized, and succeeded in placing the order in Pennsyl- 
 vania with the Bethlehem Iron Company. The same policy was pursued as 
 to gun steel and the results were similar ; and the orders for arms for the 
 secondary batteries were accumulated until they became great enou<rh to 
 induce the erection of an establishment to supply them. 
 
 This new policy as to the navy, developed during the Democratic Adminis- 
 tration, exhibiis as its consequence, about all there is of American naval power 
 on the high seas to-day, and all that is to be displayed there hereafter must 
 Tcsult from that policy. The "Maine " and the " Texas," armored cruisers, the 
 -former the product of the New York Navy Yard, and the latter constructed at 
 .the Yard at Norfolk, are Democratic achievements, while of the vessels built 
 itt private works, the "Charleston," the "Baltimore," the '■ Yorktown," the 
 "Petrel," the "Newark," the "Philadelphia," the "San Francisco," the 
 •"Bennington," the "Concord," the "Vesuvius' and the " Stilleto," all ves 
 
THE DEMOCRATIC ADMINISTRATION. 35 
 
 sels of the best type of their classes, bear witness to the intelligence and thor- 
 oughness of Democratic reform. 
 
 Indeed, the navy and the Navy Department, sadly in need of revolution, 
 ■were subjected to a more radical process of reform than, perhaps, was any 
 other part of the public service, and the condition in which they were left at 
 the end of Mr. Cleveland's term of office fully justified the encomiums pro- 
 nounced by the press and people and vindicated the Democratic assertion, 
 made in the platforms of the party, that a change was demanded. For, 
 through honest and economical methods, the American flag on the high seas 
 was placed in the keeping of a navy that is rapidly becoming able to uphold 
 it and the naval establishment was rendered independent of the foreign ship- 
 builders, who alone were formerly able to construct such vessels as are re- 
 ■quired in modern naval warfare. 
 
 The War Department. 
 
 in time of peace, this department, if properly managed, attracts less of 
 public attention than does any other of the Government. The people do not 
 come in contact with its officials, and its work is mainly routine. While the 
 Republican party controlled it, and before Republican officials were compelled 
 to recognize the superiority of the civil over the military power, and before a 
 Democratic House of Representatives checked the Republican spirit of cor- 
 ruption which ran riot throughout this department, it experienced a very 
 offensive prominence. 
 
 Under Democratic control, however, there was absolutely no cause of com- 
 plaint against the army or against those responsible for the conduct of military 
 affairs. Favoritism was not shown to the army officers who could command 
 political influence more successfully than they could command a military force; 
 there was no corruption anywhere ; the army was so managed as to prevent 
 rather than to quell Indian disturbances ; information in pension cases was 
 promptly furnished to the Pension Bureau ; the discipline of the army was im- 
 proved, and the whole department was smoothly and economically conductea 
 by Secretary Endicott. 
 
 The Interior Department. 
 
 Whenever Congress creates a new bureau or assumes jurisdiction over a 
 new subject, the Department of the Interior is utilized in carrying out its 
 designs, until now that department is "not one thing alone, but one thing with 
 other things together," embracing within the wide range of its jurisdiction a 
 greater variety of subjects than are included under probably any governmental 
 agency in the world. 
 
 The most important subjects intrusted to the Secretary of the Interior are 
 pensions, Indian affairs, the public lands, patents, the census, interstate com- 
 merce, the geological survey, education, labor and railroads. For a review in 
 ■detail of the four years' work of the bureaus having these subjects in charge, 
 there would be required more space than this book affords. 
 
3S THE DEMOCRATIC ADMINISXnATtON. 
 
 At first, under Secretary Lamar, and afterwards under Secretary Vilas, 
 this department showed the inevitable improvement that results from consci- 
 entious and capable administration. 
 
 The Pension Office, under the management of Gen. John C. Blacis, ceased to 
 be a political bureau, and devoted its energies to the administration of the 
 pension laws in the interest of both the pensioners and the public, without 
 regard to the effect which an elimination of politics from the sei-vice might 
 have on succeeding elections. The medical boards were made non-partisan, 
 the duties of examiners were confined to the purposes contemplated by law, 
 and the practice of issuing to these officials roving commissions to marshal 
 votes for the party in power was entirely abandoned. The politics of appli- 
 cants for pensions was not made a test in the allowance of claims, and the in- 
 fluence of political friends was not permitted to control the action of the 
 bureau, though under more than one previous regime, political bias and polit- 
 ical intluence had been the determining considerations in great numbers of 
 cases. 
 
 The number of employees was not increased, but in some branches of the 
 service reductions were made in the force, and the greater results which came 
 from the bureau are, therefore, attributable to the improved methods employed. 
 These results are shown by the reports of the commissioners for the years 
 named. For 1883-4-5 the reports show that 108,131 original, 79,268 increase 
 and 3,853 miscellaneous certificates were issued, a total of 191,231. For 1886- 
 7-8 there were issued 859,452 certificates, of which 156,336 were original, 
 181,173 increase, and 32 055 miscellaneous, the number in three y^ars of Demo- 
 ci*atic pension-granting being larger than that in the three years of Republican 
 administration by 168,281. The net increase to the pension rolls during the 
 three years 1886-7-8 was 105,875 ; during 1883-4-5 it was 59,428, an excess 
 under Gen. Blacli of 46,447. From the beginning of Mr. Cleveland's Adminis- 
 tration to June 30, 1888. the end of the fiscal year, the net increase was, as 
 stated by Gen. Raum, about 115,000. 
 
 During the three years of Gen. Black's term which have been mentioned 
 the disbursements on account of pensions amounted to $217,400,000 ; during 
 the three years preceding, $183,400,u00, a difference of $34,000,000. From 
 March 1, 1885, to June 30, 1888, the disbursements were $237,685,704.77. 
 
 All comparisons made between allowances during Gen. Black's term and 
 those made during Gen. Raum's term are utterly misleading in so far as they 
 omit reference to the increas,' of the force under Gen. Raum and to the new 
 pension law, under which the consideration of claims is much less difficult than 
 under the old. Under Gen. Black the pension business was put into the hands 
 of ex-soldiers and their kindred, so far as practicable, and the consequence was 
 that the proportion of such persons in the service was largely mcreased. 
 
 Other Acts of the administration, involving the subject of pensions, are 
 spoken of elsewhere in this book. 
 
 The Hon. Wm. A. J. Sparks was Mr. Cleveland's first Commissioner of 
 the General Land Office, and he was succeeded by the Hon. S. M. Stockslager. 
 The main features of the work done by this bureau were the removal fromihe 
 public domain of the fences unlawfully put there by the cattle kings, the 
 f»rfeiVur(» and reclamation of millions of acres ©f land, the hunting down ft 
 
THE DEMOCRATIC ADMINISTRATIOK. 8T 
 
 -fraud in the seryice and in the entries, the prevention of timber depredations, 
 and the prosecution, civUly and criminally, of the depredators. A large part 
 «f the results of this work is shown in other chapters of this volume. 
 
 The restoration of indemnity, or what are commonly called "lien lands," 
 va.s rendered necessary by the action of previous administrations in withdraw- 
 ing such lands from entry. When the land grants were made to the railroad 
 ■companies, a provision was usually inserted in the grants to permit the com- 
 panies to take other lands than those lying within the limits of the grants, in 
 lieu of such portions of the lands granted as might be found to have been 
 previously taken up. It was not intended that these " lien lands" should be 
 reserved from settlement until the companies chose to claim them, but only 
 that, in case they were not taken before the companies selected them, they 
 might then be claimed as indemnity. 
 
 The railroads succeeded, however, in getting them withdrawn from the 
 operations of the land laws, and the Democratic administration made it a point 
 to rescind the orders of withdrawal, thus giving the settlers a chance to occupy 
 the lands. The area thus restored was 31,333,600 acres. 
 
 Many private claims were found to be equally unfounded. The treaties by 
 -which much of the public domain was acquired provided for the security of 
 private titles to portions of the lands ceded, and the number of fraudulent 
 ■claims set ofiE under these treaties is legion, millions of acres being claimed. 
 The Land OfBce recovered 576,000 acres so claimed ; and it restored from 
 f raudulenti and other private entries under the laws, 27,460,609 acres. It re- 
 moved illegal fences from more than 5,000,000 acres. In the cases of forty one 
 fraudulent entries of redwood forest land in California, the Land OfBce saved 
 irom the claimants land worth $11,000,000. And the receipts from public 
 lands in the three years 1886-7-8 amounted to $86,087,303, as against $22, 519,- 
 '710 in the years 1882-3-4, an increase of $14,568,593, due in large part to the 
 policy of the office in protecting honest settlers and discouraging the abuse of 
 the land laws. 
 
 In this office, as elsewhere, the Administration devoted its services to the 
 public interests, and the reforms which it accomplished will long be felt by the 
 people. Those which have been mentioned have been but faintly outlined, 
 while many others, going to make up an admirable official record, must be 
 ■omitted to avoid a too lengthy review. 
 
 In the Indian service, in the days of complete Republican rule, there were 
 garnered many rich stores of spoils, the Government and the Indians alike being 
 the victims of spoliation. Under Commissioners Atkins and Oberly the bureau 
 wa > both honestly and economically managed, and the wise policies adopted gave 
 to the Indian a better service, while they promoted every public interest involved. 
 In dealing with the wards of the Gove.nment, the Administration was firm, but 
 kind. It sought to develop whatever there is of good in the Indian and ta 
 repress what is bad — rather a large undertaking in some respects, but one that 
 met with considerable success. The President took a deep interest in the 
 work, and exhibited both an intelligent comprehension of the questions in- 
 Tolved and a strong desire to improve the condition of the Indian by making 
 him self-supporting and by education, as well as by providing him with more 
 comfortable surroundings. Farming and other indxistrial occupations were ea- 
 
38 THE DBMOCHATIC ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 couraged, and the Indian scliools were improved, t e average attendance upon 
 which more than doubled during tli ; Administration, being 6,115 in 1884 and 
 14,333 in 1887. Disturbances were prevented by keeping the Indians on their 
 reservations and by permitting no trespasses to be made on their ten-itory or 
 their rights. When disturbances did occr.r, they were suppressed as promptly 
 as the civil and military authorities could suppress them, and the result was 
 four years of comparative quiet on the reservations and in the Indian country. 
 
 Notwithstanding the better service, the cost was reduced. In the three years 
 1883-3-4, the total expenditure was $18,518,613, and in 1886-7-8, it was 
 $18,872,791, of which amounts there was applied to the support of schools in 
 the two periods, respectively SI, 149,024. 88 and $3,215,430.39, or $3,066,405-50' 
 more for education under Cleveland than under Arthur. 
 
 The management of the other bureaus in the Interior Department, though not 
 of so great importance as that of those which have been reviewed, was equally 
 ireditable to the officials, responsible for that management, to the Administra- 
 tion, to the Democratic party and to the country. The whole department, 
 reaching out and touching the public interests at many points, illustrated in a 
 most satisfactory manner the benefits to be derived from the application of 
 business principles to governmental affairs. 
 
 The Dbpaktment of Justice. 
 
 There is usually not a great deal of popular interest in the management of 
 the Department of Justice, and yet this department is by no means least of all 
 the departments in importance. Its duty is to see that the law is enforced and 
 that the legal interests of the Government are protected. It must be co operate 
 with every other department and advise the heads of all. It is associated with 
 the judiciary and should be prepared to cope with the foremost legal talent in 
 the world. It controls the United States marshals and their deputies, those 
 public servants that exist on fees, sometimes in the past the intinerant minions 
 of Republican injustice ; and it has the power to make itself felt in every man's 
 affairs. 
 
 Attorney-General Garland and his corps of able assistants made the depart- 
 ment in fact what it is in name. Violators of the revenue, banking and land 
 laws found that a new era had dawned, as did all others who, under Republi- 
 can rule, regarded the statutes of the United States as only so many formularies- 
 devised for their convenience in defrauding the Government and the people. 
 
 Suits were instituted to recover vast tracts of laud unlawfully held by cor- 
 pnratioQS and individuals, and many hundreds of criminal prosecutions were 
 conducted, especially under the land laws. The number of criminal cases 
 terminated in the various courts in the three years 1885-6-7 exceeded by nearly 
 fifty per cent, the number terminated in the last three years of the preceding 
 administration, yet the court expenses had increased only two and two-thirds 
 per cent. 
 
 In connection with the work of this department, the President appointed 
 Melville W. Fuller lo succeed Morrison R. Waile, deceased, as Chief Justice 
 of the United States, and L. Q. C. Lamar was transferred from the Interior 
 Department to the Supreme bench, as associate justice. The President 
 
THB DEMOCRATIC ADMINISTRATION. 8S 
 
 appointed, also, one circuit and eleven district judges, and in every instance- 
 the record made has shown the wisdoin of the selection. 
 
 The Post Office Department. 
 
 For nearly three years the Hon. "William F. Vilas was Postmaster General, 
 but upon the appointment of Mr. Lamar to the associate justiceship, Mr. Vilas 
 was placed at the head of the Department of the Interior and the Hon. Don M. 
 Dickinson was mai^ Postmaster General. The Hon. Adlai E. Stevenson, 
 present candidate for Vice-President, became First Assistant Postmaster 
 General in August, 1885, and remained with the department until the end of 
 Mr. Cleveland's term. 
 
 The postal service felt the influence of business methods from the beginning 
 to the end of the four years. At the end of the fiscal year 1885, the number 
 of post-offices was 51,233 ; four years later it reached 59,0'yo. The revenues of 
 the department at the former date amounted to $43.560,843 ; at the latter, they 
 had grown to $.'J6,175,611. In 1888 they were $53,695,177. The expenditures 
 had increased only from $50,046,33.) to $61,376,847. At the end of the fiscal 
 year 1888, the last full year of the Cleveland Administration, the expenditures 
 had reached only $56,468,315. 
 
 In 1883, the mileage of post routes was 343,618; in 1885, 365,351, and in 
 1888, it had gone to 403,977 ; in 1889, to 416,159. 
 
 The number of free delivery offices in 1885 was 177 ; in 1888, it was 358. 
 The number of cariiers in 1885 was 4,348 ; in 1888, 6,346. The number of 
 pieces handled by carriers in 1885 was 1,744,537,413 ; in 1888 it was 3,630,861,- 
 758. 
 
 Economy was introduced through reductions in railway, steamboat and star- 
 route charges, by discontinuing illegal payments for apartment-car service, by 
 enforcing the law which provides for mail service over the land-grant railroads 
 at 80 per cent . of the ordinary rates, by reducing the cost of equipment, and in 
 every other way that was feasible, including, of course, the purchase of sup- 
 plies. The frequency of mails and the rapidity of their transportation were 
 greatly increased all over the country. 
 
 The Administration concluded the first parcel post convention with any 
 foreign country, that witn Jamaica, in 1887 ; and afterwards similar conven- 
 tions were concluded with various other countries, among them Mexico and 
 some of the South American republics. The honesty of the service was above 
 reproach, and large amounts were recovered from dishonest appointees of 
 previous administrations. 
 
 This table shows something of Democratic management, and it reveals the 
 secret of increased work without an increased force : 
 
 Report of Absences of Employees of the Post-office Department. 
 
 Fiscal year ending Jane 30, 1884 19,8tS lays. 
 
 Fiscal year ending Jane 30, 1885 19,016 days. 
 
 Fiscal year ending June 30, 188G 15,119 days. 
 
 Fiscal year ending June SO, 1888 14,264 days. 
 
 A saving to the Department of 4,788 days for 1888 as compared with 1885. 
 
40 THE DEMOCRATEO ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 The part taken by the First Assistant Postmaster General in the work of 
 the Department was a large one, and the reforms resulling from his participa- 
 tion were highly important. The changes made in the personnel of the service, 
 by which officials who were in sympathy with the Administration were in- 
 trusted with the public business, were a fruitful source of honesty and efficiency, 
 though they only illustrated that thorough reform which was inaugurated ia 
 all the divisions under the supervision of this thoroughly Democratic official. 
 
 Thk Department of AoBicuLTaRB. 
 
 The pumpkin seed department, as the Department of Agriculture was 
 derisively called at one time, was only a bureau, until Congress, near the close 
 of Mr. Cleveland's term, raised it to the dignity of an executive department, a 
 dignity to which it had become entitled by reason of the services it had per- 
 formed under the management of the Hon Xorman J. Coleman, at first Com- 
 missioner and afterwards Secretary of Agriculture. 
 
 This department, in its close relations with the farming interests of the 
 country, was brought to a high state of practical usefulness. It succeeded in 
 establishing experiment station^ in the various States and Territories and 
 secured, the co-operation of the agricultural colleges throughout the country, 
 through which it is able to publish from time to time the latest information of 
 interest to farmers. Its experiments made in the manufacture of sorghum 
 sugar demonstrated the practicability and great value of that industry in the 
 United States and thus assured to the farmers a profit upon a crop that, in 
 many States, had ceased to be grown. 
 
 The work of the department was thus summarized in 1888 : 
 
 It can be said that its work has been eimplifled, systematized and made effective ; its re- 
 searches and inTestigations have been along lines both practical and popular ; it has divided 
 divisions and created new sections in order that new investigations might not interrupt those 
 already in progress, or distract attention therefrom ; it has established new divisions for the 
 promotion of new studies ; it has sent to the country more information upon timely topics thas 
 ever before in the history of the department ; it has maintained State agencies in several 
 States, and one in Europe for personal investigation of agricultural capabilities and prospects ; 
 its continued study of grasses of the country has been of the utmost importance, and has 
 prompted an appropriation by the present Congress for the especial purpose of establisbingex- 
 perimental grass stations ; Its investigation of destructive insects and methods for destroying 
 them as well as of the habits of useful insects to agriculture, has been vigorous and useful to 
 all sections ; its studies of animal diseases have been such as to reflect credit upon this or 
 any scientific institution ; its investigation into the utility of American grown cocoons 
 promises results ol far-reaching importance ; its investigation into diseases of fruits and 
 ■vegetables has created widespread interest ; Its investigation into food adulterations ; 
 its triumph in sorghum sugar making ; its victory in stamping out a disease among 
 cattle which threatened the ranges of the "West, and Its continued success in decreasing the 
 boundaries in which the disease is confined, fully attest how useful this department can be 
 made. It has publicly recognized the work of its 10,( 00 correspondents and encouraged them 
 'to more TigUant efforts and more correct return of crop statistics ; it has revived a system of 
 .foreign exchanges with the library, which was abolished by a p ior admini-tratiou ; it has not 
 only vastly improved the quality of seed sent out but it has largely increased the quantity ; it 
 ihas distributed more seed for less money than ever betOK ; it has abolished positions whick 
 •existed under former administrations and which were useless, and increased them where usa- 
 ifnl to the country ; it has diffused among the people more information upon a Greater number 
 ■of topics than was ever before sent out to the people : it has established intimate relations with 
 aclentiflo bodies and institutions ; It has answered a larger correspondence than ever before on 
 
THE DEMOCRATIC ADMINISTRATION. 41 
 
 a greater Tarletj of subjects ; it has so conducted Its affairs as to receiye the plaudits of the 
 pruss, both agricultural and commercial ; its reports have been copiously extracted by the 
 press of foreign countries and favorably criticised ; its Ecientiflo articles have been translated 
 into many languages ; it has received the praise of the leading agricultural thinkers of this 
 country, irrespective of politics ; and its work has been complimented not only by agricui- 
 tural organizations, but in public debate, upon the floor of the Senate by a Senator of an oppo- 
 site political faith ; it has adopted methods for a better protection of public property in its 
 charge, for a better system of accounts, and a more prompt rendering of them to proper account- 
 ing offlcera ."the conventions called under Its auspices have been better attended than before, 
 and, measured by the test of the confidence expre&sed by Congress, in annual appropriations, 
 and of the people who are demanding its publications, lis administrat>on has been useful, 
 influential, business-like, economical, successful and In accordance with the principles of true 
 democracy. 
 
 The President's interest in the subjects pertaining to this department was 
 very great and was manifested in many ways, notably in his recommendations 
 to Congress. He called attention to many needed reforms and urged their 
 adoption. ' 
 
 The subjects here commented upon are only a part of the more prominent 
 features of the Administration. To enumerate, much less to review, all 
 the valuable services performed during the four years would be impossible, 
 and any attempt in that direction would result in needless prolixity. There 
 are thousands of details, the saving of a few dollars here and there and other 
 minor reforms, of which the general public sees nothing save as they are ex- 
 hibited in general results. These received their due share of attention, as 
 appears from what has been shown. 
 
 Concerning the general character of the Administration, but little need be 
 said. The country is familiar with it and knows its effects. It was fair and 
 just to all persons and to all sections, and, for the first time in a generation, 
 there was one policy for the whole country. During those years of Democratic 
 ascendancy there were no scandals, and no cawse for scandal. It was recognized 
 that public office is a public trust and official conduct was squared by that rule. 
 
 The President, himself a man of conscientious and laborious h«bils, selected 
 for assistants men who came up to the standard he had erected -for himself, 
 and upon whom he could rely to see that there were no laggards in the service. 
 The result was an Administration filling the whole measure of Jeflerson'a 
 requirements. It was capable, honest, and faithful to the Constitution. 
 
 ADLAI E. STEVENSON. 
 
 The Life and Public Career of the Democratic Candidate 
 for Vice-President. 
 
 Adlai Ewing Stevenson was born in Christian County, Kentucky, October 
 23, 1835. His father and mother were natives of North Carolina, which State 
 they left with their grandfathers when they were mere childjen. The ancestor 
 was Scotch-Irish, the paternal great-grandfather of Mr. Stevenson being a 
 native of the North of Ireland, who settled in North Carolina during the 
 
4S. THE DEMOCBATIC ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 Revolutionary War. Mr. Stevensfm's grandfather removed to Kentucky iw 
 1813, when it was a primitive country, perhaps more primitive than any settle- 
 ment to be found now. All his people belonged to that old time farming clasS- 
 or community that knew almost no other trade or profession ; they lived in 
 times when industries were simple, as also were habits and customs. They 
 knew little of anything else than farming, and as a result they and their neigh- 
 bors had that attachment to the soil now unfortunately less seen in this country 
 than formerly. Wherever they went — and thoy traveled from State to State 
 and from county to county, founding, in each a new neighborhood — they 
 carried with them the same love of the soil. 
 
 The Stevensons were farmers in Iieland, North Carolina and Kentucky ; 
 so, when in 1853 the father of Adlai removed to Bloomington, 111., he broke- 
 the traditions of his race and became for the remainder of his life a town resi- 
 dent The candidate for Vice-president was then about sixteen years of age. 
 Whatever schooling he had been able to obtain had been in the school-houses- 
 of the period, sometinses known as " log colleges." In these some wandering 
 pedagogue administered to the wants of a pioneer community. After his 
 removal to Bloomington, the same kind of training was continued until he- 
 went to Kentucky and entered himself as a student in Centre College, in Dan- 
 ville, in that Stale, a Presbyterian institution quite celebrated in its day, and 
 one that has sent forth taany prominent men among its graduates and students. 
 The young man did not graduate, but he showed his devotion to the institution 
 by returning a few years later and marrying the daughter of the Reverend 
 Doctor Lewis W. Green, its President, and for many years one of the most 
 distinguished Presbyterian clergymen of the South. 
 
 The young man's aspirations carried him into professional life ; so in hi» 
 twenty-second j ear he left college without graduating and entered upon the 
 study of law in Bloomington with Robert E. Williams. His preceptor is still 
 living and looks back with interest to the days when his young student wa* 
 making his way through the diflBculties incident to the study of the law — 
 difficulties he overcame so well that in 1859 he was admitted to the practice of 
 his profession in Bloomington, the town of his residence. The instinct that 
 had prompted his great-grandfather, his grandfather and his father before him 
 to move had then obtained a hold on young Stevenson, so that he removed to 
 the little town of Metamora, in Woodford County, in the same State, where 
 he settled down to the practice of his profession. He did the work of a young 
 lawyer in a pioneer community and did it well. In general the cases intrusted 
 to him were small, as was the fashion of that day, because the people were not 
 naturally litigious. 
 
 Soon after his removal to Metamora he was appointed a Master in 
 Chancery, not then the important office that it has since become in the large 
 centres. There did not come to him, as comes to such men now, the im- 
 portant railroad cases, but what he had to do, as the result of his position, was 
 ordinary routine business mainly of an equity character. But he soon found 
 recognition, and it 1864 he was nominated by the Democratic party for the 
 office of District. Attorney, a, place which, under the old Constitution of 
 Illinois, carried him into many counties. The Illinois Bar of that day was a 
 strong body of men, and young Stevenson took his place in it naturally and 
 
THE DEMOCRATIC ADMINISTRATION. 43 
 
 held it well. During his incumbency in this ofElce he -was enabled to perfect 
 himself in his knowledge of his profession. His practice embraced nearly 
 everything that the law then afEorded — criminal law, because he was the public 
 prosecutor, and civil cases of every kind besides. He came out of this train- 
 ing well equipped as a lawyer, with sufficient practice to give him confidence 
 in himself and a growing reputation. His industry, honesty and persistence 
 had stood him in good stead. 
 
 His next step was into politics, his introduction to which was obtained in 
 1860, when he made speeches in favor of the election of Stephen A. Douglas. 
 The Democratic leader of that day formed a strong admiration for Mr. Steven- 
 eon, and it was perhaps only natural that when Douglas died young Stevenson, 
 although only in his twenty-sixth year, should be called upon by his neighbors 
 to pronounce the eulogy upon the dead man. The speech that he then made 
 would have been creditable to him at any time, but especially so when his 
 youth is taken into consideration. In 1864 Mr. Stevenson was nominated by the 
 Democratic State Convention as a district elector on the McClellan and Pendle- 
 ton ticket. He made speeches through the canvass of his own Congressional 
 district, one of the largest in the State, and emerged with still more reputation. 
 
 During the war he was a Union man and did much to assist in raising the 
 troops in his county. In this way he helped in organizing a regiment, the 
 colonel of which is still living, and engaged in politics in his State, and was 
 then, as now, a strong personal friend of Mr. Stevenson. His record, so far as 
 the defense of the Union is concerned, has never been successfully called in 
 question, and when a few years ago some rash partisan started a contrary 
 story, it was met so promptly that it brought confusion upon the slanderer and 
 was really of assistance to Mr. Stevenson himself. 
 
 In 1869 Mr. Stevenson returned to Bloomington, where for some years he 
 gave veiy little attention to politics, but devoted all his time perfecting himself 
 in his profession and to making a position in it for himself in the town where 
 he was then little known because of ten years absence. Life moved along in 
 this quiet groove until 1874, when he was nominated for Congress, all the ele- 
 ments opposed to the Republican paHy in the district in which he lived having 
 united in presenting his name. The candidate against him was a very strong 
 man, who was then serving in Congress, and has been since prominent in the 
 politics of his State ; but Mr. Stevenson was elected by a substantial majority 
 and entered the 44th Congress, the first controlled by the Democrats after the 
 close of the Civil War. 
 
 He at once took a good position in that body, and in the contest between 
 Mr. Kerr and Mr. Randall was known as the firm friend of the former, who 
 was the tariff reform candidate. Here he was assigned to a place on the Com- 
 mittee on Territories, also made a member of the Committee on the District of 
 Columbia. Both of these were very important committees, much more so 
 than at the present time. There were then a large. number of territories whose 
 affairs had to be looked after, and the preceding Congress had made an entire 
 change in the government of the District of Columbia, which rendered neces- 
 sary on the part of the committee a careful revision of all the laws and ordi- 
 nances of a city government that had been a municipality with popular 
 suffrage. The committee had charge of the devising of a system of taxes and 
 
44 THE DEJIOCBATIC ADMINISTRATIOW. 
 
 assessments, the govermnent of the police, and all the various details relating 
 to an important government -where mismanagement had been the rule rather 
 than the exception. 
 
 The disputed Presidential election of 1876 occurred during the life of this 
 Congress. Mr. Stevenson was an advocate of the Electoral Commission lavr 
 and spoke in its favor, and when an attempt was made by many indignant 
 Democrats to overthrow the decision of the Commission by flUibustering in 
 the House against the final adoption of the report, he resisted it with all his 
 power, and in the very closing hours, just before the vote was taken, he made 
 a strong and impassioned speech in which he counseled peace and conciliation. 
 
 In 1876 Mr. Stevenson was again nominated by all the elements opposed to 
 the Republican party, but was defeated by a majority of little more than three 
 hundred votes, although the Republican candidate for President had carried 
 the district by several thousand. After his retirement from Congress Mr. Ste- 
 venson returned to the practice of his profession in Bloomington, never per- 
 mitting anything to keep him away from the work that he looked upon as his 
 life duty. 
 
 In 1878 he was again nominated for Congress and was again able to com- 
 mand the support of all the elements in the district, and after two years absence 
 from the House of Representatives, he was returned to it by a substantial 
 majority. In this body he served upon the Committee of Private Land Claims. 
 His principal work was done as a member of this committee. Here his legal 
 training stood him in good stead, because this committee was almost entirely 
 a judicial one and had jurisdiction of matters growing out of the claims under 
 the treaty between Mexico and the United States after the Mexican War, when 
 the territory was ceded to this country ; and in order to do this work it was 
 necessary to study carefully the Spanish laws relating to land. 
 
 He took an active part also in the discussion of the Army Bill, in which 
 the Democrats sought to force, as a rider upon that measure, a clause prohibit- 
 ing the use of the army at elections in the Southern States. Upon this Mr. 
 Stevenson made a short and vigorous speech, which attracted altention at the 
 time and has since been liberally reprinted. Thus he showed in this early, 
 though not the earliest of Force bills, that he knew how to take a stand that 
 showed his sympathies with popular government, and his detestation of a 
 measure then and since so popular with the Republican party. 
 
 In 1880 he was again renominated, and was defeated by a majority of only 
 243. This closed his Congressional career, after which he again resumed the 
 practice of law in the same general lines. In 1884 he was elected a delegate 
 to the National Convention which nominated Mr. Cleveland for the first time, 
 and he was also appointed a member of the Notification Committee. His 
 first meeting with Mr Cleveland was when, as a member of that committee, 
 he notified the candidate of his nomination. 
 
 In August, 1885, Mr. Stevenson was appointed to the office of First 
 Assistant Postmaster-General, then by far the most important office in the 
 whole Post-offlce Department, scarcely excepting even that of the Postmaster- 
 General. He gave close attention to the detail work of the department the 
 most important of which was the appointment of fourth-class postmasters 
 These appointment* were made almost entirely upon the judgment of the 
 
THE DEMOCRATIC ADM[NISTHATION. 4S 
 
 Rrst Assistant Postmaster-General himself. In very few cases were they 
 presenle.l to the President or even to the Postmaster-General. He did his 
 ■work well and faithfully. He found a diflScult condition of affairs 
 existing and soon discovered Ihat it was necessary, in order to secure an 
 effective postal service, that a large numher of these postmasters should 
 be removed from office and Democratic successors appointed. In February, 
 1889, jiisl before the close of the administration, Mr. Stevenson wa« nominated 
 by the President, without consultation with himself, as an Associate Justice of 
 the Supreme Court for the District of Columbia, but as a Republiciin President 
 had then come into office, the Senate tools advantage of this situation and 
 refused to take up the case for confirmation. 
 
 In April of this year he was elected a delegate-at-large by the State Conven- 
 tion of Illinois to the National Convention at Chicago, and was afterwards 
 chosen chairman of the delegation. He was one of the accepted managers 
 of Mr. Cleveland's canvass and did excellent work in promoting his 
 nomination. His own selection for Vice-President was made without com- 
 binations of any kind and was the free choice of the Convention itself. 
 
10 THE TAKU'F. 
 
 THE TARIFF. 
 
 ATTITUDE OF THE REPUBLICAN AND DEMO- 
 CRATIC PARTIES. 
 
 Labor Disturbances Following the Enactment of the 
 lIcKinley Bill. 
 
 The Democratic Attitude. 
 
 The policy of the Democratic party is now and has been that of a tarlfE for 
 revenue only. The keynote of its whole platform in 1876 was Reform. It 
 denounced the then existing tariff as "a masterpiece of injustice, inequality 
 and false pretence" and stated its own position in these words " We demand 
 that all custom-house taxation shall he only for revenue." 
 
 Again in 1880 the party pledged itself to its "constilutional doctrines and 
 traditions " among which " a tariff for revenue only" is distinctly avowed. 
 
 In the platform of 1884 the party pledged itself "to reduce taxation to the 
 lowest limit consistent with due regard to the preservation of the faith of the 
 Nation to its creditors and pensioners." It demanded "that federal taxation 
 shall he exclusively for public purposes and shall not exceed the needs of the 
 Government economically administered." 
 
 The National Convention of 1888 adopted the tarill resolution of 1884 as 
 interpreted by Mr. Cleveland's message of 1887. The text of this message, 
 omitting an obsolete portion relating to the Treasury Surplus which has since 
 been spent under Republican Administration, is as follows : 
 
TILE DBMOCBATIC ATTITUDE. 47 
 
 President Cleveland's Tabiff Message. 
 
 Our present tariff laws, the vicious, inequitable, and illogica! source of 
 •tmnocessary taxation, ouglit to te at once revised and amended. These laws, 
 as Uieir primary and plain eSect, raise the price to consumers of all articles 
 imported and subject to duty, by precisely the sum paid for such duties. Thus 
 the amount of the duty measures the tax paid by those who purchase for use 
 these important articles. Many of these things, however, are raised or manu- 
 factured in our own country, and the duties now levied upon foreign goods 
 and products are called protection to these home manufactures, because they 
 render it possible for those of our people who are manufacturers, to make these 
 'taxed articles and sell them for a price equal to that demanded for the imported 
 goods that kave paid customs duty. So it happens that while comparatively 
 -a few use the imported articles, millions of our people, who never use and never 
 saw any of the foreign products, purchase and use things of the same kind 
 made in this country, and pay therefor nearly or quite the same enhanced price 
 which 'he duty adds to ihe imported articles. Those who buy imports pay 
 the duty charged thereon into the public treasury, but the majority of pur 
 citizens, who buy domestic articles of the same class, pay a sum at least 
 approximately equal to this duty to the home manufacturer. This reference 
 to the operation of our tariff laws is not made by way of instruction, but 
 in order that we may be constantly reminded of the manner in which they 
 impose a biu-den upon those who consume domestic products as well as those 
 who consume imported articles, and thus create a tax upon all our people. 
 
 ■^ It is not proposed to entirely relieve the country of this taxation. It must 
 be extensively continued as the source of the Government's income ; and in 
 a readjustment of our tariff the interests of American labor engaged in manu- 
 facture should be carefully considered, as well as the preservation of our 
 manufacturers. It may be called protection, or by any other name, but relief 
 from the hardships and dangers of our present tariff laws should be devised 
 with especial precaution against imperiling the existence of our manufacturing 
 interests. But this existence should not mean a condition which, without 
 regard to the public welfare or a national exigency, must always insure the 
 realization of immense profits instead of moderately profitable returns. As 
 the volume and diversity of our national activities increase, new recruits are 
 added to those who desire a continuation of the advantages which they con- 
 ceive the present system of tariff taxation directly affords them. So stubbornly 
 have all efforts to reform the present condition been resisted by those of our 
 fellow-citizens thus engaged, that they can hardly complain of the suspicion, 
 entertained to a certain extent, that there exists an organized combination all 
 . along the line to maintain their advantage. 
 
 We are in the midst of centennial celebrations, and with becoming pride, 
 we rejoice in American skill and ingenuity, in American energy and enterprise, 
 - and in the wonderful natural advantages and resources developed by a cen- 
 
18 THE TARIFF. 
 
 tury's national growth. Yet when an attempt is made to Justify a scheme 
 -which permits a tax to be laid upon every consumer in the land for the benefit 
 of our manufacturers, quite beyond a reasonable demand for governmental 
 regard, it suits the purposes of advocacy to call our. manufactures infant in- 
 dustries, still needing the highest and greatest degree of favor and fostering- 
 care that can be verung from Federal legislation. 
 
 It is also said that the increase in the price of domestic manufactures result 
 ing from the present tariff is necessary in order that higher wages may be paid 
 to our workingmen employed in manufactories, than are paid for what is called 
 the pauper labor of Europe. All will acknowledge the force of an argument 
 which involves the welfare and liberal compensation of our laboring people. 
 Our labor is honorable in the eyes of every American citizen ; and as it lies at 
 the foundation of our development and progress it is entitled, without affecta- 
 tion or hypocrisy, to the utmost regard. The standard of our laborers' life- 
 should not be measured by that of any other country less favored, and they 
 are entitled to their full share of all our advantages. 
 
 By the last census it is made to appear that of the 17,392,099 of our popu- 
 lation engaged in all kinds of industries, 7,670,493 are employed in agricul- 
 ture, 4,074,288 in professional and personal service (3,934,876 of whom are- 
 domestic servants and laborers), while 1,810,256 are employed in trade and 
 ta-ansportation, and 3,887,118 are classed as employed in manufacturing and 
 mining. 
 
 For present -purposes, however, the last number given should be consider- 
 ably reduced. Without attempting to enumerate all, it will be conceded that 
 there should be deducted from those which it includes 875,143 carpenters and 
 joiners, 285,401 milliners, dressmakers and seamstresses, 172,736 blacksmiths, 
 133,756 tailors and tailoresses, 102,473 masons, 76,241 butchers, 41,309 bakers, 
 33,083 plasterers and 4,891 engaged in manufacturing agricultural implements,, 
 amounting in the aggregate to 1,214,023, leaving 3,623,089 persons employed 
 in such manufacturing industries as are claimed to be benefited by a high 
 tariff. 
 
 To these the appeal Is made to save th»ir employment and maintain their 
 wages by resisting a change. There should be no disposition to answer such 
 suggestions by the allegation that they are in a minority among those who 
 labor, and therefore should forego an advantage, in the interest of low prices 
 for the majority ; their compensation, as it may be affected by the operation of 
 tariff laws, should at all times be scrupulously kept in view ; and yet -with 
 slight reflection they will not overlook the fact that they are consumers with 
 the rest; that they, too, have their o-wn wants and those of their families to- 
 supply from their earnings, and that the price of the necessaries of life, as well 
 as the amount of their wages, will regulate the measure of their welfare and 
 comfort. 
 
 But the reduction of taxation demanded should be so measured as not tc 
 necessitate or justify either the loss of employment by the working man or 
 the lessening of his wages ; and the profits still remaining to the manufacturer, 
 after a necessaiy readjustment, should furnish no excuse for the sacrifice of 
 Ihe interests of his employees either in their opportunity to work or in th» 
 
TUB DEMOCRATIC ATTITUDE. 49 
 
 diminution of their compensation. Nor can the worlcer in manufactures fail 
 to understand that while a high tariff is claimed to be necessary to allow the 
 payment of remunerative wages, it certainly results in a very large increase in 
 the price of nearly all sorts of manufactures, which, in almost countless forms, 
 he needs for the use of himself and his family. He receives at the desl£ of his 
 employer his wages, and perhaps before he reaches his home is obliged, in a 
 purchase for family use of an article which embraces his own labor, to return 
 in the payment of the increase in price which the tariff permits, the hard- 
 earned compensation of many days of toil. 
 
 The farmer and the agriculturist, who manufacture nothing, but who pay 
 the increased price which the tariff imposes upon every agricultural imple- 
 ment, upon all he wears and upon all he uses and o\fns, except the increase of 
 his floolis and herds and such things as his husbandry produces from the soil, 
 is invited to aid in maintaining the present situation ; and he is told that a high 
 duty on imported wool is necessary for the benefit of those who have sheep 
 to .shear, in order that the price of their wool may be increased. They of 
 course are not reminded that the farmer who has no sheep is by this scheme 
 obliged, in his purchases of clothing and woolen goods, to pay a tribute to his^ 
 fellow farmer as well as to the manufacturer and merchant ; nor is any mention 
 made of the fact that the sheep-owners themselves and their households must 
 wear clothing and use other articles manufactured from the wool they sell at 
 tariff prices, and thus as consumers must return their share of this increased 
 price to the tradesman. 
 
 I thinli it may be fairly assumed that a large proportion of the sheep owned 
 by the farmers throughout the country are found in small flocks numbering 
 from twenty-five to fifty. The duty on the grade of imported woo! which these 
 sheep yield, is ten cents each pound if of the value of thirty cents or less, and 
 twelve cents if of the value of more than thirty cents. If the liberal estimate 
 of six pounds be allowed for each fleece, the duty thereon would be sixty or 
 seventy two cents, and this must be taken as the utmost enhancement of its 
 price to the farmer by reason of this duty. Eighteen dollars would thus repre- 
 sent the increased price of the wool from twenty-flve sheep, and thirty-six 
 dollars that from the wool of fifty sheep ; and at present values this addition 
 would amount to about one-third of its price. If upon its sale the farmer re- 
 , ceives this or a less tariff profit, the wool leaves his hands charged with pre- 
 cisely that sum, which in all its changes will adhere to it until it reaches the 
 consumer. When manufactured into cloth and other goods and material for 
 use, its cost is not only increased to the extent of the farmer's tariff profit, but 
 a further sum has been added for the benefit of the manufacturer under the 
 operation of other tariff laws. In the meantime the day arrives when the farmer 
 finds it necessary to purchase woolen goods and material to clothe himself and 
 family for the winter. When he faces the tradesman for that purpose he dis- 
 covers that he is obliged not only to return, in the way of increased prices, his 
 tariff prodt on the wool he sold, and which then perhaps lies before him in 
 manufactured form, but that he must add a considerable sum thereto to meet a 
 further increase in cost caused by a tariff duty on the maniLfacture. Thus in 
 the end he is aroused to the fact that he has paid upon a motlarate purchase, as 
 a result of the tariil sciaeme, which when he sold his wool seemed so profitable, 
 4 
 
50 THE TARIFT". 
 
 an iTicrrase in price more than sufficient to sweep away all the tarifE profit ho 
 rceeived upon the wool he produced and sold. 
 
 When the number of farmers engaged in wool-raising is compared with all 
 the farmers in the country, and the small proportion they bear to our popula- 
 tion is considered ; when it is made apparent that, in the case of a large part of 
 t!iose who own sheep, the benefit of the present tariff on wool is illusory ; and, 
 above all, when it must be conceded that the increase of the cost of living caused 
 by such tariff becomes a burden upon those with moderate means and the poor, 
 tiie employed and unemployed, the sick and well, and the young and old, 
 and that it constitutes a tax which, with relcntlces grasp, is fastened upon the 
 clothing of every man, woman and child in the land, reasons are Suggested 
 why the removal or reduction of this duty should be included in a revision of 
 our tariff laws. 
 
 In speaking of the increased cost to the consumer of our home manufac- 
 tures, resulting from a duty laid upon imported articles of the same description, 
 the fact is not overlooked that competition among our domestic producers 
 sometimes has the effect of keeping the price of their products below the 
 highest limit allowed by such duty. But it is notorious that this competition 
 is too often strangled by combinations quite prevalent at this time, and fre- 
 quently called trusts, which have for their object the regulation of the supply 
 and price of commodities made and sold by members of the combination. The 
 people can hardly hope for any consideration in the operation of these selfish 
 schemes. 
 
 If, however, in the absence of such combination, a healthy and free com- 
 petition reduces the price of any particular dutiable article of home production 
 below the limit which it might otherwise reach under our tarifE laws, and if, 
 with such reduced price, its manufacture continues to thrive, it is entirely evi- 
 dent that one thing has been discovered which should be carefully scrutinized 
 in an effort to reduce taxation. 
 
 The necessity of combination to maintain the price of any commodity to the 
 tariff point, furnishes proof that some one is willing to accept lower prices for 
 such commodity, and that such prices are remunerative ; and lower prices pro- 
 duced by competition prove the same thing. Thus where either of these con- 
 ditions exist, a case would seem to be presented for an easy reduction of 
 taxation. 
 
 The considerations which have been presented touching our tariff laws are 
 intended only to enforce an earnest recommendation that the surplus revenues 
 of the Government be pievented by the reduction of our customs duties, and at 
 the same time to emphasize a suggestion that, in accomplishing this purpose, 
 -we may discharge a double duty to our people by granting to them a measure 
 of relief from tariff taxation in quarters where It is most needed and from 
 sources where it can be most fairly and justly accorded. 
 
 Xor can the presentation made of such considerations be, witli any degree 
 of fairness, regarded as evidence of unfriendliness toward our manufacturing 
 interests, or of any lack of appreciation of their value and importance. 
 
 These interests constitute a leading and most substantial element of our 
 national greatness and furnish the proud proof of our country's progress. But 
 if in the emergency that pi-esaea upon us our manufactui'ers are asked to sur- 
 
THE DEMOCBATIC ATTITtlDK. 51 
 
 render something for the public good and to avert disaster, their palriotism, as 
 well as a grateful recognition of advantages already afforded, should lead them 
 to willing co-operation. No demand is made that they shall forego all the 
 l)_iiefits of governmental regard ; hut they cannot fail to be admonished of their 
 duty, as well as their enlightened self-interest and safety, when they are 
 reminded of the fact that financial panic and collapse, to which the present 
 condition tends, afford no greater shelter or protection to our manufactures 
 than to our other important enterprises. Opportunity for safe, careful, and 
 deliberate reform is now offered ; and none of us should be unmindful of a time 
 when an abused and irritated ji'^ople, heedless of those who have resisted timely 
 and reasonable relief, may insist upon a radical and sweeping rectification of 
 their wrongs. 
 
 The diflBculty attending a wise and fair revision of our tariff laws is not 
 underestimated. It will require on the part of the Congress great labor and 
 care, and especially a broad and national contemplation of the subject, and a 
 patriotic disregard of such local and selfish claims as are unreasonable and 
 reckless of the welfare of the entire country. 
 
 Under our present laws more than four thousand articles are subject to duty. 
 Many of these do not in any way compete with our own manufactures, and 
 many are hardly worth attention as subjects of revenue. A considerable re- 
 duction can be made in the aggregate, by adding them to the free list. The 
 taxation of luxuries presents no features of hardship; but the necessaries of 
 life used and consumed by all the people, the duty upon which adds to the 
 cost of living in every home, should be greatly cheapened. 
 
 The radical reduction of the duties imposed upon raw material used in 
 manufactures, or its free importation, is of course an important factor in any 
 eftort to reduce the piice of these necessaries ; it would not only relieve them 
 from the increased cost caused by the tariff on such material, but the manu- 
 factured product being thus cheapened, that part of the tariff now laid upon 
 such product, as a compensation to our manufacturers for the present price of 
 raw material, could be accordingly modified. Such reduction, or free importa- 
 tion, would serve, besides, to largely reduce the revenue. It is not apparent how 
 such a change can have any injurious effect upon our manufacturers. On the 
 contrary, it would appear to give them a better chance in foreign markets with 
 the manufacturers of other countries, who cheapen their wares by free ma- 
 terial. Thus our people might have an opportunity of extending their sales 
 beyond the limits of home consumption— saving them from the depression, in- 
 terruption in business, and loss caused by a glutted domestic market, and 
 affording their employees more certain and steady labor, with its resulting quiet 
 and contentment. 
 
 1 tie question thus imperatively presented for solution should be approached 
 in a spirit higher than partisanship and considered in the light of that regard 
 for patriotic duty which should characterize the action of those intrusted with 
 the weal of a confiding people. But the obligation to declared party policy 
 and principle is not wanting to urge prompt and effective action. Both of the 
 • great political parties now represented in the Government have, by repeated 
 and authoritative declarations, condemned the condition of our lijws which per- 
 mit ihe collection from the people 'of unnecessary revenue, and have, in the 
 
52 THK TARTPF. 
 
 ninst solomn manner, promised its correction ; and neither as cUiy.cns nor 
 partisans are our countiymen in a mood to condone the deliberate violation of 
 these pledges. 
 
 Our progress toward a wise conclusion will not be improved by dwelling 
 ■upon the theories of protection aud free trade. This savors too much of bandy- 
 ing epithets. It is a condition which confronts us — not a theory. Relief from 
 this condition may involve a slight reduction of the advantages which we award 
 our home productions, but the entire withdrawal of such advantages should 
 not be contempl-ited. The question of free trade is absolutely irrelevant ; and 
 the persistent clium made in certain quarters, that all efforts to relieve the 
 people from unjust and unnecessary taxation are schemes of so-called free- 
 traders, is mischievous and far removed from any consideration for the public 
 good. 
 
 The simple and plain duty which we owe the people is to reduce taxation 
 ,to the necessary expenses of an econo-jiical operation of the Government, and 
 to restore to the business of the country the money which we hold in the 
 Treasury through the perversion of governmental powers. These things can 
 and should be done with safety to all our industries, without danger to the op- 
 portunity for remunerative labor which our workingmen need, and with bene- 
 fit to them and all our people, by cheapening their means of subsistence and 
 increasing the measure of _ their comforts. 
 
 The Platform op 1803. 
 
 That the Democratic party remains true to its traditions and faithful to its 
 allegiance to tariff reform is abundantly te.stitied to by its present platform, the 
 tariff plank of whichis a clear declaration of fundamental party doctrine. 
 
 It is as follows : 
 
 " We denounce Eepublican protection aa a fraud ; a robbery of tlie great majority of the 
 American people for the bentflt of the few. We dvClare it to be a fundamental principle of the 
 Democratic Party that the Federal Government has no constitutional power to impose and 
 collect tariff duties, except for the purposes of revenue only, and we demand that the collection 
 of such taxes shall be limited to the necessities of the Government when honestly and econom- 
 ically administered. 
 
 We denounce the McKinley Tariff Law, enacted by the Fifty-flret Congress, as the cnlmi. 
 nating atrocity of class legislation ; we indorse the efforts made by the Democrats of the 
 present Congress to modify its most oppressive features in the direction of free tjW materials 
 and cheaper manufactured goods that enter iuto general consumption ; and we promise it.< 
 repeal as one of the beneficent le.^ults tlict will follow the action of tlie people in intrustin" 
 power to tiie Democratic paity. i^ince the McKinley ta;i£f went into operaiion there have 
 been t^-n reduction? of the wages of laboring men to one increase. We deny that there has 
 been any increase of prosperity to the country since thai tariff went into operation, and we 
 point to the dullness and distress, the wage reductions and strikes in (he iron trade as the best 
 possible evidence that no such prosperity has resulted from the McKinley Act. We call the 
 attention of thoughtful Americans to the fact that alter thirty years of restrictive taxes 
 against the importation of foreign wealth, in exchange for our agricultural surplus, the homes 
 and farms of the country have become burdened with a real estate mortgage debt of over 
 S2,)00,000,000, exclusive of all other foi-ms of indebtedness; tbat in one of the chief a<Ti- 
 cultural States of the West there :ippears a real e^tate morfguge debt averaging $16.-) per capita 
 of Ibc total population ; and that similar conditions and tendencies are shown to exist in 
 other agricultuAl exporting Slates. We denounce o policy wh.ch fosters no indus.ry so 
 much as it does that of the sheriff." 
 
THE DKMOCKATIC ATTITUDE. 53 
 
 The Democratic party has always maintained the principle that the power 
 to impose and collect taxes in aid of any purely private enterprise is beyond the 
 scope of legislation, and does not pass under free government, even with the 
 general grant of legislative power. This doctrine lias been, upheld in a long 
 series of decisions m Ihe State and Federal Courts, when efforts have been made 
 to use the taxing power in the States for other than public or revenue purposes. 
 
 The principle is the same when Congress undertaljes to " impose and collect 
 tariff duties," in aid of private enterprise or for the support of special indus- 
 tries. 
 
 The denial of the right of the Federal Government to "impose and col- 
 lect " tariff duties for the sake of protection is merely saying in a different form 
 of words, that under a government of equal rights there can be no class legis- 
 lation. It is therefore but a restatement of the position taken by the party in 
 previous platforms. 
 
 The fear expressed by the opponents of the party that the equilibrium of 
 commerce, the stability of capital, and the interests dependent thereon, will be 
 overthrown by reckless tinkering with the tariff,' is shown to be without 
 foundation by the record made by Mr, Cleveland's administration, and by 
 the conservative stand taken by him and by other leaders of the party. In his 
 first message to Congress, in 1885, are these words : 
 
 " Justice and fairness dictate lliat, in any modification of our present laTVS relating to 
 revenue, the industries and interests which have been encouraged by such laws, and in which 
 our citizens have large investments, should not he ruthlessly injured or destroyed." 
 
 Again, in his second annual message, is this statement : 
 
 "In readjusting the burdens of Federal taxation, a sound public policy requires that such 
 of our citizens as have built ^p large and important industries under present conditions should 
 not be suddenly, and to their injury, deprived of advantages to which they have adapted their 
 business ; but, if the public good requires it, they should be content with such consideration 
 as shall deal fairly and cautiously with their interests, while the just demand of the people for 
 relief from needless taxation is honestly answered. 
 
 ** A reasonable and timely submission to such a demand should certainly he possible with- 
 out disastrous shock to any interest ; and a cheerful concession sometimes averts abrupt and 
 heedless action, often the outgrowth of Impatience and delayed justice." 
 
 Senator Hill has spoken for the Democratic party on this point as follows : 
 
 *' The Democratic party proposes a revision of the tariff. It does not propose the destruc- 
 tion of the tariff, but it proposes simply a modification of it. Tariff reyision is not tariff 
 destruction. The majority of the Finance Committee of the Senate made a report. By that 
 report they say that they find that the revenues of the government are excessive. It seems to 
 me that I heard something like that in President Cleveland's message last December. They 
 say that the demand for a reduction of the tariff seems to be imperative. We have heard that 
 before Then they presented their bill. I am uot here to discuss the wisdom of the details c,t 
 that bill, but I am here to say in the light of these claims, in the light of these facts, in the 
 light of the attitude of the Republicans in Congress and out of Congress, that the report of the 
 majority of the Senate Committee, and the presentation of any bill whatever by them is a 
 confession of judgment in favor of all the positions taken by President Cleveland and the 
 Democratic party." 
 
 The fundamental doctrine then of the Democratic party is that the tariff 
 has no logical or constitutional connection with any other purpose of the gov- - 
 ernment than that of raising revenue only. .As to the doctrine of protection it 
 takes the position that " Agriculture, Manufactures, Commerce and Naviga- 
 tion, the four pillars of our prosperity, are most thriying when left most free 
 
54 TUJi tahiff. 
 
 to individual enterprise. " These were the words of Thomas Jefferson in hia 
 first annual message to Congress and the Democratic party does not swerve 
 from that position to-day. 
 
 Past and Present Attitude of the Republican Party on 
 
 the Tariff,. 
 
 Although Protective Tariffs were known in Europe before Columbus dis- 
 covered America, although the very word " Tariff " is derived from " Tarifa," 
 the name of a town on Spain's southern coast, whence the Moors made forays 
 upon passing vessels, exacting a toll, or "Tariff," as it came to be called from 
 the name of the town, the Republican party has the effrontery to call their sys- 
 tem of High Tariffs the "American " system. The fathers of our Republic 
 did not favor the system of excessive taxation which the Republican party has 
 ■ borrowed from the robbing Moors of Spain and dubbed " American" : In 
 1789 Madison said : 
 
 " I beg leave to state the grounds on which my opinion with respect to the matter onder 
 consideration is founded, namely, whether our present system should be a temporary or a per- 
 manent one ? In the first place, I own myself the .riend to a very free system of commerce 
 and bold it as a truth that commercial shackles are generally unjust, oppreseive and impolitic. 
 It is also a truth that if industry and labor are left to take their own course they would 
 generally be diiected to those objects -which are the most productive, and this in a more certain 
 and direct manner than the wisdom of a most enlightened legislature could point out. .-.or 
 do I thinic that the national interest ia more promoted by such restrictions than that the in- 
 terest of individuals would be promoted by legislative iuterfei-ence, directing the particular 
 application of its industry ; for example, we should find no advantage in saying that every 
 man should be obliged to furnish himself by bis own labor with those accommodations which 
 depend on the mechanic arts, instead of employing his neighbor who could do it for liim on 
 better terms. It would be of no advantage to the shoemaker to malie his own clothes to save 
 the expense of the tailor's bill, nor of the tailor to make his own shoes to save the expense 
 of procuring them from the shoemaker. It would be better policy to suffer each of them to 
 employ bis talents in bis own way. The case is the same in the exercise of arts and agricul- 
 ture, between the city and the country, and between city and town ; each capable of making 
 particular articles in abundance to supply the other, thus all are benefited by exchange, and 
 the less this exchange is cramped by government the greater the proportions of benefit to each. 
 The same argument holds good between nation and nation and between parts of the same- 
 nation." 
 
 Washington can scarcely be accused of succumbing to the Cobden Club or 
 British gold, yet Washington, on August 15, 1786, said : 
 
 " I cannot avoid reflecting with pleasure on the probable influence that commerce may have 
 on human manners and society In general. I consider how mankind may be contented like 
 one great family in fraternal ties. I indulge a fond, perhaps an enthui-iastic, idea, that as the 
 world is evidently much less barbarous than it has beeu its melioration must still be prco-rcs- 
 Bive ; that nations are becoming more humanized in their policy, and, in fine, that the period ij 
 not very remote when the benefits of a liberal and free commerce will pretty generally succeed 
 t5 the devastations and horrors of war." 
 
 It is only in very recent years that the Republican party has openly avowed 
 adherence to such excessive taxation as is exemplified by the McKiuley bill. Ten, 
 and even five, years ago leaders of the Republican party held views which to- 
 
THE REPUBLICAN ATTITUDE. 55 
 
 day the party denounces as " free trade views," aimed at the destruction of 
 American prosperity and fostered by Britisti gold. 
 
 Had ex-President James A. Garfield been a member of the Fifty-first 
 Congress the most powerful pressure which McKinley could have brought to 
 bear upon him could not have induced him to vote in favor of the McKinley 
 bill. During the tariff debate in 1870 he declared in a speech in opposition to 
 the high tarifE then under consideration : 
 
 " I stand now where I have always stood since I have been a memher of this House. I 
 take ihe liberty of quoting from the Congresstonal Globe of 1866 the following remarks, which 
 I then made on the subject of the tariff : 
 
 " ' We have seen that one extreme school of economists would place the price of all manu- 
 factnrpd articles in the hands of foreign producers by rendering it impossible for our manu- 
 facturers to compete with them, wliile the other extreme school, by making it impossible for 
 the foreigner to sell his competing wares in our markets, would give the people no immediate 
 check upon the prices which our manufacturers might fix for their products. I disagree with 
 both these extremes. I hold that a properly adjusted competition between home and foreign 
 products is the best gauge by which to regulate the international trade. Duties should be so 
 high that our manufacturers can fairly compete with the foreign products, but not so high as to 
 enable them to drive out the*f oreign article, enjoy the monopoly of the trade and regulate the 
 prices as they please, ^his is my doctrine of protection. If Congress pursues this line of 
 policy steadily, we shall year by year, approach more nearly t© the basis of free trade, because 
 we shall be more nearly able to compete with other nations on equal terms. I am for a prot«»- 
 tioH which leads to ultimate free trade.' " 
 
 The high tariffs of our day, now openly defended by tbe Eepublican pnrty 
 on the score of protection, were originally advocated as a means of raising 
 revenue to carry on the war. Justin S. Morrill, the father of modern high 
 tariffs, said, May 8, 1860 : 
 
 " There are no duties proposed on any article for the simple purpose of protection alone. 
 The highest duties in the bill are proposed for the purpose of revenue. The manufacturers 
 might get along with lower duties, but we require the revenue." 
 
 On July 17, 1861, he said : 
 
 " I believe that the duties on most articles are put too high.** 
 
 And on June 3, 1864, he said : 
 
 *' This is intended as a war measure, and we must as such give it our support. 
 
 ' ' In making an estimate of the effect of such a war tariff as is now proposed, it is important 
 that we should bear in mind that as wc increase the |^ax on any article we diminish the number 
 of those who will be able to consume it." 
 
 The following extracts from speeches and reports of pi-ominent Repub- 
 licans show what the position of the Republican party was and what it is ; 
 these extracts show how the party at one time had some measure of logic and 
 regard for the common weal ; but how at present it is concerned only for the 
 pampered classes and monopolists, the beneficiaries of its class legislation : 
 
 National Rbpoblican Platfokm, 1868 : 
 
 •' Tt is due to the labor of the nation thai Taxation should be equalized and rednced as 
 rapidly as the national faith will permit." 
 
 National Republican Platform, 1884 : 
 
 " The Eepublican party pledges itself to correct the inequalities of the tariff and to i-educe 
 the surplus." 
 
56 THE TAUrPF. 
 
 Senator Morrill, of Vermont, 1870 : 
 
 *' It is a mistake of the friends of a sound tariff to i^isist upon the extreme rates imposed 
 during the war if less will raise the necessary revenue.*' 
 
 Senator Allison, of Iowa, March 24, 1870 : 
 
 " The tariff of 1846, althougii confessedly and professedly a tariff for revenue, was, so far 
 as regards all the great interests of the country, as perfect a tariff as any that we have 
 ever had. 
 
 *' But I may be asked how this reduction shall be made. I think it should be made upon 
 all leading articles, or nearly all, and for that purpose, when I can get an opportunity in 
 the House, if no gentleman does before me, I shall move that the pending bill be recommitted 
 to the Committee on Ways and Means, with instructions to report a reduction upon existing 
 rates of duty equivalent to 20 per cent, upon the exit^ting rates, or one-fifth reduction. Even 
 this will not be a full equivalent for the removal of all the internal taxes upon manufactures." 
 
 Senator Sherman, March 15, 1872. 
 
 '* I have listened with patience, day by day, to the statements of gentlemen who are inter- 
 ested in our domestic productions. I am a firm believer in the general idea of protecting their 
 industries, but I assure their representatives here that if the present high rates of duty, unex- 
 ampled in our country, and higher by nearly 50 per cent, than they were in 1861, are maintained 
 on metallic and textile fabrics after we have repealed the very internal taxes which gave rise 
 to them, and after we have substantially given them their raw materials free of duties, we shall 
 have a feeling of dissatisfaction among other interests in the country that will overthrow the 
 whole system, and do greater harm than can possibly be done by a moderate reduction of the 
 present rate of duty." 
 
 Senator Sherman, June ^, 1868 : 
 
 " Every advance toward a free exchange of commodities is an advance in civilization ; erery 
 obstruction to free exchange is born of the same narrow, despotic spirit which planted castles 
 upon the Rhine to plunder peaceful commerce ; every obstruction to comTnerce is a tax on con- 
 sumption / every facility to a free e:i change cheapens commodities, increases trade and produc- 
 tion, and promotes civilization. Nothing is worse than sectionalism within a nation ; and 
 nothing is better for the peace of nations than Unrestricted freedom of commerce with each 
 other." 
 
 Henry Clay : 
 
 In 1840, in debate with Calhoun, Clay said .- /Xo one, Mr. President^ in the commeTicement of 
 the protective policy ever supposed that, it was to be perpetual. We hoped and believed that tem- 
 porary protection extended to our infant manufactures would bring them up and enable them 
 to withstand competition with those of Europe. If the protective policy were entirely to cease 
 in 1842, it would have existed twenty-six years from 1816, or eisrhteen from 1824,— quite as long 
 AS, at either of those periods, its friends supposed might be necessary. 
 
 John Qitincy Adams, 1835 : 
 
 The duty constitutes a part of the price of the whole mass of the article in the market. It 
 is substantially paid upon the article of domestic manufacture as well as upon that of foreign 
 production. Upon one it is a bounty, upon the other a burden ; and the repeal of the tax miit 
 OTjerate as an equivalent reduction of the price of the article, whether foreio:n or domestic 
 We say, so long as the importation continues, the duly must be paid by the purchase of the 
 .article. 
 
 Hon. Benjamin Butter worth. May 10, 1890 ; 
 
 I sound this note of warning ; and whatever this House may decide, and although it may 
 resound with plaudits of utterances that a Chinese wall is the security of our people^yet I as- 
 sert that there never was a Ume in the history of the Republican party when it was in more 
 danger of defeat than upon this one suggested idea that it is permissible to levy tribute upon 
 all the people of this country of sixty-five millious to confer a benefit upon a few hundred 
 
THE UEPUBLICAN ATTITUDE. 57 
 
 Hon. Henry Cabot Lodge, September, 1884 : 
 
 Grave public qaestions confront as. There is a large, perilous and growing surplus in the 
 revenues. It must be removed ; not by needless and extravagant eipendiiures, not by 
 abolishing the proper taxation of whiskey and tobacco, but by freeing entirely those "great 
 necessaries of life which enter into the coneumption of every householcl, and by wine and dis- 
 criminative reductions. 
 
 Justice Miller, of the United States Supreme Court, in Loan Association vs. 
 Topeka, 30 Wallace : 
 
 To lay with one hand the power of the Government on the property of the citizens, and 
 with the othe^ to bestow it upon favored Individuals to ad private enterprizes and build up 
 private fortunes, is none the less a robbery because it is done under the forms of law and is called 
 taxation. This is not legislation. It is a decree under legislative forms. Nor is it taxation. 
 A '■ tax," says Webster's Dictionary, " is the rate or sum of money assessed on the person or 
 property of a citizen by Goverauient for the use of the Nation or State.*' Taxes are burdens 
 or charges imposed by the Legislature upon persons or property to raise money for public 
 pufposee. 
 
 We have established, we think, beyond cavil that there can be no lawful tax v/hich is not 
 laid for a public purpose. 
 
 If it be said that a benefit results to the local public of a town by eatablishing manufactures, 
 the same may be said of any other business or pursuit which employs capital or labor. The mer- 
 chant, the mechanic, the innkeeper, the banker, the builder, the steamboat owner, are equally 
 promoters of the public good, and equally deserving the aid of the citizens by forced contri- 
 buticms. No line can be drawn in favor of the manufacturer which would not open the coffers 
 of the public treasury to the importunities of two-thirds of the business men of the city or 
 town. 
 
 Senator Allison, of Iowa, March 24, 1870 : 
 
 The agricultural interept, it will be seen, is much the largest interest in its aggregate prod- 
 uct as well as in the numbc of persons employed. I believe no one will claim that this large 
 interest is directly protected. It Is true that under Customs laws there is a small duty upon 
 wheat, barley, oats, and other agricultural products, but it does not afford any protection to 
 the great wheat and grain producing regions of the country. Unfortunately for the farmer, 
 the market price of wheat is fixed by i;he price which the surplus will bring abroad, or the price 
 of wheat in London or Liverpool. At that market, where the surplus is sold, and which fixes 
 the value of the whole crop, he comes in competition with the grain produced in the Crimea, 
 in Hungary, and in the region of the Baltic, from the fields cultivated by what ia known, in 
 comparison with our own, gb pauper labor. 
 
 But I am told we muet so legislate as to furnish a home market for all our agricultural 
 products, and this can onJy be done by high tariff. Any one examining the subject will see 
 that our agricultural products increase more rapidly than our population, so that if we do not 
 export these products in their natural condition, we must do so by converting them into manu- 
 factured articles and export these articles. But this cannot be done under a high tariff, for all 
 nations will buy manufactured products where they are the cheapest, and the nation selling 
 the cheapest will control the market. This rule excludes our highly-taxed mnnufactures 
 made from highly-taxed materials from the markets of the world, although we have natural 
 advantagei* possessed by no other nation, 
 
 Oliyior p. Morton, of Indiana, April 30, 1872 : 
 
 Now, I wish to say to the Senate that I am strongly convinced that we should go further, and 
 reduce the tariff in material respects u^on many other articles. * * * The country expects 
 a large reduction, the country knows that it can be made, the country has been promised this 
 reduction, and the dominant party here is responsible to the country for thi» reduction, and 
 will be held responsible if it is not made. 
 
 Senator Allison, of Iowa, March 35, 1870 : 
 
 This large internal revenuj tax was made the excuse and the cause of the advance %f the 
 tariff of July 14, 1862, aud June 30, 1864, I quoted the language yesterday of the then Chair- 
 
58 THE TARIFr. 
 
 man of the Committee on Ways and Means in 1862, Mr. Thaddens Stevens, himself a pro- 
 tectionist, and certainly in favor of the protection of the great interest of Pennsylvania, iron. 
 He made a pledge apon this floor in 1862 that those additions of duties npon manufactured 
 articles imported in this country were made necessary because of the internal revenue taxes. 
 Both he and Mr. Morrill, subsequently Chairman of the Ways and Means Committee, declared 
 that the act of June 30, 1864, was a temporary measure, a war measure, and was not intended 
 as a measure which should remain upon the statnte-book as a protective tariff in the time of 
 peace. 
 
 Senator Sherman, of Ohio, 1867 : 
 
 In considering so complicated a subject as a tariff, nothing can be more deceptive than the 
 application of such general phrases as a " protective tariff," " a revenue tariff,"' " a free trade- 
 tariff." Every law imposing a duty on imported goods is necessarily a restraint on trade. It 
 imposes a burden upon the purchase and sale of imported goods and tends to prevent every 
 importation. The expression, *'a free trade tariff," involves an absurdity. If you converse- 
 with intelligent men engaged in the business of manufacturing they will tell you that they are- 
 willing to compete with England, France, Germany, and all the countries of Europe, at thaold 
 rates of duty. If yon reduce their products to a specie basis, and put them on the same footing 
 they were on before the war, the present rates of duty would be too high. It would not be 
 necessary for scarce any branch of industry to be protected to the extent of your present tariff 
 law. They do not ask protection against the pauper labor of Europe, but they ask protection 
 against the creation of your own laws. 
 
 Jambs G. Bladtb, Secretary of State, 1881 : 
 
 The wages of spinners and weavers in Lancashire and Massacnnsetts, according to the 
 foregoing statements, were sl^ follows per week : 
 
 Spinners— English, S7.;i0 to 88.40 (master spinners running as high as $12) ; American,. ■ 
 $7.07 to $10.30. 
 
 Weavers— English. $3.84 to $8.64, subject, at the date on which these rates were given, to a 
 reduction of 10 per cent. ; American, S4.8a to $8.73. 
 
 The average wages of employes in the Massachusetts mills is as follows, according to- 
 the oflacial returns: Men, $8.30; women, $8.62; male children, $3.11; female children, 
 $3.08. According to Consul Shaw's report, the average wages of the men employed in the 
 Lancashire mills on the Ist of January, 1880, was about $8 per week, subject to a reduction of 
 10 per cent ; women from $3 40 to $4.30, subject to reduction of 10 per cent. 
 
 The hours of labor in the Lancashire mills are 56, in Massachusetts mills 60 per week. 
 The hours of labor in the mills in the other "New England States, where the wages are generally- 
 less than in Massachusetts, are usually 66 to 69 per week. 
 
 Undoubtedly the inequalities in wages of English and American operatives are more than 
 equalized by the greater efficiency of the latter and their longer hours of labor. If this should 
 prove to be a fact in practice, as it seems to be proven from official statistics, it would be a 
 very important element in the establishment of our abiUty to compete with England fo"- nur 
 share of the cotton-goods trade of the world. 
 
 Prom these returns it is seen that every American spindle consumes 66 pounds of raw 
 cotton, while each British spindle consumes only 32 pounds, or less than one-h.ilf the American 
 consumption per spindle. 
 
 It thus appears that each American operative works up as much raw material as two 
 British operatives, turns out nearly $1.50 worth of manufactures to the British operative's 
 $1 worth, and even in piece goods, where the superior quality and weight of the American 
 goods are so marked, the American operative turned out 2.75 yards to 2.50 yards by the British 
 operative. 
 
 Senator P. B. Plumb, of Kansas, Jan. 17, 1883 : 
 
 I do not ask that any duty shall be incre.ise,l. No one raising anything within the State of 
 Kansas and no manufacturer in that State asks for an increase of duty on anything. We do 
 ask that a ring— if I may use that expression without offense— a collection and combination of 
 internsts located upon the eastern frontier of this country, near to the seat and source of power 
 easUy accessible to tariff commissions and easy to get their cars, shall uot have their own way 
 
THE RKPHBMrAN ATTITC'DE. 5& 
 
 at)Out everything of this kind, entirely irrespective of the sections of this conntry remote from 
 the seat and f ources of power. 
 
 Mr. President, some of us has got to be consnlted before this bill finally passes, and some 
 of ns will be consulted after the bill hae passed In regard to the reasons for the action or non- 
 action taken. 1 say now to the persons who have the ran of this thing, to those who have had 
 control and are better posted, and have been able by arts and by various processes to do those 
 things which were not thoroughly understood— I beg of them to consider that the people are 
 watching this proceeding and that they want no higher taxes, but lower taxes, and that in 
 giving the protection for American industry they want to give a decent chance to a class of 
 people who, by reason of their calling, cannot be protected at all, but who have got to take 
 their chances in the markets of the world for their products, hard products to raise, expenhive 
 products to get to market, and in the production of which there is tlie smallest margin of profit. 
 
 I was talking with a farmer from Massachusetts to-day about tills thing. He said he had 
 as good a farm as there was in the old Bay State, and yet he said that he could barely make 
 both ends meet, and he complained to me that one of toe reasons why he could not do so w as 
 because everything else that surrounded him was so much protected that it simply took the 
 difl'erence between profit and loss in his calling and left him a very slim chance Indeed from 
 year to year. 
 
 John A. Logan, in the House, April 18, 1870 : 
 
 Now when the gentleman, who seems to be the protector to an especial manner of the 
 great labor interests of the conntry, speaks of this protection being the protection of the labor 
 of this country, I ask him : Docs not every farmer and mechanic in this broad land make use 
 ■ of iron in all kinds of labor ? The 4,000,000 men that have been freed recently are laborers, 
 are producers, not manufacturers. They are not men of skilled labor ; they evidently are not 
 the men who are protected. And then there are the men in the Northwest who produce oom, 
 wheat, oats, pork and beans, etc. ; they are producers and consumers, and are not protected ; 
 and it is they who pay this large amount of money into the pockets of the manufacturers of 
 this article. And when a gentleman stands upon this floor and tells me that this high, this 
 extraordinary high tariff is for the protection of the laboring men of this country who are 
 not skilled laborers, I tell him I do not understand how he can possibly substantiate such a 
 theory. 
 
 Judge THfiMAS M. CooLET, of Michigan, in " Constitutional Limitations " : 
 
 Constitutionally a tax can have no other basis than the raising of revenues for public ptir- 
 poses, and whatever governmental exaction has not this basis is tyrannical and xmlawful. A 
 tax on imports, therefore, the purpose of which is not to raise revenue, but to discourage and 
 indirectly prohibit some particular import for the benefit of some home manufacturer, may 
 well be questioned as being merely colorable, and, therefore, not warranted by constitutional 
 principles. 
 
 So much for the past attitude of the Republican party ; what is its present 
 position ? Where Garfield was for that protection which led to free trade, 
 Harrison supports the McKinley Bill with its higher rate of impost duties than 
 the Morj-ill Bill, passed only as a war measure to save the Union. Where the 
 Kepublican platform of 18G8 declares that it is due to the labor of the nation 
 that taxation shall be reduced ; and where the Republican platform of 1884 
 pledges the party to correct the inequalities of the tariff, the Republican plat- 
 form of 1893 boldly avows the doctrine of higli protection, while asserting that 
 the McKinley Bill has cheapened the prices of manufactured articles. Follow- 
 ing is the Republican tariff plank adopted at Minneapolis, June, 1892 : 
 
 "We reafllrm the American doctrine of protection. We call attention to its growth 
 abroad. We maintain that the prosperous condition of our country is largely due to the wise 
 revenue legislation of the Republican Corgrees. 
 
 Wc believe that all articles which cannot be produced in the United States, except 
 laxuries, should be admitted free of duty, and that on all imports coming into competition 
 
60 THE TAKTFF. 
 
 with the produetfl of American labor there should be levied duties equal to the difference 
 between wages at home and abroad. 
 
 We assert that the prices of manufactured articles of general consumption have been 
 reduced under the operations of the Tariff Act of 1890. 
 
 We denounce the efforts of the Democratic majority of the House of Representatives to 
 destroy our tariff laws piecemeal as is manifested by their attacks upon wool, lead and lead 
 ores, the chief products of a number of States, and we ask the people for their judgment 
 thereon,'' 
 
 The McKinley tariff went into effect on the 4th of October, 1890. What 
 are its effects ? 
 
 It has by the higli duties imposed upon competing products been of great 
 benefit to the '■ Tnists " already in existence when it passed, at the same time 
 it hai made possible the formation of others. 
 
 Since the McKinley Tariff went into effect there have been wage reductions 
 in nearly every Industry on the products of which increased duties were 
 imposed. 
 
 The following table contains merely a few instances of the many wage 
 troubles following the enactment of the McKinley Tariff Law; 
 
TUh. KEPIIBLICAN ATTITUDB. 
 
 6r 
 
 at! 
 
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63 
 
 THE T/VBIFF. 
 
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THE BEPUBLICAN ATTITTJDB. 
 
 63 
 
 
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64 
 
 THE TAUIFP, 
 
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THE REPUBLICAN ATTITUDE, 
 
 65 
 
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66 
 
 THE TARIFF. 
 
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THE KEPOBLICAN ATTITUDE. 
 
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THE REPUBLICAN ATTITUDE. 6S> 
 
 The Senate Sub-Committee on the Tariff state that there was a ^^ of one 
 per cent, increase in wages from October 1, 1889, to July 1, 1891. That this 
 increase was not on account of, but in spite of, the McKinley bill ; that in 
 fact it was in industries not affected by the McKinley bill, was shown by 
 Senator Carlisle : 
 
 The Committee caused an iuvcetigation to be made as to the rates of wages dnring this 
 ■same peitodin fifteen of what are called general occupations, most of which are almost entirely 
 in the nonprotected industries, as will be seen when I come to state them, and in fifteen special 
 ■ -occupations which are highly protected by the tariff law. 
 
 The result of that investigation is shown by the report. The fifteen general ocffupations 
 ■selected by the committee as fairly representative of the rates of wages received in all the gen- 
 eral occupations in the country, were as follows— and I ask Senators to give their attention to 
 them as I state them, in order that they may determine for themselves how far they are pro- 
 tected— bakers, blacksmiths, bricklayers— I suppose there is scarcely anybody who will insist 
 that bricks can be laid in a wall in a foreign country and imported to thifi country, and therefore 
 a bricklayer is not much protected by a tarili law; cabinetmakers, carpenters— of whom the 
 ■same thing may be said as of bricklayers, common laborers, farm laborers, machinists, masons 
 — who lay stone in a wall which can not be imported— molders of mm^ painters, plumbers, 
 .■stone-cutters, tailors, and tinsmiths. These are the fifteen general occupations selected by the 
 ■committee, and they are the occupations in which the rates of wages rose seventy-five hun- 
 dredths of 1 per cent, during the period covered by the investigation ; and they were that much 
 higher at Its close than they were at the beginning. 
 
 The Senator from Rhode Island stated generally, as will be seen from his printed speech, 
 that the committee had found that, while there had heen a decline in prices, there had been 
 an increase of seventy -five hundredths of 1 per cent, in wages, whereas 1 assert now, with the 
 tables before me, that the only instances in which any increase of wages occurred, taking the 
 whole together, was in these fifteen substantially unprotected industries; and I will show 
 presently that in the fifteen highly protected industries in which the rate of wages had increased 
 before the McKinley bill passed, there was a decrease after it passed. If any of these fifteen 
 general occupations are or can be protected, or in any way assisted by the tariff, it must be 
 cabinet-makers and moulders of iron, and yet, although the McKinley tariff act increased the 
 'duties on household or cabinet furniture, the wages of cabinet-makers fell after its passage, and 
 although it reduced the duties upon all forms of iron castiugs except hollow ware, coated, 
 glazed, or tinned, the wages in that occupation increased after its passage. 
 
 I do not make this statement for the purpose of showing that the act itself increased wagea 
 in the one case or decreased them in the other. My purpose is simply to show that the tariff 
 'does not affect wages at all, except to diminish their purchasing power, because, if it did, we 
 •could prove two wholly inconsistent propositions to be true— first, that tariffs raise wages; and, 
 secondly, that tariffs reduce wages. The man who wants to employ labor does just what is 
 done by every other man who wants to procure anything, he gets it at the very lowest rate at 
 -which the law of supply and demand will enable him to get it, tariff or no tariff. The employer 
 pursues the same course whether he is in a free-trade country or in a protective country. 
 
 The general statement made by the Senator from Rhode Island, that the wages of labor 
 rose seventy-five one-hundred ths of 1 per cent, during the period of investigation was true only 
 •of the fifteen unprotected occupations, and should have been qualified accordingly. 
 
 We ascertained the rates of wages in fifteen other industries, and I will now enumerate 
 them in order that Senators may determine for themselvea whether they are industries which 
 ■the tariff is intended to protect ; they are the manufacturers of bar iron, hoots and shoes, cot- 
 ton goods, cotton and woolen goods, crucible steel, fiint glass, green glass, lumber, machinery, 
 pig-iron, steel ingots, steel blowers, steel rails, window glass and woolen goods. Here are fifteen 
 of the most highly protected industries in the United States, and the wages of the laborers 
 employed in them fell eighty-nine one-hundredths of one per cent, after the passage of the 
 McKinley act, notwithstanding the rise of seventy-five one-hundredths of one per cent, m the 
 wages of laborers engaged in the nonprotected industries. 
 
 One of the most significant facts disclosed by the report in relation to this subject is, that 
 the rates of wages in these protected industries had increased sixty-five one-hundredths of one 
 per cent, between the beginning of the investigation and the approval of the tariff act or. 
 
70 THE TARIFF. 
 
 October 1, 1890, and, consequently, the entire decrease of eighty-nine one-hundredtha of one 
 per cent, occurred after this law was passed for the benefit of the working man. 
 
 Character of the McKint,b.y Btil. 
 
 How the Republican parly favors the ricli at the expente of the poor is 
 indicated by the following : 
 
THE RKPUBIilCAN ATTITUDE. 
 
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TnB EBPUBLICAN ATTITDPB. 
 
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 THE TARIFF, 
 
 
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THE Rh PUBLICAN ATTITUDE. 
 
 S S 
 
76 TAKIFF AMD WAGKa. 
 
 TARIFF AND WAGES. 
 
 FALSITY OF THE CLAIM THAT WAGES ARE RAISED 
 BY THE TARIFF. 
 
 THE HIGH PRODUCTIVENESS OF AMERICAN LABOR. 
 
 Republican. Proof that the Bepuhlican Party^s claim that tariffs 
 raise ivages is false and a fraud on labor. 
 
 No claim is now so persistently made by the Republican Party as the claim 
 that protection makes and maintains a high rate of wages "With one of Mr. 
 Porter's census bulletins as authority, Mr. Everett P. Wheeler shows how little 
 protection has raised wages of woolen mill employees. Mr. Wheeler's figures 
 have reference to the census bulletin on woolen manufactures of the United 
 States. 
 
 The value at the factory of the goods manufactured is $338,231,109. The cost of uiauufac- 
 tuiing is classified in the bulletin as follows : 
 
 Cost of material (60)^ per cent.) $203,096,642 
 
 Amount paid for wages (82)^ per cent.) 76,768,871 
 
 Miscellaneous expenses (C)^ per cent.) '. 19,547,200 
 
 $899,411,713 
 Profits (IIH per cent.) $37,819,396 
 
 Mr. Porter's notes show that iii miscellaneous expenses, repairs, insurances and taxes are in- 
 cluded. The value of the product is stated as the value at the factory. This is not the selling 
 price, and on the one hand the profit on sales does not appear, nor on the other hand is there 
 deducted the expense of selling. The capital invested is $296,983,164, and the profits consti- 
 tute 13^ per cent, upon this capital. The statement therefore, in Senator Aldrich's speech in 
 reference to the profits of the woolen manufacture in Massachusetts, is certainly not a fair 
 statement of the profit on the business throughout the country, according to the census returns, 
 which are undoubtedly as favorable to the protective argument as they could be made. 
 
TARIFF AND WAGES. 77 
 
 The amoant paid for wages was divided among 221,037 employees, which amounts to a 
 weelcly payment to each of $6.66. Mi . Porter claims in one of his notes that this is not a 
 fair way of estimating wages, because some employees are not employed throughout the year. 
 It is undoubtedly desirable to know the actual rate of wages paid, but the fairest way of con- 
 sidering how Ihe wages paid effect the workman is to consider the average payment for a year, 
 because this is what he has to live on, and his expenses go on throughout the whole fifty-two 
 weeks. 
 
 It appears distinctly from this bulletin that the entire amount paid for wages is only 22)-^ 
 percent, of the value of the produ»t. The rate of duty on most woolen goods amounts to very 
 nearly 100^, and in many cases to much more than that. Nothing could better show the falsity 
 of the pretense in the Republican platform that the principle on which the present tariff is 
 drawn is to compensate for the diUerenco in wages between competing countries. This differ- 
 ence in wages certainly is much less than the entire amount paid for wages, but even if it were 
 placed on that basis (which is not that of the platform) the average duty on woolen goods 
 should be 22i^ per cent, instead of 100 per cent. 
 
 An interesting contrast with this condition of the woolen industry is shown by the census 
 bulletin for the manufacturing industries in St. Louis. The larger part of these are industries 
 that are not affected by the tariff (except injuriously), and the average rate of wafes per week 
 to each person employed in them is $10.93. The value at the factory of the products of this 
 one city was in 1890 $228,714,317 ; nearly two-thirds that of all the woolen mills in the whole 
 country. The injustice and folly of the attempt to benefit the few producers of woolen goods 
 by taxing the multitude who use them is coiispicious. 
 
 The following from Mr. Porter's Census Bulletin, No. 150, shows tliat 
 the wage-earner to make a dollar in the New England iron and steel manu- 
 facture must now produce half as much again as he had to produce in 
 1880: 
 
 Number of establishments 
 
 Number of workmen 
 
 Wages paid 
 
 Value of product 
 
 Cost of material 
 
 Product per workman 
 
 Product per $1 wages 
 
 1880. 
 
 1890. 
 
 61 
 
 35 
 
 8,654 
 
 6,645 
 
 $3,357,911 00 
 
 83,224,318 00 
 
 14,!558,627 00 
 
 15,103,441 CO 
 
 9,618,570 00 
 
 9,286,050 00 
 
 1,663 00 
 
 2,273 00 
 
 4 .S3 
 
 4 68 
 
 In brief summary, the number of workmen has decreased, the total amount 
 of wages paid has decreased, the yearly product of each workman has in- 
 creased, and what he must produce to earn a dollar has been increased. 
 
 The recent arbitrary reduction of wages by the Carnegie Iron Company and 
 the terrible riots and slaughter at Homestead form convincing and bloody cor- 
 roboration of the statement that protection, while enabling the manufacturer 
 to exact tribute from the people at large, does not enable the workingman to 
 exact or obtain higher wages than he is enabled to obtain by the law of supply 
 and demand. Eepublican denials of this unchangeable law lead Protectionists 
 into all manner of absurdities. Ex-Congressman R. C Horr, in his tariff articles 
 for the New YorK Tribuns, endeavored to explain why tlie wage earner is bene- 
 fited by a tariff system which makes his employer richer by d?oreasing compe- 
 
T8 TARIFF AND WAGES. 
 
 tition with Ms products, while labor is reduced in price "by free importation of 
 it. 
 
 Mr. Horr admits that the labor market is governed by the law of supply and 
 demand and that the statutes cannot fix a price for it. If they cannot do that, 
 they cannot determine the price of goods. If the tariff does not increase the 
 price of wages, then its advocates have deceived the wage earners, 
 
 Wftai Makes Wages High ? 
 
 Of course, the whole claim that protection does or can raise wages, is false 
 and fraudulent. There is free trade in labor ; the rate of wages depends 
 entirely upon supply and demand, and the extent to which productive land is 
 open to occupation. Wages are higher in the United States than in the densely 
 populated kingdoms of Europe. Why ? On account of high tariff taxes ? 
 No, rather in spite of them. The United States has 32.7 acres per head of the 
 entire population ; in England, Germany, France, Italy, Holland and Belgium 
 the average is only 2. 8 acres for each person . In Europe the number of people 
 is so great that competition for employment is necessarily very sharp ; this 
 reduces wages to the lowest possible figure. That is why there is a great 
 stream of European laborers coming to our shores every year. Here there is 
 more room, and a man can set up on a farm rather than work in a mill at star- 
 vation wages. For this reason the competition in the labor market is less 
 severe with us than in Europe, and wages have not yet been forced down to so 
 low a figure as the European level. 
 
 It is mainly on account of our 33.7 acres for each person that we have 
 higher wages than Europe. Protection has nothing to do with the general 
 average of wages with us. It is well known that the general average of wages 
 in our protected industries is lower than in the non protected industries. 
 
 A well known writer exposed this fraudulent " High tariffs — High wages," 
 claim of Protectionists in the following brief paragraph : 
 
 " Our wages are higher than wages anywhere else not on account of pro- 
 tection, but on account of our cheap land and the greater productiveness of 
 our labor. Whatever may be the cause of our higher wages, however, it is 
 only the removal of that cause that makes them fall. While that cause re- 
 mains nothing can reduce them. Therefore unless it is the cause of our higher 
 wages the abolition of protection cannot reduce them to the foreign level. 
 Now, protection cannot be the cause, or higher protection would make hio-her 
 wages. It cannot be the cause, or wages would have been lower in this country 
 than in foreign countries when our tariffs were lower and foreign tariffs 
 were higher. It cannot be the cause, or wages would have been lower during 
 our free trade period than they were in preceding protection periods. It can- 
 not be the cause, or Republicans would not be satisfied with enough protection 
 to equalize differences in wages ; their exceeding great love for American 
 workingmen would prompt them to demand enough to make workingmen as 
 rich as their protected employers. And since protection is not the cause of 
 high wages, the abandonment of protection cannot reduce wages. After its 
 abandonment, the true cause of our high wages, cheaper agricultural land and 
 greater productiveness of labor, would still remain." 
 
TARIFF AND WAGES. 79 
 
 " When two employers run after one workman wages are high ; when two 
 workman run after one employer wages are low." 
 
 There was a time when the Republican party admitted this law of supply 
 and demand. On June 2, 1864, Mr. Morrill of Vermont said : 
 
 " The withdrawal of the large number of men in the field from industrial 
 pursuits leaves a paucity of numbers at home, thereby advancing wages. ' 
 
 American and Eukopban Labob Compared. 
 
 American Labor may be Higher by the Day, but it is OTieaper than European 
 Labor Measured by Worh Performed. 
 
 The American workman may earn more money in a given period, but does 
 he cam more than the foreign workman considered with regard to the result of 
 his labor ? He does not, as protectionists have otficially shown. 
 
 Mr. Charles S. Hill, a pronounced protectionist statistician in the State 
 Department at Washington, made an argument before the Tariff Commission 
 of 1888, in which ho showed that our manufacturiog product in 1883 was 
 $8,000,000,000, made by 5,250,000 hands, and that for the same time the total 
 product of England was $4,000,000,000, made by 5,140,200 hands. Then he 
 added this remarkable conclusion : 
 
 "Here is the positive proof that American mechanics in the aggregate 
 accomplish exactly double the result of the same number of British mechanics. 
 They are, therefore, very justly paid double in wages. " 
 
 But they are not " paid double in wages." Mr. Blaine made that sufficiently 
 plain when he was Secretary of State under Garfield. Here is an extract from 
 one of his reports : 
 
 " The wages of spinners and weavers in Lancashire and in Massachusetts, 
 according to the foregoing statements, were as follows per week : Spinners, 
 English, $7.80 to $8.40 (master spinners running as high as $12) ; American, 
 $7.07 to $10.30. 
 
 Weavers, English, $3.84 to $8.64, subject, at the date on which these rates 
 were given, to a reduction of ten per cent. ; American, $4.82 to $8.78. 
 
 The average wages of employees in the Massachusetts mills are as follows, 
 according to the official returns: Men, $8.30 ; women, $5.62; male children, 
 $3.11 ; female children, $8.08. According to Consul Shaw's report, the aver- 
 age wages of the men employed in the Lancashire mills on the 1st of January, 
 1880, was about $8 per week, subject to a reduction of ten per cent.; women, 
 from $3.40 to $4.80, subject to a reduction of ten per cent. 
 
 The hours of labor in the Lancashire mills are fifty-six, in the Massachusetts 
 sixty per week. The hours of labor in the mills in the other New England 
 States, where the wages are generally less than in Massachusetts, are usually 
 sixty-six to sixty-nine per week. Undoubtedly the inequalities in the wages of 
 English and American operatives are more than equalized by the greater 
 efficiency of the latter and their longer hours of labor. If this should prove to 
 be a fact in practice, as it seems to me to be proven by official statistics, it 
 would be a very important element in the estabhshment of our ability to com- 
 pete with England for our share of the cotton goods trade of the world." 
 
80 
 
 TAKIPF AND WAGES. 
 
 In the two prime factors which may he said to form the basis of the 
 cotton manufacturing industry, namely, raw material and labor — we therefore 
 hold an advantage over England in the first, and stand upon an equality with 
 her in the second. 
 
 Mr. Carroll D. Wright, U. S. Labor Commissioner, can scarcely be accused 
 of unfairness toward protectionists, yet facts obtained under Mr. Wright's di- 
 rection show that it virtually costs less for labor, on an average, to convert, 
 steel bars into rails in the United States than in England, and considerably 
 less than on the continent of Europe. The average for the two American es- 
 tablishments reported is $1.41 per ton ; for the three English establishments, 
 $1.83; for eight establishments on the continent, $2.45. As some of the 
 American mills refused to give information, it is highly probable that the true 
 American labor cost is less than $1.41 . 
 
 In his report on the cost of production of pig-iron. Labor Commissioner 
 Wright shows that while the labor cost is greater in the United States than in 
 Europe, it is only slightl}' so. 
 
 The figures given by Colonel Wright were taken in every case from the 
 books of the manufacturers and mine operators. 
 
 The report contains information about 618 establishments in this country 
 and in Europe which are engaged in the various forms of iron and steel man 
 ufacture, and it required the labor of three years to collect the information em- 
 braced in it. 
 
 The cost of making pig-iron is examined in detail in 118 separate establish- 
 ments. In the following table the cost of materials, of labor, and the total 
 cost of making one ton of pig-iron in eleven establishments in Europe and 
 eleven in the United States is given. The cost of materials includes, of course, 
 all the iron ore, coke, coal and limestone as laid down at the furnace ; and the 
 column headed " labor " gives simply the cost of converting the ore into piff- 
 iron The establishments here quoted represent fairly the highest, lowest, 
 and average cost in each case. 
 
 Northern States . 
 
 Soutliern States. 
 
 Great Britain.. 
 
 Europs. 
 
 Cost op 
 Materials. 
 
 $17. 
 13, 
 11. 
 11. 
 12, 
 II 
 7. 
 7, 
 7. 
 
 9, 
 
 738 
 S28 
 991 
 ,668 
 ,267 
 .147 
 757 
 173 
 ,202 
 .877 
 164 
 ,230 
 
 Labor. 
 
 6.454 
 9.529 
 
 1S.228 
 14.21',) 
 6.785 
 9,385 
 9.001 
 7,327 
 
 $3,439 
 
 1.194 
 
 .976 
 
 1.364 
 
 2.335 
 
 1.166 
 
 1 461 
 
 1.816 
 
 2.e08 
 
 1.218 
 
 .595 
 
 .601 
 
 .748 
 
 .618 
 
 ,769 
 
 .418 
 
 .912 
 
 .719 
 
 .470 
 
 ].il4 
 
 .711 
 
 .755 
 
 Total 
 Cost. 
 
 $23 165. 
 15.202 
 13.r,84 
 13.433, 
 15.278 
 12,830 
 10.279 
 
 9.631 
 10,207 
 10, 82* 
 
 9.623, 
 10.2!)0 
 10,73:) 
 
 7,67? 
 10.49,1 
 10.191 
 13.4.31 
 15.075 
 
 7730 
 12.070 
 11,107 
 
 8.?6,> 
 
TARIFF AND WAGES. 81 
 
 The average cost of turning out pig iron at eleven American furnaces is 
 $18.10 a ton; in the eleven European establishments the cost is $10.74 or a 
 difference of $2,86. And this $3.36 is the basis for all the protectionist rant 
 and twaddle ahout the small labor cost in the production of European iron. 
 To cover that slight difference— less than the present freight ratr- s from Liver- 
 pool to New York — protectionist law-makers impose a duty of |6.73 a ton on 
 foreign pig iron. 
 
 Another examination shows the entire labor cost in producing a ton of 
 Bessemer pig iron, including the labor of mining and transporting the materials 
 to the furnace. In five Bessemer establishments in the United States the aver- 
 age labor cost of a ton of pig iron is $6.08. In one of these, however, the 
 labor cost was abnormally high, being $9.44. Omitting this one, the average 
 of the other four was $5.34 a ton. In the summaries of the report only one 
 English establishment is given at which Bessemer pig iron is made. In this 
 one the total labor cost was $3.83 a ton, or only $1.93 a ton lower than in the 
 four American establishments. It is a significant fact that these four Ameri- 
 can furnaces charge on an average $3.70 a ton more for Bessemer pig iron than 
 it costs to produce it, while the English establishment contents itself with a 
 profit of $1.73. The tariff of $6.72 a ton enables the four American producers 
 to net $1.97 a ton more on their iron than the Englishman gets. 
 
 Equally significant are the figures of cost in the production of steel rails. 
 Mr. Wright finds the following to be the average labor cost of producing a ton 
 of steel rails in the United States : 
 
 Labor cost. 
 
 Production 4,t37 ponnde ore $i.U2 
 
 Frodoctton 1,497 pounds limestone 205 
 
 Production 4,808 pounds coal 1.973 
 
 Conversion above coal into 8,533 pounds coke 598 
 
 Conversion above materials into 8,619 pounds pig iron 1.576 
 
 Conversion into 2,488 pounds etetl ingots 1.688 
 
 Fuel need in ingot mill, 2,S80 pounds coal 918 
 
 Conversion into 2,810 pounds steel rails 1.540 
 
 Fuel used in rail mill, 2,340 pounds coal , .96'i 
 
 Total SU.597 
 
 Add, as in the case of pig iron, 60^^ cents for oflBcials and clerks, we find 
 the total labor cost, through all the processes, of producing one ton of steel 
 rails to be $13,303, or $1.14 less ihan the duty on steel rails. 
 
 Entitled to almost equal weight with these official reports is the statement 
 made at a meeting of hardware merchants in New York by Mr. J. B. Sargent, 
 one of the largest manufacturers of hardware in the United States : 
 
 " In agricultural tools and implements, we take half the trade of the foreign 
 countries outside of Europe, and in all kinds of edge tools we take half the 
 trade of South America and Asia. With the manufacturers of this countiy 
 in their present condition, with our machinery, with our unrivaled help, with 
 our skilled mechanics, there is no reason why we should not only hold our own 
 in our own country, but take a large part of the trade of all the world. 
 Although our wage* in this country — the earnings of men per day — are very 
 much more than any other country, and especially of the countries of the con- 
 6 
 
88 
 
 TAMFP AND WAGES. 
 
 tinent, who are our competitors, and although they earn so much more per day, 
 still their labor to the manufacturer is cheaper than that of laborers in other 
 countries. In other words, the labor cost of almost any article of American 
 hardware manufacture is less than the labor cost of the same article in any 
 other country. 
 
 Facts presented in Ex. U. S. Consul Schoenhof's "Economy of High 
 Wages " corroborate the statements of Secretaries Blaine and Evarts that the 
 American workman is more efEective than the European, and that though he 
 receives more wages per week he receives less per work. Mr. Schoenhof also 
 shows that the rule "Labor in unprotected industries is higher than labor in 
 protected industries " is as true in Europe as America. Eollowing is a quotation 
 on this point : 
 
 " For the building trades I take the wages for the Hansea towns, where the 
 highest rates are paid. For England I take the wage rates for Manchester, 
 Liverpool, and London from the lists prepared by the Trade Unions' Committee 
 for the Royal Commission on Trade Depression. For America I take the rates 
 ruling in New York City. 
 
 " The wages, reduced to the hour, compare as follows : 
 
 QEKMiNT. 
 
 Englaki>. 
 
 America. 
 
 Cents. 
 
 Bricklayers (34.7 pfg.) 
 
 Stonemasons 
 
 Carpenters (30 pfg.) . . . 
 
 Cents. 
 16 
 
 16 to 18 
 16 
 
 Cents. 
 45 
 
 45 
 
 30 to 35 
 
 " The percentage of wages of England over Germany is a round 100 per 
 cent.; of America over England, 180 per cent., and over Germany, 430 per 
 cent, and 330 per cent., respectively. 
 
 " In the cotton goods industry I take the wages of spinners and reduce them 
 also to the hour, so as to bring them to a common basis. 
 
 "These wages are taken from mills which I visited, and they were given 
 me by the parties paying, and coroborated by those receiving them. 
 
 Rhenish Germany 
 and Switzerland. 
 
 Cents. 
 
 Mule spinners (men) 5.8 to 
 
 King spinners (women) 4.3 to 6.3 
 
 Manchester. 
 
 Cents. 
 14 to 17 
 
 Lowell. 
 
 Cents. 
 
 15 to 16 
 
 8.4 
 
 ' ' The English and American mule spinners stand about on a par, while 
 they earn from 165 to 300 per cent, more than Swiss or German spinners. The 
 American spinner-girl earns 70 per cent, more than the Swiss or German, and 
 40 per cent, more than the English girl. But this is balanced by ha dling 
 eight sides with 960 spindles, against four sides with 576 spindles in England. 
 The American spinner gets less pay per work than the English, Swiss or German. 
 
 " Our labor, being machine labor, is generally cheaper than European labor, 
 which is to a large extent hand labor or inferior machine labor or unproductive 
 
TARIFF AND WAGES. 
 
 83 
 
 underfed labor, as compared with higher productive American labor. What 
 our labor suffers from is the high cost of taxed materials. Free raw materials 
 and a higher technical and artistic development would result in lasting benefits 
 to our manufacturing industries, which periodic additions to already extreme 
 tariff rates can never do. They increase the cost of production in spite of our 
 cheap labor, and continue the congested condition so frequently complained of' 
 by manufacturers. 
 
 " Taking the data from the census of 1890 for the mining industries of Alar 
 bama, Kentucky, Tennessee, West Virginia, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Illinois, and 
 Indiana, we find the products, value, and wages as follows (tons at 3,000 lbs.): 
 
 Alabama 
 
 Tennessee 
 
 Kentucky .... 
 West Virginia 
 Pennsylvania. 
 
 Ohio 
 
 Illinois 
 
 Annual Product. 
 
 8,378,000 
 1,925,000 
 2,399,000 
 6,231,000 
 
 36,174,000 
 9,970,000 
 
 18,104,000 
 
 Wages 
 PEB Ton. 
 
 $0 94 
 82 
 70 
 60 
 58 
 
 Valub 
 AT Mute. 
 
 $1 10 
 
 1 21 
 
 99 
 
 83 
 
 n 
 
 94 
 97 
 
 As to the earnings, we cannot take the yearly earnings as a criterion of daily 
 wages. The days of employment in the year, varying so much mthe different 
 States, are at hand only for five of these States. But taking these and putting 
 Kentucky and Tennessee for the Southern, and the remaining States for the 
 ITorth we find the average day rate for 
 
 Miners. 
 
 Labobebs. 
 
 Waoes Paid 
 PER Ton. 
 
 Tennessee.... 
 
 Kentucky 
 
 West Virginia 
 
 Ohio 
 
 Illinois 
 
 $1 98 
 1 75 
 
 1 86 
 
 2 01 
 1 96 
 
 SI S6 
 1 56 
 1 47 
 1 77 
 1 63 
 
 $0 82 
 70 
 60 
 
 " The labor cost per ton, it will be seen, is lowest where the average of day 
 wages is highest." 
 
 From the following summary, given in Mr. Schoenhof 's " Economy of High 
 Wages," it will be seen that with few exceptions American labor is the cheapest 
 labor in the world : 
 
other 
 
 Countries. 
 
 Cents. 
 
 84 TARIFF AND TVAGEa. 
 
 Cost of Labor in the Leading Articles of Manufacturing Industries 
 
 America. England. 
 
 Brown Stoneware : Cents. Cents. ^ 
 
 Butter Pots— >^ gallon, per 100 71.3 1.09 
 
 1 " " 100 158 
 
 " g " " 162 293 
 
 " 3 " " 245 450 
 
 " 6 " " 553 T30 
 
 " 6 " " 666 1,800 
 
 Hint Glass : 
 
 Bottles— 16-ounce, per 100 8S 91 
 
 8 " " 42 58 
 
 Decanters, 1 quart " 375 450 
 
 Pitckers, 1 quart " 400 475 
 
 Goblets " 130 127 
 
 Tumblers " 95 80 
 
 Finger bowls " 125 143 
 
 Bituminous coal, gross ton 86* 79 1 79 to 80 1 (Gar.) 
 
 (Penn. 1890),.. 64 
 
 " " (Connellsyille). 33 (Durham) 51 
 
 Coke-making " " 32 " 24 
 
 Ironore " (Lake Sup.).... 119 tStafEordshire) 146 
 
 Cheaper ores " (Cumberland) . 19 (CleTeland) 30 
 
 Pig iron " (Eastern Pa.).. 125 (Middlesboro') 73 to 96 
 
 " (Pittsburgh)... 158 
 
 Bessemer steel rails " (Eastern Pa.) .. 230 to 804 (Middlesboro') 307 
 
 Cotton yarn, No. 20, per 100 pounds 45 50 
 
 " No. 40, " " 98 100 
 
 Weaving print cloths '* yards 40 48 to 51 
 
 4-4 Sheeting " " 45 60 
 
 Worsted yarn, 2-40 " pounds 1,158 950 
 
 6-4 Worsted Cloth : 
 
 Weaving, per yard ... 24.4 10,8 
 
 Dyeing and finishing, per yard 4.1 4.7 
 
 6-4 Woolen Dress Goods : 
 
 Yam, pound 4.8 4 
 
 Weaving, pound 9,6 7.4 
 
 Finishing, " 2.6 4 
 
 6-4 Cheviot yarn, pound 3.9 4 
 
 Weaving 7 4,4 
 
 Carpets, yard 4to5.35 4.5 
 
 Silk throwing, pound 32to37i 40 
 
 Weaving wages, yard 7 8.9 § I 
 
 Total.yard 13 13.9§ : 
 
 Ladies' boots, pair 85 64 
 
 6 (Ger.) 
 i 15.25 (Lyons.) 
 67 to 61 (Ger.) 
 71 (Austria ) 
 
 Mr. Schoentiof shows that in the highly protected countries of Europe 
 cotton-mill employees must work from one and a half to four and a half times 
 as long as the unprotected English cotton-mill employees, in order to earn the 
 same amount of money. He says : 
 
 "If the so-called cheap labor of Europe were to procure the same con- 
 veniences and commodities enjoyed by the English man and woman, and if 
 its rate of pay were to remain the same as at present, the protected European 
 
 * General for U. S. Census, 1880. 
 i Westphalia anl Khenlsh Prussia. 
 
 + North Staffordshire. 
 § Hand-looms, Zilrich. 
 
TABIFF AND WAGES. 
 
 85 
 
 cotton-iuill employees would have to work the following numbers of hours 
 against England's standard of nine hours. The wages of men and women are 
 included in the table : 
 
 
 Atbeage Day 
 
 WiOBB. 
 CbHT8. 
 
 PinssBNT 
 
 HOUES. 
 
 Nboessart 
 
 HOUKS. 
 
 
 48 to 80 
 54 
 54 
 86 
 26 
 86 
 
 11 
 11 
 
 12 
 9 
 
 16^ to 19^ 
 
 
 
 
 19^ 
 
 Western Bohemia 
 
 80 
 
 
 41^ 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 Dobs Protection Loweb Prices ? 
 
 The Republican party, ignoring this country's vast natural resources, 
 ignoring the benefits resulting from new inventions, increased knowledge, 
 and improved facilities for production, claims that all the benefits Americans 
 €njoy are due to high tarifEs. Hardly less extravagant than this claim is that 
 now made by the Republican party that the McKinley bill has made prices low. 
 
 The Republican party now makes this claim, notwithstanding the avowed 
 objectof the McKinley bill was to increase prices, Mr. McKinley in defending 
 his bill declaring that cheap goods mean cheap men and that the people do not 
 want legislation that will result in lower prices. Even President Harrison took 
 this view, saying, that a cheap coat means a cheap man. The sub-committee on 
 the tariff of the Senate Committee on Finance, Mr. Aldrich, of Rhode Island, 
 Chairman, after an investigation extending over twenty -four months, announced 
 that the cost of living had decreased -^^ of one cent, while wages increased in 
 consequence of the McKinley bill. This statement is more ingenious than truthful. 
 The cost of living may have been ("o*^ of one per cenl. less in September, 1891, 
 than in June, 1889, but it does not follow that after the passage of the McKinley 
 bill there was a steady and continuous decline. On the contrary, there was an 
 immediate increase in the cost of living ; and the subsequent decrease was 
 smaller in amount and longer in coming than would have been the case but for 
 the abnormally high tariff. In the eighteen months prior to June 1, 1889, 
 prices of commodities declined 14 per cent, in the twenty-four months follow- 
 ing June 1, 1889, during the McKinley bill regime the decline was only ^ of 
 one per cent. Senator Carlisle shows that before even that small decline took 
 place the American people had been forced to pay hundreds of millions of dol- 
 lars more than they would have paid but for the McKinley biU. Mr. Carlisle 
 first shows the purpose of the McKinley bill. 
 
 At last it appears to be admitted by tbe friends of the protective system, that cheap com 
 modities for the use of the people are beneficial, and the Senator from Rhode Island [Mr. 
 Aldbich], speaking here three days ago as the chosen champion of that system, bases hif 
 defense of the tariff act of 1890 almost solely upon the ground that it has reduced prices and 
 enlarged the foreign commerce of the country. 
 
 That was not the purpose of the authors and supporters of that law at the time it passed 
 Congress, as is conclusively shown by the report which was made to the House of Bepresenta- 
 
88 TARIFF AND WAGES. 
 
 tives when the bill was presented to that hody. In that report Mr. McKinley, speaking for 
 himself and all the Eepublican members of the committee, said : 
 
 We have not been so much concerned about the prices of the articles we consume as we 
 have been to encourage a system of home production which shall give fair remuneration to 
 domestic producers and fair wages to American workmen, and by Increased production and 
 home competition insure fair prices to consumers. 
 
 And again the report says : 
 
 Your committee have not sought by the proposed legislation to further cut down prices at 
 the expense of our own prosperty, but to provide with certainty against that increasing com- 
 petition from other countries whose conditions onr people are unwilling to adopt. We have 
 not believed that our people, already suffering from low prices, can or will be satisfied with 
 legislation which will result in lower prices. 
 
 Here is a clear and emphatic declaration by the authors of the measure, that it was not 
 intended to reduce prices, that it would not in fact reduce, prices, and that the people would 
 not be satisfied with any legislation that would produce that result ; and yet the Senator from 
 Rhode Island, who was one of the most active and able supporters of that bUl, now comes and 
 declares to the country that it has had just exactly the effect which its authors and supporters 
 said it was not intended to have, and with which they said the people would be dissatisfied. 
 But the Senator does not venture to tell us that the people are dissatisfied with it because it 
 reduces prices. On the contrary, while he admits that the people were very much dissatisfied 
 with it in 1890, he insists, to use his own words, that they were " deceived by misrepresen- 
 tation " and induced to believe that it had increased prices, which, as I have shown, was the 
 very thing that its authors and supporters intended it to accomplish. 
 
 The theory that high prices of commodities are beneficial to the community at large and 
 that the McKinley law would increase them, was abandoned by the advocates of that measure 
 immediately after its passage, and in every part of the country they faced about and either 
 denied that lugher prices in fact prevailed, or contended that they were not produced by the- 
 tariff act. The people, however, knew better from personal experience and observation in 
 their daily transactions, and in November, 1890, the authors of that tariff act were swept from 
 the House of Eepresentatives by a majority of more than 860,000 votes. Never in the history 
 of the country has there been such a storm of popular indignation against any single act of 
 legislation as that which overwhelmed the advocates of this measure in 1890 ; and as a result 
 we now have the Senator from Rhode Island and all the other friends of the protective system 
 who have recently spoken upon the subject, confessing that high prices are not beneficial to- 
 the people and that the original and avowed purposes of the act was wrong ; in other words, 
 they now contend that the act has been a successs solely because it failed to accomplish what it 
 was intended to accomplish. 
 
 After stating the plan upon which the investigation was conducted by 
 Senator Aldrich and the committee, Senator Carlisle continues : 
 
 "I understand the Senator from Rhode Island to state four propositions : First, that the 
 prices of commodities declined in the United States during the period covered by the investiga- 
 tion to such an extent, according to his calculation, as to make a saving to the people of the 
 United States of $325,000,000 per annum ; second, that -the rates of wages increased in the- 
 United States during the period covered by the investigation ; third, that the cost of living in 
 England increased 1.90 per cent, during the period covered by the investigation ; and fourth, 
 that this decline in the prices of commodities and increase in the rate of wages in the United 
 States were the result of the Republican policy of protection. 
 
 Prices on Onh Dat not i Faik Basis tor Compabison. 
 
 On a single day after the passage of the McKinley bill, and during the period covered by 
 the investigation, the retail prices of the two hundred and fifteen articles selected by the com- 
 mittee, taking them all together and giving to each one the same importance, were sixty-four 
 hundredths of 1 per cent, lower than they were at the beginning of the period, and on the same 
 day, which was tho last day included in tl.e investigation, the cost of living in the United 
 States, giving to each article its relative importance as an element in expenditures ^or con- 
 sumption, had decreased forty-fonr hundredths of 1 per cent, from the rate prevailing at the- 
 
TABIPF AKD 'WAGBS. 87 
 
 Vginnliig of the InTeetigatlon ; thatis, the cost of Hving, incliiding rent, which was not inves- 
 tigated by the committee at alJ, had been reduced forty-four hundredths of 1 per cent, below 
 what it was during the first three months of the investigation. But tiiat single day has been 
 separated by the Senator from Bhode Island from all the other days embraced in the twenty- 
 eight months, and taken as a basis of all the tables presented and statements Uiiide by him, as 
 if it were a fair representative of the whole period. 
 
 The investigation began on the 1st day of June, 18S3, and continued mont'ft by month in 
 seventy ditEerent cities in the United States until the 1st day of September, 1891, embracing a 
 period of twenty-eight months. The prices of these two hundred and fifteen articles for the 
 first three months at these seventy different places, and at quite a number of establishments in 
 each place, were taken as the basis of the investigation ; that is to say, the average prices 
 which preyailed during the months of June, July, and August, 1889, on all the articles were 
 taken as the unit of price, each unit or index of price being represented by 100, and as the prices 
 subsequently rose or fell the fact was noted and the percentage of rise or fall was recorded in 
 the tables. Now, I submit to the Senate and to the country that no just or valuable conclusion 
 for any purpose whatever can be drawn from calculations based upon prices which prevailed 
 on one single day during those twenty-eight months, that day being, as I have said, the last 
 one on which an investigation was made. 
 
 Some Statements Cobrbctkd, 
 
 At this point, In order to dispose of one or two of the minor propositions made by the 
 Senator from Rhode Island, I will say that, no(a\'ith8tanding his statement that the committee 
 found that the cost of living had increased in England 1.90 per cent., the committee actually 
 made no investigation whatever concerning the cost of living in that country, and has made no 
 report on that subject. It caused the retail price of a certain list of articles to be taken in Eng- 
 land on the 1st day of June, 1889, and on the Ist day of September, 1891, two days only, but 
 it caused no investigation to be made to determine in what proportion these articles entered 
 into the consumption of the people, and therefore made no attempt to secure a basis from 
 which it could ascertain whether the cost of living had Increased or diminished in that country. 
 The articles were not all the same that were selected in the United States, and even if they had 
 been it is well known that the people of different countries do not oonsume the various articles 
 in the same relative proportions to each other. 
 
 In the second place, I desire to say that the statement made by the Senator from Rhode ' 
 Island that prices were found to have declined in three cities in the United States, Fall Eiver, 
 Chicago and Dubuque, in May, 1892, may or may not be correct, because the committee, so far 
 as I tnow, made no investigation at that date. It came to my knowledge for the first time 
 when I saw this paper in print that somebody had gone to Fall Eiver, Chicago and Dubiiqae, 
 and procured the prices prevailing in those three cities on the 1st day of May, 1892 ; but they 
 constitute no part of the basis of any calculations or comparative tables contained in the 
 report. 
 
 Fkopositioks Established bt the Ebpobt. 
 
 I propose to show that the prices of commodities in the United States, whether considered 
 by wholesale or by retail, were enormously increased by the passage of the McKinley Act and 
 the agitation which preceded it, and that the cost of living in the United States, giving to each 
 one of these articles its proper degree of importance in expenditures for consumption, was 
 increased during the period covered by this investigation more than $285,000,000, and that over 
 $185,000,000 of that increase occurred after the passage of the act of 1890. 
 
 A very large proportion of the increase in prices of manufactured ariiclea and in the cost 
 of living which occurred before the passage of that act was on account of the fact that it was 
 pending in Congress with an almost absolute knowledge on the part of the producers of pro- 
 tected articles everywhere that it would be passed and become a law. 
 
 I propose to show that the rates of wages in fifteen substantially unprotected industries in 
 this country, selected by the committee, were increased during the period covered by the 
 investigation, and that during the same period the rates of wages in fifteen protected industries 
 in the United States, also selected by the committee, fell, and that the fall was greater after 
 the passage of the McKmley bill than it was durine the whole period preceding its passage. 
 
88 TARIFF AND -WAQBS. 
 
 Benator Carlisle then proceeded to show, hy the very figures provided by 
 the Senate Committee, that there had been an increase in retail prices after the 
 passage of the McKinley bill : 
 
 " The group of clothe and clothing, tmanimously selected by the committee to repreeent 
 ths expenditures of the people in the purchase of such articles, contained sixty-one different 
 kinds of goods, and between the Ist day of May, 1690, and the 1st day of July, 1890— the bill 
 having passed the House in the meantime— the retail prices of twenty of these articles were 
 increased, and withiji sixty days after the bill passed the Senate and received the approval of 
 the President, which was October 1, 1890, the prices of forty-three of these articles— or more 
 than two-thirds— were increased ; that is, on the 1st day of December, 1890, they were higher 
 than they were on the 1st day of October, notwithstandingmany of them, in anticipation of the 
 passage of the bill by the Senate, were considerably higher on the 1st of October than they 
 were in July. Of the prices in this group which changed at all, between October 1 and 
 December 1, 1890, 78 per cent. Increased." 
 
 Senator Carlisle then shows that even the very small increase in visages 
 claimed by the protectionists had been in fifteen selected industries, such as 
 carpenters, bricklayers, etc., not protected and incapable of being protected by 
 tariffs. 
 
 This whole claim of the Republican party, that to high tariffs are due all 
 our blessings, including lowering of prices, was exposed by Hon.' F. E. White, 
 Representative from Iowa, on June 15, 1893. 
 
 Had Senator Aldrich read Mr. White's speech he would not have labored 
 so hard and in the sequel so unsuccessfully to prove tiat the necessaries of life 
 had decreased in cost under the McKinley act sixty-four hundredths of one 
 per cent, and that this decrease was due to that act. 
 
 That this cheapening of articles did not begin with or result from the 
 McKinley bill Mr. White very aptly shows : 
 
 The stubborn fact, the historic truth, stares every intelliffent man in the face that every- 
 thing made by himian hands or that is in any sense the result of -human skill has been 
 getting constantly cheaper, not only since the Republican party has been in power, but for the 
 last thousand years and more ; and has been getting cheaper not only in this country, bnt 
 in every other— in countries where high tariffs are maintained, and in others where free trade 
 prevails, and notably so in England, where the protected principle is entirely repudiated. 
 
 The reason for this cheapened production has seldom been stated more 
 clearly and satisfactorily than in this extract : 
 
 "What is, then, the true, active cause of this constantly lowering price-list of manufactures? 
 Why, sir, ii is a constantly improving industrial condition caused primarily by mechanical 
 inventioDS, scientific discoveries and the promotion of general knowledge ; it is a higher order 
 of human ingenuity and industry, a more practical industrial education, all resulting in Eupe- 
 rior methods of manufacture. The slow, clumsy ways of our forefathers have given way to 
 the improved methods of a more mechanical age.'^ 
 
 We are constantly discovering and harnessing to our use new forces of nature, are continu- 
 ally utilizing new ideas and better methods, and the inevitable resolt is, the civilized world 
 over, cheaper food, cheaper goods, cheaper comforts. Let mo tell you who it is that is respon- 
 sible for this universal blessing of lower prices, who are public benefactors, and who are 
 entitled to our everlasting gratitude. It is not McKinley, nor the law that unfortunately bears 
 his name ; neither is it any other Eepublican statesman or politician ; it Is not the Republican 
 party, but it is the mechanic who has the mental capacity to eVolve an idea— an idea which 
 materializes in the shape of a new machine, or in an improvement upon an old one ; it is the 
 machinist, standing ready witli his skill to utilize the mechanical force of tbe idea thus evolved ; 
 it is the chemist who sits in his laboratory working with the zeal of an enthusiast both night 
 and day in order that he may discover some hidden force of nature, some new combination of 
 materials or substances, some new process that will be a more powerful factor in the industrial 
 world ; it is the scientist and the philosopher, who, taking for their text the gospel of eternal 
 
TARIFF AND WAGES. 89 
 
 'Sruth as it stands revealed in tiie geological strata and the pliysical constitution of the universe, 
 --are constantly dragging to the light of day better light and more knowledge. 
 
 When, then, this new li ht and knowledge has been brought to the point of availability, 
 when these new machines have been invented and the old ones improved, when all these new 
 forces, combinations and processes have been brought to the point of practical utility, they are 
 :given to the world, they become the world's property. That is what has enabled us to make such 
 •wonderful progress. Tliat is the secret of our marvelous success. That is what has enabled 
 133 to multiply a hundred and in some instances a thousand fold our mechanical power and 
 ^ence our productive capacity. The reason things sell lower than formerly is because they 
 are made cheaper, and they are made cheaper because of better, superior methods and processes 
 "employed in their manufacture. 
 
 Without intending to be the least irreverent, I want to say that when this earth was 
 •?;reated the Creator therof did not have the Eepublican platform to guide him or he would 
 "have made it altogether different. He should so have arranged it (with the guidance of the 
 iplatform) that every country, whether large or small, could be perfectly independent, setf-sus- 
 "tainlng, and thus would we all have become rich. But we And the world modeled upon a dif- 
 iTerent plan. A dependency one upon the other and an interdependency existing among all is 
 the plan that was adopted. We find, for instance, that countries like the greater part of Russia, 
 ^ large part of Canada, Minnesota, Wisconsin and the Dakotas have receiyed a soil and a 
 (Climate admirably suited for the raising of wheat, and a large surplus of this valuable cereal is 
 ^he result of these natural conditions. 
 
 When we go south of this wheat belt into Kansas, Iowa, Dlinois, Missouri, we find the soil 
 -nad climate exactly suited to the raising of those grasses and grains which enable us to make 
 *<^eap meat. A surplus of meat products is here the result of natural conditions. But while 
 >we have meat in abundance and to the north of us they have wheat in superabundance, neither 
 i3ocality is able to raise a pound of cotton, except under highly artificial conditions, which from 
 ■an economic standpoint would be out of the question. To the south of us, however, the people 
 a»re enabled, primarily because of soil and climate, to raise a large part of the world's supply of 
 -cotton. 
 
 Still further south the people, because of natural conditions, are enabled to raise rice, 
 'Sugar-cane and all the semi-topical fruits. Then when we have the confines of our own country 
 4&nd look across thousands of miles of an expanse of ocean into the Flowery Kingdom, we find 
 ■that the people of China, because of natural conditions, are enabled to enrich the world's com- 
 'merce with their tea and silks and other remarkable productions. 
 
 When you go to Brazil the same holds true of coffee, while still other parts of tne earth 
 .yield up to the world's commerce their spices, their fruits, iheir oils, their woods and their 
 ■drugs, which can grow and mature only under the fierce rays of a tropical sun. Now, when 
 .you have thus looked around about you and have taken a hasty and very incomplete Inventory 
 -of all these natural blessings, and when you may discern in the physical configuration of the 
 ;!globe how the oceans and the rivers are so arranged as to permit an easy exchange of all these 
 vaiioos products and commodities, these natural blessings, between different and distant 
 ttcoontries — then when, last of all, you take into consideration men's appetites, their wants and 
 itheir necessities, wherever they may be located, whether north or south, or in intermediate 
 ^regions— when you have done all that, then let me tell you that for the philosophical mind. 
 Hot the mind that is free from party prejudice, for the mind that is determined to seek after 
 the truth, and willing to embrace it when discovered — for such a mind there is but one con- 
 clusion to reach, and that is that when God Almighty created this earth he created it in such a 
 'way and fashioned it in such a shape, and he made men's conditions such as not only permit 
 ^at actually to compel men and nations to trade with one another. 
 
90 TARIFF AND BAW MATERIALS. 
 
 TARIFF AND RAW MATERIALS. 
 
 ARTICLES THAT ARE TAXED TO THE DETRIMENT 
 OF AMERICAN MANUFACTURES. 
 
 In 1833, Henry Clay said : 
 
 '■ The fourtli mode Id which protection can be afforded to domcBtic industry Is to ddmit 
 free of duty every article which aided the operations of the manufacturers." 
 
 Thougli fond of quoting Clay as a protectionist, the Republican party of 
 to-day is in as little accord witli the views held by Clay ae with those held by 
 Garfield. Raw materials are heavily taxed. Why is it our tsade with the West 
 Indies and South America is largely via Europe ? Why not trade direct ? It 
 is because the tariff duty on raw materials prevents our manufacturers from 
 competing in many kinds of goods in foreign markets. 
 
 Thk Tariff aud Wool. 
 
 The blighting effect of a tariff on raw materials is perhaps most strikingly 
 apparent in the case of wool ; for in that case not only is the manufacturer 
 heavily handicapped, but the sheep farmer, for whose benefit the tax is imposed, 
 so far from deriving a benefit is actually injured. At first glance it may seem odd 
 that the manufacturer is injured by the wool tariff if it be true that the tariff low- 
 ers the price of wool ; such, however, is the fact and its explanation, quite simple 
 on investigation, may be left for Republicans to make. WUliam Harney, a 
 Republican and Secretary of the Golden Gate Woolen Manufacturing Company 
 of San Francisco, made the following statement in the San Francisco Alta 
 Oalifornia : 
 
 I am an avowed protectionist and always have i een. In no sense can I be classed as a 
 free-trader. I look upon this question of the wool tariff from the standpoint of years of 
 experience in the manufacture of woolen fabrics, and I can find no reasonable ground on 
 which to base the assertion that the interests of man »f actujer and wool-grower clash on the 
 tariff question so far as this matter is concerned. As I look at it their interests are 
 identical and it is not a matter in which politics, so-called, should cut any figure. I think 
 1 can show you that my position is eminently correct. This country does not produce the fine 
 quality of wool that we import from Australia. And to make a certain line of goods we must 
 have some of that wool, tariff or no tariff. I can see no reason why duty should be imposed 
 on a raw material our country does not produce. 
 
TABIFF AND KAW MATERIALS. 91 
 
 To show bow the tariff on wool operates against the manufacturer, and domettic wool- 
 grower as well, just for a moment consider these figures. The best Australian wool costs us 
 dowu there In the colonies say 14 pence per pound ; that is about 28 cents of our money. Kow, 
 to (his must be added, for freight, brokerage and similar expenses, from 3 to 4 cents. Say 4 
 cents. That brings the cost of the wool up to 32 cents a pound. The wool under the scouring 
 wUl shrink anywhere from 65 to 70 per cent. Let us say 68 per cent., that would bring the 
 cost of the wool up to SI por pound, and to this must be added 10 cents per pound duty, making 
 a total of $1.10. Supposing the wool cost ua 30 cents, and the shrinkage was 68 per cent., then, 
 with the duty added, the total cost would foot up to $1.06 per pound. These figures are liable 
 to fluctuation, of course, according to natural laws of trade ; but these fiuctuations, however 
 great, would not materially affect the average as already stated by me. You can easily under- 
 stand that with such costly crude material we cannot produce a manufactured article to com- 
 pete with the European or foreign production. 
 
 The best grades of our domestic wool come from Southern Oregon, Honey Lake "Valley and 
 Mendockio County, and constitute the fall clip. This wool costs us, ready for use, about fifty- 
 eight cents per pound, as a general average against the Australian wool of ninety-six cents and 
 one dollar per pound without the duty. By this you see the domestic wool can be sold, and is 
 sold, far below the price commanded by the Australian product. 
 
 I contend that if the duty on wool were removed, it would put the American raanu- 
 f actnrer on an equality with the foreign manufacturers, because the duty, as it now stands, 
 hampers the American manufacturers in exactly the same ratio that the low cost of labor and 
 motive power abroad favors, the foreign manufacturer. In other words, if the duty on wool 
 were removed to-morrow, it would operate to the American manufacturer as an advantage 
 quite, if not more than, offsetting the foreign manufacturers' advantage in the cost of labor 
 and motive power. When I make that assertion I, of course, suppose that the duty will not be 
 removed from the manufactured article. I hold that the wool-growjr is not protected by the 
 tax on the raw wool, but by the tax on the importation of the manufactured article. 
 
 I have already shown you how necessary it is for us to have the best Auf-tralian grades of 
 wool to manufacture superior fabrics. The tariff prevents us going Into an extensive manu- 
 facture of cassimeres and diagonals. Could we get the wool minus the duty, and have the tax 
 remain on the imported manufactured articles, we could compete with and drive out foreign 
 product. This we could do, for we would blend the Australian wool with the home product in 
 the proportion of about one part Australian wool to two parts home wool. This would result 
 in an immense consumption of the domestic wool, far greater than at present, and would prove 
 a powerful stimu'us to the wool-growing industry of America. We have all the machinery in 
 this country and the skill to make cloths as good as the best, but our energies are crippled and 
 our enterprise dwarfed by the tmnecessary cost of the raw material. Could we go ahead and 
 woik our mills to their beat advantage, millions of dollars would annually find their way into 
 the pockets of our wage-workers that now either remain idle or are disbuised in the support of 
 foreign Industries. I think the consumer would equally benefit with the producer. 
 
 The wool-grower may advance as an argument the assertion that if the tariff on wool was 
 removed the market would be flooded with the low grade foreign wools. This assertion has no 
 weight when you consider a moment the relative cost of the low grade foreign and low grade 
 domestic wool. The lowest grade wools in Australia cost there say 8 pence or 16 cents per 
 pound, add three cents for freight and brokerage, and the cost is nineteen cents. Ten cents 
 per pound for duty increases their value to twenty-nine cents. Say the shrinkage is sixty per 
 cent, and we find the total cost is no less than 72}^ cents per pound. Our own low grade wools 
 cost us, ready for use, anywhere from forty-two to forty-five cents per poand, so that you can 
 see that if the duty was removed the cost of the foreign article woald still be far in excess 
 of the home product. 
 
 If the door was thrown wide open to-morrow by the abolition of the duty, we would not be 
 able to get very much more of the foreign wool than we do now, the supply being less than 
 what the world demands ; but at the same time we would use an enormously increased quantity 
 of the domestic wool. There is noihlug In the proposition to remove the tariff on wool to 
 prompt the wool-grower to feel that ho is at any hazard. 
 
 1 think that in time we may be able to raise as good wool in this country as can be im- 
 ported, but at present such is not the case. In the colonies great care is taken to keep the 
 ranges clean, the grass is of good quality and the sheep are sheared but once a year. Climate: 
 and other conditions have marked effect on the quality of the wool. 
 
52 TARIFF AND KAW MATEKIALa 
 
 In one of his reports, while Secretajy of the Treasury, the late Daniel Manning used the 
 if oUowing very significant language : " Any tax on the raw wool will always make domestic 
 wool-raising a bad business, for iu our dry climate some varieties of wool required in the 
 ■manufacture of fine fabrics are not possible." 
 
 Other evidence as to the blighting eflfect of the tariff on wool-growing is 
 ■contained in the following extract from Hon. John De Witt Warner's 'Speech 
 in the House of Representatives, March 3, 1892. 
 
 Mr. Warner's speech is a terse statement of the whole question of the tariff 
 «nd wool. 
 
 When the tariff of 1867 became a law, wool was higher than It has ever been since, and 
 Tinder the fostering care of high protection the price of wool has gone down, down, down, until 
 from being one of the leading and most profitable industries of the country, that of wool-grow- 
 ing has become one that every prudent man avoids. The fact was recognized by the senior 
 Senator from Ohio [Mr. Shbbman], when he made his famous speech in 1883. He pointed to 
 the tariff on wool as a striking example of the benefits of protection, and then explained how 
 what had already reduced the price of wool might be applied to other Industries. Here is what 
 lie says ; 
 
 In 1867 the price of wool was 51 cents; in 1870, 46 cents; in 1378, which was an abnormal 
 year, 40 cents per pound ; this was the result of the policy of protecting the wool-grower, as it 
 is in all industries, to gradually reduce the price. Under the operation of the existing law (the 
 tariff of 1867) the price of wool has gradually gone down. 
 
 It might be well to refer to that of another gentleman, equally orthodox and equally indis- 
 .putably a representative of the protection sentiment, the senior Senator from Iowa [Mr. At.t.t- 
 «on] , who took occasion, in a summary noting the effect of this decrease in the price of wool, to 
 -explain ita reasons. 
 
 I allade to the wool tariff, a law the effect of which has been materially to injure the sheep 
 husbandry of this country. In a single county in the State of Iowa, between 1867 and 1869, 
 the number of aheep was reduced from 32,000 to 18,000 in two years ; and what ia true of other 
 -counties in Iowa, and during that time the price of wool has been constantly depreciated. 
 
 * * * As the law now is, the tariff upon fine wools of a character not produced in this 
 ■country is 100 per cent, of their cost. * * * Before the tariff of 1867, our manufacturers of 
 fine goods mixed foreign fine wools with our domestic product, and were thus able to compete 
 ■successfully with the foreign manufacturers of similar wools . But being prohibited from 
 importing this class of wools, these fine goods cannot now be produced in this country as 
 ■cheaply as they can be imported. Consequently mills that were formerly engaged in producing 
 these goods have been compelled to abandon business or manufacture the coarser fabrics. If 
 they could afford to manufacture these fine goods, they would make a market, which we do not 
 now have, for our fine wools to be mixed with other fine wools of a different character from 
 abroad. The want of a market, as I understand it, is the reason why our fine wools now com- 
 mand so low a price. 
 
 Since the enactment of the high tariff in 1867, the prosperous days of sheep-raising, there 
 have been millions of acres of land opened in the Western States, and millions upon millions 
 ■of sheep pastured where there had never been one before ; and yet the total number of sheep 
 in the whole country, being 39,000,000 in 1867, fell to 35,000,000 in 1675, and only rose to 43,431,- 
 000 in 1891. 
 
 In the States east of the Mississippi river, which had been the centre of this great and pros- 
 perous industry, the slaughter was fearful. Ohio, which in the year 1867 had 7,159,000 sheep, 
 4n 1890 had but 3,943,000. Michigan, which in 1867 had 4,000,000 sheep, in 1890 had but 8,240,000. 
 Pennsylvania, which in 1867 had over 8,400,000 sheep, in 1890 had only 945,000 ; and New York, 
 -which in 1867 had above 5,300,000 sheep, had in the year 1890 only 1,548,000. 
 
 The same was the case with wool manufacturing. 
 
 From the time that manufacture was depressed under '.he high tariff of 1842, it had been a 
 more and more prosperous industry under the continual lowering of the tariffs which succeeded 
 that tariff. And before the war, under the impetus of free wool, we know that its prosperity 
 was greater uuin it has ever been since. From the time that the tariff of 1867 was imposed 
 wool manufacturers became less and less prosperous ; failure after failure, the closing of one 
 onill after another succeeded, until in the year 1888— though that year was not seriously worse 
 
TAKIPP AND BAW MATKBIALg. QJ 
 
 than fhom years preceding it— when f ailnreg in the business amonnted to fifty-seven, Involving; 
 liahilitfes of 83.687,000, we were told that such was the result of the scare over the Mills bill. 
 
 But the Republican candidate for President was elected, with the leralt that " confldence"" 
 was restored, which '• confidence " we were told would set every wheel of industry in motion^ 
 especially in wool manufacturing ; yet during the year after President Harrison's election the 
 failures in the same business were seventy-two, involving liabilities of over $10,400,000, which, 
 •hows how much more terrible a thing it is to the wool manufacturers to have " confidence " 
 in a high tariff than it is to be " scared " oyer the prospect of free wool. Such was the condi- 
 tion of matters when the McKinley bill was enacted in order to help the wool-grower. 
 
 The result has been that wool has been lower each year since then than it was at the time- 
 that the McKinley bill was enacted, and it is a cent and a half lower to-day than it was at the 
 •ame date last year. Not merely have wools gone down, down, down in price, but what is 
 more, sheep have been driven to the shambles under the McKinley bill even more than they 
 were driven thither under the tarifE which had preceded it. 
 
 The minority of the Ways and Means Committee have called attention to the fact that this- 
 conntry, after a fair trial of the McKinley bill, has 1,600,000 more sheep than it had at the time- 
 that bill was enacted . That is true, but the minority do not tell you the reason why this conn- 
 tjy has 1,500,000 more sheep, or in what States or under what conditions those sheep are found. 
 If you take the last official report of the Department of Agriculture upon farm animals yon, 
 will find that in nearly every State where there has been an increase it has come fro n the exten- 
 sion of the practice, not of raising sheep for woolj but of raising lambs for mutton. 
 
 From Maine we have the suggestion that *' in sheep there is a very decided increase of mut- 
 ton breeds." Prom Massachusetts, where there has been a large increase, we hearthat farmers. 
 " in the neighborhood of Boston and other large cities find It profitable to raise early spring 
 lambs for the market, declaring that no stock pays better." 
 
 In New York the condition stated as accounting for the slight increase is that " more are- 
 being kept than formerly, as lamb and mutton are in demand at all times at profitable prices." 
 
 In Ohio there has been an increase in the number of sheep, and the reason which the Agri- 
 cultural Department gives for that increase is this : ** Sheep, prime mutton, find ready sale, 
 and, competition being more restricted than with beef, the prices have ranged with profit to- 
 feeders. Wool, however, is lower than for years." 
 
 It goes on to explain, in other words, that the increase of sheep in Ohio is not what might 
 have been expected from the ri»e in the price of mutton ; and the reason why it is not so great 
 as it might be ie that the price of wool has so gone down as to make a drawback to the sheep 
 industry thus stimulated by the price of mutton. 
 
 In Michigan it is stated that there is an increase, and that the reason is that " the feeding- 
 of lambs is still being carried on as a business," and " the mutton breeds are the most popular 
 and profitable. " 
 
 In Illinois there is reported a slight increase, which la accounted for on the ground that " the 
 mutton breeds are becoming popular." In Minnesota— and I want my friends on the other side 
 to hear this, because it is the one straw of comfort that they are going to get in this whole busi- 
 ness—it is reported that " the dairy industry seems to be expanding and also the growing of 
 wool," 
 
 There is the one State, the one place, and the only place where, according to the Agricul- 
 tural reports jnst published, the wool-growing business is not going downward. The number 
 of sheep in the country generally is being increased (if it is increasing) by the fact that farmer& 
 are turning their attention away from the growing of wool to the growing of lambs for 
 slaughter. 
 
 On the other hand, in the great wool-growing Statei, that same Agricultural report, upon 
 which our friends of the minority rely, shows that the wool-growing Industry is going back, 
 wards. In the great State of Texas the number of sheep remains about the same, but the prices- 
 are lower. In the great State of California the number of sheep is less. From the great wool- 
 growing States and Territories of Montana, Utah, New Mexico, Wyoming and Oregon there 
 are no reports, except estimates as to the number of sheep. 
 
 It appears that no estimate of the number of sheep in Montana has been made during last 
 year ; that in New Mexico there are now only 8,900,000 sheep as compared with 3, 100,000 a year 
 ago ; that no estimate has been made for Utah for the last two years ; that in the rapidly de- 
 veloping State of Wyoming the increase has been only 125,000, or about 12 per cent ., and that 
 Oregon has bat 3,468,000 sheep as compared with her 2,929,000 of only a year ago. 
 
94 TARIFF AND RAW MATERIALS, 
 
 Appbboiatite Wool-Growebi. 
 
 The farmers are beginning to nnrlerstand this matter. As an example of the extent to 
 ■which they have done away with the use of the little wool that was pulled over their eyes, I 
 will refer to but one instance. The Wool-Growers and Sheep-Breeders' AsBoeiationof Ontario 
 and Livingetun Counties, in New York, is one of the oldest and strongest and most representa- 
 tive organizations of that kind in the United States. There, sir, is one of the great centres of 
 the fine wool growing and sheep-breeding industries. The memberB of that agsociation are in 
 the main Kepublicans. They were protectionists. 
 
 But, when they got together and looked each other in the face, in January, 1891, they con- 
 cluded to stop political wool-growing and to look at that matter in a practical way. When 
 those wool-growers and sheep-breeders got together after election, and their party was not at 
 stake, and all they had to consider was the wool buflinese, here is the conclusion to which 
 they came. 
 
 Whereas, it has been the policy in the past for this aBSOciation to annually pass stereotyped 
 resolutions praying Congress to restore the wool duty of 1867 or its equivalent ; and 
 
 Whereas, this association finally recognizes the unsoundness of its past position on this 
 question, and ever ready to correct any error into which it may have fallen, we beg leave to 
 submit the following : 
 
 First. We recognize that the wool duty is a delusion and a snare to the wool-grower, and 
 that it has largely been Instrumental in driving to the wall an industry it was calculated to 
 benefit. 
 
 Second. Prior to 1867, under the various changes of the wool duties, the price of wool 
 fluctuated, not in sympathy with the tariff, but by reason of the ever-controlling law of 
 demand and supply, the grower having receired high prices and low prices under high tariffs, 
 and, conversely, low prices and high prices under low tariffs. 
 
 Third. The success of the wool-grower depends on the success of the woolen mannfsclurer, 
 while the American manufacturer is seriously handicapped by reason of being compelled to 
 pay exorbitant tariff taxes on every pound of clothing wool imported fpr necessary admixture, 
 while all foreign countries of any consequence have the benefit of free wool, and are thus en- 
 abled to undersell our manufacturers. 
 
 Fourth. The great wool tariff of 1867 resulted in driving from the eight chief wool-produc- 
 ing States— for whose special benefit said tariff was conceived and passed—more than 50 per 
 cent, of their sheep in a single decade, while tbe price of wool declined in a nearly corre- 
 sponding ratio. 
 
 Fifth. The iraportfttion of fore'gn wool increased from about 96,000,000 pounds in 1867 to 
 more than 139,000.000 pounds in 1S71, just four years succeeding the highest duty ever imposed 
 on wool and woolens. 
 
 Sixth. During eight of the past eighteen years the foreign prices of imported clothing 
 wools at the last port of export actually exceeded the price of our domestic fleece in the market! 
 of Boston, New York or Philadelphia, while in.no single year did the domestic wools bring 
 the foreign price, plus the duty. 
 
 Seventh. England, France and Germany are the only three countries in the world that 
 export woolen manufactures in excess of the imports of raw wool, in other words, these 
 countries, by admitting wool free, have creat-^d a demand for their home wool in excess of all 
 wools required to clothe their people and after giving employment to labor, export more wool 
 than they have imported. The United States, on the other hand, by imposing a high duty on 
 raw wool has not only destroyed our export trade, but so throttled our manufacturers as to ruin 
 tiie market for domestic fleece and gire to the English, French and German manufacturers the 
 cream of our markets for cloths. 
 
 Eib'hth. The free importation of raw wool into the United States would knock out the 
 imports of woolen goods and would revive the present depressed state of our own manu- 
 facturers, thus giving employment to labor here and create an increased demand for our strong 
 wools for necessary admixture, 
 
 Ninth. Kecognizing the truth of the above facts, therefore, we, the members of the 
 Ontario and Livingston Sheep-Breeders' and Wool-Growers^ Association, in convention 
 assembled, most respectfully petition Cimgresa to immediately pUce wool and woolen manu- 
 fdCturef on the free list, in order that their industries may again thrive and aSBUme that 
 IDOgniiade commeU'Uurate with a nation of 63,000,000 of people. 
 
TAniPP AND RAW MATERIALS. 95 
 
 Wool Manopacturb Since the McKinlet Act. 
 
 In his speech at Sedalia, Mo., August 30, 1892, Senator Vest showed how 
 the McKinley wool tariff has promoted the "shoddy" industry and largely 
 prevented the American people from enjoying the use and benefit of warm 
 woolen clothing. 
 
 The increa"!" of prices caused by the McKinley Act has produced deterioration in tbe 
 quality of goods. 
 
 Dealers have been forced to aslt from the manufacturers an article of goods similar in ap- 
 pearance but inferior in quality, so as to satisfy the marlcet demand without an increase of 
 price. This is especially the fact as to goods containing wojI in any quantity. Under the 
 McKinley Act all fabrics containing even a single thread of vyool pay an import duty of 92.84 
 per cent, ad valorem. It cost the importers for the twelve months after the passage of the 
 McKinley law $37,785,080 to land in New York, without insurance, commission or freight, 
 fabrics containing wool which cost abroad only $19,591,650. 
 
 The inevitable result of this enormous duty has been to decrease the foreign importalion 
 and to give control of the market here to the American manufacturers. 
 
 A« Ihs McKinley Act places a heavy duty upon foreign wools, the duty on grease wool 
 being 11 cents a pound, the American manufacturer finds It more profitable to use neither 
 foreign or domestic wool altogether, but to mix with his wool cotton and shoddy out of which 
 is made cloth similar to that made entirely of wool, but which the consumer finds to be much 
 inferior when subjected to wear. 
 
 This fact is clearly shown by the wonderful increase of the shoddy factories and their 
 product in the United States. In 1870, according to the census, there were 56 shoddy factories 
 In the United States, and their product was $1,768,593 ; in 1880, 10 years, they had increased to 
 73 establishments, producing $4,989,815 worth of goods. In 1690 there were 94 establinhments, 
 producing $9,908,011 worth of goods. In 1890 there were consumed in the United States 
 «1 ,686,861 pounds of shoddy. Of wool in the grease the United States produced a76,000,000 
 pounds in 1890, or in scoured wool 92,000,000 pounds. 
 
 This shoddy had as a cloth-producing power 67 per cent, of the domestic wool. Nearly 70 
 per cent, was made out of shoddy, principally out of cotton and out of old rags coming from 
 diseased places, from the purlieus and shanties of the cities. 
 
 The Taripp and Iron. 
 
 Repuhlican statistics show how high duties on crude iron have crippled 
 the iron industry. For more than 200 hundred years, down to 1880, Mas- 
 sachussets held noticeable prominence as an iron manufacturing State. 
 
 But in 1880 the iron industries of Massachusetts, strong in the possession 
 of the experience of two and a half centuries and of trained mechanics in 
 wliose familes iron-working had become hereditary, began strangely enough to 
 decline. 
 
 In 1880 there were forty-one rolling mills in New England, of which twenty- 
 five were in Massachusetts. In 1891 there were but twenty-one active rolling 
 mills in New England, of wh'ch ten were in Massachusetts. 
 
 In 1880 there were twelve cut-nail fnctories in Massachusetts ; in 1891 there 
 were but two in operation. 
 
 In 1880 there were reported as produced in Massachusetts 116,846 tons 
 of rolled iron ; in 1887 only 45,853 tons ; and several mills have retired since 
 that date. 
 
 In 1880 the United States Census reports enumerated 217 puddling fur- 
 naces in New England, of which 191 were in Massaohu.setts. In 1890 and 1891 
 there was not probably a ton of pig-iron puddled in Ijew England, certainly 
 very little if any. 
 
90 ■ TARIFF AND RAW MATERIALS. 
 
 In 1887 there were 30,683 tons of steel rails made In Massachusetts ; in 1890 
 none. 
 
 Such has been the effect in Massachusetts of maintaining the high duties oni 
 crude iron. 
 
 The effect elsewhere has been scarcely less disastrous. As long ago asa 
 March 23, 1869, John Roach told a special committee of the House of Repre- 
 sentatives how the tariff on pig iron hid ruined American shipbuilding and? 
 American comra/rce. Mr. Roach said : 
 
 " Araerica has lost lier commerce and wliat has she obtained in exchange for it ? Simplj- 
 the right for a few men to charge $9 per ton, in gold, on the importation of pig-iron. Pig-iroD. 
 was the basis of all other metals connected with the making and repairing of ships. There- 
 has b en a revolution m ship-building, and iron is the material from which they are now bnilt._ 
 The high cost of the iron, produced by the tariff upon it, is one of the principal difficulties-, 
 our commerce has to contend with." 
 
 Major L. S. Bent, President of the Pennsylvania Steel Company, testifyingr 
 before the Ways and Means Committee after demonstrating how the tariff on 
 pig-iron drained his company of $750,000 per year, thus crippling its opera- - 
 tions, concluded by saying : 
 
 "Give me free ore and I will sell p'g-iron in Liverpool and send steel rails to London." 
 
 Mr. Roach's statement in 1869 that in placing a high tariff on iron ore 
 America has simply given a few men the power to charge exorbitant prices. 
 is corroborated by Republican authorities of to-day. Speaking of the im- 
 mense fortunes amassed by iron mine-owners, the protectionist Pittsburgh: 
 
 Commercial Oazeite says : 
 
 *' The earnings of some of the Lake Superior iron ore companies have been somethings- 
 phenomenal during the past few months. One company with a capital stock of $500,000 i?; 
 reported to have cleared in fifteen months over $700,000, or considerably more than the entire- 
 capital. Stock at the par value of $3.5 has gone up until it is held at $175 a share, whicii is not 
 at all strange when the earning caJJacity of the company is considered." 
 
 Here is an increase of 600 per cent, in the value of the property of men who say they need: 
 protection still for their infant industry, and that they can not compete witli the ores of far.. 
 away Spain. What cost them one dollar to buy is now worth seven dollars ; and every dol^ar- 
 they put into the property now yields $1.12 a year. 
 
 Another company which is reaping enormous profltB out of iron mines is the Metropolitan 
 Iron and Land Company of Michigan, a large part of the stock of which is owned in Massa- 
 choBetts. In January a dividend of twenty-six per cent, was paid by this company ; on Apri^ 
 20 a further dividend of twelve per cent, was paid ; and in addition to this a stock dividend of 
 twenty-five per cent, was declared at the same time. That is to say, instead of paying out the- 
 full dividend in money, the stock of each stockholder was increased by twenty-five per cent. 
 Future dividends will, of course, be calculated upon the basis of the stock thus watered ; &n& 
 the dividends which are paid wUl, by this watering process, be disguised in such a way that the- 
 people will not be able to see at once what vast profits they are helping these mine-owners t» 
 make. The stockholders pay in not one cent of exira money, and yet they will receive divi- 
 dends hereafter upon one-fourth more of stock than they paid for. That is one way to disKuise- 
 from the people the effect of the high protection they conti me to vote to these mine owners. 
 
 If we sum up the dividends paid out by this company, including the stock dividend, we get. 
 a total of thirteen per cent. Tlie shares of the company command an enormoiiB premium. 
 The p.ar value is $25, and the last sale which is known was for $85. But so far as is knoAii 
 there have been no recent sales. People who have such a good thing, and a public so ready to. 
 tax itself for their benefit, do not readily part with their property. 
 
 The pretense that the tariff on iron ore is for the benefit of the iron miner* 
 is disposed of, not only by such facts as the above, showing the enormoosv 
 
-TARIFF AND RAW MATERIALS. 97 
 
 profits made by tlie mine-owners, but by the further fact that at no time 
 has the labor cost of producing iron ore and 'converting it into pig-irOn ever 
 equalled the amount of duty on pig-iron. The duty on pig-iron is three- 
 tenths cents per pound, while the labor cost of producing pig-iron is as low 
 as 69 cents per ton. 
 
 The total production of iron ore in the United States in 1889, according to 
 the census, was 14,518,041 tons, 7,5.5S,076 tons, or n2 per cent., of which were 
 mined in the three States of Michigan, Wisconsin and Minnesota. The other 
 important ore-producing States are Alabama, with 1,570,819 tons ; Pennsyl- 
 vania, with 1,560,234 tons ; and New York, with 1,347,537 tons. In short, 
 the above six States produced 11,936,166 tons, or over 83 per cent, of the 
 ■whole product of the country. 
 
 The Census Bulletin also shows total cost of producing the ore and the 
 cost of labor per ton. These costs for the above States are as follows : 
 
 State. 
 
 Michigan 
 
 Wisconsin . . . 
 Miniieeot;i — 
 
 Alabama 
 
 Pennsylvania. 
 Kew York 
 
 Total Cost, 
 
 Labor Cost, 
 
 per ton. 
 
 per ton. 
 
 $s or 
 
 »1 ]9 
 
 1 7R 
 
 1 on 
 
 1 80 
 
 1 10 
 
 82 
 
 6J 
 
 1 10 
 
 75 
 
 1 04 
 
 1 00 
 
 In view of the above figures of costs, nothing is left of the claims of high- 
 tariff advocates that the total cost of producing iron ore is for labor nnd that 
 but for the tarifE on iron ore we could not compete with other countries. 
 
 Lbad. 
 
 A few producers of carbonate lead ores in Colorado succeeded in inducing 
 the "Ways and Means Committee to impose a duty of one and a half cents per 
 pound on all the lead contained in silver-lead ores imported from Jle.xico to be 
 used as a flux in smelting domestic dry ores. Under the tariff of 1883 such 
 ores were free if the value of the silver contained in them was more than the 
 value of the lead. The Carbonate Ring was granted the increased duty 
 
 What ihe result has been is shown by the following from the Engimetinrj 
 
 and Mining Journal of January 31, 1891 : 
 
 " The high treatment charges remain unchaugei on silicious ores and those carrying but a. 
 small amount of leat, and in conaeqtience there are frequent reports from Colorado, Utah, New- 
 Mexico, and other places, of mines which are stocking ore, restricting production, orclojiirg 
 down until there shill be a favorable change in the ore market. At the present time, after 
 the law has beon in operation for less than four months, there are feivcr mines in operation 
 and the load product is less than bsftn'e its passage. Tha price of lead has been iQcrea~ed, it 
 is true, but the value of the lead product of the mines of the argentiferous lead ore producing 
 States,' has fallen off from $12,251,000 to $11,558,-100. There never was a pernicious law which 
 showed its injurious effects more quickly or plainly than this. It has hurt the interests cf the 
 miners of silver lead and dry ores ; it has hurt the interests of American capital inverted in 
 nines and railways in Me-iico, and it has hurt the smelting interests of this country Whom 
 has it benefited ? Only the mining interests of Mexico— whither it has driven capital for in- 
 
 7 
 
g» 
 
 TARIFF AND RAW MATERIALS. 
 
 Teetment in smelting works— the bankers and smelters of Europe, and the comparatively small 
 number of American producers of high grade lead ores, particularly lead carbonate, who havft 
 been enabled to exact abnormally high prices for their ores, which incvease, of course, comes 
 directly from the pockets of the producersof the ellicious and refractory grades." 
 
 The production of lead in the leading States, the miners oE -which secured 
 the duly of 1^ cents per pound on lead ore, in 1890 and 1891 has been as fol- 
 lows : 
 
 Arizona and California 
 
 Colorado 
 
 Idaho and Montana 
 
 Nevada 
 
 Utah , 
 
 Total . 
 
 Production. 
 
 18S0. 
 Tons. 
 
 1891. 
 Tons. 
 
 1,000 
 60,000 
 24,000 
 
 8,600 
 24,000 
 
 1,000 
 64,000 
 25,000 
 
 2.500 
 26,000 
 
 111,500 
 
 117,500 
 
 The production of lead in these States increased during the year only 6,000 
 tons. 
 
 The producers and smelters of lead in Missouri, Kansas, Illinois and \Yis- 
 consin who use the imported ores as a flux in the smelting of our own more 
 refractory silver-lead ores, opposed the duty and declared that it would greatly 
 injure their business. The production of lead in these States in 1891, as com- 
 pared with 1890, was as follows : 
 
 1890. 1^91. 
 
 Tons. Tons. 
 
 Lead pioducea 55,000 40,000 
 
 — a falling off of 15,000 tons, making the net loss in the production of lead in 
 the States enumerated in 1891 9,000 tons. 
 
 How this was brought about is shown by Mr. Bothwell, of the Engineering 
 and Mining Journal, in his annual review of the lead industry. He 
 
 "I"or a short time indeed, toward the end of 1890, the price of lead was advanced by the 
 McKinley bill, and the smelting charges on dry silver ores were also increased quite heavily, 
 owing to a temporary scarcity of lead fluxing ores, but a mor e liberal interpretation of the bill 
 of the Treasury Department again allowed the Mexican ore to enter. The price of lead 
 thenceforward declined (though smelting charges did not), and as a final outcome it mnst be 
 apparent to every one, from a study of these statistics, that the McKinley bill has been an 
 injury rather than a benefit to the lead, and especially to the silver miners of the West. 
 
 " This result must set some of the intelligent miners to thinking who profited when they 
 were injured, or at least not benefited, by the legislation which they were told would prove so 
 greatly to their advantage. But had Mexican lead ores continued to come in tree, what would 
 have been the result f Undoubtedly the smelting of Mexican ores would have been done in this 
 country, to the obvious advantage of our metallurgical industry, instead of in works built with 
 American capital in Mexico. 
 
 " Lead might have ruled lower in price had a very large amount of ore come in from 
 abroad, but this would have greatly stimulated consumption, and would have kept down smelt 
 'ng charges on dry ores, the mining of which gives oacupation to more men than does the 
 i 'ningot lead ores." 
 
TARIFF AND KAW MATERIALS. 99 
 
 Turning from the injurious effects of the duty on the production and smelt- 
 ing of silver-lead ores in the United States to the effect on the production of 
 lead in Mexico, Mr. Bothwell says : 
 
 " Prevlons to 1890, only a few unimportant smelting works existed in Mexico, the product 
 -of which was very small, but when the American market was closed to the Mexican miners, 
 ■who could not afford to pay the heavy freight charges to Europe on the low grade ores, nothing 
 was left for them to do but to establiBh a smelting industry of their own. The opportunity 
 was promptly seized, not only by them but also by some of the larger American smelters, 
 who found themselves deprived of a. portion of their supplies ; they, too, went over to Mexico 
 and started up smelting works, which are now partly in operation, and will be entirely so early 
 this year. 
 
 " At present the produStion of lead bullion in Mexico goes on at the rate of about 1,SOO 
 tons per month, but very shortly this will be increased to about 2,500 tons, and may by the end 
 of this year amount to 3,000 tons. If this latter figure is reached it will mean that Mexico will 
 thus produce about one-sixth as much as the United States, and there can be no doubt that 
 most of this bullion would have been produced here had not the law been altered in a most 
 deplorably narrow-minded spirit." 
 
 Since the duty on imported ores benefits no one in the United States, but 
 has caused great injury to the silver-lead ore producers and smeltei-s, why 
 should it not be repealed ? 
 
 Copper. 
 
 The history of the copper tariff is the history of unblushing greed and bold 
 and barefaced robbery. The Lake Superior copper mine-owners, after in- 
 ducing Congress to impose a heavy duty on copper, squeezed the American 
 manufacturer out of the last cent permitted by the tariff, while at the same 
 time they sold copper to foreigners at the price fixed by the foreign supply ; 
 that is, foreigners could buy American copper from three to four cents cheaper 
 than Americans could buy it. It was actually cheaper to have the copper go 
 to England and bacis, because, even after allowing for the Englishman's profit, 
 the American manufacturer was able to buy the copper cheaper from the 
 English purchaser than he could buy direct from the American copper mine- 
 owners. He could do this because the copper could be imported into the 
 United States tree of duty, as an original product of the United States. When 
 this practice became kno\^■n to the copper mine-owners they put a stop to it 
 by requiring the foreign buyer to guarantee European consumption before 
 giving him the benefit of the reduced prices. 
 
 The following brief outline of the cembination formed by the Lake 
 Supeiior mines will show how immense capital and unscrupulous lobbying 
 can secure protection for even the most unworthy objects ; and how, after 
 being protected, the power thus given is used to rob and oppress millions of 
 consumers. The copper combination was formed in 1879 by the following 
 mines : The Calumet & Hecla, Atlantic, Quincy, Central, AUouez, Franklin, 
 Pewabic and Huron ; the Copper Falls and Conglomerate Companies were 
 admitted later. It wa.3 agreed that all the sales of copper should be made by 
 the sales agent of the Calumet & Hecla. The aim was to keep up the price of 
 copper in this country to the limit allowed by the tariff duty of 5 cents per 
 pound. The surplus produced over the consumption in the United States was 
 to be exported and sold on the condition that the buyers would not re-import 
 it. This plan continued till 18ci3, when the sales agent of the Calumet & Hecla 
 
100 TARIFF AND RAW MATERIALS. 
 
 died. Thereupon, written contracts were made by all the mines mentioned 
 above, providing that all the copper produced should be pooled and sold by 
 the Calumet & Hecla either in this country or abroad. Ten per cent, of the 
 receipts from the sales of copper was to be retained for use either to buy Lake 
 copper in the markets when they should become glutted, or in case it wa& 
 thought best to hold the copper for a considerable length to assist the weaker 
 mines to continue their operations. 
 
 This contract was drawn October 13, 1883, to continue in force one year. 
 On February 14, 1884, new contracts were made to continue the arrangements 
 till January 1, 1885, and the third and last contract was drawn up and signed 
 August 20, 1884, to continue the pool one year longer, from January 1, 1885. 
 These contracts gave the Calumet & Hecla complete control over the copper 
 produced in Michigan to sell when it pleased, and at what price it pleased. 
 In the last contract the following provision occurs : " It is the purpose of the 
 Calumet & Hecla Mining Company to make a large sale of copper for export 
 at the best price obtainable, from 13,000 to 17,000 tons," The sale was made 
 and the copper was to be delivered in three installments in November, Decem- 
 ber and January, and the price agreed upon was an advance of £4 per ton (equal 
 to .86 of'a cent per lb.), above the average price of Chili bars for those months. 
 The Quincy Company objected to this and proceeded to sell its copper for ex- 
 port through certain brokers in New York, who succeeded in getting more 
 than a cent per pound above the price obtained by the Calumet & Hecla. 
 
 The Calumet & Hecla for itself and the other mines in the pool applied for 
 an injunction from the Supreme Court of New York, to stop the independent 
 sale of copper by the Quincy Company. The sixth article of the complaint 
 shows clearly how, by the aid of the tariff, this combination had fleeced the 
 American consumer for five successive years. It is as follows : 
 
 "Acting upon tlie faith o: and in full compliance with said agreemenis, said Calumet 
 & Hecla Mining Company entered into an agreement and made a contract with certain Euro- 
 pean parties for the sale and delivery during the periods covered by said agreements of many 
 thousand tons of copper. A part of the consideration of said last-named contract with said 
 European parties was the agreement made by the said Calumet & Hecla Mining Company actmg 
 for itself and for all other cwnpanies above named that no more copper should be sold by 
 said companies for e.xpoitation during said period, and the European parties agreed on then- 
 part that none of said copper should be re-imported into the United States." 
 
 In the answer, the defendant, the Quincy Mining Company, declares : 
 
 " For an answer and defense herein the defendant alleges that the contracts referred to in 
 the plaintiff's complaint were esecuted by the several parties thereto for the purpose of carry- 
 ing into eif ect agreements which they had made to combine with each other to prevent a free 
 competition among themselves in the business of selling their productions of copper, and to 
 enable the plaintiff, the Calumet & Hecla Mining Company, to control the amount of Lake 
 Superior copper, which should be put upon the market, and also to control and to keep up 
 beyond what it would otherwise be, the price at which the same should be sold during the con- 
 tinuance of said contracts." 
 
 In January, 1885, Judge Lawrence rendered his decision, refusing to grant 
 the injunction on the ground tjiat it was contrary to public policy. The dis- 
 ruption of this agreement, the reduction of the duties in 1883, and the growing 
 competition of the new mines in the West, whose ability to produce copper 
 cheaply and in large quantities was Questioned by the Superior mines, which 
 
TAUIPP AND EAW MATKKIAI.S 101 
 
 consequently for a time tried to crush them, gave us comparatively free com- 
 petition, so that for two years and a half there were probably no corners or 
 combinations to regulate prices ; and copper ranged from \% to 2}^ cents only, 
 higher in this country than in England. But in the fall of 1887 the greatest 
 copper combination was formed. 
 
 This was what is known to history as the French Syndicate. Starting with 
 the speculations in cCpper by the Societie de Metaux under the leadership of 
 M. Secretan, it at first contemplated only a local corner in the market. But 
 soon the scheme took form to buy up the output of the chief mines of the 
 world for a term of years, and make the corner an international one. Con- 
 tracts were made with all the principal mines of the United Stiites, in the fall 
 ■of 1887 and spring of 1888, generally in the same terms, though some of the 
 larger mines by holding off secured better contracts. 
 
 It was for the interest of the copper producers in the United States to 
 increase their )i oduct as much as possible the prices thus secured. As a 
 ■consequence, the United States production rose from 80,763 in 1887 to 103,138 
 tons in 1888. The same was true also of the German, Spanish, and, to some 
 extent, of Chilian supply, so that the increase in the world's supply for the 
 year was nearly 40,000 tons. 
 
 While the syndicate was being swamped with copper the consumers were 
 exerting all their powers to avoid making- purchases at the exorbitant rates de- 
 manded by it. January and February, 1889, (developed signs of weakness on 
 the part of the syndicate ; to offset the effects o which and to give t e impres- 
 sion that it was still backed by plenty of ca ital a new company was or janized, 
 the " Compagnie Auxiliaire des Metaux," at the head of which were M. Secretan 
 and M. Danfert, one of the the directors of the tomptoir d'Escompte, and ne- 
 gotiations were made with the chief producers by which they agreed as a preli- 
 minary step, looking to a reduction of the supply to suspend all deliveries from 
 March 15 to May 15. The suicide of M. Danfen and the bankruptcy of the 
 Comptoir d'Escompte, which had given it heavy loans, completed the fall of 
 the syndic te. In January, 1889, ingot copper was quoted here at 173^ cents ; 
 by the end of March it had fallen to 15)^, and by the end of May to 13, and 
 remained at this price until Septem It r and October, when it fell to 11 cents. 
 The last great copper corner had reached an end. 
 
 According to C. Kirschoff there was a consumption of 76,134,641 pounds of 
 new copper by 109 firms in the United States in 1888. These 109 consumers 
 on the basis that copper would not have been above 13 cents had the corner 
 not been organized, paid to the syndicate $3,615,820, of which $1,141,869 went 
 to the producers, while the remainder, or $3,474,051, was divided equally be- 
 tween the syndicate and the producers. In 1888 we produced 336,000,000 
 pounds, which, with the stock left over from 1887, made the total supply 
 376,000,000. Of this we exported 78,000,000, and had on hand at 
 the end of the year, 78,000,000. Our consumption of copper, 
 therefore, in all industries was about 120,000,000, which cost the American 
 consumer $5,700,000 more than the natural price would warrant. Of this the 
 syndicate secured nearly $2,000,000, and the mine-owners nearly $3,700,000. 
 
 How little the members of the copper combines require protection appeal's 
 from the following statement of their epormous profits : 
 
103 TARIFF AND KAW MATERIALS. 
 
 In 1886 the Calumet and Hecla, Quincy, Atlantic, Central and Franklin^ 
 producing 29,767 tons out of a total of 35,665 tons produced in the Lake 
 Superior region, paid $1,900,000 in dividends, as follows : 
 
 Calumet and Hecla, $1,500,000, or $15 per share of $25, or at the rate of 
 125 per cent, on the capital actually paid in. 
 
 The Quincy, $240,000, or $6 per share of $25, or at the rate of 120 per cent. 
 on the paid-up capital. 
 
 The Franklin, $80,000, or $2 per share of $25, or at the rate of 36 per cent, 
 on the investment. 
 
 The Central, $40,000, or $2 per share of $25, or 40 per cent, on the invest- 
 ment. 
 
 The Atlantic, $40,000, or $1 per share of $25, or 14 per cent, on the invest- 
 ment. 
 
 The Osceola, whose last dividend was 25 cents per share in September, 1884, 
 paid in January, 1887, $50,000, or $1 per share of $25, or 10 per cent, on th& 
 paid-up capital. 
 
THE TIN PLATJE HUMBUa. 103 
 
 THE TIN PLATE HUMBUG. 
 
 CONGRESSMAN BUNTING'S EXPOSURE OF REPUB- 
 LICAN FALSE PRETENSES IN HIS SPEECH IN 
 THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. 
 
 Oa January 16, 1889, Senator Allison went on record with the prophesy 
 that " within less than one year there will he in this country a sufficient plant 
 to manufacture all the tin plate that we use." 
 
 On April 16, 1890, the McKinley Ways and Means Cocnmittee reported 
 to the House that " it has bean demonstrated that we can manufacture tinned 
 plate as succsssfully as it can be done in England. Its production here suit- 
 able for all uses is no longer experimental. The bill provides that the increased 
 duty shall not go into effect until July 1, 1891, and it is believed that manu- 
 facturers encouraged in this proposed legislation in the meantime will adapt 
 their plants to the new production, and that in the end the advanced duty will 
 not enhance the cost to consumers." 
 
 Let us see to what extent these predictions have been accomplished after 
 one year's experimenting at a total cost to th3 consumers of this co;intry of 
 120,000,000, $4,600,000 of which went into the pockets of Welsh manufacturers 
 of tin plate. Even were all the Republican claims true there would still he 
 small recompense for this expenditure of $20,000,000. Their whole contention 
 is summed up in the assertion of Congressman Taylor, of Ohio, that the 
 McKinley bill has given the tin-plate industry a " prospective existence." But 
 an examination of the present status of the industry shows that even this 
 expectation of a " prospective existence " has but the flimsiest foundation. 
 
 The speech of Hon. Thomas Bunting in the House of Representatives, 
 June 16, 1892, illuminates the situation. The main points of this speech are 
 as follows : 
 
 " Col. Ira Ayers, Special Agent of the Treasury Department, has recently 
 edited some original matter printed at Government expense. In his' little 
 treatise he touches on prospective American tin-mining, prospective American 
 tin-plate mills, and inadvertently, on the sworn statement of tin-plate manu- 
 facturers, expose the present insignificance of the American tin-plate industry. 
 
104 THE TIN PLATE HUMBUG.. 
 
 It is claimed that we are doubling up these tin-plate productioce every 
 quarter. That is the claim set forth by Mr. Ayres. Now, I want to show 
 you that instead of doubling up, the manufacturers are falling out as fast 
 as they get into line. You will find in the first summary, September 31, 
 1891, five concerns reporting. The first is the pioneer of the tin-plate indus- 
 try, Cronmeyer, who reports for the first quarter 139,000 pounds; for the 
 second quarter, 161.000; for the third quarter only 120,000, an actual falling 
 off for the last quarter. The Pittsburgh Electro-plating Company for the first 
 quarter reports 550,000 pounds ; for the second quarter, 255,000 ; and for the 
 quarter only 98,000. Marshall Brothers for the first quarter report 45,000 
 pounds; for the second quarter, 59,000; and for the third quarter, "none." 
 N. & Gr, Taylor, " Out of business." That covero the first summary ; and here 
 is the second quarter, December 31, 1891 : William P. Simpson, of Cincinnati, 
 second quarter, 7,500 pounds ; third quarter, only 995 pounds. Fleming & 
 Hamilton, second quarter, 225,000 pounds ; third quarter, "none." The Apollo 
 Iron and Steel Companj', Apollo, Pa., second quarter, 31,000 pounds ; third 
 quarter, "none." 
 
 Here is the McKin'ey Tin Plate Company, Pittsburgh, Pa. I have a little 
 special report on that company. Here is a letter received from that company 
 on May 26, which says : 
 
 Wlien you are needing American terne, we should Klie to suljinit a sample of McKinley, by 
 box or tbe car load. 
 
 That was on 3Iay 36. I have a leaf here from B. Q-. Dun's Mercantile 
 Agency, of June 4, which says : 
 
 Pittsbtrgh, McKinley Tin Plate Company, limited, dissolred on vote of stockbolders. 
 
 Here is another, the Keystone Tin Plate Company. This concern did not 
 make any report. This is also closed, and wants to sell. The argument used 
 is that it cost too much for imported pig tin, and imported sheets, and 
 imported labor and the whole plant can be bought for $2,500. A further 
 inducement is that the rent is only 50 cents a day for the whole establish- 
 ment, and that tliey have the use of one arc light, on which the rent is 60 
 cents a day. I know whereof I speak, because I have been there as a buyer. 
 
 Of the five concerns reporting for the first quarter, therefore, four have 
 either gone out of business or decrea.«ed their output according to the returns 
 for the third quarter. Seven out of the eleven reporting for the second quarter 
 have either gone out of business or decreased their output. These are the oldest 
 establishments in the business. What is the significance of this to a business 
 man ? It simply means that the business is a sham. As my f liend from Indiana 
 fMr. Shivelt] said yesterday, it is no trick to make tin plate. I think, how 
 ever, my friend made one assertion that was not exactly correct when he said 
 that there had been no tin plate made by American labor. 
 
 I know that is not the fact, because the gentleman from Indiana and the 
 gentleman from New York have had the honor of making tin plate at Phila- 
 delphia, and it was not low-priced labor either. 
 
 Here, then, Mr. Chairman, is the infant tin-plate industry which has grown 
 up under the McKinley Act 
 
THE TIN PLATE HUMBUG. 105 
 
 Mr. Wilson of West Virginia — Has tie gentleman figured out exactly what 
 proportion of all the tin plate made in this country was made by the gentleman 
 from Indiana and the gentleman from Kew York ? 
 
 Mr. Bunting — I have not. I will say that the gentleman from Indiana took 
 the place of the Welshman, and the gentleman from New York took the place 
 of the boy. The steel sheets were imported, as was also the tinning pot, pig 
 tin, and palm oil, and we paid the Welsh inventor a royalty for the use of the 
 machine. 
 
 Mr. Warner — Is that the only tin plate that has been made in this country 
 without imported labor ? 
 
 Mr. Bunting — So far as we know, it is. 
 
 Mr. Wi.son of West Virginia — I want to fay, Mr. Chairman, that I have 
 made one sheet of tin plate. 
 
 N. & G. Taylor & Co.'s Bad Example. 
 
 I wish now to get down to say a few additional words about our friend 
 Taylor in Philadelphia, who is the pressnt tin-plate authority on the other side 
 of the House. Here is something that has come to me quite recently, and in 
 order to give the committee the benefit of the information, I will read a por- 
 tion of a letter written by Mr. Taylor, date.l April 19, in which, speaking of 
 the tin-plate making process, he says : 
 
 By this process two boys can pass as many as 70 boxes of 10 14x20 in ten bonra ; yon surely 
 ■can not consider that there is very much expense attached to this, and we are surprised that 
 the canners in this country do not consider the manufacturing of their own plates, it is so 
 simple ; and as far as the value is concerned, take for instance IC 14x20 coke tin, ll-J sheets to 
 the box, the black sheet would weigh about 100 pounds, the"present value being 3% cents. 
 
 100 pounds black sheets, 3M cents S3 75 
 
 Impounds pure tin for coating 30 
 
 To which must be added the labor. In Great Britain we understand that the total 
 labor is counted at 14 cents, but in making a full calculation we would take 
 double the amount, namely 88 
 
 $4 33 
 • As the market value of these plates to-day is about $6.85, you can see there is a diflerence 
 of $1.02 per box, surely enough for the canner to consider the advisability of producing his 
 own goods. There are so few things necessary to make the finished article that the cost can 
 be easily reached, and w e are sure that if the cannera of the United States would carefully con- 
 pidertheadvieability of producing the tin for their own consumption it would not be a great 
 while before this would be started and in time reach large proportions. 
 
 Here is a man who, we are told, proposes to go into the tin-plate business 
 in a large way. The report of Mr. Ayres says that he proposes to put S400,000 
 of capital into a tin-plate plant, yet here he is advising his prospective patrons 
 to go into the tin-plate business themselves ! And while he claims that he 
 will be in shape in a few days to turn out tin plates, and that two boys will 
 turn out a car load every three days, we yet find him in his lucid business 
 intervals writing letters to the trade like the following : 
 
 Philadelphia, March 29, 1892. 
 Gektlebien; We understand from our Mr. Green that you will be in the market next 
 month for a car load of canning tin. We should be pleased to hear from you when you are 
 
106 THE TIN PLATE HUMBUG. 
 
 ready to place your order, ae considerable wotjd be saved by a direct ehipment from ISngland, 
 especially for a quantity of at least two car loads. 
 
 Very truly, yours, 
 
 N. & G. Tatloe & Co. 
 Abeian Paokihq Co., Adrian, Micb. 
 
 Why does he not quit writing letters and go into the tin-plate business in 
 reality ? He says he can make $1 per box and that two boys would produce 
 twenty boxes per day, which, at 28 cents per box (his estimate), would amount 
 to $19.60 a day for labor, $9.80 for each of these boys and $70 per day profit 
 for himself." 
 
 The Anderson Tin Plate Company of Anderson, Ind., reported to Col. 
 Ayers as follows : 
 
 Andbeson, Ikb., Marcb 31, 1892. 
 
 Dbak Sib— Tours of the 29tb received. I have just mailed quarterly report to you and 
 will now give the information you ask in reference to plant. But I will first explain why our 
 output is so small when our capacity is about 18 tons per week (and will be 36 tons within 
 ten or fifteen days). 
 
 The writer accidentally got into the business by trying to help a Welshman start. He 
 did not know anything about the firming department, consequently be squandered the money 
 furnished. I could not allow a failure, and have kept on gathering information and experi- 
 menting with the best men I could get, and to-day we are fixed to make tin and teme plate 
 equal to anything in the world. We now require running capital only to make a splendid 
 showing this spring and summer. With running capital we can increase our capacity every 
 thirty days about 400 boxes. If the tarifi is not disturbed you will see hundreds of tin-plate 
 mannfactumrs over here to take a hand with us inside of two years. 
 
 Our plant consists of two tinning stacks, capacity for 800 boxes, 20 by 14, or about 4,0OJ,- 
 000 pounds yearly, of I C. The workroom or tinning room is 30 by 50, about 34 feet high (to 
 roof), giving good air to the operators. In this room the picker, rubbers and dusters work 
 with the washman, tinners, catchers, etc. The assorting and packing room is 25 by 60, one 
 story, superintendent's office 12 by 15, and storage room 25 by 25. 
 
 We are now using a five-roll " Morewood " set for tin, but as soon as our own five-roll set 
 is ready we shall use the Morewood on ternes. Capital for running expenses is all that will 
 prevent our putting in another ^tack to give us a capacity for 1,200 boxes weekly. 
 
 We buy our black plates, and are satisfied to let the duty remain just as it is. AH we 
 want is capital to handle the stuff and get the most out of it. We have less than S20,000 in- 
 vested. Our experience has been well paid for, and we feel that we can make as good, if not 
 superior, plate (tin or terne) to anythmg imported at present prices, and make nice dividends. 
 
 Truly yours. 
 
 The Andbeson Tin Plate Co., 
 
 Per C. B. Oevis, 
 
 General Manager, 
 
 Now comes the sequel to the report of this particular concern which had 
 " $20,000 or less " invested in its plant, and which only needed capital to make a 
 " splendid showing " and ' ' nice dividends " about August 1, 1893. This com- 
 pany was sold out by the sheriff for the sum of $218.30. According to the New 
 York Post: 
 
 "This 'plant' was bought in Wales. It gave employment to four men, 
 three of whom were imported from Wales. There were also a few boys and 
 girls employed. The black plates were also imported from Wales, an attempt 
 having been first made to use Pittsburgh plates. The Indianapolis SentineTs 
 account of the sale says that some farmers in the neighborhood came in to 
 attend it, being moved by curiosity, not having heard before that there were 
 any tin-plate works at Anderson. One of the imported Welshmen said that 
 
THE TIN PLATB HOMBDG. 107 
 
 he had been promised $3.50 per day, but that since he was out of employment 
 altogether, he perceived that he had made a mistake in coming to this country. 
 Now this mighty establishment, the Anderson Tin Plate Company, which failed 
 for $318 and was bid in by the creditor, who held a judgment for this sum, is 
 to be reopened, as we learn from the most religious evening newspaper in the 
 United States, which has a despatch from Indianapolis saying : 
 
 ' 0. B. Orvis, principal owner of the Anderson tin mill, was in Indianapolis to-day, matur- 
 ing plans for pushing the work. 
 
 ' Mr. Orvis says the difficulties will he settled, and that between the 15th and 20th of this 
 month the mill will be running day and night, turning out a thousand boxes of tin plate a 
 week, for which there is a ready market at good prices. 
 
 ' Mr. Orvis says the suits which brought his industry under the hammer were instigated by 
 Democratic politicians and newspapers, who have announced their determination to wreck the 
 tin-plate industry at any cost in the interest of the Democratic party.' 
 
 Of course, if the Democrats could stop a manufactory of campaign badges 
 for the small sum of $318, they would be just mean enough to do so." 
 
 The prospectiveness of this industry fades further Into the distance th& 
 more it is examined. At the present moment it would require a telescopic 
 vision to see when this $30,000,000 a year experiment would result in placing 
 it upon the footing prophesied for it in one year by Senator Allison. 
 
 The Republican Administration has been driven to dire straits to make even 
 the poor showing claimed by them. 
 
 The Government summaries published for the nine months ending March 
 31 and quoted In the minority report show that 5,340,830 pounds of tin plate 
 and terne plates has been produced. The same report gives our average yearly 
 consumption of tin-plate and terne plates at 678,000,000. Hence the domestic 
 manufacturers are now supplying less than one per cent, of consumption, and 
 the whole output for the nine months would last American consumers just 
 twenty -two hours. 
 
 Even this poor showing must be discounted when it is known that black 
 sheets, used for stamping and tinning, are tin plates according to the provis- 
 ions of the law and that the Treasury Department holds that imported sheets, 
 if dipped here in imported tin, also constitute "American" tin plates. The 
 returns to the Government permit also a manufacturer of black plates to re- 
 turn his product as sold for stamping, while these same sheets may be returned 
 by another concern that manufactures them into tin plates, thus duplicating 
 the same product in the Government summary. 
 
 About one per cent, of the total consumption is all that $30,000,000 in. 
 creased taxation has secured, and even this amount is only obtained by count- 
 ing as American tin plates the British black plates imported and tinned here. 
 The importation of these plates in the whole year ending June 30, 1890, before 
 the McK-inley Bill went into operation, was only 2,298 pounds. It shot up to 
 5,418,522 pounds in nine months ending March 81, 1892, and during this time 
 the Treasury Department reported a manufacture of 5,240,830 pounds of 
 American tin plate, showing that there remained at that time 177,723 pounds 
 of British black plate to be tinned. The duty on black plate is $1.65 per 100 
 pounds, while on tin plate it is $2.20 per 100 pounds. This afEords a fine 
 cnance for profit at the expense of the consumer, since tin-plate dipping ia 
 
i08 THE TIN PLATB HUMBUG. 
 
 sciircely more complicated than dipping one's self In the ocean on the Jersey 
 shore. 
 
 Mr. Bunting in liis speech exposed still further the flimsy pretensions set 
 forth in the report of the McElnleyites. Referring to it he said : 
 
 *' The provision of the law under which the position held by Mr. Ayers was created is that 
 of section 143 of the Tariff Act of 1890, which provides that on and after October 1, 1897, tin 
 plates and teme plates lighter in weight than 63 pounds per 100 square feet shall be admitted 
 free of duty, unless it shall be made to appear to the satisfaction of the President (who shall 
 thereupon by proclamation make iinown the fact) that the aggregate quantity of such plates 
 lighter thin 03 pounds per ICO square feet produced in the United States during either of the 
 els years neit preceding June 13, 1897, has equaled one-third of the amount of such plates 
 imported and entered for consumption for any fiscal year after the passage of this act and 
 prior to s.iid October 1, 189"." 
 
 Under this provision the duty of special agent was twofold — first, to secure reliable data 
 as to imports of tin plate and terne plates under 63 pounds to the 100 square feet ; second, to 
 secure the same data with reference to the American production of tinned plates and teme 
 plates under 63 pounds to the 100 square feet, so that it could be determined on October 1, 1897, 
 whether the dometttic manufacture of tinned plates and teme plates of that weight exceeded 
 in any one year one third the imports of these same products for any one year. The following 
 instrnctione, therefore, from Acting Secretary Spaulding, touching imports, were proper. He 
 flays ; 
 
 In view of the foregoing provisions, it is important to secure correct statistics of the im- 
 portation of tin plates and terne plates lighter in weight than 63 pounds per 100 square feet for 
 each of the six flf cal years beginning with July 1, 1891. 
 
 The Acilng Secretary, however, when he came to issuing orders for the summary of the 
 Ara?rican pr^duc , with characteristic bias, gave a political construcLion to this same provision. 
 He says : 
 
 In order to give due effect to the foregoing pr .visions, it is important to s;care 
 correct statistics of t.e mannfactare of t n jlat'.s and teme plates in the United States. 
 
 It will be observed that no limit as to the weight is charged as to the Amer:c m products 
 and f.^llowing thu loose constraciion Mr. Ayers has not failed to pad his summiries so as to 
 make the American product show up. We fine in his exhibit luade for the niue mo ths ending 
 March bl, 18 2, which covers the entire tin-plate product of the country since ihe increased 
 djtyw;;s proclaimed, October 6,1890,, be includes 713,600 pounds of tin and terne plate, 
 heavier ih n 63 pounds to the 100 square feet. This is a dexttrous feat to drag in galvan zed 
 roofing ircn, with a touch of tia and without weight limit, into the Government tables, and 
 which Agent Ayres h mself admits have no more pertinence in the exhibits than would pig- 
 iron or steel rails. Tet this deception is by no means as flagrant an abuse of ofiicial diecre- 
 ticn as another scheme divulged to the practical tin-plate consumer who studies these ofllcial 
 statistics. 
 
 Under the head "62i pounds per 100 square feet" is another devised scheme for letting 
 into the exhibits 861 ,333 pounds more of roofing iion. A novice will detect at once that 100 
 square feet of any kind of sheet iron or steel, coated with either tin, lead or spelter, will not 
 weigh exactly as much as another 100 square feet so coated. The agent explains that this item 
 in the catalogue " means a particular brand." When brands and not weights are accepted, the 
 broad field of political discretion is sure to invite biased returns. Doubtless this technical op- 
 portunity to brand instead of weight was intended to quiet conscientious scruples in market 
 returns. 
 
 These two items barred, the aggregate amount of American tin and terne plate returned by 
 (he Government reports is reduced one-third. Subtract from the remainder the returns of 
 «oncerns whose reported tin-plate products were consumed in their own shops, and not therefore 
 commercial plates, and the exhibits become a pitiable pretense or sham. Allowing f'.c full re- 
 turns, and what a stultifying business proposition is exposed ; 49,000 boxes, the whole Amer. 
 ican product up to date, would last American consumers twenty-two hours. While this indus- 
 trial poorhouse has been producing this small amount of products the American consumers 
 have been taxed $80,786,803.30 in enhanced price and duty for its support, nearly $1,000,000,000 
 for every hour's consumption of tin plates furnished." 
 
THE TIN PLATE HUMBDa. 109 
 
 Thus the net result is the production of 5,000,000 pounds of tin plate at a 
 cost to the people of $3 a pound. No wonder that Congressman Shively de- 
 manded that an article so precious should hereafter be measured by Troy 
 weight. Mr, Shively said further : " Black sheets may be hot-rolled in "Wales, 
 pickled in Wales, annealed in "Wales, cold-rolled in "Wales, boxed and imported 
 by one of our tin plate manufacturers into this cou itry, dipped in imported tin 
 by imported labor, and returned to the Government as tin plate produced in 
 the "United States." The Treasury figures giving the importations of black 
 sheets since the tin-plate tax went into effect afford a very strong presumptiou 
 that precisely that process has been followed in the production of o>ir two 
 days' supply. In 1889, but 6,246 pounds of such plates were imported ; in 
 1890, only 3,308 ; in 1891, 1,339,583 pounds, and for the nine months ending 
 March 31, 1893, more than 5,400,000 pounds. It is certainly a suggestive fact 
 that the American product of tin plate for the last quarter should be returned 
 at 3,004,087 pounds, and during the same months the importations of black 
 plates should turn out to be 3,657,708 pounds. The inference is irresistible, in 
 face of the practical absence of such importations in 1889 and 1890, that our 
 " American tin plate " is made just in the way described by Mr. Shively. 
 
 Another yaluable result -of his analysis of the T-easury tigures was the 
 proof of the utter unlrustworthiness of the returns made on the head of capital 
 invested. No. 1 on the list of factories gave its investment as $35,000, and 
 estimated yearly capacity as 3,500,000 pounds ; No. 3, investment, $30,000 ; 
 capacity, 4,000,000 pounds ; No. 7, investment, $3,000; capacity, 750,000 
 pounds. Mr. Shively pertinently inquired : 
 
 "If with an investment of |3,000 each dollar produces 375 pounds of tin 
 plate, and with an investment of |20,000 each dollar produces 300 pounds of 
 tin plate, and with an investment of $35,000 each dollar produces 100 pounds of 
 tin plate, how large must the investment be that each do lar produce no tin 
 plate at all ! " 
 
 It was perfectly evident that this entire part of the figures was pure guesswork. 
 Ma ny rolling-mills that had annexed a tin-plate department apparently reported 
 the value of their whole plant as the amount of their "investment" in the manu- 
 facture of tin plate. Thus ex-Coogvessman Niedringhaus returned an invest- 
 ment of $400,000, but on July 5, a St. Louis paper contained the following item : 
 "The tin-plate department of the Niedringhaus rolling-mills was burned early 
 this morning, entailing a loss of $15,000, fully insured." Similarly the Coates 
 mill at Baltimore was burned, and the owners reported a loss of $50,000, 
 though they had returned their investment to the Treasury at $150,000. 
 
 "We have seen that the pretensions of the Republican party to have created 
 this industry are nothing but sham and fraud. If we examine the effects of 
 this fraud upon the consumers of tin plate, upon iarm products and upon 
 labor, we shall have completed the exposure of one more Republican job to 
 Tob the people for the benefit of a few favored speculators. 
 
 Effect on Labor. 
 
 Letters recently sent out by the Association of Consumers of Tin Plates to 
 its members inquiring as to the effect of the advance in duty on plates on theii 
 
no 
 
 THE TIN PLATE HUMBUG. 
 
 business elicited a flood of letterj in reply, more than one hundred in number, 
 not one of which claimed that the increased duty was advantageous, 95 per 
 cent, of which boldly claimed that the effect has been most damaging. The 
 most amazing showings are from eight can-making establishments, one of 
 which Is the largest in the United States, and all of them within the twenty- five 
 largest. We submit the summary ■ 
 
 Amount Paid for Labor during the First Qua/rter of 1891 and 1893. 
 
 No. 
 
 1891. 
 
 1893. 
 
 1 
 
 $7,844 40 
 9,668 00 
 
 16,800 00 
 4,084 77 
 7,640 00 
 
 50,000 00 
 8,280 00 
 8,359 30 
 
 $5,091 65 
 353 50 
 
 a 
 
 3 
 
 11,300 00 
 2,536 62 
 4,890 00 
 9,600 00 
 3,ooa 21 
 3,117 31 
 
 4 
 
 5 _ _ 
 
 fi 
 
 
 
 7... 
 8 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 
 
 83,578 47 
 
 39,791 18 
 
 
 
 
 Net result : Loss to labor, $42,785.39. 
 
 Epfbcts on Consumers. 
 
 The canning industry, which consumes over one-half of all the tin plate 
 imported, becomes the principal victim, because it has no alternative but to pay 
 the increased tax or go out of the business. This industry emanates 
 from the farm and its profit is in preserving perishable farm products and 
 the surplus of glutted markets. 
 
 There are 1,300 canning concerns in the TJnited States, scattered over the 
 productive fields of twenty-five different Str ' -s. Adding to these the meat, 
 fish and oyster packers, we have an industry of 3,000 concerns, affected by this 
 legislation, of growers, pickers, stock-raisers, ranchmen, oystermen, fishermen, 
 canners, packers, laborers, b3x and label manufacturers, can-makers, and ship- 
 pers, which stands for the support and sustenance of 3,000,000 of ourpeople. 
 
 On a basis of tin consumed by canners during tM season of 1891 there were 
 1,360,000,000 cans usfed. Computing the amount, to be safe, at a round 1,000,- 
 000,000, and assuming that two-thirds were 2-pound cans, and one-third 3- 
 pound, which is the usual proportion, we have a duty cost in the cans used of 
 $7,898,000. 
 
 At the prices ruling in 1891 this vast sum represents the cost to consumers 
 of 3,500,000 cases of corn. To pack this amount of corn would require the 
 product of from 60,000 to 70,00i) acres of land, and would pay the farmer and 
 his laborers $3,500,000. The total labor employed in growing, picking, can- 
 ning, packing, can-making, labeling and boxing this amount of canned goods 
 would not faU short of 40,000 people during the canning season, or half that 
 number during the whole year. Here then is a tariff tax which would pension 
 off 20,000 on living wages now deprived of a chance to earn their living. 
 
 Effect on Fakmbrs. 
 A bushel of tomatoes in New York will fill on an average 15 cans. A ton 
 of tomatoes, therefore, fills 500 cans. Five tons of tomatoes to the acre is a 
 
THE TIN PLATE HUMBTJG. Ill 
 
 good average. The duty cost in cans per ton, therefore, is $4.50, and per 
 acre it is $33. .50. The price paid the farmer in most States is $6 per ton, 
 hence the farmer has this sublime summary of protection presented for his 
 practical consideration. In the absence of any duty on plates the canner 
 could pay him |52.50 instead of $30 per acre for his tomatoes, an increase of 
 70 per cent. This is a loss to the farmer of ISJi^ cents per bushel. We have 
 known farmers, irrespective of politics, to enter into a iusliflable combination 
 and strike for an advance of 2^ cents per bushel. 
 
 The average yield of corn per acre is 3 tons, which, at $6 per ton, nets the 
 farmer $18 ; the duty cost on the cans to put up an acre of com is $11.61. In 
 ihe absence of a tariff on tin plates the farmer could receive 64 per cent, more 
 for his crop- and the canner still be able to sell his goods at the same price. 
 
 The largest packing State in the Union is Maryland. Harford County, 
 Md., alone had in 1888 three hundred canneries. A memorial presented to the 
 Maryland delegation in Congress in 1883 by a committee appointed by the 
 packers of that county recites : 
 
 Confining our attention to the tomato and corn pack alone, tlie raw material to produce tlie 
 1 ,500,000 cases or 36,000,000 cans required for the product of 10,000 acres ot tomatoes and 5,000 
 u'-res of corn, involving an outlay for agricultural labor of $900,000. In mailing the cans there 
 were consumed 130,000 boxes of plate, requiring an outlay of $185,000 in labor in this branch of 
 tlie industry, while the labor of preparing the vegetables, flllmg the cans, processing, boxing 
 and shipping necessitated a further outlay of $800,000. 
 
 Tin plate is the only material yet discovered that is adapted to the purpose of preserving 
 foodjiermetically sealed for an indefinite period. The properties which fit it for this purpose 
 are fts lightness, its cleanliness, its non-corroslveness, its cheapness, and the facility with 
 which it may be transported without breakage. 
 
 A low estimate of the output of Maryland on all canned products for 1891 
 was 5,000,000 cases (this estimate is made by one of the oldest packing-houses 
 In the State, Numsen & Co.). Assuming that one-third were 3d. and two-thirds 
 'is., the tariff cost in the cans would amount to over $948,000, nearly a million 
 dollars as a license for marketing the farmers' products in Maryland. 
 
 That State raised 3,000 acres of tomatoes alone for the canneries in 1891, or 
 4o0,000 bushels, for which the growers received $90,00C. The tax or license for 
 the packages for conveying that amount of food from the farmers' fields to the 
 tables of the consumer, levied by the fostering hand of Government, amounts 
 to $59,150, or more than half as much as the farmer received for his crop. Yet 
 this is only a specimen of the insidious thievery going on under cover of tariff 
 manipulations to the impoverishment of the farmers of Delaware. That State 
 packs fine peaches and other fruits, as well as corn, pease, and beans. 
 
 With free tin plates a business revolution among the canneries would take 
 place ; the farmer could get 25 per cent, of this tariff tax added to the price of 
 his tomatoes and other products ; the laborer could get 25 per cent, of this tariff 
 tax added to his labor ; consumers would get 50 per cent, of the tax through a 
 reduction in the cost of his canned food. This reduction in prices would in- 
 crease their consumption 25<iper cent., which means a larger home market and 
 more acreage of the products for the farmer. 
 
 Again, the Senate Committee's report on their measure says: " The framers 
 have not hesitated to erect or maintain defensive barriers which will carry con- 
 fidence and comfort into American homes." Tet we have here the spectacle 
 
112 THB TIN PLATE HUMEDG. 
 
 presented of tlie value of 10,000 car loads of canned tomatoes or 7,000 car loads 
 of canned corn thus added by law to the cost of the cans, which would only go 
 to swell the dump heap where the goods are served ; while men by thousands 
 ask in vain for a day's work. 
 
 In the packing of meats and lard the tariff on tinned plates involves a 
 waste of production nearly as surprising. The meat packers of the country 
 used for covering their products during the year ending March 1, 1891, over 
 600,000 boxes of tin plate, about equally divided between meals and lard. Of 
 the meats one-half were consumed in this country, lard three-fourths. This 
 would show that the contents of 475,090 boxes were consumed at home. The 
 amount of duty paid on ihese is $1,135,750. 
 
 This would have paid for 56,387 more head of steers, which would have 
 required over a million acres of ranch land to graze and would have paid the. 
 farmer $30 per head. And the number of people who could have been main- 
 tained by this increase of stock-raising, packing and marketing would more 
 than equal the number of persons who could live off the tinned plate industry 
 of the world, carried on after the present status of the industry in Ameiica. 
 Thus in trying to subsidize into existence a new industry which is confessedly not 
 self-supporting, and which under the wildest estimate would not give employ- 
 ment to over 10,000 people, we are actually cutting off from an established, 
 self-supporting industry, a natural and assured expansion which would give 
 employment to 30.000 people, and the raw material consumed by the latter, 
 which would come from the farms, is ten times an offset for the raw material 
 demanded by the former, which would come from the mines. 
 
 This estimate of waste is based upon the present status of the 'canning 
 industry. The damage thus done to the developments of the industry it is im- 
 possible to estimate. It is estimated that in our own country 10.000,000 people 
 go hungry continually, while 30,000,000 more gauge their purchase of food pro- 
 ducts in self-denial. As long as the wants of 40,000,000 people are unsupplied 
 there can be no practical surplus in an acceptable food product, and the market 
 for canned goods consumed is therefore gauged strictly by price. The National 
 Canned Goods Association, observing the close relation between price and con- 
 sumption, computes that 1 ceni per can, which is 24 cents per case (more than 
 a jobber's profit), will naturally curtail consumption 35 per cent, to the laboring 
 classes, who are the principal patrons of canned goods. Here, then, from 
 restricted development alone, the tinned plate tariff affects disastrously over 
 500,000 people, as proprietors, growers, producers and laborers. 
 
 As the only use of the can is as a means to transport farm produce to those 
 who consume them, this done it is thrown away as worthless. To increase the 
 cost of the can by a tariff on tin plate, is, therefore, precisely the same in its 
 effect as to add to the cost of any other item of transportation, and the McKinley 
 law increasing such cost is therefore as directly against the farmers' interests as 
 would be r. special license to railroads to charge extra freight for farm produce. 
 
 The following extract from an interview had with Messrs. F. G. Ehle & Co., 
 manufacturers of compartment dinner pails, of Buffalo, N. Y., expresses the 
 views of consumers of tin plate in every section of the country from California 
 to Massaiihusetts, and from Louisiana to Minnesota, from whom hundreds of 
 letters have been received. It serves as the finishing touch to this expose, and 
 needs no further comment : 
 
THE TIN PLATE HUMBUG. 113 
 
 Effect on Consumebs and on Labok in Industries Affected. 
 
 " What has been the effect of the McKinley law upon your business f " aaked a represent- 
 ative of the Courier^ of Mr. Ehle yesterday. 
 
 " First," Mr. Ehle answered, " it has caused a loss to me of from 60 to 75 per cent on the 
 tin plate which I used tor raw material. The duty on. tin plate amounts to about 40 per cent/ 
 Then for about two monthB before the tin-plate duty of 2 1-5 centi a pound went into effect last 
 July, importers in this .country, to take advantage of the lower rate of duty of 1 cent a pound 
 then existing, ordered vast quantities of tin plate from the English manufacturers, who filled 
 the orders with such speed that they turned out a product so imperfect as to increase the waste 
 to the manufacturers 20 to 25 per cent. 
 
 " Secondly," continued Mr. Ehle, "it has buiotid srr export trade. I have samples of 
 my work in different places all over Europe and in other foreign countries, and have a great 
 many opportunities to fill orders, but I can't do it. Why f Because under our tariff laws we 
 are not entitled to a rebate on small orders. You see there is a provision which entitles a 
 manufacturer who exports under a single order manufactured goods made from Imported raw 
 material in so large a quantity that the duty on raw material entering into that order amounts 
 to $50 or more, a rebate of 99 per cent. On smaller shipments no drawback at all is allowed. I 
 am not entitled to rebate on my foreign shipments utiless the order is worth well, about $400. 
 Now, what foreign jobber wants $400 worth of one kind of dinner pails at once 1 Vtry few, and 
 they cannot be asked to buy in large quantities just to .accommodate the manufacturer. The 
 consequence is we can not afford to fill the smaller and by far the majority of the orders. 
 
 "Besides," said Mr. Ehle, " there is a little trick about this rebate which works a great 
 hardship to the manufacturer, even when he is entitled to a rebate. On the 2^th of last 
 month we wrote to the custom-house officers here in Buffalo asking them to correct what we 
 supposed was a mistake they had made. We had previously shipped to Canada a quantity 
 of dinner pails, on.which we had used up 6,317 pounds of tin plate Imported under the 1 per 
 cent. duty. The total duty, as we figured and paid it, was $68. 17. We asked for a rebate of 
 9SI per cent., which was $62.63. "The custom-house officials sent us a check for $34.74. We 
 asked them to correct the mistake, and though they gave no satisfactory explanation, we 
 learn that they deducted .from our claim the material wasted in the manufacture of those 
 pails, although we had paid the duty on that waste material. The result is, we received $87.79 
 less than we think, in common justice, we should have had. That was under the old duty of 1 
 cent a pound. What must it be under the present duty of 2 1-5 cents a pound ? of course 
 we cannot export under such circumstances." 
 
 " Why don't you buy the American tin plate ? " Mr. Ehle was asked. 
 
 " We can't get it," he replied. " We have written a number of letters inquiring about it, 
 and out of them all we have received four samples. One concern sent us a sample which is 
 really of a very good quality, and offered to fill an order, but at a price which it was simply 
 Impossible to pay." 
 
 " Have you imported any tin plate since the 2 1-5 cents duty went into effect 1 " 
 
 " Bless yon, yes. Last month alone wo used about 25 tons of tin plate, imported under 
 the present duty, and we are a small concern. On that quantity of 25 tons we paid a duty of 
 $44 a ton, or, in all, $1,100. Taking the year through, we import on an average about 19 tons a 
 month. Figure that up, and you see we pay about |10,032 a year duty on tin plate. That 
 means that forty or forty-five hands -In my employ have to cam $10,000 a year. Wouldn't 
 It be better If I could have that to divide with my employees ? " 
 
 Asked if protection stimulates inventions, Mr. Ehle said emphatically : 
 
 " No ; it stimulates monopoly. It drives men with small capita', out of business and gives 
 to the wealthy manufacturer an additional advantage. He can afford to spend out of hand 
 large sums of money for inventions and new machinery. The tariff gives him an advantage 
 over his poorer competitor in that respect, just as it does when it gives him, on his large 
 shipments to foreign countries, a rebate of 99 per cent, while the poor man, trying to fill 
 small orders, gets no rebate at all. Besides, would not invention be better stimulated with- 
 out a tariff, when manufacturers would have so many orders to fill that they could not get 
 hands enough to do the work without improved machinery f I know that with tin plate 
 free of duty I should employ at least 145 hands Instead of 45." 
 
 8 
 
1].4 TABIFy JiVOi.U'i:iON. 
 
 TARIFF EVOLUTION. 
 
 GROWTH OF THE HIGH PROTECTIVE SYSTEM. 
 
 THE TRUE BENEFICIARIES OF PROTECTION. 
 
 The adoption of the Constitution, in 1789, which established free trade 
 between the States also abolished all State tariffs. The Act of 1789, uniting 
 all the States into a single zoUverein, was distinctively a revenue tariff and was 
 enacted as quickly as possible in order to take advantage of the early importa- 
 tions and secure a revenue for the Government. It imposed high duties on 
 luxuries and low rates on the necessaries of hfe. . Few articles were enume- 
 rated ; on all non-enumerated articles the rate was five per cent. As a revenue 
 tariff it was systematized in 1790, and amended from time to time dovsm to 1813 
 by increasing or lowering the rates as the necessities of the revenue demanded. 
 
 The embargo and the war of 1812 stopped importations as effectually as a 
 prohibitive tariff could have done. The stimulus thus given to all manufac- 
 turing enterprises, together with that given to agriculture by the continued 
 foreign demand for breadstuffs, and the inflation of the currency, brought on 
 an era of speculation and high prices. 
 
 The tariff of 1824 increased duties and in 1825 commercial depression 
 resulted. 
 
 The prices of all agricultural products fell to a lower level than they had 
 ever been before ; the growth of shipping was retarded ; manufactures, 
 especially that of wool, were depressed. Complaints arose on all sides, lead- 
 ing up to the convention of Hanisburg, and its demand for still higher duties. 
 The tariff of 1828 was enacted, and while it enabled high profits to be made in 
 a few branches of industry, its effects were so universally bad in other direc- 
 tions that the friends as well as the enemies of protection were glad to get rid 
 of -it in 1833. 
 
 Loud complaints were made against the compromise tariff of 1833, provid- 
 ing for successive reductions of duties. It was predicted that its effects would 
 be disastrous. But the years from 1838 to 1843 were years of wonderful 
 progress in every direction. During this period the iron industry was freed 
 from the shackles of old methods, and by the adoption of new ones, was so 
 stimulated that the production of iron was more than doubled in ten years. 
 Farm products commanded higher prices than at any previous period since 
 1816, and the cotton and woolen industries were acknowledged to have yielded 
 
TARIFF EVOLUTION. 115 
 
 "iair profits. Public improvements were undertaken, and excellent systenis of 
 
 transportation by roads, canals and railways projected. 
 
 The return, to protective duties in 1842 was marked by great depression in 
 
 •«very branch of Industry in 1843. During the four years in which this tariff 
 was in force the prices of farm products were lower than they had ever been 
 before. Wheat, which had averaged $1.85 per bushel from 1833 to 1843, fell 
 
 Tto an average of $1.03 per bushel from 1843 to 1846 ; cotton was never lower 
 in price since the formation of the Qovernment than it was in these four years. 
 
 The Walkeb Tabiff. 
 
 The low tariff of 1846, and the still lower tariff of 1857, was followed by 
 •an era of constant growth and prosperity. All agricultural products rose in 
 price and remained high. At the same time manufactures flourished and 
 prospered, wages rose, wealth increased, especially in farming sections ; the 
 fourteen years previous to 1861 are acknowledged on all sides to have been the 
 • most prosperous years since the United States became a nation. Instead of 
 demanding higher duties, protectionists united with their opponents in advo- 
 cating the tariff of 1857. 
 
 As a sample of the great textile manufactures that were started during the 
 low tariff ora, 1846-1860, the following may be mentioned : Atlantic mills in 
 1849 ; Lyman mills, at Holyoke, in 1854 ; Naumkeag steam cotton mills, at 
 Salem, in 1847 ; Pepperell mills, at Biddeford, in 1853 ; Bates mills, at Lewis- 
 ton, in 1853 ; Hill Manufacturing Company, at Lewiston, in 1855 ; Pranklim 
 ■Company, at Lewiston, in 1857. 
 
 That manufacturing prospered is shown not only by the establishment of 
 new mills, but by the handsome profits made by the old ones. In 1846 the 
 Amoskeag declared dividends of 35 per cent, in stock and 10 per cent, in 
 ■cash, in 1847 it declared 25 per cent, in stock and 5 per cent, in cash, and in 
 1849 it declared 30 per cent, in stock and 3 per cent, in cash ; there were but 
 few half years from that time to 1860 in which it did not pay semi-annual 
 dividends. A panic occurred in 1857, and the Bay State mills at Lawrence 
 failed, but so, under a high tariff, did a panic occur in 1873, and in 1889 some 
 very important mills failed. 
 
 Notwithstanding these facts, which are matters of histoiy. Republican 
 leaders assert that the United States owe their prosperity to high tariffs, and 
 have always suffered under low tariffs. 
 
 On September 30, 1888, Mr. Blaine said in New York ; 
 
 This country, under low tariff, inviting sharp competition and large importations' from 
 .abroad, has never prospered ; but every such attempt has ended in financial and industrial 
 disaster, prostrat ng every interest, most of all the agricultural, and operating without excep- 
 tions with peculiar severity upon the wage-earner. 
 
 If we drop Mr. Blaine, on September 30, 1888, stump speaker for protec- 
 tion, and consider Mr Blaiue the historian, we shall see that the Walker low 
 tariffs of 1846 and 1857 were followed by unexampled prosperity. In his 
 "Twenty Years in Congress," Mr. Blaine says ; 
 
 The free trade tariff of 1848 was passed, and Mr. Dallas, who had been nominated because of 
 ills record as a protectionist, was subjected to the humiliation of giving his casting vote, as Vice- 
 
116 
 
 TARIFF EVOLUTION. 
 
 President, in favor of a tariff whicli was executed in Pennsylvania. The Whig victory of 184& 
 WEB not sufficiently decisive to warrant an attempt, even had there been a desire, to change the- 
 tariff. Moreover, the tariff of 1846 was yielding abundant revenue, and the business of the 
 country was in a flourishing condition at the time his administration was organized. Money 
 became very abundant after the year 1849 ; large enterprises were undertaken, speculation wa& 
 prevalent, and for a considerable period the prosperity of the country was general, and appa- 
 rently genuine. After 1852 the Democrats had almost undisputed control of the Govern- 
 ment, and had gradually become a free trade party. The principles embodied in the tariff" 
 of 3846 seemed for the time to be so entirely vindicated and approved that resistance to it 
 ceased, not only among the people, but among the protective economists, and even among- 
 the manufacturers to a large extent So general was this acquiescence that, in 18.56, a protec- 
 tive tariff was not suggested or even hinted by any one of the three parties which presented. 
 Presidential candidates. 
 
 It was not surprising, therefore, that with a plethoric condition of the National Treasury 
 for two or three consecutive years, the Democratic Congress, in the closing session of Pierce'a 
 administration, enacted what has since been known as the tariff of 1857. By this law the duties- 
 were placed lower than they had been at any time since the war of 1813. The act was well 
 received by the people, and, indeed, was concurred in by a considerable proportion of the- 
 Republican party. 
 
 The following table shows the effects of the low tariffs of 1846 to 1860 on 
 exports and imports : 
 
 
 Bomestic 
 Exports. 
 
 Net Impobts. 
 
 Duties 
 Collected. 
 
 Ad Talorem 
 
 Eate 
 
 Free and 
 
 Dutiable. 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 Ad valorem 
 Eate 
 
 
 Free. 
 
 Dutiable. 
 
 Dutiable 
 
 only. 
 Per cent. 
 
 1847 
 
 1848 
 
 1849 
 
 1850 
 
 1851 
 
 1853 
 
 1863 
 
 1854 
 
 1835 
 
 $150,674,844 
 130,203,709 
 131,710,081 
 134,800,233 
 178,620,138 
 1.54,931,147 
 189,869,163 
 216,328,800 
 192,761,135 
 266,438,051 
 278,900,713 
 261,351,033 
 278,392,080 
 316,342,423 
 
 $15,838,600 
 14,946,012 
 13,710,610 
 16,982,458 
 17,910,930 
 21,649,731 
 3^,732,613 
 22,553,8.35 
 39,918,974 
 49,603,470 
 49,942,107 
 66,292,929 
 66,866,406 
 68,391,038 
 
 $100,419,095 
 135,705,826 
 118,854,498 
 148,061,676 
 182,665,378 
 173,737,683 
 225,434,F32 
 253,535,495 
 201,736..366 
 246,047,468 
 283,669,188 
 187,385,484 
 249,968,964 
 267,891,447 
 
 $28,137,923 
 33,034,306 
 31,027,772 
 40,1B1,8I3 
 48,626,600 
 47,677,633 
 58,467,816 
 64,931,007 
 54,119,677 
 64,084,401 
 63,064.864 
 42,046,733 
 48,894,684 
 62,692,431 
 
 22.98 
 22.23 
 81.97 
 23.16 
 23.07 
 23.64 
 28.37 
 33.53 
 23.36 
 21.68 
 19 09 
 17.33 
 16.43 
 15.67 
 
 36.86 
 24.97 
 24.78 
 26.85 
 25.44 
 26.96 
 25.93 
 25.61 
 26.82 
 36.05 
 22.45 
 22.44 
 19.56 
 19.67 
 
 1866 
 
 1857 
 
 1868 
 
 1869 
 
 1860 
 
 The low tariff of 1857 was superseded in 1861 by the Morrill tariff, a war 
 tariff pure and simple, and so avowed by its author and supporters. Extra- 
 ordinary revenues were needed to carry on the war, hence the necessity of ex- 
 traordinary measures to raise those revenues, and the country su mitted to the- 
 Morrill tariff. In 1867 the extraordinary revenues were no longer needed, but 
 the extraordinary high duties imposed by the Merrill tariff, so far from being 
 reduced, were actually increased. 
 
 This increase took the form of special bills in the interest of the woolen 
 manufacturers and the copper producers. Every attempt to reduce the war 
 tariffs was successfully met by the manufacturers. Not until 1883 was an 
 attempt at reduction successful, but even in the law of that year many rates 
 were advanced above those prevailing during the war. The period covered by 
 these tariff measures, from the bills of 1867 to the McKinley tariff of 1890, has- 
 been characterized by the rise of trusts and combinations aiming primarily at 
 
TAKIFP KVOLITTION.- 117 
 
 the suppression of competition and the exaction from consumers of all the 
 tonus which the tariff allows. In nearly erery one of the protected industries 
 •one or more of these trusts hold sway. 
 
 The Cost of Pkotection. 
 
 The effect of a protection tariff is to raise the price of the commodity 
 I)rotected above that at which it could he imported duty free. If it fails 
 to do this it fails to accomplish its object. The protection theory is that 
 the increase a protective duty causes in the price at which an imported 
 ■commodity can be sold within the country, protects the home producer of 
 a like commodity from foreign competition, so as to encourage him by larger 
 profits than he could otherwise get to engage in or increase production. 
 The cost, then, of a protective duty to the people at large is : 1st, the tax 
 ■upon imported goods, plus the profits upon the tax ; and 2d, the additional 
 prices that must be paid for the products of the protected home industry. 
 The fact cannot be gainsaid that protection does raise the prices of protected 
 £oods in the home market. The comparison is not to be made between prices 
 as they are now In this country and as they were twenty or forty years ago also 
 in this country, for this would show only the general march of improvements 
 in this country ; but a comparison is to be made between prices in this country 
 to-day and present prices in foreign countries. Does, for instance, the tariff 
 increase the price of woolen goods and clothing far beyond what the price 
 would be if the duty on imported woo' ens were removed ? The very existence 
 •of a protective duty is the answer to this. If the duty does not raise the price, 
 then why does the woolen industry wish a continuance of the duties 1 If goods 
 <!an be sold as cheaply here as foreign goods, why do protectionists want any 
 -duties 1 The duties are intended to keep foreign goods out of our markets, 
 ■and they would be unnecessary if our goods could be sold as cheaply as the 
 foreign wares. 
 
 The Hon. William M. Springer has furnished some figures to this country 
 for the year 1883 and the year 1891 on the total cost of the protection policy 
 which are startling in their magnitude. From his showing the fact is brought 
 ■out that the American people have paid during the ten years from 1883 to 1893 
 the enormous sum of $6,000,000,000 in increased prices, mostly for the 
 necessities of life, in order that they might have the supreme felicity of know- 
 dng that their generosity had enabled some favored individuals to become 
 millionaires and had given birth to that long-felt want, the tariff trust, of which 
 there are now over a hundred in this country owing their existence directly 
 to the tariff, and whose sole object is to limit production and keep prices up 
 to the highest point permitted by the tariff. 
 
 Senator Carlisle in his speech in the Senate, July 34, 1892, showed with the 
 utmost clearness the great cost imposed by the tariff. He said : 
 
 To present tills subject In both these aspects the committee has investigated what ara 
 'Called the budgets of expenditures of a very large number of families in this country, selected 
 as fairly representative of the whole number of families of the laboring people, who receive 
 wages ranging from $500 to Jl ,000 per annum, and we found that, omitting rent (which was not 
 Investigated and which therefore has no proper place in these calculations), the various groups 
 of articles enter into the consumption of the people in the following proportions, this result 
 
118 TARIFF BVOLUTION., 
 
 being reached after the examination of tliirteen difleient piesentatlone of the subject by laboF- 
 bureaus and other experts : , 
 
 Food, 48.30 per cent . ; fuel, 6.89 percent.; lighting, 1.06 per cent.; clothing, 18. 02 per cent. ;. 
 • and all other expenditures, 26.73 per cent. 
 
 Assuming— and this is undoubtedly approximately correct— that these groups of articles - 
 of consumption were used by the people in the proportions here stated, we have a table, made- 
 by Prof. Faulkner, the statistician of the committee, from which we can ascertain with reason- 
 able accuracy, at least, how much the cost of living of the people in the United States was- 
 increased during the period investigated. 
 
 Mr. President, there have been many attempts made to ascertain the total annual expendl^ 
 tares of the people of the United States for articles of consumption. 
 
 Mr. Edward Atkinson, a gentleman who has given this subject a great deal of thought, esti- 
 mates from our census reports and other data, that of the total population of 65,000,000 people- 
 In the United States, 2^000,000 are engaged in what are called gainful occupations, earning, 
 wages or salaries, and that the average annual income of these 23,000,000 people, upon which.- 
 they and all the other people of the United States depend for support, is $600, making for the- 
 year $18,800,000,000. Deducting 6 per cent, from that for Federal, State and municipal taxes, 
 and 10 per cent, for savings or additions to the permanent wealth of the country, there is left. 
 $11,682,000,000 to be expended by the people for their support. 
 
 Hon. D. A. "Wells, by a different process, arrives at the conclusion, after deducting 6 per 
 cent, for taxes and 10 per cent, for permanent savings or additions to the wealth of the people, 
 that there remains to be expended for their support the sum of $11,957,400,000, or a little more- 
 than Mr. Atkinson estimates, but Mr. Wells thinks that his own estimate may be somewhat too - 
 large. 
 
 I have made a calculation, based upon the relative expenditure for sugar as exhibited in the- 
 report of the committee, which shows that, excluding taxes and rent, the people expend for all 
 articles of consumption ^8,580,000,000 annually, which I think is too small a sum because of the- 
 fact that, in my opinion, the families whose consumption the committee ascertained were not 
 quite up to the average in the matter of expenditures for that article in its various forms. The 
 investigation doubtless shows with tolerable accuracy the proportions in which the various 
 articles enter into the consumption of the class of families embraced in the inquiry, but the 
 amount of expenditure per capita, as shown by the returns, is less than 29 cents per day for 
 taxes, food, clothing, furniture, utensils, religion, charity, amusements, books, tobacco, intoxi- 
 cating liquors, and on account of sickness, and everything else which enters into the cost of 
 living in this country, which I think must be very considerably under the average, taking the- 
 rich and poor altogether. 
 
 But Mr. President, why should taxes be wholly excluded in these investigations to ascer- 
 tain the amount expended for commodities ? The public revenues are largely expended in the 
 payment of salaries and pensions, and in the purchase of supplies for the army and navy and- 
 other branches of the public service. Federal, State, and municipal, so that finally nearly the 
 whole sum of our taxation is used either by the Government or by those who receive it from the- 
 Government in the purchase of the commodities which enter into the cost of living. But in 
 order to be conservative in my estimate, I have excluded all taxes. Federal, State, and munici- 
 pal, and now let us see what the result of all these investigations is. Taking the three amounts 
 as found by Mr. Atkinson, Mr. Wells, and the estimate based upon the investigation of the 
 committee, the average is $10,706,466,000, which, in my opinion, is not in excess of the total 
 amount expended annually by the 65,000,000 people in the United Slates to defray the cost- 
 living, exclusive of taxes. But in order to be certainly within the limit, I will assume that 
 $10,000,000,000 is the total yearly expenditure for that purpose, and upon this basis I propose to 
 show to the Senate what was the aggregate increase in the prices of commodities, and in the 
 cost of living to the people of the United States during the period covered by the investigation. 
 
 If $10,000,000,000 represents the annual expenditures for commodities, then $833,333,833 - 
 represents the monthly expenditures, and as we have the increase of prices according to the 
 Importance of the articles stated by quarters, the result is not difficult to ascertain. 
 
 This is the table heretofore referred to, and it requires no explanation except to say that 
 the second column shows the increase in the cost of living at the end of each quarter over 
 what it was at the beginning of the period • 
 
TARIFF EYOLUTION. 
 
 Increase hy Quarteri. 
 
 119 
 
 Qnarters. 
 
 T.flst quarter, 1889 
 
 First quarter, 1890... 
 Second quarter, 1890 
 Third quarter, 18M).. 
 Fourth quarter, 1890. 
 Pirst quarter, 1891 . . . 
 Second quarter, 1891. 
 Third quarter, 1391.. 
 
 All articles 
 
 simply 
 averaged. 
 
 100.26 
 101.96 
 100.59 
 
 99 99 
 100.43 
 101 23 
 100.94 
 
 99.56 
 
 All articles 
 averaged 
 according 
 to impor- 
 tance. 
 
 101.11 
 101.80 
 100.61 
 100.48 
 101.83 
 103.57 
 102.15 
 
 All articles except but- 
 ter, eggs, potatoes 
 and vegetaWes, aver- 
 aged according to im- 
 portance. 
 
 100.11 
 99.76 
 99. B2 
 99.95 
 
 100.38 
 99.61 
 98.95 
 
 These quarters are stated according to the calendar year, not tlie fiscal year of the United 
 States. Assuming, as 1 think we may with considerable confidence, that $10,000,000,000 repre- 
 sents the annual expenditure for commodities, we find that during the last qnarter of the year 
 1889 the increased cost of living over and above what it was during the third qnarter of that 
 year, the quarter which was taken as a basis of the investigation, was $27,750,000. For the 
 first quarter of the year 1890 the cost of living over and above what it was during the first 
 quarter covered by the investigation was $45,000,000. For the second quarter of the year 1890 
 It was $15,850,000, and I desire to call attention here to the fact that during the second quarter 
 of the year 1890, before the passage of the McKinley act, the cost of living fell considerably 
 below what it was at the end of the first qnarter. The ttiird quarter, which closed October 1, 
 1890, the very day on which the McKinley act was approved, the increase was $12,000,000 ; but 
 dnrmg the next quarter, immediately following the passage of the act, the increase was 
 $45,750,000. The next quarter the cost of living was still going up, and the increase was 
 $89,850,000 ; but the next, the cost having begun to decline somewhat from the point It had 
 reached, it was $58,760,000 ; making in the aggregate the cost of living to the people of the 
 United States during the period covered by this investigation $288,750,000. 
 
 Mr. Geobob— How long f 
 
 Mr. Oablislb— For twenty-four months, excluding September, 1889, and the three which 
 were taken as a basis. The increased cost of living to the people of the United States during 
 that twenty-four months was $288,760,000 ; but during the last quarter covered by this investi- 
 gation, taking the three months together, there was a slight decline of fifteen one-hundredths 
 of 1 per cent, in the cost of living, amounting to $3,750,000, which I have deducted from the 
 gross aura, showing a net increase in the cost of living of $385,000,000, the largest proportion 
 of which, or $185,000,000, occurred after the passage of the McKinley act ; and a large part of 
 the $100,000,000 increase which occurred before that time is directly attributable to the fact 
 that the bill was pending in Congresswith almost abeolnte knowledge on the part of the people 
 that it would pass and become a law. 
 
 Mr. A. B. Faequhak In his recent work, " Economic and Industrial Delu- 
 sions," estimates the cost of protection to the iron and steel industries in this 
 country for the ten years, 1879 to 1888. He says : 
 
 " In a recent article, the editor of the New York Tribune tries to break the 
 force of Mr. Roger Q. Mill's exposure in the JSforth Aineriean Beview of the 
 misstatements of Mr. James G. Blaine in the same periodical by what purports 
 to be an analysis of the prices of steel rails in this country and in Great Britain. 
 The Tribune, following its habit in such cases, imputes to Mr. Mills the theory 
 that because a duty is placed upon a foreign product — steel rails, for instance— 
 the price upon the domestic product is advanced in equal measure. Mr. MiUb, 
 it need hardly be said, holds no such foolish idea, and nothing of the kind can 
 be found in his reply to Mr. Blaine. What he does hold and prove is that in 
 
130 
 
 TAKIPF EVOLUTION. 
 
 certain specific years the price of domestic steel rails has been held above the 
 price in Great Britain in a sum equal to duties and freights, or even higher." 
 
 Tear. 
 
 U. S. Prodnct, 
 Tons. 
 
 Britisli Price. 
 
 U. S. Price. 
 
 Difference. 
 
 Excess of Cost 
 
 1879 
 
 1880 
 
 683,965 
 954,460 
 1,380,308 
 1,488,155 
 1,286,554 
 1,116,621 
 1,074,607 
 1,763,667 
 8,354,132 
 1,653,631 
 
 $26 88 
 34 42 
 30 41 
 26 27 
 
 22 72 
 
 23 19 
 28 11 
 IS 70 
 19 70 
 19 15 
 
 $48 25 
 67 40 
 6] 1.3 
 48 60 
 37 75 
 30 75 
 
 28 50 
 34 50 
 37 08 
 
 29 83 
 
 $21 37 
 3-2 98 
 30 78 
 28 23 
 15 03 
 7 56 
 5 39 
 15 80 
 17 88 
 10 68 
 
 $14,616,310 
 31,478,'' 90 
 
 lR8t 
 
 40,86ii,8;7 
 31,970,135 
 19,336,906 
 8,441,654 
 5,792,131 
 27,865,386 
 
 IS^S 
 
 1-83 
 
 >84 
 
 1885 
 
 1886 
 
 issr 
 
 40,914,814 
 10,588,099 
 
 1888 
 
 
 Total 
 
 13,555,094 
 
 $236,864,463 
 
 
 " Since the Tribune has provoked the discussion it becomes suitable to make 
 use of the comparative prices of steel rails from 1879 to 1838 in rejoinder. 
 These years will be chosen for treatment, because in them the prices in both 
 countries have been upon a gold basis, all previous comparisons since 1861 being 
 vitiated by our depreciated currency. 
 
 In this period the Bessemer rail production in the United States was very 
 heavy, as shown in the table. The American and British prices, given by the 
 Tribune on the authority of the Iron and Steel Association, and their difference, 
 are then shown, and the excess of cost to the consumers of rails in this country 
 is easily computed. 
 
 On examining the Tribune prices, I am led to believe that the American 
 price belongs to the net ton of 2.000 pounds only. On the other hand, since 
 British dealings are in gross tons, the British price stated is doubtless the price 
 of a gross ton of 3,240 pounds. If this exact allowance were made it would 
 add about eleven per cent, to the excess. The measure of the disadvantage of 
 this country is quite sutBcient, taking the Tribune's figures as they are, and 
 we may, therefore, dismiss the fraction of 340 pounds per ton without further 
 consideration. Even if the correction were to be made the other way, the 
 excess paid in this country would be about $300,000,000 in ten years. Oppo- 
 nents may take it so, and then disprove the fact if they can, that the cost of 
 building up this comparatively petty branch of domestic industry — petty in. 
 respect both to value of product and to number of men employed therein — ^has 
 been substantially as given below : |70,000,000 to $80,000,000 a year against 
 the consumers of this country, and in favor of the consumers of iron and steel 
 who have been supplied by Great Britain. 
 
 The total domestic production of Bessemer steel in this period was 18,907,086 
 tons. It may be assumed that the difference in price on the remainder of the 
 steel has been at least equal to that upon rails. This, being computed year by 
 year at the relative difference of each year, adds $81,696,361, making the total 
 difference in ten years, between the price of British and American Bessemer 
 metal, $318,500,813. If the British mines and works could have supplied the 
 United States with 18,907,086 tons of Bessemer metal between 1879 and 1888, 
 inclusive, at British prices (as they could not), it would have cost us $:f!18,560,- 
 
TABIPF BVOI/trriON. 131 
 
 813 less than we actually 7)aid. From January 1, 1879, to July 1, 1883, the 
 duty on Bessemer rails was $38 per ton ; since July 1, 1883, it has been $17 per 
 ton. Had the whole rate of duty been added to the British price on our 
 Jomestic product, the disparity in the cost of Bessemer metal to our cus- 
 tomers would have been $318,566,177, but $71,005,364 more than the actual 
 disparity. The freight charges and insurance are computed by the Tribum at 
 $8 per ton, or $56,731,358 in all, leaving for the unnecessary excess of cost 
 ofBessemer metal in the United States, as compared to Great Britain, $361,- 
 ■889,655. 
 
 So much for the cost of developing the Bessemer steel industry in the 
 United States by means of a tax on British steel, m the hypothesis that must 
 necessarily be made if ws are to ascribe the development of our customs to 
 legislation. 
 
 To comprehend the cost of developing the production o. crude iron and 
 ^teel of all kinds in the United States from 3,070,885 tons in 1879 to over 
 8,000,000 in 1890, a computation must be made for iron as well as for steeL 
 Oui production of pig-iron was, from 1879 to 1888, inclusive, 63,373,470 tons ; of 
 which about 30,373,470 tons may have been converted into 18,907,686 tons of 
 Bessemer rails and other forms of that metal, leaving 43,000,000 tons of pig-iron 
 for other uses. Throughout this period the average price of American pig-iron 
 was at least $10 per ton above that of British iron of the same quality at fur- 
 nace— 43,000,000 tons at $10, $430,000,000. A freight charge of $3 per ion might 
 iave been paid, if British mines and works could have supplied the quality of 
 metal, amounting to $136,000,000, leaving the net excess of price $81; 4, 000, 000. 
 This gives us : 
 
 Additional cost of Bessemer steel $363,000,000 
 
 Addi.ional cost of pig-iron 394,000,000 
 
 Total • $556,000,000 
 
 These figures confirm the estimates of Messrs. Edward Atkinson and David 
 A, "Wells, each covering a slightly different decade and computed on a different 
 'basis. In addition to our domestic product, however, we have required about 
 17,000,000 tons of iron in the years 1879 to 1888, which we have imported in 
 Tthe forms of ore, pig bar, rails, tin plates, machinery, and hardware, and 
 •flupon which duties of about $300,000,000 have been collected. It therefore 
 ifollows, that if the British or foreign mines and works could have supplied 
 'this country with iron and steel during the last ten years under consideration — 
 1879 to 1888— without any advance in the prices in Great Britain, our domestic 
 railways, mills, works, engines, tools and machinery would have cost nearly 
 $80,000,000 a year. 
 
 The entire capital in all the hast furnaces, rolling mills and steel works of 
 ■the United States in 1880 was only $331,000,000, and probably does not now 
 ^exceed $400,000,000. The ten years' excess of cost on everything into which 
 iron and steel have entered as component materials in this country, as compared 
 40 other countries, must therefore have been double the capital now invested 
 in all the works where these crude materials are produced." 
 
128 TARIFF EVOLUTION. 
 
 Protectionists make strenuous efforts to break the force of these faets^ 
 The tariff advocates insist that tariff taxes are paid by the foreign pro- 
 ducer, in order to secure for his goods admission into our markets. Thia>- 
 being assumed a great deal else easily follows. Mr. McKinley in a campaign- 
 speech dwelt longer on this point than any other. , His opponents were ' ' in the 
 service of foreigners," seeking to have them relieved of this payment ; he- 
 himself insisted that the foreigners must pay it. " How absurd in us to piy 
 our taxes when here is a way by which the foreigner can be made to pay them^ 
 for us." "How unjust, too, to take a loyal citizen of our country, who has- 
 borne all the obligations of a citizen and leave him only the same show in the- 
 market that was allowed an alien who bore none of those obligations," etc. 
 It is easy to build up a towering edifice when the foundation is granted ; but - 
 the whole structure collapses when once the foundation is knocked from- 
 under — when once it is settled that the import tax is a charge on the goods, 
 and that if the foreigner pays it to get them admitted, he always takes the best 
 of care to get it back out of the user of his goods. 
 
 This aspect of the question has been dealt with by prominent Republican^ 
 protectionists. 
 
 John Qxtbtcy Adams said : 
 
 " The duty constltiites a part of the price of the whole mass of the article In the markeU- 
 It is sabstantially paid upon the article of domestic manufacture as well as upon that of for- 
 eign production. Upon one it is a bounty, upon the other a burden ; and the repeal of the tax: 
 must operate as an equivalent reduction of the price of the article, whether foreign or dom- 
 estic. We say, so long as the importation continues, the duty must be paid by the purchasei- 
 of the article." 
 
 Again Hon. Jambs G. Blaine wrote in his " Twenty Tears of Congress " ' 
 
 " Congress rendered the taxes more palatable and less oppressive to the producers (manu- 
 facturers) by largely increasing the duties on imports, by the tariff act of July 14, 1862, thuB 
 shutting ont still more conclusively all competitfon from foreign fabrics. The increased cost 
 was charged io the consumer .^^ , 
 
 John Shebman gave utterance to this terse phrase in a speech in 1867 : 
 
 " I said it, and I stand by it, that as a general rule the duties paid upon imports operate 09^ 
 a tax upon the consumer.*^ 
 
 Who Dbbivks the Benefits ? 
 
 On page 185 of his "Economy of High "Wages," Mr. Schoenhof shows- 
 what becomes of at least a portion of the tariff taxes paid by the American 
 people : 
 
 The high profits made by the Trenton manufacturers have recently been brought to light 
 by the prospectus of the " Trenton Potteries Company," organized by the union of five of the- 
 leading firms. Of the $3,000,000 capital, the $1,850,000 of preferred stock represents nearly the- 
 whole property, nndonbtedly at the highest possible valuation. (The value of real estate, 
 machinery, patterns, merchandise, and cash In bank is given at $1,390,000.) The $1,750,000 of 
 common stock is, therefore, almost all water to absorb the surplus earnings over the 8 per cent.. 
 ou the preferred stock. The prospectus shows that for the last three years the average earningei 
 on the conimon stock were 11 per cent., and for 1891 they were 16 per cent, after providing for 
 the expense of management. On the appraised value of the entire property, the averaga 
 annual net profits for the three years 1889, 1890, and 1891 were equal to a dividend of 22i per 
 cent. The net earnings for 1891 were J401,000, equal to a dividend of 29 per cent, on the same 
 basis. 
 
TARIFF EVOLUTION. 128' 
 
 This Is in alngular contrast to the statement of one member of this consolidation made 
 Cefore the McKlnley Committee on Ways and Means In the tpring of 1890. Said he :" It la for 
 yon, gentlemen, to say whether this straggling Industry shall be destroyed for the benefit of 
 foreign manufacturers." 
 
 Mother beneficiary of the tariff is the steel -raD maker. According to Mr. . 
 Schoenbof : 
 
 A steel mill employing 1,408 men and turning out 4,500 tons a week, and having a pay-roll 
 of $18,680 (as talien from the amounts kindly given to me by a rail mill In 1888), would in a 
 year produce 228,000 tons and pay out $684,000 In wages, but make a profit, on present com- 
 putation, of fully $1,680,000. But with all this enormous profit guaranteed by act of LegislatnrOv 
 at the present rates the outlay for wages would .now not be more than about $575,000 (about 
 $2.50 a ton). 
 
 This, however, by no means exhausts the golden effects of protection to the 
 protected enterprise. The usefulness of the tariff was seen again, after the 
 golden shower of 1880, in its fullness in the time of brisk demand in 1887. 
 The selling price of rails had fallen in 1886 to $38, but the demand springing 
 up in 1887 raised the price to $40, and it averaged for the year $35. To a- 
 single concern turning out 500,000 tons a year, this extra profit guaranteed by 
 the tariff is equal to a bonus of from $3,500,000 to $3,000,000 above the ordi- 
 nary profits at the $30 price. Should the benevolent and patriotic mill-owner- 
 not urge the maintenance of this blessing to the American workman — ^urge it- 
 with intense eloquence and energetic zeal ? 
 
 Said the Hon. Benj. Butterworth, a distinguished Republican : 
 
 "The manufacturers and the trusts get the protection and the profits of the tarifE— the- 
 farmer gets the husks and the humbug." 
 
 An expression from the U. S. Supreme Court bearing on this point ought to 
 have some weight. See 30 "Wall., 657. 
 
 *' To lay with one hand the power of the Government on the property of the citizen, and 
 with the other to bestow it upon favored individuals to aid private enterprises and build up 
 private fortunes is none the less a robbery because it is done under the forme of law and is 
 called taxation." 
 
 It is clear that while the masses of the American people pay for the tariff, 
 they do not derive the benefit. A few favored monopolists are benefited by 
 Mr. McKinley's tariff compelling Americans to pay high prices ; still another- 
 beneficiary of protection is the foreigner. The Eepublican party, after denying 
 that the tariff is a tax, says the foreigner pays it. So far from this being true, 
 Americans pay high prices to enable foreigners to buy American goods at low" 
 prices. American manufacturers sell cheaper to foreigners than to Americans. 
 
 The Hon, Jeremiah M. Rusk, the Republican Secretary of the Department 
 of Agriculture, said, in an interview in the New York Tribune : 
 
 " 1890. I had an opportunity to take some stock in the combination [National Harvester 
 
 Trust] and I know what inducements were offered. An investigation wUl show that this same- 
 combination is now selling, or offering to sell, machinery in Bussia and Australia and other 
 wheat-growing countries at a lower figure than they do la this country. This won't do, and I 
 need not ofEer any argument to prove the weight or truth of this assertion The first thing the- 
 farmer will do when he is acquainted with the facts will be to make a howl against trusts and 
 protection that does not protect. Whether justly or not, ho will charge it to the Eepublican. 
 party. I am as certain as I can be of anytbing that this Mower and Beaper Trust will cost the- 
 
124 TAKIFF EVOLUTION. 
 
 Eepnblican party hnndieds of thousands of Toteo at the next Preaiaential election nnless It 
 takes a fiim stand against it and trusts in generaL" 
 
 Conclusive proof of the fact that protection actually favors foreigners at the 
 expense of Americans, is afEorded by the journals devoted exclusively to the 
 export trade in American manufactures. 
 
 The American Mail and Export Journal and The Australasian and South Am- 
 erican are issued monthly, and have as their chief department a prices current, 
 which gives the lowest price at wbich the goods advertised can be obtained from 
 the manufacturers, either through commission houses or direct correspondence. 
 The prices quoted in these journals are declared to be the rock-bottom prices 
 for articles in small quantities, such as by the piece, dozen, case, etc. For 
 large quantities "special" rates are frequently advertised, and in fact generally 
 given. 
 
 One other journal, the Engineering and Mining Jowmal, publishes in its 
 issue on the first of each month a price current with the statement that "dis- 
 comforts are for export only." 
 
 Tim Australasian and South American publishes its prices current as a part 
 of the regular issue of the journal ; in the case of the Mail and Eacport Journal 
 it is issued in the form of a supplement. The Mail and Export supplement is 
 printed in the languages of the different countries to which it is sent, and is so 
 carefully guarded that copies can be obtained here only through South Ameri- 
 can, etc., correspondents. The reason for these extraordinary precautions is 
 plain enough, when it is found that the prices quoted in the Mail and Export 
 Journal are generally speaking, even lower than those given in either the 
 Australasian or the Engineering and Mining Journal. For example, Fremont 
 cultivators (6 shovel) are advertised in the Australasian, at |33 ; while in the 
 Spanish supplement of the Mail and Export Journal, the identical implement 
 (illustrated by the same photo print) is offered at $35. Frank & Co.'s wood- 
 working machinery is offered in the Australasian, at 20% discount for export ; 
 «nd in the Mail and Eieport Journal supplement at 25^ discount, the "list" 
 prices being identical. 
 
 The following sums up the situation : 
 
 " It is a mistake to suppose that our goods are mnch dearer, as a mle, than those supplied 
 by other countries. As a matter of fact, they are often cheaper, without taking their superior 
 qualities into consideration, this being the case particularly with the articles on which Chill 
 has undertaken to reduce the duty. 
 
 " Nor are we xmder very serious disadvantages when the question of transportation arises. 
 There are nearly always ships loading in New York and Boston for ports on the west coast of 
 South America, and the rates of freight obtained make the shipping business a paying one, so 
 that any number of vessels required would be quickly put on. 
 
 " As it is, we are supplying the bulk of the railroad supplies and equipment used in Chili 
 and an equally large proportion of the telegraph plant. Our sewing machines, printing 
 machinery, mining machinery, wood and metal working tools and agricultural implements, 
 light hardware, woodware, etc., are popular and selling -wiW^—AustralaHan and South 
 American, March 1, 1890. 
 
 It seems to be lime that somebody should explain how it is, if our tariff is 
 necessary to enable our manufacturers to compete with English, French and 
 Cterman rivals in our own markets — whether foreigners have to pay extra trans- 
 portation and our manufacturers do not — that they are spending so much money 
 
TABIFF EVOLUTION. 125 
 
 In advertising in order to get a chance to compete with the same foreigners In' 
 free trade markets outside, to which our manufacturers have to pay as much 
 or more freight than foreigners. 
 
 Upon the first publication of the above, there came a storm of vituperation 
 and denial from the paid agents of certain protected manufacturers. To test 
 the matter the Fa/rmer^ Oall, of Quincy, Illinois, wrote Mr. A. B. Farquhar, 
 the head of the Penasylvania Agricultural Works, one of the leading manufac- 
 turers, both for the home trade and for export, of agricultural implements and 
 machineiy. His answer was as follows : 
 
 " Jnly 30, 1890. 
 
 " The * fact * Is that our protective laws are a monetrons swindle npon the agrlcultiiral com. 
 mnnlty. As a manufacturer I was inclined to say nothing on the subject, for the reason that it 
 was natnral to suppose if anybody was benefited it was the manufacturing class, to which I 
 belong. But, as I have explained, the fanner is being destroyed. We are isilllng the goose for 
 the golden egg. And I honestly believe now that it is to the interest of the manufacturer* 
 themselves to eliminate the protective feature from our tariff laws. 
 
 Certainly our manufactures are sold much lower abroad, we could only need protection to 
 get better prices from our customers at home. We do manufacture and sell in Canada, South 
 America and Europe many agricultural implements and machines, and could we have free raw 
 material and the commercial advantages which free trade would give us America would become 
 the great manufacturing emporium of the world, and the farmer of course would share the pros- 
 perity, since he would have to pay less for everything and get better prices for all he sold. Go 
 on with your good work. When the faiTier begins to think and rise up against this swindle it is 
 doomed. 
 
 Meanwhile the Australasian and South American made the following ad- 
 mission : 
 
 " By comparing the prices at which goods are sold to the export merchant, and the catalogue 
 rates which the ordinary purchaser pays, it is possible to show a very striking discrepancy In 
 favor of the exporter." 
 
 but claimed that the lower prices quoted foreigners were for the wholesale trade 
 alone ; Whereupon the World published the following from the Engineering 
 and Mining Jownal : 
 
 Enginebbiho aitd Muniio Joubnal, I 
 New Tobk, Aug. 86, 1890. f 
 
 Dbab Sra : I am obliged to yon for the letter of August 23 representing the proceedings 
 taken in the Senate regarding our ** Prices Current." 
 
 Prices quoted by us are, as you will notice, at the head of the first column, " for export 
 only," and the prices therein given are the prices at which every foreign subscriber can buy in 
 this market. It stands to reason that orders for farm implements are frequently for one only. 
 If to buy one machine is retail trade, then these foreign prices are retail prices. 
 
 Our domestic subscribers are barred from the prices quoted in these colnmna. These 
 special discounts are " For Export Only," and in more than one instance we have lost our ad- 
 vertiser through publishing these prices. 
 
 I enclose an invoice from S. Allen <Ss Co., which yon will see is for one of the machines 
 quoted by us, and you will notice that it conforms exactly with our prices as reprinted by you 
 in the World, and that the net price on tho bill is exactly as stated by you in the World. 
 
 Your statement that the foreigner can buy at retail in this market cheaper than the do- 
 mestic consumer, is as indisputable as the daily revolution of the earth. We can enumerate 
 any nnmber of instances where houses have written us : "Prices furnished are for export 
 only, and it would be mostinjurious to us if these figures were circulated in the home market." 
 In going through our letters tills morning we counted no less than fifty-eight received during 
 
136 
 
 TARIFF EVOLUTION. 
 
 the month of July, thanking ns for publishing the " Prices Current," as it enabled our 
 'fiabscrlbers to keep a check on the prices charged them on their indents. 
 Tours very truly, 
 
 EssiBXZBiiia ANB Mining Joubnal. 
 To T. E. Wilson. 
 
 ■which covers every point, and is substantiated by a comparison between the 
 
 iinain part (printed in English) of the Mail and Export Jownal, for April, 1890, 
 . and the Spanish supplement oftJie sa/me periodical for the same date (not allowed 
 
 ito circulate here but obtained by the Reform Club from South America), which 
 . showed that the identical articles (as proved by accompanying illustrations) 
 
 were advertised for sale at the rates respectively : 
 
 In Spanish In English 
 
 for for 
 Foreigners. Americans. 
 
 . Advance plough $9 00 $18 00 
 
 Advance plough 4 00 8 00 
 
 Hay tedder SO 00 45 00 
 
 Mower 80 00 65 00 
 
 Horse rake 17 00 26 00 
 
 ■ -Camming feed-cutter No. 3 60 00 90 00 
 
 Ann Arbor cutter No. 2 28 00 40 00 
 
 Ann Arbor cutter No. 1 16 00 28 00 
 
 Clipper cutter 9 50 18 00 
 
 Lever cutter 4 25 8 00 
 
 ■Cultivator 22 00 80 00 
 
 .Sweep 60 00 90 00 
 
Tna FORCE BILL. 'X37 
 
 THE FORCE BILL. 
 
 REPUBLICAN TESTIMONY AS TO ITS VITALITY 
 AS AN ISSUE. 
 
 A HISTORY OF THE MEASURE AND AN ANALYSIS OF ITS 
 PROVISIONS. 
 
 The Force Bill gives to Republican Federal officers the control of all elec- 
 "stions. It takes from the States the substance of the right, reserved in the 
 Constitution to determine and judge of the qualifications of voters. The 
 assertion that it is to secure full and free elections is more pretense. The chief 
 supervisors are to be appointed for life, and, as the electoral machinery is put 
 into their hands, it will be for years under the control of Republican partisans, 
 no matter vrhat may be the character of the Administration. 
 
 I.— IS IT AN ISSUE? 
 
 Since the Minneapolis Convention certain Republican politicians have tried 
 to make the people of the United States believe that the Force Bill is not an 
 issue in this campaign. The reason for this is evident. These men have 
 observed since the adoption of their platform that nothing is to be gained in 
 this campaign by advocating this measure, and, hence, they try to keep it to 
 the rear, until the campaign is ended. The plan is deceptive ; they wish to 
 
 - dodge the issue during the campaign and afterwards, if successful, bring it 
 forward again. 
 
 Any Governmental measure of importance, en the adoption of which the 
 parties have distinctly pledged themselves on opposite sides, maybe well called 
 an issue. If we examine the official declarations of the Democrats and Repub- 
 licans — National and State platforms and speeches and writings of leaders — we 
 
 - dhall find that on this question the party positions are so clear that there can be 
 . no doubt about the policies which each would pursue if in complete control of 
 tthe Government. 
 
tag- THB FOECB BILIi. 
 
 That the Republicans are pledged to the adoption of the Force BiU is shown 
 a many ways : 
 
 First— The National Platfoems. 
 
 Platfoem, 1888. Plattorm, 1893. 
 
 We reaffirm our unswerving devotion * * ♦ We demand tliat every citizen of tlie XTnlteS 
 
 especially to the supreme and »omreign right States shall be allowed to eatt one free and 
 of every lawful citizen, rich or poor, native unrestricted ballot in all public elections, anct 
 or foreign born, white or black, to cast one that mch ballot shall be counted and reiumecS 
 free ballot in public elections, and to have as cast ; that such laws shall be enacted and 
 that ballot duly counted: enforced as will secure to every citizen, be he 
 
 rich or poor, native or foreign born, white or 
 
 black, this sovereign right gaaranteed by the 
 
 Constitution. 
 
 We hold the free and honest popular ballot The free and honest popular ballot, the just 
 
 and the just and equal representation of all and equal representation of all the people, a& 
 
 thepeople to be the foundation of our Sepubli- well as their jnst and equal protection under 
 
 can (Government, and demand ^eetive leglsla- the laws, are the foundation of our Bepubli- 
 
 tion to secure the integrity and purity of can institutions, and the party wiU never 
 
 elections, which are the fountains of all rdax Us efforts until the integrity of the 
 
 public authority. ballot and the purity of elections shall be fully 
 
 guaranteed and protected in every State. 
 We charge that the present Administration We denounce the continued inhuman out- 
 
 and Democratic majority in Congress owe rages perpetrated on American citizens for 
 their existence to the enpresslon of the ballot political reasons in certain Southern States ia 
 by a criminal nullification of the Constitution the Union, 
 and the Laws of the United States. 
 
 These platforms placed in parallel columns show that the Republican posi- 
 tion is the same to-day that it was four years ago. The same words cannot 
 mean one thing in 1888, and another in 1893. No one will deny the vague- 
 ness with which the plan of the party is expressed in each platform. But, if 
 we can find the true interpretation of the platform of 1888, we can have no 
 doubt what that of 1893 means. None can be expected to know what this 
 plank of 1888 meant so well as Republicans themselves. What did they say 
 about it ? 
 
 Upon the floors of the House and Senate during the 51st Congress the plat- 
 form of 1888 was appealed to time after time as pledging the party to the pas- 
 sage of the Force Bill. 
 
 Senator Hoar, who engineered the substitute for the Lodge Bill to its happy 
 shelving in the Senate in January, 1891, said that he deemed the bill to be the 
 essence of Republicanism ; and in speaking of " The fate of the Election Bill," 
 in the ForumioT: April, 1891, he said : " It will not be doubted that the ' eflec- 
 tive legislation' which the Chicago platform of 1888 promised to the country, 
 ' to secure integrity and purity of elections, which are the fountain of our public 
 authority,' meant legislation by Congress. The Convention was annoxmcing 
 the purpose of a national party in regard to national elections." 
 
 In seconding the nomination of General Harrison, at Minneapolis, ex- 
 Senator Spooner of Wisconsin " pointed with pride" to the President's record 
 on the subject in these words : " Nor did he forget or disregard the solemn 
 pledge of the Republican party that ' every citizen, rich or poor, native or 
 foreign born, white or black,' is entitled at every public election to cast one 
 free ballot, and to have that ballot honestly counted and faithfully returned." 
 
THE PORCB BILL. 129 
 
 After such evidence as to the meaning of the platform of 1888, it cannot 
 he doubted that it meant a Federal Elections BiH. Therefore, the platform of 
 1892, which is in the same words essentially, must mean the same thing. 
 
 Let us, however, examine some direct evidence on the subject. A9 we 
 have done heretofore, we may go to Republican sources to get the interpre- 
 tation. The course of two life-long Republicans since the Minneapolis con- 
 vention gives us the information we seek. 
 
 First, take the case of ex-Representative Hamilton G. Ewart, of the Ninth 
 North Carolina Congressional District. During the debate on the Force BUI 
 in the House, in the 51st Congress, Mr. Ewart was one of three Repub- 
 licans to come out against it. His opposition to it was pleasing to his 
 constituents and he was made the candidate of his party for re-election to the 
 53d Congress: but in the " tidal wave " of 1890 he was defeated. Mr. Ewart 
 has always been a Republican ; he has held many political offices in 
 his native State, and has been recognized as the leader of his party in his 
 Congressional district. Therefore, when his former party associates looked 
 around for a candidate for the 53d Congress, it was natural that they 
 should turn to him. He refused to accept the nomination, and in giving his 
 reasons for doing so, said that the Republican platform of 1892 could mean 
 nothing but a Force Bill ; he was against a Force Bill, and, in order to make 
 his opposition effective, he would choose the only sure way, viz. ; to vote the 
 Democratic ticket. It is reported that a number of other prominent 
 Bepublicans in the district have announced their intention to follow his 
 example." 
 
 This interpretation of the present Republican position on the Force Bill is 
 not confined to Southern Republicans. On Aug..27, 1893, Mr. F. A. Hobart, 
 for thirty-eight years an active Republican in Massachusetts, for thirty years 
 chairman of the town committee of Braintree, sent to the Chairman of the 
 Second District Councillor Committee his resignation as a member of that 
 committee. In giving one of his reasons for doing so, he said : " I am not in 
 full sympathy with the platform adopted [1893]. While I believe in fully pro- 
 tecting the right of every voter to cast his vote fearlessly, and have it honestly 
 counted, I am opposed to the principle of the election or so-called ' ' Force BiU " 
 as proposed by Lodge, and now attempted to be ignored but incorporated as a 
 part of the Republican platform and which must inevitably follow as the re- 
 sult of the re-election of President Harrison. * * » It is now nearly thirty 
 years since the close of the war, and if such a measure was unnecessary then, 
 there is no excuse for it now." 
 
 In view of these interpretations given by party leaders, what else can the 
 ordinary voter conclude but that the Republican platform and its candidates , 
 stand pledged to the Force Bill ? 
 
 Secokd— The CANDroATES. 
 
 Knowing that the platform of 1893 means a Force Bill, we s^-iuld expect 
 
 the candidates to be in favor of it also. From the day of its appearance in 
 
 Congress until the present, the candidates — the one as President of the United 
 
 States, the other as editor of a leading Republican newspaper-— have advocated 
 
 9 
 
130 THE FOKCE BILL. 
 
 it in a manner surprising in its consistency, on the part of men leading a 
 party usually so inconsistent in its positions and arguments. 
 
 President Harrison in his official utterances has kept the subject continually 
 in a prominent place. He said in his Inaugural Address, March 4, 1889 : 
 
 "It is very gratifying to observe the general interest now being manifested in the reform , 
 of election laws. Those who have been for years calling attention to the pressing necessity of 
 throwing about the ballot-box and aboat the elector farther safeguards in order that onr elec- 
 tions might not only be free and pure, bat might clearly appear to be so, will welcome the 
 accession of any who did not so soon discover the need of reform. The National Congress 
 has not, as yet, taken control of elections in that case over which the Constitation gives it 
 jnrisdiction, but has accepted and adopted the election laws of the several States, provided 
 penalties for their violation and a method of supervision. Only an inefSciency of the State 
 laws, or an unfair or partisan administration of them, could suggest a departure from this 
 policy. 
 
 " It was clearly, however, in the contemplation of the f ramers of the Constitution that 
 such an exigency might arise, and provision was wisely made for it. The freedom of the 
 ballot is a condition of our national life, and no power vested in Congress or in the Executive 
 to secure or perpetuate it should remain unused upon occasion. The people of all the Con- 
 gressional districts have an equal interest that the election in each shall truly express the views 
 ana wishes of a majority of the qualified electors residing within it ; the results of such 
 elections are not local, and the insistence of electors residing in other districts that they shall 
 be pare and free does not savor at all of impertinence. " 
 
 In his First Annual Message, December 8, 1889, he said : 
 
 "But, notwithstanding all this, in many parts of our country where the colored population 
 Is large, the people of that race are, by various devices, deprived of any effective exercise of 
 their political rights and of many of their civil rights. The wrong does not expend itself upon 
 those whose votes are suppressed, iilvery constituency in the Union is wronged. 
 
 " It has been the hope of every patriot that a sense of justice and respect for the law would 
 work a gradual cure of these flagrant evils. Surely no one supposes that the present can be 
 accepted as a permanent condition. If it is said that these communities must work out this 
 problem for themselves, we have a right to ask whether they are at work upon it. Do thej 
 Buggest any solution J When and under what conditions is the black man to have a free 
 ballot ? When is he, in fact, to have those full civU rights which have so long been his in law ? 
 When is that equahty of influence which our form of government was intended to secure to 
 the electors to be restored ? This generation should courageously face these grave questions 
 and not leave them as a heritage of woe to the next. The consultation should proceed with 
 candor, calmness and great patience ; upon the lines of justice and humanity, not of prejudice 
 and cruelty. No question in our country can be at rest except upon the firm base of justice 
 and of the law. 
 
 " I earnestly invoke the attention of Congress to the consideration of such measures 
 within its well-defined constitutional powers as will secure to all our people a free exercise of 
 the right of suffrage, and every other civil right under the Constitation and laws of the United 
 States. No evil, however deplorable,' can justify the assumption either on the part of the 
 Bxecutive or of Congress of powers not granted ; but both will be highly blamable if all the 
 powers granted are not wisely but firmly used to correct these evils. The power to take the 
 whole direction and control of the election of members of the House of Representatives is 
 clearly given to the General Government. A partial and qualified supervision of these elections 
 is now provided for by law, and, in my opinion, this law may be so strengthened and extended 
 as to secure, on the whole, better results than can be attained by taking all the processes of 
 such election into Federal control. The colored man should be protected in all of his relations 
 to the Federal Government, whether as litigant, jm-or or witness in our courts, as an elector or 
 member of Congress or as a peaceable traveler upon our interstate railways. 
 
 In his Second Annual Message, December 1, 1890, he said : 
 " It any intelligent and loyal company of American citizens were required to catalogue the 
 essential human conditions of national life, I do not doubt that with absolute unanimity they 
 would begin with ' free and honest elections,' and it is gratifying to know that, generally. 
 
THE FOKCH BILL. 131 
 
 there Is a growing and non-partisan demand for better election laws. But against tUs sign oT 
 hope and progress must be set the depressing and nndeniable fact that election laws and- 
 methods are sometimes cunningly contrived to secure minority control, while ylolence com- 
 pletes short-comings of fraud, 
 
 " In my last Annual Message I suggested that the development of the existing law, pro-- 
 Tiding a Federal supervision of Congressional elections, ofEered an effective method of reform- 
 ing these abuses. 
 
 " The need of such a law has presented itself in many parts of the country, and its whole- 
 some restraints and penalties w ill be useful to all . The constitutionality of such legislation has 
 been affirmed by the Supreme Court, Its probable effectiveness is evidenced by the character of 
 the opposition that is made to it. It has been denounced as if it were a new exercise of Federal 
 power and an invasion of the rights of the States. Nothing could be further from the truth. 
 Congress has already fixed the time of the election of Members of Congress. It has declared 
 that voles for Members of Congress must be by written or printed ballots ; it has provided for 
 the appointment by the Circuit Court, in certain cases, and upon the petition of a certain num 
 ber of citizens, of election supervisors, and made it their duty to supervise the registration of 
 voters conducted by the State officers ; to challenge persons offering to register ; to personally 
 inspect and scrutinize tlie registry lists, and to affix their names to the list for the purpose or 
 identification and the prevention of frauds ; to attend at elections and remain with the boxes- 
 till the votes are all cast and counted ; to attach to the registry lists and election returns any 
 statement touching the accuracy and fairness of the registry and election, and to take and. 
 transmit to the Clerk of the House of Eepresentatives any evidence of fraudulent practices- 
 which may be presented to them. The same law provides for the appointment of Deputy 
 (Jnited States Marshals to attend to the polls, support the supervisors in the discharge of their- 
 duties and to arrest persons violating the election laws. The provisions of this familiar title of 
 the Kevised Statutes have been put into exercise by both the great political parties, and in the- 
 North as well as in the South, by the filin£» with the Court of the petitions required by the law- 
 
 " It is not, therefore, a question whether we shall have a Federal election law, for we now 
 have one and have had for nearly twenty years, but whether we shall have an effective law- 
 The present law stops just short of effectiveness, for it surrenders to the local authorities all^ 
 control over the classification which establishes a prima facie right to a seat in the House o^ 
 Eepresentatives. This defect should be cured. Equality of representation and the parity of 
 the electors must be maintained, or everything that is valuable In our system of government ia- 
 
 lost. 
 
 " The qualification of an elector must be sought m the law, not in the opinions, prejudices, 
 or fears of any classes, however powerful . The path of the elector to the ballot-box must be- 
 free from the ambush of fear and the enticement of fraud ; the council true and open, that 
 none shall gainsay it. Such a law should be absolutely non-partisan and impartial. It would' 
 give the advantage to honesty, and the control to majorities. Surely, there is nothing sec- 
 tional about this creed, and, if it shall happen that the penalties of laws intended to enforce 
 these rights fall here, and not there, it is not because the law ia sectional, but because,- 
 happily, crime is local and not universal. 
 
 " Nor should it be forgotten that every law, whether relating to elections or to any other- 
 subject, whether enacted by the State or by the nation, has force behind it. The Courts, the 
 marshal or constable, the posse comitatus and the prison, are all and always behind the law- 
 
 " One cannot be justly charged with unfriendliness to any sectional class who seeks only 
 to restrain violations of law and of personal right. No community will find lawlessness profit- 
 able. No community can afford to have it known that the officers who are charged with the- 
 preservation of the public peace and the restraint of the criminal classes are themselves the 
 product of fraud or violence. The magistrate is then without respect, and the law without 
 sanction, I'he flo 'ds of lawlessness cannot be leveed and made to run in one channel. ■ The 
 killing of the United States Marshal carrying a writ of arrest for an election offense is full of 
 prompting and suggestion to men who are pursued by a city marshal for a crime against life 
 or property. 
 
 " But it is said that this legislation will revive race animosities, and some have even suggested ■ 
 that when the peaceful methods of fraud are made impossible they may be supplanted by in- 
 timidation and violence. If the proposed law gives any qualified elector, by a hair's weighty 
 more than his equal influence or detracts by so much from any other qualified elector, it i» 
 fatally impeached ; but if the law is equal and the animosities it is to evoke grow out of th«s- 
 
133 THE FORCE BILL. 
 
 fact that some electors have been accustomed to exercise the franchises for others as well as 
 for themselves, then these animosities ought not to be confessed without shame and cannot be 
 given any weight in the discussion without dishonor. No choice is left to me but to enforce 
 With vigor all laws intended to secure to the citizen his constitutional rights and to recommend 
 that the inadequacies of such laws be promptly remedied. If to promote with zeal and ready 
 interest erery project for the development of its material interests, its rivers, haiboi f, mines 
 and factories, and the intelligence, peace and security under the law of its communities and 
 its homes, is not accepted as sufficient evidence of friendliness to any State or section, I cannot 
 add connivance at election practices that not only disturb local results but rob the electors of 
 other States and sections of their most priceless practical rights." 
 
 In his Third Annual Message, December 9, 1891, he said : 
 
 "An attempt was made in the last Congress to bring to bear the constitutional powers of 
 the General Government for the correction of frauds against the suffrage. It is important to 
 know whether the opposition to such measures is really rested in particular features, supposed 
 to be objectionable, or includes any proposition to give to the election laws of the United States 
 adequacy to the correction of grave and acknowledged evils. I must yet entertain the hope 
 that it is possible to secure a calm, patrjolic consideration of such constitutional or statutory 
 changes as may be necessary to secure the choice of the officers of the Government to the people 
 by fair apportionments and free elections. 
 
 " I believe it would be possible to constitute a commission, non-partisan in its membership 
 «,nd composed of patriotic, wise, and impartial men, to whom a consideration of the question 
 of the evilb connected with our election system and methods might be committed with a good 
 prospect of securing unanimity in some plan for reheving or mitigating those evils. The Con- 
 stitution would permit the selection of the commission to be vested in the Supreme Court, if 
 that method would give the best guaranty of impartiality. This commission should be charged 
 with the duty of inquiring into the whole subject of the law of elections as related to the choice 
 of officers of the national Government, with a view to securing to every elector a free and un 
 molested exercise of the suffrage, and as near an approach to an equality of value in each ballot 
 •cast as is attainable. 
 
 In President Harrison's letter accepting the nomination of the Minneapolis 
 Convention, he says : 
 
 " In my last annual message to Congress I said, ' I must yet entertain the hope that it is 
 possible to secure a calm, patriotic consideration of such constitutional or statutory changes as 
 may be necessary to secure the choice of the ofQ,cers of the Government to the people by fair 
 apportionment and free election.' 
 
 " I believe it would be possible to constitute a commission, non-partisan in its membership 
 and composed of patriotic, wise and impartial men, to whom a consideration of the questions 
 of the evils connected with our election systems and methods might be committed, with a 
 good prospect of securing unanimity in some plan for removing or mitigating those evils. The 
 Constitution would permit the selection of a commission to be vested in the Supreme Court, if 
 that method would give the best guaranty of impartiality. This commission should be charged 
 with the duty of inquiring into the whole subject of the law of elections as related to the 
 choice of officers of the national Government, with a view to securing to every elecLor a free 
 and unmoleyted exercise of the suffrage and as near an approach to an equality of value in each 
 . ballot cast as is attainable. 
 
 '■'■ The demand that the limitations of suffrage fhall be found in the law, and only there, is a 
 _ just demand, and no just man should resent or resist it. 
 
 " It seemed to me that an appeal to our people to con-^ider the question of readjusting our 
 , legislation upon absolutely fair, non-partisan lines might find some effective response. 
 
 "Many times I have had occasion to say that laws and election methods designed to give 
 unfair advantages to the party making them would some time be used to perpetuate in power 
 , a faction of a party against the will of the majority of the people. 
 
 "Of this we seem to have an illustration in the recent State election in Alabama. There 
 
 was no Republican ticket in the fltjld. The contest was between white Democrats. The Kolb 
 
 party say they were refused the representation guaranteed by law upon the election hoards, 
 
 and that when the courts by mandamnsi attempted to right this wrong, an appeal that could 
 
 V not be heard until after the election made the writs ineffectual. 
 
THE FORCE BILL. 133 
 
 " Ballot boxes weie thrown out for alleged irregnlaritie'' or destroyed, and it is assertea on 
 behalf of one-half, at least, of the white voters of Alabama, that the officers to whom certifi- 
 cates have been giyen were not honestly elected. 
 
 ** There is no secarity for ihe personal or political rights of any man in a community where 
 any other man is deprived of his p3rsonal or political rights. 
 
 " The power of the States over the question of qualification of electors is ample to protect 
 them against the dangers of an ignorant or depraved snflrage, and the demand that every man 
 found to be qualified under the law shall be made secure in the right to cast a free ballot and to 
 have that ballot honestly counted cannot be abated. 
 
 " Onr old Republican battle cry, ' A free ballot and a fair count,' comes back to us, not 
 only from Alabama, but from other States, and from men who, differing with us widely in 
 opinions, have come to see that parties and political debate are but a mockery if, when the 
 debate is ended, the judgment of honest majorities is to be reversed by ballot-box frauds and 
 tally-sheet manipulations in the interest of the party or party faction in power. 
 
 " The.«e new political movements in the States and the recent decisions of some of the State 
 courts against unfair apportionment laws encourage the hope that the arbitrary and partisan 
 election laws and practices which have prevailed may be corrected by the States, the laws made 
 eqnal and non-partisan and the elections free and honest. The EepnbUcan party would rejoice 
 at such a solution, as a healthy and patriotic local sentiment is the best assurance of free and 
 honest elections. I eball again urge upon Congress that provision be made tor the appointment 
 of a non-partisan commission to consider the subject of apportionments and elections in their 
 relation to the choice of Federal officers." 
 
 Throughout the 51st Congress President Harrison was understood to stand 
 squarely behind the Force Bill ; and it is well known that he used all his 
 personal and official influence to secure its passage. 
 
 The position of the Republican Vice- Presidential candidate is no less distinct 
 than that of President Harrison. Mr. Whitelaw Eeid, as editor of the New York 
 Tribune, threw his whole influence in favor of the bill. A few sample extract* 
 from that paper will show that Mr. Reid is in harmony with his running mate : 
 
 March 6, 1889.—" We learned long ago that General Harrison conld put a good deal into 
 one sentence, but he rarely, if ever, succeeded better than when he said, in bis inaugural ad- 
 dress : * An unlawful expedient cannot become a permanent condition of government.' Tbis^ 
 utterance goes to the root of the whole Southern question." 
 
 March 17, 1890.—" If either party is to lose an election conducted under this law, we should' 
 tliink it would be the Eepublican party in the South, since they have the larger number of 
 illiterate voters, who might be deterred from the— to them— formidable operation of preparing 
 and casting a ballot. Whether the bill could be made to work with reasonable smoothness we 
 cannot say. That ought to be determined fairly well in committee and in the discussion in the 
 House. • * * But this much may be said for Mr. Lodge, * * * that there is no trace of 
 partisan partiality in this bill, and that it is an honest and courageous attempt to apply a sound 
 principle of public policy and a high standard of political purity to a most difilcult and per- 
 pleiing problem." 
 
 June 13, 1890.— "No other measure proposed at the present session of Congress is of 
 greater or more far-reaching importance than this. The duty of Congress to secure honest 
 elections is one which Republican Representatives cannot afEord to neglect, for the result in 
 Congressional elections in many Korthern States may depend upon their action." 
 
 July 1, 1890.—" If it be a duty at all to protect the purity of the ballot box, to defend the 
 people in the right of suffrage, then that Is a duty so sacred that no man can be excused for 
 neglecting it on account of personal convenience or personal or partisan risks. Is it such a- 
 duty f The Tribune does not find the Constitution declaring that everybody shall leave each 
 State to guarantee to its people a republican form of government or not, as may happen. 
 The Constitution requires that the United States shall guarantee to each State a republican 
 form of government. The Tribune does not find the Constitution leaving to the. States 
 ♦ ■* • the enforcement of United States laws. The Constitution requires the United States 
 to enforce its laws. Neither does the Constitution leave to each State exclusively the duty 
 of making laws to govern the election of members of Congress. It expressly provides thaf 
 
134 THB FORCE BILL. 
 
 Congresp, when occasion arises, eiiall make such laws, and witli the power goes the duty to 
 do so, if laws satisfactory in their workings have not heen made and enforced by the States." 
 
 July 33, 1890.—" The election bill has been lied about so persistently that some persons, 
 even in the Senate, do not seem to know that it refers to Federal elections, and not to elections 
 of local or State oflcers, or to elections by which Senators are chosen. The House has exclu- 
 sive right to judge of the qualifications of its own members. If it should simply requirelts 
 Clerk to place upon the rolls only the names of those elected according to methods it prescribes 
 and refused to admit any others, what branch of the Government could object f Logic and 
 equity justify the expectation that Senators will assent to regulations which the House deems 
 necessary, as the House would assent if the Senate should propose regulations to govern the 
 election of Senators." 
 
 December 2, 1890.—" In regard to the election bill the President speaks with unwavering 
 courage and fidelity to his convictions of duty. He believes that sach a measure is necessary, 
 that every loyal and intelligent citizen, if not blinded by partisanship, would demand it of Con- 
 gress, and that the subject ought to be acted upon without delay. His calm and admirable 
 recent remarks on this topic deserve the thoughtful attention of all citizens, and form, perhaps, 
 the most impressive and creditable part of a message which is very deserving of high praise." 
 
 January 8, 1891. — ** The spectacle presented in the Senate yesterday afternoon is not one 
 that Republicans generally can view or speak of with patience. Eight members of the majority 
 united with the Democrats in voting to remove the election bill from the favorable place which 
 it has occupied on the calendar from the opening of the session, and to give precedence to the 
 financial matters, which, in the eyes of some Senators, are most important. * * * These 
 names are not likely to be forgotten. A combine of this kind can only end in disaster to the 
 Republicans who engage in it." 
 
 January 28, 1891.— "Once more the combination of a few silver Senators with the Demo- 
 cratic party defeats and delays a Republican measure of the highest importance — delays, rather 
 than defeats, it may be hoped. * * * It is almost inconceivable that any Republican Sena- 
 tors, who know how time has been systematically wasted by the minority for the avowed pur- 
 pose of preventing the transaction of any public business until the minority is allowed to dic- 
 tate, should, nevertheless, suffer themselves to be used as tools of the Democratic minority in 
 cauping further delay. The rule empowering the majority to control the business of the Senate 
 ' has become necessary to the discharge of its duties by the Senate. Those who vote to thrust it 
 aside, whatever their motive or their tradings, take a tremendous responsibility for which the 
 stanch Republican voters of all the States will hold them to account. If they imagine that they 
 «an survive as assistants of the Democratic party and yet retain Republican support and confi- 
 dence, there are many illustrations in past history which should convince them of their mis- 
 take.'' 
 
 Who -will say, after reading these sentiments of the paper for which Mr. 
 Reid is responsible, that he is not committed to ihe Force Bill ? Unless he 
 says in his letter of acceptance that he repudiates his record he is still com- 
 mitted to the measure. 
 
 At Minneapolis, the subject which excited more enthusiasm than any 
 other was the Force Bill. It was constantly referred to in the speeches, and 
 it is well known that speeches on such occasions are meant to be party 
 declarations. Before the Republican politicians had awakened to the fact that 
 their Force Bill plank was not going to gain votes for their party, the 
 plank was intei-preted everywhere to mean a Force Bill, and the character of 
 the nominees to add emphasis to the meaning. 
 
 Probably next in significance to the national platform and the utterances 
 and records of the candidates who stand on that platform in determining the 
 party's position on a given subject are the Slate platforms. 
 
 It appears from the Tribune Almanac list of Republican State platforms that 
 not a single convention expressed itself against the Force Bill. In seven (Georgia, 
 Kentucky, Louisiana, JMaryland, Missis^ippi, New Jersey and Virginia) there 
 
THE FORCE BILL. 135 
 
 were no conventions; for Florida, no platform is given in the Tribune ocWorld 
 Almanac for 1891, or in Appleton's Cyclopedia for 1890. Tliese eight States 
 may, therefore, be left out of account. Of the thirty-six remaining, the plat- 
 forms of seven (Colorado, Idaho, Kansas, Minneapolis, Montana, Washington 
 and Wyoming), either are not given in full in the sources just referred to or 
 contain no reference to the subject. The conventions of the other twenty- nine 
 States may be fairly said to have indorsed the bill — four (Delaware, Iowa, 
 Nevada and Oregon), by heartily indorsing the work of President Harrison 
 and Speaker Reed ; twenty -live by mentioning the subject of elections ex- 
 plicitly. 
 
 Third — Uttekanobs oi' Prominent Republicans. 
 
 In April, 1891, Senator Hoar said in the Forum : 
 
 "It will, I tWnk, be clear from the foregoing narrative that the Eepnblican party had 
 promised to do its best to secure honest elections, by the exercise of the national legislative 
 authority ; and that the purpose to keep that promise is the one essential thing that constitutes 
 Republicanism. To that promise the President and the great body of the Eepublicans in the 
 House and in the Senate have been true. The mission of the Kepublican party will not be 
 accomplished until that promise shall have been kept." 
 
 Senator Hoar has maintained this position consistently since the beginning 
 of the Force Bill agitation ; and he openly adheres to it still. In a letter to 
 Mr. Eben S. Draper, Chairman of the Massachusetts Republican State Com- 
 mittee, written from Paris, July 37, 1893, he says : 
 
 " The purpose of the X)emocrat8 to deny to the colored man his constitutional right and to 
 win power by the destruction of the purity of our national elections is disclosed by their outcry 
 against what they call the Force Bill, a simple proposition to give an appeal to the courts of the 
 United States, subject to the final power of the House itself, in any contested questions of the 
 election of national representatives. * * * For every other right under the National Con- 
 stitution there is a remedy under national laws. Why should the dearest and most precious 
 right of all be an exception ?" 
 
 In the House debate on the Force Bill, June 36, 1890, Mr. Rowell, of 
 Illinois, said : 
 
 " I approve of this proposed law. My judgment is with it, and I am willing to stake my 
 reputation in the future upon this bill if it is once enacted into the law of the land. I shall 
 regard no act of my life, Mr. Speaker, with more approval than the act which gives consent to 
 the passage of this bill." 
 
 Is it probable that Mr. Rowell has changed his views ? If so let him 
 avow the change and explain why he has made it. 
 
 Senator Frye said in the course of the debate on the Force Bill in the 
 Senate on December 11, 1890 : 
 
 "I, to whom this bill now pending which so excites Democpatic ire is not one-tenth part 
 stringent enough, not one- tenth part drastic enough in its provisions. Why, Mr. President, if 
 it were necessary, in order that the ballot shall be secured to every citizen of the United 
 States, and that that ballot shall be counted as he casts it, to put a bayonet behind every ballot, 
 I would put the bayonet behind it." 
 
 In June, 1893, Senator Dolph, writing on the subject of " The Harrison 
 Administration," said : 
 
 " He has not acted as if he regarded the declarations contained in the national platform, 
 upon which he was elected, as meaningless platitudes, but as if he regarded them as control- 
 
136 THE FOHCE BILL. 
 
 ing statements of tlie principles of ttie party, entitled to receive his careful conBideration and 
 earnest support. Upon the great issues of the day lie has held no uncertain position. He has, 
 to the extent of his legitimate influence, aided the party in its efforts to redeem its pledges to 
 the people, and sought to promote its principles." 
 
 In in interview published in the Boston Herald, June 11, 1893, Congress- 
 man Henry Cahot Lodge said : 
 
 *' The renomination of President Harrison is the indorsement of his administration and its 
 policies at home and abroad by the Kepuhlican party. His administration and the work of the 
 51st Congress constitute the record of the Republican party for the last four years, and on that 
 record we ask confidently for continued power. 
 
 •' We have nothing to apologize for and nothing to defend. * * * President Harrison 
 is renominated as a faithful exponent of the Eepublican party and Eepublican principles. He 
 stands * * + for honest elections (which nave always had his hearty support). " 
 
 The expression " honest elections " is the usual form in which Republicans 
 speak of the Force Bill. 
 
 In the Forum for last July Senator Hawley, of Connecticut, says, in speak- 
 ing of " Mr. Harrison's Sound Administration," upon which he bases the claim 
 of the President to re-election : 
 
 "The Eepublican party can never forget its duty to exert national power to protect 
 national voting." 
 
 Fourth — REPnBLiCAU Newspapees. 
 
 The expressed opinions of Republican newspaper organs on the Force Bill 
 show how completely the Republican party is comniitted to that revolutionary 
 measure. Appended is a list of Eepublican papers that have endorsed the bill 
 at various times when it has been under consideration. The list, while not 
 complete, includes newspapers from all sections of the United Slates, and 
 covers the entire period of the Force Bill .discussion from the Presidential 
 campaign in 1888 to the present. The endorsement of the measure, it will be 
 noticed, was most pronounced when President Harrison advocated it in his 
 inaugural and annual messages, and when the bill was pending in Congress. 
 
 Republican Force Bill Newspapers. 
 
 Massachusetts, Boston Journal (See especially issues of March 17, 1890 ; 
 
 June, 1890 ; July 23, 1890 ; August 8, 1890 ; January 2?' 
 
 1891). 
 Boston Advertiser (March 18, 1890 ; June, 1890). 
 Springfield Union (July, 1890). 
 Connecticut, Mw Haven Palladium, (July, 1890, and August, 1893). 
 
 Hwrtford Courant (December 3, 1890). 
 New York. New York Tribune. 
 
 New York Mail and Express (March 17, 1890 ; July, 1890 ; 
 
 December 1, 1890 ; Januaiy 37, 1891). 
 New York Press (March 16, 1890 ; April 29, 1890 ; June 17 
 
 and 34, 1890; July 8, 1890; August 11 and 26, 1890; 
 
 December 2, 1890 ; January 27, 1891 ; June 10, 1892). 
 New York Age (August 13, 1892). 
 Frank Leslie's WeeUy (June 38, 189C ; July, 1890). 
 
mE FOECE BILL. 
 
 137 
 
 New Yobk. Brooklyn Times (Marcli 17, 1890 ; July, 1890 ; January 27, 
 
 1891 ; July 25, 1893). 
 BrooMyn Btandard^TJnion (December, 1890; January 27, 
 
 1891). 
 Albany Journal (July and December, 1890 ; January, 1891). 
 Albany Express (July, 1890). 
 Troy Times (July, 1890 ; January, 1891). 
 Syracuse Standard (July, 1890). 
 Utica Herald (June and July, 1890 ; August 25, 1890; Jan- 
 
 uaiy, 1891). 
 BocTiester Democrat and Chronicle (December 20, 1890). 
 Buffalo Express (September 12, 1888). 
 New Jbbsbt, Newark Preie-Zeitung (August 13, 1892). 
 Pehnsylyanla., Philadelphia Piess (December 4, 1889 ; March 19, 1890 ; July 
 1 and 23, 1890 ; August 13, 1890 ; November 30, 1890 ; 
 December 20, 1890 ; January 37, 1891 ; July 30, 1892). 
 Philadelphia North American (Marcli 16, 1890; January, 
 
 1891). 
 Philadelphia Inquirer (.July, 1890). 
 Pittsbv/rgh Times (December, 1890). 
 
 Pittsburgh Commercial Gazette (March 18, 1890; June 18, 
 1890; July 38, 1890; August 11 and 25, 1890; Decem- 
 ber, 1890-; January 37, 1891). 
 Ohio, State Journal (March, 1889 ; March 18, 1890 ; July, 1890 ; 
 
 August 35, 1890 ; December, 1890 : January 37, 1891). 
 Cleveland Leader and Herald (June, 1890 ; July 6 and 88, 
 1890 ; August 10, 1890 ; December 31, 1890 ; January, 
 1891). 
 ToUdo Blade (June 28, 1890 ; July, 1890 ; December 1, 1890). 
 Cincinnati Commercial Gazette (June 30, 1890 ; July 7 and 
 30, 1890 ; August 36, 1890 ; December 31, 1890 ; January 
 37, 1891). 
 Indiana, Indianapolis Journal (November 14, 1890 ; April 38, 1890 ; 
 
 June 14, 1890 ; July, 1890 ; August 35, 1890 ; December 
 20, 1890 ; January, 1891 ; December 11, 1891). 
 Illinois, Chicago Inter-Ocean (January 10, 1889 ; June 13 and 38, 
 
 1890 ; August 9, 1890 ; July 4, 1891). 
 Chicago Journal (July 7, 1890 ; December, 1890). 
 Chicago Graphic (August, 1890). 
 Chicago Tribune (July, 1890). 
 Michigan, Detroit Tribune (June 14, 1890 ; July, 1890 ; December 
 
 30, 1890 ; January, 1891). 
 Wisconsin, Milwaukee Sentinel (December, 1890). 
 
 Milwaukee Wisconsin (June 18, 1890 ; July, 1890). 
 Minnesota, Minneapolis Tribune (January 9, 1889 ; March 15, 1890 ; 
 
 June 39, 1890 ; July 3, 1890). 
 Iowa, State Begister (January 11, 1889 ; November 14, 1889 ; June, 
 
 1890). 
 
138 THE FOBCE BILL. 
 
 Io"WA. Bioux City Journal (December, 1890). 
 
 Kansas, Leavenworth Times (January 13, 1889 ; August 24, 1890). 
 
 Topeha Capital (June 38, 1890 ; July, 1890). 
 Nebraska, Omaha Republican (July 30, 1890). 
 
 "Washington, Seattle Post-Intelligencer (November 10, 1889 ; July 18, 1892). 
 Caltpornia, San Francisco Chronicle (July, 1890). 
 Colorado, Denver Times (June 22, 1890 ; July and December, 1890). 
 
 Denver Bepublican (July, 1890). 
 
 Aspen Times (December, 1890). 
 Texas, Houston Tribune (July, 1890). 
 
 MissouBl, Kansas City Journal (June, 1890 ; July 31, 1890 ; Decem- 
 
 ber, 1890). 
 West Vieoinia, Wheeling Intelligencer (March 6, 1889). 
 Maryland, Baltimore American (December 4, 1889 ; March 17, 1890 ; 
 
 June 17, 1890 ; July 22, 1890 ; December 2, .1890). 
 District op Columbia, The Washington Pilot (December 30, 1890). 
 
 Lack ol space makes it impossible to quote from all these papers ; their 
 representative character is shown by the number — fifty-three, and the extent 
 of territory over which they circulate — twenty-one States and the District of 
 Columbia. A few extracts from them, however, will show the tone in which 
 they have spoken of the Force Bill : 
 
 Chicago Inter-Ocean, January 10, 18S9 : 
 
 Hardly had the result of the recent elections become known before the Sonthem problem 
 began to be agitated with a thoroughness hitherto unknown. And now Senator Sherman leads 
 off In a measure of reform which has the air of business and the promise of practical results. 
 This plan is confined to the regulation and supervision of the election of Congressmen, except 
 as a State may volnatarily make it apply to the Presidential election. Congress can 
 provide the machinery for the election of merabers of the House, irrespective of State law. 
 
 Ohio State Journal, about March 6, 1889 : 
 
 Let just and wholesome laws be executed uniformly and generally thronghout the whole 
 Nation, as President Harrison proposes, and we shall no longer see ten Congressmen elected in 
 Georgia by a smaller vote than is required to elect one in Ohio. 
 
 Wheeling Intelligencer, about March 6, 1889 : 
 
 Democratic politicians will not take kindly to Congressional elections under the acts of 
 Congress, but President Harrison is right just the same. The whole country is interested in 
 every election to Congress. 
 
 Philadelphia Press, December 4, 1889 : 
 
 Legislation on Congressional elections President Harrison limits to an improvement of the 
 present supervision exercised under the act now in operation. This will accomplish better 
 results than the law taking the operations of Congressional elections under Federal conti-ol. 
 
 Baltimore Ameri'-an, December 4, 1889 : 
 
 The latter part of the message is devoted to the treatment of the colored people in the South, 
 and the improvement of our merchant marine— the most important subjects with which the 
 present Congress will have to deal. President Harrison frankly recommends that Congress 
 assume the supervision of the election of its own members, so that in National affairs, at least, 
 the colored people can secure the representation and recognition guaranteed them by the 
 Constitution. 
 
THE FORCE BltL, 139 
 
 Boston Journal, March 17, 1890 : 
 
 The Wll, it seems to ue, mnst commend itself to all persons who have more regard to the 
 pnrity of elections and the good name of the Eepublic than to partisan advantage. It is an 
 honest and elaborate effort to accomplish a much-desired end. 
 
 Toledo Blade, June 28, 1890 : 
 
 The bill in onr Judgment, will fail simply because it does not go far enough. Federal 
 elections should be divided, in all the States, from any and all State elections. They should 
 be entirely distinct and separate and held under the authority and control of Federal oflcers. 
 
 Philadelphia Press, July, 1890 : 
 
 The Press can only say ot this maasure, as it has of other important measures which have 
 already passed the House, that a failure to pass this bill will be regarded by those who believe 
 in a free, fair, and honest ballot as a failure to redeem the pledges of the Bepublican party. 
 
 Kansas City Journal, July 21, 1890 : 
 
 In passing the Federal election bill the Republican Congress simply redeems the promise 
 made by the last Eepnblican National Convention in the platform which it adopted. That plat- 
 form declared that " we hold the free and honest popular ballot and the just and equal repre- 
 sentation of all the people to be the foundation of our republican government, and demand 
 effective legislation to secure the integrity and purity of elections, which are the fountains of 
 all public authority." Such platform generalities are expected, but it is not usually expected that 
 they will be acted upon. They are regarded as devices to catch the people, which, having 
 served the purpose of the campaign orator, are afterward unheeded and soon forgotten. But 
 the Federal election bill is exactly in line with the section quotjd from the platform. The 
 Republicans are redeeming their party pledges. The.House has passed the bill and the Senate 
 will also. 
 
 Toledo Blade, in the latter part of July, 1890 : 
 
 The Federal elections bill will not be abandoned. It will be taken np in December and 
 acted upon. The Republican party cannot afford to neglect the pledge in its platform ot 1888, 
 upon which the Republican majority in Congress was elected. 
 
 Pittsburgh Oommercial Gazette, August 11, 1890 : 
 
 The senior Senator from Pennsylvania is reported to have come out flat-footed against the 
 Federal elections bill, no matter in what form it may come before the Senate. Since Mr. 
 Cameron is opposed to the law, it is pertinent to state the principle on which the proposed law 
 is based. The last Republican National Convention made this significant declaration : "We 
 hold the free and honest popular ballot, etc." Only a few weeks ago the Republicans of 
 Pennsylvania reaffirmed this declaration. 
 
 New York Mail and Express, August 25, 1890 : 
 
 Now, if the Democracy really want to make the elections bill the paramount issue they 
 will find Republicans ready and anxious to force the fighting and to submit the vast and vital 
 questions involved to the intelligence and the sense of justice of the people. Since the days of 
 reconstruction the Republican party has had no great popular issue at all to be compared with 
 that which is involved in the proposition to exercise the Constitutional right and power of 
 Congress to regulate tbe election of its members. 
 
 New Torh Press, August 26, 1890 • 
 
 This biU is in an entirely different Constitutional direction, for it extends the right of suf- 
 frage from theory tolpractice, and popularizes the national government. The Republican party 
 Is pledged to the policy of suffrage extension and protection against fraud and intimi<fation at 
 elections, and its members insist first, last and aU the time, that that policy shall be carried out. 
 
 Baltimore American, December 2, 1890 : 
 
 A more plucky and consistent message than that of President Harrison has never issued 
 from the White House. The part of the message relating to the necessity for the proper law to 
 
140 THB FOKCE BILL. 
 
 regulate Congressional elections is very clear ard can scarcely fail to disarm macli of tha 
 thoughtless opposition to the measure. 
 
 Ckmland Leader, Decpmber 21, 1890 : 
 
 This is certainly the weakest excuse or justification for a vote ever offered in an American 
 
 Congress. Senator is in need of a little backhone. If Senator can give 
 
 no better reason for bis vote than this, he ought to go over to the Democratic party. 
 
 Philadelphia Press, January 37, 1891 : 
 
 There never was a better test of genuine Republicanism than the elections bill. If its agita- 
 tion has served no other purpose. It has at least developed the base metal in the party and pre- 
 pared the way for casting it out. 
 
 Brooklyn Times, January 37, 1891 ; 
 
 The people indorsed the so called force bill when they elected Benjamin HarrisonlPresi- 
 dent, and they have not yet withdrawn their mittimus. The Federal elections bill ♦ * * is 
 a comparatively mild and nerveless measure. * * * It is simply a moderate attempt to 
 redeem the pledge so emphatically given by the Republican party in 1888. 
 
 Indianapolis Journal, in January, 1891 : 
 
 All honor to those who stood by the principles of the party and in favor of honest elections. 
 It is only a question of time when these principles will triumph, or free government itself will 
 fall. The Ee.jublican party will accept the issue and fight it out on that Ine. 
 
 Chicago Inier-Ocean, July 4, 1891 : 
 
 The National election bill, the Force bill, if it better please our Southern contemporaries 
 so to call it, as proposed in the last Congress was not a measure of sectional application. * + * 
 Why is President Harrison to be judged insincere in his approbation of the South if he favor 
 such a bill ? * *. * He was sincere. 
 
 Seattle Post-Intelligencer, July 18, 1893 : 
 
 As a proper measure to protect and purify the baUot-boi It is to be regretted that the 
 Senate of the 51st Congress failed to pass it. 
 
 Brooklyn Times, July 35, 1893 : 
 
 The Constitution of the United States does explicity authorize Congress to provide that 
 no local triumph of fraudulent methods shall work injury or injustice in Federal elections to 
 the citizens of other States. * * Surely the time has come to give effect to this Coustitn- 
 tional provision. (Article I, section 1.) We do not agree with the Sun, on the one hand, or 
 with the Age on the other, that this ia the great and overshadowing issue of the campaign, bat 
 it is a great issue, and it should not be shirked." 
 
 Philadelphia Press, July 30, 1893 ; 
 
 The Evening Post says there are signs that the Republican party wants to get rid of the 
 Force bill as an issue. The Mvening Fast is mistaken. The Republican party believes that 
 every man in the Republic entitled to a vote should be allowed to exercise the right of suSrage. 
 And it will stand on that proposition gladly for all time. 
 
 New York Age, August 18, 1893 : 
 
 A just Federal eleclions law is one of the things as certain to come as the eventual triumph 
 of the Afro-American over all the powers of antagonism in the Republic. 
 
 New Haven Palladium, August, 1893 : 
 
 The question of the free suffrage and honest elections, is one that takes hold of the 
 foundations of our system of government ; the Republican party of to-day looks upon the 
 questiort as the most important before the country ; the party is committed to the theory 
 that free and honest elections can be best secured through Federal legislation and the 
 protection of the Federal government; If Mr. Harrison is re-elected, there is no doubt that 
 the most earnest efforts of his Administration will be extended towards the passage of a 
 Federal election law by Congress, similar to that which passed the House of RepresentativeA 
 of the last Congress. 
 
THE FOKOB BILL. 141 
 
 II.— NO CHANGE OF POLICY. 
 
 Suppose we concede, for the sake of argument, that the Republicans are 
 not pledged to the Force Bill nolo ; what follows ? Either they are intensely 
 ignorant, or they have changed their declared policy. If they are ignorant, of 
 course they do not djfeserve to be kept in power ; but none will claim that they 
 did not know what they meant, and did not intend to express such a meaning 
 as has been shown to be contained in their platform and in the declarations of 
 party leaders. On the other hand, they have not changed their policy ; other- 
 wise, why should not their platform of 1892 say so ? If the change has taken 
 place since the Minneapolis Convention, why do not their candidates say so ? 
 
 Habrison's Ckapt. 
 
 One part of President Harrison's letter of acceptance is devoted to the sub- 
 ject of elections of national officers. In it either he meant to deal with the 
 election of Representatives in Congress or he did not. He includes Represent- 
 atives and Senators with the President as "national officers." If he did not, 
 then his record must stand as indicating the course which he would most prob- 
 ably pursue, if elected. We have already seen the record to be consistent in 
 advocacy of the Force Bill. If he did intend to treat the subject here, then 
 let us see exactly what he has said. He asserts that the States have " ample " 
 power " over " the suffrage ; they may, for instance, prescribe an educational 
 qualification for voters. But he does not say that the power of the States to 
 control the suffrage is such that the Federal Government may not interfere with 
 it. On the other hand, he still adheres to the principle that the Federal Gov- 
 ernment may interfere with the elections of Federal officers, and, as will be seen 
 later, in connection with the speech of Mr. Tucker, of Virginia, during the 
 House debate on the Force Bill, elections and suffrage are so closely connected 
 that control of the first means control of the second also. The President says 
 that he intends to " urge upon Congress " — most probably at its next session — 
 the same measure urged in his last annual message, viz. . 
 
 That provision be made for tlie appointment of a non-partiean cominiesion to consider the 
 subject of appointments and elections in their relation to the choice of Federal officers. 
 
 This clearly implies that he believes the Federal Government has the legal 
 right to control elections of Federal officers, for why should he wish a commis- 
 sion to investigate a subject if Congress has no power to take some action on 
 its report. Nowhere does he deny this power to the Federal Government. He 
 has pledged himself to make a specific recommendation to Congress — " I shall 
 again urge upon Congress," etc. The majority of the House of the 52d Con- 
 gress is politically opposed to the President. He knows, in view of the record 
 of the Democrats in the House of the 51st Congress, that the Democrats of the 
 present House will not carry out any direct recommendation of a Force Bill. 
 So he confines himself to recommending a milder measure, the appointment of 
 a Commission, based, however, on the same fundamental principle upon which 
 the Force Bill rests. It would have been easy for President Harrison to say 
 that he was wrong in advocating the Force Bill of 1889 to 1891, but he sees as 
 clearly as any man that he would stultify himself in thus disowning his record. 
 
143 THE FORCE BILL. 
 
 He doubtless prefers, if possible, to let that specific measure drop out of sight, 
 temporarily. Meanwhile, if he can be elected and both houses of the 53d 
 Congress become Kepublican, he will have left open the way for the return to 
 the original Force Bill agitation. Furthermore, he seems to "have in mind an 
 extension of the application of the principle upon which the Force Bill was 
 based. That measure was only intended to deal with election of Representa- 
 tives in Congress, the commission which he speaks of is to deal with election 
 of officers of the National Government, i. e.. Presidential Electors, United States 
 Senators and Representatives. 
 
 The Democratic Platform. 
 
 The position of the Democrats on the subject is so unequivocal that it is 
 only necessary to state it. Section 3 of the Platform of 1892 says : 
 
 We warn the people of our common country, jealous for the preservation of their free 
 institutions, that the policy of Federal control of elections, to which the Republican party has 
 committed itself, is fraught with the gravest dangers, scarcely less momentous than would 
 result from a revolution practically establishing monarchy on the ruins of the Republic." It 
 strikes at the North as well as the South, and injures the colored citizens even more than the 
 white ; It means a horde of deputy marshals at every polling place, armed with Federal power, 
 returning boards appointed and controlled by Federal authority, the outrage of the electoral 
 rights of the people in the several States, subjugation of the colored people to the control of 
 the party in power, and the reviving of race antagonisms now happily abated, of the utmost 
 peril to the safety and happiness of all, a measure deliberately and justly described by a leading 
 Republican Senator as " the most infamous bill that ever crossed the threshold of the Senate." 
 
 Such a policy, if sanctioned by law, would mean the dominance of a self-perpetuating 
 oligarchy of offlce-holders, and the party first entrusted with its machinery could be dislodged 
 from power only by an appeal to the reserved rights of the people to resist oppression which 
 is inherent in all self-governing communities. Two years ago this revolutionary policy was 
 emphatically condemned by the people at the polls ; but, in contempt of that verdict, the 
 Republican party has defiantly declared in its latest authoritative utterance that its success in 
 the coming elections will mean the enactment of the force bUl and the usurpation of despotic 
 control over elections in all the States. 
 
 Believing that the preservation of republican government In the United States is dependent 
 upon the defeat of this policy of legalized force and fraud, we invite the support of all citizens 
 who desire to see the Constitution maintained in its integrity, with the laws pursuant thereto, 
 which have given our country a hundred years of unexampled prosperity ; and we pledge the 
 Democratic party, if it be entrusted with power, • * * to the defeat of the force bill. 
 
 Grotbr Cleveland's Position. 
 
 The Democratic candidates are in full accord with this platform. Mr. 
 Cleveland has always adhered to principles antagonistic lo the Force Bill. 
 Long before it was proposed, on October 7, 1882, in his letter accepting the 
 nomination for Governor of New York, he said : 
 
 The interference of officials of any degree, whether Slate or Federal, for the purpose of 
 thwarting or controlling the popular wish should not be tolerated. * * * i believe in the in- 
 telligence of the people when left to an honest freedom of their choice. * * * The doctrine 
 of home rule, as I understand it, lies at the foundation of republican institutions, and cannot 
 be too strongly insisted upon. 
 
 In his Inaugural Address, March 4, 1885, Mr. Cleveland said : 
 In the discharge of my ofttcial duty I ehall endeavor to be guided by a just and unre- 
 strained construction of the Constitution, a careful observance of the distinction between the 
 powers granted to the Federal Government and those reserved to the State or to the people. 
 
THE FORCE BILL. 148 
 
 and by a caations appreciation of those functions whicb, by the Constitution and laws, have 
 been especially assigned to the executive branch of the Government. 
 
 "While on his tour through the South, in 1887, Mr. Cleveland said, in 
 gpeaking to the citzens of Montgomery, Alahama : 
 
 We know that you still have problems to solve involving considerations concerning yon 
 alone— questions beyond the reach of Federal law or interference, and with which no one but 
 you should deal. 
 
 In his Fourth Annual Message to Congress, December 8, 1888, Mr. 
 Cleveland said : 
 
 Our mission among the nations of the earth, and our success in accomplishing the work 
 God has given the American people to do, reciuire of those intrusted with the making and 
 execution of our laws perfect devotion, above all other things, to the public 
 good. This devotion will lead us to strongly resist all impatience of constitutional 
 limitations of Federal power, and to persistently check the increasing tendency to 
 extend the scope of Federal legislation into the domain of State and local jurisdiction, upon 
 the plea of subserving the public welfare. The preservation of the partitions between proper 
 subjects of Federal and local care and regulation is of such importance under the Constitution, 
 which ie (he law of our very exiptence, that no consideration of expediency or sentiment 
 Bhonld tempt us to enter upon doubtful ground. We have undertaken to discover and proclaim 
 the richest blessing of a free Government, with the Constitution as our guide. Let us follow 
 the way it points out. It will not mis:ead us. And surely no one who has taken upon himself 
 the solemn obligation to support and preserve the Constitution can find justification or solace 
 for disloyalty in the excuse that he wandered and disobeyed in search of a better way to reach 
 the public welfare than the Constitution offers. 
 
 Thus, before the beginning of the Force Bill agitation, Mr. Cleveland had 
 already indicated clearly the lines upon which he would condemn such a 
 measure. In all of his public speeches since the measure was brought forward, 
 in which he has referred to the subject, he has condemned it severely. At the 
 Thurman banquet, in Columbus, Ohio, November 13, 1890, he referred to Mr. 
 Henry Cabot Lodge as 
 
 One, high in party councils, who has become notorious as the advocate of a contrivance to 
 perpetuate partisan supremacy by outrageous interference with the sufflrage. 
 
 At the banquet of the Young Men's Democratic Association in Philadelphia, 
 January 8, 1891, Mr. Cleveland said : 
 
 When we see our political adversaries bent upon the passage of the Federal law, with the 
 scarcely denied purpose of perpetuating partisan supremacy, which invades the States with 
 election machinery designed to promote Federal interference with the rights of the people in 
 the localities concerned, discrediting their honesty and fairness, and justly arousing their 
 jealousy of centralized power, we will stubbornly resist snch a dangerous and revolutionary 
 scheme In obedience to our pledge for " the support of the State governments in all their 
 rights." 
 
 At a Brooklyn ratification meeting, October 14. 1891, Mr. Cleveland con- 
 gratulated the Democratic party on the shelving of the Force Bill in the 
 Senate : 
 
 Our boasted American freedom of snfErage was saved and constitutional rights preserved 
 through the combined effort of a Democratic Senatorial minority, splendidly led and grandly 
 sustained. ♦ * * Let me remind you that no Democratic locality can exist without attract- 
 In" to It the wistful gaze of those who find an adherence to the doctrine of Home Hule and an 
 atrachment to the Democratic faith, obstacles to the political advantage they seek to gain with- 
 out scruple as to the method of procedure. 
 
144 THE FORCB BILL. 
 
 Oil July 7, 1893, Mr. Cleveland wrote from Gray Gables to J. W. Campbell, 
 of the Cleveland and Stevenson Club, Middlesboro, Kentucky, as follows : 
 
 1 do not wonder that thoee adopting these resolutions speak of the Force Bill as a horror 
 of Eepublicanism. Such doctrines as it embodies are a direct attaclc upon the theory of our 
 government ; and while such a measure especially menaces the welfare and prosperity of the 
 South, it must he condemned and denounced by all those everywhere who love their country 
 andhave the least cldim to 'he numbered among those who believe in the principles of true 
 Democr-icy. 
 
 On July 9, 1893, Mr. Cleveland wrote to Basil B. Gordon, Chairman of the 
 Democratic Executive Committee of Virginia : 
 
 I regard it as a most atrocious measure, and I do not see how any Democrat can think 
 ■otherwise. 
 
 Mr. Cleveland also wrote to some Democrats in Arkansas, in the latter part 
 of last July : 
 
 The evils and dangers that menace the South in the case of Democratic defeat are appall- 
 ing to those against whom they are especially directed ; hut it should not he forgotten in any 
 quarter that these things cannot be visited upon one section of our people without endangering 
 the safety which all find behind an honest and faithful observance of principles upon which 
 our entire political fabric rests. 
 
 Stbvbnson's Dbkunciation of the Measure. 
 
 The Democratic Vice-Presidential Candidate, Mr. Adlai E. Stevenson, is 
 as firmly opposed to the Force Bill as Mr. Cleveland has been shown to be. 
 In two of his recent speeches, at Bloomington, Illinois, August 37, 1893, and 
 at Vincennes, Indiana, September 1, 1893, he denounced the measure with 
 _great vigor. At Bloomington, he said : 
 
 Another issue of great moment in the pending contest is the Force Bill. The magnitude of 
 this issue cannot he overstated. It may mean the control of the election of representatives in 
 Congress by the bayonet. The Republican party, by its acts in the Slst Congress, and by its 
 platform in its late national convention, stands pledged to the passage of the Force BUI. That 
 it will pass this bill when it has the power no sane man can doubt. To all of the people— all 
 who desire the peace and prosperity of our common country — this question, is important. To 
 the people of the Southern States it is one of transcendent importance— shall they still hare 
 peace and the protection of the law, or shall the horrors with which they are menaced find 
 their counterpart only in those of the darkest hours of the reconstruction period ? 
 
 Applying the other tests to the Democrats which we have already applied 
 to the Republicans to ascertain the party attitude, we find that nearly every 
 State Convention denounced the Force Bill and none favored it ; public men 
 and newspapers, professing the Democratic faith, have always been and still 
 are unanimous in opposition to it. During the 51st Congress every Democrat 
 of both Houses was against the measure. 
 
 Having now determined the positions of the two great parties on the Forca 
 Bill, and from these positions concluded that it is an issue ia the present cam- 
 paign, it is important next to show : 
 
 III.— WHAT IT IS. 
 
 The subject which the Force Bill proposed to deal with is the election of 
 members of the national House of Representatives. During the whole history 
 
THE FOKCB BILL. H5 
 
 of the Government elections of these ofiScers have been conducted by the States 
 and elaborate provisions for the purpose -will be found in the Constitutions and 
 statute laws of each State. In addition to these State laws, which provide 
 the real machinery for Congressional elections, Congress provided, by the net 
 of February 38, 1871, for a system of supervision. This act has been amended 
 somewhat since enactment ; but in it are to be found the main provisions for 
 the present system of supervision. "Whenever at any election a Re^iosentative 
 in Congress is to be voted for, on petition of two citizens in any . y or town 
 of upwards of 20,000 inhabitants, or ten citizens in any county or parish of a 
 Congressional district, to the Judge of the United States Circuit Court in who?e 
 circuit the petitioners reside, he shall open court and appoint for each 
 precinct or voting place where supervision is so petitioned for two 
 supervisors, who shall supervise the registration of voters, the voting 
 itself and the counting of ballots. When elections are completed, the 
 supervisors make reports to the chief supervisor in whose district 
 they reside. Each United States Circuit Court is directed, on or 
 before May 1, 1871, to appoint for each judicial circuit, from among the Com- 
 missioners of the Court, a chief supervisor, to hold office during good behavior, 
 and thereafter to make other appointments whenever vacancies occur. These 
 chief supervisors' duties are to provide stationery for officers in charge of 
 registration and election, receive an application for any citizen to be appointed 
 supervisor for the precinct in which he resides, to forward such petition to 
 the United States Circuit Court upon proper occasion, and give informa'ion on 
 the subject to the Judge of the Court ; to require of supervisors lists of voters 
 when desired and if deemed proper, to have these verified at the residences of 
 voters, and to keep on file all papers and returns relating to elections. 
 Provision is also made for appointment of special deputy marshals by the 
 United States Marshal of the district from among the citizens of the precinct, 
 whenever petitioned for by two citizens in any city or town of 20,000 or more 
 inhabitants. These deputy marshals shall assist supervisors at the places of 
 registration and election, and in verifying registration lists when so desired. 
 After being in operation nearly twenty years, this supervisory law is claimed 
 by Republicans to have proven very efficacious in preventing frauds in elections 
 in large cities. But in 1889, there arose among the Republicans in both 
 branches of Congress a demand for a change. The result of this demand was 
 the Force Bill which passed the House of Representatives during the first 
 session of the 51st Congress. 
 
 A large number of bills ti bring about this change were introduced Into 
 both houses during the latter part of the 50th and early part of the 51st Con- 
 gress. These were of two kinds : first, those proposing that the general Govern- 
 ment take entire charge of Congressional elections ; second, those proposing to 
 make a federal addition to the State machinery. Out of the large number of 
 bills introduced, that of Mr. Henry Cabot Lodge, of Massachusetts, Chairman 
 of the House Select Committee on Elections of President, Vice-president and 
 Representatives, introduced June 14, 1890 (as H. R., 10958), was reported 
 June 19, as H. R. 11045. This bill was taken up for discussion June 26, and 
 passed the House under the lead of Mr. Lodge, with Speaker Reed's assist 
 ance, July 3. The real authorship of this bill has now been definitely 
 10 
 
146 THE I'OnCE BILI,. 
 
 fixed upon Mr. John T, Davenport, of New York, famous as a federal election 
 chief supervisor ; but Mr Lodge succeedjd in -getting his name attached to 
 the measure, and it became linown as the Lodge Federal Election or " Force" 
 Bill. 
 
 Briefly, it provides that if in any county or parish 50, or if in 
 any Congressional distiict. or in any city or town of 20,000 inhabitants 
 or upwards, 100, resident citizens petition for the law set 
 forth in the bill to go into opc-ration, it shall do so. These petitions sliall be 
 sent to chief supervisors, one of whom is to lie appointed, if not already 
 appointed, for each judicial district in the United States by the Judge of the 
 United States Circuit Court whose circuit covers the district. These chief 
 Bupervisors hold ofiice during good behavior. After receiving petitions 
 for this law to go into operation, they notify the Judge of the Circuit Court, 
 who convenes his Court and appoints supervisors, three of whom are detailed 
 to act in each precinct to which the law is to apply. The Circuit Courts 
 shall also appoint a United States board of canvassers for each State, who.se 
 duty it is to canvass and declare the results of elections in each Congressional 
 district where there has been Federal supervision. In addition to these offi- 
 cers, the United States marshal of the district in which the law has been called 
 into operation is directed to appoint whatever number of deputy marshals the 
 chief supervisors may thinli necessary to aid in carrying out the provisions of 
 the act. This large number of Federal ofBcers who are thus called into 
 power is additional to the State election oflicers, who continue to perform their 
 duties under the State laws ; they compose a federal election machinery 
 annexed to the State machinery. They see after, "guard," "scrutinize," 
 "supervise" or take part in registration of voters, naturalization of citizens, 
 the casting and counting and returning of ballots. Then, after the election is 
 finished, they make a report which is sent to the Clerk of the House of Rep- 
 resentatives ; and after this report is received from the various Congressional 
 districts, the Clerk makes up his roll of the House. The results, as declared 
 by the boards of canvassers, subject to contests of certificates In the United 
 States Circuit Courts, are to take precedence of the decisions of State 
 i)fficers when there is a difference of opinion as to the persons elected. 
 
 IV.— WHAT IT IS NOT. 
 
 Eepublicans have claimed that this Federal Election bill is merely an exten- 
 sion of the Supervisors' Law of 1871, referred to above. Both relate to super- 
 visors, and therefore they are alike, the Republicans seem to reason. But an 
 examination of the old law and the new bill will reveal a very wide difference, 
 60 radical as to condemn the bill thoroughly. The Law of 1871 provided that 
 the precinct supervisors to be appointed, as provided in the present bill, should 
 be " two citizens, residents of the city or town, or of the election district or 
 votmg precinct in the county or parish, who shall be of different political 
 parties, and able to read and write the English language." There are only two 
 supervisors, and these are to be of different parties; therefore, neither could out. 
 vote the other in case of disagreement ; when they supervised an election, each 
 would be a check on the other, but neither could report the result to his chief 
 
THK FORCE BILL. 147 
 
 m such a way as to throw out of consideration the other's report ; there could 
 b J no majority and minority. In the present hill we find three supervisors ; two 
 of these may be, and imdoubtedly would be, of the same political party. 
 Nearly all United States circuit judges were Republicans when this bill was being 
 considered, and are still, and as they were to appoint the supervisors, under the 
 provisions of the bill, they would most probably appoint two out of every three 
 Republicans. Thus, in every Board of Supervisors there would be a majority 
 of the same political faith. This majority would rule as it pleased, would 
 - report anything it chose as to registration, natiiralization, voting and counting, 
 and the minority could do nothing. And when we examine the bill further, 
 we find a provision to make efficient this power which is put into the hands of 
 the majority of the supervisors to carry the election for their party. After 
 really taking part in the election, they report to the chief supervisor, and he 
 tabulates the returns from the various precincts for the use of the United States 
 Board of Canvassers This board is made up on the same plan as a board ot 
 precinct supervisors. There are three members appointed by the United States 
 Circuit Judge for the district, two of whom may be of the same political 
 party, and the majority rule prevails. This majority makes the decision as 
 to who is elected in each Congressional di trict of the State in which super- 
 vision prevails, and forwards its decision to the Clerk of the House of Repre- 
 seiitatives, upon whom it is binding in making up his roll for the beginning of 
 the session of the next Congress, without regard to the certificates sent by 
 State otfleers. Thus the change of the little word two in the act of 1871 to 
 three in the bill, and giving precedence to the reports of United States officers 
 over those of State officers, make such a difference that we have an almost 
 entirely new piece of legislation to consider. The Supervisors' Law of 1871 
 does not make it possible to take away from the Slates the control of election 
 refeurns ; the proposed bill does do so in practice, if not in theory. 
 
 v.— ITS PURPOSE. 
 
 From the short summary of the bill given above, its partisanship is evident. 
 It is not surprising, therefore, to see that, in the debates of the 51st Congress 
 and in the periodicals of fhe day, the Republicans declare the bill directed at 
 sections of the country which are strongholds of Democracy, namely, the great 
 cities of the . orth and the Southern States. It is also entirely in harmony with 
 our anticipation to find that the bill is not aimed at the great evil which prevails 
 in federal elections in Republican strongholds, namely, bribery. With the Presi- 
 dential campaign of 1888 fresh in mind, full of its lessons of the possibilities of 
 the illegitimate use of money in elections, with Dudley's name ringing in their 
 ears, the Republicans had a great opportunity to do their country a patriotic 
 service when the first session of the 51st Congress met. They had control of 
 the executive and legislative departments of the Government, and the Demo- 
 crats in Congress would have joined them heartily In a crusade against 
 bribery. The present laws against the bribery of voters are notoriousy unen- 
 forced or InsuflBcient ; and yet the only reference to the subject in the whole 
 bill is in Section 36. This adds nothing essential to the present law on the 
 subject. The reason for the vagueness of the reference is not far to seek 
 
148 THE FORCE BILL. 
 
 the Eepublicans did not -wish to attack the evil from which they profited most. 
 On June 86, 1890, Mr. Tucker said in the House debate on this subject : "You 
 have to-day a statute providing against bribery. You have a section in this 
 bill against it with a little addition that the man who is bribed is amenable also 
 to punishment. And let me tell you when the two get together you will have 
 a pretty hard time to find out who was the bribed and who was the briber. I 
 do not justify and can not justify the stealing of a vote or the killing of a man ; 
 but I say, for the sake of argument, admit the tmth of the gentlemen's asser- 
 tion . What position are you in if reports be true that money has been used 
 all over this country in carrying elections ? And you know, as well as we 
 can know any other fact in this life, that much was used for the purpose of 
 cor upting voters by the Republican party in the last Presidential election. I 
 ask you now in all seriousness to answer candidly the question whether or cot 
 it is any worse — supposing it to be bad enough to steal ballot-boxes — to steal a 
 ballot than it is to buy a vote before it goes into the box. 
 
 " You are forced to plead guilty to the charge that votes are bought 
 throughout the North and seek to avoid its force by charging ballot-box stuff- 
 ing on the South. Are you in position, before removing the beam out of your 
 own eye. to cast the mote out of thy brother's eye ? 
 
 " Both are wrong, but when you begin to pose as the immaculate party that 
 cannot exist in an atmosphere tainted with immorality of any kind, and would 
 hide your own crimes by a tirade against the supposed delinquencies of others, 
 I beg to suggest that it would at least be prudent to sweep before your own 
 doors before demanding that filth should be swept from your neighbors' doors. 
 
 " You say you want to uproot both by your bill. When did the desire 
 strike you ? Since the indictments against Dudley were dismissed or the fat- 
 frying processes of Foster were exhausted, or after the |400,000 gathered 
 together by the industrious hand ofthe present Poslmaster General had been 
 expended for legitimate campaign purposes ? And if, with bribery all around 
 you, you have failed to enforce the present law against bribery, how can you 
 hope that you will do so now ?" And it is true, as Master Workman Powderly 
 has pointed out, that, " In the perfection of its methods of intimidation the 
 Democratic party is behind the Republican, for the latter employs a more re- 
 fined system of doing violence to the election laws of the nation." 
 
 Although the bill was directed primarily at Democratic strongholds, and, . 
 therefore, especially at t!ie South, it would have applied to the whole country. 
 The Republicans during the discussion of the bill were constantly saying that 
 the aim was not sectional. This was not true ; its aim was sectional ; but its 
 application would have been national. We shall see later, when we come to 
 examine the details of the bill, how this would have been inevitable. North- 
 ern Democrats asserted almost constantly on the floor of the House during the 
 debate that they fought the Force bill not merely because it was aimed at the 
 South especially, but also because it was aimed at their own constituencies as 
 well. So, now, in appealing to the people of the United States, the Democratic 
 party, through its platform and candidates, appeals to the whole country, ia 
 the interest of every section, to defeat the party of the Force bill. 
 
 As soon as one sees the geographical aim of the bill, namely, the .great cities 
 of the North, and the Southern States, one realizes its purpose. Let us call upon 
 
THE FORCE BILL. 149 
 
 a Republican ■witness to tell us what the purpose was. Happily we have one 
 whom all Republicans will trust, whom Democrats will admit to be an author- 
 ity upon this subject — Speaker Reed. In his speech at a dinner of the Ameri- 
 cus Rf-publican Club of Pittsburgh, April 36, 1891, he said : "Let us cut loose 
 from State elections, do our own registration, our own counting and our own 
 certification." 
 
 Led by Mr. Cleveland, the Democrats have "forced the fighting" on the 
 tarifE question since 1887. The people had not reached the high plane of the 
 ideas of the Democratic President when his famous message was sent in to 
 Congress that year ; and so, in 1888, he was defeated. Id 1889 the Repub- 
 licans gained control of all departments of the government. If they could 
 only retain control, they argued, they could continue their tarifE policy. So 
 in the first session of the 5]&t Congress, the Force bill was pushed with vigor. 
 Had it passed, they would have expected the 52d Congress to be Republican 
 also, and in the partisan operation of the law, it is most probable that they 
 would hot have miscalculated. The 52d Congress Republican and the Force 
 biH in operation, the prospect seemed good for the continuance of Republican 
 ascendancy for many years. Hence their taiiff policy would have been 
 continued. In its zeal for the party cause, the New York Tribune let this 
 part of the plan be known in its issue of August 15, 1890 ; it s id : " The 
 Election bill carries within itself the assurance of future tarifE bills by 
 the hundred." Mr. William L. Wilson, Representative in Congress from 
 West Virginia, exposed this plan in .very concise terms, in his speech at 
 Chicago upon taking the chair to preside over the Democratic Convention, 
 June 23, 1893 : " We are not deceived as to the temper of the Republican 
 party. We are not in doubt as to its i^urpose. Having taxed us for years 
 without excuse and without mercy, it now proposed to disarm us of all powers 
 o£ resistance. Republican success in this campaign, whether we look to the 
 party p latform, the party candidates, or the utterances of the party leaders, 
 means that the people are to be stripped of their franchise through Force bills, 
 in order that they may be stripped of their subsistence through tariff bills." 
 
 Let any tariff refoi-mers, therefore, who have felt no interest in the Force 
 bill issue in this campaign, realize that a high tariff goes hand in hana 
 with the Force bill ; for a Force bill means Republican ascendancy, and 
 that ascendancy means a continuance of McKinleyism. The Republicans 
 would find some excuse, according to their economic reasoning, for raising 
 the rate of duties if the bill were passed. As will be seen later, the execu- 
 tion of the law would require a large expenditure of money. Therefore, the 
 Republican party would feel fully justified in making any increase of duties 
 to meet these necessary expenses. This is only an instance of the policy 
 which the Republican party has pursued for a number of years past, of mak- 
 ing appropriations so great that a large revenue is necessary to pay them. 
 
 VI.— CONSTITUTIONALITY. 
 
 The Republicans, during the debate on this bill, based their argument for 
 its constitutionaHty on Article 1, Section 4, Clause 1. of the Constitution : 
 " The times, places and manner of holding elections for senators and repre- 
 
150 THE FOHCE BILL. 
 
 seutatives shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof ; but the 
 Congress may at any time, by law, make or alter such regulations, except as to 
 places of choosing senators." Upon the face of it, this clause would seem to 
 admit of the Republican interpretation ; and yet, if the power to control Con- 
 gressional elections had really been left to Congress, it would seem that it 
 would not have been entirely unused for one hundred years and then called 
 into use under such auspicious circumstances as is attempted now. Every 
 one recognizes that the Constitution is expressed in general language ; and 
 that in order to get at its true meaning, one has to consider the instrument as 
 a whole, the circumstances of its adoption, etc. Taking the Constitution as a 
 whole, and the clause under discussion in particular, it is evident that it was 
 intended that primarily the States should conduct Congressional elections. 
 If this is true, then the reserve power which the Republicans rightly claim 
 to belong to Congress, expressed here, must not be exercised except under 
 certain conditions. If it were otherwise, the first part of the clause — "the 
 times, places, and manner of holding elections for senators and representa- 
 tives shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof," would mean 
 nothing ; the second part of the clause would take away what was conceded in 
 in the tirst part ; in other words, there would be a contradiction. Plainly, 
 therefore, the primary power to conduct Congressional elections belongs to the 
 State, the reserve power to Congress. When, then, is Congress to exercise 
 this reserve power ? The Constitution says, " Congress may at any time, by 
 law, make or alter such regulation" ; but as we have seen above, this does not 
 mean literally at all times ; so, we are really not told when. How are we to 
 learn ? Only by considering the historical meaning of the instrument. Let us 
 remember that Republicans do not claim that there is any other clause in the 
 Constitution than Article 1, Section 4, Clause t, upon which to base the consti- 
 tutionality of a "Force bill ; and if, therefore, we can show that this section does 
 not allow it, then they have no constitutional ground upon which to 
 support it. 
 
 According to Article 5 of the Articles of Confederation, which were in 
 force from 1781 to 1789, each State was entitled to "be represented in 
 Congress by [not] less than 3, nor by more than 7 members." So long as the 
 war with Great Britain continued, the necessity for co-operation kept the States 
 united and compelled them, therefore, to send Representatives to Congress. 
 As soon as the war was ended and the British army removed, however the 
 States began to lose interest in the affairs of the Confederation ; many wanted 
 to pursue their own way with as little interference from the general Govern- 
 ment as possible. Consequently, their number of Representatives in Congress 
 decreased ; some States were not represented at all, — e. g. , Georgia and Delaware. 
 This made Congress very inefficient. On the two most important occasions in 
 its history after 1783, the attendance was very small : on December 23, 1783, 
 when Washington resigned his commission as General of the Continental Army, 
 only 38 delegates, representing 7 States, were present ; and when the ratitica- 
 tion of the Treaty of Peace with Great Britain was voted upon, January 14. 
 1784, only 23 delegates, representing 11 states, were present. Mr. Henry Cabot 
 Lodge, in his Life of Washington, describes this truly noble scene in glowing 
 terms. In reading the references to it in the Journal of the Congress, Mr.Lodge 
 
THE FORCE BILL. 151 
 
 must have noticed the small number of men recorded as present. It does not 
 seem to have occurred to him, however, that the provision in the Constitution, 
 which succeeded the Articles of Confederation as an instrument of govern- 
 ment for the United Slates, which provided that never after its adop- 
 tion should it he possible for States to refuse to be represented in Congress, was 
 due to this cause. 
 
 Under a complex system of government, if a State were to fail or refuse to hold 
 congressional elections, or even if it were to hold them at inconvenient or useless 
 times, the federal government would be broken down or embarrassed The possi- 
 bility of a State's failing to send Representatives to Congress was very clearly in 
 the minds of our forefathers, and, when the Constitution was adopted, they pro- 
 vided against it. Hence it is that we have the words in the latter part of Article 
 1, Section 4, Clause 1 of the Constitution, which means nothing more than this : 
 if the States fail or refuse to send Representatives to Congress, then Congress 
 may step in and perpetuate its existence by providing regulations of its own 
 under which Senators and Representatives may be elected in the various States. 
 This was intended to be used by Congress only if the worst came to the worst, 
 as a matter of self-defense. In making these regulations one restriction was 
 placed on Congress, however, namely, that "the place of choosing Senators" 
 should not be altered. 
 
 It may be well to ask, what is the evidence that this interpretation of the 
 Constitution is the true one ? The proof is of two kinds : first, the general con- 
 sideration, already spoken of, that the Constitution could not be otherwise 
 harmonized, in view of the conditions which the experience of the Confedera- 
 tion made it necessary to meet ; second, the contemporary writings on the 
 subject. 
 
 In the Fudeml Convention which drew up the constitution, the clause 
 which we are now considering was discussed carefully August 9, 1787. James 
 Madison, in his " Debates in the Federal Convention," gives us the only ac- 
 count of this discussion in existence. Mr. Pinckney and Mr. Rutledge doubted 
 the wisdom of the provision which we have now in the latter part of Articlp 
 I> Section 4, Clause 1 of the Constitution, which was then worded, " But their 
 provisions concerning them may at any time be altered by the Legislature of 
 the United States." So they moved to strike it Out ; they thought the States 
 could be trusted to attend to the matter. 
 
 The motion of Messrs. Pinckney and Rutledge was lost ; the clause, 
 which was article 6, section 1, of the first draft, was retained, and after 
 being embellished by the hand of Governeur Morris, most probably, it was 
 given to us in the present form of Article 1, Section 4, Clause 1 of the Constitu- 
 tion. Mr. Madison in explaining it says: "This was meant to give the 
 national legislature a power not only to alter the provisions of the States, but 
 to make regulations, in case the States should fail or refuse altogether." 
 
 After the Constitution went from the Federal Convention to Congress, Con 
 gress submitted it to the States for ratification. The discussions were long in 
 some States and conducted with great vigor by both Federalists and anti-Fed- 
 eralists. During this period of discussion Hamilton, Madison and Jay wrote 
 the papers, afterwards collected and known as " The Federalist, "in explanation 
 of the Constitution. Hamilton, whom the Republicans delight to speak of as 
 
153 THK FOECB BILL. 
 
 the apostle of th?ir principles of government, whose ideal of governmentwas a 
 strongly centralized one, was a member of the Federal Convention In the 
 Federalist he agrees that the clause means just what Madison says; he speaks 
 of Article 1, Section 4, Clause 1 of the Constitution as the provision " which 
 authorizes the national legislature to regulate, in the last resort, the election of 
 it own members." 
 
 This article was published in New York, February 23, 1788. At that time 
 only 6 States had ratified the Constitution. Hamilton was directing his argu- 
 ment to the 7 States which had not ratified it. He does not suggest anywhere 
 that the federal government may control the elections of either Senators or 
 Representatives except when " extraordinary circumstances might render that 
 interpos'tiou necessary to its safety ; " and this view prevailed in every State 
 ratifying convention which mentioned the subject Some were satisfied with 
 merely putting on record their understanding of the clause ; others, however, 
 adopted formal resolutions asking for an amendment to the Constitution, or 
 protesting against the clause, etc. 
 
 As Mr. Hemphil) pointed out, June 36, 1890, in the House, this clause of 
 the Constitution caused more uneasiness than any other part of the Constitu- 
 tion. Eight ou1 of thirteen State ratification conventions expre.ssed themselves 
 formally ; all took fundamentally the same position. From all the evidence 
 thus collected it is clear that when the Constitution was made, it was under- 
 stood that the part of it referring to Congressional elections meant : First, that 
 the primary control of the elactions of Representatives belonged to the States; 
 second, that the final control belonged to Congress, and could be exercised 
 upon conditions only ; these conditions were (a) when a State refused to pro- 
 vide machinery for electing Representatives ; (J) when it was unable to do so 
 from any cause. 
 
 Not only is the bill unconstitutional on the general ground which has just 
 been pointed out, but throughout there are specific provisions which are uncon- 
 stitutional. 
 
 (1) Article 1, Section 3, Clause 1 of the Constitution gives the States entire 
 control of the qualifications of voters for members of the House of Representa- 
 tives: "The House of Representatives shall be composed of members chosen 
 every second year by the people of the several States ; and the electors in each 
 State shall have the qualifications requested for the electors of the mo^t numer- 
 ous branch of the State legislature." As each State fixes the qualifications of 
 the electors of members of its own legislature, it follows that it fixes the quali- 
 fications of the electors of members of the United State House of Representa- 
 tives. The Republicans do not deny this. Yet, in Section 8, of the Force 
 bill, power is given to supervisors, i. e., to federal officers, to pass upon qualifi- 
 cations of electors. Clause 7 of this Section says that if a voter's right to vote 
 is not passed upon " at once " by the State or territorial or local inspectors, the 
 supervisors may pass upon the case and receive the ballot offered. Further- 
 more, the power to carry on the process of registration implies a power to 
 pass on the qualifications of voters in many cases. This passing on the quali- 
 fications of voters would affect not only Congressional, but State and Presiden- 
 tial elections also ; for it is well known that it is tlie custom in many, if not in 
 all States, to put the names of candidates for all offices, Federal, State and local. 
 
THE FOBCB BILL. 153 
 
 heing voted for, on the same ticket. And not satisfied with this interference, 
 the Republicans go further and attempt, in practice, to make null the educa- 
 tional qualiflcation new prescribed in some States by directing the supervisors 
 to point out to any voter the proper box in which to cast his ballot. 
 
 (2) As will be seen, the bill provides for a number of non-judicial 
 functions to be performed by the courts of th? United States. The political 
 duties assigne i to them will be examined in detail hereafter. It is enough 
 here to note that from the time of Washington until now these courts have pro- 
 tested against doing business not brought before them in a strictly judicial 
 way. Furthermore, the section which provides for contests of election certifi- 
 cates was evidently intended, and It was so declared by many Republicans, to 
 do away with contests in the House, where much time is wasted on the subject 
 at each section. Yet, Article 1, Section 5, Clause 1, of the Constitution pro- 
 vides that "each House s7tfflM ■' decide contests for itself. After the United 
 States Circuit Court has passed upon the right of contesting members to a certi- 
 ficate for a seat in the House, its decision woul 1 be subject to revision by the 
 House itself. According to the decisions of the Supreme Court of the United 
 States i^the Court of Claims cases, this denial of power of final jurisdiction to 
 the Court and the subjection of its decision to revision by any other depart- 
 ment of the Government makes the duty here prescribed non-judicial. 
 
 (3) In several sections of this bill duties are prescribedufor State officers in 
 connection with registration, counting of votes, etc. This is plainly unconsti- 
 tutional. The registrar, e. g., is bound by State law to do certain things ; he 
 is responsible to his State and to it alone for the faithful discharge of its duties. 
 This bill provides that supervisors may change the books and registers, — i.e., 
 State officers, are " directed" by federal law to act in accordance with the 
 commands of federal officers. 
 
 (4) An attempt is made to provide punishments for offenses against State 
 laws by State officers. Clearly this is no matter for the Federal Government 
 to deal with. 
 
 VII.-EXPEDIENCY. 
 
 If is believed, tnen, that the foregoing discussion suflBces to show that the 
 bill proposed is clearly unconstitutional. But let us lay aside VnU question. 
 There is another standpoint from which the measure must be viewed. The 
 question of expediency must be carefully considered. Is the bill expedient ? 
 Is public opinion behind it ? Do the people want it ? Let us see what objec- 
 tions, general and specific, may be urged against it. Let us determine whether 
 it is a scheme concocted by Republican politicians or whether it is a patriotic 
 and statesmanlike measure devised in response to a demand from the great body 
 (if American people. 
 
 For a century, when this bill was proposed, it had been unnecessaiy for 
 Congress to use that reserve power over the elections of its own members given 
 it in Article 1 Section 1, Clause 1, of the Constitution. Why ? Because there 
 bad never been a proper occasion to do so. According to the historical mean- 
 ing of this clause, it was to be used only when States lefused or failed to send 
 members to Congress, as several had done during the period of the Confedera- 
 
154 THE FOKCB BILl,. 
 
 tion. The States had been left alone in their own spheres, so far as this sub- 
 ject was concerned. None deny that there have been frauds of various kinds 
 in State and Federal elections since the foundation of Vie government ; but 
 the States have been left to correct these ; in many respects they have suc- 
 ceeded, and, as will be seen later, they are continuing their good work — even 
 in the verj- section of the country at which Messrs. Lodge and Rowell. and 
 other Republicans say the bill is especially directed. But so far as these frauds 
 are concerned, Congress need not suffer by them. Provision is made in the 
 Constitution, Article 1, Section 1, Clause 1, by which e:ich House may amply 
 protect itself. That claimants to seats in the lower House have not hesitated 
 to appeal to this power reserved to that House " to be the judge of the elec- 
 tions, returns and qualifications of its own members," is evidenced by the 
 fact that over 300 contested election cases have been brought before the House 
 of Representatives during the first century of the Government's history. 
 
 DiSTHUST OF THE PEOPLE. 
 
 The fear that the States would not deal properly with the elections of 
 Representatives and the desire of Congress to take to itself the entire control of 
 these indicate a distrust of the people. Through seventy two years of the 
 Government's history the country was ruled by Federalists, Democrats, and 
 Whigs, and no need was found for this law. After the Republicans had 
 niled it for nearly thirty years, with the exception of one Presidential term, they 
 claim that the country needs it. If their claim be true it is a woful acknowl- 
 edgment of the failure of popular government. To take away from the people 
 of the States a power which they have exercised for a century condemns them 
 as unworthy to exercise the power ; the Republicans show by their action 
 that they have not faith in the honesty and patriotism of the people. If this 
 government is not to be run by the people themselves anl according to their 
 desires, but by a centralized piece of election machinery with the engine located 
 at Washingtiin. then republican government is a failure. But this no one is 
 willing to admit. Republican government is a success. The opponents of 
 Democracy have been accustomed periodically to assert their lack of faith in 
 the people and the superior ability of their leaders ; they have been accustomed 
 to propose and sometimes to pass laws which took power from the people and 
 gave it to leaders — ihe few. It is too late in the history of the republic to re- 
 attempt this, though. The ideas of Mr. Lodge, the sponsor for this bill, are 
 extremely federahstio ; in the last decade of the eighteenth century they might 
 have been accepted as ideal by certain classes of people. But to-day the f;iith 
 of the American people in democracy is so well established, the republic which 
 our fathers set up on this side the Atlantic rests on such a bed-rook of popular 
 confidence, that the leaders of a party which distrusts the people will lose the 
 Buppoit of the people whom they distrust. Just as surely as the Democracy, 
 led by Thomas Jefferson, rose in its might in l.'-OO and overthrew the Federalists 
 because they distrusted the people, so surely will the Democracy of to-dsy, led 
 by Grover Clevelaud, overthrow the Republican party if it continues its advo- 
 cacy of a measure showing as much distrust of the people as does the Force 
 bill. 
 
THE FORCE BILI.. 155 
 
 Centralization. 
 
 Just as the Republican paity is a party which distrusts the people, so it is a 
 party of centralization. The Force bill seems to be only one part of a great 
 scheme, which Republican leaders have kept in mind for some years past, to 
 centralize the power of the Government at Washington. The Reconstruction 
 legislation, the force Bill of 1875 and the Protection movement are all parts 
 of this scheme. Democrats consider those parts of the Constitution which 
 leave local concerns under the control of the State governments as one of its 
 most valuable and successful features. To be sure, it follows necessarily that 
 as the General Government grows older it wiU become stronger, and, in that far, 
 more centralized ; but our fathers, in planning the form of government which 
 we have recorded in the Constitution, determined that the General and State 
 governments should each have spheres of their own, there was a line of division 
 in the functions to be performed by them. Among those things left to the con- 
 trol of the States were the suffrage and elections ; and among those elections 
 the election of Representatives in Congress (except in the emergency described 
 aboveU In this inevitable growth of strength on the part of the General 
 Government, let it < o flue itself with n the lines intended tor it, and not inter- 
 fere with that function of the State which they have cared for so well, the 
 election of Federal Representatives. 
 
 The Force bill is not only distrustful of the people and centralizing in its 
 operation, but sectional in purpose; it is 'an endeavor to revive the division 
 among brethren so happily passing away. During the debate on the bill in the 
 House, from June 26 to July 3, 1890, the Republicans devoted most of their 
 time to discussing the South. While Democrats pointed out general and 
 specific objections to the bill, Republicans endeavored to stir up old-time issues 
 oa which they have depended so much in the past for gaining votes. The time 
 has gone when intelligent people will allow a party to bring up issues of thirty 
 years ago for the purpose of winning their favor, and any party which attempts 
 it will meet deserved defeat. The people want no third issues brought forward 
 to revive old partisan feelings ; they are now engaged upon the task of settling 
 the great questions of the day, taxation and government administration. 
 
 Specific Objections. 
 
 Having considered the three general objections to the bill— distrust of the 
 people, centralization and sectional intent— let us take up some of the details 
 of the bill and see if there are not specific objections to it. As we take it up 
 section by section, at nearly every step we find something to criticise 
 adversely. 
 
 (1) The first provision of the bill, which naturally attracts us, is how the law 
 is to go into operation. In section 3 there are three kinds of territorial units 
 mentioned into which, in any part of the country, the bill may be called into 
 operation : (1) cities or towns of 30,000 inhabitants or upwards ; (3) counties or 
 parishes each forming only part of a Congressional district; (3) entire Congres- 
 sional districts, no part of which is in a city or town of 30,000 inhabitants and 
 upwards. Whenever 100 resident citizens petition the chief supervisor of the 
 
156 THE FORCE BILL. 
 
 judicial district for the bill to go into operation in the first or third unit, or 50 
 such citizens in the second unit, it shall be granted. As was said in connection 
 with the discussion of the aim of the bill, though it is directed primarily at 
 certain parts of the United States, if passed, the law would operate throughout 
 the count y. If the Republicans had wished to deal squarely with the subject, 
 they i-hi)uld have accepted the amendment, offered in the House by Mr. Leh- 
 bleaoh of New Jersey, that the law should be compulsory in its operation, i.e., 
 apply to all parts of the country alike, without regard to petitions for it. No, 
 cry jAIr. Lodge, and other Republicans; the bill is thoroughly national; 
 any district that wants it may have it. The plan which the Republican 
 leader.^; intended to pursue was evidently to have the law called into operation 
 in the Democratic strongholds . In most of the Congressional districts which 
 they intende 1 thus to have supervised, estimated by different Republicans from 
 twenty to sixty-nine in number, there are many very ignorant voters ; the 
 Republican le.iders could, in one way or another, get control of enough of these 
 to petition for the law to go into operation, and after putting it into operation, 
 the result could be declared as the leaders desired. The Republicans feared to 
 face the people with such a bill which was avowedly intended to operate every- 
 where. But it can be easily shown that, without reasonable doubt, if passed, 
 it would operate throughout the country. In the first place, the number of 
 those who would get office under the operation of the law would largely out- 
 number, by 500 per cent, probably, the number necessary to sign the petition 
 calling the bill into operation. The greed for the fees which would come from 
 these offices would be sufficient inducement to those hoping to get office to 
 petition for the law to go into operation. A large majority of these would be 
 Republicans ; for a majority of the appointing officers, the judges, who would 
 appoint the canvassers of the Congressional vote, the chief supervisors them- 
 selves, and the supervisors, upon recommendation of the chief supervisors, and 
 the United States marshals, who would appoint the deputy marshals on the re- 
 quest of the chief supervisors, would be Republicans. Thus, if 
 the bill ever becomes law, we shall see a Republican measure 
 passed ^ith the avowed intent of applying to a few districts 
 only, applied everywhere, upon petition of Republicans. Mr. T. V. 
 Powderly feels sure that every Congressional district in the United States has 
 50 or 100 citizens who would sign the necessary petition to the chief supervisor, 
 and that if the people did not think of the matter themselves, the candidates 
 would suggest it in the hope of gaining votes. Secondly, even if the " bread 
 and butter brigade " did not petition for it, it is safe to venture the assertion 
 that there is not a city or town of 20,000 inhabitants or a Congressional dis- 
 trict in the United States in which there are not 100 of that class of men pop- 
 ularly denominated " cranks," who would petition to have the law put into 
 operation merely in order to observe its working. Thus the law, which is 
 apparently intended to be voluntary and partial in operation, would be forced 
 upon every Congressional district. 
 
 (3) Perhaps the most despicable provisions of the bill are those providing for 
 the desecration of the courts. John Marshall said, in the Vir^nia convention 
 of 1839-80 : "I have always thought from my earliest youth till now, that the 
 greatest scourge that an angry Heaven ever inflicted upon an ungrateful or a 
 
THE FORCE BILL. 157 
 
 Binning: people was an ignorant, » corrupt or a dependent judiciary." The 
 judicial department of our Government has proven the balance wheel of the 
 syslem; it has been more successful than any other department; it has sur- 
 passed expectations ; it has excited more envy among foreigners than either the 
 legislative or the executive department ; it has been universally respected at 
 home and abroad. Yet, this bill proposes to cause that respect to be forfeited 
 by plunging the United States Circuit Court into partisan politicF. Heretofore, 
 the election machinery has been in the hands of executive officers of the State ; 
 now, it is proposed, when Congressional elections are held, to put it into the 
 hands of the Federal judiciary. The inevitable result would be a loss of the 
 confidence of the people. 
 
 When the petition for supervision in any city, county or Congressional Dis- 
 trict is sent to the chief supervisor, it is his duty, in due time, to notify the 
 judge of the United States Circuit Court, for whose judicial district he has 
 been previously appointed by that Court ; the Court shall meet within a speci- 
 fied time and appoint supervisors for each precinct included in the territory in 
 which supervision is petitioned for. These supervisors shall be appointed from 
 lists presented to the judge by the chief supervisor. As a result, a great 
 Republican machine would be created. The judges of the United States Cir- 
 cuit Courts are nearly all Republican ; the chief supervisors already appointed 
 by these are, and those to be appointed would be. Republicans. These Repub- 
 lican chief supervisors would recommend and these Republican judges would 
 appoint only so many Democratic supervisors as the law requires — one out of 
 every three. There would, therefore, be on each Board of Supervisors for each 
 precinct a majority of Republicans, as jilready shown, who could carry things their 
 own way. Even if the judges were disposed to make fair appointments of su- 
 pervisors, they wou'd be confined to lists presented by Republican chief super- 
 visors, which would undoubtedly contain as few names of Democrats as possible. 
 But the probability is that the judges would show their partisanship when they 
 were called on to do so, aS they would be by this proposed law, and the Repub- 
 lican machine would work on smoothly. 
 
 Suppose something went wrong in the conduct of either the chief super- 
 visors or the judges. If a chief supervisor were prosecuted, he would be tried 
 by the judge who appointed him ; would it be probable that the judge would 
 condemn his own former judgment by sentencing to a severe punishment the 
 man whom he had selected for office ? No. But you answer, impeachment is 
 provided for the chief supervisor and for the judge in such cases. This is true ; 
 impeachment would be the proper penalty for their misconduct. Both hold 
 office by life tenure and neither could be got rid of except by impeachment. 
 The House of Representatives "shall have the sole power of impeachment," 
 according to article 1, section 3, clause 5 ; and, therefore, if these officers were 
 to be impeached, the House would have to take the initiative. But just as in 
 the case of the trial of a chief supervisor by the judge of the United States 
 Circuit Court, the master would not condemn the servant whom he had chosen. 
 So here the servant would not turn and smite his master : the members of the 
 House would not impeach these officers to whose actions their election was 
 due. It is well known that impeachment is a long and difficult process, and 
 before the investigation of the frauds of a given Congressional election could 
 
158 THE FORCE BLLI,. 
 
 take place, and articles of impeaoliinent based upon suoli investigation be pre- 
 pared by the House and presented to the Senate, the members elected by such 
 frauds w ould come into ofRoe at the opening of the session of the next Congresa 
 and stop such process of impeachment. In the planning of this Republican 
 machine there seems to have been no mistake as to making it an efficient instru- 
 ment of fraud. The planners foresaw that the penalty for impeachment oould 
 sever reach their tools in office. 
 
 We have recently had in, Florida, an exhibition of how the courts would 
 proceed to get proper juries to try these cases of accused chief supervisors, and 
 of the supervisors appointed by the judges. It is to be feared that when 
 important cases are to come up, the Republican plan, as revealed by one 
 of Prijsident Harrison's appointees, John R. Mizell, United States marshal 
 for the Northern District of Florida, for the party bosses to " confer 
 
 * * * and make a list of fifty or sixty names of true and tried Republicans 
 from (their) county registration list for jurors, United States Court, and 
 forward same to * * * Clerk of United States Court," would be put 
 into effect. With plenty of Mizells throughout the country to superintend 
 the matter of drawing juries, the judges would be relieved of the necessity of 
 looking after the acquittals of their appointees, the juries would attend to. that. 
 
 It seems strange that in a bill concerning elections a new jury law should be 
 incorporated, yet such a law is proposed in section 38 of this bill. It has been 
 remarked before there are no loopholes in the bill from a strictly Republican 
 party point of view ; the Republicans fear that under the present system of 
 drawing juries, the supply of Mizells will run short and there might, therefore, 
 be difficulty in having saitable juries to try election supervisor cases. The 
 present law provides that the juries shall be drawn by the clerk of the United 
 States Court and one jury commissioner of the opposite political party to that 
 to which the clerk belongs. There is sometimes trouble made by this commis- 
 sioner of the opposite party. So this bill proceeds to prepare a way by 
 which he may be outvoted and practically elirainaied. Section 
 38, called by Mr, Hemphill, the "jury-fixer," mikes the other provisions of the 
 bill really efficient and makes this part of the Republican plan harmonious with 
 the remainder, on the question of majority rule, as was done in changmg the 
 number of supervisors from 2 in the Supervisor's Law of 1887 to 3 in the pres- 
 ent bill. Section 38 says that the judge or julg-es of the United States Circuit 
 Court shall appoint for each judicial district in their respective circuits three 
 
 * * * jury commissioners. The restriction placed on the chief supervis- 
 ors in detailing supervisors for each precinct, that only two of those should be 
 of the same politic:i,l party, is not fouud here. If all are to be appointed by 
 these Republican Circuit Judges, and then, if a Democrat were appointed as 
 one of three commissioners, he could have little or no influence, for the three 
 are ordered by this section to " act by a majority yote." The votes of these 
 jury commissioners is to draw the juries ; and these juries are to try the cases, 
 of those supervisors accused of fraudulent conduct. Thus is completed the 
 system for sheltering from harm the tools of a corrupt party machine. Mr. 
 Hemphill spoke none too harshly of this section when he said, on the floor of 
 the House, June 26, 1890 : * "No more iniquitous proposition was ever submit- 
 ted to any body of men for their approval than the proposition that the statute 
 
THE FOBCB BILL. 159 
 
 law of the United States, which now provides an honest mode of selecting ju- 
 rors (except whe f there are Mizells to jnggle it), shall be altered so that the 
 jurors shall iiere.ifter be drawn * * * free from the presence of a witness 
 of the opposite party," to the one drawing them. 
 
 Mr. Lodge disclosed that the provision for the apppointment of eleo- 
 ♦ior officers by judges was the best in the bill. Senator Hoar, who occupied in 
 the Senate the attitude to the bill corresponding to that of Mr. Lodge in the 
 House, disagreed with Mr. Lodge as to which was the most admirable provision; 
 stUl, he bestowed his favor on the judicial part of it, just as Mr. Lodge had 
 done, but specified particularly the section providing for the use of United 
 States judges to decide contests of election certificates. Early and late the 
 Senator has dwelt on this part of the bill. In his Forum article, referred to 
 before, he eulogizes this feature ; and, again, in his letter to Mr. Draper from 
 Paris, July 29, 1893, also quoted before. Section 15 of the bill provides that 
 as soon as the certificate of election is awarded by the United States Board of 
 Canvassers — which certificate, be it remembered, is to have precedence wdth 
 the Clerk of the House of Representatives in case the State ofiicers declared 
 a different person to be elected — any candidate who chooses to do so may con- 
 test the right to the certificate before the Judge of the United States Circuit 
 Court in whose district the Congressional district lies. The judge is directed 
 to examine into the whole matter. His decision is final as to who shall hold 
 the certificate. This feature is objectionable ; in the first place, we find the 
 same objection that applies to the courts reviewing the acts of the super- 
 visor; the Court is called on to reverse the judgment of its own appointee. 
 It is a fundamental principle that judges should be free from any prejudice 
 in considering a case. The freedom from interest generally displayed by the 
 judicial department of our Government is what has made the life-term 
 feature of appointments in that department acceptable to the American people. 
 Yet here is a case where the judges are distinctly interested. 
 
 Secondly, there is the constitutional objection already referred to ; that the 
 performance of such functions are not judicial. Article 1, Section 5, Clause 
 1 of the Constitution makes the decision of the final possession of a seat in the 
 House a matter for the House only to pass upon. Here, however, the Court is 
 ordered to make a decision as to the possession of a certificate, and so far as any 
 practical effect of deciding who shall hold that certificate is conoeme<J, the deci- 
 sion of the Court is subject to revision by the House ; any man claiming-the seat 
 may demand as his constitutional r^ght that the House, and the House only, shall ' 
 decide this question. It may be said, the Court is only called on to decide who 
 shall hold the certificate, while the House decides who is to have the seat. This 
 is true • but in a contest for a certificate, nothing is had in view but the seat, 
 and so far as the practical effect is concerned, both are the same. Senator Hoar 
 and SpeaKer Keed evidently view them as the same ; for their argument m favor 
 of the section is based upon the assumption that it will take contests out of the 
 House and into the courts ; reduce the expense of contests, leave the House 
 more time for othei business, and that it will be better to have judges pass upon 
 the question than legislators themselves. So that, as already ssid, the courts 
 are given what is entirely an unconstitutional function ; if the attempt to make 
 no final decision as to the possession of the seat, and leave the matter subject 
 
16j the FOKCB J3II-L. 
 
 to revision by the House, then they perform a new judicial function; if they 
 attempt to make a final decision, they cut off the contestee from his constitu- 
 tioual riuht of having the House only pass upon the quention. 
 
 Senator Hoar in his argument for the expediency of this section appeals to 
 the experience of the English under the Act of 18C8, providing for settlement 
 of contests for seats in Parliament by the courts. This is unfair : in the first 
 place, as has been shown, our Constitution makes no provibion for conferriug 
 such a power on our courts by Congress, whOe in England, where there ia no 
 -vritten constitution, Parliament is supreme and can do anything it believes to 
 be expedient ; Parliament can confer on English courts the power to make fijial 
 decisions in these cases , Congress cannot do so for United States Courts. There- 
 fore, in the second place, it is unfair for St-nator Hoar to compare two entirely 
 different systems. If Senator Hoar were to propose that the Constitution of 
 the United States be amended, as Senator Saxton proposed last year for the New 
 York Constitution in reference to the State Legislature, so that Congress might 
 have power to confer such jurisdiction in United States Courts, his proposition 
 would not only be well worth considering, but he could appeal with perfect fair- 
 ness to English experience m support of it. Thirdly, the English judges take no 
 Buoh part in the conduct of elections as is prescribed for American judges in 
 this bill ; the English judges merely decide cases brought before them in a per- 
 fectly judicial way, as to who shall have certain contested seats in Parliament. 
 In the Lodge bill, judges are directed to decide contests for certificates awarded 
 by officers appointed by them as the results of elections whose whole conduct 
 has been set in motion by the judges themselves. It is obviously unfair, there- 
 fore, in every way, for Senator Hoar to picture the good results which follow 
 from a certain provision of an English law, and to conclude that similar results 
 would flow from a similar provision operating under a radically different system 
 and environment. 
 
 In 1876, our Government had an experience of its own, which may be ap- 
 pealed to with some fairness, as showing the probable result which would follow 
 from the partisan use of judges to decide election contests. Though in that 
 year the contest was in the Executive Department, the lesson which it taught 
 us does not incline us to extend such a system to the legislative department. 
 
 (3) The supervisors appointed for each precinct are directed to "guard," 
 "scrutinize," and "supervise" the elections where representatives are voted 
 for and the preliminary steps of naturalization and registration leading up to 
 such elections. The first duty performed by these supervisors is to see that 
 registration is conducted according to their ideas. They are directed to attend 
 all places where any of the business connected with registration is conducted ; 
 there they may challenge any person offering to register and require of any 
 officer in charge— i «. , a State officer — to make note of those challenged ; 
 they may also inspect and copy the registration rolls prepared by State officers ; 
 and when they deem proper, they may write their names on every page of the 
 registration book. We see, first, a duty prescribed for State officers, which has 
 been pointed out to be unconstitutional ; secondly, serious interference of Fed- 
 eral officers with State officers in their execution of State laws. 
 
 Not satisfied with the evil of a registration system, the interference with 
 State officers just pointed out, the framers of the bill have put into the sixth 
 
THE FORCE Bll.Iy. , 161 
 
 and eleventh parts of sections, provisions for » "house-to-house canvass," 
 by supervisors, in cities or towns of 20,000 inhabitants or upwards, when the 
 chief supervisor in charge so ordered ; in cities of 100,000 inhabitants or up- 
 wards, when required by the chief supervisor, the supervisors shall make this 
 canvass more thorough, " to ascertain by inquiry at any dwelling, building, 
 or other place of abode in any such election district or voting precinct which 
 they may be required to so canvass, the name, age, nativity, term of residence 
 in country, state, city, county, parish, district or precinct, and other qualifica- 
 tions as a voter of every male person therein residing ; and the United States 
 marshal may be required by the chief supervisor to appoint special deputy 
 marshals to aid in the canvass. All of this " political inquisition, " it is to be 
 observed, may be carried on at the command of one man^-the chief super- 
 visor. The officers who carry on the inquisition may go to the house of any 
 man, and there, in his absence, inquire of his family concerning his political 
 belief, etc. As Mr. Tucker shows, the object is not to find whether a man 
 is properly registered, " but the political work of the domiuaut party is to be 
 done by hirelings paid from the public treasury. " It is a fine piece of sarcasm 
 for Mr. Lodge to say, that this part of the bill will be of special worth in 
 cities of the North where registration lists are permanent, "to have these 
 permanent lists thoroughly overhauled from time to time by men who stand 
 outside with no local interests to subserve." 
 
 That this portion of the bill, in reference to the " house-to-house canvass," 
 has a political siguificance seems very probable from an obscure part of section 
 24, which provides that " no entering of record of the reports of the house 
 canvass provided for in the act shall extend beyond the block number, and the 
 number or name of the Election and Ward or Assembly District, and the name 
 and residence of those males who are shown to be twenty-one years and up- 
 wards and who claim the right to vote." In other words the part of the infor- 
 mation which is collected that will be of use especially to the political bosses 
 of the Republican party need not be recorded where it is to be open to public 
 inspection; it may be turned over to the bosses. It is hard to understand why, 
 if for any non-partisan reason , it is necessary to collect all the information pro- 
 vided for in section 8, all of such information should not be made matter of 
 record. The bill does not leave it optional with the officers collecting the 
 information how much they shall record, but tells them that only specified 
 things shall be recorded. 
 
 (4) The next pre-election duty to be performed by supervisors is the 
 " scrutinizing" of naturalization. Here again they are given access to the rooms 
 and papers of the State ofBoers who conduct naturalization, and in so far, may 
 interfere with the latter. 
 
 {H) When election day is at hand, the supervisors attend the polls in each 
 precinct and take part in the conduct of the election. The first duty provided 
 for them in relation to the boxes for the reception of ballots is aa interference 
 with State laws. It is well known that some States provide separate boxes for 
 ballots cast for different officers; the man who puts his ballot in the wrong box 
 loses it ; and thus an educational qualification is enforced, fur any man who 
 could read could put his ballot in the proper box. This bill provides that the 
 supervisors shall make the State law of no effect by pointing out to every 
 11 
 
lOa THB FOBCB BILL. 
 
 voter who so desires the proper box into which to deposit his ballot fop 
 representative, 
 
 (6) If a State ofEcer hesitates about receiving- the vote of a challenged voter 
 and ■' shall neglect or refuse *, * * to pass upon the qualifications of any 
 Buch challenged person at once," then a supervisor shall pass " upon the qualifi- 
 cations of suoli person, " and if he decides that the challenged person has a right 
 to vote, '■ it shall be the duty of the supervisor of election who did so act and 
 BO decide to receive the vote of such challenged person and to deposit it in the 
 ballot-box provided for votes oast for a Representative or Delegate in Congress. "" 
 This ends the matter ; and the supervisor, who acts under federal law, passes 
 on the qualifications of voters, which are prescribed by State law. Clearly 
 such a provision would be unconstitutional. 
 
 (7) After all ballots have been cast, counting takes place. There is provided 
 in Section 9 a curious system of drawing ballots from the box by tens and pass- 
 ing them from hand to hand until each inspector and each supervisor has counted 
 them. Further details are also provided as to announcing the results, keeping 
 and comparing tallies, and counting " scratched " tickets. The rules laid down 
 on these subjects apply to local as well as federal officers/ Furthermore, the 
 exact physical position of each inspector with regard to a supervisor is provided. 
 Again we see the Constitution violated in that the law prescribes duties for 
 State oflicers. 
 
 Many interferences by this bill with State laws and State authority have- 
 been pointed out already. Mr. Lehlbach called the attention of the House^ 
 June 26, 1890, to the fact that " conflict of authority between the election offi- 
 cers elected and those hj the su-peivisoi appointed" would be inevitable. The 
 laws of States are various and no federal law can be harmon'ous with them all ; 
 go the bill proceeds. To get rid of these differences by providing that " the 
 regulations as to such eleobions in the several States are hereby so altered as to 
 conform" to federal law; and, furthermore, that, after 1890, the States should 
 not change " the times and * * * the manner now provided by the laws of 
 such States. " It has been seen that many States provide that elections for 
 State and federal officers be held on the same day and in the same manner. 
 Economy and simplicity of method both argue for the wisdom of such laws. 
 Tet this bill says that so far as these election laws concern Representatives, they 
 shall not be changed. It seems incredible, and yet it is true, that a man who- 
 professes so great an interest in bciUot reform as Mr. Lodge, who praises the 
 Australian system so highly, should here say to the States, "If you have an 
 Australian system of electing Representatives, keep it ; if you have not, yon 
 shall never have one." Mr, Tucker showed that the only logical position to 
 take, and Senator Chandler admits this point practically, is for the federal 
 government to take entire charge of these Congressional elections, or leave them 
 entirely to the States. The constant confusion and conflict of authority that 
 would result from this mixing of State and federal authority would inevitably 
 lead the federal government to take the matter entirely into its hands. 
 
 According to the professions of the supporters of this bill it was intended ta 
 apply to the election of members of the lower House of Congress only and 
 theoretically it confines itself to these professions ; but practically it would inter- 
 fere with the elections of State and Federal officers when voted for on the day 
 
THE FORCE BILL. 163 
 
 for electing Representatives, as is done in many States. Names of candidates 
 for all offices, Federal, State, and local, are generally printed on the same ticket. 
 Hence, when a ballot is cast for Representative, it is cast also for other officers, 
 and in so far as Supervisors control that casting, they control the results of 
 electioa of State and local officers. It has been seen already that supervisors, 
 by their power to challenge voters and to pass upon their qualifications, in con- 
 nection with registration and with caatinjij of ballots, do control the casting of 
 ballots and take away from State and local officers their power to execute State 
 laws as to the suffrage. Therefore, according to the provisions of this bill, 
 federal officers have a great and possibly a controlling influence upon the elec- 
 tion of State and local officerp. 
 
 It is hardly necessary to argue the question that absolutely the only con- 
 stitutional right that Congress has to interfere with State elections is to provii'e 
 laws to see that the fifteenth amendmc*it be enforced, and that States make no 
 discrimination in their elections on account of the race, color or previous 
 condition of servitude, 
 
 (10) The same reasoning that we have just gone through with as to the 
 election of State officers applies to the election of Presidential electors. Yet, 
 according to Article II., Section 1, Clause 2 of the Constitution the States shall 
 have entire control of such election. 
 
 (11) No more partisan system of appointing officers than is contained in thiff. 
 bill could be easily devised ; its method is directly opposed to civil service 
 reform principles. In the first place, the judges who, according to the bill, are 
 to make the appointments, are nearly all Republicans, and their tenures of 
 office are for life ; they are not responsible to the people, and could be removed 
 only by impeachment. These judges are to appoint the chief supervisors. 
 These chief supervisors hold office on the same tenure as the judges. From^ 
 the lists drawn up by the chief supervisors the judges appoint supervisors, 
 not less than double the number needed to officiate in each precinct where super- 
 vision prevails. From these appointees the chief supervisors assign officers- 
 for duty. The term of office of a supervisor runs to sixty days after the election 
 is held. This curious term of service would have the effect, if it were not so^ 
 drawn by the framers with the intent, of shielding supervisors from any 
 prosecution in State courts for violating State elections or making false 
 returns as to State officers. This provision is in harmony with the plan, pre- 
 viously alluded to, of shielding federal election officers from punishment. 
 
 In addition to the foregoing officers, each circuit court also appoints for 
 each State within its jurisdiction a board of canvassers of the congressional 
 vote. Their duties are to tabulate the results which are sent to them by 
 election officers. Their decision is binding on the Clerk of the House of Rep- 
 resentatives in making up his roll of members, unless revoked by the court 
 upon contest. 
 
 The number of deputy marshals who may be appointed is unlimited. If we 
 will recall the experiences of 1876 under the present supervisors' law, we should 
 expect the number to be large 1 "The number of special deputy marshals who 
 may., under any provision of law, be appointed for election purposes shall be 
 determined from time to time at conferences between the marshal and the chief 
 supervisor of elections, and no other or greater number of special deputies shall 
 
164 THE FORCE BILL. 
 
 be appointed than the chief supervisor of election shall from time to time certify 
 to be, in his opinion, necessary to observe the manner in which the election 
 officers are discharging their duties to enforce the election laws of the United 
 States and to prevent frauds and irregularities in naturalization." The United 
 States marshals are nearly all Republicans, and we should doubtless have Repub- 
 lican deputies at every polling place if the bill were passed and the law put into 
 effect. 
 
 Thus the whole system of ofl&cers, their appointments and their terms of 
 office was shaped after most perfect and vicious methods of partisanship. 
 
 (12) In addition to all these officers referred to above, there are other United 
 'States officials who would be called on, if thought necessary, to attend the polls, 
 
 and these are the most objectionable of all. In their extremities of partisanship 
 iihe Republicans forgot all principles of civil liberty, and were willing to sur- 
 round each polling place with federal soldiers and to have re-enacted the scenes 
 X)f reconstruction days. That United States troops might be used at the polls 
 followed as a necessity from the bill if it becomes a, law. Mr. Lodge 
 admitted this when he said of the Force bill, in his speech at Portland, 
 Maine, in August, 1890: "It is a law of the United States and it is the 
 duty of the President of the United States to enforce it." Mr, Brosius, a 
 Republican member from Pennsylvania, explained this " bayonets at the polls" 
 proposition, in the House, June 38, 1890, in even more vigorous language than 
 Mr. Lodge. He said: " I am for the biU on the distinct ground that it is a 
 constitutional and necessary measure — made necessary by those who fear its 
 ■•operations and justified by the conditions created by those who oppose its pass 
 ~iage. And when passed I am for its enforcement, North and South, if need be, 
 with a firmness and effectiveness. » » * Behind .the Constitution are the 
 Army and the Navy. Every sword, every bayonet, every cannon and every dollar 
 of the nation's wealth are pledged to the enforcement of every one of its pro- 
 visions. " 
 
 (13) The number of officers which this bill provides for would be enormous ; 
 250,000 to 500,000 is a moderate estimate. These men would get their pay 
 from the United States Treasury, and be supporters of the party in power. 
 The expense would be great; certainly not less than S10,000,(;00 ; probably 
 more than $30,000,000. The section providing ' for the expenses are 
 numerous ; in fact, it seemed an especial object of the framers of the bill to 
 make its pay feature attractive to prospective office-holders. All these office- 
 holders and all their expense would be additional to State officers and State 
 expense for the same election. To people already burdened by unnecessary 
 taxation, this feature of large expenditures does not make the bill more at- 
 tractive. 
 
 VII.— IS IT WISE? 
 
 (1) Would it accomplish its pretended aim ? 
 
 The Republicans say the bill is directed at the frauds in the elections of the 
 great cities of the North and of the Southern States. So far as these cities are 
 concerned, the Republicans claim that the Supervisors Law of 18T1 has been effi- 
 cient. But suppo.se it has not been efficient there ; will the bill be so ? Accord- 
 ing to their claim, the bill is only an extension of the law of 1871. If that law 
 
THE FORCE BILL. I(i5 
 
 was efficient, there is no need of the bill ; if inefficient, an extension of it would 
 most probably be inefficient also. So far as the Southern States are conceraed, 
 the testimony of all thinking and observing men of both parties in the South is 
 that the bill would do more harm than good, even if it accomplished 
 what Republicans claim it to be intended to do. The Republicans 
 assume that all negroes are Republicans ; that the Republican party 
 holds them in an eternal political bondage. Recent Southern 
 State elections and other evidence show that many negroes are Democrats. 
 The Republicans say, however, that in Congressional elections negroes will 
 surely vote the Republican ticket. It has been shown already that State, 
 local and federal elections are so closely connected that it is impossible to 
 divorce them ; and it is a well-known feature o£ American political life that 
 men who vote with a given party in town or city eleotims vote with it also in 
 State and National elections. Therefore, if Republicans were to carry the 
 Southern States in Congressional elections, their party would necessarily go 
 into power in the States. This would mean a re-establishinent of local govern- 
 ment as it existed in the Southern States during the reconstruction period. All 
 know how the South suffered in every way, finjinoially, politically and socially, 
 from the negro — " carpet-bag" — '• scalawag " rule. Shall such an experience 
 be repeated in the South ? Do any American citizens want to see their South- 
 em brothers suffer so again ? Do men who are away from the South, whose 
 capital is profitably invested there now, want their incomes from that section 
 cut off ? Inevitably whites, North and South, must suffer from such a bill, and 
 no negro has ever shown how his race could receive any benefit from it. As 
 Mr. Cleveland said, at Montgomery, Alabama, in 18S7, " the South has peculiar 
 problems which it must be left alone to solve. Experience shows that it is 
 best to leave her to pursue her policy. The only motives which Republicans 
 can have for bringing forward into politics the so-called ' Southern problem' 
 is a selfish hope to profit thereby." 
 
 (2) Is it necessary in order to accomplish the pretended aim ? 
 So far as Northern cities are concerned, according to RepubUcan admissions, 
 in connection with their discussion of the Supervisors Law of 1887, the bill is 
 not necessary. So far as the South is concerned, she is solving her own prob- 
 lems of suffrage and ballot reform, and need only to be let alone. Already, in 
 the border States, Maryland, West Virginia, Tennessee. Arkansas and Missouri, 
 ballot reform laws have been adopted ; and in many other States they are being 
 discussed. South Carolina and Mississippi prefer to approach the problem by re- 
 forming the qualifications for exercising the suffrage. V\'hy break into and prac- 
 tically destroy these attempts . jNIr. Lodge's position is consistent ; he professes to 
 favor ballot reform, and yet, in Section 37 of the bill bearing his name, it was pro- 
 vided that no State should change its election laws as to the election of Repre- 
 sentatives (which meant, in practice, the entire system of election laws) after 
 the passage of the' act. Then, again, he has said, time after time, that his 
 whole aim is to increase the publicity of Congressional elections. In Septem- 
 ber, 1890, he said : " The whole purpose of this bill may be summed up in one 
 word 'publicity.'" Mr. -T. V. Powderly made sufficient reply to this when 
 he said : "The publicity will intimidate as surely as though a row of bayonets 
 circled the polling-place. " 
 
168 CIVIL SERVICE REFOKM. 
 
 CIVIL SERVICE REFORM. 
 
 PRESIDENT HARRISON'S RECORD AND THE BROKEN 
 PLEDGES OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 The Republican platform of 1888 was as follows : 
 
 "The men wlio abandonod the Republican party in 1884, and continufi tD adhere to the 
 Democratic party, have deserted not only the cause of honest Government, of sound finance, of 
 freedom and purity of the ballot, but especially have they deserted the cause of reform in the 
 civil service. We will not fail to keep our pledges because Ihey have broken theirs or because 
 their candidate has broken his. We therefore repeat our declaration of 1884, to wit; ^The 
 reform of the civil service, auspiciously begun under a Republican administration, should be 
 completed by the further extension of the reform system already established by law to all the 
 grades of service to which it is applicable. The spirit and purpose of the reform should be 
 observed in all executive appointments, and all laws at variance with the object of existing 
 reform legislation should be repealed, to the end that the dangers to free institutions which 
 lurk in the power of official patronage may bo wisely and effectively avoided.' " 
 
 This plank denounced the civil service reformers of 1884 who had voted for 
 Cleveland as deserters, and declared that Mr. Cleveland had broken his 
 promises of reform. Never before had the Republican party, or any party, 
 made a distinct promise that they would keep their own pledges of reform— 
 "we will not fail to keep our pledges." The failure lo keep these pledges 
 then becomes a positive act of infamy for the party guilty of it. ' No matter 
 what views one may have of civil service reform, the distinct pledge of any 
 party upsn this subject, if broken, is an evidence of bad faith so great that no 
 subsequent declarations can ever be trusted. If there was anything (m 
 McKinley said in the debate in Congress), to which the Republican party 
 had pledged itself, more than to any other, it was to civil service reform. Let 
 us consider in detail the promise and the performance. 
 
 Extension ov tbe Classified System. 
 
 " The reform of the civil seroice, auspiciously begun under a Republican ad- 
 ministration, sliould be completed by the further extension of the reform system 
 already established by law to all ffrad-es of service to which it is applicable." 
 
 This reform already establi-shed was set forth in what is known as the 
 Pendleton bill, which was passed ilnder a Republican administration, although 
 Mr. Pendleton who introduced it was the Democratic Senator from Ohio. It 
 provided for the appointment of tliree Civil Service Commissioners, who 
 
rilESIDENT HARRISON'S KECOBD. ^ 167 
 
 should establish rules and competitive examinalions for admission to the civil 
 service, irrespective of party considerations, in which proved merit should be 
 the standard of ijligibility. 
 
 This, then, was the reform system already established by law which was 
 to be extended to all grades of the service to which it was applicable. 
 The only extensions of the classified service made by Mr. Harrison in pre- 
 tended pursuance of the- promises of the platform, were the extensions to 
 ■about seven hundred teachers and superintendents in the Indian Bureau, less 
 than 200 persons in the Fish Commission, and a few employees in the Patent 
 Office. The entire numljer of such extensions is not far from one thousand. 
 
 When the Civil Service law first took affect there were about 16,000 subject 
 to its provisions. At tlie cln^e of President Cleveland's term there were, after 
 including the railway mail service which he had incotporatcd, more than 
 30,000 men in the classified service. But there are more than 100,000 in the 
 •entire Federal Civil Service which still remain unclassified. Of this immense 
 number President Harrison lins extended the Civil Service rules to about 1,000 
 employees. 
 
 Secretary Tracy has, indeed, provided for a re Jstration of laborers in the 
 Navy Department, under a system quite similar to tiie classified service, 
 although it is not embraced within the rules, or placed under control of the 
 Civil Service Commissioners, and it would be discretionary lor any subsequent 
 Secretary of the Navy to aboli.* his regulations. With these trifling excep- 
 tions there has been absolutely nothing done by the present administration in 
 performance of its promises that the reform system should be extended to all 
 the branches of the classified service to which it is applicable. 
 
 The civil service law itself provided that it should apply to all post-oiBces and 
 •custom-house offices having fifty or more employees, and that it should he extended 
 ■to other post-offiees and custom-houses having less tluin fifty employee, whenewr so 
 ordered by the President. The law itself designated these custom-houses and 
 post-offices as places to which it was applicable. It was merely a question 
 of time and convenience when it should be applied to them. This extension 
 was not made at tirst, because it was considered best to begin with the larger 
 offices, and gradually to extend its provisions to those employing a smaller 
 number of subordinates. 
 
 After the accession of President Harrison to office, his own Civil Service 
 ■Commissioners, Messrs. Lyman, Roosevelt and Thompson, decided that such 
 extension ought to be made. The clerical force of the office and the appro- 
 priations of Congress were sufficient to justify it. The Commissioners reported 
 recommending its extension to post-offices having twenty-five employees or 
 more, and afterwards, in 1891, recommended its extension to post-offices, cus- 
 tom-houses and internal revenue districts in which there are twenty-five or more 
 employed, as well as to clerks in the navy yards, to the employees of the Dis- 
 trict of Columbia, to the mints and sub-treasuries, and to all free-delivery post- 
 offices. 
 
 The law itself declared that the .system was applicable to these places. Tliey 
 -were subordinate, administrative offices, having no necessary connection with 
 politics. Yet, during his entire term. President Harrison has utterly failed to 
 «EXt,eDd it to a single post-office or custom-house having less than fifty employees. 
 
168 a CIVIL SEKVICB REFORM. 
 
 or to any of the other offices to which this extension was recomaiended. A 
 clearer violation of the written promise of the party could not be imagined. 
 
 The President's explanation (or lack of explanation) for his failure to extend 
 the rules is shown in the following correspondence. 
 
 In December last, Mr. Wm. D. Foulke, President of the Indiana Civil Service 
 Reform Association, addressed the following letter to the President : 
 
 "In the last Republican platform it was declared that the classified system should be ex- 
 tended to all grades of the service to which it was applicable. This declaration was made a 
 pledge which the party promised not to violate. In at^cepting the nomination you made this 
 promise your own, expressing your concurrence in yourletter of acceptance. In common with 
 many others, I labored earnestly for your election, with confidence that this promise would b& 
 observed. The Civil Service Reform act designated post-offices and custom-houses having less 
 than fifty employees as offices to which the system is applicable, by providing for its extension 
 to these places whenever so ordered by you. The declaration of the platform could have no- 
 meaning if it did not refer to such offices. The able Civil Service Commissioners appointed by 
 you have repeatedly urged that this system be extended to post-ofiices having twenty-five em- 
 ployees or more ; yet during three years of your term you have not made it. May I ask, with 
 all respect, while this promise remains unfulfilled, how shall we know hereafter upon what 
 pledge of the Republican party or its candidate we can rely ?'' 
 
 To this the President replied to Mr. Foulke as follows, under date of Decem- 
 ber 31, 1891 : ' 
 
 " I have not time this morning to discuss at any length the question which you present, or 
 to attempt any re-statement of what I have attempted to do in the promotion of civil-service 
 reform movements since I have been here. My thought was that the first thing to do was to- 
 satisfy the country that tke law was being faithfuUij and impartially administered a^ to those 
 ojices already classified . I think a good deal ha« been accomplished in that direction, and 
 there has been an important extension of the classified service. The subject presented by you, 
 as well as some other suggested movements, has been having, and will have, my consideration,, 
 but I am not now prepared to announce any programme.'^ 
 
 Comment can add nothing to such a letter. The President has no time to- 
 discuss the question why he has broken his word, and after nearly three ycars- 
 of " consideration," is still unprepared to rnnounce any programme for carrying 
 out the pledges of the Convention which nominated him. 
 
 Census BuREAtr. 
 
 If there was any branch of the service wliere, in accordance with the 
 Republican promise, appointments should have depended upon the fitness of 
 the appointee, as proved by examination and probation, and not upon patronage- 
 and political favor, it was the Census Bureau. It was the plain duty of those 
 in charge of this Bureau to give to the people tlie exact facts as to all matters 
 inquired of, unwarped by political bias. 
 
 In every decade the Government spends millions of dollars upon this census^ 
 and the importance of accuracy and thoroughness in the work cannot be over- 
 estimated. The census is at once a record of our progress as a people, a picture 
 of our condition in each successive ten years of our national history, and the 
 basis of insti-uctive comparisons with the condition and progress of other 
 nations. The representation of the several States in the popular branch of 
 Congress rests upon its statistics of population. No one will dispute that unfair- 
 ness, incapacity or blundering in the census is a grave pul)lic misfortune. 
 
PRESIDENT HAKRISON'S RECORD. 109 
 
 and that the officers charged with a work of such importance should 
 use every precaution to prevent even the belief that their work is partial 
 or incomplete. 
 
 The census ought to be as free from partisan color as the judiciary. Other- 
 wise no one can rely upon the accuracy of its conclusions. To gain the con- 
 fidence of the people, it ought to be not merely fair and just, but it should be 
 removed from the appearance of corrupt or partisan influence. It is an illegal 
 act for a trustee to put himself in a position where he can make profit out of 
 the trust funds in his control. An evident analogy makes it an improper act 
 for one political party so to monopolize the taking of the census as to be in a 
 position to profit from the result. If an administration has a free choice 
 between a non-political and a political agency for taking this enumeration, and 
 chooses the latter, composed of officials of its own political faith, the ])resump- 
 tion is against the fairness of a census so taken. Suspicion is cast on such a 
 census in advance of enumeration, and, if at the close of the work, many 
 inaccuracies are shown, resulting in an advantage to the party by whom it is 
 taken, the work is sure to be discredited. 
 
 It liad already been demonstrated, by actual exflbrieiice, fliat the patronage 
 system as applied to this branch of the service was liable to grave abuses, and 
 frequently resulted in the appointment of incompetent officials, and that the 
 reform system was well adapted to a Bureau of this kind. This is manifest 
 from the previous experience of the Census Bureau itself, as well as from an 
 examination of the methods pursued in the taking of statistics in the State of 
 Massachusetts, and from a comparison between the patronage and merit sys- 
 tems in the taking of the census in England and Scotland. 
 
 The defective results in the Census of 1870 were directly traceable to the 
 patronage system. Francis A. Walker, under whose supervision thi.s census, 
 as well as that of 1880, was taken, says in a publication of the American 
 Statistical Association (December, 1890) : " The local supervision of the cen.sus 
 in the Southern States was, by the defeat of Gen. Garfield's bill, thrown back 
 into the hands of the marshals of the United States courts. The whole battle 
 against the Garfield bill had been fought on the question of patronage. It was 
 for the purpose of retaining this large body of more or less lucrative appoint- 
 ments in the hands of the dotninant party that I he United States marshals 
 rallied at Washington during the winter of 1869 and 1870 to defeat the House 
 measure. They wanted to use these thousands of offices as a means of 
 strengthening their hands in their respective districts, to fight the Ku-Klux and 
 the illicit distillers, to build up the Kepublican party and consolidate the negro 
 vote, and, in general, this was precisely the use to which these oflSces were 
 put. The result was an enumeration which we know now, from indisput- 
 able evidence, to have been in many parts of several Southern States in- 
 adequate, partial, and inaccurate, often in a shameful degree." 
 
 The improvement produced by the elimination of partisanship from the 
 census is shown in the satisfactory results and general confidence in the Massa- 
 chusetts Bureau of Statistics. 
 
 If, then, tlie promise of the Kepublican platform had any significance at 
 all, it meant that the President would extend this competitive system to the 
 clerks of the Census Bureau when that Bureau should be established. Mr. 
 
170 CIVIL SERVICE BEPOEM. 
 
 Harrison, in concurring with and adopting the platform, distinctly made this 
 promise his own. 
 
 The President was solicited by the Civil Service Commissioners to cause a 
 i'ystem of competitive examinations to be adopted for the clerks in this office, 
 hut he declined to have this done. 
 
 The Act of March 1, 1889 (section 4) provides that the Secretary of the 
 iHtcrior shall, upon the recommendation of- the Superintendent of the Census, 
 •designate the number of supervisors, who are to be appointed by the President, 
 with the advice and consent of the Senate, and directs that " each supervisor 
 shall designate to the superintendent suitable persons, and with the consent of 
 the superintendent, shall employ such persons as enumerators within his dis- 
 trict, one for each subdivision, who shall be selected wholly with reference to 
 Jitness and without reference to fheir political party affiliations." It will thus be 
 seen that the Act itself endeavors to incorporate the principle underlying civil 
 •service reform, which is that in these subordinate non-political offices appoint- 
 ments shall go by merit and not by political favor. If this provision had been 
 fully enforced, complaints of the partisan character of the census could not be 
 justly made ; but, unfortanately, the supervisors were themselves appointed 
 upon political considerations and the result was that the appointment of enu- 
 merators was a matter of political patronage. Republican Members of Congress 
 nominated great numbers. The great mass of officials, clerks, supervisors and 
 enumerators came from the Republican party. 
 
 The Census Bureau was openly used as a political machine. The following 
 ■circular letter speaks for itself : 
 
 Office of Stjpeevisob of Census for the Eleventh District op Ne^w York. 
 
 October 28, 1890. 
 
 To ~ Census Enumerator, 
 
 Post-office , County of . 
 
 Mr Dear Sir- As it is of the utmost importance tliat a Republican member of Congress be 
 •elected in this district, I shall feel ,^f^sonally obliged if, on the day of the election, you will 
 work especially for Benjamin H. Williams, the Republican candidate. 
 
 Very truly yonre, 
 
 SrLAS J. DOUGLABS. 
 
 Enumerators were used to get lists of voters for Republican committee men. 
 Mr. Merrill Moores, a member of the Republican Central Committee at Indiana- 
 polis, wrote : " I asked one or two of them in very bad districts to give rm a list 
 of the voters far their districts." 
 
 The following is a copy of a letter from Congressman Raines to one of the 
 ■enumerators appointed in his district : 
 
 Mt Dear Sin— 1A s it is quite likely that you will in a few days be appointed enumerator for 
 your district, I write yon this ivi the strictest i;onfldence. I would like very much that you 
 should take the trouble, before you make your report to the Supervisor of the Census, and 
 after you havo taken all the n.imef in your district, to copy in a small book the name and post- 
 ojfice address of every voter on the list. After you have done so, I wish you to send the book to 
 me at Oanandaigua. I ask you to do this as a personal favor, and to make no mention of the 
 matter to any nne. What I nant i." a. full list of all the vot-ers in your enumeration district. 
 Win you please treat this matter as strictly confldetital f 
 
 Very truly yours. 
 
PUBSIDENT HAKRiaCNS BBCOUD. 171 
 
 The Aotof March 1, 188::», requires that each enumerator shall subscribe an 
 ■oath t?Mt lie will riot disclose any information contained in tfie scheduUi, lists or 
 ttatements, to any person or persons except to his superior officers ; and section 13 
 provides thai if he shall, without the authority of the Superintendent of the 
 Census, communicate to any person or pr«-^ons not authorized to receive the 
 same any information gained by him in the performance of his duty, he shall 
 be guilty of a misdemeanor, and upon conviction shall be fined not exceeding 
 $500. If enumerators were allowed to remain ignorant of this law, the Super- 
 intendent of the Census deserves the greatest censure ; if they were permitted 
 to violate it willfully, he is an accessory to a crime. 
 
 Undoubtedly the worst effects of the patronage system of nppointments were 
 seen in the City of New York. One C. H. Murray, a Republican politi- 
 tician, was made Supervisor of the Census of that city. The following circu- 
 lar letter from him, which has I)een many times published withoiu question of 
 authenticity, shows the manner in which enumerators were selected : 
 
 "DbabSib— Yoa will please forward to this office a list of the applicants that the Republi- 
 can organization of your district desires to have named as census enumerators. The list must 
 be sent here on or before April 1." 
 
 Of this method of appointment. President Walker, of the Massachusetts 
 Institute of Technology, who was Superintendent of the Ninth and Tenth 
 Censuses, says : " If the selection of the enumerators was made upon any such 
 basis as is implied by that, the census could not have been otherwise than 
 bad." Such a method is a direct violation of Section 5 of the Act providing 
 for the present census, which prescribes that enumerators " shall be selected 
 solely with reference to fitness, and without reference to their political party 
 affiliations." Such a method is also a violation of the Supervisor's oath of 
 office. 
 
 It is evident enough that among men thus appointed there must have been 
 manj' who were utterly unfit f(.)r the work. And it is not surprising that 
 among these men Police Inspector Byrnes should recognize well-known 
 criminals. ]\lr. Byrnes states : "I know that some of the enumerators in this 
 city were thieves. This very morning one of these enumerators came here to 
 call upon me. He hail been three times an inmate of the State Prison. He 
 was appointed upon the recommendation of a Republican judge. The thief's 
 name is known to all the city detectives, and his picture occupies a prominent 
 place in the Roguo's Gallery. He did not take the oath in his own name, and 
 bis dealings with the Census Bureau wei'e under an alias.'' The danger of 
 employing such men as census enumerators is very evident. Private houses 
 were opened to them with the understanding that the Government was satisfied 
 with their trustworthiness. 
 
 The inaccuracy of the census taken in the City of New York first 
 became apparent from an examination of the Vital Statistics prepared by the 
 Health Department of that city. Very few persons who have been residents 
 of the metropolis during the last ten years can question the improved sanitary 
 condition of the oitj The direct supervision of the plumbing, drainage and 
 ventilation of new houses under the laws of 1879 and 1881. afiEecting about six 
 thousand tenement-houses and many other dwellings constructed since that 
 time, the almost total demolition of vaults and cesspools throughout the city. 
 
]72 CIVIL SKBVICB REFORM. 
 
 and the more rigid contft)! of contagious diseases, led to the belief that the 
 death-rate had considerably decreased. 
 
 But by the Federal census the general death-rate has advanced from 27.44 
 per cent, to 37.54 per cent., so that we have the startling coincidence of an 
 improved sanitary condition and an increased death-rate. If the Federal 
 census were true, there was also a considerable increase of the percentage of 
 registered voters and of names in the City Directory in proportion to the popu- 
 lation. 
 
 These things led to the belief that the count was inaccurate ; and the police 
 authorities, by order of the Mayor, had the population of the city re-counted. 
 The result showed a population of nearly 300,000 greater than that shown by 
 the Federal enumeration, and the Mayor accordingly asked the Census Bureau 
 forare-count. This was not granted. The request was then made to the Secre- 
 tary of the Interior ; and the books containing the names as taken by the police 
 authorities were sent to Washington, where Mr. Kenny, their custodian, offered 
 to the Secretary of the Interior to take them for his inspection to any place the 
 Secretary might designate, and to keep them there for comparison with the Fed- 
 eral schedules as long as might be necessary, the books still remaining in Mr. 
 Kenny's custody. The Secretary refused to receive them unless they were ab- 
 solutely surrendered to the exclusive custody of the Federal authorities, which 
 Mr. Kenny was not authorized to do. The New York authorities, considering it 
 impracticable to procure copies of the entire Federal enumeration, which would 
 involve vast expense, determined to take one of the wards of the city and make 
 the necessary comparison, and a copy of the Federal, enumeration in the Second 
 Ward was demanded, this being one of the smallest wards in the city, and one 
 in which the comparisen could be most easily made. A copy of the Federal 
 list for the Second Ward was furnished. It contained 826 names, and 8 of 
 these were found upon inquiry to belong to the First "Ward. The police 
 enumeration for the Second AVard contained 1,340 names, a differeuce of 414, or 
 more than 4"! per cent, above the Federal enumeration. 
 
 The New York authorities now procured from the persons whose names ap- 
 peared in the police enumeration, but who had been omitted from the census, 
 affidavits showing their residence in that ward on the 1st of June last. Affidavits 
 were furnished showing the residence of some 328 of these pereons. A com 
 parison of the two lists shows that a very large number of the residents of this 
 ward were omitted in the federal enumeration. For instance, in the two squares 
 bounded by Broadway, John, Nassau and Liberty streets, there were no less 
 than twelve houses wholly omitted from the census, in which it appears, both 
 from the police reports and by the affidavits, that there were Ihirty-eight per- 
 sons residing on the 1st of June. 
 
 John Kiernan, the enumerator of this district, who secured his appointment 
 through the " regular channel," as an em oiled Republican of the Third Assembly 
 District, had lost some of his schedules ; they had been lying somewhere around 
 the house, but he could not find them. In this he was corroborated by the other 
 members of the family, who said they had looked everywhere around the house, 
 but that these schedules could not be found. 
 
 Nothing more seems necessary to show the untrustworthiness of a census 
 taken by a man appointed through ihe "regular channels" of political 
 machinery. 
 
PKBSIDENT hahhison's eecohd 173 
 
 As the enumerators in New York City were appointed through the machin- 
 erj of the. Republican party, and as the city liad a large Democratic majority 
 and the result appeared to be an underestimate of the population, it seemaclciir 
 that the error was intentionally made for the purpose of reducing the represen- 
 tation of New York in Congress. 
 
 Indeed, there is strong reason to doubt the completeness of the enumeration 
 made, not only in New York City, but throughout the entire country. Numer- 
 ous corrections and additions have been made ; and, in cases where a recount 
 was ordered, the enumeration was sometimes found to be greatly defective. 
 Thus Mulmomah County, Oregon, had a recount, the result of which showed 
 a population of 75,657, whereas the first enumeration gave only 61,000. In 
 several other cases, the enumeration was found to be inco7nplete when com- 
 pared with the results of subsequent recounts by the local authorities. For 
 instance, in the City of St. Louis over 13,000 names, and in Augusta, Ga., 
 4,150 (or over 12}^ per cent, of the whole), appeared to have been omitted. Of 
 course there is always a question which of the two enumerations is the more 
 trustworthy, where two have thus been made ; but since the total result falls 
 far short of what is to be expected from the statistics of emigration, vital 
 statistics, and other evidences of growth, it is not unfair to presume that in 
 muny places where the first returns are still uncoirected they arc probably 
 inaccurate and unreliable. 
 
 The bulletin of October 30, 1890. announces that the population of the 
 United States was 62,480,540. In this bulletin the Superintendent of the 
 Census considered it necessary to explain this result: 
 
 Upon their face these figures show that the population has increased hetween 1880 and 1890 
 only 727,.346 more than hetween 1870 and 1880, while the rate of increase has apparently dimin- 
 ished from 30.08 to 24.57 per cent. If these figures were derived from coiTect data, they would 
 indeed be disappointing. Such a reduction in the rate of increase, in the face of the enormous 
 immigration during the past ten years, would argue a great diminution in the fecundi' y of the 
 population or a corresponding increase in its death-rate. 
 
 These figures are, however, easily explained. It is well known, the fact having been de- 
 monstrated by extensive and thorough investigation, that the Census of 1870 was grossly deficient 
 in the Southern States, so much so as not only to give an exaggerated rate of increase of popu- 
 lation between 1870 and 1880 in these States, but to affect materially the rate of the increase of 
 the country at large. 
 
 There is of course no means of ascertaining accurately the extent of these omissions, but in 
 all probability they amounted to not less than 1,600,000. There is but little question that the 
 population of the United Statesin 1870 was at least 40,000,000 instead of 38,568,371, as stated. 
 If this estimate of the extent of the omissions in 1870 be correct, the absolute increase between 
 1870 and 1880 was only about 10,000,000, and the rate of increase was not far from 25 per cent. 
 These figures compare much more reasonably with similar deductions from the population in 
 1880and 1890. 
 
 The superintendent therefore justifies his own figures by assuming that the 
 omissions in the Census of 1870 were not less than 1,500,000. He evidently sees 
 that, linless this can be established, the results of the present census will be dis- 
 credited. But in this explanation Mr. Porter makes no mention of the great 
 increase of immigration in the past decade,— some two and one-half millions 
 greater than in either of the preceding ten-year periods. This would make a 
 difference of some 3}4 per cent. ; and Francis A. Walker, who superintended 
 the taking of the Ninth and Tenth Censuses, showed very clearly, in an address 
 
174 CIVIL SERVICE KEFORM. 
 
 delivered before the National Academy of Science at Loston on November 11, 
 that a discrepancy of 1,500.000 in the Census of 1870 could not exist. That 
 there were inaccuracies was not denied ; but these losses occurred in districts 
 where the colored people greatly outnumbered the whites, and where they had 
 no regular abodes and often no family names. The percentage of growth in 
 the whole country by decades and by periods of 20 and 30 years is as follows : 
 
 Census. 10-Tear Period. 
 
 1800 31-'' 
 
 1810 86.3 
 
 1830 38.1 
 
 1830 33.5 
 
 1840 83.8 
 
 1850 35.8 
 
 1880 86.8 
 
 1870 ■ •■■: 3-6 
 
 1880 30-'^ 
 
 1890 2-4.6 
 
 The percenlage of increase in the colored population (^where the Census of 
 1870 was defective) Is as follows : 
 
 Taking the twenty years' periods, these show a constant decline in the 
 percenlage of increase of the colored people. 
 
 From 1860 to 1880 the fall is from 54.6 to 48.1 per cent. Now, if the 
 Census of 1870 be omitted and the ratio in that year be fixed at the higher 
 figure, the number of colored people would be 5,6i4,505. If the lower ratio, 
 48.1, be taken, the number would be 5,390.894. If the 30 years' period be 
 adopted, the extremes to be followed were 90.7 for 1860 and SO.S for 1880. If 
 the foiTuer be taken, the number of colored people In the country in 1870 
 would have been 5,489,196. If the latter figure be taken, the number would 
 be 5,306,993. The real figures could hardly have been higher than one of these 
 estimates. The Census of 1870 returned the colored population at 4,880,009. 
 The true colored populatien, if the census be omitted, must have been between 
 the limits of 5,306,993 and 5,634,505. Taking either of these figures, the 
 Inaccuracy of the Censu.i of 1870 would be less than one-half of the one and 
 one-half million which A{r. Porter claims, and the figures derived from the 
 present census remain still unexplained. 
 
 In the face of the iu&ccuracies conceded and the omissions proved, it is far 
 more likely that the present census is incomplete than that there has been tho- 
 
PRESIDENT HAURIBON'S RECORD. 17& 
 
 great diminution in the fecundity af the population or a corresponding increase 
 in its death-rate which its figures i.ecessarily imply. 
 
 The result of this political census has been thoroughly discredited every- 
 where. 
 
 In his Inaugural President Harrisan declared : "Beads of departments, bu- 
 reaus, artd other public offices liating any duty connected therewith, will be expected 
 to enforce the Oivil Service law fuUy fi,nd without evasion. Beyond this obvious 
 duty I hope to do something more to advance the reform of the Oivil Service." 
 How far, then, jias President Harrison enforced the law ? 
 
 The Civil Service Commission, whose duty it is to enforce it, is composed 
 of three members, two of whom must belong to opposite political parties. 
 When the present administration came into power, Charles Lyman, a Repub- 
 lican, was the sole acting commissioner. Mr. Harrison then appointed Theo- 
 dore Roosevelt, a Republican, and Gov. Hugh S. Thompson, a Democrat, a 
 man who had been selected for the place by Mr. Cleveland before he went out 
 of office. These were excellent men who determined to enforce the law im- 
 partially, so far as they had the power. They could see that examinations 
 were fairly conducted, and they did. But they could not remove any officer 
 who violated the law, they could not personally conduct prosecutions, they 
 could merely mvestigate, report and recommend. The rest lay with the 
 President, the cabinet officers and their subordinates, and these have utterly 
 failed in many important instances to sustain the Commission in their efforts. 
 
 The Baltimore Post-Oeficb. 
 
 Take for example the Baltimore Post-office, a classified office, one of the 
 kind referred to in the President's letter to Mr. Foulke, quoted above. 
 
 Section 11 of the law provides that no officer, clerk or employee in the 
 executive service shall directly or indirectly solicit or receive, or be concerned 
 in soliciting or receiving, any assessment, subscription or contribution for any 
 political purpose whatever, from any other officer or employee. Section 12 
 provides that no person shall solicit political contributions in a Federal room 
 er public building. 
 
 Section 14 provides : 
 
 "That no officer, clerk, or other person in the service of the United States shall, directly 
 or Indirectly, give or hand over to any other officer, clerk, or person in the service of the 
 United States, or to any Senator or Member of the House of Representatives, or Territoiial 
 Delegate, any money or other valaable thing on account of or to be applied to the promotion of 
 any political object whatever." 
 
 Section 15 declares : 
 
 " That any person who shall be guilty of violating any provision of the four foregoing sec- 
 tions shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and shall, on conviction thereof, be punished 
 by a fine not exceeding five thousand dollars, or by imprisonment for a term not exceeding 
 three years, or by such fine and imprisimment both, in the discretion of the Court." 
 
 General Rule 1, adopted, and approved by the President, to carry out these 
 provisions, is as follows : 
 
 "Any officer in the executive civil service who shall use his official authority or influence 
 for the purpose of interfering with an election or controlling the result thereof ; or who shall 
 dismiss, or cause to be dismissed, or use inflnence of any kind to procure the dismissal of any 
 
176 CIVIL SEKVICE REFORM. 
 
 person from any place ia the said service, tiecaase such person has refused to be coerced in hia 
 political action, or lias refused to contribute money for political purposes, or has refused to 
 render political service ; and any officer, clerk, or other employee in the executive civil service, 
 who shall willfully violate any of tliese rnJes, or any of the provisions of sections 11, 13, 13 and 
 14 of the act entitled 'An act to regulate and improi e the civil service of the Unitud States,' 
 approved January 16, 1883, shall be dismissed from ojtc^.''' 
 
 How were tliese provisions observed at the Baltimore Post-office ? 
 
 Commissioner Roosevelt heard that this office was being used to influence 
 a primary election on March 30, 1891, and he went to Baltimore personally to 
 investigate the matter. His report contains the following : 
 
 " The primaries held on March 30, were marked by a very hitter contest between two 
 factions of the Republican party. One of these factions was generally known m the news- 
 papers, as well as among its own supporters and opponents, who took part in the primary 
 election, as the 'Johnson crowd,' or ' Johnson-Airey faction,' Mr. Johnson being the 
 postmaster and Mr. Airey the marshal in Baltimore. The other faction was known, simUarly, 
 ae the 'Henderson faction,' or * Henderson-Stone faction,' Messrs. Henderson and Stone 
 having been, respectively, candidates for appointment to the positions of postmaster and 
 marshal. The 'Johnson-Airey' people claimed to represent the Administration. This Vte 
 ' Henderson-Stone ' people stoutly denied, asserting that they were as loyal to the Adminis- 
 tration as their opponents. It was evident, however, that many of the witnesses on both yides 
 used the term 'administration' merely as synonymous with ' ofBce-holders.' * + * 
 There were side issues that complicated the struggle somewhat, but in its essence it was, with- 
 out doubt, mainly a fight between the office-holders on om* side and the disappointed office- 
 seekers on the other ; tliiS 'Johnson-Airey' men represeuting the former, and the 'Hender- 
 son-Stone ' the latter. * -* * 
 
 " As a whole the contest was marked by great fraud and no little violence. Acci:£ations 
 of ballot-box stuffing were freely made, with much appearance of justification. A number of 
 fights took place. In many wards there were .'Cveral a/rests. In one or two cases, so many 
 men were arrested that the police patrol wagous could not accommodate them. In several 
 cases the judges of the election were themselvou among those arrested. 
 
 As to the post-office and marshal's office, Mr. Roosevelt reports : 
 
 " The evidence seems to be perfectly cle^r that both of these offices were used with the 
 purpose of interfering with or controlling the result of the primary election and that there was 
 a systematic, though sometimes indirect, effort made to assess the government employees, in 
 both, for political purposes." 
 
 " The only two deputy marshals examined, Messrs. Biddleman and Suhzer, both confessed 
 that they had collected money for political purposes from other office-holders, in defiance of the 
 law, and that they took a very active part at the polls. It seems clear 1rom the testimony of 
 these two deputy marshals, and of Mr. McAllister, as well as incidentally from the testimony of 
 some of the other witnesses, that the marshal's office was used, apparently by or with th,e 
 conecnt of the marshal himself, to influence the election. 
 
 + * + + v* + * 
 
 "In the post office I examined a number of employees from the Third, Fifth, Sixth, 
 Seventh, Eighth, Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Sixteenth Wards Judging from the testimony 
 of these witnesses, it appears that in each ward the Republican appointees in the pcst-oflice, 
 whether in the classified or the unclassified service, either belonged to the ward club of the 
 Johnson-Airey faction or shortly before the primary election effected some sort of orsanization 
 of their own. A few days before the election these office-holders of each ward met together to 
 talk over the plans for the primaries and to raise money therefor. Judging from the testimony, 
 it appears that the bulk of the money to defmy the expenses of the Johnson faction at the 
 primary was raised amonir the office-holders themselves. Apparently most of the post-office 
 people -^abscnbed from $3 to Sli) apiece. Sometimes the money was paid under cover of club dnes, 
 or nominally for the purchase of a pool table, or for a banquet. The Democrats in the post-office 
 took no part in this ; but it appears that a great majority of the men appointed since Mr. John- 
 sou was made postmaster are connected with the Republican ward organizations, and these 
 did take an active part. 
 
PKESIDENT HARBISON'S RECORD. 177 
 
 " In the Thlra Ward there arc said to be some ronrteeu oflce-hoiaers, most of whom. took a 
 more or less active part in preparing for or managing tils primary. About half of them met 
 hefore election in the Pairmonnt Eepublican Club. They there raised $5 apiece to pay the ex- 
 penses of the Jolmson-Airy faction at the primary, and paid the money to one Henry Martin, 
 one of their own number, a letter carrier. 
 
 " In the Eighth Ward substantially all of the Eepublican appointees in the post-oflce and 
 marshal's office took part by raising money for the primaries and afterwards attempting to con- 
 trol them in the interest of the Johnson-Airey faction. The money for defraying the expenses 
 of the Johnson-Airey faction at the primaries in this, the Eighth Ward, was raised almost solely 
 from among the office- holders above mentioned, Mr. Tweddle collecting it from Birmingham, 
 Richardson, Hamill, Holtz, and Ferine, and paying it over to Sultzer, who received it and 
 expended it, 
 
 * * * ie ^ ^ ^ if 
 
 "In the Sixth Ward the office-holders in the post-offlce, and to a certain extent in the 
 marshal's oflQce and custom-house, were also fully cri^anized in the Johnson-Airey interest. 
 About eighteen of them met a few days prior to the primary in the house of C. Q. Smith, a letter 
 carrier, to perfect their arrangements, and raise funds to pay the political expenses of their 
 faction. Through some oversight a Henderson man from the custom-house, one Kimball, was 
 present, but paid nothing. The letter carrier, C. G. Smith, William Fensley, a cnstom-housa 
 employee, and Edward Biddleman, a deputy marshal, were appointed to receive the funds and 
 to expend them and actually did so. 
 
 it ^ % it. it t it it 
 
 "In my opinion, therefore, all the following governmental employees should be dismissed 
 from office for violating sections 11 to 14 of the Civil Service Law : Edward Biddleman and Will- 
 iam H. H. Sultzer, of the Marshal's office ; John Fensley and W. H. Ray, of the customs s^^rvice; 
 John A. Bell, James Wilson, William H. Mitchell, James L. Webber, Eobert F. Eeed, Hen ly Mar- 
 tin, Henry Glass, Louis E. Qladfelter, John B. Tweddle, Charles G. Smith, Charles W. Hamill, 
 George 0. Holtz, T. Birmingham, Joshua N. Richardson, Edward Ferine, Erwin Eoutz, Oscar 
 W. Gibson, H. L. Theiss, John Bond, Daniel Phelps, and Noah Pierson. 
 
 " In connection with the conduct of the post-offlce employees, J. Philip Sindall, William 
 Root, W. E. Allerdice, James H. Biddle, and Joseph Solomon, J. Fosler, Samuel M. Armstrong, 
 Charles Och, J. S. Shields, J. W. McCormick, J. W. Boulden, who, together with the gentle- 
 men named above, took part in arranging for and manipulating the primaries, working openly 
 as challengers, etc., at the polls, I desire to direct attention to section 480, of the Postal Regula- 
 tions, still in force, which reads in part as follows : 
 
 "The iuduence of Federal office-holders should not be felt in the manipulation of pohtical 
 primary meetings. * * * * ITie foregoing regulai ion has peculiar application to 
 postmasters." 
 
 " Postmaster W. W. Johnson has been in office a little over a year. During that time 
 about fifty per cent, of the classified force has been changed. In the non-classifled and ex- 
 cepted places, and the places to which he appoints by virtue of his being custodian of the 
 post-office building, some sixty in all, a nearly clean sweep has been made. 
 
 " It is evident, from the testimony, that the non-classifled service in the Baltimore post- 
 office, as is the case with the non-clapsilled service in almost every patronage office, was treated 
 as a bribery chest from which to reward influential ward workers who were usef nl or likely 
 to be useful to the faction in power. 
 
 it * ****** 
 
 " Mr. Johnson has fllled the entire unclassified and half the classified service with Repub- 
 lican ward workers, and has permitted the post-office to be turned into a machine to influence 
 primary elections. Doubtless, unless checked, it will be similarly used as a machine to influ- 
 ence the course of state and national elections." 
 
 These were the statements contained in the report of an upright Republican 
 
 official. Copies of this report were sent on August 4, 1891, by direction of the 
 
 Civil Service Commission, to the President, to Postmaster General Wan- 
 
 amaker, to Mr. Foster, Secrelary of the Treasury, and to Mr. Milk-r, Attorney 
 
 12 
 
J 78 CIVIL SERVICE KBPOBM. 
 
 General. Althougli the report was delivered in person by L. C. Westerfleld. 
 one of the clerks of the Commission, at the Department of Justice and at the 
 Treasury (Report of Civil Service '^omm'^tee to House of Representatives, 52d 
 Congress, Report No. 1669, page 59), the Attorney General stated that he never 
 knew anything of it until nine months after vphen the matter was investigated 
 by Congress. The Solicitor General had never looked upon the testimony as 
 calling for action ! (Id., pp. 40, 41). Secretary Foster says, ''upon inquiry at 
 the Department I find that probably, about the time this report was printed, a 
 copy wa-i sent to the Department. It so happened that I never saw it and we 
 cannot find it at the Department." (Id., p. 18.) 
 
 Postmaster General Wanamaker, however, saw the copy which was sent 
 to him. One would suppose that such a report would call for energetic action, 
 not only by the Department of Justice, whose duty it was to prosecute the 
 ■oilenders and dismiss the marshal and his guilty subordinates, but also by the 
 Postmaster-General, to whose department most of the culprits belonged. But 
 not a single one of tjiese violators of the laws was removed or punished for his 
 misconduct. 
 
 On April 19, 1893, the House erf Representatives instructed its Select Com- 
 mittee on Civil Service R form to inquire whether these men were still in office 
 or whether any of them had been prosecuted. 
 
 Mr. Wanamaker admitted to the Committee (id., p. 2), that they were all 
 still in the Government service, and that none had been indicted. He had 
 another investigation made by some post-oilice inspectors of his own, months 
 after the occurrences in question. 
 
 After much delay the Committee succeeded in getting this report from the 
 Postmaster-General. The testimony submitted with it (extracts from which 
 are given at great length in the report of the Civil Service Committee, pp. 66 
 to 74), shows that in spite of their efEorts to screen themselves, the bulk of the 
 men found guilty by Roosevelt had again confessed the same Olegal acts. Of 
 this report Roosevelt declares : 
 
 " Hitherto I have accepted the statement of the Postmaster-General that these men had 
 afterwards in the inyestigation conducted by his Depnrtment, denied the truth o( the state- 
 ments they had made to me, and stated that they were not guilty. I have now read over and 
 analyzed the testimony taken in tbis secoij^ investigation, and submitted by the Postmaster- 
 General, and evidently the Postmaster-General cannot have read it before deciding on his action, 
 becauf.e this testimony itself, taken by his own inFpectors, establishes beyond shadow of doubt 
 the guilt of at least two-thirds of the men whose removal I recommended. In fact, the state- 
 ments and admissions before the investigators of the Post-office Department are in many cases 
 even more damaging than the original statements made to me. 
 
 "In the remaining cases, where the parties attempt to deny their guilt, what I said at my 
 last appearance before this Committee holds true now. When the facts where fresh in their 
 minds the witnesses testified against their own interest, and this testimdny cannot be upset by 
 their statements in their own interest made six months after the event. The recommendations 
 in the report relied on by the Postmaster-General are not borne out even by the testimony on 
 which it professes to be based. If the investigation in which this testimony was taken had been 
 made with the deliberate intent of shielding the accused, covering up their wrongdoin", and 
 tempting them to perjure themselves, so that the office could be cleared from the effects of their 
 former truthful confessions, it would have been managed precisely as it actually was managed. 
 I have known of several of these investigations by post-offlce inspectors before, but, as it hap- 
 pens, I have nevei- known of any such investigation that was carried on as this one was, the 
 accused being represented by counsel and given every opportunity to couooet with their com 
 rades in guilt some false story that would hold water. 
 
PKEi3IDBNT HARRISON'S RKCOKD. 179 
 
 * 
 
 It is no wonder that the Gommittee of the House of Representatives, in com- 
 menting upon Mr. Wanamaker's testimony, declared : 
 
 "Prom a statement of tlie Postmaster-General, it appears that lie did not dismiss the par- 
 ties charged with the violation, of the law on the following inconsistent and contradictory 
 grounds : 
 
 (1) The testimony of the men given before the Civil Service Commission was not fairly re- 
 ported, the examiners frequently answering their own questions and having the answers taken 
 down as if given by the wilnesses. The questions a--ked were leading, and the men were not 
 allowed to explain nor to have the assistance of counsel, 
 
 (3) The men were not under oath, hence, acknowledgments of guilt were not reliable and 
 presumably required corroboration. 
 
 (3) The men mado no acknowledgments of guilt. 
 
 (4) The men denied under oath the acknowledgments they had made. 
 
 (5) The men did not violate the law. The coatributions proved to have been made were to 
 pay the expenses of a primary election and therefore not within the prohibition of the law, 
 and in this he says he is confim-ed by the opinion of the Assistant Attorney-General for the 
 Post-ofilce Department. 
 
 (6) And finally, that the men being innocent have been sufficiently puuished by having 
 charges made against them. 
 
 The conclusion of this committee was as follows : 
 
 "We thciefove And that the report of the Civil Service Commission, recommending the 
 removal of certain employees in the Post-ofiBice at Baltimore was well founded, that the Post- 
 master at Baltimore has not removed any of these parties, substantially by direction of the 
 Postmaster-Generai ; that the report of the inspectors upon which they were retained is unsup- 
 ported by the evidence taken by tbemselres, and indicates either complete ignorance of the 
 provi.-lons of the Civil Service Law or a determination that in this particular case their violation 
 should not be punished." 
 
 The key to this disgraaefal business is found in the fact; that at the Minrve- 
 apolis Convention, Postmaster Johnson led a club from Baltimore, and that he 
 and his lawhreaJcing subordinates were among the most active and influential of 
 the supporters of Harrison for renomination. 
 
 Other Unlawful CoNTKrBiiTiONs. 
 
 In many other cases contributions were shamelessly demanded from office- 
 holders in plain violation of law and no man has been punished for it, 
 
 Daniel Grosvenor, a brother of Congressman Grosvenor, held oflSce in the 
 Treasury Department, was a member of the Ohio Republican Association 
 where he made a speech at an office-holders' meeting declaring that any man 
 who would not pay money for the support of the party which gives him his 
 bread and butter ought to be turned out, and proposed a plan for evading the 
 Civil Service law which was to have every clerk notified to call at the City Post- 
 office and get a letter which would be a demand for money from his club. 
 
 Samuel R. Strattan is President of the State Republican Associations, and 
 has a clerkship at the Capitol. Strattan comes from Pennsylvania and made a 
 full statement in regard to his own State : 
 
 " Have you lists prepared from your own State of the voters employed in the various 
 departments, and are the State organizations similarly provided ? 
 
 " Yes, we have a roster showing every man, woman and child from the State of Pennsyl- 
 vania employed m the government service. To-night this roster will be overhauled, and the 
 faithful will be checked with a blue mark. The Ajubtful men and pretenders, and the fellows 
 who hide behind the civil service will be checked in red. 
 
180 CrVIL SERVICE REFOBM. 
 
 « 
 
 " The unfaithful will be known ? 
 
 " Every man. He will be marked. I ought not to give this away, but there are a few of 
 onr people who have lost their legal residence In the States, who have been formed into a sort 
 of vigilance committee to keep watch on the stragglers and report them after election. 
 
 " Are all the associations on the alert in this particular ? 
 
 '* So far as I know no guilty man will be allowed to escape, and the appointing power of 
 the government will he obliged to take cognizance of this report after the election is over." 
 
 The blackmailing of government employees went on two vears ago, and is 
 going on to-day, 
 
 Pension Bueeatj. 
 
 Another illustration of the manner in which the Civil Service reform 
 law has heen enforced hy the present Administration is furnished hy the 
 Pension Bureau. The general shortcomings of the office under Mr. Eaum 
 are elsewhere set forth. It will he sufScient, here, to refer to Raum's 
 prostitution of a public oflSce for political and partisan purposes. In 
 the' Fifty-first Congress, Hon. George W. Cooper, a member from Indiana, 
 introduced a resolution to investigate the Pension Office, and conducted the 
 investigation himsejf. He was renominated for Congress, his competitor 
 being J. Gr. Dunbar, a Republican. The' custom had long prevailed in 
 the office to call up pension cases out of their regular order, upon what 
 was called a congressional slip, signed by a member of Congress. The 
 case, if found completed, was carried forward for adjudication. This 
 rule gave the friends of Congressmen special advantages. Claimants were 
 very active in pushing their cases in this manner. The proceeding involved 
 great favoritism, and it has since been abolished ; but this favoritism was 
 extended to all members of Congress of both parties, as the represeatatives 
 of the people within their respective districts. It was left for Mr. Raum to 
 extend it to Republican nominees for Congress, whether elected or not. Mr. 
 Raum took particular interest in the case of Mr. Cooper, whom he desii-ed to 
 defeat. He visited Cooper's district and made speeches against him. While he- 
 was in Indiana one Morgan, a pension attorney, sent out postal cards to 
 claimants requesting Ihem to meet Mr. Raum when lie came to Bloomington 
 (Report of Select Committee, page 38), and Raum sent to Andrew Davidson, 
 Acting Commissioner of Pensions, while he was away on his campaigning tour 
 ths following letter : 
 
 Ikdianapolis, Ind,, October 25, 1890. 
 
 Mr Dear Sib— Mr. Wiek will send you a number of slips from the Hon. Mr. Dunbar^ 
 candidate for Cougreee. I met many of the claimants ; they seemed to be very worthy an* 
 needy men. Please have Mr. Scudder and others answer all these slips by Tuesday evening 
 next^ so as to advise the claimants of the status of their claims. 
 
 In great haste. 
 
 Very truly yours. 
 
 Green B. Kaum. 
 
 Mr. Raum being examined upon this subject testified : 
 
 " Q. Did you know whether this private citizen (Dunbar) had ever authorized Wiek to act 
 in his behalf ? A. Well, I stopped at Indianapolis, and I was received there by a number of 
 prominent Republicans. ... As is common I called upon the State Central Committee, 
 and had si/mi; conversation with them. . I met llr. Wiek, I think, at Indianapolis ; at all' 
 
 events I heard of it. It was suggested to me that Mr. Wiek was acting for the Comnuttee." 
 
PRESIDENT HAKRISON'S RECORD. 181 
 
 80 it appears that these special favors were given in Mr. Dunbar's district, 
 through a man appointed by the Republican Central Committee. Again ? 
 
 *'Q. I want to ask one question : If in extending this courtesy yon have euggested to candi- 
 dates for Congress does not practically nee the Pension Office as a means of securing votes t 
 A. The Pension Office is imiike any other office of the Government. 
 
 " Q. But, practically, is not that the result of this thing ? A. The Pension Office is the 
 place where there are 
 
 " Q. Will you let us know whether this is the practical effect of it or not f A. Let me 
 hear your question, and I will see if I can answer it. 
 
 (The stenographer read the question.) 
 
 "A. Well, gentlemen, I may state from what I see and understand, that the Instaimen- 
 talities that are put in operation there in the Pension Office by memhers of Congress, and other 
 prominent men, must largely be for the purpose of promoting their political ends. 
 
 ******** 
 
 " Q. I ask if you have ever extended the courtesy of the office, as you did in the case of 
 Mr. Dunbar, to any other than a Hepudtican running for o/fice ? A. I do not recollect as to 
 that, but I will look over that ; if I did so it was done by letter. 
 
 " Q. Well, as far as you recollect ? A. I do not recollect any." 
 
 (Eeport, Select Committee, page 30.) 
 
 R. A. Durham, a clerk in the office, testified : 
 
 *'The package that came along with the letter, or about the time that the letter did, that 
 was addressed to Colonel Davidson, probably had two or three hundred slips inclosed. I don't 
 think there were more than seventy-five of these slips answered in my division. . We 
 
 could not do it in the time specified. 
 
 " Q. What date was that ? A. The Tuesday before election in 1890. 
 
 " Q. If you could not get them dut on that day you understood the information would not 
 be of any value ? A. That was my inference. 
 
 "Q. Th6 rest went back into the files then ? A. Some answered Tuesday, some Wed- 
 nesday, and some not untU Thursday. 
 
 " Q. Quite a number you did not answer 1 A. Somewhere in the neighborhood of one to 
 two hundred ; yes, sir. 
 
 " Q. Did you ever get any further instructions to go on and answer the balance of those 
 calls 1 A. No, sir. 
 
 "Q. Did the Commissioner ever say anything about it, or communicate in relation to it 
 with you ? A. No, sir. 
 
 "Q. No one manifested any interest, after the election, in having those cases taken cais 
 of, that were called up on the call of Dunbar ? A. No, sir." 
 
 (Testimony before Select Committee, pages 1008, 1004.) 
 
 The conclusion is palpable. Raum wanted to beat Cooper and gave Dunbar, 
 his opponent, the privileges of the Pension Office. For the purpose of mailing 
 friends of the old soldiers he allowed Dunbar to call up their claims. At that 
 time it was the practice of the office, when claims were thus called up for status, 
 if they were found complete they were carried forward for adjudication. This 
 was all done just before election to get votes for Dunbar against Cooper. After 
 election neither Raum nor anyone else in the office cared anything for the 
 claims of these soldiers, and nothing furtber was done. 
 
 General Rule Number 1, adopted and approved by the President to carry 
 out the Civil Service laws, provides : 
 
 " That any officer in the executive civil service who shall use his official authority ot 
 influence for the purpose of interfering with an election or controlling the result thereof, shall 
 be dismissed from office." 
 
183 CIVIL SBBVICB KEPORM. 
 
 Yet, in spite of this prostitution of his oflicial place, confessed by the Com- 
 missioner himself, he still retains control of the Pension Bureau . 
 
 Thus has the President enforced the law and his own regulations made in 
 pursuance of its provisions. 
 
 It has been urged in Republican papers that the purpose of the Democratic 
 party was to attack the pension system, and that they proposed to begin by an 
 attack -jpon the administration of Raum. It will not be possible to hide tie 
 infamies of the present Pension Bureau by such a cry as this. The real friends 
 of the soldier are not those who suffer these scandals to go unrebuked, but 
 those who criticise and seek to correct them. The way to secure an honest dis- 
 tribution of pensions among the soldiers is, first, to eliminate dishonesty in 
 those who distiibute them, and the removal of Raum will be the earliest and 
 best means to accomplish this purpose . If Pension Commissioner Black had 
 been proved guilty of the outrageous acts which Raum has committed, it is safe 
 to say that he would not have been retained by President Cleveland another 
 hour. 
 
 Peomise to Repeal Conpltctlng Laws. 
 
 Another part of the promise in the Republican platform was this : " AJX 
 laws at variance ttiifh the object of existing reform legislation should be repealed." 
 This platform was written by George William Curtis. The object of the exist- 
 ing reform legislation was to secure an appointment and tenure of office com- 
 mensurate to the merit of the man appointed. So long as he did his duty 
 honestly and efficiently the object of this reform legislation was that he should 
 keep his place, and the act providing for a four years' term of office at which 
 time every office-holder, good or bad, was to be dropped was the legislation 
 referred to. " All laws at variance with the object of existing reform legisla- 
 tion should be repealed." The Republican party has been in power for four 
 years, for two years it has had control of the Senate, the House of Representa- 
 tives and the executive branch of the government, yet no bill has been passed 
 to repeal any law at variance with the reform legislation referred to in the plat- 
 form. There has been not the slightest pretence of even attempting to fulfill 
 this explicit promise of the platform. 
 
 Spirit and Pukpose op Reform Ignored. 
 Another declaration of the Republican platform is, " The spirit and pch- 
 
 POSB OF THE reform: SHOULD BE OBSERVED IN ALL BXECrTIVE APPOINT- 
 MENTS."' 
 
 This spirit and purpose was to make appointments depend upon proved 
 merit, and not upon political considerations. The law provided for a non- 
 partisan commission and for appointments upon competitive examination and 
 probation. Superior officers should neither appoint, promote, nor degrade any 
 employee in the classified service by reason of his political affiliations. The 
 purpose of this was to take these offices out of politics, and put them upon a 
 business basis. The spirit of this reform, as promised by the Republican 
 party, was to be extended to all executive appointments. Jlr. Harrison, in ac- 
 
PHESTDKNT HARKISON'S KBCORD. 183 
 
 cepting the nomination, declared his concurrence in this promise and added 
 " MCness, and not party service, should he the essential and discriminating test. 
 Ordy ihe interest of the public service should suggest removals from offlee-" How 
 far has this promise "been ohserved ? 
 
 The man who has tlie most extensive appointing power in the civil service 
 is the First Assistant Postmaster General. Into his hands are committed all 
 changes in fourth class postmasterships, not far from 50,000 in number. 
 Whom does the President select to do this work ? A man who will conform 
 to Civil Service reform principles ? who will make removals only when the 
 interest of the public service suggests it ? He appoints J. 8. Clarkson, a 
 politician of the same class as Quay, Piatt anfl Dudley. Mr. Clarkson has 
 declared in the most public manner, in his speeches (as at Boston), as well as 
 in published articles, his contempt for Civil Service reform. Men do not gather 
 grapes of thorns, nor figs of thistles, nor could the President hope for the 
 redemption of his promises by such an agent. Under Clarkson's adminis- 
 tration political executions went on at a more rapid rate than ever before, 
 and the entire service, including all desirable fourth class postmasterships, has 
 been substantially changed for political reasons. 
 
 Gen. Mahlon D. Manson, a veteran of two wars, as honest a man as ever 
 lived, had been appointed by Cleveland Collector at Terre Haute. Here is the 
 letter to Manson, written by the President : 
 
 "Mr. Eanedell informed me tiat you had taid to him that you would address me a letter 
 relieving me of a possible embarrassment connected with a change in the collector's office held 
 by yon, and I hare been expecting to hear from you. / do not null to make any official 
 request or suggestion to you, but a change cannot much longer be deferred, and my desire has 
 been that it might be made in a way as agreeable to you as possible. This is the object of this 
 personal note. Please inform me of your purpose." 
 
 Manson resigned. 
 
 Shortly after Mr. Harrison's inauguration he appointed Joel B. Erhart, a 
 Republican politician, Collector of the Port of New York. Erhart turned out 
 to be an efacient man and enforced the Civil Service regulations so faithfully 
 that the politicians were dissatisfied. But after a while he resigned and he 
 thus tells the reason of his resignation : 
 
 " I have resigned because the Collector has been reduced to a position where he is no 
 longer an independent officer, with authority commensurate with his responsibility. I have 
 given bonds tor $200,000. I have receiv(5d for the Government during the twcnly months last 
 past «332.697,135.40, and I am all the time personally responsible for enormous values in money 
 and merchandise. My duties are necessarily perforiiuid through about 1,500 employees. I am 
 not willing to be responsible for their conduct unless I can have proper authority over them. 
 The recent policy of the Treasury Department has been lo control the details of the customs 
 administration at the port of New York from Washington, at the dictation of a private indi- 
 vidual having no official responsibility. The Collector is practically deprived of power and 
 control, whiW he is left subject to all responsibility. The office is no longer independent and 
 I am. Therefore we have separated. " 
 
 The private individual referred to was Mr. Thomas C. Piatt, the Kepubli- 
 can boss of the State of New York, fo place of Erhart Mr. Harrison appointed 
 Mr. Fassett, Piatt's man. Collector. Fassett said when he was appointed that 
 he had no knowledge of the duties of the place. 
 
184 CIVIL SERVICE REFORM. 
 
 When Mr. Passett was sworn in he was presented with a San Domingo 
 cutlass, of barbaric origin and purpose emblematic of the spoils system, and 
 with the following legend : 
 
 This cutlass is an instrument of torture to be used in beheading Democrats. Use it quickly 
 and success is assured for the Republican party. 
 
 Kepublican directions ; Use daily, morning, noon and night, until every Democratic head is 
 severed. Sure cure for Democratic headache. 
 
 Fassett had scarcely taken the oath of office when he left the city to take 
 charge of the Piatt division in a quarrel in Chemung County. He soon resigned 
 the place to be candidate for Governor, for which office he was -defeated by a 
 large majority. 
 
 But not only has President Harrison removed efficient men ; he has con- 
 spicuously appointed those who were most unfit. 
 
 If the United States had been searched to find the most notoriously improper 
 man for the Chinese mission. Senator Blair would have been selected, after 
 competitive examination, as distancing the others. He had been rejected as 
 Senator by his own State after a career which had made him a butt for the 
 whole country, when the President, for no other reason than that he was out 
 of a job, appointed him as Minister to China, whose people he had assailed in 
 a brutal way peculiarly his own. China had the good sense to reject him. 
 
 Mr. Denby, the appointee of Mr. Cleveland, had filled the post so well that 
 all familiar with the facts sought his detention . 
 
 The appointment of Tanner, as Commissioner of Pensions was hardly a 
 fulfillment of the promises that " fitness and not party service, should be the 
 essential and discriminating test." No sooner was he established in office than 
 he began overruling decisions which he foimd and allowing any one a pension 
 who would take the trouble to ask it. 
 
 Tanner proceeded to mark up the rate of pensions according to his own 
 sweet will, say from ten to thirty dollars a month, and then pay the pensioner 
 the additional twenty dollars during the whole period he had been on the rolls. 
 Then Tanner's force devoted their energies to the re-rating of their own pen- 
 sions. Pensions of four dollars a month were re-rated to thirty and the 
 arrearage made up for all the years they had been on the roll. In one division, 
 five examiners had their pensions re-rated with arrears of from $1,500 to 
 $3,000 each. As Tanner was appointed in order to be liberal with the boys, 
 how could the President object ? The ro-rating of Senator Manderson's pen- 
 sion was peculiar. He was wounded In 1864 and granted a half pension In 
 1865. A clerk in the pension office named Squires, who was soon afterwards 
 discharged for gross misbehavior, took from the pigeon-holes the medical 
 certificate upon which Manderson's pension was granted, and Squires, to^-ether 
 with Tanner and one Carpenter, a medical referee, decided privately that 
 Manderson ought to have been granted a full pension in the beginning, for 
 total disability, $30 a month. Tliis gave Manderson four thousand dollars, 
 besides $15 a month additional during the rest of his life. Manderson had not 
 applied for a re-rating and knew nothing about the proceeding until he received 
 the check for the back pay. He was a lawyer and Senator and knew that he 
 had not been totally disabled. 
 
TRESIDENT HARRISON'S RECORD. 185 
 
 The performances of Tanner became more and more ridiculous as time 
 ■went on. The pension agent at Detroit applied for an increase of .si, 500 for 
 his allowance for office expenses. Tanner gave him $3,000. The agent 
 ■employed a new clerk and raised the salaries of the old ones. The vouchers 
 reached the Auditor at Washington and he refused them. The old clerks 
 failed to get the increased pay and the agent had to pay the new clerk out of 
 his own pocket or assess the old ones to make up the deficiency. Of course, 
 «ach paid his pro rata share. At last in a letter to the Commissioner, Secretary 
 Noble says : 
 
 " It may be that this Government is strong and great, and has at its command a surplus 
 'that no nation lias ever had ; but if sums of money to the amounts above mentioned may be 
 granted without further consideration of fact or law than seems to have been given in these 
 cases it will depend solely upon n sin2:le officer's disposition whether the resources of the 
 Government shall be sufficient for its maintenance or not. There are more than enough of 
 "these applications already in the tield and increasing daily to exhaust the purplue, of which so 
 much has been said in connection with this matter, and I ani informed that the applications 
 for re-ratings are greatly on the increase, and now reach the amount of from seven to eight 
 thonsand a week." 
 
 So Tanner had to go. 
 
 Major de la Hunt of the 26th Indiana was disabled by his wounds and was 
 •compelled to leave the army and return to his home, and, in the words of 
 President Harrison, then Senator, " It was not long until a sorrowing widow 
 and an only child followed the remains of as brave a soldier as ever went out 
 •of Indiana to his last resting place in the grave." His widow maintained her- 
 self and her boy ; she became the efficient deputy to her father, who was post- 
 master at Cannelton, and was afterwards appointed postmaster by President 
 Arthur. Cleveland had removed her and Harrison declared "If there was in 
 this country one person who. by reason of her sex, who, by reason of her 
 widowhood, who, by reason of the sacrifice which she had made in giving the 
 arm on which she leaned to her country's service, was entitled to be kept in 
 office, was entitled to have her reputation guarded zealously by the person who 
 represented the Government, it was Isabel de la Hunt.'' When Harrison came 
 in she applied for restoration. There was no question as to her efficiency, nor 
 ,«ny doubt as to the local sentiment in her favor. The office was given to John 
 Zimmerman, Chairman of the County Committee, whose claim to the place 
 was his party services. Let Harrison's own words uttered in the Senate 
 describe the act : "The story of Mrs. de la Hunt carries its own pathos and its 
 ■own indignation." 
 
 By the 30th of May the President had appointed to office his brother (Carter 
 Harrison), his father-in-law (Dr. John Scott), his son's father-in-law, the brother 
 of his son-in law (Prank McKee), the husband of his niece and the husband of 
 his wife's niece. 
 
 President Harrison's appointment of his relations is imitated by his subor- 
 dinates. The Commissioner of Indian Affairs appoints his wife as his secre- 
 tary ; so, too, the Superintendent of Indian Schools. Blaine selects his son 
 (for an important subordinate position in his department, and Tanner appoints 
 his daughter as private secretary, and Raum, Commissioner of Pensions, ap- 
 points Green B. Raum, Jr., with most disastrous results. 
 
186 OIVIL SERVICB KEFOKM. 
 
 Smiley N. Chambers was appointed by the President United States Dis" 
 trict Attorney for Indiana, to prosecute offenders against the law. His fitness- 
 for this oflace is shown by his declaration in regard to the famous Dudley let- 
 ter, " Divide the floaters into blocks of five, and put a trusted man, with neces- 
 sary funds, in charge of these five, and make him responsible that none get 
 away and all vote our ticket." Of this the public prosecutor, appointed by 
 Mr. flarrison, said in an interview in the Indianapolis Journal of December 
 13 : " The letters construed in the light of the knowledge that we all possess 
 of how elections in Indiana are conducted, by both parties, have nothing in 
 them of a criminal character ; but, on the other hand, when so construed, are- 
 honorable, and indicate simply a patriotic interest in the elections." 
 
 Eliot Sanford was appointed by Cleveland Chief Justice of the Supreme- 
 Court of Utah. On May 10, 1889, his resiguaJon was demanded. He asked 
 whether he had been accused of misconduct ; if charges were preferred against 
 him, it -would be improper for him to resign until they were proved o'r dis- 
 proved, and the Attorney General answers : "There are on file in this depart- 
 ment some papers complaining of the manner in which your judicial duties are- 
 discharged. Independently of these particular complaints, however, the Pres- 
 ident has become satisfied that your administration of the office is not in har- 
 mony with the policy he deemed proper to be pursued with reference to Utah 
 affairs, and for this reason he desired to make a change, and out of courtesy gave- 
 you an opportunity to resign." Here were charges against a judicial officer, 
 which he could neither see nor refute. He was to be removed, however, for 
 not carrying out the policy of the Administration. But a judge has no right 
 to carry out any policy. He must interpret and administer the law as he finds 
 it. If a Judge of a Supreme Court could be removed because his policy in 
 interpreting the Constitution differed from that of the President, then the two 
 functions of the Judiciary and Executive d-partments become merged ia one. 
 The independence of the judiciary is one of the most important supports of 
 free government. A President who removes a Judge for not doing his polit- 
 ical work for him is essentially a tyrant and an autocrat. Judge Sanford's 
 rejoinder was conclusive. It was as follows : 
 
 " In reply I have to say that my earnest purpose while on the hench as Chief Justice of 
 this Territory has heen to adminibtL-r justice and the laws honestly and impartially to all men- 
 under the obligations of my oath of office. If the President of the United States has any pol- 
 icy which he desires a Judge of the Supreme Court to carry out in reference to Utah affairs, 
 other than the one which I have pursued, you may say to. him that he has done very well to 
 remove me." 
 
 Ernst Nathan, a local Republican boss, was appointed Internal Revenue 
 Collector in Brooklyn. William C. Wallace was the Republican candidate for 
 Congress, and William J. Coombs the Democratic candidate. Nathan deter- 
 mined to see that Wallace was elected, and printed the following circular 
 letter : 
 
 Beookltn, Oct. 35, isaa 
 
 Dear Sir — The Hon. William C. Wallace having been renominated for member of Congi-ess 
 for tj'ie Third District, comprising the Seventh, Thirteenth, Nineteenth, Twentieth, Twenty- 
 first and T\\ eiity-third Wards, and being very much interested in his re-election, I would deem it- 
 a persoaal favor if you will interest yourself among your friends hy advocating his election,- 
 Respecttully yours, Ernst NiraAN. 
 
PRESIDENT HARRISON'S RECORD, 187 
 
 And in order to enforce the recommendations of this letter among the liquor 
 dealers and cigar manufacturers, he had his official stamp placed upon it as 
 follows; "Ernst Nathan, Collector of Internal Revenue, October 37, 1890, 
 First District, Brooklyn, New Turk." Then he sent these to the liquor dealers 
 and cigar makers, whom he could continually harass and embarrass by his 
 official action. 
 
 Another of President Harrison's appointees was Planigan of Texas, a man 
 who passed into happy immortality by his declaration, at a National Republi- 
 can convention, " What are we here for if not for the offices ? " 
 
 But, unfortunately, there is still a darker page of this history of official 
 prostitution. David Mariin was appointed Collector of Internal Revenue in 
 Pennsylvania. Who U David Martin ? He is a man who has had the com- 
 mon reputation of being a director and leader of a gang of violators of the 
 election laws in one of the wards of Philadelphia. 
 
 It is said that Mr. McManes, a reputable citizen of the Quaker metropolis, 
 had an interview with the President personally in regard to Mr. Martin while 
 the appointment was under consideration, and declared that he was a man 
 of evil reputation, and (hat the appointment was one not fit to be made. Sen- 
 ator Quay was present at the interview, and the only reply which he had to 
 make to the charges of Mr. McManes was that the Senators from Pennsylvania 
 desired the appointment. This reply was sufficient. " Dave Martin " received 
 the appointment. He was one of Quay's henchmen, but he is now busily at 
 work in behalf of Harrison and the Republican party. 
 
 Among the men appointed postmasters in New York State, was one who 
 had been charged with burglary. 
 
 Of course it is not possible in every instance to avoid the appointment of 
 men who afterwards turn out to be disreputable ; but where, as in the follow- 
 ing instances, the appointments are of men who are already known by common 
 repute to be men of bad and even infamous character, the appointments bring 
 infinite discredit upon the Administration by which they are made. To that 
 extent must President Harrison be held to strict accountability. 
 
 Otis H. Russell, appointed as postmaster at Richmond, Virginia, had been 
 collector of customs under Arthur, and special agents of the Treasury had 
 reported a shortage of over |800 in his accounts. 
 
 R. H. Paul was appointed Marshal of Arizona. Five years before he had 
 been defeated for election as sheriff, but secured a recount which gave him a 
 majority. The polls had bejn tampered with and Paul and his accomplices 
 were indicted. Two of them confessed, but as Paul surrendered the sheriff's 
 office the proceedings were nollied. A certified copy of the court proceedings 
 was sent to the Department of Justice. 
 
 The President sent to the Senate the name of George P. Fisher as First Auditor 
 of the Treasury. This was the man of whom the Jfeio York Tribune says : 
 " While he was District Attorney m Washington his office was the chief bul- 
 wark of the district ring. There were hatched conspiracies to convict innocent 
 citizens of felony, and plots to get rid of witnesses ; the schemes to take bur- 
 glars out of jail. Public opinion would not tolerate Fisher's appearance in the 
 
188 CIVIL SEKVICE BKFOKM. 
 
 Sate Conspiracy Trial, and after some miserable revelations of the misc (nduct 
 of his office, the President was obliged to call for his resignation." General 
 0-rant afterwards nominated him as United States District Attorney for Dela- 
 ware, but was compelled to withdraw the nomination. Yet, under Harrison, 
 this man is nominated by the Senate and confirmed to this important office. 
 
 William R. Leeds was appointed in March, 1891 , Marshal of the Eastern 
 District of Pennsylvania. He was one of Quay's tools in Philadelphia ; the 
 leader of the worst Republican ring that the city had over known. He was 
 repudiated by his party in 1887, when he ran as candidate for Sheriff, running 
 more than 25,000 votes behind his ticket. Even the Philadelphia, Press declares ; 
 " It is an appointment which should never have been made and it will deeply 
 disappoint the President's best friends in Pennsylvania." 
 
 Governor Warmouth's unsavory reputation is national. The New York 
 Tribune said of him, December 88, 1874, "That his administration as Gover- 
 nor was corrupt and bad is unfortunately true." The best part of the Repub- 
 lican press in the North have long repudiated Warmouth. He was one of the 
 black spots in the reconstruction period. He killed a man in New Orleans 
 under circumstances indicating murder. He was charged by the Lieutenant- 
 governor of the State with trying to bribe him with an offer of $.50,000 and 
 unlimited appointments, in the fight with Kellogg in 1872. He went into the 
 governorship poor, and came out a rich man after a scandalously extravagant 
 administration. All these facts, and many more, have been brought to the 
 attention of President Harrison and the Senate. 
 
 Warmouth was appointed to the Collectorship of the Port of New Orleans. 
 The position has a salary of $7,000 a year. The office is under Civil Service 
 rules, and it is the sixth custom-house in size in the United States. 
 
 The Cabinet itself has not been secure from corrupt appointments. As Mr. 
 Wanamaker got his place in consideration of the corruption fund which he 
 raised, and it is not a violent presumption to infer that Stephen B. Elkins was 
 appointed for like services to be rendered in the future. Elkins is immensely 
 rich and has been a most successful money-getter. His political reputation is 
 most unsavory. He was mixed up with land-gi-ant scandals of past Republican 
 administrations. He was an honored guest at the " Soap " banquet in 1880, 
 and his appointment was regarded as a vindication of those who were 
 connected with the Star route scandals which have become infamous in our 
 political history. Clarkson said that in the campaign of four years ago "he 
 carried with him the promises made by Mr. Harrison." He is a distinctive 
 type of the school of spoils and boodle, and it is doubtful whether the appoint- 
 ment of any man who could be thought of for such an office could reflect 
 greater discredit upon the President who appointed him than the selection of 
 Mr. Elkins as Secretary of War. 
 
 Sale of Offices. 
 
 In the Fourth Congressional District in Missouri, Mr. H. R, W. Uartwig 
 was the defeated Republican candidate in 18P8. The elected Democratic 
 member died, and a special election was held, at which P. M. Postage was the 
 Republican nominee. Mr. Hartwig finding Mr. Postage in possession of the 
 
PRESIDENT HAKRISON'S RECORD. 189 
 
 spoils during his absence, on his return wrote President Harrison a letter, 
 saying : 
 
 " I passed throngh a long and exciting canvass, myself bearing all the expenses, amounting 
 to a snm exceeding S30,000, used for local. State and national purposes. . . . Taking into 
 account the work done and the great sacriflces for the party made by me and my friends, it 
 would be rankest injustice to ignore my claims for recognition, an aot without precedent and 
 calculated to destroy confidence in our party integrity, discourage party workers, and disin- 
 tegrate party organisation and efEectivenese. 
 
 Eespectfnlly, 
 
 H. E. W. HARTwia, 
 Late Eepublican Candidate, Fourth District, Missouri." 
 
 " In 'recognition' of his 'sacrifices,' Mr. Hartwig was given his share. 
 
 Mr. A. C. Eubanks, of the Second Missouri District, wrote to the President 
 on February 8, 1889, saying : 
 
 " I was the Eepublican candidate for Congress, and hence by custom am measurably en- 
 titled to have the patronage to somewhat reimburse me for labor and expense incurred in the 
 campaign, which was contiderable." 
 
 Writing a letter to Mr. W. T. Botts, who was seeking a post-office within tliis 
 district, Mr. Eubanks said : 
 
 " In thinking about thematter we were talking about last night, I concluded that an office 
 like your post-offlce ought to afford me S25— say $15 now, and $10 when you get your commis- 
 sion.'* 
 
 Mr. Joseph D. Upton, Republican candidate for Congress in the Sixth 
 Missouri District, appears to have received $25 for the Warsaw office, and $6 
 from James H. Toolinger for a small iS60 a year post-office at Palo Pinto, and 
 various other sums in proportion for various other offices. 
 
 Mr. James Love, defeated candidate of the Third District, said of this sys- 
 tem which he was putting into operation, " Of course, it will be understood 
 that there will be some expense attached to the proceedings, and applicants will 
 be expected to contribute to this expense." 
 
 Wanamakbb. 
 
 Perhaps the most disgraceful act committed by President Harrison was the- 
 appointment of Mr. Wanamaker as Postmaster-General. Mr. Wanamaker 
 was a man who had been entirely unknown in the political history of the 
 country. He had no experience, and as the event proved, no aptitude for 
 political affairs. Ko imputation of statesmanship rested upon him. He was a 
 successful Philadelphia shopkeeper. By judicious advertising, thrifty busi- 
 ness methods, and an unusual share of good luck, he attained commercial pros- 
 perity. He was, also, a man of the kind of piety which is evidenced by long 
 prayers and the successful conduct of a large Sunday school. His conscience 
 was of that tender variety which had led him, on former occasions, to refuse 
 pecuniary contributions for political purposes, on account of the base uses to- 
 which these contributions were so often applied. But Mr. Wanamaker be- 
 came subject to the influence of Matthew Stanley Quay. Prospects of personal 
 and political advantage were held out to him, and he became the Chairman of 
 the Finance Committee of the Eepublican National Committee in 1888. As 
 euch Cliairman it was his duty to solicit and obtain contributions to the Repub- 
 
190 CrVIL SBBVICB EEFOBM. 
 
 lican campaign fund. This fund was distributed under the supervision of Mr. 
 Quay, Chairman of the Committee, and of Mr. William W.Dudley, its Treasurer, 
 vast sums being given for distribution in pursuance of the letter of Mr. Dudley 
 advising the distribution of. " the floating voters in blocks of five under control 
 of trasty men with sufficient funds to see that none of them got away." 
 
 Mr, Wanamaker applied to leading capitalists and was emineutly successful 
 in his solicitations. Among others he addressed himself to the officials of the 
 great railroads connecting the Pacific with the Atlantic, the Northern Pacific, 
 Union P. iflc, Southern Pacific and others. Extraordinary inducements were 
 held out to influential men in these corporations to contribute. Sometimes 
 these inducements were not of a strictly moral nature. Mr. Wanamaker was 
 asked by letter by a former Cabinet officer whether he would assist in a public 
 inquiry regarding his efforts to collect $400,000 for the Republicans, but he did 
 not do so. 
 
 He secured vast sums of money a very short time before the election of 
 1888. This money was placed where it would do the most good, and when 
 the election had elevated Mr, Wanamaker's candidate to the Presidency, Mr. 
 Wanamaker, by virtue of his services, became an applicant for a Cabinet 
 position. Mr. Harrison generously responded and Mr. Wanamaker was ap- 
 pointed Postmaster-General. 
 
 Office Holders at Mutnbapolis. 
 
 But by far the most flagrant abuse of the Civil Service principle made by the 
 present administration has been shown by the manner in which Mr. Harrison 
 secured his renomination at Minneapolis. Unless the people can be protected 
 against the interference of the Executive in an effort to secure his own renomi- 
 nation, popular government is a sham and a failure. An honorable President 
 does not actively seek his own renomination. Should he seek it, he is oound 
 to do so by means outside of his official control. To force himself upon his 
 own party as its candidate, through the agency of his own appointees to office, 
 is simply to Mexicanize our government. He might almost as well do it 
 through the army. 
 
 Before the conventions met which selected the delegates to Minneapolis, 
 Harrison office-holders were hurrying around the country employing every 
 political method to secure delegates instructed for the President or favorable to 
 his renomination. Every convention possible they attended in large force and 
 took the most prominent part in packing these bodies in his favor. 
 
 These efforts were successful, through lack of any other available man 
 for the place, Mr. Blaine had written to Mr. Clarkson, saying that his 
 name would not be presented, and so many pledges and instructions were 
 secured for Mr. Harrison that it was afterward impossible to change the re- 
 sult. To use the words of Mr. Lucius B. Swift, who was, in 1888, a strong 
 supporter of Mr. Harrison, "The successful candidate was successful because 
 through his henchmen he had the Convention literally by the throat. One 
 hundred and forty place-holders, at the least estimate, had votes. On the best 
 authority, at least three thousand other place-holders gathered around and 
 bore down opposition. All these were led by a place-holder (John C. New), 
 
PRESIDENT HAHRISON'8 BBCOKD. 191 
 
 who makes thirty or forty thousand dollars a year out of his place, and came 
 specially from London for this purpose. The whole was superintended lay the 
 President, who had wires connecting the White House with the Convention, 
 and who, as the Inclianajiolis Journal puts it, was busy sending and receiving 
 communications from the seat of war. It is to be hoped that our United 
 States Government has now reached its lowest point of degradation. It 
 would not seem that political pirates or buccaneers could get, or would want, 
 greater power.'" (Civil Service Ohronicle, June, 1893.) 
 
 The following account of what happened in the "White House is thus 
 described in the Indianapolis Journal, the President's organ, of June 11 : 
 
 " The President, meanwhile, was in his private office surrounded by the members of his 
 Cabinet, who received every few minutes the successive telegrams from Minneapolis and made 
 calculations from them. Secretary Tracy kept the tally-sheet. Secretary Elkins and Attorney 
 General Miller did the heavy flgnring, and the other Cabinet oiBcers rendered whatever assist- 
 ance they could. In the telegraph room across the hall Private Secretary Halford took down 
 the first draft of the figures as they came over the wire, and sent duplicates in to the Presi- 
 dent. The room was full of subordinate oiiicialfc, newspaper men and other interested parties. 
 Postmaster General Wanamalcer made excursions from one room to the other, and did some 
 very accurate and business-like figuring from time to time." 
 
 It was currently reported and believed that many of the Southern delegates, 
 even though instructed for Harrison, had to be bought and rebought several 
 times. The bulk of them finally voted for the renominat\on of the President. 
 What IS the inevitable inference ? It is impossible, of course, to know what 
 passed over the wires directly from the President to his own office-holders and 
 agents. What would the President have to say to a halting delegate ? 
 
 Here is a message from Washington sent by Mr. Foster, the President's 
 Secretary of the Treasury, to the Utah member of the Republican National 
 Committee : 
 
 "Whatever you can do for us at Minneapolis will be duly appreciated, and gratefully 
 remembered in Washington." 
 
 Another from Prince Kussell Harrison to E. H. Studebaker, of South 
 Bend, Indiana : 
 
 " Mr. George A. Halsey, of New Jersey, who is a delegate to Minneapolis, is said to be 
 inclined to favor Mr. Blaine. Will you please use influence with him to get liim to support 
 father f " 
 
 Place-holders swarmed Minneapolis. Land Commissioner Carter, Assist- 
 ant Postmaster General Rathbone, United States Marshal Ransdell, Fourth 
 Auditor Lynch and Register Bruce led the Washington contingent. Postmaster 
 Johnson led a dub Jrom Baltimme. The President's brother. United States 
 Marshal Carter Harrison, had charge of the Tennessee delegation. Postmaster 
 Thompson and his assistants, Wallace, Patterson and Woodward, and United 
 States Marshal Dunlap, Pension Agent Ensley, Collector Hildebrand and 
 United States District Attorney Chambers headed the Indianapolis place- 
 holders, while those of New York were led by Postmaster Van Cott, Naval 
 Officer Willis and Collector Hendricks. This was the way throughout the 
 United States. 
 
 It was said that the President did not want office-holders at the Minneapolis 
 Convention. In this event all he had to do was to issue an order forbidding 
 
193 CIVIL SERVICE JiBFORM. 
 
 their attendance. None of them would then have gone. His failure to do this. 
 is the best possible proof that he desired their presence and active participation. 
 
 Indeed, the entire struggle at Minneapolis was nothing but a scramble for 
 the booty and plunder of the party. Of the opposition of Piatt, Quay, Clark- 
 son, Wolcott, Miller, Passett and others, the President declared, in his inter- 
 view in the New York World, May 26 : "I do not believe that individual dis- 
 appointments will control the convention at Minneapolis." And Piatt answered 
 in a United States Press dispatch. May 31 : " It is a much to be regretted fact 
 that the President has placed his campaign in the hands of those who hold 
 office under him, and has even called men from their posts abroad. It wiU be 
 a serious matter if, by any chance, he should be renominated should this fact 
 give rise to the argument that he was forced to give his campaign to those 
 men, because he could get no others to assume the task. " 
 
 It is this feeling which also gives rise to the sentiment, so often expressed 
 among Republicans — " the office-holders nominated him, now let them 
 elect him." 
 
 Attorney General Miller said of those men who opposed Harrison {World 
 interview, May 29) : "Some of the 'individual disappointments' to which 
 General Harrison refers are felt by gentlemen for whom much has been done. 
 There are men for whom you cannot do enough. Load them with favors, and, 
 like the often quoted ' daughter of the horse-leech,' they are not satisfied." 
 
 And this indeed was true. Harrison has suri-endered his principles and 
 discredited his administration by giving unlimited patronage to Quay, Piatt 
 and Clarkson. Piatt had absolute control of the New York Custom-house. 
 Passett was his man, appointed in utter disregard of the President's promises, 
 in place of Collector Erhardt, whose resignation was compelled, because he 
 would not divide his subordinate offices as spoil. Quay had control of the 
 patronage of Pennsylvania, and such infamous appointments as that of Mar- 
 tin were made at his suggestion. Clarkson was appointed Pirst Assistant 
 Postmaster General for the purpose of decapitating Democrats in the forty 
 thousand fourth-class postmasterships, and putting in Republicans who were 
 valuable to the party. Yet this was not enough. 
 
 When Quay was repudiated by the Republicans of Pennsylvania, then, and 
 not before, the President threw him overboard. Piatt wanted a Cabinet office 
 and failed to get it. 
 
 Mr. Clarkson, in an interview in the Philadelphia Press (New York Times, 
 June 15), said, that "Harrison was only nominated by the aid of copious 
 promises of office by John C. New and Depow, and that the men who already 
 held office were given the assurance of four years further tenure The mission 
 to St. Petersburg was to be one of the rewards to Harrison's best worker." 
 
 CONCLTJSION. 
 
 Mr. Harrison's performance of his promises may thus be summarized : 
 
 He promised that he would extend the reform system to all grades oi the 
 
 service to which it was applicable. He has not e.xteuded it to any, except to 
 
 a few paltry oHices in the Indian iBureau, in the Patent Office and in the Pish 
 
 Commission. The number of places still subject to political influence is far 
 
BREBN B. KAUM'B RECORD. 193 
 
 greater to day, from the natural growth of the service, than it was when he 
 was inaugurated. 
 
 He promised to enforce the law, but this promise has been most shamelessly 
 violated, not only In the case of the Baltimore post-ofBce, but in other cases 
 where political assessments have been levied in violation of law, and the 
 violators have never been brought to punishment. 
 
 The Republican party promised that all laws at variance with the object of 
 reform legislation should be repealed, and they have not even attempted to 
 repeal a single law. It was promised that the spirit and purpose of the reform 
 should be observed in all executive appointments, and Harrison declared that, 
 "Fitness, and not party service, should be the essential and discriminating 
 test." And yet, through his entire administration, party service, often of the 
 most venal and mercenary character, has been the ground of appoint- 
 ment. Fitness has been disregarded, public office has been used for purposes 
 of plunder, and even Cabinet positions have been sold in consideration of the 
 dollars and cents raised by campaign solicitors, and the President has secured 
 his own renomination by a trained body of office-holders sent to Minneapolis 
 for the purpose, and manipulated under telegraphic direction from the White 
 House. 
 
 The Record of a Republican Office-holder — 
 Green B. Raum. 
 
 One of the greatest offenses with which the present Republican administra- 
 tion is chargeable is the appointment and retention in office of Gen. Green B. 
 Raum as Commissioner of Pensions. The appointment was an unfit one in the 
 beginning ; it has resulted in grave scandals in governmental matters, and great 
 discredit to the President who has kept Raum in his place in spite of the often 
 repeated demands of many of the most prominent Republican newspapers in 
 the country that he be removed. Among these newspapers none was more 
 ac ive and, until recently, more persistent than the New York Tribune, the 
 property of the Republican candidate for Vice-Pre?ident, which during the 
 first two years of Raum's official term published many columns of evidence 
 againsl him. 1 he demand for his removal on the ground that he had been 
 pj'oven guilty of gross misconduct in office and that all his surroundings were 
 unsavory was constantly repeated in the editorial columns of dozens of Repub- 
 lican journals, until the renomination of Mr. Harrison, to whom these appeals 
 had been addressed, forced the editor to desist from references to scandals for 
 which Harrison, by protecting and keeping in ( ffice men like Raum, had made 
 himself responsibl?. 
 
 Gen. Raum was no stranger to office in Washington when Mr. Harrison 
 selected him to replace his first unfortunate choice in the Pension Office, the 
 notorious Tanner. But Tanner's personal honesty was never called in question 
 and it would be libellous to affirm that if he had remained in office such 
 scandals would have occurred as are related in the two big volumes of testi- 
 mony taken by the Special Committee of the House of Representatives at its 
 recent session. Raum was appointed Commissioner of Internal Revenue by 
 13 
 
194 CIVIL SERVICE REFORM. 
 
 President Grant on Aug. 3, 1876, and held that office until April 80, 1888. 
 ■Of his nearly seven years' tenure of this important office six months was under 
 President Grant, four years under Mr. E. B. Hayes, and two years and two 
 months under Presidents Garfield and Arthur. It was one of the creditable 
 features of Mr. Arthur's administration of the Presidency that he made the 
 change which relegated Eaum to private life. 
 
 When Eaum was first appointed to this impoitant office the prosecuting 
 officers of the Government were engaged in bringing to justice the members of 
 the thievish gang with headquarters in St. Louis, and a representative in the 
 "W ite House, in the person of General O. E. Babcock, the President's confiden- 
 tial secretary, who bad defrauded the Government out of several millions of dol- 
 lars of taxes on whiskey. Douglass, the Commissioner of Internal Revenue, who 
 had held office for years under Grant, had been removed by Secretary Britton, 
 who satisfied himself that he had been well aware the Government was being 
 swindled. The successor of Douglass was ex-Senator Pratt of Indiana, a ma:, 
 of unquestioned integrity. In the summer of 1876 it became necessary to put 
 another man in this place, and a very different sort of a man was selected. 
 
 The story of Babcock's operations as the representative and agent in the 
 White House of the whiskey thieves is one of the most shameful chapters 
 in the history of our national Administrations. By the admission and assertions 
 of the St. Louis gang it is proved that he received over $100,000 of the money 
 and of which the Treasury was defrauded. More melancholy still is the story 
 — which every patriotic man would gladly forget — of General Grant's efforts 
 to prevent the punishment of Babcock and other gtiilty ones, and of his re- 
 lentless animosity toward Secretary Bristow and everybody else who aided in 
 exposing and punishing the thieves. By means of gross partiality and un- 
 judicial conduct on the part of a federal judge, Babcock was saved from 
 the penitentiary ; some of the less guilty ones were sentenced for short terms, 
 with the promise (privately made) that they should be speedily pardoned. With 
 the departure of Bristow from the Cabinet the crusade against the thieves 
 was stopped, and it was never resumed. 
 
 Grant treated every- man who had any part in the exposure of Babcock as 
 Sk personal enemy. On the other hand, to defend Babcock or to express con- 
 ;fidence in him, was the surest passport to Grant's regard during the last year of 
 3iis Administration. When it was found that Pratt was to have a successor in 
 ithe office of Commissioner of Internal Revenue, certain powerful distilling 
 mterests in Illinois were instrumental in bringing forward Raura, who was a 
 citizen of that State, as a candidate. Raum was well aware of the situation and 
 knew how to ingratiate himself with General Grant. He wrote a letter, con- 
 taining sympathetic reference to Babcock and expressing confidence in his 
 integrity. The charm worked perfectly and he was made Commissioner of 
 Internal Revenue. Mr. Hayes was installed in the White House on the follow- 
 ing March. One of the first questions tha came up for his consideration was 
 what to do with the uncompleted investigation of the whiskey frauds and 
 the continuance of prosecution against the men who were already subject to 
 trial. 
 
 It was then that Raum found his opportunity to serve the men who had 
 jhelped him to get his office and who were ready to aid him still further. When 
 
GnBBN B. eaum's skcokd. 195 
 
 8uch eminent Republican as ex-Senator J, B. Henderson, of St. Louis, went to 
 the White House to urge Mr. Hayes to direct a continuance* of the investiga- 
 tion and the prosecution in order that the thieves in Chicago and St. Louis 
 might be brought to justice, he found that he was coldly received and that 
 hidden influences controlled the action of the new President, rendering it idle for 
 the opponents of the whiskey ring to continue the campaign against it. It is a 
 matter of history, thatthe policy of the Internal Revenue Department while Ranm 
 was Commissioner was in complete harmony with the policy that was pursued 
 during Grant's Administration prior to the time when Bristow, the honest Secre- 
 tary from Kentucky, came in and smashed the St. Louis conspiracy. Thieves 
 quite as guilty as any who had been tried in that city, remained unpunished 
 and the stolen money of the whiskey ring was disbursed in Washington as 
 plentifully as it had been in Babcock's time. 
 
 During Raum's occupancy of this office, although he was a poor man when 
 he came to Washington, he invested over $50,000 in various enterprises, most 
 of which were of an ill-advised character, or were subsequently badly man- 
 aged and came to grief. He was extremely successful in avoiding Congres- 
 sional investigation, and no legal evidence of corrupt conduct was ever given 
 against him. On one occasion charges of bribery were made by a Committee 
 of the House of Representatives, and Raum and a number of distillers were 
 summoned to appear, but it was within a few days of the end of the session, 
 and excuses were found for delaying the hearing until the possibility of it was 
 prevented by the adjournment. When it became necessary for Raum to leave 
 the Treasury Department, he at once engaged himself as the legal representative 
 of some of the large distillers in Washington, and received liberal rewards in 
 the shape of fees for the services which he rendered them. 
 
 Notwithstanding that large sums of money passed through his bands Raum's 
 investments seem to have uniformly turned out badly. His " practice " as an 
 attorney and claim agent at the capital dwindled, and we next hear of him as 
 associated with ex-Public Printer Clapp in the membership of a " committee," 
 the object of whioh was to bleed the thousands of clerks in Washington for the 
 benefit of the Republican party. Congress had passed laws making it a penal 
 offense for persons holding office to collect or receive money for political 
 purposes from employees of the Government, but no law could reach the case of 
 men like Raum 'and Clapp, who had gone out of office, and who cared not a 
 particle for the odium incurred by their action, provided they could establish a 
 claim for fresh benefits upon their party. The name of Raum became a stench 
 in the nostrils of all respectable Government employees in Washington on 
 account of his bold efforts to compel them to contribute money during political 
 campaigns, and the by no means concealed threats that were made that all who 
 failed or refused to contribute were to be " blackhsted." 
 
 Of course there was no hope for such a man as Raum during the Administra- 
 tion of Mr. Cleveland, but when his Republican successor was chosen, Raum 
 at once laid his plans to get back into a remunerative office. He had got a high 
 salaried place in 1876 by having the big distillers behind him and he knew that 
 such influences are powerful with every Republican Administration. He knew 
 that the rich pension agents who had contributed huge sums to Harrison's 
 election, with the understanding that if he was successful the flood-gates of the 
 
196 CIVIL SEKVICB EBPOBJI. 
 
 Treasury should be opened for them, would probably contrd. ihe election of 
 Gen. Black's suctessor. He therefore cultivated the pension agents, some of 
 whom have been made millionaires by the money which the government has 
 allowed them to extract from the old soldiers, and because their candidate for 
 Commissioner of Pensions, Tanner's appointment, made ostensibly to recognize 
 and conciliate the "old soldier," delayed his api.ointment for a few months, 
 and then Raum got the oflQce, and the pension agents were made happy. 
 
 Raum had been in the Pension Office but a few weeks before the public 
 began to hear of scandalous incidents in his management of the vast business 
 of which he had been placed in charge. One of his first acts was to place one of 
 his sous in the office of appointment clerk, which gave him supervision of all pro- 
 motions, as well as of appointments and removals. In a comparatively short 
 time the Secretary of the Interior, without consultation with the Commissioner, 
 ordered peremptorily the resignation of this young man, on evidence which 
 reflected severely upon his character. Evidence had been submitted to the 
 Secretary of the Interior by one of the Civil Service Commissioners tending to 
 show that young Uaum had sold an appointment in the Pension Office for 
 money, and there was also proved against him a grave irregularity in accounting 
 for a "conscience" payment of $73 from 'some unknown person in New 
 Hampshire. This was only one of numerous cases in which Secretary Noble 
 or his assistants were compelled to interfere to prevent or to punish serious 
 wrong-doing in the administration of the Pension Office. One of Raum's 
 earliest and strongest efforts after getting into office was to establish such 
 a terrorism over the 2,000 and more clerks and employees in the Pension 
 Bureau, that no one of them would dare to communicate to the newspapers 
 any fact, however wanton might be his action, that would reflect 
 discredit upon him, or let the people know what was going on in his Bureau. 
 In some cases his action was so unjust and outrageous that he was compelled 
 to restore to their places men whom he discharged for no other reason than 
 that he suspected them of hostility to him. Clerks who refused to lend money 
 on the demand of others who succeeded in winning the favor of Raum found 
 themselves threatened with dismissal or disgrace. A Democratic member of 
 Congress from Indiana, Mr. Cooper, who attempted to secure an investigation 
 of Raum's conduct during the 51st Congress, became an object of a conspiracy 
 to entangle h'm in disgraceful proceedings and destroy his reputation. In this 
 conspiracy the Commissioner himself took the lead, and not only was the pub- 
 lic money freely expended to carry out his wicked purpose, but prostituted his 
 whole power as Commissioner to defeat Mr. Cooper, extending to his Republi- 
 can opponent in Indiana in 1890 all the privileges of the office to effect that 
 purpose, fortunately without success. 
 
 But more serious than even this was Raum's bold, and apparently success- 
 ful, attempt to reap financial benefits from his office, outside of his legal com- 
 pensation, by favoring certain pension agents in return for substantial favors 
 received. It appears from the testimony given at the investigation by the 
 Committee of Ihe House of Representatives which was ordered in February last, 
 on account of the many charges of misconduct in the Pension Office, that the 
 leading pension agent in Wasliington, Mr. Geo. E. Lemon, secured a change in 
 the business methods of the oflice (under what is known as the completed files 
 
OnEEN B. HAUM'S liECORD. 197 
 
 system), which gave him a great advantage over pension attorneys otitside of 
 Washington, and that immediately thereafter he indorsed Renm's note for 
 $13,000, and had it discounted at the National Bank in Washington, of -which 
 he (Lemon) is the principal stockholder. When Lemon first requested the 
 desired change Raum refused it. This was probably a blind. The fm.her 
 history of this remarkable transaction is given by the Committee in its report 
 as follows : 
 
 " It win be seen from this testimony that Lemon's request had been refused alter a coo- 
 «nitation between Mr. Lincoln and the Commissioner, but that it was afterwards complied with 
 in the issuance of Orders 149 and 161, and that or the next day after the issuance of this order 
 (151) this indorsement took place. The security taken by Lemon for Ibis indorsement was not 
 regarded by him as of any consequence, and he so stated. He had never examined the prop- 
 erly and had never made any inquiries concerning it. As a matter of fact, the iecurity was of 
 no particular value. The properry was held under a contract on which but little had been 
 paid, and it is now being foreclosed. The money received upon this indorsement was not put 
 into the property given as security, but was devoted to other purposes. 
 
 " Under Order 149 three hundred clerks weib pnt to work carrying forward c'.sea from the 
 pending flies to the completed flies, and about the 5th day of January, the date of issuing 
 Order 151, 35,250 cases had been selected out and carried forward to the completed file. Had 
 it not been for these orders the work of selecting cases for the completed files would not have 
 taken place until May or June following. No record of the attorneys in the capes thus selected 
 And carried forward was kept and there is no means of finding out whose cases they were or 
 how many Mr. Lemon had. 
 
 " Hodgson testifies on that subject as follows : 
 
 Q. Did you have anything to do with the exerution of that order ?— A. I did, sir ; the first 
 ^ases under that order. The first cases came to my division under that order, were dumped on 
 my desk, came in little carts, a little wagon, as near as I could estimate it about i feet long, 2J^ 
 feet wide, and 3 feet deep. Tliere were three of those all dumped in the rear of my desk, and 
 they must have contained in the neighborhood of 1,800 to 1,500 cases. (P. 890.) 
 
 Q. Did you notice what proportion of those cases, as long as yoa handled them, were 
 Lemon's cases ?— A. Up to a certain period he had a large majority. Take six weeks of that 
 time and Lemon had flve-sevenths of them. Although he is a personal friend (P. 897.) 
 
 " Hodgson Ib probably mistaken as to the size of the carts and the number of cases 
 dumped behind his desk, but in his statement that five-sevenths of the cases he handled were 
 Lemon's, he is in no way contradicted. There is no practical way of determining the amount 
 of the fees paid to Lemon on such of his cases as might have been in the 35,000 cases carried 
 forward. No record is kept of this in the Pension Office, and it could only be ascertained by 
 ■consulting the different pension agencies throughout the country or by examining every case 
 in the Pension Office. This, of course, could not have been done." 
 
 " Under Order 151, from February 3, 1890, to the 6th of August following, Mr. Lemon certi- 
 fied to the completed flies 8,110 cases, which, at the lowest rate allowed by law, would make his 
 fees $81,100. This did not include any of his cases in the 35,000 carried to the completed files 
 by the office. It is admitted, however, on all hands, that Mr. Lemon had the largest business 
 of all the attorneys practising before the Pension Bureau. 
 
 " Mr. Lemon submits a statement making comparisons between the number of cases allowed 
 ■him by Commissioner Black in certain months of the year 1887 for the purpose of comparison 
 ■and those allowed him by Commissioner Eaum in the corresponding months of the year 1890. 
 Why he takes 1887 for the purpose of comparison instead of 1889 the Committee is not informed, 
 because Mr. Lemon was not before the Committee, and we only have the evidence which he gave 
 on a former Investigation. It is well known, however, that the business was decreasing in the 
 oiHce up to the passage of the law of June 87, 1890. 
 
 " Whatever of wrong there was in this indorsement is probably concealed by the failure to 
 keep any record of the 35,530 cases carried to the completed flies under Order 149. The Com- 
 missioner could have given the Committee full information as to the bona fldes of this transac- 
 tion if he had chosen to do bo, but this he refused. It is a presumption of law if a person has 
 information which he conceals that it would be against him if produced. This is a just pre- 
 
198 CrVIL SERVICE REFOKM, 
 
 iumption, and there is no unfairness in holding Commiasioner "Raum to tlie full force of that 
 presumption. 
 
 *' Aside from this presumption, however, we submit that the evidence shows that Mr. 
 Lemon would not have indorsed this note had not Mr. Ranm then been CommiEsioner of 
 Pensions, before whose bureau Mr. Lemon was the largest practitioner. In fact, Lemon 
 had refused to accommodate him in the preceding July, at a time when Mr. Raura was but n 
 private citizen. Commission^'" Raum's commercial standing at the time of thte mdorsement 
 was not such as to justify such an indorsement on the part of a prudent man, unless moved by 
 other considerations. Mr. Lemon placed no reliance whatever on his security, and as we have 
 shown, the security was comparatively worthless. 
 
 " There was no evidence produced before this Committee to show that the note indorsed by 
 Lemon had ever been paid by the Commiasioner. We submit that this was not a bona fide 
 transaction. We say that it is a fair inference that this indorsement was made in consideration 
 of official action on the part of the Commissioner favorable to George E. Lemon. 
 
 The report of the majority of the Committee of the House of Representatives 
 (Messrs. Wheeler, Little and Dungan) that served several months in examining 
 Raum's management of the Pension Bm-eau, recommended the following reso- 
 lution ; 
 
 Resolved^ That it is the judgment of the House that Commissioner of Pensions Green B.. 
 Baum should he removed from office by the President for the following reasons : 
 
 1. Because he has demonstrated his unfitness to supervise and govern a large number of 
 employees on account of his hasty temper, strong prejudicei?, and unreasonable animosity 
 which impel his action in matters of the gravest consequence, as evidenced in the cases of 
 Engle. Howard, Taylor, Jennings, Renaud, Hayward, Payne, De Arnaud, Peyton and others^ 
 and his pursuit of Hon. George W. Cooper, following upon an unsocceesfui attempt to injure 
 his reputation. 
 
 3. Because he baa prostituted his office for the purposes of private gain. 
 
 3. Because he has prostituted his office for political purposes, using the same as a political 
 machine, notably in the matter of furnishing the Congressional facilities of the Pension Office- 
 to one J. G. Dunbar, a private citizen of Indiana, at one time a candidate for Congress against 
 Hon. George W. Cooper. 
 
 Other reforms recommended by the Committee were as follows : 
 
 First. That this Committee be continued until the close of the second session of the Fifty- 
 second Congress, subject to the call of its chairman, but that its clerical help be dispensed with 
 for the time being. 
 
 Second. That there be a revision or codification of the pension laws, with a view to reduo- 
 iug the same to a plain, specific, uniform system, for the purpose of doing away, as far as 
 possible, with the employment of attorneys in pension cases, and to facilitate the adjudication 
 of pension claims. 
 
 Third. We recommend that attorneys' fees under the law of Jane 27, 1890, be reduced to 
 the snm of $5 in each case, without authority to stipulate for any greater sum. 
 
 Fourth. We recommend that cases under laws prior to June 27, 1890, be more rapidly 
 carried forward to adjudication, and that there be at least equal consideration given to cases- 
 under those laws as to those under the law of June 27, 1890. 
 
 Fifth. We recommend that a sufficient clerical force he put on the old and long-pending 
 cases for the purpose of determining their exact status, and whether they have been abandoned 
 or otherwise, and that some rule be adopted whereby such claimants can be notified of the de- 
 fects in their cases, to the end that the necessary evidence be furnished to complete the case- 
 within a reasonable time to be specified, and that in default thereof that such cases will be re- 
 jected. 
 
 Sixth. We recommend the restoration to office of such employes as were discharged 
 for no other cause than the reading of newspapers that criticised the management of the- 
 Pension Office. 
 
 Seventh. The evidence in this case showing that all the controversy between the Commis- 
 sioner and employSs was confined to appointees not embraced within the civil-service law we- 
 respectfully recommend th;it special examiners' division and such other places under the 
 Bureau as may be practicable be placed under the operations of the civil-service law. 
 
PUBLIC OFFICE A FAMILY PERQUISITE. 199 
 
 As to the character of Raum the Committee says : 
 
 " He lias a pecnllar mental make-up. He seeks indirect methods instead of direct ones. 
 He is evasive and avoids direct issnes and direct guessions. His manner npon the stand ; hi» 
 mode of evading direct, explicit questions : his want of fairness and candor ; and his peculiar 
 disposition, as shown in the case of Charles Alfred de Amaud, in the case of Taylor, in the case 
 of Engel and Howard, and in the case of Renaud and others shows him to be nnflt to have under 
 his control the supervision of two thousand Government employees. His refusal to answer 
 questions in regard to the Lemon indorsement, the contradictory statements in his evidence, 
 the spirit of animosity which he showed against Mr. Cooper, member of Congress, the prosti- 
 tution of his office to political purposes in a manner before unprecedented, all tend to one con- 
 clusion, and that is that he is not a fit person to be at the head of a Government Bureau whiclB 
 disburses annually $140,000,000 of the people's money and gives employment to two thousand 
 people. 
 
 *^ This peculiar disposition of the Commissioner and a sense of his unfitness for a higb 
 position grows upon one day by day as you come in contact with him and bis methods. 
 The impression becomes fixed that bis actions and methods have no foundation upon basic 
 principles of integrity, but that he Is governed largely by selfish motives, prejudice, and a spirit 
 of revenge." 
 
 Tet in the face of all this and of the vociferous demands of many of the 
 most reputable Republican newspapers of the United States that Raum be 
 removed, Mr. Harrison not only shows no disposition to get rid of him, but 
 gives us every reason to believe that his confidence in this unworthy official ia 
 such that he will be kept in office for another four years if Mr. Harrison shaD 
 be re-elected. 
 
 Public Office a Family Perquisite. 
 
 President Harrison has been one of the most persistent candidates for ofiBoe 
 the country has ever known, having been a candidate at almost every genera) 
 election that has occurred within the past forty years, when he was not already 
 holding office. He has not been satisfied with holding office himself, but ha» 
 been active in securing offices for his own and his wife's relatives. He criti- 
 cised General Grant for appointing relatives to office and accepting presents ; 
 but no sooner did he acquire political power than he adopted the methods of 
 his predecessor, and let nothing escape that he could capture for himself or a 
 relative. He even permitted his wife to accept a cottage at Cape May from 
 persons upon whom he had bestowed favors, and who will doubtless continue 
 to receive them during his official term. 
 
 One list makes the number of his beneficiaries 42 — being probably every 
 known person allied to the President by blood or marriage. The accuracy of 
 this list has been denied, but there is at least a baker's dozen in this category, 
 relatives of the President, supported by the country, not one of whom, but foi 
 this relationship, would have been brought forward, the whole constituting an 
 example of nepotism not unworthy of the worst governments where office is a 
 family possession. Beyond the list of 13 are other relatives, showing that this 
 abase did not stop with the President's relatives, but that these obtained 
 appointments for others in their circle, so that every relative became a centre 
 of influence, while the Presidential family extended indefinitely. 
 
 Contrast this with the record of othefr Presidents : 
 
 " Should it be my fate to administer the Government I will ro into the chair under no pre- 
 engagement of any kind or motive whatever. And when in it I will to the best of my judg- 
 
SOO CIVIL SERVICE REFORM. 
 
 ment discharge the duties of the office with that impartiality and zeal for the puhlic good which 
 onght never to suffer connections of blood or friendship to have the least sway in decisions of 
 a public Tiatare."— George Washington,. 
 
 " I entered upon my administration unoonflned by a single engagement, uninfluenced by 
 any ties of blood or friendship." — George Washington. 
 
 *' The public will never be made to believe that an appointment of a relative is made on 
 the ground of merit alone, uninfluenced by family views, nor can they ever see with approba- 
 tion offices, the disposal of which they entrust to their Presidents for public purposes, divided 
 out as family property. * * * It is true that this places the relations of the President in a 
 worse situation than if he were a stranger, but the public good which cannot be effected if 
 its confidence belost requires the sacrifice. Perhaps, too, it is compensated in sharing the 
 public esteem ."—Thomas .Tefferson. 
 
 In his " Life of Lincoln " Herndon records that a delegation of gentlemen 
 once called upon the President to urge the claims of one of his own warm per- 
 sonal fi lends to an important office, and Lincoln declined to make the appoint- 
 ment on the ground that he " did not regard it as just to the public to pay the 
 debts of personal friendship with offices which belonged to the people. " 
 
 " Only one President has appointed relatives, and that was John Adams, but he found 
 public opinion, inspired by the example of Washington, so strong against it that after a slight 
 experiment he repUed to an applicant : 'You know it is impossible for me to appoint my own 
 relations to anything without drawing forth a torrent of obloquy.'— (Letter to Benja- 
 min Adams, April 2, 1799.) . . In saying that his predecessor ' degraded himself infinitely 
 by his conduct on this subject,' Jefferson shows the rigor of bis requirement. Besides the 
 transfer 'of his son, John Quincy Adams, from one diplomatic mission to another, John Adams 
 is responsible for the appointment of his son-in-law, Co.oiiel Smith, as Surveyor of the Port of 
 New York, and his wife's nephew, WiUiam Cranch, as Chief Justice of the Circnit Court of 
 the District of Columbia — ^both persona of merit, and the former ' serviug through the war 
 with high applause of his superiors.' The public sentiment appears in the condemnation of 
 these appointments. Thug far John Adams stands alone. If any other President has made 
 appointments from his own family it has been on so petty a scale as not to be recognized in 
 history. — Chables Sumites, May .31, 1872." 
 
 Mr. Harrison obtained places in the Grovemmeut service for the following 
 relatives: 
 
 Carter Harrison, his brother, who was a Eevenue Supervisor under the 
 Qariield-Arthur adminstration, is now Tlnited States Marshal for Tennessee. 
 
 Russell Harrison, his son, was appointed Assayer at the Mint at Helena, 
 Mont. , as soon as he left college. 
 
 Clem Morris, who married his sister, was appointed to an important office in 
 the Revenue service at Indianapolis so soon as Harrison became Senator, and 
 remained until succeeded by a Democrat after Cleveland became President; 
 appointed by Harrison to a life office in the Pay Department of the United 
 States Army, he is now stationed at St. Paul, Minn. 
 
 Dr. I. W. Scott, father-in-law, appointed a clerk in the Pension OflSce in 
 1880, as soon as Mr. Harrison became Senator, remained in office untU after 
 he became President, 
 
 Henry Scott, brother-in-law, was in the Revenue service on the Pacific Coast 
 and died in that service. 
 
 Mrs. Scott Lord, sister-in-law, for years a clerk in the office of the Fifth 
 Auditor of the Treasury, was specially favored by being permitted to do her 
 work at home. 
 
 Major Scott, another brother-in-law, was made Paymaster in the Army, and 
 is now superintendent of a public building that is erecting on the Pacific Coast. 
 
PUBLIC OFFICE A FAIMLV PKKQUISITE. 201 
 
 Traak MiKee, Baby MoK«e's uncle, was put into the Customs service in 
 the West. He was scarcely of age and wholly ur.fitled for the place. 
 
 During the early Axya of the Adminislratioa he detailed Lieutenant Parker, 
 who is the husband of Mrs. Harrison's niece, to a nice berth in the Samoau 
 Commission that went to Berlin to settle the Samoau difficulty. 
 
 Cousin-in-law D. W. McClung was appointed Collector of Internal Revenue 
 in Ohio. 
 
 Mrs. Russell Harrison's cousin, William Hayues, was appointed Law Clerk 
 in the Post Office Department. 
 
 This list embraces every known relative of Harrison or his wife, except 
 John Scott Harrison, of Kansas City, who is a Democrat, but the man President 
 Harrison appointed Postmaster of Kansas City gave one of the best placss in 
 his office to a son of John Scott Harrison. 
 
 President Harrison beganhis Administration by appointing one Cabinet officer 
 in pursuance of a deal made for him, or by him, at the Chicago Convention, 
 one Cabinet officer in payment for his efforts in General Harrison's behalf at the 
 Chicago Convention, one Cabinet officer in payment for his very large pecuniary 
 contribution in aid of General Harrison's election; one Cabinet officer who has 
 lost both his political hold and his legal residence, and appeared to represent 
 nothing except reminiscences and Elkins, and two Cabinet officers for the sole 
 reason that they were personal friends. 
 
 That he has been payirg personal debts with public offices is shown by the 
 fact that Indiana has got the offices of Secretary of State, Attorney Generalship, 
 the United States Treasuryship. the Marshalship of the District of Columbia, 
 the Third Auditorship, the mission to Italy, the Consulates-General in London 
 and Constantinople, the Assistant Attorney Generalship for the Post-office De- 
 partment and several other little things, not to speak of offices given to men 
 from other States who have lived in Indiana and voted for Harrison, or who 
 went to the Chicago Convention for Gresham and turned around to Harrison. 
 
 The President had occasion to appoint the postmaster in a town of some 
 importance in Western Missouri, one applicant for which was indorsed by the 
 Republican candidate for Congress in that district last fall, by one of the Re- 
 publican Congressmen from that State and by a number of prominent Republi- 
 can residents of the town. He was not appointed, the place being given to a 
 man whose claim upon it was that eight years ago he was a member of the 
 Indiana Legislature and voted for Harrison for United States Senator. 
 
 He appointed his old friend and campaign secretary, D. S. Alexander, to be 
 District Attorney of Northern New York, Mr. Alexander's appointment was 
 purely a personal matter with Mr. Harrison. Not a single Republican Senator 
 or Representative recommended it, and the party leaders in Buffalo united in 
 urging the appointment Of Jerome Fisher. Mr, Alexander has lived in the State 
 but three or four years and is not known in politics at all. 
 
 0. P. Hitch, appointed M rshal of Southern Illinois, was one of the two Illi- 
 nois delegates to the National Convention who supported Harrison instead of 
 Gresham. , 
 
 In spite of the vigorous protests of ex-Senator John B.Henderson and the 
 Republican Congressmen and other Republicans from Missouri, the Pres- 
 ident would have appointed a young man named Neal District Attorney for 
 
803 civrr, service reform. 
 
 Western Missouri when all the Missouri Republicans asked for the appointment 
 of E. E. Kimball, had not Dick Kerens made the President understand that he 
 1 id better reward Neal some other way. Neal had lived in the State but a 
 short time, and as a lawyer was obscure. He had formerly lived in Indiana, 
 and was intimate with an Indianapolis politician named Shields, who had se- 
 cured the Missouri post-office already mentioned for an emigrant from Indiana, 
 in spite of the objections of tbe Missouri Republicans. NeaJ was also a delegate 
 to the Chicago Convention from Missouri. He went there as a Gresham man. 
 But at Chicago he met Shields and he was promised the district attorneyship 
 if he would vote for Harrison in the event of Harrison's election. 
 
 Kimball, a very popular man and the Republican candidate for Governor last 
 fall, was finally appointed district attorney, and Kerens agreed to get a railroad 
 attorneyship for Neal, and as farther compensation, Neal was allowed to name 
 three postmasters and an Indian agent for whose places the Congressman had 
 other candidates. 
 
 A. K. Sills, a Harrison delegate at Chicago from Indiana, was appointed a 
 swamp land agent at a compensation of about $3,500. 
 
 George W. Jolly, who was appointed District Attorney for Kentucky, was a 
 delegate to the last Republican National Convention, and voted first and last for 
 General Harrison, although standing alone in the delegation. 
 
 The ofBce of the Supervising Inspector of Steamboats has been moved from 
 Louisville, Ky. , to Evansville, Ind. , in order to build up a Harrison machine 
 where the Gresham influence has been very strong. 
 
 President Harrison's apiointees have imitated his example by appointing or 
 securing the appointment of their connections to Federal ofiices. 
 
 Assistant Land Commissioner Stone has a son in the General Land Office. 
 
 Ex- Commissioner Tanner had two daughters in the Pension service until 
 lately and has one now. 
 
 First Auditor Fisher has a daughter in his office. 
 
 Private Secretary Halford's brother-in-law is postmaster in Champaign, 111. 
 
 Comptroller Matthuw's nephew is Assistant District Attorney for Southerr 
 Illinois. 
 
 Commissioner Morgan's wife is in the Indian Office. 
 
 Superintendent Dorchester's wife is in the Indian Office. 
 
 With these appointments may be grouped some others of slightly different 
 character. Senator Spooner's brother ha" a consulate, Senator Sherman's 
 nephew has been appointed Receiver of the Salt Lake City Land Office. It was 
 thought in Greenville, Pa., that William Henry Harrison Dumars, a veteran 
 soldier and Republican editor, would surely get the post-office, but it went to 
 Mrs. Louisa Keck, a widow in comfortable circumstances who was not known 
 to be a candidate. She is the cousin of Senator Quay's wife. 
 
 One of the first official acts of P. H. McCauU, Collector of Internal 
 Revenue at Lynchburg, Va., was to appoint the son of Mahone, the Republican 
 boss of Virginia, first assistajit. The boss's two sons are both provided with 
 places, the last-mentioned being Deputy United States Marshal. 
 
REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN METHODS. 203 
 
 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN METHODS 
 
 CORRUPTION FUNDS AND FORGERY THE MAIN- 
 STAY OF THE LAST STRUGGLE FOR 
 SUPREMACY. 
 
 When Mr. Harrison declared of his election to the Presidency that 
 " the Lord did it," he may have been sincere in his declaration ; but if 
 he was, he had ■willfully kept himself in ignorance of events that were 
 known to every other intelligent man in the United States. 
 
 The Republican campaign of 1888 was not a Sunday-school affair, and, 
 though one of its participants claims to have utilized for the benefit of 
 the Republican party the experience gained by him in raising funds foi 
 Sunday-school purposes, the means employed to bring about Republi 
 can suocess were not such as to reflect credit upon either those who 
 employed or those who profited by them. The rule of action recognized 
 by the party and by its managers in that campaign was admirably, 
 comprehensively and picturesquely expressed by Senator John James 
 Ingalls, of Kansas, who was the Republican presiding officer of the 
 United States Senate, when he said : 
 
 The poriflcation of politics is an iridescent dream. Government is force. Politics is a 
 battle for supremacy. Parties are the armies. The decalogue and the golden rule have na 
 place in a political campaign. The object is succeps. To defeat the anta'.'Onist and eipel the 
 party in power is the purpose. In war it is lawful to deceive the adversary, to hire Hessians, to 
 purchase mercenaries, to mutilate, to kill, to destroy. The commander who lost a battle 
 through the activity of his moral nature would be the derision and jest of history. This mod- 
 ern cant about the corruption of politics is fatiguing in the extreme. It proceeds from the teg 
 custard and syllabub dilettanteism, the frivolous and desultory sentimentalism of epicenes. 
 
 This was the Republican rule of faith and practice, and the history ol 
 the campaign shows how rigidly it was adhered to by the Republican 
 managers.. The object was success, and neither the decalogue, the gold- 
 en rule, nor the activity of any man's moral nature was permitted to 
 mterfere with its achievement. Nor was any iridescent dream or tea 
 custard and syllabub dilettanteism, or the frivolous and desultory senti- 
 
;201 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN iMBTHJDS. 
 
 mentalism of epioenes, allowed to make the great commander in that 
 campaign the derision and jest of history. 
 
 Indeed, the whole campaign, from its beginning to its end, was 
 severely practical and intensely flagitious. The graven image of Mammon 
 was raised up in the Republican camp, and was made supreme ; bribery 
 was deemed a virtuous thing, if successful ; forgery was thoroughly 
 approved and freely practiced, and the injunction, " Thou shalt not 
 bear false witness against thy neighbor " was relegated to the observance 
 of those whose moral natures had not been sacrificed upon the altar of 
 success. 
 
 The campaign did not derive its characteristics from the Republican 
 National Committee alone, well organized as that body was to impart 
 them, but the numerous auxiliaries which owed their existence to the 
 private favors extended by the Republican party at public expense, con- 
 tributed after their kind to make the campaign worthy of the party in 
 the interest of which it was conducted. 
 
 President Cleveland had made it manifest that, should the Demo- 
 cratic party be oontin^jed in power, the Government would, sooner or 
 later, cease to be an instrumentality, for the gratification of private 
 greed, and alarmed at the prospect of losing their illegitimate advantages, 
 the beneficiaries of Republican favoritism put their heads and their 
 purses together to pervert the ballot and place their almoners back in 
 power. All that was done to accomplish this purpose has never been 
 told, for the reason that it has never been divulged by the guilty partici- 
 pants ; but enough is known of the character of some of the Republican 
 managers, and enough has transpired concerning tSfeir management, to 
 establish, beyond cavil, the fact that the Republican campaign of 1888 
 was most infamously corrupt. 
 
 Fortunately, all the necessary evidence has been furnished by the 
 Republicans themselves. 
 
 Fbying the "II'AT." 
 
 It is not questioned that a large amount of money is necessary to 
 defray the legitimate expenses of any election which extends all over the 
 United States. These expenses include almost countless items of various 
 kinds, but buying of votes in any form is not one of them. A careful 
 perusal of the Republican utterances which follow will, however, satisfy 
 any candid mind of the corrupt purpose of those who collected and dis- 
 tributed the funds in behalf of the Republican party. 
 
 Mr. James P. Foster's notorious " fat " letter is the first document 
 to be put in evidence. The Republican League, of which he was presi- 
 dent, was one of the various auxiliaries of fhe Republican committee and 
 it drew its inspiration from the regular party organization. The letter, 
 which was addressed to the protected manufacturers, was as follows : 
 
REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN METHODS. 205 
 
 [Confidential.] 
 
 Headqttaeters Republican League of the United States, 1 
 Sew Tokk, May 25, 1888. ) 
 
 Mt !Deab Sib— The Republican League of the United States desires to bring you face to 
 face with the siartling fact that the coming Presidential election is not to be fought on the old 
 party lines which have heretofore divided Democrats and Republicans, but upon the direct 
 issue of free trade vs. protection. We will win this fight if you will do your share and help us 
 to finish what we have begun. We want money and want it at once. 
 
 It may not be of your personal knowledge, but it is a fact, nevertheless, that the manu- 
 facturers of the United State-, who are most benefited by our tariff laws, have been the least 
 wUling to contribute to the success of the party which gave them protection and which is about 
 to engage in a life-and-death struggle with free trade. 
 
 A Republican United States Senator, from a State which never had a Democratic Rep- 
 resentative in either House of Congress or a Democratic State officer, in speaking of the well- 
 known dispohitiou of the manufacturing interests to lock up its money, fold its hands, and 
 look on while somebody else fights for its success, says : 
 
 The campaign which we are about to enter will concern, more than anybody else, the 
 manufacturers of this country. They have hitherto been very laggard in their contributions to" 
 the Republican cause. In fact, if I could punish them, without punishing the cause of protec- 
 tion itself, I would consign them to the hottest place I could think of, on account of their 
 craven parsimony. If this class of people do not care to contribute to the success of the Re- 
 publican party, they are welcome to try their chances under a Democratic adminifctration ; I 
 can stand it as long as they can. 
 
 In fact, I have it from the best possible source that the manufacturers of Pennsylvania, 
 who are more highly protected than anybody else, and who make large fortunes every year 
 when times are prosperous, practically give nothing towards the maintenance of the ascend- 
 ancy of the Rejiublican party. Of course I shall not violate what I consider to be a proper 
 principle of action^ hut if I had my way about it I would put the manufacturers of Pennsylvania 
 under the fire and fry all the fat out of them. If the Mills tarill bill conies to the Senate there 
 will be some votes cast there which will open the eyes of some of these people who have, while 
 gathering th> _■ millions, treated the Republican party as their humble servant. 
 
 These are strong words, and bitter, but they are true, and it now remains with you and 
 your associates to determine whether they are to be reiterated after this campaign is over, and 
 protection has, through your apathy, been struck its death-blow. If yon give us the means to 
 win the victory we will do it. Are you willing f 
 
 Yours, very truly, 
 
 Jas. p. Postek, President. 
 
 No particular comment upon this seems necessary, except to say 
 that it failed to produce all the " fat " that was wanted, and that, there- 
 fore, other measures and other men were employed to increase the fund. 
 
 M. S. Quay, at present a Senator from the State of Pennsylvania, 
 was Chairman of the National Committee. He was thoroughly qualified 
 by both experience and disposition for putting into active operation the 
 peculiar methpds that were deemed necessary in the emergency which 
 confronted the Republican party. It was not at all likely that anybody in 
 Pennsylvania would desire to turn considerable sums of money over to 
 the chairman ; so Mr. Quay called to his assistance Mr. John Wanamaker, 
 a man who, until the discovery of his complicity with Quay, had borne 
 a reputation which was found to be of great service in the undertaking 
 of the conspirators. Mr. Quay, like Mr. Foster, wanted money, and he 
 wanted it at once and in, serviceable amounts. Mr. Wanamaker could 
 raise the money among his friends. If Mr. Quay could only succeed in 
 electing Mr. Harrison there would be cabinet offices to distribute, and 
 Mr. Quay would have a voice in their distribution. Mr. Wanamaker 
 was a man of integrity, but Mr. Quay tempted him, and he fell. Let 
 
306 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN METHODS. 
 
 him tell the story of hia fall. He tells it in a newspaper interview as 
 follows : 
 
 When Qnay sent for me I was enrprised. I liad no more Idea of what he wanted with 
 me than you might have if he telegraphed for you. But /knew he was not the kind of man to 
 send for me unless he had important business with me^ so I went. Then he told me thai 
 the National Bepublican Committee needed m/mey, and his scheme for my raising it. I at flret 
 declined to have anything to do with it. I had very little hope of defeating Cleveland, • * * 
 and I did not want to get on a sinking ship. He urged the matter, told me why he felt sure 
 of carrying the election if he had the money. Even then I hesitated, and asked three weeks 
 for consideration. He agreed, and I talked with our leading manvfacturers, men whose names 
 arc the best in the land— such men as Washburne, Amos Lawrence's grandson, and a dozen 
 others I could name — men who would never have given a dollar for dishonest uses, even if I 
 had been willing to ask it, and at the end of three weeks Hold Quay I would undertake to raise 
 the money if he would allow us to establish a manvfacturers'' bureau and have a voice in the 
 disposition of the money. I do not mean that we insisted on knowing what was done with 
 every dollar of it. I did not want to know. When I sell a suit of clothes I do not insist upon 
 being told just where those clothes are going. My responsibility ceases when I furnish a good 
 article at a fair price. What I did insist upon was that I should be able to satisfy theTUenwho 
 trusted me with their money that it was used for the purposes for which they subscribed it, and 
 that guaranty Mr. Quay gave me. That is how there came to be a manufacturers' bureau. 
 
 What was said by or to the manufacturers with whom Mr. Wana- 
 maker talked is partly left to conjecture, though, as will appear here- 
 after, he tells the general scope of the conversations ; and what Mr. 
 Wanamaker's mental processes were during those three weeks of wrest- 
 ling between conscience and ambition is a subject for the imagination. 
 
 Having gone into the business of corrupting elections, Mr. Wana- 
 maker was anxious that nothing should be left undone. He reveals the 
 modus operandi : 
 
 " I wanted an advisory board to tlie National Committee made up of business men, and a 
 treasurer appointed for that board ; then I wanted an executive committee taken out of that 
 advisory board and limited in number, and with power to overlook not only the raising of that 
 money, but its expenditure by the National Committee. The plans were acceded to." " How 
 much money was raised ?" " Nothing like so much money as has been proclaimed. We did 
 not need four hundred thousand dollars and we did not raise it ; no individual gave so much 
 money as has been represented, myself included." " Did yon raise two hundred thousand dol- 
 lars?" "Yes, we raised more than that. My contribution was ten thousand dollars. I had a 
 large experience in raising money, from my connection with the Christian Association and 
 other enterprises of that sort. If you have a large purpose and can bring it to bear upon large- 
 minded men, you may as well ask for ten thousand dollars as for five hundred dollars, for men 
 are rather complimented when you asji them higher, and they sacrifice high for a worthy end. 
 I said to such as I addressed : ' How much would you pay for insurance upon your business f 
 If you were confronted with from one year to three years of general depression by a change in our 
 revenue and protective methods affecting our manufactures and wages and good times, what 
 would you pay to be insured for a better year 1 ' That they understood to be the measure of 
 their contribution. We raised the money so quickly that the Democrats never knew anything 
 about it. They had their spies out, supposing that we were going to do something ; tut before 
 they knew what It was we had them beaten. They were not beaten in November nor in 
 October, but long before that. When the election was over and won, the National Committee 
 would have given me almost anything. It was understood that Pennsylvania was to have a 
 Cabinet place. The appointment was tendered to me of Postmaster-General, and therefore I 
 am here." 
 
 AU this betrays a singular distrust upon the part of the contributors 
 of the distinguished gentleman who was at the head of the Eepublican 
 committee, and this, with Mr. Wanamaker's remark about where his 
 
KEPDBLICAN CAMPAIGN METHODS. 207 
 
 responsibility ceases when he sells a suit of clothes, suggests the possi- 
 bility of a diversion of these trust funds to the dishonest uses for which 
 he says not a doUar would have been contributed. 
 
 GeEASING the FliOATBKS. 
 
 Mr. Wanamaker says : " I do not mean that we insisted upon know- 
 ing what was done with every dollar of it. I did not want to know." 
 
 There is no probability that either he or amy one else knows the tdti- 
 mate application of every dollar of this immense fund, a fund which, by 
 fair inferences from what he says,. amounted to not much less than 
 $400,000. But, fortunately, the general course of the fund is abundantly 
 indicated by documentary evidence that is unimpeachable. 
 
 Colonel W. W. Dudley, of Indiana, President Harrison's friend until 
 after the election, was treasurer of the Eepublican Committee, and had 
 custody of the " fat. " He knew what was done with the money, not only 
 that which was collected by Mr. "Wanamaker, but the hundreds of thou- 
 sands of dollars besides, which were contributed by the many manufac- 
 turers to be expended for the ulterior purpose of making them pay high 
 wages to their employees. And here is Colonel Dudley's contribution to 
 the evidence : 
 
 HBADQTTAKTHES REPUBLIOAlf NATIONAL COMMITTEE, J 
 
 91 Fifth Avenue, New Yoek, October 84. ( 
 LJJxecntive Committee : M. S. Quay, chairman ; J. S. Clarkson, vice-cliairman ; J. S. Fas- 
 Bett, secretary ; William W. Dudley, treasurer ; John C. New, A. L. Conger, C. A. Hobart, 
 Samuel Fessenden, George K. Davia, J. Manchester Haynes, M. H. De Tonng, William Caasins 
 Goodloe.] 
 
 Deab Sie— I hope yon have kept copies of the lists sent me. Such information is very 
 valuable and should be used to great advantage. It has enabled me to demonstrate to friends 
 that with proper assistance Indiana is surely Bepublicanfor governor and President, and has 
 resulted, as Ihoped it would, in securing for Indiana the aid necessary. Your committee will 
 certainly receive from Chairman Huston the assistance necessary to hold our fioaiers and 
 doubtful voters and gain enmigh of the other kind to give Harrison and Mortem 10,000 plu- 
 rality. 
 
 New York is now safe beyond peradventure for the Eepublican Presidential ticket ; Con- 
 necticut likewise. In short, every Northern State, except perhaps New Jersey, though we 
 Btill hope to carry that State. Harrison's majority in the Electoral College will not be less than 
 100. Make our friends in each precinct wake up to the fact that only boodle and fraudulent 
 votes and false counting of returns can beat us in the State. Write each of our precinct corre- 
 spondents — First. To find out who has Democratic boodle, and steer the Democratic workers 
 to them, and make them pay big . prices for their own men. Second. Scan the election 
 officers closely, and make sure to have no man on the board whose Integrity is even question- 
 able, and insist on Eepuulicans watching every movement of the election officera. Third, See 
 that our workers know every voter entitled to a vote, and let no one else even offer to vote. 
 Fourth. Divide the floaters into blocks of five, andput a trusted man with necessary funds in 
 charge of these five, and make him responsible that none get away and that all vote our ticket. 
 Fifth. Make a personal appeal to your beat business men to pledge themselves to devote the 
 entire day, November 6, to work at the polls — that i5, to be present at the polls with tickets. 
 They will be astonished to see how utterly dumfounded the ordinary Democratic election 
 bummer will be, and how quickly he will disappear. The result will fully Justify the sacrifice 
 of time and comfort, and will be a source of satisfaction afterwards to those who help in this 
 way. Lay great stress on this last matter. It will pay. 
 
208 KBPDBLICAN CAMPAIGN METHODS. 
 
 Then will ie no doubt of your receiving the necessary assistance through the National, 
 State, and County committees j' only see t/iat it is husbanded and made to produce results. 
 I rely on yoD to advise your precinct correspondents and urge them to unremitting and con- 
 stant efEorts from now till the polls close and the result is annonnced officially. We will flght 
 for a fair election here if necessary. The rebel crew cannot steal this election from us as they 
 diJ in 1884 without some one getting hurt. Let every Eepuhlican do his whole duty and the 
 country will pass into Kepulican hands, never to leave it, I trust. Thanking you again for 
 your efforts to assist me in my work, I remain, 
 
 Tonrs, sincerely, 
 
 Wm. W. DtroiBT. 
 
 Please wire me result in principal precincts and county. 
 
 This letter, sent to the Republican "workers" in Indiana, is suffl- 
 ciently explicit to satisfy the most exacting. It furnishes, also, a satis- 
 factory reason for Mr. Wanamaker's not wishing to know what became of 
 every dollar. Criminal courts sometimes make knowledge of this char- 
 acter very inconvenient to those in possession of it, and it was a wise 
 precaution upon the part of Mr. Wanamaker to avoid a too particular in- 
 quiry into the disposition made of the great corruption fund. Colonel 
 Dudley's testimony should suf&ce for the Indiana branch of the bribery 
 bureau. 
 
 Colonel Elliott F. Shepard is one of President Harrison's friends, 
 and he is also the editor of the New York Mail and Express, a Republi- 
 can newspaper published in the City of New Xork. Colonel Shepard 
 published this statement in his paper, November 22, 1888 : 
 
 Of the money so liberally contributed by the Republicans in this city for election ex- 
 penses, three very large sums were paid oufwhich brought in only about 1,350 votes as the 
 result of these expensive negotiations. The Coogan Labor vote cast for Harrison and MiUer 
 amounted to 1,300 ; the James O'Brien Protection Democracy vote, 50 ; the John J. 
 O'Brien vote, beyond what is the normal vote in the Eighth District, to 100 votes. On Satur- 
 day before election, there was paid by the National Committee for use in this city to a Eepub- 
 lican State leader, as we are informed, the great sum of about $160,000, and as none of this 
 went to the County Committee, it is fair to presume this very large sum was used in the three 
 negotiations referred to. 
 
 The expenses of manning the polling-boxes, to the extent of $55 for each election district, 
 were defrayed by the funds raised by the Union League Club, making for the 856 districts the 
 sum of $47,080. From the same club collection also was paid for music, uniforms, printing, 
 and all that, about $33,000 more. 
 
 The County Committee received from the National Committee about 840,000, from the 
 State Committee nothing, and from individuals about $50,000, making a total, with the preced- 
 ing $70,000, for direct, necessary and legitimate use in this great metropolis, of only $160,000 
 for speakers, transparencies, rent, and clerks of headquarters, manning the polls, postage, 
 circulars, and all that. 
 
 As to the Coogan movement, it promised 39,000 more votes for Harrison and Miller than 
 it delivered, and collapsed, after polling about 9,000 votes for Coogan for Mayor, into the arms 
 of Tammany Hall, which presented the only other Romanist for that office. 
 
 The James O'Brien movement promised 10,000 more votes than it delivered. 
 
 The John J. O'Brien movement kept its word pretty well for Harrison, miserably for 
 Miller, and not at all for Erhardt. 
 
 The success of the Republican party in this city is to be achieved by educating the masses 
 in Republican doctrines, by the circulation of the Republican newspapers, and the continual 
 holding of mass-meetings ; and we hope we have seen the last of attempts to Imy voters en bloc, 
 in <.a which attempts for the past tioenty-six yeare we have been btiying experience and not votes, 
 been JlUing and Irimming the_ lampe of our opponents and emptying our own. 
 
REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN METHODS. 209 
 
 This wail over tlie escaped floaters clearly points out where some of 
 the dollars went, and arouses a very reasonable suspicion as to the 
 application of the whole fund. 
 
 If these publications left anything to be desired by way of indicating 
 the influence to which Mr. Harrison owed his election, the Manu- 
 factvrer, of Philadelphia, the organ of the Manufacturers' Club, supplied 
 the deficiency. In April, 1889, it said : 
 
 It is, tberefore, to the men tbat gave the cash that a large, if not the largest, share of snccesi 
 is due. These, almost always, ire the hueincss men. We make the assertion that the money 
 contributed by this (Manufacturers') club last year had more influence upon the result of the 
 National Election than all the skill, the ingenuity, the labor and the wire-pulling of all the 
 professional politicians in the City of Philadelphia. We believe tMs proposition to be capable 
 of positive proof . If, therafore, control of patronage is rightly the reward of victorione efforts, 
 the right of this club to name the Federal office-holders of Philadelphia rests upon solid 
 ground. ♦ * * The leaders, we suppose, will claim that they are the men who win yictorles, 
 and that their generalship entitles them to special considerations. But they can win no 
 triumphs without strong backing in money and votes from the best members of their party. 
 y the politicians had had to fight single-handed the battles of last November, Mr. Cleveland 
 would now be in the White House. They were literally smitten with paralysis until the manu- 
 facturers and other business men came to the rescue, not only with abundant supplies of money 
 iut with a determination to carry the day by hard work and actively exerted infiuence. That 
 was how the fight was won. 
 
 That ought to disabuse Mr. Harrison's mind, if he stiU thinks that 
 " the Lord did it"; for " that was how the fight was won," and the 
 President's distribution of cabinet oflices proves beyond controversy 
 that he recognizes the fact that he holds his office by reason of the 
 "victorious efforts " made in his behalf by the contributors to the cam- 
 paign fund. 
 
 FOBGBET IN THE CAMPAiaN. 
 
 But bribery was not the only crime through which the Bepublicans 
 sought success. The campaigners were versatile in their criminality. 
 It was not safe to trust to the venal alone ; the credulous were a more 
 reliable class, and so deceit was made to do its share of the dirty work. 
 
 If this deceit had been confined to thatplain misrepresentation which 
 distinguishes substantially all the political speeches and documents 
 emanating from Kepublioan authors and orators, or if it had not extended 
 beyond that flagrant and intentional violation of truth which is so often 
 the resort of some of those who advocate " robbery under the forms of 
 law," it would have attracted no particular attention ; for the people 
 have become so accustomed to these things that they always expect them, 
 and know how to treat them. 
 
 But it went, beyond all this and included the publication of extraota 
 from the British press. These extracts were printed on flaming docu- 
 ments, containing representations, in colors, of the American and British 
 flags, and pictures of the nominees, Cleveland and Thurman being 
 represented as the British, and Harrison and Morton as the American 
 candidates. 
 14 
 
210 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN METHODS. 
 
 Millions of the documents were distributed throughout the United 
 States. The extracts were reprinted in nearly all Republican papers, in 
 many of which they were kept standing throughout the campaign, and 
 in some of which they still occasionally appear ; they were read from 
 every stump and were quoted in private conventions. Then the 
 American people were asked to choose between the American and the 
 British candidates. And all this came of infamous and diabolical 
 Republican forgery. 
 
 Many of these expressions were credited to persons, publications and 
 organizations that were created by the Republicans out of their own im- 
 aginations for the mere purpose of giving to the forgeries an appearance 
 of being genuine, some were given no particular parentage, and other* 
 were alleged to be the utterances of well-known men and newspapers. 
 The true character of these extracts was exposed over and over again, 
 but the only perceptible effect of the ekposure was the strengthen. 
 ing of the Republican determination to give to the forgeries greater 
 currency. 
 
 President Cleveland's message and the Mills bill had set the country 
 to thinking ; the Irish vote was sturdily supporting the party of liberal 
 principles, and Mr.' Harrison's antecedents were not of a character to. 
 attract this vote to the party that had seldom failed to manifest its con- 
 tempt for Irishmen. Therefore, prejudice must be relied upon to coun- 
 teract these things, and forging was the most available means of arous- 
 ing prejudice. 
 
 Omitting more particular reference to the many other forgeries, let. 
 one suffice to illustrate them all. It is one that is forked, like a serpent's 
 tongue, and was calculated to appeal to both American patriotism and 
 the hatred of British oppression. This forgery, which was credited to. 
 the London Times, reads as follows : 
 
 The only time England can uae an Iiisliman is when he emigrates to America and votes- 
 for free trade. 
 
 The St. James Gazette, London, exposed this forgery, and it subse- 
 quently transpired that the extract's original claim to authenticity, 
 though much stronger than that of the other forgeries, rested upon the- 
 statement made by a Republican member of Congress, in a speech made- 
 in the House, that " A few years ago I read in the London Times thes& 
 words in speaking of the Irish people : ' The only time that England 
 can use the Celt is when he emigrates to America and votes for free 
 trade.'" The statement made by the Congressman, like the extract 
 published during the campaign, was shown by the St. James Oazetie to be 
 absolutely false. 
 
 Here, again, the evidence in support of the charge is furnished by 
 the Republicans themselves, Mr. Hubert Radclyffe, then Secretary of 
 the Home Market Club, Boston, being the witness. Mr. Radclyffe made- 
 to the club a full report of the circumstances attending his connection. 
 
REPDBLrCAN CAMPAIGN METHODS. 211 
 
 with, the forgery. He was dismissed from the service of the club, and 
 then he made his report public. In it he said : 
 
 I prepared the flag document for circulation by the club, making some changes, printing 
 it upon both i^idee, the one with the English flag having the Democratic nominations, and the 
 other, with the American flag, having the Republican nominalions. ITie first delivery of the 
 printer was upon August 31 at 4.30 P. m., and the documents were most effectively circulated.' 
 at the Butler meeting the same evening. 
 
 A few days after my attention was directed to a cablegram in the Boston Post, stating" 
 that the St. James Gazette deiied the authenticity of the quotation from the London Times, 
 which was being circulated in this country. The use of the quotation by t.ie New York 
 TrUmne, and the gineral wide circulation of it through the press of the country, and the fact 
 also that the cablegram referred to was not printed in all the Boston papers, caused me, I must 
 say, at first to doubt whether the denial was woith paying the slightest attention to. But 1 
 immediately proceeded to the Public Librjiry, found toat the St. JaTnes Gazette was a daily 
 paper published in London, and when the copy was received, showing the article in full, 1 
 stopped the circulation of the document. 
 
 He merely made some changes in a document that was being circu- 
 lated by the Eepublican National Committee. 
 
 Notwithstanding the fact that this exposure was made, as appears, 
 early in September, millions of the documents were subsequently 
 distributed, and the use of the extracts in the press and on th& 
 stump went on as before. The active participation of the Home Market 
 Club may have ceased as indicated in the Secretary's report, but ther& 
 was no public intimation from the clerk that the forgery had been 
 detected, and though the Democratic press almost daily called attention 
 to the criminal use of the forged extract, Mr. Whitelaw Beid and hi» 
 paper, the New York Tribune, continued to sanction it. 
 
 As stated, this forgery merely illustrates a common practice. It was 
 shown during the campaign that others of the-forgeries had even less of 
 the semblance of truth to support them than this had, for they were- 
 credited to persons and publications that had never existed. But their 
 circulation was continued, notwithstanding. That they had their eil.-'Jt 
 cannot be doubted. 
 
 The Seqitel. 
 
 After the election, Mr. Harrison invited Quay to Indianapolis. He- 
 turned over to the Pennsylvania Senator the whole patronage of that 
 State and much besides, rewarding Quay's agent Wanamaker with ai. 
 Cabinet portfolio, and in smaller things doing the bidding of the man t© 
 •whose methods he owed his election. This state of things was continnecB 
 until Quay's increasing arrogance and the public opinion aroused by 
 flagrant abuses of the patronage compelled the President to refuse further 
 compliance with that almoner's demands. 
 
 Col. Dudley was not publicly recognized. From his hands Mr. Har- 
 rison accepted the gift, tainted as it was, but he contemned the giver. 
 And yet he was not wholly ungrateful, as will appear. 
 
 In Indiana, a warrant was sworn out for Col. Dudley's arrest upon ther 
 charge of committing bribery. Judge Wood, of the United States Dis— 
 
"213 REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN METHODS. 
 
 ■triot Court, in ohargiag the Grand Jury, said, referring to the statute 
 under which the accusation was made : 
 
 The latter clause of tlie section makes any one gnilty wlio counsels bribery. • ♦ • 
 This clause makes it an offense for any one to advise another to attempt to commit any of the 
 offenses named in this section ; so that, while it is not a crime to make the attempt, it ia a 
 crime to advise another to make the attempt. If A attempts to bribe B, that is no offense under 
 this statute ; but if A advises B to bribe C, then the one who commends or gives this advice is 
 an offender under this law. And I will say that there is some wisdom in this provision. 
 
 A true bill was found, but, the indictment being technically defective, 
 it became necessary again to submit the case to the Grand Jury. In the 
 meantime, .Tudge Wood received some instructions, which had a material 
 effect upon the law applicable to the case ; so, when he again charged 
 the Grand Jury, he stated the law as follows : 
 
 It results, of course, that the mere sending by one to another of a letter or docnment con- 
 taining advice to bribe a voter, or setting forth a scheme for such bribery, however bold and 
 reprehensible, is not indictable. There must be shown in addition an attempt by the receiver 
 of the letter, or of some other instigated by him, to execute the scheme by bribing or attempt- 
 tog to bribe some voter in respect to the election of Congressmen, or in such way as to affect 
 Buch elections. 
 
 Another point deserves consideration in this connection. If the view be adopted that 
 advice not acted upon may constitute a crime, then the exact words used in giving the advice, 
 whether oral or written, must be ascertained, and every possible intendment in favor of in- 
 nocence must be allowed and all doubts resolved in favor of the accused. If the use of money 
 be advised, but the particular purpose of its use be not clearly and, indeed, conclusively indi- 
 cated, a possible innocent use will be presumed ; and even if the purpose to bribe be unques- 
 tionable, and yet it appears that the design was to purchase votes for other officers than 
 Kepresentatives in Congress, it would be no crime under the statute which is designed to pro- 
 tect the election for that office. 
 
 Colonel Dudley remained away from Indiana for more than a year 
 after the election. When he returned the services of the Democratic 
 Assistant District Attorney, who has shown consideraJDle "pernicious 
 activity " in Colonel Dudley's case, had been dispensed with, and his 
 chief, the United States District Attorney appointed by President Har- 
 rison, declined to prosecute the accused. 
 
 But there is one fact still to be related, and it illuminates all that 
 has been told. The 51st, or Billion Dollar, Congress created the United 
 States Circuit Court of Appeals, and provided for the appointment of 
 nine judges to sit on its bench. President Harrison appointed this same 
 Judge Wood to one of those places ; and this one fact stands boldly out 
 to confront him who charges President Harrison with ingratitude to 
 iOolonel Dudley. 
 
THE CURBENCY qXJESlION. -213 
 
 THE CURRENCY QUESTION. 
 
 WHY THE REPEAL OF THE TEN PER CENT. TAX ON 
 STATE BANK ISSUES IS DEMANDED. 
 
 " We recommend that the prohibitory ten per cent, tai on State bank lesnes be repealed." 
 —Democratic National Platform. 
 
 Since the appearance of this recommendation jn the Democratic national 
 platform, Republican writers and speakers have, with many rhetorical flour- 
 ishes, announced themselves as the defenders of the national hanking system and 
 as the protectors of the country against " wildcat " institutions. Thus far they 
 have not seriously grappled with the financial problems of which the American 
 people are demanding a solution, but have contented themselves with " glitter- 
 ing generalities." They preach with fervor the perfection of a system which, 
 so far as the function to which its popularity was largely due is concerned, has 
 had its day. 
 
 Issue is not joined on the question of the excellence of the national banking 
 system in some respects as compared to that of other systems that have existed, 
 nor is it joined on the question of the great service it has rendered. The real 
 issues are : Whether the system can be perpetuated ; whether it is now 
 necessary to provide a substitute, and what that substitute shall be. 
 First, as to the perpetuity of the system. The national banking system owes 
 its existence to the Civil War. The imperious necessity of finding a market 
 for- United States bonds, and for the supply of a treasury drained by war, was 
 the favoring condition for such & reorganization of the old State bank currency 
 under the national banking system, and the assumption of unusual powers 
 by the United States Government, which was becomng habitual under the 
 pressure of a struggle for existence, made the resort to federal authority prac- 
 ticable. In 1860 a majority of the people would have thought the establish- 
 ment of a third bank dangerous and of doubtful constitutionality. In 1863 
 a system of national banks, infinitely more powerful than the bank which had 
 waged an almost equal war with Jackson, was established with widespread, 
 although not unanimous, consent, and without solid opposition, except from some 
 existing institutions threatened or alarmed by the change. The act for establish- 
 ing the system was passed on February 35, 1863. In many points of detail this 
 act proved unsatisfactory and incomplete. Only 134 banks were organized under 
 It in the next nine months and the number was less than 450 in 16 months. There- 
 
■314; THE CUKEENCY QUESTION, 
 
 fore in June, 1864, a revised act was pas,sed. In this it was provided that banks 
 chartered by the Stales could he reorganized as national banks. The extension 
 of the system was rapid. It was stimulated by a provision in an act of March 
 3, 1865, layiug a ten per cent, tax on all S ate bank notes paid out after July 1, 
 1866. The circulation of State bank notes being practically prohibited, the 
 greater part of them reorganized as national banks. The number in existence 
 July 1, 1866, was 1,634. The number on May 17, 1893, was 3,734. 
 
 Why was this system established ? We have seen that it was bom of an 
 •emergency. Why did the Government, in its habitual " assumption of 
 unusual powers prohibit the exeicise by the several States gf that function 
 ■which perhaps is the very last one that, with any semblance of States Rights, 
 should be surrendered to the National Government ? " 
 
 What great service was expected of the system that Congress, even in such 
 a crisis, should resort to such extreme measures, that it should adopt a "plan of 
 throttling out of existence all banking whatever, except what the central gov- 
 •ernment controls ? " 
 
 Following Comptroller Lacey's report of 1889, we may say that the success- 
 ful establishment of the system was expected to result in : 
 
 (1.) A large demand for Government securities. 
 
 (3.) A uniform currency, guarded as far as practicable against depreciation. 
 
 (3.) Protection from losses in discounts and exchanges. 
 
 (4.) Diminution in the rates of interest. 
 
 (5.) Increased security of the Union. 
 
 What part the system played in diminishing the rates of interest cannot be 
 satisfactorily determined, but it is readily conceded that a large demand for 
 Government securities was created ; that the currency has been uniform ; that 
 the losses from discounts and exchanges have been light; that the system was 
 of great assistance in the struggle for the Union ; that depositors have lost little, 
 and that note-holders have lost nothing. 
 
 But it is evident that three of the ends which the financiers had in view in 
 -establishing the system were attained long ago, and cannot now be urged in 
 favor of its continuance. It is no longer necessary to have a device to secure 
 a market for Government securities ; the Union is not in danger, and rates of 
 interest are governed by the laws of supply and demand. As to the other 
 objects that led to its establishment, it will be maintained that while the cur- 
 rency has been uniform, yet having gradually diminished, it is now insuffi- 
 cient in volume and inflexible and inelastic in quality; that not only what cur- 
 rency then remaining but the system itself will disappear in 1907 with the 
 maturity of the bonds on which the system rests, and that in the meantime 
 and afterwards the discount and exchange functions can be as well performed 
 by the substitute proposed. 
 
 Withdrawal of Bank Notes. 
 
 Of CO irse, it was evident from the beginning that the circulation would be 
 contracted as the bonds on which it rested matured and were paid off. The 
 ■circulation reached its height about 1874, and remained at a high level till 
 about 1883, when the disturbances began to manifest themselves. It was about 
 
THE CURRENCY QUESTION. 215 
 
 this time that attention was strongly directed to the threatened danger and 
 that suggestions were volunteered for averting it. 
 
 According to Comptroller Lacey's Annual Report for 1891, the circulation 
 secured by bonds on January 1, 1870, was, in round numbers, $299,000,000, 
 and the circulation outstanding was $300,750,000. By 1874, the amount 
 secured by bonds was $348,500,000; in 1877, $302,000,000; in 1882, 
 $332,300,000; in 1884, $310,000,000; in 1888, $165,200,000; in 1891, 
 $127,750,000 ; and on May 17, 1892, $140,000,000. The amount outstanding 
 was, for each of the foregoing dates, somewhat greater than the amount 
 secured by bonds. The amount for 1874 was $350,750,000; for 1877, 
 $831,500,000; for 1882, $362,500,000; for 1884, $350,500,000; for 1888, 
 $263,300,000, and for 1891, $177,250,000. 
 
 This currency has been for years a disturbing element, necessitating resort, 
 from time to time, to inferior devices, till our currency to-day is a motley 
 mixture. Prom 1883 to 1888, the amount outstanding fell from $363,600,000 
 to $263,300,000, and from 1888 to 1892, from $363,000,000 to in the neighbor- 
 hood of $150,000,000. 
 
 This gradual and irresistible disappearance of the circulation is but the dis- 
 turbance preceding the disappearance of the system itself. The payment of 
 the bonds has been gradually sapping the foundation of the system. For 
 some time the structure has be'en tottering. In a few years at most it will 
 topple over. On this important point we are fortunate in having the views and 
 opinions of the comptrollers of the currency, of the leading bankers of the 
 country, of our leading writers on banking, and of some of our national repre- 
 sentatives, among whom Senator Sherman is especially noteworthy. 
 
 The whole question of bolstering up the system by providing a substi- 
 tute for Gover.imeut securities has been in the minds of our public 
 men for years. In the beginning the feeling was that time would 
 see a substitute provided. As the limit drew nearer this feeling under- 
 went a change. What it is to-day we shall see as we proceed. We 
 find that the question early came into prominence in the meetings of 
 the Bankers' Association, and that it received a great deal of consideration 
 at the hands of eminent authorities. In 1881 Mr. G-. S. Coe (at one time 
 President of the Association), President of the American Exchange National 
 Bank of New York, speaking before the Association, said; "It is very 
 obvious that the continued reduction of the public debt is fast removing 
 Ihe foundation of the national banking currency, and that the system itself, thus 
 losing its characteristic support, is approaching dissolution. Notwith- 
 standing the social inconveniences which may result from this rapid 
 payment of the national debt and the consequent disturbance in the affairs of 
 individuals and organizations throughout this country, yet the public sentiment 
 undeniably favors its early and entire extinction. * * * However much the 
 national currency may be regarded as superior to other systems, yet it mani- 
 festly will not be perpetuated, if to do it the national debt must also continue. 
 Dependent upon the sentiment of the country upon that issue alone, it is evident 
 that the currency must die. Its days are already numbered. Every fractional 
 advance in the price of Government bonds is a blow at its life * » * and 
 the march of events everywhere indicates its subversion from the present 
 
216 THE CTJKKENCY QUESTION. 
 
 basis." Mr. Coe further insisted that security could not be supplied by State 
 bonds, by corporation bonds, or by individual mortgages of real estate. The 
 two last classes of securities were, he thought, too fluctuating, too transitory, 
 too local in their character for the purpose proposed, and would be given a 
 fictitious and temporary value by the very currency they were intended to 
 protect. He thought that the only resort for a basis for the national currency 
 issues was to commercial assets. 
 
 Secretary McCuUoch, speaking before the same Association in 1886, took sub- 
 stantially the same ground as President Coe had done. " Nothing but the bonds 
 of the Government can perfectly secure a national bank circulation ; of these 
 bonds the national banks are being rapidly deprived and will soon be deprived 
 altogether, unless the public revenues are largely reduced. Nothing can save 
 it (the national banking system) if the redemption of the Government bonds 
 goes on, and this can only be prevented by a reduction of the Government in- 
 come to the amount required to cover its ordinary expenses, of which reduc- 
 tion there are at present no indications." In the same year, Senator Sherman 
 expressed the opinion that no other security could possibly take the place of 
 Government bonds : — " This has been tried over and over again in the United 
 States and with disastrous results. Coin reserves in the vaults of a bank dis- 
 appear at the first sign of a panic. Even reserves placed under the control of 
 a system of State banks have proved insufficient. Mortgages on real estate. 
 State bonds, and commercial paper have over and over again been found an 
 inadequate security." These views were expressed when the Senate was 
 debating some measure intended to give the national system a longer breathing 
 spell. The doctors all disagreed. The embarrassment is well described in the 
 following extract from the remarks of the late Senator Plumb : 
 
 "It was said yesterday that the debate had exhibited a great unanimity of 
 sentiment in favor of the national banks, the inquiry on all hands being * * * 
 how can we best maintain that system ? * * * There is absolutely no con- 
 clusion on that point. * * * The various propositions before the Senate 
 * * * are designed merely to toggle up the system. * * * Every mem- 
 ber proposing a measure is absolutely certain that his is the best, that all others 
 are wrong and not calculated to meet the case, and yet for none of them is it 
 claimed that anything more than a breathing spell will be the result of its 
 adoption. Mr. President, when doctors of such eminence disagree, what are 
 laymen like myself to do ? I found on my table this morning * * * an 
 emphatic protest from the President of the Mercantile National Bank of New 
 York against all these plans." Thus as early as 1884, it was practically agreed 
 that the system was doomed. In 1887 Comptroller Trenholm asked for sug- 
 gestions from various parts of the country for perpetuating the system. Of 
 these suggestions he says: "Upwards of forty plans have been suggested, 
 which are appropriately classed under five propositions, viz. : 
 
 (1) To do away with the note-issuing function of the banks. 
 
 (8) To increase the inducements for the banks to deposit United States bonds 
 as a basis of national circulation, 
 
 (3) To provide by new issues of bonds for a continuation of the present or of 
 some modified system of national bank circulation based on United States 
 bonda. 
 
THE CURKBNCY QUESTION. 217 
 
 (4) To substitute some other security for United States bonds deposited in 
 the United States Treasury as a basis for national bank circulation. 
 
 (5) To allow the banks to issue circulation upon their general credit without 
 requiring specie security to be deposited." 
 
 It would be tedious to follow Mr. Trenholm's able discussion of these prop- 
 ositions, but we may state his conclusion. "The last of the feasible projects, 
 ■viz., proposition fifth, seems to be the only one containing a general principle 
 under which the national bank system can possibly be perpetuated," but he 
 held that the objections to this were fatal. "If the views here submitted," he 
 concludes, " are correct, it would appear that no substitute yet proposed for 
 the present basis of national bank circulation is sufficiently free from objec- 
 tions to be adopted." He suggested caution and delay in making any radical 
 change, and proposcd'modiflcationsof the existing law. In 1888 Mr. Trenholm 
 himself proposed a substitute, namely, funding in bonds the greenback debt of 
 $364,681,016, or so much of it as may be presented at the Treasury within a 
 limited period of time, say three years. This was open to many objections and 
 could not be adopted. In 1889, Comptroller Lacey endeavored to ascertain the 
 relative growth of national and State banks. He reported that it seemed quite 
 certain that organizations under State statutes were increasing proportionately, 
 and that this appeared to be attributable to a change of conditions which 
 threaten the growth and permanency of the entire national system. The latter 
 must keep pace with the growth of the nation or pass into a state of stagnation 
 and decay." On this question of the perpetuity of the system we have 
 the recent opinion of the Oommerdal and Financial Chronicle, that no system 
 founded on national bonds as a security has the remotest chance of a favorable 
 reception by the people. " We have lived," it says, " through all the phases 
 of a national bank note experience, and the prejudice which is felt against that 
 kind of a currency has been outspoken for a number of years. Even now the 
 trifling change of extending the note limit on the Government securities to the 
 par of the bonds held fails of enactment year after year." 
 
 To conclude the citation of authorities on this question, we will give the 
 remarks of Senator Sherman as found in his speech on the free coinage of 
 gold and silver bullion, in the Senate June 3, 1893. In 1884 he had said that 
 nothing could take the place of Government securities. He now admits that 
 these must go : 
 
 " It is not necessary for me here and now to prolong the argument about 
 these banks. No doubt they have had their day and wUl pass away, not 
 because they are not good banks * * * but because the bonds of the United 
 
 States upon which they rest will be paid off. 
 
 * ***** 
 
 "Now, Mr. President, another thing is plain: that the people of this 
 country — whether rightly or wrongly is not for me to say — are not in favor of 
 the longer continuance of the national banking system beyond that period 
 which will enable them to wind up as banks of circulation, when the pay- 
 meat of the public interest bearing bonds is made. * ' * Mr. President, I 
 am therefore in favor of regarding the popular will as being practically 
 expressed, that we shall not continue this banking system longer than the 
 existence of the bonds that are outstanding. The people are not willing to 
 
218 THE CURKENCT QTTKSTION. 
 
 take as security for the notes they hold any less security than the Government 
 of the United States of America, whether that be in the form of bonds or ia 
 the declaration of the Government to maintain the notes." 
 
 TrtE Demand for a New System. 
 
 Thus it is clear that the national banking system is doomed. There ■will 
 soon be no national bonds available ; the difHculties in the way of securing State 
 or corporation ttonds for national issues are insurmountable. ■ No practicable 
 scheme can be devised for selecting such bonds. Who would discriminate? 
 What action could be taken that would not be odious ? How prevent whole- 
 sale favors and corruption 1 
 
 The practical difficulty of discrimination is such as to hinder any serious 
 project. We have the highest authority for saying that mortgages on real 
 estate and commercial paper will not suiBce. How much better, then, to 
 leave the matter to the States. In view of all the facts presented, how frivolous 
 and how futile it is for Republican writers and speakers to announce themselves 
 the defenders of the system, and to cry out that exertions are being made to over- 
 throw it ! No exertions are being made for any other purpose than to allow a 
 system that was throttled out of existence in a crisis to resume the exercise of 
 a function that, in the process of evolution, the national system has practically 
 ceased to perform. No exertions are necessary for the ultimate extinction of 
 the system if it were desired. The logic of events will work this result unaided. 
 A new environment calls for a system with functions adapted to it. 
 
 In the light of these conditions, ' ' why continue to spend and be spent try- 
 ing to do what cannot be done ?" Wiiy waste time and energy with the repeated 
 introduction of devices which delay real reliefs ? The old note has with the old 
 circumstances about passed out of existence, and in consequence of this and 
 of the fact that the devices resorted to have not been issued in sufficient volume 
 to fill the vacancy, and, in addition, meet the growing needs of the country, 
 and have not possessed the most desirable characteristics of a perfect circula- 
 tion, certain demands have arisen that must be met. 
 
 There is a demand for some change in the financial arrangements that will 
 open the way for a better distribution of the currency. Naturally the cur- 
 rency, as it is now constituted, has a tendency to concentrate in our large 
 cities. In these there is a congestion, there is danger in a great many cases of 
 apoplexy. Money is drawn away from less closely knit industrial communities. 
 The agricultural sections are destitute. Says the Commercial and Financial 
 Ohronicle: "It is impossible for so vast a country as this, dotted all over 
 with important industrial centres, increasing in number every year, 
 to have a satisfactory currency so long as the national issues redeem and 
 dominate it. Every prerogative and attribute even of our bank notes, and still 
 more of our silver oertiticates, tends to draw them away from the interior, even 
 ■vrhen the issuer is resident in a southern or western State, and lodge them in 
 an eastern city. Only think, as an illustration, of the artitice of our present 
 devices, of the incongruity of having Washington as the redeeming centre ! 
 What has Washington to do with the internal commerce of the country ? Or 
 wherein consists the wisdom of giving a paper currency intended as a con- 
 
TnB CURRENCY QUBSTTON'. * 219 
 
 trivance for local uses, the power of paying customs dues ? VThj give it the 
 semi-lcgal-tender character of requiring every national hank in the vrhole 
 ■country to accept such currency in the payment of debts ? These are all 
 ■qualilies which help to make its movements unnatural, artificial, and impart to 
 it a roaming character, helping to force it away from the issuer, away from 
 the country districts where it is needed, and, consequently, to induce its 
 ^accumulation when out of active commercial employment in gi-eat flnanc ial 
 •centres, and while there to foster and become more or less fixed in speculative 
 ventures — that is, unresponsive to commercial influences when needed for 
 ■commercial work." 
 
 The Hon. John DeWitt Warner, of New York, speaks to the same effect. 
 " Though I do not charge that such was the object, I am perfectly well aware 
 thit the effect of the National Banking Act is not merely to prohibit the 
 exercise by the several States of that function which perhaps is the very last 
 ■one that, with any resemblance of States Rights, should be surrendered to the 
 • Federal Government, but also to make more dependent upon the capitalists of 
 our principal cities the possibilities of local development in all paits of the 
 -country. 
 
 " This plan to repeal the ten per cent, tax is practicable ; it decentralizes the 
 money power ; it will prevent the control of (he currency by the few ; it meets 
 the approval of more people than any other scheme, and it localizes our cur- 
 rency. At present the people and the money are too far apart. Nothing can 
 be more desirable in a free country than that the citizens of each community 
 should control all its affairs as far as practicable! Whenever the Government 
 undertakes to issue notes as a circulating medium, the amount is determined 
 not by the monetary requirements of the community, but first by the exigencies 
 •of public service, and, secondly, by the great selfishness of politicians and 
 demagogues. In such a system there is no self-acting check." 
 
 Tliere is a strong demand for a currency more flexible, elastic, responsive 
 to the movements of proiuce and merchandise. 
 
 " What is wanted," says the editor of the New York Journal of Commerce, 
 " is a volume of circulation that fairly represents the movements of produce and 
 merchandise, coming out when it begins and retiring when the market is 
 reached and the property passes into the channels of consumption. No issue 
 of a Government currency can meet this want and be regulated by it unless the 
 authorities will discount the business piper that represents the property and 
 receive back the issues when the need has ceased and the notes and drafts have 
 matured." 
 
 " From the standpoint of these industries (commercial and others)," writes 
 Comptroller Trenholm in 1887, " elasticity is more important than quantity in 
 currency. Their interests are better subserved by a currency so elastic in 
 volume as to respond immediately to variations in the demand than by a great 
 volume of money rigid in amount. Elasticity in the volume of currency sup- 
 plies to commercial operations what springs and a smooth road supply to trans- 
 portation. In each case more can be accomplished with less wear and tear and 
 less breakage than is possible when these conditions are wanting.'' 
 
 Comptroller Lacey. in 1890, spoke of " that elastic quality which is neces- 
 sarily one of the characteristics of a perfect circulation. Its volume should 
 
330 THE CURRENCY QUESTION. 
 
 automatically expand and contract so as to adjust itself to the varying require- 
 ments of business." Now, what is wanted, what should be, is, and has been, 
 for some time, almost the opposite of what we have. "We have for some time 
 experienced the inconveniences arising from a currency rigid and not respon- 
 sive. The situation and its causes can be best expressed in the words of soma 
 of our highest authorities. In 1886 Comptroller Trenholm called attention to 
 serious defects in the national bank currency, namely, lack of elasticity and 
 lack of flexibility. This want of flexibility in the currency and elasticity of 
 volume were consequences, he said, arising from the scarcity of bonds and the 
 high prices to which they had risen. Again, in 1887, he referred to these defects 
 still more pointedly : " Throughout the whole period of the existence of the 
 national bank circulation, there never has been a time when the volume, of 
 the outstanding notes has been determined by commercial forces only ; the 
 operations of the Treasury have always exercised an abnormal or a disturbing 
 influence, and reciprocally the state of the currency has constantly fettered the 
 operations of the Treasury." 
 
 What Comptroller Lacey had to say in his report for 1890 on the lack of 
 elasticity not only of the national bank currency, but also of the Government 
 coin and paper money, is very striking. 
 
 " The Comptroller deems it his duty, however, to express the opinion 
 that the steady retirement of national bank notes is gradually destroying that 
 elastic quality which is necessarily one of the characteristics of a perfect 
 circulation. Its volume should automatically expand and contract so as ta 
 adjust itseif to the varying requirements of business. This can best be ac- 
 complished by the redemption of paper money, during periods of diminished' 
 business activity, and a corresponding reissue when the movement of crops and 
 other causes make an expansion necessary. Such an adjustment was facilitated 
 by the use of national bank notes, for the reason that they did not possess 
 the legal tender quality, nor were they available for lawful money reserves- 
 by the banks. Hence when a decreased volume of business caused currency- 
 to accumulate in the reserve cities, national bank notes, being unavailable 
 for reserve, were presented to the Treasury of the United States for redemption. 
 Their temporary retirement during a period of diminished use was followed 
 by reissue and a healthy expansion resulted, when an increased circulation- 
 was demanded. The coin and paper nioney issued by the Government is- 
 distinctively non-elastic. This arises from the fact that the legal tender quality 
 attaches to most of the various issues, and all are available for the lawfii 
 money reserve required to be held by national banks. For these reasons every 
 incentive to redemption and temporary retirement during those periods of 
 temporary redundancy which periodically occur in each year Is wanting, and 
 the corresponding expansion when needed is for similar reasons rendered 
 impracticable. * * * During recent years relief has been afforded through 
 the operations of the Treasury Department in the purchase at opportune timra 
 of unmatured bonds with its surplus revenues. It is evident, however, that 
 relief from this source cannot be safely relied upon in the future, for 
 diminished revenues or increased expenditures, either of which may un- 
 expectedly occur, would render such extraordinary disbursements impossible. 
 Attention is called to the non-elastic character of the currency as at present 
 
THE CDRHENOT QtTESTION. 221 
 
 constituted in order that some consideration may be given to measures 
 •calculated to remove the evil vyhich is evidently being aggravated by the with- 
 <lrawal of national bank notes. 
 
 Finally we quote from the editor of the N. Y. Journal of Commerce : 
 
 "The national banks under the present system can furnish some aid by 
 inscribed credits and the use of checks, but this will not do for the interior, 
 where the crops are to be paid for, and some form of currency, used as paper 
 money, is actually required. The bank notes secured by bonds at Washing- 
 ton must b6 kept in perpetual use to pay the cost of issue, and the volume can- 
 not be enlarged and contracted to adjust itself to the demands of trade." 
 
 There are other demands and complaints that must receive consideration. 
 Undoubtedly it would be desirable to have a simpler currency. " There is an 
 unquestionable feeling," says Senator Sherman, " that in this country of ours 
 the currency as it stands is diverse. While we here . . . may be able to 
 •explain the different kinds of money we have, there is a feeling among the 
 people that there are too many different kinds of money." This is too patent 
 to admit of denial. Then there is the complaint that the establishment of a 
 national bank takes more money from a community than it brings in. If a 
 town feels the lack of currency, about the worst thing it can do is to attempt 
 to use the national banking system, the practical effect of which is to compel 
 that town to take out of its circulation some $56,000 in order to obtain the poor 
 privilege of having $46,000 of currency in return. 
 
 In the light of this discussion, is it not evident that some important change 
 must be made in our financial arrangements, that, if possible, a system should be 
 devised that wUl effect the needed reforms ? The practical question, then, is 
 what shall the system be — what currency shall supplement our national issues 
 and ultimately take the place of the national bank notes ? Shall we have 
 Government issues only, or shall we supplement these by State banks and local 
 issues 1 " We are brought face to face with the single question whether, in this 
 new era and under these new circumstances, it is better to educate the public to 
 look to the Federal Government for its currency or to look to the States." In 
 settling this question, no sentimental influence should have undue weight. 
 
 Proposals foe Nbw Government Issttes. 
 
 Now let us see what Government issues have been proposed and what ob- 
 jections have been urged against them. 
 
 President Harrison remarks, in his letter of acceptance, that changes may 
 become necessary, and continues : 
 
 Bat a national system of cnrrency, safe and acceptable thronghout the whole country, la the 
 good fruit of a bitter experience, and I am sure our people wUl not consent to the reactionary 
 proposal made by the Democratic party. 
 
 This is a fitting conclusion to the President's eulogy of an expiring system 
 and his reminiscences on the currency of former days. But since the leading 
 Republican financial authorities admit that the " good fruit " is nearly exhausted 
 and that it will entirely disappear in a few years, it is difficult to see just what 
 place such a statement as this has in an expression of views on the currency 
 problem. It remains to be seen to which of the alternatives " our people " will 
 
223 THE OTJRBBNCT QUESTION. 
 
 give their consent— to the do-nothing policy, or perhaps the government, 
 currency proposal of the Republican party, or to the recommendation of the 
 Democratic party to repeal the prohibitory tax on State bank issues. 
 
 The alternative that the Republicans must present in case they should 
 decide to take any step is to leave it to the National Government to furnish 
 our currency. 
 
 Comptroller Knox said in his report in 1878 : 
 
 The overthrow of tue present well-establisliea eyBtem * • * will be succeeded either 
 by two kinds of Cfovernment notes, one or both, at a discount tor gold and of unequal current 
 vcdue, or by circulating notes issued under State authority." 
 
 In the following year Comptroller Knox in his annual report expressed the- 
 opinion that the downfall of the National banking system would be followed 
 not by an issue of United States notes, i.e., greenbacks, but by State bank notes. 
 President Cde, speaking before the Bankers' Association in 1884, expressed 
 himself as follows : 
 
 In place of the present National bank currency, the aliernatlm will, of course, he pressed' 
 upon Congress of Oovemment notes, whether legal tender or otherwise, as a perpetual debt. 
 
 Senator Plumb thought in 1884 that we were confronted with two alterna- 
 tives, the one a return to the State bank system, t?ie other that the Government 
 should issue the currency direct. He believed that, in case of the disappearance- 
 of national notes, the necessity of establishing State banks could be prevented 
 hy the issuance of Treasury notes receivable for all dues to the Government. 
 Senator Ingalls advocated the issuing of Treasury notes. He thought the twa 
 alternatives, aside from this' course, were State bank notes and a great fiscal 
 institution corresponding somewhat to the Bank of England. Secretary 
 McCulloch, before the Bankers' Association in 1884, expressed an opinion, 
 directly contrary to that of Comptroller Knox : 
 
 It is therefore quite certain that if and when the National banks are withdrawn from cir- 
 culation, their place will be filled, not with the notes of State banks, but with the United State*^ 
 legal tender notes. 
 
 Lastly, what does Senator Sherman in his speech in the Senate, June 3, 
 1893, propose ? 
 
 The promise of the Government now in time of peace with all the nntold wealth that has- 
 accumulated since the war, is ample marfi^n enough to maintain all the paper money that is- 
 necessary for the circulation of 65,000,000 of people. I belicTe that there is Intelligence and 
 good sens enough in the Congress of the United States to deal with this question and to estab- 
 lish an issue of paper money upon the population of our country at a ratio that a prudeut man. 
 will feel to be safe nnder all circumstances. We have gold and silver enough as a basis for all 
 the circulation outstanding now, probably one-third of gold and one-third of silver at their 
 market prices, except that if a new ratio were adopted, then they would be Bubstantially the- 
 equivalents of each other, and then probably the issues of the other one-third would be based 
 upon the credit of the Government. Such a fiscal agency could be supported by the gold and 
 silver in the Treasury and the pledge of the Government of the United States contained in tho- 
 Resumption Act, that its bonds should be sold if necessary to maintain resumption. Such & 
 BCheme as that, siica a system as that, might be easily adopted by prudent men. 
 
 Shall the Government, then, become our bank of issue ? Is it likely that 
 • our bankers and " our people " will consent to this proposal 1 
 
 Government issues are open to fatal objections. Such a system would ba 
 subject to the changing opinion and caprices of each successive Congress. 
 
TUB CURRENCY QTIESTION. 223. 
 
 The demand for a currency that shall open the way for better distribution and 
 that would not tend towards our great cities could not be met. A simple 
 increase of the circulation by the increase of Government notes would inure 
 chiefly to the benefit of those who control the largest part of the existing 
 currency. If the circulation were doubled, the ratio of distribuiion would 
 be practically maintained. Lack of elasticity would, as we have seen, be the 
 chnracteristic defect. 
 
 President Coe, speaking before the Bankers' Association, in 1884, upon the 
 alternative that might be pressed upon Congress, namely, to issue Government 
 notes, said : 
 
 I do not propoBe at this late day t6 spend the valuable hours of an association of 1)3.111618 in 
 discussing the intrinsic absurdity of any form of notes to circulate as money, in which ihe full 
 commercial money value does not inhere— of whatever name or from whatever source derived; 
 all such notes " are only evil and that continually.'.' The higher the authority that issues them 
 the greater their influence for harm. 
 
 Prof. Sumner, in his book on "American Currency," says (p. 214) ; 
 
 Nearly every nation which has ever used paper money has flxed its amount, and set. 
 limits which it has solemnly provided again and again not to pass, but such promises are vain. 
 The intention, when it is made, is honest, but it is impossible to keep them. 
 
 In 1879, Comptroller Knox said that, tn the event of the downfall of the 
 National banking system, the East and the North and a portion of the West 
 would join the South in the repeal of the tax on State bank issues. They 
 would do it to prevent the increase of the issue of Government notes— 
 because they believe that a system of State bank notes, at the worst, can only injure the credit 
 of individuals, while the unrestricted isme of United Stated notes will be likely to prodvce a 
 new suspension of specie payments, and thereby injure, not only every kind of private busi- 
 ness, but also the credit of the nation. 
 
 And then he added that not greenbacks but State bank notes would be the 
 result of the disappearance of national bank notes. 
 
 Do our bankers, then, realize the situation ? The National banking system 
 is doomed. Some substitute must be provided. In consequence of Ihe inade- 
 quate quantity of bank notes, and of other conditions we have presented, there 
 is a demand for some substitute now. Are the people and the bankers willing 
 to leave the function of supplying a paper currency to the Government ? 
 Would it not be wise to take advantage of the present favorable conditions to 
 repeal this tax, so that those States that wish to do so may establish systems of 
 banking adapted to their conditions ? 
 
 The Commercial and financial Chronicle, May 14, 1892, said : 
 
 Altogether, at this juncture, everything seems to tend to make the present time peculiarly- 
 opportune for a successful struggle to recreate our curreocy. At the moment the only apparent, 
 obstacle to an effective move, as we look at it, is the lack of a sy tem which will iill the place- 
 oT bullion notes and meet the wish for an unrestricted paper currency which the agr cultural 
 Classes think will be the result of the free coinage of silver. , 
 
 Now, what is the "reactionary " proposal of the Democratic party to which 
 the consent of our people is asked ? What solution of the problem does it pro- 
 pose 1 It realizes the difficulties and dangers of dealing with the finances. It. 
 has regard for what is practicable. The proposal is merely to draw up certain 
 general regulations and then to repeal the 10 per cent, tax on the notes of those- 
 State banks that comply with the regulations. The party has not yet recom- 
 
334 THE CmSRENCT QUESTION. 
 
 mended the establishmont of a single State bank. It proposes to open the way 
 for each State to decide the matter for itself. 
 
 The Movement to Repeal the Tax Act. 
 
 The movement to repeal this tax is not of recent origin. Since 1875, more 
 than thirty bills have been introduced in Congress either to secure the repeal or 
 to place State and National bank issues on the same level. 
 
 The measure has been advocated by many of our highest and most conserv- 
 ative financial authorities 
 
 The editor of the N. Y. Journal of Commerce writes in the Forum, August, 
 1893: 
 
 The project of repealing the present proliibitory tax of 10 per cent, on the issues is a very- 
 hopeful movement in favor of a most welconio change in the financial condition of the country. 
 
 It will be remembered that the tax was imposed in an emergency, that its 
 object was to crush out State bank notes, confer a monopoly by way of induce- 
 ment, and secure a market for United States bonds. This unconstitutional 
 step was taken under the guise of a scheme to raise revenue. Not a dollar of 
 revenue was realized, not one was expected. The taxing power was simply 
 perverted to accomplish what Congress could not undertake to do directly. 
 Before this no one had seriously denied the constitutional right of a State to 
 decide for itself whether it would charter banks or not ; no one had entertained 
 the thought that Congress would interfere with the States in this direction. 
 The question had been whether Congress could charter National banks. But 
 the framers of the act did not delay over questions of constitutionality, they 
 were acting in an emergency. Now, however, that the emergency has long 
 passed away, should the law be permitted to remain longer on the statute book? 
 Should not the States be restored to their constitutional rights ? 
 
 As has been intimated, the proposal to repeal this tax does not necessarily 
 imply the establishment of a single State bank. The question will be left 
 entirely to each State to determine for itself. If its conditions require it, the 
 State may establish a system, otherwise not. In highly organized commercial 
 sections the issuing of notes becomes a secondary function of banks. It is 
 therefore possible that certain Eastern States, closely knit industrial commu- 
 nities, with their abundant circulation and loanable funds, and their extensive 
 resort to checks and drafts, would not see fit to charter State banks. There 
 would be no force to coerce them. 
 
 Undoubtedly certain States would establish State banks if the tax were 
 repealed, and with this expected and taken for granted, suggestions have been 
 made as to what the plan should be. One that is worthy of consideration was 
 made by the Commercial and Financial Chronicle of May 14, 1892. It says : 
 
 We have no exact method to unfold for giving shape to this idea. » » * Probably the 
 plan would meet with more favor in the East and not be less acceptable to the Southwest if 
 Congress should make a kind of framework for a system— say, (1) taking off all tax from the 
 circulation of banks, State and National, which conformed to the provisions of the act ; 
 (3) leaving each State free to levy such taxes as it might see fit on circulation for the purpose 
 of accomnliting a fund to redeem notes of its own ins Ivent banks and perhaps for other pur- 
 poses ; (8) providing that no bank could ever have retained at any one time more circulating 
 notes in amount than two-thirds of its paid-up capital stock ; (4) that each bank's circulatins 
 
THE CURRBNOT QUESTION. Z2S- 
 
 notes BhoTild be a first lien on all the assets of the bank ; (5) that every bank mnst redeem its- 
 own notes In coin, and for that purpose keep on hand 25 per cent of its outstanding issues In 
 gold or silver coin— the proportion of silver to be held might be fixed by each State for the- 
 banks within the State, and not lees than one-third nor more than one-half of the reserve 
 required ; (6) providing that no bank could issue circnlation except under the added anthority 
 of the State. 
 
 A very few regulations somewhat after the form sngifested might be thought desirable, but, 
 with these exceptions, the banks should be left to State control and supervision and the laws 
 of commerce to perfect and develop. 
 
 The second suggestion is from Congressman Hemphill. He developed his 
 idea in a speech in the last House of Representatives on Bank Circulation. 
 
 I suggest as the most feasible plan the amendment of the existing statute which levies ik 
 tax of 10 per cent, upon notes issued by State banks ; to except from its operations all notes 
 issued by State banking associations, provided the said notes under the law whereby they are 
 Issued ere secured (1) by the deposit with some designated officer of the State or the United 
 States of a sufficient number of bonds of the United States or any State, counties or cities, 
 which at par shall equal the circnlation to be Issued by the bank ; (2) by a first lien upon all 
 the assets of the bank ; (3) by the additional liability of the stockholders to the extent of 100 
 per cent, over and above the sum actually paid in by them for their stock. 
 
 These suggestions from conservative sources speak for themselves. They 
 are serious attempts by patriotic and honest thinkers, men who yield to none 
 in their desire for an honest and sound currency, to suggest a solution of our 
 difficulties. How different is their manner of approaching the problem from 
 that of the Republican leaders. The latter disingenuously select the worst 
 cases of the operation of the old State bank system, and rely on frightening the 
 people by the alarm of wild cat banking. President Harrison takes up the 
 greater part of what he has to say on National banks ia an attempt to throw the 
 worst possible odor around the Democratic recommendation, to make it appear 
 that the party is committed to a policy which will bring about the worst features 
 of the old State bank systems. He writes in his letter of acceptance : 
 
 Those who In the years before the war experienced the inconvenience and losses attendant 
 upon the use of such money can appreciate what a return to that system involves. The 
 denomination of a bill was then often no indication of its value. The bank detector of yester- 
 day was not a safe guide to-day as to credit or values. Merchants deposited several times 
 during the day, lest the hour of bank closing shbuld show a depreciation of money taken In 
 the morning. The traveler could not use in a journey to the East the issues of most of the 
 solvent banks of the "West ; and, in consequence, the money changer's office was the familiar 
 neighbor of the ticket office and the lunch counter. The farmer and the laborer found the 
 money they received for their products or their labor depreciated when they came to make pur- 
 chases, and the whole business of the country was hindered and burdened. 
 
 Not a word here or in the productions of other Republican writers about 
 the vast changes since the period they refer to ; nothing about the wonderful 
 advance in the means of communication ; nothing about the growth of knowl- 
 edge or the principles and practice of banking ; nothing about the conservative 
 tendencies that since have developed. It was to be expected that the President, 
 at least, would show a broader statesmanship. The American peopje are 
 not so easily misled. They know that the conditions are too 
 radically different to make a return of the objectionable features possible. 
 They know that business communication between the States is now general 
 and constant ; that the telegraph and the railroad have brought men together ; 
 that banking has made great progress ; that business methods have improved ; 
 15 
 
326 THE CURRENCY QUESTION. 
 
 that Legislatures have become more careful ; that public opinion has grown 
 more conservative, and that the old note has with the old circumstances 
 passed out of existence. The people would not tolerate any system which 
 would give them a currency liable to depreciate on their hands. 
 The Oommercial and Financial Chronicle, May 28, 1892, said : 
 The note's mcreasing credit and cnrrency would be tUe premium commerce would pay 
 a secure device, would be the inducement held out by commerce for making a safe system. 
 Commerce of to-day would enforce diBcrimination — ^it would detect and reject a sham. 
 
 Moreover, the people know that the sources from which the proposals to 
 Tepeal the tax have come are the best guarantees against any wildcat idea In 
 -connection with it. 
 
 But further, the people know that the conditions that the President and the 
 ■Republicans picture, did not prevail in the more highly organized communities ; 
 that they characterized only the crude systems and those that had sprung up 
 in the undeveloped parts of the country ; and that even there the worst features 
 •were being thrown off. About these things, about the better systems that 
 existed in New York, in Louisiana, and throughout the East, upon which the 
 National banking system was based, the President and others have nothing to 
 say. Now let us see briefly what the true condition of affairs was. Was 
 there not some good in the old system ? "Was not that good becoming better ? 
 Would not our legislators incline to follow the better systems, if they were to 
 appeal to former experiences ? 
 
 The Conditions for Future Evolution. 
 
 The old system was a growth — an evolution ; every few years of experience 
 ■saw the system more perfect. The culmination was the National banking 
 system. Just before the blow came many State banks were working well, and 
 rendered great services at the outbreak of the war. The country was new, 
 undeveloped, speculation was rife, conservative tendencies had not fully de- 
 veloped. Of course then there were sections of the country in which there 
 were very crude organizations. This was especially true of certain parts of 
 the West. In these sections there were "wildcat" banks and associations 
 issuing "shin plasters." The general banking laws worked badly in many 
 States. There were banking concerns that had little boiia fide capital, had little 
 or no security for their notes, were frequently controlled by irresponsible men, 
 and at times with fraudulent intent. The notes, therefore, in some sections 
 were at a discount and rates of exchange were high. Wherever this was true 
 biisiness was seriously hampered. But this state of things was by no means 
 ' (universal. How was it in the more highly organized communities? In New 
 England, in New York, Ohio, Louisiana, Kentucky, South Carolina ? President 
 George 8. Coe, of the National Exchange Bank, of New York, in an address 
 'feefore the Bankers' Association, in 1881, of which he was President, expressed 
 tiis opinion of the systems of several of the States. He certainly did not think 
 them altogether bad. He said : 
 
 FlMt— The system of New England under the mutual redemption and eichange of notes 
 At the Suffolk Bank, Boston, proved a safe and effective one and was attended with little or no 
 iowk to the community during its many years of trial. 
 
THB CUBKENOY QtrBSTIOK. 237 
 
 Second— The States of Ohio, Indiana and Kentucky each enjoyed for a long period, under 
 their State organizations, a strictly commercial clionlation of great efficiency without loss to 
 "the holders of the notes. 
 
 Third — The State of Louisiana possessed a hanking and currency system nnsurpasseii In 
 Its excellence and stability. 
 
 Fourth— The currency system of the State of New York last established was the first on« 
 requiring such special collateral security for Its issues. So far as this security consisted of 
 bonds and mortgages upon real estate it was an admitted failure and the change to State bonds 
 did not save It from suspension In 1857. 
 
 In a work ty Heniy Felt Baker, entitled "Banks and Banking," 1854, it is 
 stated that in the Ohio Valley the notes of Ohio, Indiana and Kentucky were 
 more readily taken than those of New York or even of New England, and it 
 had already been stated that those of New England were readily received 
 throughout the country. 
 
 In view of the vast differences between the two periods and of the really 
 excellent system that existed in certain sections, is it to be feared that there 
 will be a return to wildcat banking ? Is not the editor of the New York 
 Journal of Oommerce right when, in speaking of the possibility of a depreciated 
 bank-note circulation, he says : 
 
 There is not a State In the ITnioQ which would authorize or allow It ; and If It were at- 
 tempted, the facilities for collection are now so great that it would be crushed out at once. The 
 best features of the former statutes would be preserved In the new State legislation, and the 
 naturallawof supply and demand would govern all the rest of the needed restrictions. * » * 
 It was the want of suitable means of communication with every part of the country, with 
 the object of demanding immedlataredemption of unworthy notes, which gave any facilities 
 for what was known as wildcat banking. 
 
 The Eeqtjibembnts op a New System. 
 
 It only remains to state what is claimed for the system that would exist 
 if the tax were repealed and what its working would be. 
 
 In the first place, we would then have a financial arrangement in harmony 
 with the spirit of American institutions — a paramount Federal system and a 
 local system of issue. This is the divergence that characterizes and gives 
 ■strength to our fabric. The country is too extensive, the conditions and 
 demands of the different sections too varied, to make it possible for the 
 central Government to supply a satisfactory currency for operations not con- 
 nected with its own affairs. 
 
 Said the N. Y. Journal of Oommerce, August 10, 1893 : 
 
 This was, the original theory upon which our institutions were founded, and a world of 
 mischief has come from innovations bom of the centralizing policy that would govern every- 
 thing to the remotest school district by the Federal authorities. 
 
 We have had altogether too much of this and every thoughtful man in the country not 
 involved in these schemes is sick of them. 
 
 The nation has suffered enough from a central distributing power over our currency. Are 
 the people not yet educated up to the point of local control over their currency ? Our local 
 .government in their spheres evokes the admiration of the world. Would not the restoration of 
 State control cultivate even a high financial education than we now possess f 
 
 This leads ua to say, in the second place, that there would result a better 
 distribution of the currency — a more even distribution of banking facilities. 
 
238 THE CUBRBNCT QUESTION, 
 
 The tendency for money to flow toward the great money centres, the tendeiu^ 
 towards centralization would be counteracted. 
 
 The Oommeraial and Mnancial OTm-oniele, M.a.j 14, 1892, »ays : 
 
 Mist— The tendency of these bank notes will be towards home and not away from It That 
 
 is, will be to stay within the State of their issue ; in this characteristic they will differ froni 
 
 OTery paper note now in existence. 
 
 Second— When ont of active use they will go into the hank for redemption and not accn- 
 
 mnlate at Chicago or New York, to breed unhealthy speonlative ventures. 
 
 In case of a lack of uniformity — and uniformity does not outweigh all other 
 oonaiderations — this tendency to remain in the State of issue , would be stiU 
 stronger. 
 
 Finally, this repeal of the tax would open the way for the establishment of a 
 currency flexible and responsive. When trade was active and the crops had 
 to be moved, the issues of State banks would supplement the national currency. 
 These issues would be of great advantage to interior localities where the need 
 for them exists. Being the creatures of commerce, they would obey the natural 
 law of supply and demand, when an increased circulation was needed to mov& 
 the crops. 
 
 Again says the Journal of Oommerce : 
 
 The movement itself would regulate the issue and its return If the banks were pennitted to 
 take part in it. The buyers of the produce would give their notes or draw on leading houses 
 at financial centres, at thirty, sixty, or ninety days, and the banks would discount the notes or 
 draft and furnish currency by the issue of their own bUIs. These would be paid ont and by 
 the time the drafts become due would return far redemption, having performed the circuit and 
 accomplished their mission. 
 
 But this is illusory, says one writer. There would be no such circuit. Those have a wild 
 idea who think that the State bank would withdraw the currency as soon as the demand to 
 move the crops had ceased. They do not take into account the cupidity of bank officers. 
 Currency once issued by the banks would be issued forever, and would be a constant menace to 
 the permanence of specie payments. It seems to us that the **wild idea ^' is in the head of 
 the writer who fancies that a bank which has issued a note redeemable on demand " has issued 
 it forever." It is not the bank which makes a voluntary movement to withdraw its issue* 
 from circulation, but it is the natural flow of the issues back to the bank for 
 redemption that regulates and completes the circuit. A buyer of produce borrows 
 $100,000 on his indorsed note or accepted draft and pays the bUls he receives to the sellers, 
 throughout a large rural district ; the notes go into circulation and begin at once the inevitable 
 movement toward a financial centre. The farmer pays his debts with tbem, they go to the vil- 
 lage storekeeper, or to some dealer owing money in the city. They reach the centre at last, and 
 by this time the produce has come to market and the notes or drafts are due and paid, so that 
 the bank is in funds to take its notes back again. It must redeem them on the instant or admit 
 Its insolvency. It cannot if it would make the notes stay out longer than they are needed for 
 the accomplishment of their mission. It people would have a little more faith in the laws 
 written by a Divine Hand in the constitution of things, and not try to govern the world by 
 their own wisdom, panics and pressures and financial crisises would be far less frequent on the 
 pages of human history. 
 
 We close this discussion with quotations from two sources we have drawn 
 on rather heavily. The Oommereial and FiTiancial Ghronide, May 14, 1892, 
 
 says : 
 
 While we have advocated this change because of its nsefulness as a method for obtaining 
 relief from our present difficulties, we believe the repeal of the tax to be highly desirable at 
 opening the way for obtaining a new system which vrill be thoroughly sound and responsive 
 
THE CTTBRENCT QUESTION. 239 
 
 to commerce. Its peculiar nsefnlness as a scheme for furnishing a snbstitnte for sllrer 
 purchases and silver coinage Is apparent for the reason already stated: that it answers to the 
 popnlar demand, and, conseqaentlj, gives assurance, when nnderetood, of being accepted as a 
 wibBtitnte. 
 
 David M. Stone, editor of the Dm York Journal of Commerce, said in tlie 
 Forum, August, 1893 : 
 
 There wonld follow from the repeal the most perfect cnrrency for bnsiness purposes the 
 world has ever known. Flexible in its character, redeemable at all central points, and thns 
 always at par thronghoat every portion of the country, and meeting the needs of the hour In 
 Its answer to every legitimate demand, it wonld prevent pressure and stringency in the money 
 market and injure no one bnt the greedy speculator who makes his percentage in a financial 
 «rlsi«." 
 
aaO HARBISONIAH DIPLOMACY. 
 
 HARRISONIAN DIPLOMACY. 
 
 THE DISGRACEFUL RECORD OF THE ADMINISTRA- 
 TION IN CHILIAN AFFAIRS. 
 
 President Harrison's supporters, in soliciting the suffrages of patriotic 
 citizens, are laying great stress on the record of the Administration in the 
 recent controversy with Chili. It is pointed to as reflecting a true " American " 
 spirit. The lieynote of the conduct of the President and Secretary Blaine is 
 found in the "vigorous foreign policy" adopted early in the Administration for 
 the guidance of the Executive in dealing with all international difiBculties, but 
 a careful examination of the history of this episode wiU not he likely to win 
 for the Kepublican candidate the support of thoughtful voters. The record is 
 one of humiliation and disgrace, of which every American should feel heartily 
 ashamed. The story, as drawn from the diploroatic records of the State 
 Department, is well worth the perusal of every intelligent citizen. 
 
 The controversy between the late President Balmaceda and the Chilian 
 Congress is new a matter of history. It was in many respects a novel dispute. 
 The two co-ordinate branches of a republican government had quarrelled and 
 had taken the field against each other, with apparently equal chances of 
 success. Each charged the other with having violated the con 
 stitution and with attempting to set up a government upon lines 
 entirely foreign to the institutions and traditions of the country. From 
 the outset the course of the Congressional party was far more conservative 
 than that of President Balmaceda, who at once assumed the functions and 
 adopted the methods of, a dictator. He dispersed the Legislature and closed 
 the courts by armed force. He collected the revenues and disbursed the public 
 moneys without the warrant of legislative appropriation. It is true that by an 
 accident he happened to be in possession of the capital, but as has been, 
 frequently pointed out, the French Commune occupied Paris for nearly a 
 hundred days against more than 300,000 men. 
 
 In view of these facts, the position of the United States Minister at Santiago- 
 was a delicate one. True Republican instincts should have inclined an intel- 
 ligent, conscientious minister to the cause of the Congressionalists. The diffi- 
 culty of deciding which party was right, and the necessity under his oflScial 
 Instructions and the rules of the diplomatic service of observing absolute neu- 
 trality, should have prevented the minister from identifying himself with elthes 
 
HARRISONIAN DIPLOMACY. 38J 
 
 party. The published correspondence and reports of other foreign ministers 
 stationed at Santiago throughout the Chilian revolution show that it was not 
 diiBcult to remain absolutely neutral. Indeed the carefully defined middle 
 ground occupied by the diplomatic representatives of other foreign powers 
 Bnabled them to file prompt protests against the action of either party when it 
 appeared to threaten the interests of foreign residents in Chili. The United 
 States, alone, became involved in a bitter and costly controvert with its South 
 American neighbor. 
 
 The open rupture between the Executive and Legislative branches of the 
 Chilian Government was precipitated in the summer of 1890 by the appoint- 
 ment by President Balmaceda of a ministry which was not acceptable to the 
 majority in Congress. This was followed by the refusal of Congress to vote 
 supplies for the maintenance of the Government, an act finding full war- 
 rant in the Chilian Constitution. 
 
 Egan's Misrepresentations. 
 
 Minister Egan at once plunged into the controversy as an enthusiastic sup- 
 porter of Balmaceda. In his conversation in the other legations, and even in 
 the public clubs of Santiago, he did not hesitate to predict the ultimate and 
 speedy success of the Balmacedan movement. In a report to the State Depart- 
 ment under date of October 17, 1890, Minister Egan declared his abiding faitU 
 in Balmaceda's success in the following terms : 
 
 " The President has therefore appointed the present ministry entirely froia 
 his own section of the party, which is in the minority in Congress, and he 
 has taken the step of summarily closing the extraordinary session of Congress 
 which he had called for the first of the present month, and which was expected 
 to continue until the end of December. This action has caused intense feeling 
 and will lead to a very active agitation on the part of the opposition which in 
 all probability will continue until the election of members of Congress in 
 March next. Then, however, the President's party will, so far as I can now 
 judge, secure a majority." 
 
 In his cabled report to the State Department of the revolt of the Chilian 
 Navy, under date of January 13, 1891, he said : 
 
 " On night of 6th instant, six ships of Chilian Navy, at instance of Con- 
 gressional majority, revolted and still lie inactive off shore ; are now declared 
 outlawed. Large number of opposition leaders on board. Army seems solid 
 for President. The Government, so far, maintains perfect order throughout 
 the country, " 
 
 Minister Egan followed this cabled report with a detailed statement of the 
 causes which led up to the withdrawal of the Congressionalists, and shows 
 clearly his bias in favor of Balmaceda in the following comment upon the 
 President's published defence : 
 
 " On the 1st instant, the President issued through the medium of the 
 JHa/rio Ofieial, a very able exposition of the causes which have led up to the 
 present deplorable situation and of the position which he proposes to maintain. 
 I will forward copy of this manifesto together with a translation by next mail. 
 * • » Meantime the President and his Cabinet have taken the most active 
 
233 HARniaoNiAN diplomacy. 
 
 steps to organize the army which, from the best infonnation I can gather, ap- 
 pears to me to be entirely loyal, and 'o increase its strength, and up to the pres- 
 ent the most complete order has been maintained everywhere throughout the 
 country. " 
 
 Three days after transmitting Balmaceda's " very able exposition " Minister 
 Egan learned that the Congressional party proposed to blockade certain Chilian 
 ports. He thereupon sent the following cablegram to the State Depart- 
 ment : 
 
 " Revolted fleet about to blockade Valparaiso, Iquique and other ports. I 
 have advised Consuls to make strong protests. Squadron urgently needed for 
 protection of United States interests." 
 
 It appears to have been Mr. Egan's impression from the outset that any 
 undertaking on the part of the Congressionalists imperiled " United States 
 interests." The forcible closing of the courts, the suspension of Chilian banlis, 
 and the stoppage of trade, due to the overt acts of Balmaceda, do not seem to 
 have required, in Minister Egan's opinion, the presence of any additional force 
 to guard the interests of American citizens. 
 
 From time to time Minister Egan posted the State Department as to the 
 situation in Chili. " The army," he said, " seems to be entirely loyal to the 
 Executive, and is being rapidly increased ; by the end of the month its number 
 will reach 35,000 men." 
 
 A few days later he felicitates himself on the fact that " in every case during 
 the present troubles, where the interests of a United States citizen were en- 
 dangered, the Government has taken the most prompt and energetic steps to 
 see that their persons and property were protected. * * * From reference 
 to the archives I perceive that the present good feeling on the part of the Gov- 
 ernment toward United States citizens and United States interests presents a 
 very agreeable contrast to that shown during the revolutionary movements of 
 the years 1851 and 1859." By the "Government" Mr. Egan, of course, re-'ers 
 to the Balmacedan wing. 
 
 On March 4, 1891, Mr. Egan received a rude shock in the form of a despatch 
 from Mr. Merriam, U. S. Consul at Iquique, advising him of the abondonment. 
 -of that port by the "Government" forces and its occupation by a force of 
 marines from the revolutionary fleet ; also of the subsequent attempt of a small 
 force of Government troops to retake the city, which led to the burning by the 
 Government troops of a part of the town, including the U. S. consulate, which 
 was completely destroyed, with all its property and archives. Mr. Egan re- 
 ports these facts to the Department without delay and in his haste probably 
 forgets to draw the attention of Secretary Blaine to this most recent manifesta- 
 tion of " good feeling on the part of the 'Government' towards the United 
 States." 
 
 In the days that followed, Mr. Egan and President Balmaceda became such 
 excellent friends that the United States Minister was frequently called upon 
 for advice and assistance. Under date of March 8, 1891, Mr. Egan expended 
 about $200 of the State Department's cable fund in forwarding the statement 
 that President Balmaceda "urgently requests that the Government of the 
 United States will pemiit one of its ships to carry from Valparaiso to .Monte- 
 video a sum of about four million dollars, bar silver, etc. " 
 
HABEIBONIAN DIPLOMACY. 233 
 
 The transmission of this request by Minister Bgan was regarded as such a 
 breach of propriety in the circumstances that Secretary Blaine directed that no 
 ^answer should be sent, a fact of which the Minister bitterly complains in sub- 
 sequent communications to the Department. The Chilian Minister at Wash- 
 ington, Egan says, reports to the Minister of Foreign Relations at Santiago 
 that the proposition was favorably received. He cannot understand why in- 
 structions have not come to hand. It will be seen that Minister J!gan was 
 promptly informed through Balmaceda's State Department of the progress of 
 matters in Washington, 
 
 The sanguinary battle on March 7, near Iquique, between the Balmacedan 
 forces and the Congressionalists, in which the former were completely annihi- 
 lated and the control of the northern provinces given to the revolutioni-ts, was 
 reported by Egan under date of March 17, 1891, but this incident does not 
 appear to have dashed his hopes of Balmaceda's final triumph. 
 
 " I look," said he, "for a long and bitter and a sanguinary struggle, with 
 the chances for ultimate victory very largely on the side of the Government." 
 
 In order that the State Department may not be preiudiced by press reports 
 received from Chili, Mr. Egan includes in his despatch the following 
 warning : 
 
 " The West Coast Telegraph cable being cut between here and Iquique, 
 •and the Central and South American Companies cable not being permitted to 
 commence operations, you will, of course, receive no cable news through the 
 press, except that sent out through revolutionary sources at Iquique." 
 
 A fair sample of the information conveyed to the State Department by 
 Egeta is found in this extract from a despatch, dated March 31 : 
 
 " Outside of Tarapaca the revolutionists have no organized force and as 
 communication with that province is shut off, it is impossible to gauge their 
 actual strength. I do not believe, however, that they can at the outside com- 
 mand over 4,000 to 5,000 men, while the Government force amounts to 30,000 
 well-equipped soldiers." 
 
 A. few weeks later when the Congressionalists had wiped out the " Govern- 
 ment " army, Minister Egan confessed to the inaccuracy of his estimates in a 
 report to the Department in which he states that the defeat of the Balmacedan 
 forces in the decisive battles of PlaciUas and Concon was due, first, to the super 
 ior generalship on the side of the Congressionalists, and second, to the superior, 
 ity of the equipment of the troops. 
 
 The "Itata" Incident. 
 
 The incident most aggravating to the Congressional party in the whole 
 rcourse of the treatment of the Chilian affair by the United States was the at- 
 tempted detention and subsequent pursuit of the transport " Itata," which early 
 in May, 1891, put into San Diego to take off a cargo of small arms for the use 
 of the insurgent forces at Iquique. The presence of the " Itata " and the nature 
 of her mission became known to the local Federal officials very soon after her 
 arrival in port. On the ground that she was carrying arms to be used against 
 :a power with which the United States was at peace, the vessel was seized and a 
 ,deputy marshal placed on board to hold her. Mr. Ricardo Trumbutt, who 
 
234 HABBISONIAN DIPLOMACY. 
 
 was one of the agents employed in securing the cargo for the "Itata," was ar- 
 rested on a charge of violating the neutrality laws and was compelled to give- 
 baU in a large sum. It was found that the " Itata " contained no arms, but it 
 was already known that the schooner "Robert and Minnie" had cleared 
 with several thousand rifles and a quantity of ammunition, and it was supposed 
 that the "Itata" intended to meet the schooner at a rendezvous beyond the 
 territorial juWsdiction of the United States and there receive her cargo. As a 
 matter of fact, when the " Itata " was seized no one in the United States knew 
 what the power in Chili was with which we were at peace. There was just as 
 much reason for supposing that the " Itata " was rendering a legal service to a 
 friendly power as that she was engaged in hostile operations against one. 
 
 The commander of the " Itata " felt so sure of his ground that he did not 
 hesitate, in contempt of the United States Court, to steam out of San Diego, put 
 the deputy marshal ashore on an island and make good his escape to the high 
 seas. Enormous pressure was at once brought to bear upon President Harrisoa 
 to order the pursuit of the transport. The Attorney-Q-eneral's Office promptly 
 rendered the remarkable opinion that, no matter what the original charge might 
 have been, the vessel was in contempt of court in effecting her escape, and 
 therefore should be pursued without delay. Consul McCreery, at Valparaiso, 
 cabled that the Chilian " Government " earnestly desired the United States to- 
 retake the transport. Officers of the South American Steamship Company also 
 cabled and telegraphed to the State^Department alleging that the "Itata" had 
 been seized by the insurgents, and begging the United States to assist in restor- 
 ing their property. 
 
 After a brief conference with the Cabinet at Washington the President 
 ordered the pursuit of the "Itata" and Secretary Tracy telegraphed to the 
 commander of the " Charleston," then lying at San Francisco, the following: 
 instructions : 
 
 " Proceed at earliest moment in search of both vessels and seize both if on 
 high seas. If in foreign waters, watch her and telegraph Department. If 
 schooner is found alone, put sufficient prize crew on board and send her to 
 San Francisco and continue pressing search for ' Itata.' If ' Itata ' is found, 
 seize her and accompany her into port. If ' Itata ' is convoyed by ChOian war 
 vessel, explain circumstances and demand restoratioa to possession of the 
 United States. If demand refused, enforce it if your force is clearly sufficient ; 
 if not sufficient, follow ' Itata' till you fall in with Admiral Brown, now at' 
 CaUao, who has been ordered to intercept her." 
 
 Similar instructions were issued to the commanders of the "Omaha" and the 
 " San Francisco." Within a few hours three United States war vessels were en- 
 gaged in hot pursuit of the "Itata" and her little consort. For a week the United 
 States cruisers steamed up and down the Pacific coast. Daily press despatches 
 reported numerous rumors that the "Itata" had been taken, and these were 
 promptly cabled to Chili and published in the local newspapers. The effect of 
 the course of the United States was clearly indicated by Admiral McCann in a 
 report to the Navy Department under date of May 12. He said : 
 
 " The detention by our Government of the steamer ' Itata ' at San Diego has 
 very much gratified the Chilian Government, while the insurgents, on the other 
 hand, are equally indignant. This vessel belonged to the Compania 8ud-Amer- 
 
HARRISONIAK DIPLOMACY. 235- 
 
 icana de Vapores (Soult American Steamship Company) and had been seized 
 by the insurgents at the outbreak o£ the revolution. The president and th» 
 secretary of this company have made affidavits before the United States Consul 
 at Valparaiso to the efEeot that the vessel had been forcibly seized by the insur- 
 gents and was at San Diego for arms without their knowledge or consent." 
 
 The conduct of the insurgent leaders upon receiving reliable information 
 that the " Itata " had run away from San Diego and was being pursued by United 
 States war vessels reflected the greatest credit upon their sagacity and discre- 
 tion. Under date of May 13, Isidore Errazuriz, Chilian Minister of Foreign 
 Affairs, at Iquique, addressed a note to Admiral Brown from which the follow- 
 ing is an extract : 
 
 " If the news be correct, this Government would deplore the conduct of the 
 ' Itata,' and as an evidence that it is not disposed to support or acknowledge an- 
 infraction of the United States laws, the subscriber takes advantage of the per. 
 sonal relation you have been good enough to maintain with him since your 
 arrival to declare to you that, as soon as the ' Itata ' is withinreach of orders, 
 this Government will place her, with munitions of war taken aboard at San 
 Diego, at the disposition of the United States through the worthy agency of 
 yourself, in order that the United States laws, interrupted at San Diego, may 
 follow their course." 
 
 This communication was promptly cabled to the Navy Department by 
 Admiral Brown, and in accordance with the pledges contained therein, the 
 "Itata" was surrendered to the United States within twenty days, and her cargo- 
 of arms, which had been taken ofE by the insurgent's cruiser ' ' Esmeralda, " was 
 also given up. 
 
 With the return of the " Itata" to San Diego the machinery of the coiu^s was 
 again set in motion, but, greatly to the humiliation of the Navy Department 
 officials, the case against the Chilian transport and the charge on which Ri- 
 cardo Trumbull was indicted were both formally abandoned. A careful 
 investigation of all the facta in connection with the afEair, which should have 
 been made before the ' ' Itata " was seized, demonstrated clearly that the United 
 States had no case. The situation had not changed in the slightest degree, but 
 the Court, uninfluenced by political considerations or by an overweening de- 
 sire to ' ' support the administration," concluded that there had been no attempt 
 at " fitting out or arming a vessel to cruise or commit hostilities against the 
 subjects, citizens or property of any foreign prince or state or any colony, dis- 
 trict or people with whom the United States were at peaee." In effect, the- 
 Court decided that Balmaceda was not, when the "Itata" was seized, either 
 a prince or state, colony, district or people. He was simply a Chilian in 
 revolt against his own Government, and not entitled to recognition by the 
 United States. Had the ' ' Itata " been captured on the high seas in accordance- 
 with the instructions of Secretary Tracy, there is little doubt, in view of the 
 decision of the Federal Court, that the rehabilitated Chilian Government would; 
 have had a sound claim for damages against the United States. 
 
HARBISOKIAN DIPLOMACT. 
 
 Seceetaby Blaine Retires. 
 
 Secretary Blaine retired to Bar Harbor at this period of the controversy, and 
 the correspondence that followed was conducted hy Acting-Secretary Wharton 
 on behalf of the State Department. Mr. Wharton's confidence in President 
 Balmaceda's humane methods does not appear to have been as implicit as 
 that of Mr. Bgan, for under date of May 14, 1891, the American Minister 
 received an admonitory cablegram instructing him that, if envoys of the in- 
 surgent party should come within the jurisdiction of President Balmaceda, re- 
 lying on an offer of mediation or on the invitation of mediators, he will insist 
 that under any circumstances they shall have the ordinary treatment provided 
 for parties advancing under flag of truce. Mr. Wharton adds that it is reported 
 in Washington that Balmaceda threatens to shoot such envoys if found within 
 his jurisdiction. 
 
 Mr. Egan at once makes this cablegram the text for an attack upon the 
 newspaper reports concerning the progress of the revolution. After denying 
 that President Balmaceda had ever threatened to shoot envoys, Mr, Egan de- 
 clares that the newspaper reports are, " for the most part, absurdly exagger- 
 ated." Coquimbo, he says, and all Southern Chili, " are under the control of the 
 Government, whose resources are ample and forces consist of forty thousand 
 well-armed men, while the revolutionists have control of the northern prov- 
 inces, command a force of about six thousand badly-armed men and rely 
 chiefly upon the navy, drawing their revenue from the shipments of salt- 
 petre." 
 
 During the month of May Minister Egan asked and received authority to 
 make an offer of mediation betwfeen the Presidential party and the Congres- 
 sionaUsts. The negotiations were entered upon by representatives of the United 
 States, Brazil and France, and after proceeding for the space of a week, were 
 broken off by Balmaceda's Minister of the Interior acting on behalf of the 
 President. 
 
 Mr. Egan's reports to the State Department continued to shed a roseate hue 
 over Balmaceda's prospects until the very eve of the landing of the insurgent 
 forces in Quinteros Bay. 
 
 On the morning of August 20, the revolutionists landed a force of more than 
 ten thousand well equipped soldiers at the port of Quinteros, and a desperate 
 battle was fought at Concon, resulting in the overwhelming defeat of the Bal- 
 macedan forces. This decisive victory of the insurgents was followed up a 
 few days later by an engagement near the city of Valparaiso, which resulted 
 In the defeat and utter demoralization of the " government " army. The city 
 iurrendered to the opposition, Balmaceda turned over the government to Gen- 
 eral Baquedano, one of the insurgent oflBcers, and, with his family, fled for 
 aiylum to the United States Legation. In spite of the sorrow which Egan 
 must have felt at the overthrow of his old friend Balmaceda, he advised the 
 State Department, under date of September 7, 1891, that he was " in cordial 
 communication with the Provisional Government, established on the 4th 
 Instant," and that the new government was "universally accepted by the 
 people." 
 
habbibo.nian diplomacy. 23t 
 
 Attitttde ok United States Natal Officeeb. 
 
 The "Itata" affair and Minister Egan's course throughout the Chilian 
 revolution were not the only incidents calculated to irritate the Chilians and 
 cause them to entertain hostile feelings towards the United States and her 
 citizens. The Navy Department fared but little better than the State Depart- 
 ment in the matter of securing reliable information regarding the situation in 
 Chili during the revolution and the conduct of the United States naval ofacers 
 in Chilian waters has been made the subject of much deserved criticism. 
 
 Admiral MoCann, who reconnoitered the Chilian coast in March,' 1891, re- 
 ported on the insurgent cause as follows : 
 
 " They are powerless to make any serious demonstration in the southern 
 provinces or even interrupt the ordinary traffic and business of the country as 
 carried on through the principal commercial ports of the south. In other 
 words, President Balmaceda is master of the situation." 
 
 Subsequently Admiral MpCann and Minister Bgan held a conference and 
 decided that the insurgents could not under any circumstances gain further 
 material advantage. Admiral McCann had occasion afterward to change his 
 mind, and in a communication to the Department refers to his highly Indiscreet 
 action in these terms : 
 
 "I have to regret that in my note to Senor Errazuriz I incautiously quoted 
 too free'y from Mr. Egan's letter to me, especially that part in which he ex- 
 pressed the opinion that ' the Government at Santiago cannot be disturbed.' 
 The consequences of this inadvertence on my part will be observed in the 
 declaration of Senor Errazuriz." 
 
 It will be seen that Admiral McCann by his indiscretion made an indelible 
 record of Egan's partisan utterances. 
 
 Admiral McCann was soon relieved of his command of the American fleet in 
 Chilian waters by Rear-Admiral Brown, but the news received at the Navy 
 Department from this officer does not appear to have been of a more reliable 
 character than that furnished by his predecessor. The day before the bloody 
 battle of Concon, Admiral Brown reported to Secretary Tracy that the 
 " Government " was confident of its ability to defeat the insurgents, and had 
 20,000 well equipped men who could be concentrated at any point near the 
 capital within a few hours. 
 
 But Admiral Brown's minor^lndiscretions pale into insignificance when 
 compared with his now famous Quinteros Bay expedition. On the morning of 
 August 20 rumors became current in Valparaiso that the insurgents had effected 
 a landing in Quinteros Bay. No special reason has been given why Admiral 
 Brown should have regarded it as his duty to secure advance information of 
 what the insurgents were doing. It is a fact, however, that he at once got up 
 steam on the "San Francisco," proceeded to Quinteros Bay, and there ob- 
 served the landing of the Congressionalists, and immediately returned to Val- 
 paraiso, where the news became pubUc property. The newsboys the next 
 morning cried the headline: "News of the fleet, brought by the 'San Fran- 
 cisco,' " and the Government paper began its account with the introductory 
 line : " From trustworthy news brought by the United States warship ' Saa 
 Francisco,' which arrived yesterday, we know for a fact, eta" 
 
"838 HABBISONIAN DIPLOMACT. 
 
 The United States had no interests to protect in Quinteros Bay and nothing 
 but curiosity induced Admiral Brown to undertake the expedition. It is dif- 
 ficult to understand how he could have failed to appreciate the indiscretion of 
 such an act, especially since he laid himself open to the strongest imputation 
 of having violated neutrality in furnishing a full confirmation to the Balma. 
 cedan authorities of matters which were but rumors when the expedition was 
 undertaken. On this point Admiral Brown himself, in a despatch to the 
 Department, says : 
 
 " Having been informed by the Government authorities in this city that a 
 landing had been effected, and having learned through experience to distrust 
 the correctness of all such information given me as ofBcial, I got under way in 
 this ship, steamed up the coast and entered Quinteros Bay, saw for myself 
 that a landing had been made from eight transports and six men-of-war, and 
 without communicating with any of the ships I returned to this place and 
 cabled the result of my observations to the Department." 
 
 In a detailed report afterward submitted in his own defense, Admiral 
 Brown declares that his cablegram to the Navy Department was in cipher, 
 and although it received the vise of Admiral Viel, the Intendente of Valpa- 
 raiso, that official could not have read it. Whether Admiral Brown's cable- 
 gram to the Navy Department was the only communication from him which 
 Intendente Viel received or not, it is a fact that Lieutenant Dyer, Admiral 
 Brown's flag lieutenant, offered for Intendente Viel's vise a fuU report of 
 what had been seen in Quinteros Bay, addressed to a New York paper and 
 -written in plain English. It cannot be denied, therefore, that immediately 
 upon the return of the " San Francisco " from Quinteros Bay the Intendente 
 of Valparaiso was placed in possession of all the information which Admiral 
 Brown had been able to gather. Lieutenant Dyer's report, which was carefully 
 read by Admiral Viel, was as foUows : 
 
 " Insurgents landed morning, Quinteros, eight transports, three tugs, four 
 warships. About eight thousand. Government sent force. Battle imminent 
 Admiral Brown saw landing. Flagship 'San Francisco,' 'Baltimore,' Val- 
 paraiso. 'Esmeralda' off harbor. Quiet here." 
 
 In view of the heavy responsibility resting upon Admiral Brown in con- 
 sequence of his uncalled-for and indiscreet action in visiting Quinteros Bay, it 
 is fair to state that when he denied to the Department that he had furnished 
 any information regarding the insurgents' movements, he may not have been 
 informed of Lieut. Dyer's action. So great was the scandal growing out of 
 this episode that Secretary Tracy cabled Admiral Brown as follows : 
 
 " Did you, or any of the officers, or your crew, on return on that occasion 
 to Valparaiso, ChiB, communicate information about what you saw to any 
 person not connected with your vessel ? " 
 
 To this inquiry Admiral Brown replied : 
 
 " No one from this ship gave information." 
 
 Neither Admirai Brown nor the Navy Department has as yet paid any 
 attention to the following telegram found among the effects of the late Presi- 
 dent Balmaceda : 
 
HARRISONIAN DIPLOMACY. 239 
 
 "Valpabaiso, August 21, 1891, 9.36 a.m. 
 " Mr. President — The American Admiral has left me only this moment and 
 Sie be sieves as I do that a refimbarkation la not possible. 
 
 " VlEL." 
 
 This telegram would seem to be conclusive evidence that Admiral Brown 
 was on shore early on the morning of the 31st, conferring with the Intendente 
 ■of Valparaiso and giving him valuable information. Neither the Intendente 
 nor any one in Valparaiso, except Admiral Brown and those on his ship, had 
 witnessed the disembarkation at Quinteros. It was highly important for Bal- 
 .maceda to know whether the Congressionalists were really landing a force or 
 were simply making a feint to induce him to concentrate his troops at the 
 wrong point and leave them free to strike elsewhere. Intendente Viel was 
 glad to inform the President that Admiral Brown had assured him that the 
 disembarkation was a genuine one. With this information Balmaceda con- 
 centrated his troops with no misgivings as to the outcome. 
 
 It is impossible to calculate the result of the early information received by 
 the Balmacedan authorities of the landing of the insurgents. It is generally 
 believed, however, that at least one of the bloody battles would have been avoided 
 liad not the Balmacedan forces in and around Valparaiso received notice of the 
 .approach of the Congreasional army. 
 
 There is no evidence to show that Admiral Brown has been subjected to 
 -any investigation whatever as to his course in the Quinteros incident. The 
 ofilcials of the Navy Department have stated from time to time that an " in- 
 quiry " was in progress, but this appears to have been limited to securing the 
 ■em parte statements of the Admiral, with which the Department seems to have 
 been quite content. 
 
 Another Incident that very naturally aroused the indignation of the Chilians 
 .and increased their animosity towards United States naval officers was the false 
 report cabled to a New York paper by Lieut. E. W. Sturdy, of the "Balti- 
 -more," stating that when the " San Francisco " sailed for Callao after the 
 ■victory of the insurgents, President Balmaceda escaped in her. This statement 
 was at once telegraphed back to Chili, and, as Captain Schley, of the "Balti- 
 more " reported to the Navy Department, ' ' caused much excitement and strong 
 feeling against American citizens.'' Lieut. Sturdy's correspondence with the 
 newspaper referred to was at once stopped and he was suspended from duty. 
 No such punishment has yet been meted out to Lieut. Dyer though his offense 
 was far graver than that of Lieut. Sturdy. 
 
 CONSTTL McCrEERY's SPECOT/ATIONS. 
 
 Quite in keeping with the story of the scandalous conduct of both Minister 
 Egan and Consul McCreery in the matter of their failure to observe a strict 
 neutrality throughout the Chilian episode, comes the account of Consul Mo- 
 Creery's speculations in foreign exchange, not only at a time when Chili, as a 
 friendV power, was engaged in a struggle to maintain her Constitution, but 
 even while the little nation stood quaking under the angry threats of its big 
 northern neighbor to " teach it a salutary lesson." 
 
340 HAKRISONIAN DIPLOMACY. 
 
 McCreery was a financier of more or less experience when appointed U. 8^ 
 Consul. He had been for a number of years a prominent official in a small' 
 national bank at Flint, Mich, He was appointed Consul at the earnest solici- 
 tation of Senators Stockbridge and McMillan, of Michigan, and Representative 
 Belknap, of the Fifth Michigan District. He had not been in Valparaiso long 
 before he discovered that any one possessed of early information as to the- 
 operations of one or the other of the contending parties could turn that knowl- 
 edge into cash at very slight risk. Foreign exchange, he observed, fluctuated 
 In exact accordance with the f ortimes of what Mr. Egan was pleased to style- 
 " the Government." A rumor of a Congressional victory alway* resulted in a 
 depression of Chilian securities and the consequent advance of London ex- 
 change. Owing to his intimate relations with Minister Egan and the United 
 States naval officers on the one hand, and, through Egan, with the Balmacedan 
 authorities on the other, he was enabled to secure the earliest information of 
 aU important movements. Upon these "tips" McCreery speculated to an, 
 amount which, it is believed, exceeded two million pounds sterling. His opera- 
 tions were carried on through several Valparaiso brokers, the firm of Neckel- 
 mann & Isensee executing the most important of his cwnmissions. 
 
 One of the gravest counts in these charges against McCreery connects him 
 with the seizure of the insurgents' transport " Itata." It is alleged that, at a 
 time when he had made several losses by reason of unwise investments, he 
 learned of the appearance in San Diego harbor, Cal., of the "Itata,"' and at 
 once took the most effective means at hand to prevent her sailing with arms 
 for the CongressionaUsts. He went to the Intendente of Valparaiso, and after 
 a consultation with the Balmacedan authorities, signed a despatch addressed to 
 Secretary Blaine, and aimed at the seizure of the vessel by the United States^ 
 Government. It is charged that Intendente Viel transmitted this despatch at 
 his own expense, sending it to the State telegraph office in order to expedite its 
 transmission and more certainly result in anticipating the " Itata." The news 
 of the seizure of the transport. by the United States marshal at San Diego was- 
 quickly transmitted to Valparaiso and was followed by a considerable decline^ 
 in London exchange, of which McCreery doubtless took advantage 
 
 The consular regulations expressly prohibit speculation or trading of any 
 sort on the part of consuls receiving salaries in excess of a thousand dollars. 
 McCreery's salary was $3,000 per annum, and he was perfectly familiar with 
 the consular prohibition referred to. For nearly two years he reaped large 
 profits from his ventures, but his abiding faith in the ultimate success of 
 Balmaceda proved costly in the end. An unfortunate turn left him in debt to 
 his brokers to the amount of $7,000 on a single transaction. This he promised 
 to pay, but failed to do so. His brokers, doubtless expecting that he would 
 speedily make good the loss, undertook another venture on his behalf, which 
 netted a profit of $1,870. McCreery was promptly informed of the result of 
 this transaction, and his brokers advised him that his account had been credited 
 with the sum mentioned. This method of settling the matter, however, did 
 not meet McCreery's approval ; he wanted the cash. The brokers refusing tO' 
 remit the consul addressed to them the following peremptory notice ; 
 
HAKRISONIAN DIPLOMACY. S41 
 
 " Valparaiso, February 11, 1892. 
 " Messrs. NECKBLMAiinf & Isbnbee, Valparaiso : 
 
 " Gbntb — I have your statement showing a balance due me January 30, 
 1893, of $1,870.16, and I desire to inform you that if the amount is not paid to 
 me by 13 o'clock noon next Saturday (the 13th), legal steps will be taken to 
 enforce collection of same. 
 
 " Very respectfully, 
 
 " Wm. B. McCbbebt." 
 
 In spite of this threat, MoCreery's brokers refused to pay, and it is needless 
 to say that he did not bring suit. Certain public-spirited Americans in ChlU, 
 learning of McCreery's scandalous conduct, took pains to investigate his specu- 
 lations and forwarded to the State Department the complete and unanswerable 
 evidence of his guilt, including photographs of numerous checks drawn by his 
 brokers to his credit and bearing his indorsement, and the bank's marks of 
 cancellation. Photographs of his correspondence with his brokers, including 
 the letter above quoted, were also filed in the Department. Acting Secretary 
 Wharton gave out a statement to the press that these allegations which were 
 brought to the attention of the Department by Hon. W. C. P. Breckenridge, 
 Representative in Congress from Kentucky, would receive prompt attention, 
 and would be made the subject of formal charges to be preferred against Mo- 
 Creery on his return to the United States, which was then daily expected. 
 When McCreery did arrive early in August he presented himself at the State- 
 Department where he was cordially received and granted an extended leave of 
 absence to visit his home in Michigan. He at once plunged into the campaign- 
 in the interest of the Republican party. Nothing has since been heard of the- 
 charges, and it is extremely improbable that the State Department will evea 
 take the trouble to call McCreery's attention to them. 
 
 The "Baltimore" Episode. 
 
 Barly in the summer of 1891 the Congressional party despatched a deputa- 
 tion to Washington, of which Mr. Pedro Montt, an accomplished gentleman 
 and an experienced diplomat, was the head, and sought to secure through this 
 agency recognition for the insurgents as belligerents. Though there now 
 appears to have been no good renson why this recognition should have been 
 denied them, the President, Secretary Blaine and the subordinate ofladals of 
 the State Department declined to hold any communication whatever with the 
 members of the deputation, and it was not until after the complete overthrow 
 of Balmaceda and the surrender to the Congressionalists of the Government of 
 Chili that Mr. Montt was received by Mr. Blaine. These facts naturally 
 strengthened the Impression in Chill that the attitude of the United States was 
 anything but friendly toward those who had fought to preserve the Chilian 
 Constitution. 
 
 Bearing in mind the incidents heretofore described, it is not difficult to 
 understand why the Chilian people, particularly the lower classes living in 
 the slums of large seaport towns, should have entertained unkind feelings 
 toward the United States and her citizens. Minister Egan's conduct had mad» 
 him especially obnoxious to the new government. 
 16 
 
242 HAEBISONIAN DIPLOMACY. 
 
 The officers and crews of the United States war vessels were the special 
 object of Chilian enmity at this time ;.in their persons and in their uniform 
 they represen 1 a nation which the Congressionalists believed to b 3 as hostile 
 to them as the adherents of Balmaceda had been. Indeed, they were regarded 
 as the allies of the overthrown dictator. 
 
 In this condition of affairs it behooved United States naval officers in Chilian 
 ports to use the utmost discretion in granting shore liberty to members of their 
 crews. In the face of this situation, which was, of course, well understood by 
 all naval officers. Captain Schley, of the United States cruiser "Baltimore," 
 allowed 150 sailors (who had been confined to their narrow quarters on ship- 
 board for a long time), to go ashore in Valparaiso on the morning of October 
 16, hardly more than thirty days after the installation of the Congressionalists 
 as the provisional rulers of Chili. 
 
 What occurred on the morning of October 16, was reported by Captain 
 Bchley in the following cablegram : 
 
 "While a party of men from the 'Baltimore' were ashore on liberty in 
 Valparaiso yesterday afternoon, one of the boatswain's mates was killed and 
 six men were seriously wounded. An inquiry is taking place and a full re- 
 port will be sent when the circumstances are known. " 
 
 Upon receipt of further details of the affair. Acting Secretary Wharton 
 cabled Minister Egan peremptorily to bring to the attention of the Govern- 
 ment of Chili the facts as reported by Captain Schley, and to "inquire 
 whether there are any qualifying facts in the possession of that Government 
 or any explanation to be offered of an event that has very deeply pained the 
 people of the United States, not only by reason of the resulting death of one 
 of our sailors and the pitiless wounding of others, but even more as an appar- 
 ent expression of unfriendliness toward this Government, which might put in 
 peril the maintenance of amicable relations between the two countries ; if the 
 facts are as reported by Captain Schley, this Government cannot doubt that 
 the Government of Chili wUl offer prompt and full reparation.'' 
 
 In view of Minister Egan's strong bias it is not difficult to imagine the manner 
 in which he " brought" these matters "to the attention of the Chilian Govern- 
 ment," and inquired whether they had any explanation to offer, and told about 
 the "deep pain" of the people of the United States, and enlarged upon the 
 fight as an " expression of unfriendliness" which immediately put the ami- 
 cable relations of the two countries in peril. It has been well said that common 
 prudence, to say nothing of common decency, required that under these cir- 
 cumstances every word of the communication to the Chilian Government should 
 have been carefully weighed and written in Washingtoij, and that Egan should 
 have been directed, as is usual among civilized nations in dealing with delicate 
 international troubles, to "read this despatch to the Chilian Minister, and, if 
 he desires it, leave him a copy of it." 
 
 The reply of the Chilian Minister of Foreign Affairs sheds some light upon 
 the tone adopted by Egan in conveying the representations of the State Depart- 
 ment. Minister Matta says that the United States Government "foimulates 
 demands and advances threats " ; but there were no threats in the instructions 
 to Egan. The question naturally arises : Where they made by Egan f 
 
HAHIilSONIAN DIPLOMACY. 243 
 
 Minister Malta's reply was received with mucli indignation in tlie Stale and 
 Navy Departments. Secretary Tracy's aides, witli one accord, declared that 
 the whole American Kavy should be at once ordered into Chilian waters and 
 that unless prompt reparation were made for the a.ssault upon the sailors of 
 the " Baltimore," Valparaiso should be bombarded. No less vigorous utterances 
 were heard in the State Department, while President Harrison did not hesitate 
 to state that the situation was "extremely grave." 
 
 The Chilians hn 1 taken a leaf out of Mr. Blaine's book in the New Orleans 
 affair. The essential point in Mr. Blaine's despatch in reply to the represen- 
 tations of the Italian Government on the occasion of the molibino- of 
 Italian subjects in New Orleans, and Minister Matta's reply to our demand for 
 reparation, was that jurisdiction of crimes committed in one's territory be- 
 longs to one's courts, and that one cannot be hurried in making an investiga- 
 tion. It would appear that what was good law for the United States in the 
 New Orleans affair was good law for Chili in the " Ballimure " incident. 
 
 President Harrison did not propose, however, to lose an opportunity to 
 exploit the " vigorous foreign policy" of the Administration. Secretary 
 Blaine had been resting at Bar Harbor for five months, leaving the State De- 
 partment without its head for a period unprecedented in the history of the 
 country. ThB " Baltimore " affair occurred while Mr. Blaine was en route to 
 Washington, but it will be seen that the first representations made by this Gov- 
 ernment concerning the incident were signed by Acting Secretary Wharton. 
 Thereafter, in spite of the presence of Mr. Blaine in Washington, it was the 
 President's hand that guided the course of this Government in the matter, and 
 the countiy was treated to the remarkable spectacle of a quondam master of 
 " jingo " tactics restraining the hand of a "conservative" President in the 
 latter's effort to force war upon a crippled and prostrated nation, with a pop- 
 ulation less than that of a single New England State and ab^^olutely without 
 available resources. 
 
 Minister Matta's note, which may very possibly have been justified by 
 the terms in which the repesentations of the United States were communicated 
 to the Chilian Government by Minister Egan, is absolutely all there is in the 
 correspondence on the subject of the "Baltimore " a ' air on the part of Chili to 
 which the slightest exception could be taken by a fair-minded person. The 
 published correspondence shows that even the hot-headed Minister ^latta spoke 
 of the Valparaiso outrage on October 37, as a "deplorable occurrence" and a, 
 " lamentable affair." Minister Egan assumed the responsibility of withholding 
 these expressions in his despatch to the State Department. On December 11, 
 Minister Montt referred to the " lamentable events at Valparaiso which his 
 Government had deeply deplored." On December 19, in a communication to 
 Mr. Blaine, he spoke of the "unfortunate occurrences," and added that "the 
 undersigned doubts not that the spirit of justice which animates the Govern- 
 ment of the United States and that of Chili will be duly satisfied," etc. The 
 Judge of the Criminal Court having in charge the investigation of the "Balti- 
 more " affair, in a note to the Intendente of Valparaiso, under date of October 
 22, referred to the "lamentable disorders," and availed himself of the oppor- 
 timity to state, "in order that you in turn may inform the North American 
 Admiral," that the Investigation was on the point of terminating. Minister 
 
344 HARKISONIAN DIPLOMACY. 
 
 Montt, again, in a note to Mr. Blaine under date ot January 8, refers to the 
 " lamentable occurrence of the 16th af October," and closes his communication 
 with the following statement which Mr. Blaine would certainly have been 
 justified in accepting as an ample apology for Chili's part in the " Baltimore " 
 afEair : 
 
 " I have also received special instructions to state to the Government of the 
 United States that the Government of Chili has felt very sincere regret for the 
 unfortunate events which occurred in Valparaiso on the 16th of October. 
 * * * The fact that persons employed in the service of a friendly nation 
 were concerned and the frank desires for American cordiality which my 
 Government entertains have led it to cordially deplore the aforesaid disturbance 
 and to do everything in its power toward the trial and punishment of the guilty 
 parties." , 
 
 While these friendly assurances were being given to .the United States the 
 Chilian courts were busy with an examination into the facts concerning the 
 assault upon the sailors of the "Baltimore." Naturally some time was con- 
 sumed in these investigations ; though there is evidence to show that many 
 formalities were curtailed for the purpose of arriving at an early finding of 
 fact. 
 
 While these proceedings were in progress Minister Egan was adding greatly 
 to the feeling of irritation on the part of Chilians by his course regarding the 
 refugees who had been granted asylum in the United States Legation at 
 Santiago. The shelter afforded to these persons was of very doubtful propriety 
 and was in pursuance of a precedent which the State Department has always 
 condemned. But even if Egan was justified in extending asylum to political 
 offenders at a time when the chaotic condition of affairs following immediately 
 upon the victory of the insurgents seemed to warrant it, there was no excuse for 
 converting a foreign legation into a permanent refuge for political criminals. 
 Forcible comment was made upon this point, at the time, by an influential 
 journal, to this effect : 
 
 " Chili has not lost her rank as a sovereign and independent St&te, through 
 Balmaceda's attempt, any more than the United States lost theirs through the at- 
 tempt of Jefferson Davis, and we should certainly have taken in very bad part the 
 continued use for months after the conflict was over of the British Legation 
 at Washington to shelter him and other leading Confederates from the pursuit 
 of our constituted authorities." 
 
 The question in regard to these refugees was much complicated by Egan's 
 contention that he must have a safe conduct for them in order to enable 
 them to leave the countiy. The journal above quoted in discussing this phase 
 of the case made this pertinent comment : 
 
 " This is probably the most curious of all the demands we have made on the 
 ' sister republic' It might be a perfectly proper demand to make on the Chi- 
 nese, or Turks, or Morroccans, but it is a very odd condition for one civilized 
 law-governed republic to seek to impose upon another. The Chilian answer 
 is perfectly simple and impregnable. They are willing, for the sake of peace 
 and quiot, to put up with a slightly veiled insult of making the American Lega- 
 tion an asylum for fugitives from their justice, but they cannot grant a safe 
 conduct to these fugitives, because there is no olBcer of the ChtWi Govern- 
 
HAKKISONIAN DIPLOMACY. 245 
 
 ment, any more than of the American Government, authorized to grant it, under 
 the Chilian Constitution, to citizens charged with indictable offenses. Fancy 
 President Harrison or Governor Hill giving such persons a license to run away 
 from the Union or the State of New York, so as to avoid trial. What the Chi- 
 lian Government can promise to these refugees, and does promise, is a fair trial 
 according to the law of the land. " 
 
 It is not surprising, in view of the feeling against Minister Egan in Santiago, 
 that the refugees in the United States Legation should have been subjected to 
 aimoyance and insults at the hands of irresponsible persons who passed by or 
 gathered in the vicinity to jeer at Balmaceda's leaders in their enforced retire- 
 ment. Minister Egan would doubtless have been glad to get rid of his 
 boarders, but the Chilian authorities steadfastly refused to grant safe conduct 
 to the refugees. Finally, in defiance of diplomatic usage, Egan himself ac- 
 companied the refugees to Valparaiso, and put them on board a United States 
 war vessel, by which they were conveyed to Callao, Peru. Egan, of course, 
 assumed that the Chilian authorities would forbear to molest the refugees 
 while in his company. His expectation was fully justified by the dignified and 
 altogether commendable course of the Chilians in permitting the refugees to 
 depart under the sheltering wing of the American Minister, leaving it for the 
 public opinion of civilized nations to decide which power had come out of 
 the controversy with the greater credit. 
 
 In spite of the annoyance which the Chilian Government felt at the conduct 
 of Minister Egan, the investigation into the "Baltimore" affair proceeded 
 rapidly, and, as has been seen, on January 8, Minister Montt informed Mr. 
 Blaine that Chili felt a Very sincere regret for the unfortunate events. Presi- 
 dent Harrison had in the meantime, in the course of his annual message to 
 Congress, added fuel to the flame by passing severe strictures upon the Chilian 
 Government for its delay in complying with the demand of the United States 
 for reparation. Naturally, these utterances were not received by Chili in a 
 friendly spirit. Indeed, they evoked a reply comprising a defense of Chili's 
 attitude throughout the "Baltimore " affair. This was made the subject of a 
 circular which was published widely by the diplomatic representatives of 
 Chili in South America and elsewhere. It is doubtful whether, if this action 
 had been taken by a first-class power, the United States would have deemed 
 it necessary to demand a public withdrawal of this circular. Tet such a 
 course was taken by President Harrison, and Minister Egan, on his own 
 responsibility, suspended relations with the Chilian Government. That he 
 did so without authority from the State Department is clear from the fol- 
 lowing extract from a despatch to Mr. Blaine dated December 14, 1891 : 
 
 "As it [Chili's defense] is not only injurious to the officers of the United 
 States Navy and to this Legation, but offensive to the Secretary of the Navy 
 and to the President himself, I feel that I should, until the language of the 
 telegram be withdrawn, or untU I may receive your further instructions, 
 avoid exchanging communications with this Government." 
 
 The published correspondence does not show that Mr. Egan's course was 
 eitherapproved or criticized by Mr. Blaine. Ih this connection it would be 
 Interesting to know just how much of the correspondence between the State 
 
346 HAURISONIAN DIPLOMACY. 
 
 Department and Minister Egan lias been withheld from Congress on the ground 
 that its publication would be " incompatible with the public interest." 
 
 HARKISON'S " JUST-IN-TIMB " MESSAGE. 
 
 The closing chapter in the story of the " Baltimore " episode must be read by 
 every American with a feeling of shame that the Chief Executive of this great 
 republic could have been induced for the furtherance of his own political 
 ambition to resort to such measures for the humiliation of a weak and almost 
 defenceless neighboring power. 
 
 President Harrison and his advisers were fully informed as to the difficul- 
 ties in the way of overcoming popular prejudice with which the new Govern- 
 ment of Chili was laboring in the effort to bring about a satisfactory termination 
 of the controversy. President Montt's friendly attitude had been demonstrated 
 in a hundred different ways and there was no possible doubt as to the outcome 
 of the incident. Secretary Blaine was confident that the affair would be 
 amicably settled within a few days, and in justice to him it should be said 
 he took no part in urging upon the President the necessity for immediate 
 action. 
 
 In this situation of affairs, the President, on January 31, forwarded to the 
 ChUian Government through Minister Egan his famous "ultimatum," in 
 which he declared that unless the offensive parts of the despatch of December 
 11, embracing Chili's defense of her attitude, were not " at once withdrawn 
 and a suitable apology offered," he would have no other course open to him 
 "except to terminate diplomatic relaitions with the Government of Chili." 
 Various other vague threats were conveyed in this document, which was 
 cabled entire to Minister Egan, with instructions to "furnish to the Minister of 
 Foreign Affairs a full copy of this note." Minister Egan did not deliver the 
 ultimatum at the Foreign Office in Santiago until the 33d. Answer was at 
 once made asking for two days' delay in replying — j. «., until Monday — as 
 President Montt was absent in the mountains. 
 
 President Harrison did not wait even for the Chilian authorities to read the 
 ultimatum. He at once set to work upon an incendiary message to Congress, 
 to be accompanied by such correspondence as he saw fit to make public at the 
 time. The message has been well described as "an Indianapolis brief in a suit 
 for damages, rather than a diplomatic state paper." It was studiously insulting 
 to the Chilians from first to last. It insisted that the attack on the sailors of 
 the " Baltimore," was an expression of general Chilian hostility to the United 
 States, in spite of the solemn disavowals of the Chilian Government. It treated 
 the findings of the Chilian courts as unworthy of credit, and the assertions of 
 the Chilian officials as unworthy of belief. It declared the President's con- 
 viction that the Chilian Government did not intend to take any steps toward 
 making proper reparation for the assault upon the sailors and the insult to 
 the American Flag. 
 
 This message was sent to Congress early Monday morning, just four days 
 after the ultimatum had been dispatched to Minister Egau. It was read in 
 both houses of Congress amid absolute silence, and was followed with the 
 closest attention by Senators and Representatives and by thousands of citizens 
 
HARBISONIAH DIPLOMACY. 347 
 
 who crowded the galleries, to learn from the President's own words the exact 
 measure of the peril to the country's peace. When the reading had been 
 concluded, both houses adjourned, in order to give time for proper con- 
 sideration of the matter before taking action in compliance with the Presi- 
 dent's recommendations. In the hours that followed, leading men of both 
 parties expressed their wiUinguass to stand by the President in any measures 
 necessary to preserve the honor of the Nation. The newspapers throughout 
 the country the next morning printed the President's message in full and copious 
 extracts from the correspondence. The situation was generally believed to be 
 very grave. 
 
 Then came the crash. It became known that before noon of Monday a full 
 and ample apology had been received from the Chilian Government, including 
 an offer to leave the question of reparation to the Supreme Court of the United 
 States ; and, m addition, the shameful fact was made pubUc that this com- 
 munication had been received at the State Department even before the Presi- 
 dent's message was read in Congress. A semiofficial explanation of the facts 
 in connection with the receipt of the apology was made at the White House, 
 and was to the effect that the message was received " too late to have a trans- 
 lation made " before the convening of Congress. 
 
 But these statements and other similar explanations subsequently offered 
 deceived no one. The facts stood clearly revealed. In general public estima- 
 tion, the President's action in deliberately suggesting to Congress the making 
 war on a weak antagonist, without asking, up to the latest moment, whether 
 an apology had been received, constituted a fitting close to a controversy 
 carried on by the admisistration in such a manner as to place the United States 
 in an unenviable attitude before the public opinion of the world. 
 
218 DEMOCRACY AND THE PUBLIC LANDS. 
 
 DEMOCRACY AI^D THE PUBLIC LANDS. 
 
 THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE LAND OFFICE 
 UNDER THE TWO PARTIES CONTRASTED. 
 
 LAND FORFEITURES AND LAND HOLDING BY ALIENS. 
 
 Three Commissioners of the General Land Office under this administration 
 have seen fit, in their annual reports, to make violent partisan attacks upon 
 the management of that office during the Cleveland administration. The charge 
 is that the gross frauds in the taking up of public lands which Commissioner 
 Sparks fought against were mare's nests, the invention of an imagination either 
 diseased or distinctly hostile to the people of the Territories and the new States ; 
 that Commissioner Sparks' representation that frauds were vridespread did a 
 great injustice to the people of the Territories and the new States, and his 
 efforts to stop the frauds and punish the perpetrators were a great injury to the 
 enterprising pioneers. 
 
 The last time (hat these accusations against Commissioner Sparks and the 
 Democrat c administration were made was in the annual report which Mr. 
 Carter made after he had resigned the office of Commissioner of the General 
 Land Office in order to accept that of Chairman of the Republican National 
 Committee. That the accusation brought by Commissioners Carter and GrofE 
 and Acting Commissioner Stone against the Democratic administration of the 
 land office is entirely untrue is shown by the following three facts : The evi- 
 dence of the frauds was collected by Republican special agents, and commented 
 on in the severest manner by a Republican commissioner, who said in his last 
 report that he had again and again called the attention of Congress to them and 
 asked Congress to give him the means of dealing with them . The suspension 
 of patents was a temporary measure that only lasted six months and that in- 
 jured only speculators and violators of the law ; it could not harm the bona 
 file settlers. The settlement of the public domain proceeded more rapidly 
 under the Cleveland administration than it ever did before or since. 
 
 A Transpakentlt False Pretense. 
 
 The charge of three Commissioners of the Land Office under Mr. Harrison 
 is that Mr. Sparks' interference with land frauds, or what he believed to be land 
 frauds, was in effect a course of hostility to the pioneers and prospectors, and 
 was a damage to the new States and the Territories. The people of this section of 
 the counlry are invited to vote for Mr. Harrison on the ground that he has been 
 friendly to them while Mr. Cleve and was their enemy. To see whether this be 
 t'ue 01- not, look at the official statistics. That is what Mr. Carter pretends that 
 
DBMOCBACT AND THE PUBLIC LAUDS. 249 
 
 he wants people to do. He gives in his annual report a comparative statement 
 of the number of patents issued imder this and under the last administration. 
 But the activity of the real estate market is shown by the number and amount 
 of sales and not by the rapidity with which deeds are recorded. Mr. Carter is 
 carefxd not to invite a comparison of the disposals of public lands under this and 
 the previous administration, because he knows perfectly well,,what he did not 
 care to tell the public, that a great deal more public land was disposed of under 
 Mr. Cleveland than under Mr. Harrison. 
 
 The aggregate amount of the public lands disposed of in the four years 
 1885-8, both included, was 90,703,863 acres. The amount disposed of in the 
 iour years 1889-93, both included, was 54,083,988 acres. This shows that 67.7 
 per cent, more land was disposed of imder the "hostile" Mr. Cleveland than 
 imder the " friendly " Mr. Harrison. The amount of public land taken up 
 under Mr. Cleveland was greater by more than two-thirds than the amount 
 taken up under Mr. Harrison. Does this look as if President Cleveland, Secre- 
 tary Lamar, Secretary Vilas, and Commissioners Sparks and Stockslager had 
 pursued a policy of hostility to the settlers on the public lands ? And yet this 
 comparison is much more favorable to the present administration than the facts 
 warrant. In order to make a comparison between four-year periods, this table 
 beg&n with the fiscal year 1 885, two-thirds of which was gone when the Cleve- 
 land Administration came in, and it credits the present administration with the 
 whole of 1889, when two-thirds of it belongs to the previous administration. 
 To make a comparison that will be entirely fair, and that will show the results 
 of each administration after it had been in office long enough to get its 
 own system into full operation, take three-year periods. The three years 
 1886-7-8 were wholly in the Cleveland administration and the three years 
 1890-1-3 were wholly in the Harrison Administration. In the three Cleveland 
 years the public lands disposed of amounted to 70,589,300 acres ; in the three 
 Harrison years they amounted to 36,940,556 acres ; disposals in a Democratic 
 Administration in excess of disposals in a Republican Administration, 33,648,- 
 644 acres, or very nearly one hundred per cent. 
 
 Take one item in the disposals of public lands, the item of the greatest im- 
 portance to the community, the disposal of lands under the Homestead Law. 
 Mr. Sparks is accused of doing great injustice and material injury to the home- 
 steaders and of retarding their settlement of the new country. In the three 
 Cleveland years above indicated the homestead takings aggregated 23,416,100 
 acres, and in the three Harrison years only 18,388,133 acres. The order issued 
 by Mr. Sparks, April 3, 1885, suspending the issue of patents except in the case 
 of cash sales, has been bitterly denounced as an act of great wrong to the 
 settlers. This order was in force for three months of 1885 and three months of 
 1886. There were taken up under the Homestead Act in 1884, 7,881,501 acres ; 
 in 1885, 7,415,885, and in 1883, 9,145,135 acres, the greatest amount ever dis 
 posed of in any one year, and a million and a half acres more than disposed of in 
 any year of the present administration, and nearly double the amount dis- 
 posed of in 1890. 
 
 The efforts of Mr. Sparks to prevent and pimish thefts of the public domain 
 by speculators, and great corporations, and to save the public domain for the 
 real tillers of the soil, were devoted largely to the prevention of frauds 
 
250 DEMOC^AOy AND TUB PUBLIC LANDS. 
 
 under the Timber Culture Law. How little the efforts of the Democratic Ad- 
 ministration to protect the rights of the people, and especially working people, 
 against speculators and great railroad, cattle and mining corporations, retarded 
 the real development of the "West is shown by the fact that the timber culture 
 entries aggregated 4,084,463 acres in 1884, wholly before the Cleveland Admin- 
 istration, 4,755,005 in 1885, of which eight months was under Arthur and four 
 months under Cleveland, and 5,391,309 in 1886, the first full year under Mr. 
 Cleveland. 
 
 In view of these figures, it is hardly necessary to say anything more about 
 the falsity of the charges made by the three Republican Commissioners of the 
 Land Office against the Democratic management of that office. But there are 
 some explanations it may be well enough to make. 
 
 The order of Mr. Sparks, of April 3, 1885, suspending the issue of patents 
 until there could be a fuller investigation of the cases where there were evi- 
 dences of fraud, could not hurt the real settlers who had complied in good 
 faith with the law. As against all other claimants they were absolutely secure, 
 and as against the Government their consciences could tell them whether 
 they were secure or not. It is a very common thing for settlers to leave their 
 patents uncalled for in the Land Ofiice for many, many yeai.s. Where the settler 
 needed to borrow, it was a convenience to have a patent, but it was not a 
 necessity ; local capitalists who knew whether the applicant for a loan was a 
 lioTM fida settler within the meaning of the land laws, loaned without the security 
 of a patent. The foreign corporation that had no means of knowing whether 
 the borrower was a real settler or a speculator, insisted on a patent. When a 
 man sold he needed a patent, but the number of honafida settlers who wanted 
 to sell immediately after they had acquired patents under the homestead act is 
 exceedingly small. 
 
 But the order made it impossible for men who had not complied with the land 
 laws to borrow money. It made it impossible for speculators, who had taken 
 up land merely to sell and who never had complied with the conditions of the 
 homestead act, to realize on their speculations. It threatened money-lenders 
 who had been advancing money to men who were not complying with the law, 
 and .could never get a patent if they were to be investigated, with the loss of 
 their security. These are the people and the only people the Democratic policy 
 hurt ; the work of taking up public lands by real settlers and building up the 
 country went on under the Democratic Admistration as never before or since. 
 
 Republican Testimony to Land Frauds. 
 
 The frauds on the public lands were not Democratic inventions. The order 
 of April 8, 1885, was made before Mr. Sparks had been two weeks in office, 
 before any Democraticspecial agents were appointed, and when all the informa- 
 tion Mr. Sparks possessed was that which had been collected by the Republican 
 special agents and reported to Congress by the Republican Commissioner, Mr. 
 McFarland. The following are a few very much condensed quotations from 
 Commissioner McParland's annual report of 1884: 
 
 "The great abuses flowing from the illegal acquisition of land titles by 
 fictitious pre-emption entries and the exactions made ufon bona fida settlers, 
 
DBMOCKACT AND THE PnBLIC LANDS. 251 
 
 who are often obliged to buy off such claims in order to get access to public 
 lands, render the repeal [of the pre-emption law] in my judgment a matter of 
 necessity. Pre-emption claims are filed when no intention of perfecting entries 
 exists, but the alleged claim is held for speculation or as a cover for denuding 
 the land of its timber. The average proportion of filings to entries Is less than 
 one-half. In case of entries actually made it is found that the most valuable 
 timber lands and large areas of agricultural and grazing lands are entered in 
 fictitious names by persons employed for the purpose. . . . The alleged 
 commutation settler is frequently a person employed at so much a month to 
 sign entry papers and hold the claim long enough to enable his employer 
 to secure title by commutation. . , . When a new township is surveyed 
 large portions of the land are at once covered with filings and entries, relin- 
 quishments of which are then offered for sale like stocks in the market. . . 
 It is found that lands taken up under this [desert land] act, are often used for 
 stock grazing, and that possession by single persons and corporations over 
 quantities of land is tbtain^d by collusive entries. . . . The restrict'ons 
 and limitations of the [timber culture] act are flagrantly violated. Informa- 
 tion is in my possession that much of the most valuable timber land remaining 
 in the possession of the G-overnment on the Pacific coast is being taken up by 
 home and foreign companies and capitalists, through the medium cf persons 
 hired for that purpose. I have found it necessary to suspend all entries of this 
 dass, and direct an investigation in the field. . . . The result of the opera- 
 tion of the act is the transfer of the title of the United States in timber lands 
 practically in bulk to a few large operators. . . . If it be the legislative 
 purpose to adhere to the policy of pre? rving the remaining public lands for 
 actual setters, and to prevent the acquisition of great bodies of land in fraud 
 of law by single individuals and corporations, American or foreign, sufficient 
 means should be placed at the command of the Land Department to prevent 
 the vast and widespread violations of law which have been brought to the 
 knowledge of this Department and the notice of Congress. I have discharged 
 my own duty in presenting this subject as I have from time to time in my 
 annual reports and in special reports submi ted to Congress as clearly and 
 forcibly as I could, and I leave to the higher power of that body the lesponsi- 
 bility of determining the course to be pursued." 
 
 There is a good deal more like that in Mr. McFarland's report, and accom- 
 panying it are pages and pages of extracts from the reports of special agents 
 disclosing the frauds they had unearthed. It was in partial recognition of and 
 remedy for these frauds, that no one ever denied except the parties interested 
 and the three men President Harrison has successively put in charge of the 
 Land Office, that a Republican Congress repealed the timber-culture law and 
 made a number of amendments in the other land laws. 
 
 When this Administration came in, prosecutions and civil suits for more 
 than a million dollars were pending against the Montana Improvement Com- 
 pany for cutting timber ofE the public lands. In April, 1889, Secretary Noble 
 directed the suspension of the prosecutions and recalled to Washington the 
 special agent, a Republican retained by Mr. Sparks on account of his eflciency, 
 who had worked up the evidence against the Montana Improvement Company. 
 Of course Mr. Hailey could be of no use to the Government and no damage to 
 
252 DEMOCBACY AND THE PUBLIC LANDS. 
 
 the Montana Improvement Company while he was kept at the national capital. 
 Most of the civil suits were dismissed while Mr. Carter, of Montana, was Com- 
 missioner of the Land Office. A set of men under the leadership of John 
 Benson had defrauded the Government out of a good deal of money on survey- 
 ing contracts, and were detected trying to defraud it out of a good deal more 
 by getting the pay and not doing the work. The field books were written up by 
 the aid of a gifted imagination in the office in San Francisco. The Cleveland 
 Administration collected evidence against this gang, brought Benson back from 
 Denmark whither he had fled, and were about ready to bring the criminal 
 suits to trial when the Administration changed. Secretary Noble dismissed 
 Conrad, the special agent who had collected the evidence against Benson, at 
 the demand of Senator Stewart of Nevada, who was Benson's attorney. The 
 cases have not yet, August, 1892, come to trial, but it is said at the Department 
 of Justice that they will be tried this fall. 
 
 The Oklahoma scandal occurred the month after this Administration came 
 into power. The two special agents of the Interior Department who were pres- 
 ent at Guthrie to see that the laws were enforced were Mr. Cornelius McBride 
 of St. Louis, and Mr. Pickler, now a member of Congress from South Dakota. 
 Mr. McBride was energetic in the collection of evidence against the guilty 
 land officers, deputy marshals and the so-called " sooners,'' who got into the 
 territory before the hour named in the President's proclamation. His report 
 was particularly severe on a brother of Powell Clayton, of Arkansas. When 
 the first of July came around and one of the two special agents had to be 
 dropped, it was McBride and not Pickler who went. Pickler soon after re- 
 signed to accept a nomination for Congress, but McBride was not 
 reappointed. John Dille, the Register of the Land Office, who was 
 shown by the reports of the special agents to have been in collusion 
 with the "sooners," was never disturbed in his place. In 1889 a special 
 agent of the Land Office named Stevens reported that a railroad company 
 and a mining company in South Dakota were committing depredations on the 
 public timber. Senator Moody of South Dakota was the president of the 
 railroad company and the attorney of the mining company, and Stevens was 
 dismissed. It is not strange that this Administration has discovered very few 
 frauds and has issued land patents with a rapidity never before equalled. 
 
 Land Fokfeititebs. 
 
 Of all the advantages enjoyed by the American people, the facility with 
 ■which they have been able to get lands of their own is inestimably the greatest, 
 and to that facility, more than to all else combined, do they owe their prosperity. 
 To this prosperity the public lands have contributed a portion which may, in 
 some degree, be appreciated by a consideration of the rapidity with which the 
 Western States and Territories have grown in population. Heretofore those 
 lands have afforded to the older communities that immunity from distress 
 with ita consequent agitations, which always results from over-population, 
 and from which, in more recent years, since the occupation of nearly all the 
 available public domain, those commmunities have not been entirely free. 
 
 Contemplating the advantages of cheap homes for the people, the momen- 
 tous import of the truth stated in the Democratic platform, that " the Repub- 
 
DEMOCKACT AND THE PUBLIC LAKD8. 253 
 
 lican party, while professing a policy of preserving the public lands for small 
 holdings by actual settlers, has given away the people's heritage, till now a few 
 railroads and non-resident aliens, individual and corporate, possess a larger 
 area than that of all our farms between the two seas " may be fully realized ; 
 and when it is known what the Democratic party has done, and is trying to 
 do, to restore apart of this vast empire to the public domain, the importance 
 of its purpose and efforts becomes extremely impressive. 
 
 The public domain of the United States originally consisted of : 
 
 Cession from original States 389 987187 acres. 
 
 Louislaaa pnroliaso (1848) 766961280 " 
 
 Florida (1819) ^ [[[ 87i93li280 " 
 
 Mexican treaty (1848) j34 4O.680 " 
 
 Purchase from Texas (1851) 6l' 892 480 " 
 
 Gadsden purchase (1853) 29 142 400 '* 
 
 AlaBka(1867) a69',529!600 " 
 
 Total...... 1,819,839,987 acres. 
 
 Every inch of this territory, except Alaska, for which we paid $7,200,000, 
 was acquired before the Republican party came into existence, and all except 
 the purchase from Texas, due to the Democratic and Whig parties, and Alaska, 
 a Republican acquisition, was annexed by the Democratic party. 
 
 While the Democratic party has added this magnificent empire to our 
 territory, it has never given a foot of it directly to any private corporation. It 
 gave some of it to the States in trust, and the States gave it to the railroads upon 
 various terms and conditions ; the State of Illinois, for instance, requiring of the 
 Illinois Central Company the payment to the State of seven per cent, of the 
 annual gross earnings of its road. This company received 3,751,010 acres of 
 land, and it has paid to the State about $13,136,000, the amount paid last year 
 being $538,000. The grant was made in 1853. 
 
 The Republicans, as soon as they got into power, began to give away the 
 public lands. The first act was passed July 1, 1862, granting directly to the Union 
 Pacific Railroad Company the odd-numbered sections within ten miles on each 
 side of its proposed line, and in 1864 this was extended to 30 miles, making a 
 strip 40 miles wide, from the Missouri river to the Pacific ocean. 
 
 This tabl i shows the grants made by the Republican party in 14 years, and 
 all grants previously made by all other parties : 
 
 Total to railroads 163,643,944.83 acres. 
 
 To States for railroad purposes 19,240,888.80 " 
 
 To States for wagon roads 2,530,87984 " 
 
 Total, 14 years , 185,414,208.47 acres. 
 
 March 4, 1789, to March 4, 1881, 72 years, to States for rail and wagon 
 
 roads 29,824,033.37 " 
 
 Excess in 14 years 156 591,155.10 acres. 
 
 The 14 years are from March 4, 1861, to March 4, 1875, when a Democratic 
 House was elected. Since that time no grants have been made. 
 
 These grants of lands were on the condition that the roads should be built 
 within specified times. In so far as the conditions of the grants were complied 
 with, there could be no proper demand for the forfeiture of any of the land, 
 
254 
 
 DEMOCBACY AND THE PUBLIC LANDS. 
 
 whatever may be thought as to the propriety of giving such an area to private 
 corporations when the grants were made ; but it is an astou.^ding fact that, 
 until the 48th Congress, which was Democratic, not an acre elf land was for- 
 feited because of non-compliance with conditions, or for any other cause. 
 January 18, 1869, Hon. William S. Holman, Democrat, of Indiana, introduced 
 the following resolution in the House of Representatives : 
 
 " That grants of public lands to corporations ought to be discontinued ; and the whole of 
 such lands ought to be beld as a sacred trast to secure homesteads to actual settlers, and for no 
 other purpose whatever." 
 
 Mr. Washburn, Bepublican, from Indiana, moved to lay this on the table, 
 and the Democratic membership being insignificant in number, the resolution 
 went on the table ; many of the Republican leaders of to-day and others now 
 dead voting to place it there. 
 
 But when the 48th Congress came in, the House being Democratic, the 
 Committee on Public Lands recommended the restoration of this vast domain 
 to the people for homes, and that Congress began what, with the further work 
 of the two next succeeding Democratic Congresses and the Democratic Presi- 
 dent, resulted in the forfeiture of nearly all the land that was unearned and 
 then forfeitable by reason of the entire failure of the companies to build the 
 roads. 
 
 Here is a table showing the lands forfeited through the efforts of the Demo- 
 cratic Houses in the 48th, 49th and 50th Congresses. 
 
 NAME OF nOAD. 
 
 Oregon Central 
 
 Texas Pacific 
 
 Iron Mountain and Mis Bouri 
 
 Atlantic and Pacific 
 
 Tuscaloosa and Mobile 
 
 Mobile and New Orleans 
 
 Elyton and Beard's BlufE 
 
 Memphis and Charleston 
 
 Savannah and Albany 
 
 New Orleans and State Line 
 
 Iron Mountain and Arkansas 
 
 Marquette, Houghton and Ontonagon. 
 Ontonagon and Brule River 
 
 Total 
 
 Congress. 
 
 48th 
 49th 
 
 Acres. 
 
 810,880 
 18,600,000 
 
 300,000 
 23,871,360 
 
 7,000,000 
 
 294,400 
 211,a00 
 
 *oO, 987,840 
 
 *This is a territory nearly as large as the State of Kansas. 
 
 In his first annual report, in 1885, the Hon. Wm. A. J. Sparks, the Dem- 
 ocratic Commissioner of the General Land Office, had made this recommen- 
 dation : 
 
 I respectfully recommend that foi;feiture be declared in all cases in which the roads were 
 not completed in the manner and within the time prescribed by law, and that the unpatented 
 lands be restored to the public domain. 
 
 This was what the Democratic party had always insisted should be done ; 
 so in the 50th Congress a bill was introduced in the H 3use to forfeit all lands 
 adjacent to and along lines of road that had not been built at all and all lands 
 adjacent to and along lines that had not been built within Uie time limited in 
 the grants. In the Republican Senate a bill was introduced to forfeit only 
 
DBMOORACT AND THE PUBLIC LANDS. 
 
 255 
 
 those lands along roads that should not have been constructed at the time of the 
 bill's becoming a law. The latter bill got through the Senate before the former 
 could pass the House ; but the House amended it by inserting a provision for 
 the forfeiture of all lands unearned according to the conditions of the grants. 
 
 .The Republican Senate refused to concur in thi.-i amendment and a confer- 
 ence was ordered. 
 
 The conference could not agree ; the Senate, representing the railroads, and 
 the House, representing the people, adhered to their respective propositions, and 
 the 50th Congress adjourned without action, to be succeeded by the 51st 
 Congress, Republican in both branches. 
 
 That Congress framed the act of September 29, 1890, forfeiting 
 only the lands opposite to and coterminous with the portions of 
 the roads which had not been completed at that date. These lands, 
 consisting in the main of desert, waste and mountainous tracts which the 
 companies had abandoned, embraced only 5,637,436 acres. 
 
 The present House of Representatives passed, July 8, 1892, House 
 Bill 8390, to forfeit all the lands opposite to and coterminous with the portions 
 of the roads not completed within the times limited in the grants for the com- 
 pletion of the whole roads ; and the effect of this would be to add to the 
 public domain 54,823,996 acres. 
 
 This bill lies unconsidered in the Eepublican Senate, and, as it is framed 
 in conformity with the Democratic theory and in violation of the Republican 
 theory concerning the rights of subsidized railroads, it has gone to the tomb 
 of the Capulets, where its predecessor rests. 
 This table shows the practical difEerence between the two theories : 
 
 Name of Bailioad. 
 
 Gulf and Ship Island , 
 
 Coosa and Tennessee — 
 
 Coosa and Chattooga 
 
 Mobile and Gii-ard 
 
 Belma, Rome and Dalton* 
 
 Atlantic, Gulf and West India Transit 
 
 Pensacola and Georgia 
 
 Vicksburg, Sbreveport and Texas 
 
 Jackson, Lansing and Saginaw 
 
 Marquette, Houghton and Ontonagon 
 
 Ontonagon and Urule River 
 
 Lacrosse and Milwaukee 
 
 Cliicago, St , Paul, Minneapolis and Omaha 
 
 Wisconsin Central 
 
 St, Vincent extension, St. Paul and Pacific {now St. Paul, Minne- 
 apolis and Manitoba; 
 
 Western Railroad 
 
 Southern Minnesota Railway extension 
 
 Hastings and Dakota 
 
 Northern Pacific 
 
 California and regou 
 
 Oregon and California 
 
 Southern Pacific 
 
 Total 
 
 Estimated number o( Acres 
 
 forfeited. 
 
 By Act of 
 
 By House 
 
 Sept. 89, 1890. 
 
 bill 8390. 
 
 652,800 
 
 6.02,800 
 
 140,160 
 
 140,160 
 
 144,000 
 
 144,000 
 
 536,064 
 
 651,264 
 
 89,932 
 
 258,684 
 
 76,800 
 
 676,0 
 
 None 
 
 679,680 
 
 None 
 
 364,800 
 
 None 
 
 176,256 
 
 894,400 
 
 294,400 
 
 811,200 
 
 888,000 
 
 None 
 
 195,724 
 
 None 
 
 1,446,400 
 
 406,880 
 
 464,4SHi 
 
 None 
 
 1,113,600 
 
 None 
 
 243,712 
 
 None 
 
 832,115 
 
 None 
 
 819,840 
 
 2,000,000 
 
 36,907,741 
 
 None 
 
 1,740,800 
 
 None 
 
 2,086,400 
 
 1,075,200 
 
 4,147,200 
 
 6,627,436 
 
 S4,823,ggs 
 
 That difference is 48,696,560 acres, or homes for 304,354 families. 
 
256 DBMOCBACr AND THE PUBLIC LANDS. 
 
 The following shows the area of land actually restored to the public domain 
 by the Democratic administration, exclusivo of forfeiture bills : 
 
 Acreage, 
 
 Lands in granted railroad lands restored 2,108,417 
 
 Eailroad indemnity lands restored 21,323,600 
 
 Private lands claims ; withdrawn lands restored 576,000 
 
 Entries under pre-emption, homestead, timber culture, desert, mineral and 
 timher-land laws cancelled in regular course of examination and proceedings 
 
 in General Land Office for abandonment, illegality, and other causes 27,460,608 
 
 Invalid States elections restored to United States 968,447 
 
 Total actually restored to the public domain and opened to entry and 
 
 settlement by the Execntive department 62,437,373 
 
 So we have the following results of Democratic efforts, exclusive of the 
 forfeitures attempted by this Congress : 
 
 Acres. 
 
 Forfeited by Congress 60,982,240 
 
 Bestoied hy Executive orders 62,437,373 
 
 Total added to public domain 103,420,613 
 
 Though the companies have, in most cases, manifested a disposition to 
 remain idle, awaiting the growth of the country along the proposed Unes of the 
 roads, and to hold the lands for speculative purposes only, the Republicans, 
 with a few notable exceptions, have resisted the forfeitures at every stage ; and 
 about the only plausible argument that has been made against the bill which 
 passed this Hou?e is, that the law of September 29, 1890, is a confirmation of 
 the titles to all the lands not forfeited by it. This is unquestionably the effect 
 that many of its supporters wished and expected the law to have. 
 
 From the foregoing it may be seen that the Democratic party, through its 
 Houses of Eepresentatives and Administration, has restored to the " heritage of 
 the people" homes of 160 acres each for nearly 650,000 families ; and if all the 
 recommendations and attempts made by these Houses and the Administration 
 could have been prosecuted to their successful close, the result would have 
 been homes for, in round numbers, 1,000,000 familes, even upon the liberal 
 American allowance of a quarter section of land to the family ; and this 
 would have been equal to the territory of Germany and Switzerland, with a 
 population of 52,500,000 souls, or more than twice as large as England, Ireland, 
 Scotland and Wales, composing the kingdom of Great Britain, with a popula- 
 tion of more than 38,000,000 souls, while the Republican law can result in 
 restoring only a little more than 5,600,000 acres, but a small proportion of 
 which is valuable. 
 
 Though up to June 30, 1891, there had been certified and patented to the 
 railroad companies only 54,465,250 acres, there were then pending selections 
 of 28,846,577 acres more, and the companies have disposed of millions of acres 
 to which they have no patents. From the lands disposed of they have realized 
 hundreds of millions of dollars, the exact amount not being ascertainable for 
 the reason that all the companies have not reported the proceeds ; but enough 
 is known to show that in many cases the lands already disposed of have paid 
 the companies many millions of dollars more than the total cost of their roads,. 
 
DEMOCRACY AND THE PUBLIC LANDS. 257 
 
 while the lands still retained by them are wcrth millions upon millions more. 
 Oreat portions of the lands have been sold for from $25 to $50 per acre, and 
 perhaps for higher prices. 
 
 But the Democratic party has not only restored this imperial domain to the 
 people, it has stopped, so far as it could, the growth in this country of 
 European feudalism. 
 
 ALIEN LANDLORDISM. 
 
 It has become quite a fad during Eepublican sway for English lords to 
 ■acquire real estate in America and to establish in this country a sort of British 
 province with all the accessories of British landlordism. 
 
 Here is a partial list of the holdings of our alien landlords, for which they 
 are indebted to the Republican party : 
 
 Acres. 
 
 An English syndicate, No. 8, in Texas 3,000,000 
 
 The Holland Company, New Mexico 4 600,000 
 
 Sir Edward Eeid and a syndicate, in Florida 3,000,000 
 
 English syndicate in Mississippi'. ] 000 GOO 
 
 Marquis of Tweedale X 760 000 
 
 Phillips, Marshall Sd Co., of London 1,300,000 
 
 German syndicate 1,100,000 
 
 Anglo-American syndicate, Mr. Kogers, President, Londo a 760,000 
 
 Bryan H. Evans, of London, Mississippi 700.000 
 
 Duke of Sutherland 426,000 
 
 British Land Company, in Kansas 820,000 
 
 William Walley, M. P., Peterboro, England 310 000 
 
 Missouri Land Company, Edinburgh, Scotland 300,000 
 
 Eobert Tennant, of London 230,000 
 
 .Dundee Land Company, Scotland i . 247,000 
 
 Lord Dundore 120,000 
 
 Benjamin Newgas, Liverpool 100,000 
 
 Lord Houghton, in Florida 60,000 
 
 Lord Dunraven, in Colorado 60,000 
 
 English Land Company, in Florida ' 50,000 
 
 English Land Company, in Arkansas 50,000 
 
 Albert Peel, M. P., Leicestershire, England 10,000 
 
 Sir J. M. Eay, Yorkshire, England 5,000 
 
 Alexander Grant, London, in Kansas 35,000 
 
 English syndicate (represented by Close Bros.), Wisconsin 110,000 
 
 M. Ellerhauser, of Halifax, Nova Scotia, in West Virginia 600,000 
 
 -A Scotch syndicate, in Florida 50,000 
 
 Missouri Land Company, of Edinburgh, Scotland 165,000 
 
 Total 20,747,000 
 
 This is by no means a full list, but it is sufficiently startling, as there are 
 but twelve of the twenty-eight that do not exceed in area the largest land 
 holding in England, to the landlordism of which country we are accustomed 
 to refer with horror. Looking upon this great and growing evil with a dread 
 of its future possibilities, the Democrats in the 49th Congress succeeded in 
 enacting a law to prevent alien acquisition of land titles in the territories and 
 in the District of Columbia, and this statute is chapter 340, Statutes at Large, 
 49th Congress. Surely, the Democratic party has guarded and preserved the 
 heritage of the people, and if it had done nothing else, its services in this regard 
 would entitle it to the people's confidence. 
 17 
 
258 CLBTELAKD AND PENSIONS. 
 
 CLEVELAND AND PENSIONS. 
 
 THE TRUTH ABOUT THE PRESIDENT'S VETOES OF 
 PRIVATE PENSION BILLS. 
 
 A WHOLESOME PROTEST AGAINST HASTY SPECIAL 
 LEGISLATION. 
 
 During President Cleveland's administration an average of 53,000 original, 
 pension claims per year were allowed under the general laws through the 
 Pension Bureau. There are now on the pension rolls 876,604 names. A. 
 hranch of the subject, separate and apart from the main current of legislation- 
 and administration is that of private pension hills or special act pensions. No^ 
 subject of current discussion has been so perversely misrepresented as this, 
 and none is so generally misunderstood. 
 
 It mustibe premised that Congress and the President have nothing what- 
 ever to do with the regular daily allowance of pensions under the general laws. 
 The pension claims which are considered by Congress are those which have 
 been rejected by the Pension Bureau. It is the usual practice of Congi-essional 
 Committees not to consider the bills for relief of claimants until they have- 
 tried and failed to obtain a pension under the general laws. And as the pro- 
 visions of the general laws are very liberal, it follows, of- course, that the great 
 majority of claims which are rejected by the Pension Bureau are wholly devoid 
 of merit, and as it is these rejected claims which seek relief through 
 Congress, the presumption is necessarily that few of the private bills are 
 entitled to favorable consideration. There are of course certain cases, as every- 
 one admits, which present equitable features, but which cannot be pensioned 
 under the general laws, and these it is in the province of Congress to relieve by 
 special act. Unfortunately, however, the bills for private pensions introduced in 
 Congress are not confined to this class, but include every kind of claim imaginable, 
 — meritorious, worthless or absurd. In fact, they include nearly every claim that- 
 any man, woman or child takes a notion to request a Congressman to present 
 
CLBVBLAND AND PENSIONS. 359 
 
 This Is a broad assertion, but it is most lamentably true, and the fact is known 
 to every one who has anything to do with this class of legislation, but is seem- 
 ingly veiy little known to the people at large. It is with these cases only that 
 the President has any direct connection, and when he vetoes a private pension 
 bill, it is a bill for the benefit of one person only, who has been clearly shown 
 to have no rights under the geheral laws and who has in some way had his 
 cause espoused by a member of Congress, and thus sought to secure the over- 
 riding of the decision of the Interior Department whether wrong or right. The 
 veto of a private pension bill has nothing to do with the operations of the Pen- 
 sion Bureau ; it is a matter apart. 
 
 There were on the pension rolls of 1885, 345,135 pensioners, and yet, in the 
 Congress immediately following there were introduced private pension bills to 
 the number of near seven thousand. In 1887 there were on the rolls 406,007 
 pensioners, and yet in the Fiftieth Congress immediately following were 
 introduced more than six thousand bills. In 1889, the number on the rolls 
 had grown to 489,735, and still the Fifty-first Congress wa^ asked to 
 consider 6,499 private pension bills. Were these all cases inherently meri- 
 torious but presenting some technical peculiarity which prevented the allow- 
 ance of pension in the regular way ? Of course ijot. They were introduced 
 by the members of Congress, in many instances, simply because somebody 
 asked them to, and they did not like to refuse; this is the simple truth of 
 it, and most of the members will admit it to be a correct general statement. 
 
 But not all special pension bills are without merit ; a few are quite 
 the contrary. About how many, then, possess some claim to favorable 
 consideration ? Well, the Forty-ninth Congress enacted into laws, with 
 the approval, actual or implied, of President Cleveland, 798 of the near 7,000 
 bills they had to consider, and in the Fiftieth Congress 1, 037 out of the more than 
 6,000, making a total of 1,835, in four years, approved by President Cleveland 
 — laore than half as many as all the private pension bills approved by all the 
 Presidents from Washington to Arthur, inclusive; for, be it known, that in 
 the one hundred years, from the first Congress to the close of the Fiftieth 
 Congress, just 5,303 private pensions were granted, and of these President 
 Cleveland approved 1,835, which was 359 more than were approved by all the 
 Presidents from Grant to Arthur, both inclusive, and only 316 less than all 
 approved from 1861 to 1885 by Lincoln, Johnson, Grant,, Hayes, Garfield and 
 Arthur combined. These are facts you have not often heard, but they are facts 
 nevertheless. What you hear always is that Cleveland vetoed so many pension 
 bills. He did ; he vetoed exactly 250 private pension bills in the four years of his 
 administration, and at the same time he approved either actively or silently, 
 1,835, and if any one asserts that he believes Mr. Cleveland vetoed any 
 one of those 350 bills for other than conscientious reasons, he either speaks 
 falsely or shows himself wofully ignorant of the true character of the ex- 
 President. There are few subjects about which so many positive misstate- 
 ments and so many unfair implications have been made as this one of Cleve- 
 land's vetoes. No friend of Mr. Cleveland's has any cause to deny the facts 
 nor to apologize for any one of these vetoes. But why, if he vetoed 350 private 
 pension bills, and if to veto even one was wrong, is it necessary to falsify the 
 n umber and'place it at^f rom 500 to 800, as is frequently done ? The unswerv- 
 
260 CLBVELAHD AND PENSIONS 
 
 ing tendency of his opponents to he unfair in tliis matter, even when strictly 
 truthful, is shown in the case of a recent writer in the Congressional Record 
 — the remarks were never spoken in the House. He states^ the number of 
 vetoes at 250, which is correct ; he adds that Cleveland put 47 other hills in his 
 pocket and thus prevented their becoming laws by the adjournment of Con- 
 gress, and that he allowed 227 other bills to become laws after the expiration of 
 ten days, without his signature, because ' presumably he had not the nerve to 
 veto them." 
 
 Now, is there any kind of fairness in this statement ? Does not every one 
 know that the only way in which the bills could fail for want of the President's 
 signature was by the adjournment of Congress so soon after passing them that 
 he had not time to consider them, and that if they, being passed during the last 
 hours of the Congress, thus failed to become laws. Congress and not the Presi- 
 dent is to blame, for he did not cause them to be withheld until the last 
 moment, neither did he compel Congress to adjourn. And the 227 which he 
 did not sign became laws just as valid without his signature as if he had 
 signed them ; this is the custom with all Presidents when they have not the 
 time to fully consider certain matters within the allotted ten days limit. This 
 is probably the first time Grover Cleveland ever was charged with not having 
 " the nerve " to do what he believed right. On the contrary, his firmness and 
 moral courage in the face of interested calumny are proverbial ; he had the 
 nerve to do right in 25' I instances where there was a moral certainty that his 
 course would be wantonly misrepresented and his motives misconstrued. But 
 the writer referred to need not have "presumed" anything about it. In his 
 first pension veto, May 8, 1886, in the case of Andrew J. Hill (see pages 83-5, 
 the Public Papers of Grover Cleveland), he made this whole subject clear. 
 This bill was vetoed for the very sufficient reason that it proposed to increase 
 the pension of Andrew J Hill, while as a matter of fact the name of the per- 
 son whom it was intended to benefit is Alfred J. Hill, This message should 
 be read in fu'.l by every soldier in the land ; there can be but two grounds for 
 attacking the pension vetoes of President Cleveland — ignorance or blindest 
 prejudice. Let us quote from the message referred to : 
 
 " There have been preoented to me on the same day-, for approval, nearly 240 special bills, 
 granting and Increasing pensions and reetoring to the pension list the names of parties which, 
 for cause, have been dropped." 
 
 Think of it 1 At the first onslaught, in one day, he is called on to consider 
 more private pension bills than ever passed one Congress in its entire two years, 
 from 1789 to 1883, with the sole exception of the Fortieth Congrfss, when 293 
 private pension acts were passed. 
 
 Think of it ! In one day the Forty-ninth Congress proposes to set aside, 
 overrule and make of no effect the careful, discriminate and liberal decisions 
 and conclusions of the Pension Bureau, organized and fully equipped for the 
 express purpose of determining just such questions. Does anyone believe that 
 in these 240 cases, sent from Congress to the President in one day, the Pension 
 Office decisions, framed and adhered to by liberal and able Pension Commis- 
 sioners, all Republicans until 1885, were erroneous, and that Congress had 
 with one omniscient glance, seen in all the right which the Pension Commis- 
 
CLEVELAND AND PENSIONS. 261 
 
 sioner could not discover in one of tliese 240 cases ? Of course not. Everyone 
 who inquires at all knows that the great majorily of these bills were passed by 
 a handful of men in a Democratic House and a Republican Senate, for no 
 reason on earth but the personal advantage of the beneficiary of each and its 
 reflex advantage to the member who introduced it. Passed at the rate of, some- 
 times, one per minute, without any knowledge on the part of the members who 
 voted for them, as to the nature or merits of each case, but voted for by each 
 of the forty or fifty members present, with the sole thought that the sooner the 
 antecedent bills were passed the sooner would be reached the bill in which he 
 himself was interested and from which he hoped to gain some prestige among 
 his constituents. This resulted in the passage of 2,133 bills through both 
 Houses in the four years from 1885 to 1889, and their presentation to Mr. Cleve- 
 land in such a flood as no President before had even dreamed of as possible. 
 
 During Mr. Lincoln's four years from 1861 to 1865, just 44 such acts were 
 passed ; during President Johnson's four years, 431 ; during Grant's first term, 
 361 , during his second term, 275, besides these, in his eight years, five other 
 bills passed both Houses and by him were vetoed. During Hayes' four years, 
 334 private pension bills were enacted into laws, and during the four years of 
 Garfield and Arthur, 706. Then, as we have shown, during the Cleveland 
 administration the Houses of .Congress passed 3,133 such bills, and 
 against this shameless " division of the pork " no hand but Grover 
 Cleveland's was raised in protest. Never before had a President been so tried, 
 and never but once before, and that one General Grant; had a President reached 
 the grandeur and summit of moral courage to be so scrupulously honest in 
 small things as to veto a private pension bill which he believed was wrong, and 
 which it was his sworn duty to examine on its merits. The writer in the 
 Congressional Record, heretofore quoted, does General Grant a great injustice 
 when he says " No Republican President ever rose to that sublime height of 
 statesmanship * * no one has yet had the gall to veto a private pen- 
 sion bill." This writer, who is usually a reasonable and fair-minded man, is 
 so saturated with the unreasoning prejudice that nearly always characterizxs 
 Republican comment on the pension question that he not only falls into the use 
 of language of questionable elegance but into positive error of fact. General 
 Grant vetoed 5 out of 541 which came to him, and President Cleveland vetoed 
 250 of his 3,122, in the face of certain criticism from the ignorant calumny 
 from interested parties, and vitriolic sarcasm and misrepresentation from 
 political opponents, and thus "rose to that sublime height of statesmanship " 
 and conscientious devotion to the details of his duties which a future, if not 
 the present, generation will know and understand. 
 
 But to return to the quotation from the message in the case ol Andrew J. 
 Hill, relative to the first installment of nearly 340 bills in a single day. 
 "Though my conception of public duty leads me to the conclusion, upon the 
 slight examination I have been able to give such of these bills as are not com- 
 prised in the first class above mentioned (81 bills which he had signed), that 
 many of them should be disapproved, I am utterly unable to submit within 
 the time allowed me for that, purpose my objections to the same ; they will 
 therefore become a law without my approval." It seems, then, that he had the 
 nerve to state his position on these bills, but did not have the superhuman 
 
363 CLEVELAND AND PUNflONS. 
 
 ability to carefully examine and determine the complex legal questions involved 
 In 340 pension cases within the few hours left him by the Constitutional 
 limitation after the case had been returned to him from the Pension Bureau. 
 • But it is said that the President indulged in disrespectful — some say 
 " brutal " language toward the Union soldiers as a class. No man can read 
 the veto messages and substantiate that assertion. On the contrary, the 
 messages abound in expressions of the greatest respect for the soldiers as a 
 class, and the deepest interest in the welfare of all who have properly merited 
 the bounty of the Government in the shape of pensions to invalids, widows 
 and dependents. 
 
 " The disposition to concede tlie most generous treatment to the disabled, aged and needy 
 among our veterans ought not to be restrained " (p. 83, State Papers of Grover Cleveland) . 
 
 '• I have not been insensible to the suggestions which should influence every citizen, either 
 in private station or official place, to exhibit not only a just but a generous appreciation of the 
 services of our country's defenders " (p. 110). 
 
 " Heedlessness and a disregard of the principle which underlies the granting of pensions 
 are unfair to the wounded, crippled soldier who is honored in the just recognition of his 
 Government " (p. 111). 
 
 ** None of us are entitled to credit for extreme tenderness and consideration towards those 
 who fought their country's battles; these are sentiments common to all good citizens. They 
 lead to the most benevolent care on the part of the Government and deeds of charity and 
 mercy in private lite " (p. 140). 
 
 No one ever accused Grover Cleveland of double dealing or deception 
 toward the public. Let him then be given credit for honesty and sincerity, for 
 meaning exactly what he said in the sentences quoted. But in these pension 
 cases he was dealing with matters of law under a constitutional obligation to 
 approve only such bills as he believed to be lawful and inherently worthy, and 
 as a consequence his messages contain some expressions not complimentary to 
 the malingerer, the simulator of disabilities which do not exist, the deserter, and 
 the man who by falsehood and perjury has sought to establish an unworthy 
 claim. Does the grand army of valiant Union soldiers feel aggrieved at criti- 
 cism of these ? Not one word can be found in derogation of the soldiers as a 
 class ; nor aught but tenderness, regard and helpfulness toward them. By no 
 analogy can deserving soldiers take offense at Cleveland's vetoes that would not 
 lead the eleven A.postles to feel agrieved at harsh things said of Judas. 
 
 It has been called presumptuous in Mr. Cleveland to oppose his will and 
 opinion to that of near four hundred Congressmen as expressed in the bills 
 they passed. On the contrary, that is exactly his bounden duty when he 
 thinks they have gone wrong, else why is the President's approval required in 
 any case ; and, again, to claim that the passage of these bills was any indica- 
 tion of the investigation and approval of both branches of Congress borders 
 close upon absurdity. These bills were passed at night sessions held for that 
 express purpose, and attended by only a handful of members, most of them 
 interested parties, as heretofore suggested, and probably not ten men knew the 
 facts as to any one bill for which til ey voted. But were not all these bills 
 carefully considered and approved in the Committee on Pensions before they 
 were voted on in the House ? Let us see. The great majority of all these bills 
 were (nominally) considered by the House Committee on Invalid Pensions. 
 This Committee in the Forty-ninth Congress had 73 meetings, usually last- 
 
C1.BVBLA.ND AN'D PENSIONS. 368 
 
 ing from 10 o'clock A. m. until noon ; they made 1,831 reports on privatei 
 pension bills ; assuming that every meeting was devoted to the consideration 
 of urivate bills,"this was an average of 35 reports for each session of 130 
 minutes, or less than five minutes for each report, or allowing half the time 
 (the usual rule) for general bills, the average is one private bill for every 3f 
 minutes. 
 
 The same Committee in the Fiftieth Congress held 74 meetings; 
 half for general, and half for private, bills ; they reported 1,353 private 
 bills — an average of 36 for each meeting or one for every 3}4 min- 
 utes. At one session of the Committee in the Forty-ninth Congress, 133 
 bills were reported ; more than one per minute, and at one session in 
 the Fiftieth, as high as 67. Does any one suppose that the fifteen mem- 
 bers of the Committee carefully weighed and passed upon each case 1 
 Assuredly not. Each member of the Committee constituted a sub-committee 
 on a certain number of bills. At each meeting of the Committee he presented 
 such reports as he had prepared, or his clerk had prepared, or had been 
 prepared and presented to him by the- member most interested in the bill. 
 These were presented to the Committee and approved pro forma, and as a 
 matter of course. It is folly to suppose that the reports were as a rule read in 
 the Committee, much less discussed by the members. Truly it was presump- 
 tion in the President to question the accuracy of conclusions thus arrived I 
 If no more than 350 unworthy cases managed to slip past Committee, House 
 and Senate, it were indeed a wonder. 
 
 We are now, perhaps, prepared to admit that (1) some unworthy bills may 
 have gone to the President ; (3) he had a right, constitutional and moral, to 
 veto such as his judgment could not approve ; (3) in affixing his veto he did not 
 act at random, but sought to discriminate between the good and bad. 
 
 Let us see then on what ground he based his 350 vetoes, and, if possible, 
 ■whether in so doing he was right or wrong. Here are the reasons fully 
 ■classifled : 
 
 Of Invalid Claims, there were vetoed because — 
 The disability for which pension was claimed existed prior to en- 
 listment 35 
 
 The origin in the service of the disability claimed was not shown S3 
 
 The examining surgeons' reports showed that the claimant had no disa- 
 bility from the cause claimed 18 
 
 It was shown that the disability, if incurred in service, was not incurred 
 
 in the line of duty 16 
 
 The claimant had deserted the service 19 
 
 The bill would give the claimant the same or less than he was already 
 
 receiving and hence be of no benefit whatever 9 
 
 The bill proposed to increase a rate of pension without any satisfactory 
 
 reason for it " 
 
 The claimant was not in the military or naval service of the United 
 
 States 6 
 
 The party named in thebUlhad died 3 
 
 The bill proposed to give a large sum of arrears to a man already 
 
 pensioned at |50 per month 1 
 
264 CLEVELAND AKD PBNSI JNS. 
 
 The beneficiary had been injured by an accident since discharge and 
 
 nol while in the service 1 
 
 The bill did no give the right name of the claimant 1 
 
 The claim was shown to be a fraud and supported by perjury 1 
 
 An exact duplicate had previously passed Congress and been signed by 
 
 the President 1 
 
 121 
 
 Of Widows' Claims there were vetoed, because — 
 
 The husband's death was not a result of his military service 80- 
 
 And of these, in ten cases, the husband committed suicide ; in 
 twenty cases he was killed by violence or accident since the war ; in 
 two cases he had deserted the service ; in two cases he had disap- 
 peared, and was not certainly known to be dead, and in one case the 
 claimant was called the widow, when she was in fact the mother of 
 the soldier. 
 
 The bill gave the same or less than already received 5 
 
 Soldier had deseried the service a 
 
 Bill was wrongly worded 2 
 
 It was proposed to increase the pension for no sufficient reason shown . . 3 
 
 A duplicate bill had already passed and been approved 2 
 
 A duplicate bill had already passed and been vetoed '. 2 
 
 The widow had remarried since the soldier's de ith, and was no longer 
 
 his widow 2 
 
 99 
 
 Of Dependent Parents Claims, because — 
 
 Not dependent on the soldier for support 4 
 
 Soldier's death was not a result of service S 
 
 Soldier's death was due to accident since discharge 3 
 
 Soldier's death was due to suicide 1 
 
 Claimant was only the step-mother of the soldier 1 
 
 The claim was supported by fraud and perjury 1 
 
 13 
 
 Claims of all kinds vetoed because still pending unadjudicated in the 
 
 Pension Bureau 17 
 
 Invalid 121 
 
 Widows 99 
 
 Dependents 13 
 
 All kinds still pending 17 
 
 Total 250> 
 
CL'i)VELA?<D AND PKNSI0N8. 365 
 
 Not one of these bills was passed over the President's veto, although :,', was 
 attempted. Many of the grounds here given are absolutely unassailable and 
 show conclusively the extreme carelessness -which characterized the action of 
 Congress in the matters, and which permitted them to pass five bills which 
 were exact duplicates of those formerly passed, and fifteen which would be of 
 no benefit if not a positive injury to the petitioner. The propriety of certain 
 other vetoes is simply a question of opinion and sound discretion, and the 
 President's opportunity of arriving at a sound conclusion was somewhat better 
 than that of the various members of Congress who had voted on the bills, in 
 many instances without hearing them read. It is surely fair to assume that 
 the Fifty-first Congress, Republican in both branches, and supported by a 
 Republican President, with its vaunted friendship for the soldiers and its 
 unquestioned readiness to discredit every act of the then ex-President, took 
 up, reviewed and passed every bill vetoed by Mr. Cleveland which was 
 improperly vetoed. Well, did they find two hundred and fifty such ? On the 
 contrary, they passed exactly fifty of them. Two hundred of the vetoes, then, 
 must have been exactly right and unassailable, our enemies themselves being 
 the judges, and as to the remaining fifty there may be room for a difference of 
 opinion. 
 
 Here are the fifty vetoed by President Cleveland and passed by the Fifty- 
 first Congress, with the number of the report in each case, setting forth the 
 grounds on which it was proposed to take money from the Treasury, and to 
 pay to these different individuals that which they had been denied under the 
 general laws, while the hundreds of thousands of other pension claimants who 
 were not so fortunate as to have their claims espoused by men in high oflSoial 
 station were compelled to be content with the operation of those laws : 
 
 1. S. C. A. (Report 1408.) Widow. Soldier died in 1883, from insanity, 
 " resulting from chronic diarrhcsa." " Not medically established, yet 
 it is reasonably shown that there was such connection." 
 
 5. J.P. B. (Report 678.) Increase. Was pensioned at $30 per month for 
 
 wounds , has hernia and defective vision, which are in nowise due to 
 his service. Increased to $50, " on account of his age and good military 
 record." 
 
 8. M. B. (Report 1583.) Increase. Was pensioned at $30 for wound of right 
 shoulder and neck. Increased to $50 because of partial paralysis 
 claimed to be a result of said wound. 
 
 4. W. M. B. (1501.) Invalid. Enlisted March 35, 1865 ; discharged May 11, 
 1865— served forty-eight days. Pensioned for slight granulation of eye- 
 lids, claimed to have resulted from measles in April, 1835. 
 
 6. D. B. (932.) Widow. Soldier died in 1878, of yellow fever, as shown in 
 
 Pension Office. Committee decides he died of kidney disease contracted 
 in service. 
 C. W. B. (353.) Invalid. Increase. Was pensioned at $6 for disease. In- 
 creased to $50 because of loss of right arm and injury to left hand while 
 firing a salute July 4, 1863, while at home on parole at Aurora, 111. 
 
256 CLEVELAND AND PKNSIONS. 
 
 7. W. H, B. (136.) Invalid. To pension him for hernia not shown to have 
 
 been incurred in service. " He was not aware of the hernia until after- 
 ward." 
 
 8. A. B. (S. 343.) Mother. Son was discharged in 1864; remained in 
 
 Louisiana and was killed in steamer explosion in 1865, not then being 
 in the servive. 
 
 9. B. C. (3302.) Mother. Son was in the Eegular Army and was acci- 
 
 dentally drowned in 1886, while out in a sailboat, on a pass. 
 
 10. G. C. (S. 343.) Increase. Was pensioned at $2, for dog bite on left 
 
 leg. In 1885 he strained his left knee. Increased to $35 on ground 
 that "it may be safely assumed that the former was at least indirectly 
 connected with the latter." 
 
 11. H. E. C. (953.) Widow. Soldier died in 1883 of intemperance, as shown 
 
 to Pension Bureau. Committee decides that he died of rheumatism. 
 13. J. D. (4373.) Invalid. Eecord shows that he had rheumatism and sore 
 eyes, contracted while absent from his command without leave on two 
 different occasions. Committee recommends pensioning him. 
 
 13. F. D. (H. R. 366.) Invalid. Became blind in 1884 ; no proof of con- 
 
 dition from 1865 to that date. Committee decides blindness was a 
 result of rheumatism incurred in service. 
 
 14. A. D. (H. E. 1580.) Invalid. Has rupture; claims it waa caused by 
 
 saddle in the army. No positive proof as to that fact. 
 
 15. L. A. E. (1371.) Widow. Soldier died in 1884, of cystitis (inflamma- 
 
 tion of the bladder). Committee decides it was a result of rheuma- 
 tism, or that he would not have died of cystitis if he had not also 
 had rheumatism, which he ii^curred in service. 
 
 16. B. F. (1765.) Widow. Soldier died of rheumatism; record of War 
 
 Department shows this disease originated before enlistment. Committee 
 says not. 
 
 17. M. G. (53.) Invalid. Has rheumatism, varicose veins and sore eyes. No 
 
 positive proof as to origin. 
 
 18. S. H. (823.) Widow. Soldier died in 1882 of apoplexy. He was pen- 
 
 sioned seemingly for varicose veins. The Committee says " he died of 
 a disease which might have been a result of his pensioned disability." 
 
 19. E. H. (135.) Widow. Soldier contracted asthma in service ; he died in 
 
 1880 of cystitis. Committee seems to recommend allowance on the ground 
 that although he died of cystitis he might have died from asthma "at 
 any moment." 
 
 23. T. H. (136.) Widow. Soldier served from 1862 to August, 1864; was 
 captured, joined the Confederate Army and served until spring of 1865. 
 He died in 1868 of disease of heart, presumably the result of army 
 service, but whether of his service in the Union Army or in the Con- 
 federate Army is not shown. 
 
 21. M. M. H. (318 ) Widow. Increase. Husband was a Captain ; widow 
 was pensioned presumably at $20 ; increased to ifil5. No reason shown, 
 except that the soldier was brevetted Major, and the widow had an 
 " illustrious father." 
 
CLBVBLAND AND PENSIONS. 267 
 
 ■83. J. T. I. (683.) Invalid. Claims disease of eyes resulting from wound on 
 back of the neck. One Board of Surgeons says he has no disease of 
 eyes. No positive proof as to origin. The Committee state that the 
 doctors differ beyond the ability of the Committee to reconcile, but 
 recommend that he be pensioned. 
 
 23. M. A. J. (973.) Widow. Husband disappeared in 1875 and it was not 
 
 certainly known that he was dead, but the Committee presumed that he 
 was dead and that he died of a disease due to his service. 
 
 24. M. A. L. (1373.) Widow. Soldier died in 1881 from excessive drinking. 
 
 Committee decides he died from rheumatism. 
 
 25. H. R. L. (684.) Widow. Soldier died of consumption. Committee 
 
 decides it was a result of diarrhoea due to service. 
 
 ■26. J. L. (1577.) Widow. Soldier committed suicide in 1876. Committee 
 claimed it was a result of diarrhoea. 
 
 ■37. D. H. L. (516.) Invalid. Had been pensioned, but two boards of exam- 
 ining surgeons certified that no disability could be found and so he was 
 dropped from the rolls, but Committee decided otherwise. 
 
 28. J. McC. (388.) Invalid. He is blind ; it is not claimed that this was in 
 
 any way due to his service ; granted a service pension of $13. 
 
 29. M. McI. (157.) Widow. Soldier died in 1883 from an overdose of 
 
 morphine and it was claimed it was caused by the pain from an ampu- 
 tated leg. 
 
 ^0. M. D. M. (3318.) Widow. Increase. Widow, pensioned at $8 as Mexican 
 War widow ; increased to $50 because of husband's long service. 
 
 31. B. M. (1719.) Mother. Not dependent on soldier at date of death, but pen- 
 sioned because now old and poor. 
 
 53. S. M. (3381.) Invalid. Had kidney disease ; no proof that it existed prior 
 to 1868, but pensioned at $8. 
 
 38. B. G. M. (577.) Widow. Husband killed by accident 1873. Widow pen- 
 sioned because of his long service. 
 
 34. M.J. N. (735.) Widow. Soldier died in 1879 of consumption, and 
 
 although it is shown that he had lung fever in 1853, Committee decides 
 consumption was a result of fever and piles incurred in service. 
 
 35. CM. O. (733.) Widow. Soldier was drowned in 1883. Committee decides 
 
 it was due to heart disease. 
 
 36. G. W. P. (949.) Invalid. Fell in a well in 1881 and broke his leg and had 
 
 it amputated. Claimed as a result of vertigo resulting from sunstroke in 
 the army. 
 
 37. J. P. (54.) Widow. Soldier became insane in 1881, and later committed 
 
 suicide, claimed due to service. 
 ■38. A. A. P. (947.) Widow. Husband died of yellow feyer at Memphis during 
 
 the epidemic in 1878 ; claimed that it was aggravated by diarrhoea and 
 
 heart disease. 
 -39. J. W. R. (1579. ) Invalid. Was a Deputy Provost Marshal ; not in military 
 
 service. 
 •40. C. S. (1543.) Widow. Husband was drowned or murdered m 1867, 
 
 "could have well defended himself from attacks from murderers or 
 saved himself from drowning but for the loss of his left arm. " 
 
268 CLEVELAND AND PENSIONS. 
 
 41. S. S. (191.) Inyalid. Had injury to back ; cause not clearly shown • 
 probably due to an explosion July 4, 1866, blowing a ramrod through 
 arm. Report says " a case of considerable merit." 
 
 43. M. A. S. (145.) Widow. Husband died in 1886 of pneumonia, but claimed, 
 to have been aggravated by disease of ear due to service. This remark- 
 able sentence appears in report, " the claim was rejected on the ground 
 that the disease which caused soldier's death was not attributable to- 
 his service and had no connection with the disease from which he- 
 died." 
 
 43. 0. G. S. (1248.) Widow. Soldier died in 1874 of congestion of liver as 
 
 shown in Pension OflBce. Committee decides he died from blood 
 poisoning, caused by cutting his finger while acting as Surgeon in. 
 hospital. 
 
 44. T. 8. (3904.) Invalid. Was in regular army. While absent on pass July 
 
 4, 1872, had right hand blown off by explosion of a can of gunpowder. 
 
 45. E. S. (506.) Mother. Son was killed in a snowslide in 1884. Claimed 
 
 result of insanity due to service. 
 
 46. J. T. (138.) Increase. Already pensioned at $16 by special act of Oongress- 
 
 for gunshot wound of jaw. Increased to $24. 
 
 47. M". A. Van E. (511). Widow. .Husband drowned in 1875. Claimed that 
 
 but for rheumatism and heart disease contracted in service, "he would 
 have been able to save himself from drowning, inasmuch as it is shown 
 he was a good swimmer." 
 
 48. W. P. W. (1547). Invalid. Enlisted for 100 days. Claims liver disease,. 
 
 jaundice and rheumatism. Not show that he contracted them in. 
 service. Committee " are of opinion" that he did. 
 
 49. S. A. W. (1705.) Mother. Was pensioned on account of death of son ; 
 
 married again ; pension ceased ; husband still living. Same bill reported' 
 adversely in 1888 by Committee. 
 
 50. E. J. T. (181.) Invalid. Had a fever sore before the war on left ankle. 
 
 Claims it was struck by spent ball and injured. " It is highly probable- 
 that had he not suffered from fever sore, no serious result would have 
 followed it" (the .spent ball). " Equally probable that if he had not 
 received the injury in the service, he might have gone through life- 
 comparatively well." 
 
 These fifty cases are the only ones disapproved by President Cleveland' 
 which were reviewed and reversed by the Fifty-first Congress. It is a fair pre- 
 sumption that they are the very best and worthiest cases in the whole 250. It. 
 is submitted that there is not one case in all this fifty which, on the showing 
 made by the Committee in its favor, ought to have been allowed. There is not 
 one which presents all the inherent equitable features of title but fails simply 
 because of some technicality of the law, which condition only should justify a 
 special act of Congress. During the period when all of these fifty reports were- 
 prepared, as well as during Mr. Cleveland's administration, the general laws 
 did not allow pensions to soldiers of the late war, except for disabilities 
 incurred in service and line of duty ; nor to widows of such soldiers unless the- 
 husband's death was a result of and clearly chargeable to his military service ;. 
 
CLEVELAND AKD PENSIONS. 369 
 
 Tior to the mothers or fathers unless the soldier's death was a result of his 
 military service and the claimant was dependent on him for support at the 
 time of his death. Even now, in dependent parents' claims, the soldier's death 
 must be a result of army service. Now, it must he clear, even to the 
 layman, that in the fifty reports quoted from, all these fundamental principles 
 have heen most flagrantly violated, overridden and destroyed, and in each 
 instance for the henefit solely of the one person named in the bill, while all 
 ■other claimants similarly situated have been unable to secure similar benefits. 
 Newly discovered disabilities are assumed to be due to the service without 
 any reasonable ground for the assumption ; fatal diseases, accidents and 
 suicides are construed to be results of the army service on all manner of 
 theories so transparently improbable as to be absurd, and various pretexts, 
 unheard of in the general laws, are evolved to justify the allowance or the in- 
 crease of pensions to those favored few who happen to have a friend at court. 
 In them is no 'question of technicality or hardship in the general law ; they 
 .simply pension these on terms which are denied to claimants in general. 
 
 Still, let this fact'be emphasized and remembered now and always, that the 
 granting of pensions to individuals by special act of Congress on grounds not 
 lecognized by the laws which govern the many, unless for some sound and 
 valid reason not fundamental but merely technical, is personal favoritism pure 
 and simple, and as such is an injustice toward, and an inexcusable discrimina- 
 tion against, the hundreds of thousands who have to submit to the operation of 
 general laws, and have no facilities for securing to themselves such private, • 
 personal and exceptional benefits. 
 
270 THE REPUBLICAN RECIPROCITY SHAM. 
 
 THE REPUBLICAN RECIPROCITY SHAM. 
 
 RESULTS OF THE DELUSIVE ATTEMPT TO STIMU- 
 LATE FOREIGN TRADE. 
 
 The system of reciprocity, to which Republicans are now "pointing with 
 pride," was begotten two years ago in fear; was conceived in dissimulation; 
 was born in falsehood, and is now kept wrapped up in juggled figures and 
 systematic misrepresentations. 
 
 The McKinley bill had been railroaded through the House of Representa- 
 tives without a suggestion of reciprocity about it and with the duty absolutely 
 removed from sugar in order to save the really protective duties in the tariff 
 law ; the bill as introduced by Mr. McKinley even imposed a duty on South 
 American hides, but the protests of Republican Representatives from the shoe, 
 making districts of Massachusetts prevailed, and Mr. McKinley consented to- 
 leave hides on the free list. In this condition, with the sugar duty repealed 
 absolutely, the wool duty increased and the taxation of hides with difficulty 
 prevented, the McKinley bill went to the Senate in May, 1890. On the 4th 
 of June Secretary Blaine sent his reciprocity report to the President, and this 
 was made pubhc June 19, with a message by the President in which he gave 
 not the slightest indication of his approval of the scheme outlined by the Sec- 
 retary. In this message he said, " It will certainly be time enough for us to 
 consider whether we must cheapen the cost of production by cheapening labor 
 in order to gain access to the South American markets, when we have fairly 
 tried the effect of established and reliable steam communication. . . If after 
 Congress shall have acted on pending tariff legislation, it shall appear that 
 under the general treaty-making power, or under any special powers given 
 by law, our trade with the States represented in the conference can be en- 
 larged upon a basis of mutual advantage it will be promptly done.'' In other 
 words, subsidize steaniship lines, pass the McKinley bill as it came from 
 the House, and try this for a while, and if an enlargement of our South 
 American commerce does not result then we will try reciprocity treaties. 
 
 Mr. Hale introduced a reciprocity amendment to the tariff bill which Mr. 
 Blaine had prepared and it remained in the Senate nearly three months un- 
 acted on. But during the summer the evidnces of popular hostility to the 
 McKinley bill increased. The clouds in the sky gave warning of the storm 
 
THE KEPUBLICAN KECIPROCITY SHAM. 371' 
 
 that broke in November. The Republicans became alarmed. They began tO' 
 think that Mr. Blaine's anchor to windward would be a good thing. Still the- 
 President and his friends would not allow the work of Mr. Blaine to become' 
 a part of the tariff law and Mr. Aldrich drew a reciprocity amendment which 
 was adopted in September by the votes of the Republican Senators. The 
 reciprocity amendment was regarded with great aversion by the Republican 
 leaders of the House, but it was at last acceded to. It was taken up by the 
 Republicans when they were alarmed at the unpopularity of the tariff bill the 
 House had passed. On the 28th of January last Mr. Hale said in the Ben- 
 ate : " I do not hesitate, Mr. President, in stating here«and now, as the result 
 of my observation, that I firmly believe that section 3 of the McKinley bill, 
 which contains the reciprocity feature, is the part of the measure which has 
 floated the whole act and which kept it from being swamped by the storm 
 ■which without reason broke upon it from the day of its passage. The great 
 merits of other parts of the McKinley bill might have sunk under a sea of 
 obloquy and would never have been seen and appreciated if the reciprocity 
 clause had not kept the whole structure from going down.'' 
 
 The Baegain "With Brazil. 
 
 The negotiations between the Secretary of State and the Brazilian Minister- 
 began soon after the enactment of the McKinley bill and the result was the re- 
 ciprocity agreement announced by the Secretary to the President in February. 
 Accompanying the Secretary's statement of the terms agreed on was a tabular 
 statement of our exports to Brazil of which the Secretary said: "It will 
 also show the average annual value, as compiled from Brazilian statistical re- 
 ports for the last three years, of the imports of said articles into Brazil from 
 the United States." 
 
 In this official presentation of reciprocity to the American public there are 
 three important and gross misstatements of fact. Several of th? articles Brazil 
 purported to admit free from the United States under the agreement were 
 already on the Brazilian free list ; were already free to all the world. The 
 figures in question were not obtained from Brazilian statistical reports, but 
 from our own, and may be found in the annual report on Commerce and 
 Navigation for the fiscal year 1888 by any one who cares to look them up. The 
 figures do not show the average importation of Brazil from this country for 
 three years, but they give the imports of Brazil from this country for a single 
 year, 1888, which happened to be a year of small importation from this country, 
 although the complete figures of our commerce for 1889 and 1890 were within 
 the reach of the Secretary. 
 
 It was stated above that articles that were already on the Brazilian free list 
 were set forth as being made free to us exclusively under the reciprocity agree- 
 ment. The first of these Is wheat. Our consular reports show as far back as 
 1887 that wheat was on the Brazilian free list. Another article free to all the 
 world, but which it was pretended was to be made free to us alone under the 
 reciprocity agreement, was coal. The free entry of our agricultural implements 
 into Brazil was one of the pretended triumphs of reciprocity; they were already 
 on the Brazilian free list. Just the same thing is true of railway construction 
 
272 THE REPUBLICAN RBCIPKOCITT SHAM. 
 
 material and equipment. Parts of the Brazilian tariffs in force at those times 
 were published by our State Department in 1884 and 1887, and a com- 
 plete translation of the Brazilian tariff of October 11, 1890, before onr recipro- 
 city agreement was negotiated, was published in the hand-book on Brazil issued 
 by the Bureau of American Republics, which is an adjunct of our State De- 
 partment. 
 
 The statement of exports can not have been derived from Brazilian sources 
 unless there has been an extraordinary coincidence somewhere. That the Bra- 
 zilian statements, translated back into English and with the Brazilian reduced to 
 United States currency„should prove to be identical with our own statements 
 involves too large a demand upon credulity. The fact that the figures are those 
 of our own reports for 1888 stamps the statement about their being an average 
 for three years as a patent untruth. The purpose of some one in the State De- 
 partment who got up these figures, for, of course, the Secretary of State did 
 not, was to make the American exports to Brazil before reciprocity appear as 
 small as possible in order to increase the contrast with the figures after reci- 
 procity. 
 
 This pretended statement of our average exports to Brazil for three years set 
 down wheat at $150, which is true for 1888.' In 1889 we sent to Brazil $384,337 
 worth of wheat and in 1890 the amount was $1,616,158. In 1891, the recipro- 
 city year, the value of our wheat export to Brazil fell to $501,307, and in 1893 
 it was only $183,639. Our average export of wheat flour to Brazil for three 
 years is stated to have been $2,778,353. That is the amount we exported in 
 1888. In 1889 our flour export to Brazil amounted to $3,651,908, in 1890 to 
 $3,304,990, in 1891 to $3,838,919 and in 1892 to $4,972,539. 
 
 In regard to corn and manufactures of it, including meal and starch, it is 
 a little difficult to make the comparison because it is uncertain what manufac- 
 tures are included. Of beans and peas, which were to be admitted into Brazil 
 free, it was set forth that our average exportation had been $478. The first 
 figure is probably a misprint, for our annual volume on Commerce and Naviga- 
 tion shows that in 1888 we exported $578 worth of beans and peas to Brazil. In 
 1889 the amount was $46,565 and in 1890 it was $43,189. It was stated that 
 our average export for three years of pork, salted and pickled, except hams, 
 was $44,809. That is the amount we exported to Brazil in 1888. In 1889 we 
 exported to that country the same articles worth $104,822 and this amount rose 
 In 1890 to $456,873. 
 
 Our average export of cottonseed oil is put down at $4,376, which is the 
 amount we sent to Brazil in 1888. The figures for 1889 were $7,237, and for 
 1890, $8,794. According to the oflicial statement accompanying the reciprocity 
 agreement, we had exported no coal to Brazil for three years. We did not in 
 1888, but in 1889 we sent to Brazil coal worth $847, and in 1890, $46,750. In 
 1891 we sent to Brazil coal worth $79,764, and in 1892, $105,977. The official 
 figures set forth that our export of railroad equipment to Brazil for three years 
 averaged $155,539. That is the value of the locomotive engines, cars and car 
 wheels we exported to Brazil in 1888. The figures for 1889 are $557,711, and 
 for 1890, $736,960. The official statement, or rather the official mis-statement, 
 puts down our average export of lard and substitutes for lard to Brazil for the 
 three years at $371,399. It does not appear what substitutes are included but 
 
THE BBPUBLICAN RECirROCITY SHAM. 273 
 
 our export of lard to Brazil expressed in dollars was $369,067 in 1888, |484,799 
 in 1889, and $1,509,355 in 1890, witliout any reciprocity treaty to help. In 
 1891 reciprocity was established, and the export that year was only $1,304,970, 
 and in 1892 it fell to S549,931. In regard to many other items also the figures 
 for 1888 are offered to the public with the official declaration that they are the 
 figures for an average of three years. 
 
 General Resttlts. 
 
 What now of the results of reciprocity ? Every Republican paper is pointing 
 out that our exports in the aggregate are larger than they were before, but 
 they were rapidly increasing before. The only effect of reciprocily seems to 
 have been to check the rate of increase. Our total domestic exports to Brazil 
 for several years have been as follows : 
 
 1888 87,063,892 
 
 1889 9,376,611 
 
 1890 11,902,496 
 
 1891 14,049,273 
 
 It will be observed that the increase of 1889 over the previous year was 
 more than two million dollars, the percentage of increase being 31 ; the increase 
 in 1890 over the previous year was more than two million dollars, and the 
 percentage of increase 38.3 ; the increase in 1891 over the previous year was 
 more than two millions, and the percentage of increase was 18.6. Near the end 
 of the fiscal year 1891 the reciprocity enterprise was started ; let us see with 
 what results. 
 
 The Bureau of Statistics has not made up the report of our exports for the 
 last fiscal year by countries ; but in order to make comparisons regarding reci- 
 procity easy it has stated the amount of our exports to Brazil for fifteen 
 months before and fifteen months after the beginning of reciprocity. During 
 the first fifteen months of reciprocity our total exports to Brazil amounted 
 to $18,044,452. Assuming that four-fifths of this belongs to the twelve months 
 ending June 30, 1893, then our exports for that year were $14,435,563. The 
 increase over the previous year, instead of being a good deal over two million 
 dollars, is only $315,316 and the percentage of increase has dropped suddenly 
 from 18.6 to 3.3. The monthly summary of the Bureau of Statistics for the 
 month of June and the fiscal year 1893, says : " During the fifteen months 
 ended March 31, 1891, our exports of domestic products to Brazil amounted to 
 $16,379,969 and during the fifteen months from April 1, 1891, the period when 
 the reciprocity treaty with that country went into effect to June 30, 1892, our 
 exports of domestic products to that country amounted to $18,044,453, an in- 
 crease of $1,764,483 or 10.84 per cent.'' This increase in fifteen months under 
 reciprocity is less absolutely and less relatively than the increase made every 
 twelve months for three years before the reciprocity project went into effect. 
 This monthly summary shows that the fifteen months since reciprocity com- 
 pared with the fifteen months before reciprocity show the following changes : 
 increases, wheat flour, $1,745,459, cars for steam railroads $439,676, steam 
 engines (on the Brazilian free list) $1,038,988 ; decreases, wheat, $779,897, 
 lumber, $1,688,875. 
 18 
 
274 THE REPUBLICAN RECIPROCITY SHAM. 
 
 Comparing the exports from this country to Brazil for 1893 with those for 
 1891, it will be seen that there was a decrease of $39,000 in agricultural im- 
 plements, 1317,568 in wheat, |330,000 in steam engines, |335,000 in fcacon, 
 $755,000 in lard, $6,000 in butter and $135,000 in boards, planks, deals, joists 
 and scantling. There was an increase of more than $1,100,000 in flour, an 
 Increase in carriages and cars, an increase of $25,000 in coal, which was on the 
 Brazilian free list, an increase of $167,000 in cottons, an increase of $25,000 in 
 builders' hardware, saws and tools, which were already on the free list (see 
 page 127 of the repoit of the Bureau of Statistics on the commerce of the 
 United States with American countries, 1891), an increase of $12,000 in tur- 
 Ijentine and naval stores, |70,000 in cottonseed oil, |8,000 in tallow and 
 $43,000 in mineral oil. In view of the fact that for a period of fifteen months 
 the increase in the aggregate exports to Brazil amounted to less than 11 per 
 cent., it is evident that the weight or bulk of cargoes sent to Brazil did not in- 
 crease in any radical manner. The State Department's report on reciprocity, 
 giving the tigures for the first twelve months of the system, shows an increase 
 of $1,053,578 or less than 7| per cent. When the State Department, there- 
 fore, under the caption of "Increased Exports from the United States" 
 (see Senate Executive Document 119, Fifty-second Congress, -first session) 
 .shows that the Brazil Mail Steamship Company has been sending out very much 
 more merchandise than it used to, it is simply showing that the steamship Hne 
 has been getting business away from the sailing vessels, and not that the export 
 business of this country has been increasing in any remarkable degree. The 
 figures given to the world by this Administration show that the export business 
 to Brazil has increased much less absolutely and relatively since reciprocity 
 was established than it did before, and the State Department offers explanations 
 of this fact. The substance of the claim of the State Department is that where- 
 ever an increase of exports occurs it is due to reciprocity, regardless of the 
 increases before reciprocity, and whenever a decrease occurs it is due to the 
 commercial conditions of Brazil or the other reciprocity country, and would 
 have been much greater but for the reciprocity agreement. 
 
 A Record of Failure. 
 
 According to Mr. Blaine, there was not a line in the McKinley bill that 
 would open a market for a barrel of flour or a barrel of pork. Reciprocity 
 was to do all that the McKinley bill failed to do. How has it done it ? Our 
 aggregate wheat and flour exports in 1893 were more than 123 per cent, greater 
 than in 1891, but our wheat and flour exports to Brazil were less than 19 per 
 cent, greater in 1893 than in 1891. Our wheat, flour and corn exports to 
 Great Britain were twice as great in 1892 as in 1891. Our wheat export to 
 France was three and a half times as great in 1893 as in 1891. Our exports of 
 com, wheat and flour to other European countries were four and a third 
 times as great in 1893 as in 1891. But the increase to Brazil was less than one- 
 fifth. Our aggregate exports of bacou ia 1893 were nearly two million dollars 
 greater than in 1891, but our export to Brazil was loss in 1892 than in 1891 by 
 $235,590. The falling off of our lard exports in 1892 as compared vnth 1891 
 was $755,049 to Brazil and $457,653 to the rest of the world. Of butter, we 
 
THE REPUBLICAN BECIPROCrTT SHAM. 275 
 
 exported in all $348,773 more in 1892 than in 1891, but to Brazil we exported 
 $5,928 less. 
 
 The increase of all our dome.stic exports for 1892 over 1891 was 16.4 per 
 cent. The increase to Brazil for a period of fifteen months after as compared 
 with fifteen months before reciprocity, was 10.84 per cent. 
 
 The reason for which reciprocity was urged was that in our trade with 
 Brazil the balance of trade was against us. We bought a great deal of coflfee 
 from Brazil, and Brazil did not buy a great deal of manufactured goods from 
 us. The population of Brazil is small, the industries are carried on with primi- 
 tive implements and the climate renders no large amount of clothing needful. 
 But reciprocity was the remedy for this adverse balance of trade. In 1887 the 
 adverse balance was forty -four millions,the next year it was forty-six millions and 
 in 1889 it rose to fifty-one millions, more than it ever was before ; the following 
 year it fell to forty-seven millions. It was during 1 891 that the reciprocity system 
 was established, and in that fiscal year the adverse balance rose to $69,110,349. 
 In the last fifteen months before reciprocity the balance of trade with Brazil 
 against us was $72,846,133, but in the first fifteen months under reciprocity the 
 balance against us rose to $127,917,885. The figures are almost beyond belief, 
 but on page 29 of the June summary of imports and expoi-ts, issued by the 
 Bureau of Statistics, it will be seen that in fifteen months our exports to Brazil 
 increased .$1,764,483, and our imports from Brazil increased $56,886,205. In a 
 somewhat less degree the reciprocity system and the subsidy system combined 
 have had a similar effect on our trade with Cuba. In ten months of reciprocity, 
 as compared with the corresponding ten months of the previous year, our 
 exports to Cuba increased $5,702,197 and our imports from Cuba increased 
 $11,884,965. In 1879 Mr. J. G. Cannon, Republican, proved in the House by 
 our own experience that under a system of steamship subsidies our imports 
 increased enormously faster than our exports. 
 
 In October, 1891, the bureau of American Republics supplied the Associated 
 Press with a paragraph stating that twenty-four locomotives were then being 
 loaded at Philadelphia for Brazil, and that one concern had a contract to 
 deliver 138 locomotives in Brazil. " Under the reciprocity treaty with Brazil," 
 says this dispatch, "locomotives and railway supplies from the United States 
 ■are admitted free of customs duty, and .he railway equipment of that Republic, 
 which was formerly almost exclusively of English manufacture, is now being 
 rapidly replaced by articles of American manufacture ; " but in June of that 
 same year, four months earlier than this statement of what reciprocity was 
 doing for our locomotive builders, the same bureau of American Republics 
 published the Brazil tariff which went into effect in October, 1890, before the 
 reciprocity negotiations began, and among the articles therein declared to be 
 free of duty, no matter whence imported, are the following : " Rails over 32.3 
 lbs. per metre ; locomotives and turn-tables and any other articles, not classi- 
 fied, for railroads ; machinery, agricultural, mining, for factories or work- 
 shops and for navigation, moved by steam, water, air, gas or wind, electricity, 
 animal or any other motive power, or any other motors fixed, movable or port- 
 able, including the latter." 
 
 We have exported the following locomotives to Brazil : 11 in 1888, 83 in 
 1889, 41 in 1890 and 97 in 1891, only three months of which year were under the 
 
376 THE KKPUBLICAN BKCIPEOCITT SHAM. 
 
 reciprocity arrangements. Of cars we sent to Brazil 39 in 1888, 321 in 1889, 
 515 in 1890 and 660 in 1891. The increased export since the establishment of 
 reciprocity does not appear to be much out of proportion to the increase that 
 was going on before reciprocity was thought of, and as locomotives and rail- 
 road equipment go into Brazil free from all countries the reciprocity agreement 
 can cut no figure in the matter. Cars had been admitted to Brazil duty free, 
 but the tarifl of 1890 imposed a duty of 20 per cent, on them, possibly in order 
 to have something to yield to us in the reciprocity negotiations. 
 
 Relatively speaking, reciprocity makes a better show for itself in Cuba than 
 in Brazil, but we have figures for only ten months and complete figures for 
 only eight months, and the comparisons are made with 1891, which in one very 
 important item does not give an adequate idea of the ordinary trade. In eight 
 months of this year, under reciprocity, we exported to Cuba fiour worth 
 $1,383,185 against $453,670 in the corresponding part of the previous year. 
 But in 1890 our flour export to Cuba amounted to $1,164,538, and in 1888 it 
 was $1,288,067. So that the increase under reciprocity is phenomenal only 
 when compared with the particular year 1891. If it be compared with 1890 
 and 1888 it is not more than a common annual increase before reciprocity 
 went into effect. So, also, in provisions ; there was an increase from two mil- 
 lions to three millions in eight months of reciprocity as compared vrith eight 
 months of the previou.s year ; but the provision exports were $3,907,001) in 
 1890, as compared with which the increase for eight months of reciprocity is 
 not extraordinary. The very great increase in our imports from Cuba and in 
 the balance against us in that trade has already been noticed. 
 
 Thb Omission op Canada. 
 
 "With all its eagerness to increase our trade witli the countries south of us, 
 the Republican party is wholly opposed to increasing our trade with the coun- 
 try north of us. Our South American trade is comparatively small, and in it 
 there is a large balance against us. This is the trade the Republicans are try- 
 ing to build up, and the more they try the bigger the adverse balance is. Our 
 trade with Canada is large, and the balance is very much in our favor ; the 
 Canadians pay us three dollars every time we pay them two. Canada is so 
 close to us that the cost of transportation is a very slight obstacle to trade. 
 Not even a Republican has dared to propose to subsidize lines of lake steamers, 
 or the boats that run between Boston and Halifax. This trade the Republicans 
 are hostile to and do all they can to oppose, and one of the greatest achievements 
 of the MoKinley bill was an increase of duties on a few articles of Canadian 
 produce that came over to this country in small quantities. 
 
 Why are the Republicans so anxious to develop trade with South America 
 and so hostile to trade with Canada ? 
 
 The reason that the Republicans give is that some egg8 and a little hay and 
 a few horses come over the line into the United States, and so they tell the 
 farmers of this country that they must be protected against Canadian competi- 
 tion. Look first at our Canadian trade as a whole. Prom 1873 down to the present 
 time Canada has bought of us more every year than we have bought of Canada 
 by several million dollars. Since 1883 the smallest balance in our favor was 
 
THE KEPUUHCAN KBCIPKOUITY SHAM. 277 
 
 more than eleven and a half million dollars, and in four of those years it has 
 exceeded nineteen million dollars. In 1890, the year Mr. McKinley raised the 
 fines imposed on people for the crime of dealing with Canada, our northern 
 neighbor bought of us more than sixty-one million dollars worth, and we bought 
 of her less than forty million dollars worth. The balance of trade in our favor 
 that year was $22,274,090, and in 1891 the balance in our favor was $19,905,523. 
 The exports from this country to Canada in 1891 were worth more than all our 
 exports to Mexico, Cuba, Brazil, Venezuela, Argentine, Chile, Colombia, 
 Uruguay, Peru and Ecuador put together. 
 
 It is said by Mr. McKinley and other Republicans that if we let down the 
 hars, cheap Canadian food will pour in here and make life more comfortable 
 for the poor in our cities, but will injure the trade'of our farmers. Now look 
 at the figures of our Canadian commerce for 1890, the last full year before the 
 McKinley law. It is true that we imported over five million dollars worth of 
 barley from Canada, but it is also true that shutting out much of this by the 
 McKinley bill has injured the malting interests of New York State, and this 
 has reacted on the barley raisers to their injury. But we bought no corn of 
 Canada and Canada bought more than four million dollars worth of corn of 
 us. The total breadstuffs that we bought of Canada amounted to $5,930,691, 
 and the amount Canada bought of us was |8,346,690. Canada sold us 
 $109,145 worth of wheat, and we sold Canada $2,582,575 worth. We bought 
 of Canada provisions worth $168,969 and Canada bought of us provisions 
 worth $3,427,830. Besides this, Canada bought of us miscellaneous agri- 
 cultural products worth f 2,736,708. So that we not only have a large balance 
 in our favor in our aggregate trade with Canada, but the same is true of our 
 trade in farm products. 
 
 Most of the fiscal year 1891 was under the operation of the McKinley 
 bill. That year shows a falling off as compared with the previous year of 
 $1,511,406 in our exports of breadstuffs, $1,134,794 in provisions and $365,399 
 in our export of miscellaneous agricultural products to Canada. In the year 
 the McKinley bill went into effect we sold to Canada of all sorts of agricultural 
 products less than we did the year before by $3,011,599. In 1890 we sold to 
 Canada butter worth $347,220 and cheese worth $1,188,068, and we bought 
 from Canada butter worth $13,825 and cheese worth $1,983. Certainly that 
 sort of traffic is not injurious to our farmers. But Mr. McKinley undertook 
 to protect them from cheap Canadian competition, and our sales to Canada fell 
 off in 1891 $157,409 in butter and $293,108 in cheese. Look at the item of coal. 
 American coal can reach Western Canada by cheap water routes, and Nova 
 Scotia coal can reach New England in the same way. But each country im- 
 poses a duty on the coal of the other in order to send Nova Scotia coal by rail 
 to Ontario, and Pennsylvania coal by rail to Massachusetts. But we have the 
 long end of this trade also. In 1891 we bought of Canada coal worth $2,334,775, 
 and sold to Canada coal worth $4,035,397. The American coal producers have 
 much influence with the gentlemen who are running the Republican party, but 
 they would make larger sales if Canada were open to us. 
 
378 MARINE SUBSIDIES. 
 
 MARINE SUBSIDIES. 
 
 QUACK REMEDIES FOR THE REVIVAL OF 
 AMERICAN SHIPPING. 
 
 The scheme of reviving the American shipping interests by means of tonnage 
 subsidies and mail gratuities is the direct outgrowth of that method of favorit- 
 ism vphich is the root of the system of protection. In order to understand how 
 closely so-called industrial protection and a decline in our maratime interests 
 are connected, a short review of the history of the American merchant marine- 
 is necessary. 
 
 At the time the thirteen colonies threw off the yoke of English control the 
 American shipping interests formed an important part of our material welfare. 
 In spite of the barriers then thrown in our way by England, our shipbuilders 
 and ship merchants had succeeded in creating a considerable ocean marine. 
 
 From the close of the Revolutionary War to the outbreak of the Napoleonic 
 wars between England and Prance, the American shipping interests prospered, 
 as may be judged by the fact that in 1790 our merchant tonnage engaged in 
 foreign trade was 346,254 tons, while in 1795 it was 529,471 tons. Following 
 this came a period in which the American ship merchants suffered severely from 
 the inteiference and seizujes of the great warring nations of Europe. As ours 
 was the only maritime country which was not involved in the European 
 struggle, it was thought by both contestants that our neutral position would 
 gain for us an undesirable supremacy upon the ocean ; and as our Government 
 did not possess the war ships to protect its merchant commerce upon the high 
 seas, American merchant ships were seized upon all manner of pretexts. 
 
 The insurance rates against seizure were frequently 30 or 40 per cent, of the 
 value of the ship and cargo for a single voyage. The value of the property 
 seized is set in the official reports of the claims for damages against England, 
 France and Spain at more than $300,000 000. As might be supposed, under 
 these conditions our merchant tonnage engaged in foreign trade declined, for 
 while in 1800 it was 667,105 tons and in 1810, 981,019 tons ; in 1814 it had fallen, 
 to 674,633 tons. 
 
 ■ With the close of the War of 1813 the American merchant marine instantly 
 revived. The people along our sea coast are born sailors, and, unless prohib- 
 ited from so doing by adverse conditions, take to the water as naturally as 
 ducks. From 1815 to 1S6J the history of our shipping is largely controlled by 
 
MAKINK SUBSIDIES. , 279' 
 
 the adverse and favorable influences of tariff legislation. In 1815, after the- 
 close of the War of 1812, our merchant tonnage engaged in foreign trade had 
 risen to 854,295 tons, but in 1830 it had fallen to quite a degree in consequence- 
 of the protectionist legislation of the period, to 537,563 tons, an amount con- 
 siderably smaller than we had had in 1800. 
 
 This was chiefly due to the action of the protectionists in Congress in im- 
 posing heavy burdens in the form of taxes upon the materiale needed for- 
 shipbuilding and ship maintenance. It was these attempts which called forth 
 the protests of Daniel Webster, who, though then a piotectionist, said in one of 
 his speeches in the Senate : " It is not, sir, by protection and bounties, but by 
 unwearied exertion, by extreme economy, by unshaken perseverance, that 
 manly and resolute spirit which relies on itself to protect itself ; these causes 
 alone enable American ships still to keep their element and show the flag of 
 their country in distant seas. But when we consider that the articles entering 
 into the consumption of a ship, with the exception of wood, are dearer here 
 than in other countries, we cannot but le utterly surprised that the shipping 
 Interest has been able to sustain itself at all." 
 
 The Golden Age of Amebican Shipping. 
 
 During the years from 1845 to 1860, the period during which we had a 
 tariff for revenue rather than for protection, the growth of our merchant 
 marine was phenomenally rapid. In 1850 American tonnage of all kinds was 
 3,485,266 tons. English tonnage of all kinds was 4,232,962 tons. In 1860 
 American tonnage of all kinds was 5,399,175 tons, English tonnage of all kinds 
 was 5,710,968 tons. Thus in ten years the American merchant marine gained 
 1,813,909 tons, or a trifle over 53 per cent,, while during the same time the 
 English merchant marine gained only l,478,00i3 tons, or about 33 per cent. 
 
 But the gain in our merchant tonnage engaged in foreign trade was even 
 greater than the gain which included the foreign, coastwise and fishing trades. 
 As the figures of the IT. S. Commissioner of Navigation given above show, the 
 gain in the fifteen years from 1845 to 1860 (the tariff for revenue period of our 
 national history) was equal to 163 per cent., a gain which, when the magnitude 
 of the intei-est is taken into account, will be found to be without its parallel . 
 in the records of the world. If these rates of gain had been maintained an- 
 other decade, they would have given to us the supremacy of the seas. But at 
 this period the Civil War began,, the first of the war-protective tariffs was en- 
 acted, and our merchant marine tonnage began that retrograde movement 
 which has ended in taking our flag almost completely from the great trade 
 routes of the ocean. 
 
 The decade from 1845 to 1860 marks the high-water point in our progress 
 as a maritime nation. The American ships of that period made quicker pas- 
 sages, delivered their freight in better condition and were loaded and discharged 
 with greater dispatch than the ships of any other nation. The American 
 sailor put a vigor and energy into his work which overcame all competition. 
 For these reasons American ships at that time commanded a preference in all 
 the great foreign seaports. An English merchant at Hong Kong or Calcutta,, 
 having merchandise which he wLshed to send to London, would pay more in 
 
280 MAKINB SUBSIDIES. 
 
 freight money to have it carried by an American ship than he would give to 
 have it carried by an English vessel. There is little or no sentiment in trade, 
 and as it was then generally conceded that it was a saving of time and money 
 to use American tonnage, the preference was given to us. The rapid increase 
 in our shipping was due to the proiitable character of the business. Wooden 
 ships, and these were the kind then in use, could be built in the United States 
 at lower prices than they could be built for elsewhere. But there the advan- 
 tage of low prices ended. The officers and crews of American merchant ships 
 were paid very much higher wages than were given to their English rivals, 
 the officers. receiving on the average quite double the pay given to English 
 captains and mates. The question of rate of wages, assuming efficiency of 
 service, is a minor consideration, as is proved by our experience then and the 
 present experience of the English merchant marine. The English ship-owners 
 pay the officers and crews of their vessels 50 per cent, higher wages than are 
 paid by French ship-owners, and quite 100 per cent, more than the wages re- 
 ceived by the officers and crews of Spanish and Italian merchant ships. But 
 these latter cannot, in spite of the stimulus of subsidies, begin to compete with 
 the English ; and at the time referred to the English were hopelessly in the 
 rear of us. 
 
 Near the close of the last half century the English, realizing the disadvan- 
 tages they labored under in not having as cheaply built vessels as we pos- 
 sessed, adopted a policy which our government, though repeatedly petitioned, 
 has never had the good sense to copy. They repealed their navigation laws, 
 which were then substantially the same as ours now are, and which prevented, 
 as ours do, the purchase and registration of a foreign- built vessel. Between 
 1850 and 1860, as well as during the period of our civil war, many hundreds 
 of American ships were sold to English ship merchants, these constituting quite 
 a little of the gain in their tonnage previously referred to. The building of 
 ships for the English market was for some years a profitable industry on the 
 coast of New England. 
 
 English Gain at American Expense. 
 
 Since 1860 the English have greatly improved both in ship building and in 
 the navigation of ships. The officers of English merchant vessels are better 
 trained and educated than they were 30 or 40 years ago ; but in these respects 
 their ability is now no greater than that of the old-time American captains and 
 mates, and if American ocean commerce had been developing, instead of 
 stagnating, during the past generation, we should by our greater improve- 
 ments have still maintained our relative superiority. 
 
 The certainty of this conclusion i< brought out by the superiority we exhibit 
 whenever a chance for comparison offers itself. The steamships we have built 
 for our coastwise trade are, in model, furnishing and adabtability to intended 
 services, far ahead of any of those used around the coast of Great Britain. The 
 defect of the former — and this is an insuperable one— is their greater relative 
 cost, occasioned by the high price, caused by the protective tariff of the mate- 
 rials out of which they are constructed. In a merchant vessel 10 per cent, net a 
 year has to be charged off for depreciation. In about eight years a vessel 
 
MARINE SUBSIDIES. 281 
 
 valued at first at $500,000 will have parted with nearly jf300,000of her original 
 worth. This would represent the entire value of a vessel which had a first cost 
 of 40 per cent, less than the one referred lo, and this 40 per cent, is what Mr. 
 Charles H. Cramp, the Delaware ship-builder, told a committee of the United 
 States Senate was the average rate of duty on the materials entering into the 
 construction of American ships, and he added, " If our shipbuilders could be 
 relieved from that they could compete successfully with foreign builders.'' In 
 other words, with an average useful existence of not over 18 years, the owner 
 of a ship has to earn during that time not only interest on the money invested, 
 but also enough to make good to him the entire original outlay. If one vessel 
 costs, when constructed, $500,000, and a similar vessel, constructed elsewhere, 
 only $300,000, the owner of the former will have to earn, in order to do a rea- 
 sonably profitable business, not only interest on a larger sum than the owner of 
 the latter, but in the first eight years he must earn in addilion the equivalent of 
 the entire first cost of the latter. 
 
 This is a burden which no business subjected, as the shipping business 
 is, to the competition of the world, can bear. It is that which has paralyzed the 
 American shipping trade. When conditions are absolutely equal as to receipts 
 and costs of maintenance, an income sufficient to pay the owner of a low-cost 
 English vessel six per cent, interest on his investment and enough in addition 
 to make good the depreciation in value of his ship, will prove insufficient to pay 
 for the annual depreciation in the value of the high-priced American ship, to 
 say nothing of interest upon investment. This is the cause of the entire want 
 of success of most of the many piaiseworthy attempts which have been made 
 during the last twenty-five years to build and sail American merchant ships 
 upon foreign voyages. No superior energy and seamanship can hold its own 
 under such terribly unequal conditions. The ship-merchant's tools are his 
 ships, his markets are the seaports of the entire world. He must be able to 
 meet all comers upon an equal footing, so far as first cost is concerned. 
 Oiven that equality it becomes simply a question of business and nautical 
 ability. But when these first conditions have been equal, as they would now 
 be if it were not for the protective tariff, the American ship-merchants and 
 American sailors have always shown themselves to be ready to undertake the 
 task of meeting and defeating all competitors. They have asked simply for a 
 free field and no favors. Before 1860, the only request made to Congress by 
 the representatives of the American shipping interests was to be let alone. 
 
 If the revolution in ship ing brought about by the substitution of iron and 
 steel in place of wood for ship-building, and the general employment of steam- 
 engines in place of sails for motive power had not taken place, it would 
 have been easie;- for us, after the Civil War, to have regained our former mari- 
 time supremacy ; but he iron needed both for hull and engine has been a 
 highly protected commodity, and for this reason the English for the last twenty- 
 fiye years have had, in consequence of their cheaper iion, th same advantage 
 over us in ship-construction that we had over them for the quarter of a century 
 prior to 1860. As will be seen by the tables of American tonnage, already 
 given, the recovery from the depression incident to the War of 1813 and the 
 depredations upon our commerce prior to that event was immediate and gratify- 
 ing to the patriotic pride of the nation. The recovery after the Civil War would 
 
283 MARINE SUBSIDIES. 
 
 have been equally satisfactory, if the insurmounta'.le barrier raised by the pro- 
 tective tariff had not barred the way. At first the ship-lu Iders, as well as the 
 ship-merchants, tried to break through this. John Eoach, the ship-builder, 
 who afterwards became a subsidy-seeker, said to a Congressional Committee in 
 1869 : 
 
 '^ America has lost her commerce, and what has she obtained in exchange for it ? Simply 
 the right of a fesv men to charge $9 per ton in gold on the importation of pig iron. Pig iron 
 is the basis of all other metals connected with the making and repairing of ships. There has- 
 been a revolution in ship-building, and iron is the material from which they are now built. The 
 high cost of iron produced by the tariff upon it is one of the principal difficulties our com' 
 merce has to contend with. I did not come here to ask a bounty. I came here to tell you that, 
 while all other articles of American produce are protected to a great extent, there is no pro- 
 tection for American ships. If Congress wUl take off all the duties from American iron, 
 reducing it to the price of foreign iron, then we are prepared to compete with foreign ship- 
 builders. The labor question is misstated ; we aie prepared to mtet that difficulty, and to ask 
 no further legislation on the subject." 
 
 These were the opinions of a large number of other ship-builders, who were 
 later on persuaded by the protectionists that their interests could be better 
 served by an alliance with them in an effort to obtain a Government bounty. 
 The two systems that have been urged upon Congress with the approval of the 
 Republican party have been mail subsides and tonnage bounties, devices which 
 have been — while cloaked under the patriotic disguise of a wish to restore the 
 American flag to the high seas — but artful methods to deplete the United 
 States Treasury for the benefit of a few favored individuals. 
 
 Mail Subventions. 
 
 The experience of the United States Government in granting mail subven- 
 tions has been peculiarly unfortunate. From 18-50 to 1858 our Government 
 paid to the companies controlling the Collins line, which had steamers running 
 between New York and Liverpool, |5,312,091, the payments aggregating for 
 several years $858,000 per annum. For all practical results obtained the money 
 might just as well have been thrown into (he sea, for the steamers were run 
 under conditions which made the company insolvent, regardless of its enor- 
 mous mail subvention. And yet at the very time this disastrous experiment of 
 otflcial pampering was taking place, the genuine, independent, unsubsidized 
 commerce of the country was increasing at a prodigious rati . The next 
 attempt wag made shortly after the war, when Congress voted mail subventions 
 to the New York and Brazil Steamship Company and the Pacific Mail Steam- 
 ship Company. By this means, in ten years -f 1,500,000 was paid to the first 
 and $4,583,333 to the last named corporation. The line to Brazil would have 
 been put in operation in a short time even if no aid had been given, .and the 
 only return the American people received for their donation was to slightly 
 expedite the movement. The Pacific Mail subsidy for its line to China and 
 Japan was promoted by the most outrageous lobby influences, which subse- 
 quently led to a Congressional investigation, culminntiug in a scandal which 
 has formed, like the Credit Mobilier, one of our historical disgraces. 
 
 But what was the result of the grant ? The expenditure by the Pacific Mail 
 Company of millions of dollars in the construction of four large wooden side- 
 
MARINE SUBSIDIES. * 283* 
 
 wheel steamers, wholly unfitted, as experience proved, for the traffic they were 
 to engage in, and at a time when usage, both here and abroad, had shown that 
 iron propeller steamships were vastly betler adapted for ocean voyages. The 
 prudence and forethought of the managers of the Pacific Mail were blinded by 
 the immense donation which their company had obtained from Congress, and 
 they extravagantly wasted their resources in a manner they would never have 
 thought of doing, if they had been depending for success entirely upon their own 
 efforts. With the Collins line the experiment ended in bankruptcy ; with the 
 Pacific Mail it came perilously near the same result ; for while before receiving 
 its subsidy the company was in a flourishing financial condition, possessing a 
 great surplus and paying large, regular dividends, since that time it has been 
 in a semi-impoverished state, constantly appealing to Congress for assistance. 
 These experiences are not of a character to justify further donations, or to 
 warrant the belief that if they are granted they will be of service evento those 
 who are the recipients of them. 
 
 EoBOPEAN Subsidies and Bounties. 
 
 But it is said the English, French, Italian, German and other govern- 
 ments grant subsidies and bounties to their merchant marine, and in order to 
 succeed we must do likewise. This is an assertion which, as will be shown, 
 does not bear honest examination, when urged as a reason for bounty giving. 
 In his report to the State Department, dated London, September 3, 1889, 
 Consul- General John C. New says : " The British Government does not grant 
 subsidies, in the general sense of that term, to any steamship company ; but 
 the post-office authorities make contracts for the conveyance of mails to the 
 different parts of the world with the steamship companies having steamers 
 sailing to those parts.'' The amount paid for this service in the year 1888-89 
 is stated in the same report to be $3, 184,48c. But who are the main recipients- 
 of these donations ? Three or four lines of steamers running to the Englisji 
 colonies. Are they intended to promote English commerce ? Not in the least. 
 The English government feels compelled for political and military 
 reasons to maintain fast mail services between her colonies and 
 the mother country, just as we feel obliged to pay annually 
 large sums of money to maintain mail services in our distant States 
 and Territories, and to make additional grants for the purpose of expediting 
 these services. Of the sum referred to, the mail service to India, Singapore, 
 Hong Kong and Australia, performed by the P. & O. Company, absorbs much 
 more than half of the amount named, its mail subvention aggregating about 
 $1,800,OOC. This is not, given to encourage trade. The sea route between. 
 England and the East Indies is covered with English merchant vessels. But 
 England must keep in close touch with her great Indian dependency, and for 
 this reason pays a large sum annually to the company that will agree to run 
 ships between the two countries at an exceptionally high rate of speed, covering 
 the distance in 344 hours, with a heavy penalty for any delay. During the same 
 year, 1889, we paid for mail service performed by our inland and coastwise 
 steamers $1,001,943, but no one would think of pretending that the sum was 
 given to encourage commerce upon our inland waters and along our coast. If 
 
284 « MARINE SUBSIDIES. 
 
 ■we had isolated colonies in all parts of the world we should be under the neces- 
 sity of paying for keeping up close mail connection with them, for the same 
 political and military reasons that actuate England in the policy she is pursuing- 
 
 All but a small fraction of the remainder of the sum of money referred to 
 by Consul-General New is paid for fast mail servlee to the English colonies in 
 the West Indies and in South Africa. For carrying the mails to South America 
 so much per pound of mail matter is given in much the same manner that 
 similar services are paid forby the United States Post Office Department. Tor 
 the purpose of maintaining an alternate route to India, which might be made 
 use of for military purposes if travel through the Suez Canal was interdicted, 
 the British Government has lately granted a direct donation to a line of steamers 
 running from Vancouver, British Columbia, to Hong Kong ; both places being 
 English colonies. Besides this the English Government has agreed to pay 
 annually to the owners of certain steamships a comparatively small sum of 
 money in consideration of a contract on the part of 'the latter to turn over to 
 the government the said vessels, if these should be needed as cruisers in time 
 of war ; the ships in question having been built with a view to this possible ser- 
 vice. In all this there cannot be found the least suggestion of a subsidy, either 
 in the manner, or for the purpose advocated- by the subsidy-hunters in this 
 country. 
 
 In Prance, the government has adopted and applied a system of mail subsi- 
 dies and general shipping bounties, leading, according to Curtis's Report to the 
 State Department, to an annual payment of $6,792,778. It may be remarked 
 that the laws of France do not prevent the purchase and registration of foreign 
 built ships ; it is even provided that a bounty shall be paid to vessels so pur- 
 chased of so much per ton for each 1,000 miles passed over in making foreign 
 voyages, the distinction being that a French built ship receives twice as much 
 bounty as a foreign built ship. Besides this, a subvention is given to the French 
 builders of vessels, and direct bounties to a few favored steamship lines. The 
 merits of a system must be judged by its results. The existing French shipping 
 subsidy system went into effect January 29, 1881. In 1880 the merchant 
 tonnage of Prance was 919,398 ; in 1890 it was 1,045,102, indicating a gain in 
 the interval of aboJtlS per cent., although this was chiefly made between 
 1889 and 1890. But in 1880 the merchant marine of England was 8,427,171 
 tons, and in 1890 11,597,106, showing a gain in the same time of more than 
 37 per cent. By this showing, which maritime policy would seem to be the 
 one most deserving of imitation, the large gains with no subsidy, or the 
 small gains, overbalanced by the pay in ten years of more than $60,000,000! 
 
 The case of Italy is even more striking. According to Curtis's Keport 
 to the State Department (indorsed by ihe American Shipping and Industrial 
 League, the organization ormed to promote the subsidy scheme in this coun- 
 try) the Italian Government pays in subsidies, bounties, etc., to its shipping 
 $3,508,035 per annum. The system was apparently adopted in December, 
 1885, and was in several of its features an adaptation of the French method. 
 In 1880 the merchant tonnage of Italy, as given in the report of our Commis- 
 sion of Navigation, was 1,018,164 tons ; in 1886, when the law went into efEect, 
 it was l,0a9-,513 tons ; but in 1891), after five years of trial, the merchant ton- 
 nage had fallen to 816,567 tons. And yet it is this system which when applied 
 
MABINB SUBSIDIES. 285 
 
 in Italy has resulted in a loss of about 20 per cent, of the merchant tonnage 
 that we are asked to apply in this country, and are told that if adopted will 
 revive our merchant marine. 
 
 According to the report of Consul-General Mason, of Frankford-on-the- 
 Main, printed in Consular Report, No. 113, January, 1890, the Imperial German 
 Government granted in 1885 a special bounty for the establishment and support 
 of certain specified new lines of steamship service. This amounted to 
 $1,047,619, and was and is paid to the North-German Lloyds to maintaia 
 three lines, one to India, China and Japan, another to Australia, and a third 
 from Trieste to Egypt. This has apparently led to an increase of the German 
 merchant marine to the extent of nine steamers. In 1880 ita merchant tonnage 
 was 1,183,097 tons. Before the bounty could have taken effect^ that is in 1886, 
 it was 1,461,843 tons, while in 1890 it was 1,.569,311 tons. In other words, the 
 gain since this.partial bounty method was adopted has been less rapid than in the 
 years before it went into effect. The gain in merchant tonnage in the United 
 States was twice as rapid in the five years ending with 1890 than the gain 
 in Germany. 
 
 According to Curtis' Report, referred to above (issued by the State De- 
 partment in 1889), the two other largest payers of subsidies are the Argentine 
 Republic, estimated as giving $3,000,000 per annum, and Brazil which paid 
 out in this way $1,700,000 a year. The subsidy-hunters in this country can 
 hardly make it appear that these payments have stimulated the Argentine 
 and Brazilian merchant marines, for both are so small that they make no show- 
 ing in the ordinary statement of the world's merchant tonnage. 
 
 Spain grants bounties to the annual amount of $1,571,000 ; but here again 
 the merchant marine is relatively insignificant, in spite of the revivifying influ- 
 ences of liberal bounties. 
 
 This exhausts the list of nations which pay, either in direct subsidies or in 
 postal subventions for three water-borne mails, the equivalent of |1, 000,000 a 
 year. That these have had the least influence in promoting a general activity 
 and increase in the shipping business of the countries paying them cannot be 
 maintained. No doubt the receivers of subsidies are pleased to obtain them, 
 and they may lead to the maintenance by the French, Germans, Italians and 
 Spanish of special lines of steamers that would not be continued in the absence 
 of this public aid ; but this in the main is for the gain of the owners of these 
 ships. We are shortly to have the steamships City of New York and City 
 of Paris transferred to the American flag, and for the honor of allowing 
 these vessels to fly the stars and stripes our Government is to pay a large 
 yearly bounty. These ships will make the same voyages in the future that 
 they have in the past ; their officers and owners will be the same ; the only 
 difference will be the flag which hangs over their sterns. It is obvious that 
 the American people will obtain no more from this steamship service in the 
 future than they have in the past ; but while receiving nothing in addition 
 they will, through their taxes, pay out many thousands of dollars a year to the 
 shareholders of the company owning these two ships. 
 
.286 MARINE SUBSIDIES. 
 
 The Tbtje Way to Revive the Amekican Shipping Tkade. 
 
 The resuscitation of tbe American merchant marine is not to be brought 
 about in any such petty fashion as this. What is needed is not artificial stim- 
 ulus, but healthy growth. If we are in need of suggestions as to the course 
 to pursue, in order to attain the desired end, let us not take for examples 
 nations which either have no merchant marine or which are retrograding in 
 commercial importance. Let us rather study our own history to determine the 
 reasons for our former superiority, and the business methods of those nations 
 which have made the most headway in maritime affairs. 
 
 As has been shown, the prosperity of the American merchant marine has 
 been contemporaneous with a low range of tariflE taxes, while the imposition of 
 protective taxes has resulted, as effect follows cause, in a decline in our mer- 
 chant tonnage engaged in foreign trade. It is apparent, therefore, that what is 
 needed is not the application of nostrums, but the removal of the restrictions 
 which now make impossible the successful prosecution of the business. Pledged 
 to maintain the system of protection at all costs, the Republicans can offer no 
 relief worth the trial for the evils of a prostrate commerce. The 
 plan they have partly carried out, of paying mail subventions to a few favored 
 lines of steamships, would, if completely successful, add but a few thousand 
 tons to the tonnage of our merchant marine. What we need is such an oppor- 
 tunity to engage in the foreign shipping business as will in the next ten years 
 add more than a million tons to the present tonnage of our merchant marine, 
 and make the flag of our country a common sight in every seaport of the 
 world. This beneficent result is to be brought about, not by granting special 
 favors to a few individuals and corporations, but by freely giving to all the 
 opportunity to enter into the business under conditions which promise profit 
 to American energy, industry and capital. To do this the tariff must be placed 
 ijpou a revenue basis, foreign-built ships must be given American registers, and 
 . all of those materials which enter into ship construction and ship maintenance 
 must be placed upon the free list. It is true that sections 8 and 9, of the tariff 
 law of 1890, permit of the importation and use, in bond, of certain materials 
 used in the construction, equipment and repair of ships employed in foreign 
 trade, but in practice it is found that the conditions controlling the utilization 
 of this favor are so annoying, burdensome and expensive, that in the case of 
 the few vessels that are built in this country for foreign trade, it is rarely 
 thought expedient to take advantage of it. 
 
 Another plan suggested by the Republicans is, to copy the French scheme 
 of paying to all American vessels 30 cents per ton for each thousand miles 
 sailed in foreign trade. This has not produced expected results in France and 
 Italy, and there is no reason for thinking it would be any more efiicacious if ap- 
 plied in this country. It would involve the building and purchase of ships cost- 
 ing far more than they should, which when employed would depend for their 
 profitable use upon the uncertain action of Congress. Thousands who would 
 invest in shipping property if the chance of procuring low-cost ships was given 
 them would decline under such doubtful conditions, to risk their money in 
 ships, the first cost of which had been artifically enhanced ; while when the 
 
MARINE SUBSIDIES. 387 
 
 experiment proved a failure, as it unquestionably would, the Federal Govern- 
 ment would be petitioned to continue its bounty year after year, on the ground 
 that as the investments had been made in good faith the investors were entitled 
 to have their interests safe-guarded. In this way the melancholy and costly 
 relics of the blunder might be continued long after its folly had become fully 
 recognized. On the other hand, if the plan produced its proposed results, it 
 would call for a large annual appropriation, increasing in size" with the growth 
 of our merchant tonnage, and having no discernible date of ending, since the 
 trade intercourse thus established would move on stilts, which if at any time 
 knocked away, would threaten to involve it in ruin. We should thus have 
 created another vested interest to act as a leach on the TJ. S. Treasury. 
 
 We did not build up our great commerce between 1845 and 1860 by such 
 paternal methods as this, and we cannot do so now or in the future. If we 
 look abroad for a foreign copy, we should turn for suggestion to the successful 
 maritime nations of the world ; to Norway which grants not a cent of bounty, 
 but affords to its citizens, by its tariff laws, an opportunity to build vessels at 
 A low cost, or to buy them wherever they please, and to England where not the 
 least restriction upon ship construction or ship purchase exists. The people of 
 these two countries have demonstrated by their great successes in commerce, 
 .not merely the value, but the necessity of freedom of action, if maritime tri- 
 umphs upon the high seas are to be won. To turn from these brilliant ex- 
 amples of maritime prosperity for the purpose of copying the methods of the 
 Trench, the Italians and the Spanish, is as senseless as it would be to copy the 
 Chinese methods of manufacture, or the systems of banking and currency that 
 obtain in Patagonia. 
 
288 PUBLIC KXPENDITURKS. 
 
 PUBLIC EXPENDITURES. 
 
 THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY AND THE APPROPRI- 
 ATIONS FOR THE SUPPORT OF THE 
 FEDERAL GOVERNMENT. 
 
 When the Republican party took control of the Federal Government in 
 1861, it found the income and the outgo nearly balancing each other, the latter 
 then amounting to only $60,056,754. As the Hon. James G. Blaine says in his 
 " Twenty Tears of Congress," " the leaders of the Democratic party had 
 guarded the Treasury with unceasing vigilance against every attempt at ex- 
 travagance or corruption," and the result of Democratic frugality and honesty 
 was apparent in the annual revenue and expenditures. 
 
 From 1861 to date the Republican party has been in control of at least one 
 branch of Congress; and, except for four years, of the Presidency; and 
 during more than one-half of that period, it has controlled both houses of 
 Congress and the executive department of the Government. It has success- 
 fully evaded the " unceasing vigilance " of the Democratic party, and apart 
 of the result of this evasion is apparent in the $1,035,686,921.20 'appropriated 
 by its last, the 51st, or Billion Dollar, Congress. 
 
 But that is not all. The Republican party has, from time to time, enacted 
 laws which have fastened upon the public Treasury the enormous drains 
 which have made it impossible for the Democratic party, when in partial con- 
 trol of the Government, to reduce the outflow to economical proportions ; and 
 at every attempt to repeal or modify any one of those laws, the Republican 
 branch of Congress or the Republican President has interposed to prevent 
 relief to the over-taxed people. 
 
 Unable to repeal the laws which created abuses in the public expenditures, 
 the Democratic party has been reduced to the necessity of diminishing instead 
 of abolishing those abuses, by lessening the appropriations wherever this could 
 be done "without doing violence to the public faith or injuring the public 
 service. 
 
 Such savings as it has thus been able to make have been made against tha 
 earnest protest of the Republicans in Congress, and generally only after long 
 
I'Ulil.IC KXTKNIJITUUES. 289 
 
 stTuggio- between the two Houses, the DemociMW nearly always being com- 
 jielled to yield something of their cause, as in this, the 52d (longress, in order 
 to avoid a prolonged session and an unseemly conflict. 
 
 The Democrats got control of the House in the 44th Congress, and appro- 
 priated $58,197, 158. 93 less than the Republicans appropriated in the 43d Congress. 
 
 The Republicans controlled the House in the 47th Congress, and appropri- 
 ated $49,898,264.33 more than the Democrats appropriated in the 46th. 
 
 The Republicans were out of power in the House from the 47th to the 
 51st Congress, in which latter they appropriated $217,733,001.40 more than 
 the Democrats appropriated in the last preceding Congres,s. 
 
 The Record of tub Fifty seoond Con(4Ress. 
 
 In considering the appropriations made by the 52d Congress, it should be 
 borne in mind that the savings made were brought about in spite of Republican 
 resistance ; that the appropriations were made almost entirely in compliance 
 with laws heretofore enacted by Republican Congresse.s ; that the Billion Dollar 
 Congress, besides being itself extravagant, enacted laws which compel its suc- 
 cessors to make unnecessary appropriations, and that the amounts carried by 
 Die appropriation bills, as these passed the House in the first instance, were 
 largely increased by the Republican Senate. It will then appear that the 
 " unceasing vigilance " of the Democratic party, though exercised against giant 
 diiflculties, has accomplished much by way of guardinjr the Treasuiy 
 " against every attempt at extravagance or corruption." 
 
 The Billion Dollar Congress enacted laws which made necessary the follow- 
 ing appropriations by this Congress : 
 
 Foreign mails $390,290 00 
 
 Indiau dupredation claims 478,i'52 (12 
 
 Collecting sugar bounty 2S0,>90 00 
 
 Increase of judicial salaries K8,000 00 
 
 Additional clerks under new pension law 895,430 00 
 
 Mint at Phlladelpliia ti20,r.00 00 
 
 Pensions (estimated) 48,000,000 00 
 
 Diplomatic and consular oflicers' salaries 35,000 00 
 
 Redemption national-bank notes 9,500,000 00 
 
 Expenses Treasury notes 125,000 00 
 
 Refund direct tax 2a.'),000 00 
 
 Repayments to importers, debentures or drawbacks, customs 5,000,000 00 
 
 Bounty on sugar 10,000,000 00 
 
 Snag boats, Ohio river 26,000 00 
 
 Colleges for agricultural and mechanical arts 893,000 00 
 
 World-sFair 3,291,250 00 
 
 -Tolnl •. $79,527,602 62 
 
 To those expenditures for which the present Congress has been compelled 
 to appropriate may be added 1,057 new offices with salaries aggregating 
 $1,452,930.82, in addition to some 648 charged above at $695,420 ; and 1,151 
 salaries increased at an annual cost of $159,724.82,in addition to the 63 judicial 
 .salarie- charged above at $88,000, all created and made by the last Congress. 
 
 li» 
 
290 PUBLIC EXPEKDITUKES. 
 
 The Eepublioan Senate added to the bills as they passed the House the sura: 
 of $32,407,798.33; but the House succeeded In forcing the Senate to consen'. 
 that this additional amount should be reduced to $13,450,331.33, thus by " un- 
 ceasing vigilance " saving to the Treasury $18,951,466.90. 
 
 In addition lo this, over $35,700,000 of the permanent and indefinite appm- 
 priations must be charged to the action of the Billion Dollar Congress, inasmuch 
 as these appropriations were necessarily made upon the basis established by 
 the legislation of that Congress. 
 
 Remembering these things, look at (his table, which shows the estimates of 
 the amounts the Republican Treasury officials .said that this Congress ought to 
 appropriate, the amoun s it did appropriate, and the amounts appropriated by 
 the Billion Dollar Congress at its two sessions respectively, etc. : 
 
POBMO EXPENDITURES. 
 
 391 
 
 ■-■OOt-i-nOOlCO 
 
 nOT«inoe«(oioQDTH 
 
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3i)3 PUBLIC uxi'ESDrraRBS. 
 
 a iDcludes $S89, 753.50 for tbe Weather Bureau, heretofore appropriated for under the War 
 Department in sundry civil act. 
 
 b One-half of the amounts for the District of Columbia payahle by the United States, except 
 amounts for the water department (estimated for 1893 at 8403,939.46), which are payable from 
 the revenues of the water department. 
 
 c Inclndes special appropriations for ratifying agreements, together with $3,991,450 pay- 
 ment of the Choctaw and Chickasaw Nations of Indians ; in all $8,617,740.75. 
 
 d This amount includes $1,000,000, appropriated by joint resolution September 29, 1890. for 
 nickel ore or nickel matter for naval purposes. 
 
 e Includes all the expenses of the postal service payable from postal revenues and out of 
 the Treasury. 
 
 / This amount includes $985,000 estimated expenditures under indefinite appropriations 
 for pay and bounty claims. 
 
 g This amount includes $1,362,059.16 actual expenditures under indefinite appropriations 
 for pay and bounty claims, 
 
 h No estimate is included in the footings of the *' annual estimates for the public service '' 
 for rivers and harbors for 1893. The amount that can be profitably expended in that fiscal year, 
 as reported by the Chief of Engineers, is $58,064,950. (Book of Estimates, 1893, pages 803-208.) 
 
 i No general river and harbor appropriation act was passed for 1892, but an appropriation 
 of $1,000,000 for the improveraeut of the Mississippi river was made by joint resolution approved 
 AtarchS, 1891, and appropriations amounting to $1,931,300 for the improvement of certain har- 
 bors and rivers were included in the sundry civil act, making in all for 1892, $2,951,200. 
 
 j This amount is approximated and includes $2,653,000 for the World's Columbian Exhi- 
 bition. 
 
 k This amount includes $7,674,382 for pensions for fiscal year 1892. 
 
 I This amount includes $29,385,598.34 for pensions for fiscal year 1891. 
 
 m This amount includes $25,321,907.35 for pensions for fiscal year 1890. 
 
 Ti, This amount includes $15,227,000 for refund of direct taxes in addition to the specific 
 sum of $500,000 appropriated for that object. 
 
 This amount includes $1,000,000 for procuring farm mortgage and other statistics ; 
 $1,864,000 for aid to agricultural colleges ; $1,300,000 for Rock Creek Park, and $598,0,^5.81 for 
 additional clerical force for Pension and other ofilces. 
 
 p This is the amount originally submitted to Congress by the Secretary of the Treasury ae 
 estimated to be necessary under permanent specific and indefinite appropriations, except that 
 to the amount thus submitted for 1891, $101,628,453, there is added expenditures under perma- 
 nent appropriations made subsequent to said estimate as follows : Salaries, diplomatic and 
 consular officers, $27,756.79 ; redemption national banks notes, $23,563,298.50 ; expenses Ti«a- 
 sury notes. $318,363.60 ; coinage of silver bullion, $210,893.14 ; rebate tobacco tax, $770,088.39, 
 and repayment to importers and for debentures and drawbacks. $4,915,296.28 ; in all 
 .■!t29,li95,(ir8.70. 
 
 Statutohy Checks on Economy. 
 
 The foregoing table shows that this Congress appropriated $59,813,829.69 
 less than the Republican Secretary of the Treasury recommended ; 
 .•^13,245,181.52 more than was appropriated at the first session of the 51st 
 Congress ; 133,539,391.98 less than was appropriated at the second session of 
 the 51st Congress ; and |10,149,080.03 less than the average appropriated at the 
 two sessions of that Congress. 
 
 But in comparing the .appropriations of the first session of this to those of 
 the first session of the last Congress. $79,537,602.62, the excess due to the action 
 of tbe Billion Congress, must bo deducted from this year's appropriations ; and 
 compiling the amoimts appropriated by this Congress with those appropriated 
 at the second session of the last, $31,153,618, the amount of this year's River 
 and Harbor bill, must be deducted, for the rea.-ion that there was no River and 
 
PUBLIC EXPEMDITURES. 393 
 
 Harbor bill passed at the second session of the last Congress. This shows the 
 53d Congress appropriated $68,382,472.10 less than was appropriated 
 for the remaining purposes at the first session of the Billion Dollar Congress; 
 and $54,683,909.98 less than for the remaining purposes at the second session of 
 that Congress. 
 
 It is not pretended that every increase of expenditures is inexcusable, but it 
 is insisted that the Repubhcan party has imposed many wholly unjustifiable 
 burdens upon the people. But so long as the Republican party retains power 
 in any branch of the Government, the abolition of abuses will remain impos- 
 sible. Every attempt to reduce expenditures is jeered and derided by the 
 representatives of that party, and the Democracy must be content with small 
 reductions until the people shall have made a change in public servants. 
 
 The Republicans boast of their success in fastening burdens upon the people , 
 and to Democratic promises of reductions they reply, as did the Hon. Nelson 
 Dmgley, on the 5th day of August, 1893 ; " I can safely predict, Mr. Chairman, 
 Ihat they will do, that they can do, nothing of the lilnd." But they will try 
 until they can and do succeed. 
 
 Turning from the Legislative to the Executive Department, the same " un- 
 ceasing vigilance " is apparent. Excluding tiie yeai-s 1885 and 1889, because 
 each fell within two administrations, and cannot, therefore, be charged to 
 either ; and excluding, also, expenditures on account of the sinking fund, 
 interest on the public debt, premiums on loans and the purchase of bonds, 
 retirement of bonds and postal revenues, applied to the postal service, the 
 following expenditures are shown : 
 
 For the fiscal year8_]882, wm and 18S4 (Arthur Administration) $588,700,104.11)4 
 
 For the fiscal yeaiB 1886, 1887 and 1888 (Cleveland Administration) 827,03Si,646.45 
 
 For the fiscal years 189D, 1891 and 1893 (Harrison Administration) 'J01,107,9bti.:!7 
 
 Deducting from the $44,333,441.53 increase in the fiscal years 1886-7-8 the 
 payments on the Alabama awards, |5, 739,865. 35, and the increase in pension 
 disbursements, $35,935,478.94, the increase during three years of Cleveland's 
 Administration is shown to have been $3,657,697.33, while during Harrison's 
 three years the increase over the Democratic Administration was $374,075,- 
 419.82. 
 
 When the extravagance of the Republican party is brought up, the accused 
 always points to the old soldier, and says that it is for his benefit ; and this year 
 the increase of the navy and the cost of the census are made to do duty with 
 the veteran. It is important, therefore, to ascertain how much trutli there is 
 in the plea. 
 
 The expenditure for pensions during the fiscal years named has been as 
 follows : 
 
 For 1882, 1883 and 1884 , $183,786,995 65 
 
 For 1886, 1887 and 1888 318,7s;2,474 59 
 
 For 1890, 1891 and iS92 305,935,869 38 
 
 And for the increase of tlie Navy : 
 
 P6rl883,1883 and 1884 2,W7,ab3 Sk 
 
 For 1886, 1887 and 1888 4,885,148 47 
 
 For 1890, 1S91 and 1893 31,197,600 08 
 
"294 rUBMC EXI'ENDtTURES. 
 
 And for the census : 
 
 For 1883, 18S3 and 1884 1,238,091 69 
 
 For 1886, 18SV and 1888 12?,541 25 
 
 For ' 890, 1891 and 1892 "8,204,OM 19 
 
 Aggregating these sums and subtracting them from the sums total which 
 iave been given, we tind the following balances : 
 
 For 1882, 1888 and 1884 $396,583,764 20 
 
 For 1886, 1887 and 1888 403,302,388 14 
 
 For 1890, 1891 and 1892 495,770,562 74 
 
 This shows the increase of the Cleveland Administration over the Arthur 
 Administration to be $6,738,633.94, and the increase of the Harrison Adminis- 
 tration over the Cleveland Administration to be $92,468,174.60. 
 
 Deducting the amount of the payments on the Alabama awards, |5,739," 
 36.5.25, the increase during Cleveland's administration is only $999,368.69, as 
 .against the enormous increase of $92,468,174.60 under Harrison. In view of 
 this exhibit the old soldier is entitled to be mustered out of this ignoble service. 
 
 Republican extravagance and Democratic economy are the logical results 
 of the principles of taxation avowed by the two parties respectively. The 
 Republican party, through its dogma, that " the foreigner pays the tariff tax," 
 insists that the Federal revenues are derived from taxes levied upon the peoples 
 of other countries. The Government is, therefore, merely a machine, through 
 the operations of which the American people collect from foreigners and dis- 
 tribute among themselves the amounts of our customs revenues. It necessarily 
 follows that the more the Government collects and distributes, the more pros- 
 perous are the American people. 
 
 The Democratic party, on the con rary, maintains that the consumer pays 
 the tariff tax, and that the Federal Government does not derive through taxa- 
 .tion a single dollar that has not been coined from the sweat of an American 
 brow ; and that, therefore, the less that is collected and distributed, over and 
 Above the amount absolutely necessary to defray the cost of honest and 
 ■economical administration, the lighter is the burden of the American citizen. 
 
 The Democratic party, working out its theory through its President and 
 House of Representatives, having effected so much despite the fact that sub- 
 stantially all appropriations have been made, and that the Government was 
 administered, under the extravagant laws enacted by Republican Congresses, 
 now asks an opportunity to make appropriations, and to administer the Govern- 
 ment, under Democratic economical laws and according to Democratic eco- 
 nomical methods. 
 
DEMOCBACY AND LABOR. 295 
 
 DEMOCRACY AND LABOR. 
 
 OPPOSITION OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY AND 
 
 ITS CANDIDATE FOR THE PRESIDENCY TO 
 
 BILLS IN THE INTEREST OF THE 
 
 WAGE EARNERS. 
 
 From its organization to the present time, the great majority of the Demo- 
 cratic party has consisted of those who have daily worlied for their daily 
 bread, and it would, therefore, he strange, indeed, if the party's history did not 
 contain much that had been done for laboring men, 
 
 A brief review of recent labor legislation will show the records of the two 
 parties, in providing for the protection of the toiling millions. 
 
 Impoktbd Contract Labor. 
 
 The greatest difficulty that American labor has had to overcome in its 
 endeavors to improve its condition has been the competition of imported 
 laborers. For many years it was customary for employers, whenever their 
 workmen asked for belter or protested against woi'se conditions, to discharge 
 their force and to fill the vacancies with "the pauper labor of Europe," 
 brought here under contract to submit to about whatever conditions the 
 importers might choose to impose. This system owed its origin and growth 
 to an act passed by a Republican Congress in 1864. The second section of that 
 act reads : 
 
 Sec. 3. AjiU be it further enacted. That all contracts tliat shall he made hy emigrants to the 
 United States in foreign countries, in conformity to regulations that may he established hy the 
 said commissioner, whereby emigrants shall pledge the wages of their labor for a term not 
 exceeding twelve months, to repay the expenses of their emigration, shall he held to he valid in 
 law, and may be enforced in the courts of the United States or of the several States and Ter- 
 ritories ; and such advances, if so stipulated in the contract, and the contract he recorded 
 tn the recorder's office in the county where the emigrant shall settle, shall operate as a lieu 
 upon any land thereafter acquired hy the emigrant, whether under the homestead law when the 
 title is consummated, or on property otherwise acquired until liquidated hy the emigrant ; but 
 nothing herein contained shall be deemed to authorize any contract contravening the Constitu- 
 tion of the United States, or creating in any way the relation of slavery or servitude. (V. S. 
 SUts. at Large, vol. 15, 18(iS-65.) 
 
296 DEMOCRACY AND LABOU. 
 
 Under the fostering provisions of this act, the practice grew and fiouridhcd, 
 while American workmen by the thousands were turned out of American 
 workshops to look elsewhere for livsllhocd. From ihc date of this enactment 
 until its repeal by a Democratic Congress in 1885, no fewer than 6,500,000 
 immigrants went into the productive employments of the United States, tilling 
 all the industrial establishments in various localities. The effect of this upon 
 American labor ix a matter of history. 
 
 The effect upon the imported laborers may be seen in the provision-; of the 
 law itself, the language of which is so broad that Congress felt compelled to 
 insert the last clause, in order to disavow the purpose so plainly contained in 
 what precedes it. 
 
 The Republican parly kept that law on the statute books for twenty -one 
 years ; nithin that time many attempts were made to repeal it, but at the 
 instance of [he protected owners of the Republican party, successful resistance 
 was always made. Even Senator Wilson, of Mass., was unable to .get a hearing 
 for his bills, introduced in 1869 and 1870. Objection was made to their con- 
 sideration, and they were referred to Republican committees, wh jre they died. 
 But a Democratic House succeeded in repealing this obnoxious statute. On 
 June 19, 1884, the House pas.sed Hon. Martin A. Foran's bill prohibiting the 
 importation of laborers under contract. The Republican Senate held the bill 
 until the following February, when, the people having elected a Democratic 
 President and a Democratic House, it was reluctantly taken up and passed, 
 much to the displeasure of the protected manufacturers, who had greatly pro- 
 fited by the provisions of the Republican statute. 
 
 The Democratic statute provides penalties for its violation, and during the 
 Democratic administration the law was strictly enforced, the President even 
 writing per.sonal letters to the district attorneys, in which he insisted upon 
 their giving attention to the subject. The President and the Secretary of the 
 Treasmy both urged amendments to the act, to make it more effective They 
 asked especially for appropriations to. enable them to enforce the law, and for 
 power to return any person who, in violation of its provisions, might succeed 
 in getting into the country and who should sub,--equently be detected. 
 
 EiGUT-iiouR Legislation. 
 
 The first eight-hour law was introduced by Mr. Rogers, Democrat, of New- 
 Jersey, in 1866. The Congress was Republican and the bill was laid away and 
 never considered. 
 
 Mr. Niblack, Democrat, of Indiana, introduced a joint resolution in the 
 Thirty-ninth Congress, which was Republican, declaring eight hours a day's 
 work in the Government service. This, too, died in committee. 
 
 March 14, 1867, Mr. Julian, Democrat, of Indiana, re-introduced the Rogers 
 bill. Mr. Holman asked for its consideration, but this also went to the Judici- 
 ary Committee, where it remained. 
 
 In 1867, General Banks, Republican, also introduced an eight-hour bill, 
 which passed the House, but was hung up in .Tohu Sherman's Finance Com- 
 mittee in the Senate 
 
DEMOCRACY AND LABOK 297 
 
 In 1«68. General Banks got an eight-hour law through the House am! 
 Thomas A. Hendricks got it through the Senate, against the protest of John 
 Sherman and other Republicans. 
 
 Senator Sherman declared, after the passage of the bill, that its title -hould 
 be changed to "A bill to pay Government employees 25 per cent, more wages 
 than employees in private establishments receive." 
 
 The following act originated in the. present Democratic Hou.se, and became 
 a law August 1, 1892 : 
 
 An Act relating to the limitation of tlie lioura of daily Burvice of laborer}^ and mechanics 
 employed upon the public vorks of the United States and of the Bistiict of Columbia. 
 
 Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America 
 in CongresB assembled, That the service and employment of all laborers and mechanicp who 
 are now or may hereafter be employed by the Government of the United States, by the District 
 of Columbia, or by any contractor or sub-contractor upon any of the public w orks of the United 
 States or of the said District of Columbia, is hereby limited and restricted to eight hours in 
 any one calendar day, and it shall be unlawful for any officer ot the United States Government 
 or of the District of Columbia or any such contractor or sub-contractor whose duty it shall be 
 to employ, direct, or control the aervicee of such laborers or mechanics to require or permit 
 any such laborer or mechanic to worlc more than eight hours in any calendar day eicept in 
 case of extraordinary emergency. 
 
 Sdc. S. That any officer or agent of the Uovernment of the United States or of the District 
 . of Columbia, or any contractor or sub-contractor whose duty it shall be to employ, direct, or 
 control any laborer or mechanic employed upon any of the public works of the United States 
 or of the District of Columbia who shall intentionally violate any provision of ttiis act, shall 
 be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and for each and every such offense shall upon conviction 
 be punished by a fine not to exceed one thousand dollars or by imprisonment for not more 
 than six months, or by both such fine and imprisonment, in the discretion of the court having 
 jurisdiction thereof. 
 
 Sec. .3. The provisions of this act shall not be f-o construed as to in any manner apply 
 to orafEect contractors or sub-contractors, or to limit the hours of daily service of laborers or 
 mechanics engaged upon the public works of the United States or of the District of CuUimbia 
 for which contracts have been entered into prior to the passage of this act. 
 
 The history of the enforcement of the law of 1868, down to the time of 
 the Democratic Administration, is very interesting, but it must be briefly told. 
 The Republican officials determined that the law should be a dead letter ; 
 they, therefore, reduced wages whenever they reduced the hours of labor. 
 The House passed a resolution, April 8, 1869, declaring against this practice, 
 and Senator Wilson addressed a letter to the Secretary of War in which he 
 protested against the construction put upon the law. The House resolution 
 was allowed to lie in the Senate until the next session, when Senator Morrill 
 called it up and offered an amendment repealing the eight-hour law. In May, 
 1869, President Grant issued an order requiring subordinate officers to allow 
 a full day's wages for eight hours' work, but this order was wholly disre- 
 garded. In May, 1872, the President is.sued a similar order, which, likewise, 
 was without effect. 
 
 Thi«, in brief, is the histoiy. But when the Democratic Administration 
 came into power, the law was put into opcrulion, and it was faithfully enforced 
 while that Administration was in office. 
 
DEMOCRACY AND LABOK. 
 
 Other Democratic MEASDREf. 
 
 No separate Committee on Labor was appointed in the House until tlie 
 Forty-eighth Congress, which was Democratic, though such a committee had 
 been asked for in Republican Congresses. That committee reported nine 
 measures in the interest of labor : 
 
 1 — A bill to establish a bureau of labor ; 2 — The bill to prohibit the impor- 
 tation of contract labor ; 3 — A bill to enforce the eight hour law ; 4 — A joint 
 resolution requiring the employment of citizens of the United States on gov- 
 ernment work ; 5 — Resolution to amend the constitution to prohibit the hiring 
 out of convicts by the State ; 6 — A bill to prohibit the hiring out of United States 
 prisoners ; 7 — A bill granting leave of absence to employees of the government 
 printing office ; 8 — A bill to grant leave of absence to letter-carriers ; 9 — A bill 
 to make effective the prohibition of Chinese immigration, etc. 
 
 Most of these either became laws during that and subsequent Congresses in 
 which the House was Democratic, or owed their failure to do so to a Repub- 
 lican Senate. 
 
 In the Fiftieth Congress, on motion of Hon. J, .T. O'Neill, of Missouri, the 
 following was added to an appropriation bill. 
 
 ' ' The public printer is hereby directed to rigidly enforce the provisions of 
 the eight-hour law in the department under his charge." 
 
 In the same Democratic House the Labor Committee got through a law to 
 establish a department of labor, and a law to limit the work of letter-carriers 
 to eight hours. 
 
 That Democratic House passed and sent to the Republican Senate, where 
 the bills were killed, the following ; 
 
 1 — A bill to prevent the use of the products of convict labor in the depart- 
 ments and in public works ; 3 — A bill to prevent the employment of alien labor 
 by the Government or on public works ; 3— A bill to protect the wages of 
 mechanics, laborers and servants ; 4— A bill to create a board of arbitration 
 between transportation companies and their employees ; 5 — A bill to confine 
 the sale of the products of convict labor to the States in which Ihey are 
 produced. 
 
 The Democratic House in the present, the Fifty-second, Congress parsed 
 these measures : 
 
 1 — The eight-hour law, which has been set out in full ; 3 — A bill to compel 
 fommon carriers engaged in inter-state commerce to equip their cars with 
 automatic couplers and continuous brakes, and their locomotives with driving- 
 wheel brakes ; 3 — A bill to equalize the privileges and advantages of labor laws 
 among the employees of the various departments of the Government ; 4 — A 
 joint resolution providing for an investigation liy the Commissioner of Labor 
 into the conditions of labor in the slums of cities having 200,000 or more 'in- 
 habitants ; 5 — A provision of law condemnatory of the Pinuerton armed de- 
 tective system ; 6 — A Chinese exclusion law. 
 
 There is on the House calendar a bill to exclude political influence in the 
 employment of laborers under the authority of the United States ; and pending 
 in Committee of the Whole House on the State of the Union : 1— A resolution 
 
DEMOCUAOY AND LABOR. i'M> 
 
 for the compilation of laws relating to inter-state commerce and tl:c labor laws 
 of the various States and Territories, and of the District of Columbia ; 3 — A 
 resolution providing for the collection of statistics relating to the effects of 
 machinery on labor. In the committees there are many measures of interest 
 to labor, and these will receive attention as rapidly as they can be reached. 
 
 The importance of the bill relating to the brakes and car couplers to be used 
 by common carriers engaged in inter-state commerce can hardly be overesti- 
 mated, but the Republican Senate's estimate of it can be appreciated when it 
 is known that the measure has been quietly sleeping in a committee room of 
 that body for several months, without even a prospect of being brought out. 
 The whole number of employees engaged in handling trains in inter-state com- 
 merce during the year ended June 30, 1890, was 153,335, of whom 1,459 were 
 killed and to whom 13,117 injuries resulted from accidents. Of those killed, 
 369 met death in coupling cars and 7,841 accidents occurred in the same haz- 
 ardous occupation. Where the automatic couplers were iu use, the fatal acci- 
 <ients averaged only one for 1,700,000 passengers carried, and the injuries only 
 one for 200,000 carried. 
 
 It is, therefore, manifestly the duty of these carriers to equip their trains 
 with the most approved safety appliances ; ii,nd it is equally manifest that, fail- 
 ing to perform that duty, they should be compelled to perform it, as the Dem- 
 ocratic House has endeavored to compel them. 
 
 Rkcokd 01'' THE Billion Dollar Congrksp. 
 
 The Fifty-first Congress, Republican in both branches, did nothing for 
 labor, though it did much against its interests. For the purpose of having 
 .something to show to the workingman by way of inducement to vote the Re- 
 publican ticket, the House, prior to the election of 1890, passed five bills which 
 related to the subject of labor. 
 
 These bills went to the Senate, where they were pending when the election 
 was held. They were used by the Republican press and stump speakers all 
 over the country to show the Republican party's devotion to the American 
 workingman. But, the election over, the Republican Congress, at its second 
 session, treated all these measures with contempt, and not one of them suc- 
 ceeded in becoming a law. 
 
 Chinese Exclusion. 
 
 The importation of coolie labor was given great encouragement and " pro- 
 tection " by the Republican imported Contract Labor Law of 1864, and it pros- 
 pered wonderfully. Indeed, it nearly filled some of the "Western States with 
 Chinese immigrants, and would have filled them entirely but for the action of 
 a Democratic House of Representatives. The efforts to restrict this immigra- 
 tion began in 1869, in which year, December 6, Senator Williams, Oregon, 
 introduced a bill to regulate it, and to prevent the importation of Chinamen 
 under contract. Upon motion of Senator Zach. Chandler, this bill was 
 indefinitely postponed. 
 
300 DEMOCBACy AND LABOU. 
 
 In January, ISTO, Representative Johnson, California, iotroduced a joint 
 resolution to restrict the immigration, but the Republican Conimiltee refused 
 to report it to the House ; and it died. 
 
 June 6, 1870, Senator Stewart, Nevada, introduced a bill to prohibit con- 
 tracts for servile labor ; defeated. 
 
 Jime 7, Representative Sargent, C'alifornia, introduced a .sinjilar bill in ihe 
 House ; never reported from the committee. 
 
 July 9, 1S70, Representative Cake, Pennsylvania, introduced a resolution 
 against the importation of Chinese coolies under contract, and directing an in- 
 Testigation of the .subject ; died in committee. 
 
 July 7, 1870, Representative Mungen, Ohio, introduced a resolution for the 
 protection of American labor against the Chinese ; killed in committee. 
 
 December 18, 1871, Representative Coughlan, California, introduced a bill 
 to prohibit contracts for servile labor ; referred to Committee on the Judiciary, 
 which committee was subsequently discharged from further consideration, the 
 bill being then referred to another committee, which reported a substitute. 
 This substitute was recommitted, and it has ever since been awaiting the resur- 
 rection. 
 
 April 30, 1872, Senator Cassorly, California, introduced a bill to prohibit 
 contracts for servile labor and to amend and enforce the laws relating to the 
 coolie trade ; died in committee. 
 
 In 1879, a bill limiting to fifteen the number of Chinese immigrants that 
 might be transported by vessels on each trip passed the House. 104 Democrats 
 and 51 Republicans voting for it ; 56 Republicans and 16 Bemocrats against it. 
 In the Senate it received 23 affirmative Democratic votes, 19 Republican, and 
 ene Independent. Against it were 20 Republicans and 8 Democrats. 
 
 Mr. R. B. Hayes, who was then in the White House, returned the bill to 
 the House with his veto. 
 
 Upon the question of passing the measure over the veto, the vote stood : 
 Yeas— Democrats, 88 : Republicans, 22. Total. 110. Nays— Republicans, 81; 
 Democrats, l.~). Total, 96. So the bill, not receiving two-thtrds, did not 
 pass. 
 
 Tlie opposition to these bills and resolutious was re-iled mainly upon the 
 ground that they would be violations of the treaty between the United .States 
 and the Chinese government. 
 
 In September, 1880, a new treaty was negotiated, bj' which the United 
 States were given the right to restrict this immigration. Accordingly, in 1882, 
 a bill providing for the exclusion of the Chinese for a term of twenty years 
 was sent to the President. In the House the vote was ; Yea.s — Democrats, 98 ; 
 Greenbackers, 8; Republicans, 61. Total, 167. Nay.s — Republicans, 02; 
 Democrats, 4. Total, 66. In the Senate it was : Yeas — Democrats, 31 ; 
 Republicans, 6. Total, 37. Nays — Democrats, none ; Republicans, 28 : Inde- 
 pendent, 1. Total, 29. 
 
 The President vetoed the bill, and upon the question of passing it over the 
 veto, the senators voted just as they did vipon the original passage of the lueas- 
 ure. 
 
 Thereupon a new bill, in which the term of exclusion was limited I'.i ten 
 years, was pushed through. Upon this the vole in Ihe House was : Yi-a.-i — 
 
l)EMOC:HACY AND LABOR. 'Ml 
 
 Democrats, 103 ; Republicans, 91 ; Greenbackera, 7. Total, 201. Nays— Re- 
 publicans 34 ; Democrats, 3. Total. 37. In the Senate : Yeas— Democrats, 31 ; 
 Republicans, 9. Total, 40. Nayes— Republicans 34 ; Demofrats, none ; Inde- 
 pendent. 1, Total, 35. 
 
 This measure became tlie Act of May 6, 1H82, commonly known as the 
 Chinese Exclusion Act. 
 
 The Republican federal juda-es in California held that Chinamen who were 
 subjects of countries other than China were not subject to the restrictions of 
 this act, and thereupon the law of July, 1884, was passed for the purpose of 
 remedying this defect in the statute. 
 
 March 16, 1888, President Cleveland sent lo the Senate for consideration a 
 treaty by the terms of which Chinese laborers were to be excluded for a term 
 of twenty years ; and, in case that neither party gave notice six months before 
 the end of the term of its desire to terminate the treiity, the exclusion was to 
 continue twenty years longer. 
 
 To this treaty the Senate made two amendments, which did not affect 
 the substance of the convention, but, the Chinese government failing to ratify 
 it as amended, the Act of Octof)er 1, 1888, was passed. This act, known as the 
 Scott law, excluded all Chinese laborers who were absent from the country 
 when the law took efiect, whether such laborers had ever been in the country 
 or not, declaring void all certificates of identity theretofore issued and piovid- 
 ing that no more should be given. 
 
 The existing laws being about to expire by limitation, the House passed a 
 bill, April 4, 1893, providing for the absolute exclusion of all Chines- persons. 
 In the Senate this bill was modified so that its effect was to extend, for a terra 
 of ten years, all the laws then in force prohibiting and regulating Cninese im- 
 migration ; and, as amended by the Senate and in the committee of conference, 
 it became the Act of May o, 1892, entitled " An act to prohibit the coming oi 
 C!hinc8c persons into the United States." Such, after many vicissitudes, is the 
 present state of the law. 
 
 Harhison's Chinese Record. 
 
 It would be unjust to President Harrison to omit particular leterence to liis 
 connection with a subject which is of such vital importance to the Pacific coast 
 and which is of such great interest to the whole country. 
 
 In 1880, Daniel M. Ransdell, at present marshal of the District of Columbia, 
 by appointment of President Harrison, was clerk of a court in Marion county, 
 the county in which Indianapolis is situated, in Indiana. The election of 
 members of the Legislature which was to elect a United States Senator was 
 coming on, Benjamin Harrison was a candidate for the Senatorship, and the 
 legislative election promised to be close. Political enterprise suggested to Mr. 
 Harrison's friends the naturalization of the Chinamen in the city, in order that 
 the Republican vote might be somewhat increased. 
 
 There was very grave doubt whether these Mongolians were eligible to citizen- 
 ship under the law, but Mr. Harrison and other more or less astute lawyers 
 and politicians of Republican faith deciding that they were, papers were issued 
 to five of them by Mr. Harrison's friend, Ransdel I ; and at the succeeding election. 
 
302 DEMOCRACY AND LABOH. 
 
 October o, 1880, two of these new-fangled citizens cast their ballots for tlie 
 Republican candidates, swearing their votes in in spile of the challenges that 
 were urged by Democrats. The three other newly-made. Republicans did not 
 vote, so far as is known. 
 
 The legislature was Republican, and Mr. Harrison was sent to the United 
 States Senate, taking his seat March 4, 1881. In grateful remembrance of the 
 support which he had received, he made for himself this record : 
 
 1. On March 8, 1882. Senator Hoar introduced the following amendment 
 to the Exclusion Act, then pending : " Provided, That this bill shall not apply 
 to any skilled laborer who shall establish that he comes to this countrj' without 
 any contract by which his labor is the property of any per,?on other than him- 
 self." 
 
 Seventeen Republican Senators, including Senator Harrison, voted aye. 
 
 2. Oq the same day Senator Hoar offered the following : 
 
 " Provided, That any laborer who shall receive a certificate from the U. S. 
 Consul at the port where he shall embark that he is an artisan coming to this 
 country at his own expense and of his own free will, and has established such 
 fact to the satisfaction of such consul, shall not be affected by this bill." 
 
 Benjamin Harrison and nineteen other Republican Senators voted aye. 
 
 8. On March 9, 1882, upon an amendment offered by Senator Farley, of 
 California, to prohibit the naturalization of Chinese, Benjamin Harrison, of 
 Indiana, is recorded as dodging, although on April 25 following he voted 
 against this amendment. 
 
 The same policy was pursued on the same day on a proposition submitted 
 by Senator Grover, of Oregon, to make the term " Chinese Laborers" include- 
 all Chinese, whether skilled or unskilled. 
 
 4. On the same day, March 9, 1882, Senator Ingalls, of Kansas, offered an 
 amendment changing the term of exclusion from twenty to ten yeare. M*-. 
 Harrison was absent, but paired with Mr. Maxey, of Texas (Democrat), who, 
 before the vote was taken, rose in his place in the Senate and said : 
 
 Mr. Maxey — On this particular amendment I am paired witli the Senator from Indian^i 
 (Mr. Harrison), wlio is necessarily absent. I would vote " nay " if he were here, and the Sen- 
 ator from Indiana would vote " aye." ' 
 
 This is of course equivalent to a vote in favor of this amendment. Twenty 
 Senators, all Republicans, voted for the amendment, and twenty-one, all Dem- 
 ocrats, except four, voted against it. 
 
 5. Again, on the same day, March 9, 1882, when the vote was taken on the 
 final passage of the twenty years exclusion act, Senator Harrison was still 
 absent. When his name was called. Senator Maxey, of Texas, again rose and 
 said . 
 
 Mr. Maiey— I was paired with the Senator from Indiana (Mr. Harrison) on the ten years' 
 amendment. In the note which he wrote me he said if that amendment should be voted down 
 he would vote against the bill. I am inclined to think that under that statement he would 
 regard it as a pair upon the bill, because the amendment was voted down, and therefore I shall 
 decline to vote. I should vote for the bill, and he, from the statement made to me, would vote 
 against it. 
 
 Thus did Benjamin^Harrisoii, even during a temporary absence from the 
 Senate, still insist upon carrying out his scheme to promote the unrestricted 
 
DEMOCRACY AND LABOR 30S 
 
 importation of servile labor. This was his way of "protecting" American 
 labor even when it would have been possible for him to have dodged. 
 
 The bill was passed by a vote of thirty-five ayes, all but eight of which 
 were cast by Democratic Senators, to fifteen nays, only one of which was 
 cast by a man who had been chosen as a Democrat. 
 
 6. On April 5, 1882, while Senator Farley proposed 1o take up President 
 Arthur's veto of the Chinese Restriction bill, twenty-five Republican Senators 
 voted against it, among them appearing the name of Benjamin Harrison, of 
 Indiana. 
 
 7. At the same session Senator Sherman moved that the bill be referred to^ 
 the Committee on Foreign Relations, there to be smothered. Only eighteen 
 Republican Senators voted for thi.s, but among them appears the name of 
 Benjamin Harrison, of Indiana. 
 
 8. On the same day, again, the motion to refer the President's veto message, 
 with accompanying papers, to the Committee on Foreign Relations, in order to 
 kill it, was voted for by nineteen Republican Senators. As usual, the name of 
 Benjamin Harrison is found with them. 
 
 9. On the same day, on the question of passing the bill, notwithstanding tht- 
 objections of the President, twenty-one Republican Senators voted " nay." 
 Among them, consistent to the last in favor of the free and unrestricted im- 
 portation of the Chinese hordes, stands the name of Benjamin Harrison, of 
 Indiana. 
 
 10. On April 35, 1882, a new b 11 to prohibit Chinese immigration for ten 
 years, was introduced in the Senate, and on motion to strike out Section 14, 
 which provided that 
 
 " Hereafter no State Court or Court of the Uuit'd States shall admit ChlneBe to citizen- 
 ship, and all laws in conflict with this act are hereby repealed," 
 
 the vote was 26 ayes, 32 nays and 18 absent. 
 
 Benjamin Harrison voted aye, and thus declared himself in favor of the 
 policy he had promoted in his own city in 1880, when five Chinamen were 
 naturalized upon his recommendation and advice, in orderthatthey might vote 
 for the Republican candidates for State offices and thus save some of Dorsey's 
 "soap." 
 
 11. In the new Restriction bill, as in the old one, the following amendment 
 was proposed 
 
 " Sec. 15. That the words Chinese laborers, wherever used in this act, shall be construed to 
 mean both skilled and unskilled laborers and Chinese employed in mining." 
 
 Twenty-nine Republican Senators voted, on April 35, 1882, in favor of 
 striking out this amendment, which was adopted by a majority of one. 
 
 As usual, Benjamin Harrison was found among the advocates of the un- 
 restricted importation of cheap labor by the creation of a condition whereby 
 it might be brought in. 
 
 12. When this provision was reported to the Senate from the Committee of 
 the Whole on April 28, Mr. Harrison again voted with nineteen of his Re- 
 publican colleagues in favor of this loophole for the introduction of cheap 
 labor. 
 
304 DEMOCRACY AND I.ABOK. 
 
 13. On April 38, Senator Edmunds moved the following amondment . 
 
 " The words Chinese laborers, wherever need in the act, shall be construed to mean per- 
 fons usually engaged in manual labor." 
 
 Seventeen Republican Senators voted in favor of this construction of the 
 bill, among whom appears the name of Benjamin Harrison, of Indiana. 
 
 14. On the same day Senator Edmunds moved to strike out the section pro- 
 iiibiting absolutely the provision forbidding the naturalization of the Chinese, 
 and to insert this in lieu of it : 
 
 " Xothing in this act shall be construed to change the existing naturalization laws so as to 
 admit Cbineso persons to citizenship." 
 
 Senator Harrison's record on the naturalization question had been made 
 up. He had given an opinion to the effect that Chinamen could be natural- 
 ized under the Ihav.s as they then existed. With 1.5 other Republican Senators 
 he voted aye. 
 
 15. On April 28, 1882. the vote was taken on the final passage of the bill, 
 and, of course, Senator Harrison voted no. 
 
 16. When the Act of July, 1884, extending the Act of 18.'-2 to Chinese 
 who were subjects of countries other than China, came before the Senate. 
 Senator Harrison dodged the vote. 
 
 The President was always a free-trader — in Chinese coolies ; and he utilized 
 the imports, by dividing them into blocks of five and voting as many as possible 
 for the Republican ticket. 
 
BISECTION FIGURES. 
 
 305 
 
 ELECTION FIGURES. 
 
 Vote for Representatives in Fifty-second Congress, 1 890. 
 
 States akd Tbbkitokies.* 
 
 a 
 
 t-l 
 o 
 o 
 
 i 
 
 a 
 
 85,854 
 6,137 
 69,788 
 
 117,361 
 34,736 
 67,888 
 17,848 
 29,804 
 88,128 
 8,026 
 
 342,042 
 
 239,368 
 
 194,833 
 26,717 
 
 118,684 
 59,801 
 45,831 
 99,848 
 
 137,079 
 
 188,649 
 86,943 
 49,154 
 
 254,736 
 
 15,411 
 
 90,833 
 
 5,536 
 
 42,865 
 
 128,417 
 17,206 
 
 600,395 
 
 141,606 
 14,830 
 
 361,638 
 
 3,446 
 
 30,263 
 
 430,371 
 18,723 
 58,765 
 35,394 
 
 105,816 
 
 264,333 
 17,565 
 
 135,978 
 22,831 
 78,924 
 
 161,901 
 6,219 
 
 S 
 
 it 
 
 V3 CD 
 CO O 
 
 i 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 P 
 
 P 
 
 i 
 
 ALABAMA 
 
 76,844 
 20,300 
 
 ' 5,267 
 
 ' 6,698 
 4,649 
 4,730 
 63,924 
 10,053 
 954 
 
 '8,Bi8 
 34,570 
 
 4i,m 
 
 ' i',529 
 49,9i2 
 
 82,320 
 
 4,941 
 
 42,550 
 
 128,061 
 
 43,118 
 
 63,701 
 
 17,180 
 
 15,209 
 
 16,737 
 
 10,180 
 
 311,320 
 
 216,768 
 
 185,'; 73 
 
 133,683 
 
 , 64,510 
 
 12,773 
 
 63,578 
 
 79,800 
 
 133,194 
 
 177,033 
 
 98,316 
 
 13,553 
 
 184,337 
 
 16,138 
 
 72,879 
 
 6,610 
 
 41,378 
 
 114,808 
 
 15,143 
 
 421,403 
 
 106,658 
 
 21,385 
 
 362,690 
 
 4,478 
 
 40,176 
 
 467,742 
 
 16,941 
 
 14,479 
 
 69,409 
 
 79,613 
 
 58,063 
 
 35,228 
 
 47,235 
 
 39,153 
 
 69,631 
 
 128,179 
 
 9,078 
 
 ' 6,199 
 
 1,054 
 
 3,250 
 
 138 
 
 15,458 
 10,139 
 
 1,427 
 345 
 
 6,395 
 
 ' 3,io6 
 
 3,977 
 
 9,764 
 
 21,237 
 
 5,500 
 
 ■ ' 'm 
 
 ' 3,85i 
 
 ' l',i86 
 8,425 
 
 32,666 
 1,890 
 
 si'soi 
 
 ' 2,86B 
 13,707 
 1,543 
 
 ' 8,683 
 
 ■ 3,136 
 
 2,819 
 
 9.57 
 
 10,483 
 
 4,m 
 '767 
 
 4,713 
 
 3,163 
 3,794 
 
 
 AEIZONA 
 
 1,343 
 'b58 
 
 23,492 
 
 b',998 
 
 ARKANSAS 
 
 CALIE'OKNIA 
 
 COLORADO . . 
 
 CONNECTICUT 
 
 DELAWARE 
 
 FLORIDA 
 
 GEORGIA 
 
 IDAHO 
 
 ILLINOIS 
 
 INDIANA 
 
 IOWA 
 
 KANSAS 
 
 KENTUCKY 
 
 LOUISIANA 
 
 MAINE 
 
 MARYLAND 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 MICHIGAN 
 
 MINNESOTA 
 
 MISSISSIPPI 
 
 MISSOURI 
 
 MONTANA 
 
 NEBRASKA 
 
 NEVADA 
 
 NEW HAMPSHIRE 
 
 NEW JERSEY 
 
 NEW MEXICO 
 
 NEW YORK 
 
 NORTH CAROLINA 
 
 NORTH DAKOTA 
 
 OHIO 
 
 OKLAHOMA 
 
 OREGON 
 
 P'RTSTNaYT.VANIA . . . 
 
 RHODE ISLAND 
 
 SOUTH CAROLINA 
 
 SOTTTH DAKOTA 
 
 TENNESSEE 
 
 TEXAS 
 
 VERMONT 
 
 VIRGINIA 
 
 WASHINGTON 
 
 WEST VIRGINIA 
 
 WISCONSIN 
 
 WYOMING 
 
 TOTAL 
 
 5,043,140 
 
 97,150 
 
 230,343 
 
 4,382,923 
 
 198,880 
 
 15,833 
 
 31,288 
 
 * Delegates from Territories. 
 30 
 
 t Including 5,998 Socialistic Laljor Party in New Yorlj. 
 
306 
 
 BLECTION FIGURES. 
 
 Total, Democratic Vote (including that combined witli Farmers' Alliance in Kansas 
 
 and Minnesota*) 5,083,898 
 
 Total Sepublican Vote 4,282,922 
 
 Democratic Majority over BepuUioan Vote 800,3?6 
 
 Combined Anti-Mepublican Vote 5,615,124 
 
 Total Sepublican Vote 4,282^922 
 
 Bepublican Party in. a Minority of 1,332,202 
 
 Total Democratic Vote 5,083,298 
 
 Combined Vote for other than Regular Democratic Candidates 4,814,748 
 
 Democratic Majority over all 268,550 
 
 The New Apportionment. 
 
 Under the act to apportion Representatives in Congress among tlie States 
 under the Federal Census of population in 1890, which passed Congress and 
 was approved February 7, 1891, the whole number of Representatives after 
 March 4, 1893, will be 356. In accordance with the act, the several States will 
 be represented in the lower House of the Fifty-third Congress by the number 
 of members stated in the first column, and consequently be entitled to the 
 number of Presidential electoral votes stated in the second column below. 
 
 States. 
 
 "i 
 .11 
 
 is 
 
 as 
 
 Electoral Votes in 
 the Next Presiden- 
 tial Election. 
 
 States. 
 
 a 
 
 I! 
 m 
 §■1 
 
 Ws ■ 
 
 >fi.2 
 
 Ar.ATtAMA 
 
 9 
 6 
 7 
 2 
 
 \ 
 2 
 
 11 
 
 1 
 
 22 
 
 13 
 
 11 
 
 8 
 
 11 
 
 6 
 
 4 
 
 6 
 
 13 
 
 12 
 
 7 
 
 7 
 
 16 
 
 r 
 
 11 
 8 
 9 
 4 
 
 3 
 4 
 18 
 3 
 
 24 
 IB 
 13 
 ID 
 13 
 8 
 6 
 8 
 15 
 14 
 9 
 9 
 17 
 3 
 
 NEBRASKA 
 
 6 
 
 1 
 2 
 8 
 
 34 
 9 
 1 
 
 21 
 2 
 
 30 
 2 
 7 
 2 
 
 10 
 
 13 
 2 
 
 10 
 2 
 4 
 
 10 
 1 
 
 8 
 
 AEKANSAS 
 
 NEVADA . . 
 
 
 CALIPOKNIA 
 
 NEW HAMPSHIRE.... 
 NEW JERSEY 
 
 
 COLOEADO 
 
 10 
 
 CONNECTICUT 
 
 NEW YORK 
 
 36 
 
 DELAWARE 
 
 FLORIDA 
 
 NORTH CAROLINA... 
 
 NORTH DAKOTA 
 
 OHIO . . . 
 
 11 
 3 
 
 GEORGIA 
 
 
 IDAHO 
 
 OREGON 
 
 4 
 
 ILLINOIS .... 
 
 PENNSYLVANIA 
 
 RHODE ISLAND 
 
 SOUTH CAROLINA... 
 
 SOUTH DAKOTA 
 
 TENNESSEE 
 
 TEXAS 
 
 VERMONT 
 
 VIRGINIA 
 
 WASHINGTON 
 
 WEST VIRGINIA .... 
 
 WISCONSIN 
 
 WYOMING . . 
 
 32 
 
 INDIANA. 
 
 IOWA 
 
 9 
 4 
 
 KANSAS 
 
 KENTUCKY 
 
 LOUISIANA 
 
 MAINE 
 
 15 
 4 
 
 12 
 4 
 6 
 
 12 
 3 
 
 MARYLAND 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 MICHIGAN 
 
 MINNESOTA 
 
 MISSISSIPPI 
 
 MISSOURI 
 
 TOTAL 
 
 MONTANA 
 
 356 
 
 444 
 
 
 
 Electorc 
 
 necessary to a choice 323 
 
 * To obtain the Democratic proportion of the vote which was combined with that of tbe 
 Farmers' Alliance in three districts in Kansas, the vote given in those districts for the Demo- 
 cratic candidate for Govemer has been eliminated. It was 28,464, and that may be taken ap- 
 proximately as the Democratic part of the combined vote for Congressmen. By a similar 
 process the Democratic part of the combined vote in one district in Minnesota ie found to be 
 approximately 13,694. 
 
ELECTION FIGURES. 
 
 307 
 
 Popular and Electoral Vote for President, 1 884. 
 
 States. 
 
 Alabama 
 
 Arkansas 
 
 California 
 
 Colorado 
 
 Connecticnt 
 
 Delaware , 
 
 Florida 
 
 Georgia 
 
 Illinois 
 
 Indiana 
 
 Iowa 
 
 Kansas 
 
 Kentucky 
 
 Louisiana 
 
 Maine 
 
 Maryland 
 
 Massachusetts . . 
 
 Michigan 
 
 Minnesota 
 
 Mississippi 
 
 Missouri 
 
 Nebraska 
 
 Nevada 
 
 New Hampshire 
 
 New Jersey 
 
 New York -.. 
 
 North Carolina. 
 Ohio ...... ... 
 
 Oregon 
 
 Pennsylvania. . . 
 Bhode Island. . . 
 South Carolina. 
 
 Tennessee 
 
 Texas 
 
 Vermont 
 
 Virginia 
 
 West Virginia.. 
 Wisconsin 
 
 Total 
 
 Pluralities 
 
 Popular Vote. 
 
 98,973 
 
 78,987 
 
 89,-.i88 
 
 87,603 
 
 67,188 
 
 16,976 
 
 31,769 
 
 94,653 
 
 318,584 
 
 844,998 
 
 177,316 
 
 90,138 
 
 l.''.8,9Cl 
 
 68,646 
 
 51,6.i6 
 
 96,866 
 
 133,358 
 
 189,361 
 
 70,065 
 
 76,510 
 
 836,98-) 
 
 64,391 
 
 5,57« 
 
 .39,187 
 
 187,778 
 
 563,048 
 
 )48,9.i8 
 
 368,386 
 
 34,604 
 
 398,785 
 
 li!,391 
 
 69,764 
 
 138,870 
 
 883.679 
 
 17,831 
 
 145,497 
 
 67,317 
 
 146,459 
 
 pq 
 
 69,144 
 
 50,895 
 
 108,416 
 
 86,166 
 
 65,898 
 
 1.3,053 
 
 28,031 
 
 47,692 
 
 3.37,411 
 
 238,480 
 
 1(IT,089 
 
 154,406 
 
 118,128 
 
 46,.'i47 
 
 71,716 
 
 85,748 
 
 14r.,784 
 
 193,669 
 
 111,685 
 
 43,609 
 
 203,929 
 
 76,903 
 
 7,193 
 
 43,360 
 
 133,366 
 
 668,001 
 
 186,068 
 
 400,083 
 
 26,810 
 
 473,804 
 
 19,030 
 
 31,733 
 
 184,090 
 
 91,701 
 
 39,614 
 
 139,8"i6 
 
 63,096 
 
 161,167 
 
 4,911,017 4,848,334 
 68,683 
 
 
 763 
 1,847 
 2.017 
 1,961 
 1,685 
 10 
 
 ■"135 
 10,849 
 8,893 
 
 i6,.?4i 
 
 1,693 
 
 120 
 
 3,994 
 
 - 578 
 
 24,383 
 
 763 
 
 3,.583 
 
 26 
 
 562 
 
 3,466 
 
 17,003 
 
 ' 5',i76 
 736 
 
 17,00:i 
 4-2 
 
 957 
 
 3,381 
 
 786 
 
 806 
 4,598 
 
 133,8.i5 
 
 
 610 
 
 3,930 
 
 768 
 
 8,494 
 
 64 
 
 78 
 
 168 
 
 12,006 
 
 3,038 
 
 1,478 
 
 4,964 
 
 3,139 
 
 338 
 
 2,143 
 
 2,887 
 
 9,925 
 
 18,403 
 
 4,684 
 
 ' 2,i.63 
 2.899 
 
 "]',.57i 
 6,153 
 35,001 
 
 454 
 11,369 
 
 493 
 16,737 
 
 928 
 
 ' i',i6i 
 
 3,608 
 
 1,753 
 
 138 
 
 989 
 
 7,666 
 
 151,809 
 
 33,889 
 38,038 
 
 1,384 
 3,983 
 3,738 
 46,961 
 
 ' 6,.5i2 
 
 34,839 
 16,199 
 
 11,118 
 
 33,001 
 38,059 
 
 4,418 
 
 1,047 
 
 17,884 
 
 48,031 
 
 9,180 
 
 131,978 
 
 ' 6,141 
 4,221 
 
 469,389 
 62,688 
 
 ," a 
 
 13.128 
 8,503 
 
 84,837 
 
 19,773 
 64,274 
 
 20,060 
 
 24',378 
 
 3,308 
 
 41,630 
 
 38,618 
 1,616 
 4,063 
 
 31,796 
 8,266 
 81,019 
 
 22,183 
 14,698 
 
 163,489 
 
 136,669 
 
 196,641 
 
 66,492 
 
 137,859 
 
 30,103 
 
 69,878 
 
 142,648 
 
 672,849 
 
 494,793 
 
 376,677 
 
 265,833 
 
 875,915 
 
 109,351 
 
 )29,509 
 
 186,019 
 
 803,383 
 
 401,186 
 
 190,017 
 
 130,030 
 
 441,070 
 
 134,193 
 
 13,797 
 
 84,560 
 
 860,7.63 
 
 1,167,058 
 
 868,474 
 
 784,807 
 
 58,683 
 
 899,328 
 
 38,771 
 
 91,497 
 
 869,468 
 
 832,209 
 
 59,383 
 
 334,991 
 
 133,157 
 
 319,870 
 
 Electoral 
 Vote. 
 
 406,706 10,044,985 
 
 4 
 13 
 
 9 
 12 
 13 
 
 13 
 9 
 
 14 
 13 
 
 7 
 
308 
 
 ELECTION FIGURES. 
 
 Popular and Eledoral Vote for President, 1888. 
 
 
 1888. 
 
 
 Popular Vote. 
 
 Electoral 
 Vote. 
 
 States. 
 
 O 
 
 ii 
 II 
 
 a 
 
 1 
 
 PR 
 
 J 
 1.1 
 
 02 
 
 6^ 
 
 
 
 o 3 
 
 ■gs 
 a 
 
 
 
 > 
 
 
 
 E-i 
 
 ll 
 
 s 
 
 
 10 
 7 
 
 '6 
 8 
 
 4 
 13 
 
 13 
 
 8 
 
 '8 
 
 '9 
 16 
 
 '9 
 
 ii 
 
 '9 
 
 12 
 
 13 
 
 i2 
 
 6 
 
 168 
 
 ■ K 
 
 Alabama, . . . 
 Arkansas . . . 
 
 California 
 
 Colorado 
 
 Connecticut 
 
 Delaware 
 
 Florida 
 
 Georgia 
 
 Illinois 
 
 Indiana 
 
 Iowa 
 
 Kansas 
 
 Kentiiitky 
 
 Louisiana 
 
 Maine 
 
 Maryland 
 
 Mass 
 
 117,330 
 
 85,962 
 
 117,729 
 
 37,567 
 
 74,930 
 
 16,414 
 
 39,561 
 
 100,499 
 
 348,278 
 
 261,013 
 
 179,877 
 
 102,745 
 
 183,800 
 
 86,033 
 
 50,481 
 
 106,168 
 
 1.61,865 
 
 213,469 
 
 104,385 
 
 85,471 
 
 261,974 
 
 80,652 
 
 5,326 
 
 43,383 
 
 151,493 
 
 635,767 
 
 147,902 
 
 896,455 
 
 36,632 
 
 446,633 
 
 17,580 
 
 66,825 
 
 168.779 
 
 234,883 
 
 16,788 
 
 151,977 
 
 78,677 
 
 156,232 
 
 56,197 
 
 53,752 
 
 124,816 
 
 60,774 
 
 74,684 
 
 13,973 
 
 86,667 
 
 40,496 
 
 370,473 
 
 263,861 
 
 211,598 
 
 183,904 
 
 165,134 
 
 30,484 
 
 73,734 
 
 99,986 
 
 183.892 
 
 236,887 
 
 142,492 
 
 30,096 
 
 2.36,257 
 
 108,425 
 
 7,229 
 
 45.724 
 
 144;344 
 
 648,759 
 
 134,784 
 
 418,064 
 
 33,291 
 
 526,091 
 
 31,968 
 
 13,736 
 
 138,968 
 
 88,423 
 
 45,192 
 
 150,4.38 
 
 78,171 
 
 176,553 
 
 683 
 
 641 
 
 5,761 
 
 2,191 
 
 4,234 
 
 400 
 
 433 
 
 1,80» 
 
 21,695 
 
 9,881 
 
 3,550 
 
 6,779 
 
 6,225 
 
 1(10 
 
 2,(i91 
 
 4,707 
 
 8,701 
 
 20,943 
 
 15,311 
 
 218 
 
 4,639 
 
 9,429 
 
 41 
 
 1,666 
 
 7,904 
 
 30,231 
 
 3,789 
 
 24,366 
 
 1,677 
 
 30,947 
 
 1,2.60 
 
 ' 5.969 
 4,749 
 1,460 
 1,678 
 1,084 
 
 14,277 
 
 10,613 
 
 ' i',266 
 340 
 
 '"136 
 
 7,080 
 
 2,694 
 
 9,105 
 
 37,788 
 
 632 
 
 39 
 
 1,3-14 
 
 'iio 
 
 l',59i 
 
 61,123 
 27,310 
 
 "336 
 3,441 
 12,904 
 60,003 
 
 38,666 
 54,648 
 
 ' 6,182 
 
 '7,087 
 13,-207 
 
 23,i9.6 
 3,348 
 31,711 
 80,159 
 
 
 
 23J253 
 
 32,037 
 23,918 
 38,107 
 
 27,873 
 1,903 
 2,343 
 
 13,662 
 
 'l9,699 
 6,769 
 
 79,458 
 4,438 
 
 28,464 
 
 
 
 21,321 
 
 174,100 
 
 1.55,968 
 
 261,239 
 
 91,798 
 
 1.53,97s 
 
 29,787 
 
 66,641 
 
 143,939 
 
 747,686 
 
 536,949 
 
 404,130 
 
 334,035 
 
 344,781 
 
 116,744 
 
 138,250 
 
 210,921 
 
 844,448 
 
 476,373 
 
 263,306 
 
 115,807 
 
 523,198 
 
 202,658 
 
 12,596 
 
 90,730 
 
 303,741 
 
 1,.320,109 
 
 285,513 
 
 841,941 
 
 61,911 
 
 997,668 
 
 40,766 
 
 79,941 
 
 303,736 
 
 3.67,513 
 
 63,440 
 
 .304,093 
 
 159,440 
 
 354,614 
 
 8 
 3 
 
 32 
 
 15 
 13 
 9 
 
 6 
 14 
 
 Michigan — 
 iiinnesota . . . 
 Mississippi .. 
 
 Missouri 
 
 Nebraska 
 
 Nevada 
 
 N. Hampshire 
 New Jersey. , 
 New York . 
 N. Carolina . . 
 Ohio. . 
 
 4,655 
 1,094 
 22 
 18,632 
 4,226 
 
 ""is 
 
 
 
 47 
 3,496 
 
 2,668 
 
 ■■■■ 
 
 
 65,376 
 36,717 
 
 ' 7,i49 
 
 i3,ii8 
 
 62,689 
 19,791 
 146,461 
 
 7 
 
 "b 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 36 
 3.3 
 
 Oregon . . . 
 Pennsylvania. 
 Rhode Island. 
 S. Carolina. .. 
 Tennessee . . . 
 Texas 
 
 .%3' ... 
 3,873 .... 
 18 .... 
 
 ""48 "" 
 39.45'.) .... 
 
 3 
 30 
 
 i 
 
 Virginia 
 
 W. Virginia.. 
 Wisconsin 
 
 'l',.668 '.'.'.'. 
 8,652 .... 
 
 
 1,539 
 506 
 
 li 
 
 Total .... 
 Pluralities . . , 
 
 5,538,233 
 98,017 
 
 5,440,216 
 
 249,907 
 
 148,105 
 
 2,808 
 
 1,691 
 
 576,168 
 98,017 
 
 478,141 
 
 11, .392,382 
 
 233 
 
INDEX. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Administration op Puesidbnt Cleve- 
 land — 
 
 Civil Service, The 21 
 
 State Department, The 2^ 
 
 Treasury Department, The 27 
 
 Treasury Department under Cleve- 
 land and under Harrison com- 
 pared 30 
 
 Navy Department, The 33 
 
 War Department, The 35 
 
 Interior Department, The 35 
 
 Pension Bureau, The 30 
 
 Justice, Department of 88 
 
 ■ Agriculture, Department of 40 
 
 Indian Bureau 37 
 
 Post Oflice Department 39 
 
 AanicuLTUKB, Drpaetment op — 
 
 Uniler President Cleveland's Ad- 
 ministration 40 
 
 Alien Landloedism ', 2rj7 
 
 Allison, Senatok William B.— 
 
 Tariff, The 66, 57 
 
 " Baltimohe " Episode, The 341 
 
 Blaine, Hon. James G.— 
 
 TarifE Opinions 68, 115, 123 
 
 Reciprocity Report 270 
 
 Buttebworth, Hon. Benjamin— 
 
 TarifE, The 123 
 
 Carlisle, Senator J. G. — 
 
 Tariff and Wages •. . . 69, 85 
 
 Tariff Cost 117 
 
 Census Bureau Frauds 168 
 
 Chinese Question, Harbison's Rec- 
 ord on 301 
 
 Chili, The Affair with 230 
 
 Civil Service Reform — 
 
 Harrison's Record, President 167 
 
 Census Bureau 168 
 
 Baltimore Post Office, The 175 
 
 Office Holders' Unlawful Contribu- 
 
 butions 179 
 
 Pension Bureau 180 
 
 page 
 Civil Servicb Refou3i— 
 
 Broken Republican Pledges J H J 
 
 Unfit Appointments, Harrison's 183 
 
 Sale of Offices 188 
 
 Wanamaker'6 Purchase of a Cabinet 
 
 Seat 189 
 
 Office Holders Renominated Har- 
 rison 190 
 
 Pension Conimissioner Raum 193 
 
 Harrison's Nepotism 199 
 
 Republican Platform of 1888 166 
 
 Clat, Henry— 
 
 Tariff, The .56 
 
 Cleveland, Orover — 
 
 Notification of his Nojrtinatioii, 
 
 Reply to .' l.i 
 
 Administration, Condnrt of the 
 
 Government duiing his _ 20 
 
 Force B 11, Position on the 17, 142 
 
 Tariff, The 16 
 
 I ensiou Vetoes 2 j8 
 
 Cleveland and Pensions— 
 
 Private Pension Bills 269 
 
 Claims Vetoed 263 
 
 Conoress, The Billion Dollar 289 
 
 CaRRENCY QlTESTION, THE — 
 
 National Bank System, The 213 
 
 C rculation of National Bank Notef, 
 
 Decrease in 214 
 
 New System, Demand for 218 
 
 New Government Issues Proposed. . 221 
 Tax on State Bank Issues, Move- 
 ment to Repeal the 224 
 
 Requirements of a New System .... 227 
 
 Democratic Party, The — 
 
 National Convention, 1892 10 
 
 Platform, 1892 5 
 
 Tariff, Position on the 63 
 
 Forfeited Land Grants, Legislation 
 
 on 255 
 
 Labor Legislation 296 
 
 DoLPH, Senator— 
 
 Force Bill, The 136 
 
310 
 
 INDEX, 
 
 Democracy and Labor— 
 
 Imported Contract Labor, Repub- 
 lican Party Responsible for 395 
 
 Eight Hour Legislation Secured by 
 
 the Democratic Party 296 
 
 Other Democratic Labor Measures. 298 
 
 Chinese Exclusion Act 299 
 
 Harrison's Chinese Record 301 
 
 Democracy and the Public Lands— 
 General Land Office under the Two 
 
 Parties 248 
 
 Land Frauds, Republican Testi- 
 mony to 250 
 
 Oklahoma Scandal, The 252 
 
 Land Forfeitures 253 
 
 Railroad Land Grants 353 
 
 Democratic Legislation on Forfeited 
 
 Land Grants 255 
 
 Alien Landlordism 257 
 
 Egan, Minister to Chili 231 
 
 Eleotion Figures— 
 
 Representatives in the 52d Congress 
 
 Apportionment, The New 
 
 Presidential Vote, 1884 
 
 Presidential Vote, 1888 
 
 Force Bill, The— 
 
 Republican National Platforms 
 
 Harrison's Position 
 
 Reid, Position of Vice-Presidential 
 Candidate 
 
 Repijblicans, Utterances of Promi- 
 nent .Ii38. 
 
 Repiiblican Newspapers 
 
 Harrison's Craft 
 
 Democratic Platform, The 
 
 Cleveland, Position of Grover 
 
 Stevenson, Vice-Presidential Candi- 
 date 
 
 Lodge Bill, Description of the 
 
 Purpose of the Bill 
 
 Constitutionality 
 
 Expediency 
 
 Centralization, A Measure of 
 
 Objections to the Bill 
 
 Is It Wise ? 
 
 Frte, Senator William P.— 
 
 Force Bill, The 
 
 305 
 306 
 307 
 
 128 
 130 
 
 133 
 
 135 
 136 
 141 
 143 
 142 
 
 144 
 145 
 147 
 149 
 153 
 155 
 155 
 164 
 
 Garfield, Ex-Prbsidbnt Jambs A.- 
 TarifE, The 
 
 55 
 
 Harrison, President— 
 
 Chilian Affair, The 230 
 
 Chilian Message to Congress 346 
 
 Treasury Department Under Harri- 
 son 30 
 
 Civil Service Reform Record 167 
 
 page 
 Harrison, President— 
 
 Unfit Appointments 183 
 
 Renominated by Office Holders ... 190 
 
 Relatives Appointed to Office 199 
 
 Protects " Blocks-of-Five " Dudley, 21t 
 
 Force Bill, Position on the 130 
 
 Crafty Utterances 141 
 
 Chinese Record 30 1 
 
 Harrisonian Diplomacy — 
 
 Chilian Affair, The 230 
 
 Minister Egan's Misrepresentations. 231 
 
 '• Itata " Incident, The 283 
 
 Naval Officers, Attitude of the 
 
 United States 237 
 
 Consul McCreeiy's Speculations... <39 
 
 " Baltimore * ■" Episode, The 241 
 
 Harrison's Incendiary Message to 
 
 Congress 246 
 
 Hemphill, Congressman J. C. — 
 
 Currency Question, The 225 
 
 Hoar, Senator George F. — 
 
 Force Bill, The 128, 135 
 
 Indian Bureau— 
 
 Under President Cleveland's Ad- 
 ministration 37 
 
 Interiob Department— 
 
 Under President Cleveland's Ad- 
 ministration. . 3) 
 
 General Land Office 24.S 
 
 "Itata" Incident, The 333 
 
 Justice. Department op— 
 
 Under President Cleveland's Ad- 
 ministration 3^ 
 
 Labor— 
 
 American and European Labor 
 
 Compared ,. . . ' 9, 8 1 
 
 Labor Legislation 295 
 
 Republican Record on 295 
 
 Democratic Record on 2PG 
 
 Land Forfeitures 25;:^ 
 
 Land Frauds, Republican 250 
 
 Lodge, Congressman Henrt Cabot— 
 
 Tariff Opinions 57 
 
 On the Force Bill 135 
 
 Force Bill Introduced, The 145 
 
 Madison James — 
 
 Tariff, The 54 
 
 Marine Subsidies — 
 
 American Shipping, The Golden 
 
 Age of 279 
 
 English Gain in Ocean Commerce. . 280 
 Burdens American on Shipping. . . , 281 
 
311 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Marine Suesimes— 
 
 Mail Subsidies in the United States 882 
 European Subsidies and Bounties. . 283 
 American Shipping Trade, How to 
 Revive the 286 
 
 MoObeery, Coksui, at Valparaiso.. 239 
 
 Miller, United States Supreme 
 CotTRT Justice — 
 Tarifi, The B7 
 
 Navt Department— 
 
 Under President Cleveland's Ad- 
 ministration 32 
 
 The Navy and the Chilian Afiair ... 237 
 
 Notification of Candidates, New 
 
 York Citt, Jult 20, 1892 14 
 
 Pension Bureau — 
 
 Under President Cleveland's Ad- 
 ministration 36 
 
 Violations of ,the Civil Service Ee- 
 
 f orm Law 180 
 
 Eaum, Record of Green B 193 
 
 Expenditures 293 
 
 President Cleveland's Vetoes 263 
 
 Private Pension Bills 259 
 
 Platform or 1892, The Democratic 
 
 National 5 
 
 Post Office Department — 
 
 Under President Cleveland's Ad- 
 ministration 39 
 
 Wanamaker's Purchase of the Post- 
 master-Generalship 189 
 
 Baltimore Post Office, The 175 
 
 Public Expenditures— 
 
 Republican Extravagance 288 
 
 Fifty-second Congress, Record of 
 
 the 289 
 
 Appropriations, Pifty-flrst and Fif- 
 ty-second Congresses S91 
 
 Republican Checks on Economy . . . 292 
 
 Pension Expenditures 293 
 
 Census Expenditures 294 
 
 Railroad Land Grants 2S3 
 
 Eaum, Record of Pension Commis- 
 sioner ■ 193 
 
 Reid, Wiiitelaw— 
 
 Position on The Force Bill 133 
 
 Republican Extravagance 288 
 
 Republican Campaign Methods— 
 
 "PatPrying" Letters, The 804 
 
 Wanamaker's Corruption Fund — 206 
 
 Dudley's " Blocks of Five " 207 
 
 Vote Buying in New York City 208 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Republican Campaign Methods — 
 
 Forged Documents Used 209 
 
 Judge Wood and Dudley 211 
 
 Office Holders' Unlawful Contribu- 
 tions 179 
 
 Eepuelioan Reciprocity Sham, The — 
 Secretary Blaine's Reciprocity Re- 
 port 270 
 
 Bargain with Brazil, The 271 
 
 General Resulti 273 
 
 Record of Failure ; 874 
 
 Omission of Canada, The 876 
 
 Rusk, Secretary of Agriculture— 
 
 Tariff, The 133 
 
 Sherman, Senator John— 
 
 TarifE, The 56, 58, 123 
 
 National Banking System, Tfie . ..817, 338 
 
 Shipping and Commerce, American 
 
 -AND European 879 
 
 Speeches of Acceptance at the 
 Madison Square Garden, New 
 York City, July 30, 1892— 
 
 Wilson, Notification Address of the 
 Hon. W. L 14 
 
 Cleveland, Response of Presidential 
 Candidate 16 
 
 Stevenson, Response of Vice-Presi- 
 dential Candidate 18 
 
 State Bank Notes, Movement for 
 
 Repeal of 10 Per Cent. Tax on. 834 
 
 Stevenson, Adlai E.— 
 
 Notification of his Nomination, 
 
 Reply to....- 18 
 
 Public Career 41 
 
 Force Bill, Position on the 144 
 
 Tariff, The— 
 
 Cleveland's Tarifi: Message 47 
 
 Platform of 1892 53 
 
 Democratic Party, Position of 53 
 
 Republican Party, Attitude of 54 
 
 Madison on the Tarifi: 5t 
 
 Washington on the Tariff .54 
 
 Republican Leaders on the Tariff. .55, 138 
 Wage Troubles under the McKinley 
 
 Tariff 61 
 
 CarUsle, Senator John G 69 
 
 Necessaries Highly Taxed 71 
 
 Tariff and Wages — 
 
 Does Protection Lower Prices ? 85 
 
 Carlisle, Speech of Senator J. G 85 
 
 Wages Not Raised 76 
 
 High Wages 1 What Makes 78 
 
 American and European Labor 
 
 Compared 79 
 
312 
 
 tUDBX. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Tariff amd Wages — 
 
 Labor Cost of Proauction 80-83 
 
 Labor Cost in America and Europe 
 
 Tabulated 84 
 
 Wbite, Congressman F. B., Speech 
 
 of 88 
 
 TARirF AND Raw Materials, The — 
 
 Wool 90 
 
 Iron 95 
 
 Lead 97 
 
 Copper 99 
 
 Wool Manufactures 95 
 
 Warner, Congressman John DeWitt 92 
 
 Vest, Senator G. G 95 
 
 Tariff Evolution— 
 
 Walker Tariff, The 116 
 
 Blaine, Hon. James G 115-]3a 
 
 Cost of Protection 117 
 
 Carlisle, Senator John G 117 
 
 Iron ' 119 
 
 Adams, John Qnincy 128 
 
 Sherman, Senator John 123 
 
 Butterworth, Hon. Benjamin 123 
 
 Eusk, Secretary of Agriculture 183 
 
 Benefits, Who Derives the 188 
 
 Tin Plate Humbug, The — 
 
 Bunting, Congressman Thomas 103 
 
 Effect on Labor 109 
 
 PAOE 
 
 Tin Plate Humbug, The- 
 
 Effect on Consumers 110 
 
 Effect on Farmers 110 
 
 Effect on Industries 113 
 
 Treasury Department— 
 
 Under President Cleveland's Ad- 
 ministration 27 
 
 Comparison between Cleveland's 
 and Harrison's Administrations. . 30 
 
 Wanamaker, Postmaster-General — 
 
 Baltimore Post Office 175 
 
 Purchase of a Cabinet Seat 189 
 
 War Department — 
 
 Under President Cleveland's Ad- 
 ministration 35 
 
 Warner, Congressman John De 
 Witt — 
 
 Tariff on Wool, The 98 
 
 National Banking System, The 219 
 
 Washington, George- 
 
 Tariff, The 54 
 
 White, Congressman P. B.— 
 
 Tariff and Wages 88 
 
 Wilson, Speech op Congressman 
 William L., at Chicago Con- 
 vention 10 
 
CHAIRMEN OF DEMOCRATIC STATE COMMITTEES. 
 
 STATE. NAME. ADDRESS. 
 
 Alabama A. G.Smith Montgomery. 
 
 Ai-kansaa J. W. House ' Little Rock. - ' , . 
 
 Califoi-nia Max Popper ; San Prancisco; , V'. . 
 
 Colorado .Prank P. Arbuckle. .DenVer. !; ; ■ • , , 
 
 Connecticut Clinton B.Davis .Higganjim. 
 
 Delaware W. H. Stevens .-Seaforcl. 
 
 Florida S.M.Sparkman Tampa. 
 
 Georgia' „W. Y. Atkinson ' . Atlanta, j 
 
 Idaho ..,, ,.. . .... . .Phil Tillinghast .......... .Boise. 
 
 iHinois Delos P] Phelps Chicago (Sherman House) 
 
 Indiana Thomas Taggart ; Indianapolis, 
 
 .Iowa ; . Charles D. Pullen Fairfield. 
 
 Kansas... W.C.Jones .....lola. 
 
 Kentucky John Carroll New Castle. ' : ' 
 
 Louisiana...... .John S. Lanier Baton Rouge. :' 
 
 Maine John B. Donovan Alfred. ' . . 
 
 Maryland Barnes Compton .^ Laurel. 
 
 Massachusetts . Josiah Quincy '. ... Boston. 
 
 Michigan Daniel J. Campaii Detroit. 
 
 Minnesota Louis Baker St. Paul. 
 
 Mississippi Q. O. Eckford ....... T. Aberdeen 
 
 Missouri C. C. Maffitt ,...! St. Louis. 
 
 Montana Timothy fjollins. . Great Falls. 
 
 Nebraska Euclid Martin '. . .Omaha. 
 
 Nevada i. . . Jolin H. Dennis Virginia City. 
 
 New Hamp.shire. John P. Bartlett Manchester. 
 
 '■ New Jersey Allen L. McDermott Trenton. 
 
 New York Edward Murphy, Jr Troy. 
 
 North Carolina P. M. Simmons. . . .' Raleigh. 
 
 I^orth Dakota .D. W.Mara tta Fargo. 
 
 Ohio C. D. Crites , ..Lima. ' 
 
 Oregon D. R. Murphy Portland. 
 
 Pennsyjvaniu J. Marshall Wright. .'. Allentown. 
 
 Rhode Island Franklin P. Owen Providence. 
 
 South Carolina J, L. M. Irby Laurens. 
 
 South Dakota Otto Peemlller '. . .i Yankton. 
 
 Tennessee W. H. Carroll Nashville. 
 
 Texas ; N. Webb Finley Tyler. ' 
 
 Vermont. Hiram Atkins. . ... Montpelier. 
 
 Virginia Basil B. Gordon ^ Charlottesville. 
 
 Washington D. H. Gilman Seattle. 
 
 West Virginia William E. Chiltpn Charleston. 
 
 Wisconsin E. C. Wall Milwaukee. 
 
 Wyoming A. L. New Cheyenne.